. ,y f"o ‘ ‘2 \ .(A fou0_.‘ .../ — a(U<.<— 0‘ 1:.1‘ 2(u ‘ J ‘n ‘ ...:nou .075»... /.. _ a P ./. >DHDH " a . .ooau /.. _ .7. f. \V =.: r . . q .. ‘lllcotvaio; ...-U .003» .0 .l:< ../. ..\ /../ a ..\ ..\/.. ..\ fill-..., . \.. \ x..\ F ........... L vaNTNQm ...:IlI...../.\ ns of rural population in all of Latin America. During recent years a shift in sugar cane production r1<:>:thhward to the Salta and Jujuy area has occurred, which i‘ If‘ continued may have a serious effect upon the economy of qu—l-C1uman.lu The proportion of national cane production in ES'Eal-lllta and Jujuy provinces increased from 28 to 38 percent h><3>‘t:ween 1962/63 and 1968/69, while that of Tucuman fell "The number of sugar mills in PI‘ Qm 66 to 58 percent. Latin America, 4th ed. (New l3Preston E. James, The Odyssey Press, 1969), p. 611. The Salta—Jujuy area is referred to locally 35 The sugar lands which occupy joined river It.<3>3?k: 14 the Norte . ‘\reilleys are called the Ramal. IIIIIIIIIIIIIIn.__________________________________________ __1__ .1 10 "a ' ) Tucuman was reduced from 27 in 1966 to 19 in 1967 15 There are now only drastic decrease in a single year. sixteen active mills within the province, and other closings It is hoped that this study of the phenome- seem imminent. non will contribute to an understanding of current condi— ‘tions in Northwest Argentina and aid in development planning. Problem and Objectives This study constitutes a comparative regional Eirlalysis of the two major producing areas of Argentina, The general objectives Ileinuely Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy. 1) to pursue an academic and practical problem of 511?€3: E§€3<>graphical merit and 2) to provide a report useful for The I) 3.51nning purposes within the Republic of Argentina. ELIJJthor has sought to determine the nature and extent of t317163 areal shift in sugar production, to isolate and weigh t;lflee factors contributing to this situation, and to analyze gg C>graphica11y the effects upon the two regions concerned. Ij171.62 working hypothesis was that the shift northward is Q'lfllniefly a function of technological differences between the I3 Eggions, in turn affected by distinct land ownership E>EEL‘t:terns. Features studied and compared in each area include: physical factors affecting production, such as water 1) 2. 15Bank of London and South America Review, Vol. 506. N9 - 21, September 1968, p 11 availability, soil characteristics, frost frequency, and elevation; 2) socio—historical factors, including land tenure systems, differences in population density, labor problems, and historical evolution of the sugar industry; 3) economic factors, such as production and processing isechniques, transportation facilities, marketing arrange— rnents and costs, and capital availability; and, 4) govern— Ineent policies affecting the industry. Procedures A survey of relevant literature and interviews with Ptrjrbwledgeable persons at Michigan State University were C=C>ricluded prior to departure for Argentina. In addition, C3C>Prespondence with interested professionals and appro- Added insights, FDIK’:iate agencies in Argentina was initiated. E>'<:>t:ential comparisons, and valuable training for the study “Tvious residence and research in Latin America. The research period in Argentina was from mid— C)<:= 1:;ober, 1969, through August, 1970. ”Permanent residence” VrEEL Es established in San Miguel de Tucuman, the center of the IrIESL4j or sugar producing area. Several trips, totaling about fTC>2Pty-five days, were made into the Salta—Jujuy area ‘ 12 The bibliographical work was continued and inten— sified with the author's arrival in Tucuman. Contacts were made with the Department of Geography at the National University of Tucuman, which offered full cooperation, work space, and materials. The technical and administrative staff of the School of Agronomy professed great interest in the research plans and offered technical assistance. Likewise, the agricultural experiment station of Tucuman province provided library facilities and advice. Other appropriate agencies were visited, both to gather informa— tion and to establish working relationships. Within the study areas the principal techniques used in data collection were personal interviews, air photo interpretation, the study of published documents, and direct observation. Air photographs were available for much of Tucuman province and, combined with field investi— gation, were used to delimit and map the producing areas. Historical documents were studied to determine changes in the land—use patterns. Statistics based upon the smallest political units, departamentos, were gathered and used to the extent possible (See Appendix). The identification and analysis of change in the producing areas were handled through air photo analysis, published studies, and personal observation and mapping. A census of sugar cane growers had been undertaken in 1960, and another was underway in 1970. These aided in l3 differentiating changes within the departamentos. In addition, air photo coverage pertaining to a period of maximum expansion (1965) was available for most of the area. A grid system of sampling allowed direct comparison of this historical information with current patterns. Analysis of the physical factors was accomplished through field observation, air photo interpretation, and interviews. Government agencies were contacted for techni— cal information, and fairly detailed soils, hydrologic, and climatic data were gathered. This information was applied in greater detail in the analysis of selected sample areas. Personal interviews and library research were the primary means of investigating the socio—historical factors. Approximately 160 interviews with individual growers and farm and factory workers were recorded with the use of prepared interview schedules. The evolution of land tenure was also investigated, and labor migration patterns were outlined. Important insights into economic conditions affect— ing the industry were obtained by interviewing sugar mill owners and operators. Each mill, twenty—one in total, was classified according to production efficiency to determine areal variations. Transportation and marketing procedures were observed at all stages in the process. Capital resources available to the producer were checked by inter— views on the farm and at the banks. Technological changes 14 and their effects on the industry were determined chiefly at the individual farm level. Government officials and university personnel were contacted for insights into current public policies regarding the sugar industry. The Tucuman newspapers also proved to be invaluable sources of information concerning current government positions, as was the monthly sugar industry journal. The effects of change in the production zones were determined chiefly through direct observation and personal interviews. Industrial and agricultural diversification efforts were documented and mapped, as were other important areal trends. Problems relevant to each aspect of the investi— gation were noted, and recommendations were formulated for inclusion in this report. It is anticipated that the study will be published in English as a doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University and in Spanish as a number in the Geography Monograph Series of the National University of Tucuman. Related Research Little current information directly related to the sugar industry of Northwest Argentina was found prior to initiation of field research. Production figures and general historical data were available but could be used Only to indicate broad trends. United States Department of IIIIIIIIII------------------------------a 15 Agriculture publications, plus International Sugar Council information, were most helpful but specific analytical studies were lacking. In the geographical literature, the region and the industry have been covered chiefly in broadly—based regional books. Upon the author's arrival in Argentina an "informa— tion explosion" was experienced, particularly related to Tucuman. Pertinent Spanish language publications unavail- able in Michigan appeared throughout the research period. Several complete historical accounts of the sugar industry's development provided a basis for understanding events through the middle 1950's. Technical agronomic bulletins and interpretive studies of crisis periods were available through the agricultural experiment station of Tucuman province and the agronomy school of the university. An active Institute of Economic Investigations had available several well delimited studies on economic aspects of the industry. Human aspects had not been neglected, either, as several recent articles by sociologists attempted to analyze social structure in the Tucuman sphere. The geography staff of the National University of Tucuman had published numerous small articles about the sugar industry. The sugar business so dominates the province that it would have been difficult to find a person who was not connected with it in some way, and myriad opinions concerning current problems were expressed. Altogether, no lack of information sources 16 was encountered, although statistical coverage and census materials were suspect. On site the study developed into a problem of integration and synthesis. A need for an "objective" overview of the producing regions of the Northwest became obvious, but this was also a very difficult assignment. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT During the early colonial period, Northwest Argentina was characterized by a diversified and nearly self—sufficient agricultural economy. Explored and colonized in the second half of the sixteenth century by Spaniards crossing the Andes from Pacific Coast settlements, the Northwest was the most highly developed area in Argentina for nearly 200 years. Since this region held no easily exploitable mineral wealth, and relatively small Indian populations, it evolved as a supplier of such items as cotton, rice, wheat, corn and livestock for the Andean mining sites of Upper Peru (Bolivia) and Peru. The exten— sive grasslands of the Pampas were ideal for raising the necessary mules for the mines, while towns such as Santiago del Estero, Tucuman, Salta, and Jujuy served as intermediate points between the plains and the highland communities. The advantages of an Atlantic port at Buenos Aires finally gained official Spanish recognition in the early 1700's, and traffic between the coast and Upper Peru inten— sified. With the increasing importance of external trade, the balance of power within Argentina began to shift to the coastal city. The towns located on the road from Buenos l7 18 Aires to Peru continued to grow due to their positions as trade centers (see Map 3). Goods traveled along the road either in large wooden wagons, carretas, which were a specialty of Tucuman, or by mules, which usually were bought and sold in the large mule fairs of Salta. It was probably by one of these means that imported processed sugar first entered the Northwest and at such exorbitant prices that experimentation with sugar cane was furthered. Early Foundations: 1565—1820 Sugar cane stock was an early arrival to Argentina but sugar remained a marginal crop for several centuries. Numerous versions of its diffusion to Argentina seem equally credible. One traces a route from Brazil to Paraguay with Cabeza de Vaca in 1542, and shortly thereafter to Tucuman. Another interpretation credits the conguistador Francisco Aguirre with bringing cane from Chile to the Northwest in 1553. The Jesuit order is also frequently viewed as responsible for introducing the plant, and Peru is postu— lated as the source region. Whatever the origin and route, sugar cultivation can be inferred by the late 1500's, when a bishop residing in Tucuman brought Negro slaves from Brazil to aid in working the cane.1 lHerbert Wilhelmy and Wilhelm Rohmeder, Die La Plata—Iander (Hamburg: Georg Westermann Verlag, 1963), p. 233. Early colonial plantings utilized a limited number of black slaves, but the prime labor source was the native Indian population. A limited number of imported blacks MAP 3 SPANISH SETTLEMENTS AND TRADE ROUTES IN LA PLATA AND PERU f Ocean Routes of“ The Empire V U _. Jujuy nsm ‘\.. -. . ./ \ . L../ -. t. salmnsan \.. 1 \ ’- \ I \ -A:unuon (1537) j o~ ) ["I 3\ Tutumén 1 u .. (1565) _, U /' P/J/ /' (uvnmouu ( 'V “r“ ' llbl} omenlu , K / IISGBI H’- ) _r" / I .x' ..5 _.1'1, j (,\.. \, I . San Juan (Md 0|” J \ ,\ US$21 (1573) ./ \ ./' "\ i 'k .1 \ in proportion to amount of Colonial trade routes shown 17th-18th century trade l "”050 All“ Principal colonial towns (l5(36”l05)4ll (dates indicate when founded)° KILOMETEIS 50° Present international boundaries _"““— 0 MILES 30° SOURCE: James R. Scobie, ARGENTINA: A Cit and a Nation, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p.52. 20 Small—scale garden plots of cane, mixed with a few larger holdings, were typical well into the eighteenth century. General problems of clearing forested land, a lack of technical knowledge, poor varieties, and a marginal Climate were the most likely limitations on sugar acreage. The pattern of early cane plantings is difficult to recon— struct, but it seems certain that in Tucuman the cane was grown on lower mountain slopes near the capital city and along streams where irrigation water could supplement rain— fall. In Salta and Jujuy small plots were found along suitable river valleys. Much of the cane at this time was consumed in its natural state, the sugar content being extracted by individuals chewing and sucking on the cane. The major sustained interest in sugar cane culti— vation was first assumed by the widely-spaced Jesuit missions although numerous individuals also maintained small cane fields. Missions in Tucuman (Lules) and Salta (Zenta— Oran), as well as in sufficiently humid provinces bordering the Rio de la Plata system, provided bases for limited experimentation in cane growing and processing (see Map U). By the late 1600's, a rudimentary sugar mill, or trapiche, was installed in Lules for the processing of cane, while another operated about the same time near the city of Jujuy. The trapiches were heavy wooden cylinders, usually of were also reported in 1779. Francisco De Aparicio, ed., La Argentina, suma de geografia, Vol. u (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Geograficas Argentinas, 194“), p. 168. ¥_——_4_—____4 2], MAP 4 SUGAR MILLS OF NORTHWEST ARGENTINA: I750 Area: of Sugar Cane Production \s Early Sugar Mill: O Provincial Capilall_ * :1- Provincial Boundarieu____ _ r,’ International Boundaries KILOMITIIS ID a 50 mus I 4‘}. j\ .'/ \V ..r .,/ I \. ..c’; ) \ ~ — — — r — 1 ' \ \ \ ./ w . l. x) \. \ ) CATAMARCA a _.<' b '/ L J A . \> ../ L x \ /~ / LA NOJA \V /\‘_/‘\ \ JUJUY ) \ ( §ZENTA ¥ \ SAN SALVADOI caunnca * \ \ “£11m ) \ §PALPALA f k “\x /\ /f r“ \/ AMPO SANTO sun * \ SALTA I TUCUMAN \ _J \ SAN mouu) * a. Iucuman I / / SANTIAGO del ESTERO samuoo * \ / \ I“ «I rsvno IEDRA \ _ BLANCA | I I 22 durable quebracho wood, which were rotated by mules or oxen and served to squeeze the juice from the cane (see Figure 1). From this simple mill a given volume of cane juice was purified and marketed as gig; (sugar honey), and the remainder was concentrated and slowly crystalized into a crude sugar. In addition, the concentrated juice served as the base for a sugar brandy, or aguardiente. This initial small-scale industrialization of sugar was maintained at Lules until 1767, when the Jesuits were expelled from all Spanish territories. With the expulsion of the Jesuits, the driving force behind cane cultivation and processing was lost and cane growth in Tucuman entered a short period of near eclipse. The extent of this decline may be judged by the appearance of a "myth" surrounding the cultivation of cane in the province. It was widely stated that Tucuman was completely unsuited for sugar cane. Indeed, it is maintained that cane disappeared completely from the province, but this seems unlikely.2 There is little doubt that limited cane cultivation continued in various centers-in Salta and Jujuy provinces, and some cane was also grown in Catamarca (see Map A). The oldest permanent site of cane growing in Argentina is considered to be Campo Santo, Salta. This center boasted 2Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias sobre el azucar en la Ar entina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino, l9 5 , p- 103. 23 Fig. l.——Traditional Wooden Tra iche 24 a trapiche in the 1790's, and the same family still main- tains a cane operation there. The northern area of Salta, surrounding the old Zenta mission, can claim even earlier cultivation of the crop but permanence is uncertain. In addition, the cane was not processed there but rather consumed by individuals, as was also the case in Jujuy. All efforts in Salta and Jujuy provinces during this period were of limited nature, with little actual sugar produc— tion, so claims to historical preeminance in the industry seem dubious.3 All of the incipient developments in sugar cane cultivation occurred against a backdrOp of relative prosper— ity in the Northwest. The continued transportation func— tions of the major settlements on the road between the two Viceroyalties, Peru and Rio de La Plata, provided the primary economic impetus. This commercial relationship, however, was to change drastically with independence. Rudimentary Production: 1821—1875 The Argentine independence movement, begun in 1816, caused a complete disruption in the economy of the Northwest. Since this area served as a battlefield for most of the war's duration, 1810 to 1816, the entire countryside was literally ravaged. Not only were vital resources depleted, but connection with the most important commercial route of the continent was broken. The trade route to Upper Peru 3Ibid., p. 338. IIII=Z:;_________________________________________________,llllll 25 was severed and was to remain so.” Thus, a total reorienta— tion was necessary for the Northwest, and the only logical action was to cultivate closer ties with Buenos Aires. ; This port city had gained in strength and importance during the hostilities by attracting increased trade with other nations. A prohibitive distance factor, plus a lack of concern for the interior by the portenos, however, mitigated against any extensive benefits for the Northwest. The post—war transformation of the Northwest was . f.\'\ effected chiefly through local initiative. The redevelop— é ment of Tucuman, in particular, was closely tied with the efforts and activities of one man, Dr. José Eusebio Colombres. He was referred to as the Conqueror of Misery (vencedor de la miséria) for the role he played in this critical period. Bishop Colombres arrived in Tucuman in 1816 as a delegate from the neighboring province of Catamarca to the Independence Congress and remained there. Seeing the utter devastation and lack of direction of the province he determined to do something about it. A Tucumano by birth, Colombres studied for the priesthood and obtained his doctorate in theology from the University of Cordoba. In 1807 he was assigned to the parish of Piedra Blanca in Catamarca where he came in contact with Antonio Molas, owner of the largest sugar A . . Augusto M. Bravo, La industria azucarera en Tucuman: Sus problemas sociales y sanitarios (Tucuman, 1966), p. 18. 26 operation of that time. Dating from the late 1700's, sugar cane was processed there to juice, sugar and aguardiente. Enough surplus was produced to export small quantities of 5 It sugar to neighboring provinces, including Tucuman. seems likely, then, that in the nine years spent in Piedra Blanca Colombres acquired an interest in, and knowledge of, this "exotic" crop.6 Whatever the source of his inspiration and planting stock, Colombres did reinitiate the cultivation of cane at a viable scale within the province. This in itself was not an easy task as he had to fight the myth of unsuit— ability and at the same time create some enthusiasm for the crop. By 1820 he had installed a wooden trapiche on a small property at the edge of San Miguel de Tucuman and was freely distributing cane stock to interested persons. The existing commercial vacuum in the province and the promise of this "new" crop was such that cultivation expanded rapidly. Mills increased from one in 1820 to seven in 1827, thirteen by 1850 and twenty—four by the death of Colombres in 1859. This growth in number of mills directly reflected areal expansion, since nearly every grower was a processor of his own cane. By 1859 sugar cane was planted in large BSchleh, Noticias, p. 338. 6Jorge Alfonso Dominguez and Agustin Hervas, Cooperativas agropecuarias de trabajo: Una alternativa de solucidn para el problema Tucumano (Tucuman: Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1970), p. 19. 27 expanses of Cruz Alta and to the south had won both margins of the Lules River and was advancing toward Famailla (Map 5).7 This evidence of success must have pleased Colombres greatly. His promotion of the industry did not go without official recognition, as Colombres was declared a meritorious citizen through an 1839 law of the Tucuman provincial congress: To reward the important service that the citizen Dr. José Colombres gave to his country, acclimating sugar cane, promoting its cultivation, and providing the first example of its elaboration to sugar and aguardiente. With this he overcame a long standing and destructive myth by demonstrating with experience that Tucuman is apt for these products, and created a rich industry, that notably and progressively increased the public wealth... [This same act filso made his farm free of taxes for twenty years]. The prior fabrication of sugar by Cornejo in Salta, Zegada in Jujuy, and Molas in Catamarca did not lead to the development that occurred following the initiative of Colombres. He seems to truly deserve the title of Founder of the Argentine Sugar Industry. Expansion in acreage and number of mills continued steadily after the death of Colombres. By 1870 an enumeration in Tucuman showed forty—six ingenios, and sugar had become the most important activity in the province in zHoracio William Bliss, Evolucion econémica del Tucuman, Cursillo de Historia del Tucuman (Tucuman, 1968), p. 13. 8Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, La legislacién laboral en Tucuman, Vol. 1 (Tucuman, 1969), p. 279. 28 MAP 5 SUGAR CANE CULTIVATION IN TUCUMAN, ARGENTINA: 1870 v -/ \ ...»f "w <‘ k .f 1 . v "' I 1 . I \. I \ x \ . l . 1 \ TRANCAS \ BURRUYACU \ . \ . f5 \ 5' . : r“ ./ I 1 l /'\—-. / \1 1 . r \r' x - 1 . \1 1! ,i4 "“ 1 / L r' \ / [F’ /\ \_ ~\“K // L /_ \\ f,‘ I"- , \x\ J \ \ L, ’r k V r” \ ( “NJ \ . \ a ’ r I f ‘ . . CAPITAL ‘ l TAFI }‘ 7 \ 10 4' ”3 \ (1 SAN moon 3 ‘ ‘ (”\J/ \\ a. mama-‘43. “$.28; .) j ‘/.».\ v. ,1 -50. {5.1.2. cauz ALTA - v./ \...~.\ I 1"..4X;7 ,, \ . 1 -1 I ‘ W. \ wuso ‘13‘1 _fl fl_,._ _.—\ , r——— '- f g FAMAILLA \: ”w , . I *4 l l ‘\ l \ \ 16‘ I I Je i s ' (/ ‘T‘ o “nun.“ a Z Joac’CoIombrea J ) | . 3 Cruz Alta . ) K \ [EALES ) «I Merredes ‘ \ \VA \ 5 San Io .I/W\ f2 \\ \ . s Concepcio’n ) \ \ \_>\ r 7 ElParauo ' \\ \\ nouvuoso \ _ B E D- 9 £533" [,r\ " MONTEROS w \ 1 IO San Jose’ / \\\ ,___~.,-.1—«\ l 11 Lakeduccio’n . \\l\ I ngngng .,-~"”\’ \\H ‘ 12 AltodeAguin-e { ‘“\A‘ “’\14—K I3 ujan . \ 14 s“"““_"' ' (ONCIPUONO CHICUGASTA ,‘ ' 15 SanFehpe ..AJ, .j 16 San Jose / ’P’fly\ /..\ 1 I 3 17 P: . /’\~\v~g~"“ 4 3 _____ ’ ' 18 lndultria Argentina L F/ AOUILAIES /\ \ I9 ' ' ad '\ . \_ // ~/ \ 20 SanJuan 1 ( , ,’ . 21 Invernada 'x r// \ 22 Am“. 1 mo cmco \, .> intimated Harvested Area — %//€; \ VILLA Allllol o / ( l.650 Hectares / ‘ GRANEROS “ Sugar Mill. , \ i/ \v - \ I J Provincial Capiul {1:1 , <3 r-\._4' . . \ l A ) Pr ' ' 1c: _ \ . . onucu x 1e: 0 'J \ ‘ / \.__’. . . \ . Department Boundaries _____ \ \ /.\ _/ Provincial Boundary -._._ ‘X \‘ \ I n nonnus \ I o n u u \ / I: . I: we In” an as H L- SOURCE Complled by author "I —.. -_ u—Io- 29 9 Mills became diffused terms of capital and employment. throughout the province, varying in distance from two to twenty kilometers from the capital city (Map 5). Statistics of 1870 also indicate that Tucuman exported considerable quantities of sugar and aguardiente to neighboring provinces.lO The political power of the planters in controlling the movement of sugar within and outside the province was already evident in 1834 when a tax was placed on sugar entering the province from "outside.”11 This would appear to be the earliest attempt at protecting the industry. Most of the early expansion took place on a small scale, with little innovation other than a gradual supplant- ing of the wooden cylinders with metal ones. In the late 1850's, however, an attempt was made to adopt the most modern processing techniques available. A citizen of Tucuman, Don Baltazar Aguirre, acquired machinery in England and, lacking money to unload and transport the heavy goods to Tucuman, went into partnership with General Justo José' de Urquiza. General Urquiza was president from 185“ to 1860 and was willing to back almost any enterprise to lOSchleh, Noticias, p. 198. llBliss, Evolucion, p. lu. Early imported sugar was listed as de la tierra or de Castilla, depending upon its arrival route by land from Upper Peru or by sea to Buenos Aires, and was naturally very expensive. This tax was most likely levied against either sugar from Salta or coming in from Cuba. Ii.IIIE::::____________________________________l_l 30 benefit the country. After the equipment had been in transit for nearly two months by carreta to Tucuman, the first mill to use modern machinery and processes became operational in 1858. Continuing financial problems and trouble with the water—powered mill plagued this attempt, however, and the mill ceased to function scarcely ten years after it began. Its well publicized troubles probably hindered further attempts at modernization for a brief period. Expansion in the northern provinces of Salta and Jujuy was much more limited than that in Tucuman. There, production was concentrated along the Rio San Francisco and in several other small valleys where conditions were favorable (Map 6). "All sites in the provinces [Salta and Jujuy] below 800 meters [2,62H feet] are considered apt for cultivation of cane but especially the large valley of the Rio San Francisco from Campo Santo to the Rio Bermejo."l2 By the early 1800's, the sugar produced in Salta met local needs but did not advance much beyond that stage during the remainder of the century. In fact, Salta "imported" sugar from Jujuy, although the owners of the sugar planta- tions there were Saltenos. The most distant cane fields, those near the junction of the San Francisco and the Bermejo, served at this time only to meet the needs of local 12Schleh, Noticias, p. 290. 31 MAP 6 SUGAR CANE CULTIVATION IN SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES, RI’ P c ' a . do: ‘ SUGAR MILLS ® , ., , AREAS or SUGAR CANE a :, PRODUCTION : - ROADS coo"... ' '15 ,, ‘1. "o RAILROADS +H+H+ ' . 2 San Ramon d9 I N ’ RIVERS Ag , 0 New .00” PROVINCIAL CAPITALS o , SAN Alum .-- MAJ R CITIES O . radian/a a. IABACAI . r ’ PROVINCIAL BOUNDARIES _ . _. “‘- . ELEVATION IIN METERS '0 (IO .' [Ora . BeIow 500 500 Io 1000 .‘ 1000 I0 1500 .' 1500 I0 ?000 '3 , __ . _. a . Above 2000 .-‘. 5‘9/ ..' g/ ruomuus a" u" ‘ lo 0 ID 20 so ': :_:_:—-—=— . m . s o s In 15 20 , .‘ e MILES ...5.‘ 5' 0.. " . ... .0 a. Q I... “ .° t : . . . _. ." e . _- -. '- .' e I , ' U . . '- :' 0’ . . ' .' . a ' o . . .‘ .' . .' .‘ .' .‘ ' .' . o .- San Ped'c n» Am I /. u swarm“... ‘ Sun a' . .‘ n C - ..I"' General Ghemes ; Source: Compiled by Author ' III! VIEVI 32 consumption. For the most part, owners of small trapiches in these areas were slow to acquire new equipment, but by 1870 some improvements had been made in individual mills. The labor employed on the early sugar ”plantations" was drawn initially from the Indian population of each area and later from the Chaco tribes. Black slaves were also imported into each sugar area but did not reach significant 13 numbers. The northern provinces used some Bolivian Indians during the harvest season and generally encountered no problems in obtaining sufficient help. A shortage of labor was a constant problem for Tucuman, however, so an early migration pattern of criollos (generally a white and Indian mixture) from neighboring provinces was created. All phases of the industry in the Northwest were relatively inefficient during this period. Only gradual and sporadic technical change had reached the cane areas, and new inputs were therefore necessary to alter the situation. Foundation of a Modern Industry: 1876—1900 The arrival of the railroad at Tucuman in 1876 signaled a period of rapid industrial transformation. Distances were effectively shortened; transportation costs l3Emilio J. Schleh, La industria azucarera en su primer centenario: 1821—1921 (Buenos Aires: Ferrari Hnos., 1921), p. 32. 33 were much reduced for all trade items, especially for heavy items such as machinery; and the marketing of sugar and its by—products in the urbanized litoral was facilitated. The sugar industry to this time had developed and slowly ”modernized," despite a nearly prohibitive time—distance factor. Freight had been carried by the large wooden— wheeled carretas, pulled by oxen or mules and required two months to traverse the distance between Buenos Aires and Tucuman.lLl A close correlation can be traced between the subsequent developments of the sugar industry and the railroad in Tucuman. The success of the first line, the Central Cdrdoba, was due chiefly to cane. By 1882, almost the total production of sugar (8,100 tons) was moved by this rail connection. In addition to the harvest, wood for the mills, machinery, and livestock were carried by this line. Within a decade of its establishment, four additional railroad companies were competing for business within the province. Construction of the first line was greatly influenced by the prior location of sugar plantings, but, with expansion of the rail network, location of new l“Emilio J. Schleh, "El primer censo descriptivo de Tucuman," La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 61, No. 748,February, 1956, p. 89. The distance between Buenos Aires and Tucuman is approximately 725 miles. Heavy machinery, however, was generally transhipped to the interior from Rosario, which is closer (570 miles) to Tucuman. 34 cane fields near the railroads became a dominant industrial factor.15 The railroad affected all existing cane operations to some extent. Naturally, change did not occur immediately, but by 1882, for example, all primitive wooden trapiches had disappeared from the landscape and the concentration of capital characteristic of the new period could be seen.16 The minor reform of the 1860's, involving the substitution of steel for wooden trapiches, had been within the reach of nearly all planters. When industrial conditions were altered by the new transport mode, however, all aspects of processing were affected and the changed competitive situation called for major new capital inputs. Although all trapiche owners must have aspired to remain industri— alists, those with limited assets were relegated to the planter class. The availability of capital and credit was a necessity for transformation of the industry. The initial investment risks involved purely local monies provided by individual and provincial banks. In addition, suitable 15J. S. Bosonetto, "Distribucién de los ingenios azucareros Tucumanos" in Geographia una et varia, Publi- caciénes especiales II (Tucuman: Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, 1949), p. 49. l6Ram6n Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia del Tucuman moderno," Revista de la Junta de Estudios Historicos de Tucuman, Vol. 2, No. 2, July 1968, p. 148. 35 credit terms were offered by the English and French machin— ery suppliers. Then, with proven success, some foreign interests and investors from other Argentine provinces began adding to the resources.17 One highly visible effect of the machinery revolu- tion was a greatly increased plant capacity and a corre— sponding decline in the number of mills. The need to improve and modernize led to a reduction of mills from a maximum of eighty—two in 1877 to only thirty—four in 1881. This concentration occurred chiefly in the immediate environs of San Miguel de Tucuman, in the department of La Capital (see Table 1). With improved transportation, the processing of cane became more diffuse. Prior to construction of the railroad, most mills were located within a relatively short distance of San Miguel de Tucuman. The majority of those founded after 1876, however, were not so restricted and followed the existing railway lines to good cane land.18 Only the northern sections of the province, where there was a lack of dependable water, remained without mills (in Table l, Burruyacu and Tafi departments). 17Horacio W. Bliss, ”Evolucion economica del Tucuman," Cursillo de Historia del Tucuman (Tucuman: Instituto Tucumano de Cultura Hispanica, 1968), p. 17. 18Bosonetto, Distribucién, p. 52. This author used a twenty—five kilometer (approximately 16 miles) radius from San Miguel de Tucuman as the limit prior to 1876. 36 TABLE 1 DISTRIBUTION OF SUGAR MILLS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, 1870—1897 Department 1870 1874 1877 1881 1897 La Capitél*. . . . 39 54 6O 28 3 Cruz Alta — — - - 15 Famailla 10 l2 l6 5 6 Monteros — 2 — - 3 Chicligasta. 2 2 2 l 3 Rio Chico 1 1 1 — 2 Graneros l 1 1 — 1 Leales — — 1 — l Burruyacu. l l l — — Tafi — — — — — Totals. 54 73 82 34 34 Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945), p. 207. *Included Cruz Alta until 1887. The new and growing industrial capacity demanded an increasing supply of raw material. Thus, sugar cane expanded steadily in acreage during this period. Of significance also was the tremendous increase in number of cultivators (Table 2). This indicates an increasing dependence of each ingenio upon independent growers, and 37 TABLE 2 NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF CANE GROWERS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, SELECTED YEARS, 1874-1895 Department 1874 1876 1877 1881 1882 1895 La Capitél* 82 146 I70 270 394 298 Cruz Alta - — - — - 991 Famaillé 59 22 23 44 48 470 Monteros 22 l — 2O 24 210 Chicligasta 11 3 10 38 46 208 Rio Chico 14 1 1 12 — 201 Graneros 1 l 1 5 4 4 Leales 10 l 1 3 4 139 Burruyacu 34 — 1 2 2 7 Tafi — - — — — 102 Totals 233 175 207 394 522 2,630 Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el *Included Cruz Alta until 1887. the trend was to continue. azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Azucarero Argentina, 1945), p- 208. Centro The largest expansion in number of growers occurred between 1888 and 1894, from 889 to 2,117. Such a dramatic increase can be explained only by referring to the social and organizational climate of the province. I¥__—_____4 38 By the mid-1880's there were three main groups involved in the industry: 1) the mill owners, who also generally owned extensive cane lands; 2) the independent cane planters, who grew cane to sell to the mills; and 3) the field and factory workers. The system of land tenure was in transition at this time. Much land was bought by industrialists so they could provide their own cane, and the complex of factory and cane land usually was included in the term ingenio. These large holdings never approached the importance typical of other sugar areas, however, and the latifundia did not become characteristic of the Tucuman cane region. In fact, the mill owners began to lease large segments of their cane lands to individuals about this time. By 1895, 240 colonias (leased properties) accounted for about 36 percent of the total cane land.19 The new group of renters naturally added numbers to the planter class, but it was the number of independent growers that really expanded. In a national report of 1882 it was stated that the cultivation of sugar cane in Tucuman and Santiago del Estero had been converted to a "public passion” and that there was a real enthusiasm to become a planter.20 Every— one wanted to become involved in this glamour industry, and there was sufficient new land available to be cleared and planted. 19Schleh, Noticias, p. 208. 20Bravo, La industria azucarera, p. 22. 39 The major limitations to the expansion of cane were: 1) the lack of laborers, 2) the bad state of roads and generally high transportation costs, and 3) the lack of water.21 Since each of these factors affected the location of sugar cane plantings, they are here dealt with briefly in turn. As the industry gained force in Tucuman, a growing need for manpower occurred. Indian laborers were at first sought, but the numbers available from the Chaco and else— where were too variable to provide an adequate supply. Attempts were even made to use Indians conquered during the Patagonian campaigns. In 1879 at least 400 families were brought in from the pampas.22 Most of the Indians soon escaped or were generally unsatisfactory as workers. Thus, a phenomenon very unusual for a plantation economy was established. Workers came increasingly from the surround— ing provinces and were chiefly white. Many laborers migrated seasonally to Tucuman for the harvest period, and a significant number stayed as permanent additions to the population of the province. A great increase in population occurred between the census years of 1869 and 1895, when 21Alfredo Bousquet, Memoria historica y descriptiva de la provincia de Tucuman, 1882, quoted in Schleh, E. J., Noticias, p. 236 22Manuel G. Soriano, ”E1 trabajo de los indios en los ingenios azucareros de Tucuman," Revista de la Junta de EStudios Historicos de Tucuman, Vol. 2, No. 2, July, 1969, D. 114. 40 that of Tucuman grew from 108,953 to 215,742. Transportation problems were only partially solved with the arrival of the railroad. Road networks of the sugar areas were poor and, since quick harvesting and transportation to the mill are necessities for good cane yields, this shortcoming became increasingly critical. Changes in cultivation techniques accompanied the shift to modern processing machinery. Since the lack of water was definitely a limitation to cane expansion, emphasis was placed on improving the irrigation systems. Older ditches were transformed into useable canals, and nearly one-half of all irrigated cropland in Tucuman was devoted to cane in 1882.23 This did not signify that all or even most of the cane fields were irrigated. On the contrary, most were not and natural precipitation was therefore extremely important. Much expansion on land unsuitable for cane occurred during the period. A report of 1882 indicated a signifi— cant expansion in Santiago del Estero as well as in provinces along the Parana River.2Ll The example of Santiago del Estero is illustrative of a growing problem. There, much cane was grown during the boom years, and several mills were installed. Long and frequent frosts, with resulting low sugar yields, eventually forced the 23Soh1eh, Noticias, p. 205. 2“Bravo, La industria azucarera, p. 23. _—__ 41 withdrawal of cane from this climatically marginal zone. Some remnants of the industry remain as stark reminders of that era of hope. The expansion of cane elicited considerable clear— ing of new lands, but much of the growth occurred at the expense of other traditional crops. The increase in cane acreage relative to total cultivated land is documented in Table 3. TABLE 3 TOTAL CULTIVATED AREA AND AREA IN SUGAR CANE IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, SELECTED YEARS, 1872—1895 Total Area Cane Area Cane as Year (hectares) (hectares) % of Total 1872 24,832 1,687 7% 1882 51,600 6,636 13% 1888 36,041 10,594 29% 1895 98,175 53,086 54% Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945), pp. 209— 210. The expansion of cane cultivation was especially notable between 1888 and 1895. During the latter year Tucuman province accounted for about 93 percent of all 25 cultivated cane in the nation. This dominance was not 25Schleh, Noticias, p. 209. 42 always so complete. From 1872 to 1888 more than one—half of the Argentine sugar cane grown was from Tucuman, but during this period cane had its greatest development in other regions of the country.26 These regions were also . affected by the innovations and improvements in industrial machinery, but at different rates. For example, the first Argentine sugar refinery was founded in 1889 in Rosario, a break—in—bulk point for imports and exports on the Rio Parana. This centralized the refining process, and for a considerable period all raw sugar was transported to the river port and redistributed to various national and inter— national destinations. The most important areas devoted to cane outside of Tucuman, however, were in Salta and Jujuy provinces. Northwestern provinces other than Tucuman also gained from the improved transportation network, but there was a natural lag since the railroad arrived later. The growth in area planted to cane can be seen in Table 4. The area devoted to cane in Salta and Jujuy increased gradually, while a dramatic increase and decline occurred in Santiago del Estero. As previously stated, the boom ended quickly in the latter province, while the growth in the other two areas was indicative of their future importance. In these areas the system developed differently from that of Tucuman. There, large holdings 26Ibid. _—_———»_——A 43 TABLE 4 SUGAR CANE AREA IN NORTHWEST ARGENTINA, SELECTED YEARS, 1872-1895 Santiago del Jujuy Salta Estero Tucuman (hectares) (hectares) (hectares) (hectares) 372 338 251 17 1,687 375 338 290 18 6,636 388 974 302 2,925 10,594 395 2,138 645 796 53,086 Source: Data compiled from Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945). :ame the rule. In 1895 Jujuy's more than 2,000 hectares ’e divided among only sixteen plantations, and there were 27 Also more typical of , two mills to process the cane. Pse areas was the near complete dependence for labor upon .ians from the Chaco, the Argentine Andes, and Bolivia. t of the sugar produced stayed within the area and was d for local consumption. Inter—regional differences in sugar yields became :nificant in the late 1800's. The average yields of the 0's in Tucuman hovered around 5 percent, and it was jected that yields could not significantly surpass this ure. A report of 1889, however, stated that at least _— 275oh1eh, Noticias, p. 268. 44 singenio reached yields of more than 7 percent sugar and tugh additional alcohol to equal almost 9 percent in al.28 This figure compared favorably with that of any er region in Argentina or the world at that time. Thus, can be seen that even limitations on yields were begin— g to break down. Increasing national production can be documented oughout the early period of expansion. In fact, the ost total commitment to cane, added to the easy credit uired by industrialists, led to overexpansion, both ‘ ustrial and agronomic. By 1895, a self-sufficiency in ional sugar production was attained, thanks chiefly to plantings in Tucuman, and the savings in foreign imports a considerable (see Table 5). TABLE 5 SUGAR IMPORTS INTO ARGENTINA, SELECTED YEARS 1870—1895 Lr Tons Year Tons '0 19,599 1885 19,036 '5 23,631 1890 29,540 .0 30,533 1895 5,651 Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945), p. 32. 28Ibid., p. 250. 45 In 1896, as a result of the rapid increase in >Iuod1uotion, the first great crisis in the industry was prneciJDitated. A semi—artificial economic life had been esteflolished that took on increasingly dangerous overtones. Fevr:industrialists could resist the easy credit available for’eestablishment of mills, and few planters resisted the higfl1 earnings possible through cane cultivation. Drastic adjLustment was needed, and the super—abundant harvests from 1894 to 1896 spelled the end of the boom. In Tucuman, the chief producing region, seven of the smaller mills were closed, and further steps toward industrial consolidation took place. The industry had reached a definite level of maturity. Maturation Through Crises: 1901—1965 Smooth progress did not automatically follow the establishment of a firm industrial base. More character- istic of the subsequent period, about 1900 through 1965, vmre recurrent crises and adjustments. This further ewolution of the sugar industry was influenced by many fmnmrs, but certain features stand out as keys to dewflppment: 1) Government controls affected all phases ofthe industry and directed much of the progress; 2) Cuhflyation was greatly influenced by agro—technical ad- vmmms, particularly the introduction of new cane varieties; 3)(hganizational conflicts within sectors of the industry asziwhole, and between producing regions of the country, 46 ntributed to production crises and to increased social areness by the working class; and 4) Changing regional tterns in cultivation and harvesting created increasing npetition. vernment Controls The influence of the national government was itical to the development of the sugar industry through 3 1900—1965 period. The overall goal was to maintain and atect a stable national production, and three chief means he used to attain this end: 1) customs duties levied on ported sugar, 2) subsidies for exportable production, and 29 direct regulation of production. Each of these policies 3 utilized, either in concord or separately, depending 3n the circumstances. Import duties, beginning in 1888, protected the lustry during its period of most significant growth, but >sequent development required new and varied kinds of gulation. Surplus sugar production continued from 1896 #ough 1906 and resulted in the first regulatory laws. nerous decrees were issued in the early 1900's and most 7e directed at the Tucuman cane region, since it completely 1inated production at this time. For example, a 1902 I of Tucuman province placed a tax on each kilogram of 17 29Roberto F. de Ullivari and Guillermo K. Voss, La {duccién azucarera Argentina: Necesidad de su regulacién lcuman: Centro Regional Noroeste, 1966), p. 13. 47 ture sugar produced in excess of that 1902 harvest year. ronger limitations followed, such as an absolute produc— on quota, and the first crisis was eventually eased. National pricing schemes affected all producing gions and all sectors of the industry. Both raw material i finished product prices were sometimes fixed by the vernment. In 1912, for example, a national law linked tail sugar prices to a given level of import duties. An crease in domestic prices allowed additional low-cost gar into the country and thus effectively stabilized ternal prices for years. Such an arrangement was deemed cessary to protect consumer interests in this basic food em. Pricing policies between planter and mill owner 3ame of increasing concern during this period. Prior to 25 there was essentially a free market for the purchase cane. Each mill offered fixed prices per ton of cut gar cane. The independent grower could theoretically Dose the mill with the "best" price. In reality, how- er, the small, elite group of industrialists was at a finite advantage and could quite easily manipulate prices. is colonial-type relationship led to increasing levels conflict between growers and the ingenios which reached )eak in the mid—1920's. President Marcelo T. de Alvear 3 designated by the contending parties to arbitrate the fferences. His detailed, written decision of 1928 settled 48 :k prices for the sugar crop of 1926 and fixed norms for ;ure relationships between planters and industrialists.3O ,s ruling, known as the Qaudg Alvear, was based upon a 1prehensive study of the entire industry and is considered many to be the best conceived instrument for both culti— 31 ;or and ingenio to date. It fixed cane prices by a .re—basis formula according to costs engendered by each rup. Attempts were made to revise this agreement in the l0's, but the Laudo Alvear was the essential regulator of . industry until the era of Juan Domingo Peron. From 1945 to 1956 the basis of the pricing policy ;ween grower and industrialist took an abrupt turn. ’ing this period there was no incentive for higher sucrose elds because payment was based purely on the weight of Le delivered.32 The significance was that even small iducers on marginal cane land could produce acceptable .ntities when sucrose percentage had no importance. In ‘ect this subsidized the small or inefficient grower, . by 1950 a formal compensatory fund was established to 3O"Laudo Alvear," in La legislacién laboral en uman, Vol. 3 (Tucuman: Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, 95, pp. 171—221. 31Ullivari and Voss, La produccién azucarera :entina, p. 14 32Robert E. Evenson and Manuel L. Cordomi, Sugar duction in Argentina: A Cursory Examination. Cuaderno 69—1. Facultad de Ciencias Economicas. (Tucuman: versidad Nacional de Tucuman, 1969), p. 8. 49 ver the producers with low sugar yields. The policy emed to be mainly a populist move enabling the small oducers to enjoy a limited measure of economic growth. e industry, in turn, attained a new look, as factory elds declined and acreage in cane increased. A return to economic goals after the ouster of Perén used the reinstigation of payment according to sucrose elds by 1957. Planters again needed to find new, improved rieties and cultural practices, and ingenios were required up-date and improve extraction methods. Although minor anges have occurred since then, a basic concern with high eld and factory yields has been maintained. Another period of superproduction in the late 1950's sulted in some variation in government policies. Surplus oduction became most acute in 1959, and a law was passed that year that again favored export with compensation. ntinuing surpluses plagued the industry into the 1960's, t this situation fortunately coincided with several years poor beet sugar harvests in Europe. Stockpiled Argentine gar thus found an outlet at very favorable prices, though this artificial situation was not to last. In 65, strict limits were placed on the amounts harvested d processed, and more drastic events were soon to come. ro-technical Advances Variations in planting, harvesting, and processing chniques always accompany a progessive industry, and the 5O gentine sugar industry was no exception during this riod. In most cases the changes were minor and difficult document. A most significant area of change, however, 8 the evolution of sugar cane varieties. Local cane varieties (criollas), or those introduced the Spaniards, provided the entire supply of raw material rvested throughout the initial period of development. equate yields were attained until the mosaic disease eatly reduced production in the 1914 crop year. The arch for varieties resistent to this plague resulted in e introduction of a ”second generation" of cane, developed imarily in Java. Adoption was such that by 1918 about percent of the production of Tucuman was from Javan rieties, and by 1928 they had almost entirely replaced the igllg varieties.33 The accompanying higher yields sulted in renewed confidence within the industry and is was transposed on the landscape as increased cane reage.3u A second major ailment to seriously affect produc— Jn was the insect—caused carbén,in the early 1940's. ctunately, this occurrence coincided with the release of 3 first cane varieties developed by the Tucuman Experiment 33Ibid., p. 2. 3“William E. Cross, "Informes relacionados,con e1 1f1icto fabril—cafiero," Revista Industrial y Agricola Tucuman, Vol. 19, No. 1—2, 1928, p. 37. 51 ation. Thus, in 1944 a sample census showed that Tucuman rieties accounted for 18 percent of the plantings and ached over 70 percent in 1953.35 The most popular variety uc 2645) was resistent to both of the major plagues but d a low yield of sucrose. This was no deterent to plant- g, however, since the pricing scheme from 1945 to 1956 couraged production by weight of cane and not by sugar ntent. It is possible to trace the importance of these avy varieties into the early 1960's, when the Tucuman pes were replaced by improved, high sugar content varieties om Florida, South Africa, and Brazil.36 The necessity r imported strains is attributed to the fact that experi— ntation with high yielding varieties was discouraged in cuman during the period when pure weight was emphasized. e concern with "third generation" varieties with high crose content and early maturation has continued, and the cuman Experiment Station is again contributing to local provements. ganizations Three basic segments of the sugar industry are the dustrialists, planters and workers. Such distinctions e, in reality, a bit simplistic since, for example, many 35Evenson and Cordomi, Sugar Production in gentina, p. 3. 36Ibid. -ugi....- .ww‘ nun—fa.”- -—._—._____ .-.--- 52 11s operate their own cane fields. However, these oupings do represent separate interests that have become stitutionalized over time in specific organizations. The imary divisions have, in turn, formed finer organizational its and all offer insights into the maturation process of e industry (Figure 2). The first group to profit greatly from the indus— ial growth were the mill owners, or industrialists. This latively small but powerful class controlled the early stiny of the industry. Relationships between mills about 00 were far from cordial since each was fighting for a are of the local market. Yet, because of the limited tal demand and a common foe, the necessity for organization 37 3 recognized. The Centro Azucarero Argentino, initiated two prominent Tucuman mill owners, was a grouping of 1ers formed in 1894 to defend the local industry's sition relative to government policies, and particularly 38 vard imported sugar. Subsequently, an association of iustrialists was formed in each major district, and the Lls were also well represented on regional sugar councils. The first challenge to the supremacy of the owner 188 came from the independent growers of Tucuman. As the 37 Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia," p. 152. 38Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Tucuman guia lcumah, 1970), p. 106. 53 m__wz _oqu>vocH to mmpoowoczm H<ws=H ws=H FrpogwaJou _ _ zzu DHJmkm=ozH mow 54 cwE:o:H on mowgozowa02m< » mLmLo03N< owgpmsucH m_ we coism Foo mogwgao we cowoogmvmu I H<ow ooscflpQOOIIm opsmflm 55 number of planters increased, from 2,630 in 1895 to over 5,000 in 1926, the potential power of organized action was seen.39 The first effective union of cane growers, the Centro Canero, was formed in 1917. The initial goal was to attain better access to, and better prices from, the mills. At this point the mill owners still held most of the power and, thus, active conflict between the groups seemed only a matter of time and circumstance. A major confrontation occurred during the 1926/27 crop year as the growers struck the mills and organized several marches on the city of Tucuman. Low prices and delayed payments for cane bought from the independent planters were the major reasons for the strike. The result of this turmoil was the establish- ment of a national policy which established norms for cane prices paid to the growers. These payments varied directly according to the market price for the final processed sugar. This same ruling, the Laudo Alvear, also stated that the mills had an obligation to grind the cane of independent growers. Thus, the planter attained an estab— lished and recognized position in the industry. A partial reorganization of the growers union followed shortly after the 1927 Victory, but the Centro Cafiero lasted until 1945 when the Unidn Cafieros Indepen- dientes de Tucuman (UCIT) was formed to represent the 39Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia,” p. 155. :' 56 planters. This union became dominated by the much more numerous and "activist” small growers and, thus, the larger independents and some of the medium—sized operators split into their own group, the Centro de Agricultores Cafieros de Tucuman (CACTU). These two groups represented the cane farmers of Tucuman throughout this period. The workers, not surprisingly, were the last segment of the industry to begin the organizational process. The factory workers affiliated with the Federacion Obrera Tucumana de la Industria Azucarera (FOTIA) in 1942, and the field workers formed their own union, the Federacién de Obreros del Surco de la Industria Azucarera e Agropecuarios de Tucuman (FOSIAAT), two years later. Both groups tended to associate with the small planter class in pressing for changes within the industry.”0 Even further splintering occurred as the office employees of the mills organized separately. In addition, many mills began individual syndicates to represent the various working groups. Through organization, the almost total power wielded initially by the owner group was diffused throughout the process from field to factory. This meant essentially that all sectors began to participate more fully in the quiguel Murmis and Carlos Waisman, "Monoproduccién agro—industrial, crisis y clase obrera: La industria azucarera tucumana," Revista Latinoamericana de Sociologia, Vol 5, No. 2, 1969, p. 363. iIIc::I________________________________________________________________ __________-IIII'II 57 economic progress of the industry. It also lead to more infighting among the various sectors. Changing Regional Patterns of Cultivation and Harvest At the turn of the century, the major sugar produc- ing zones were well established. Most significant changes between 1900 and 1965 can be understood through inter- regional comparisons of Tucuman and Salta-Jujuy. One new occurrence in the sugar industry of Argentina during this period concerns experimentation with the sugar beet. Some studies were conducted in Tucuman beginning about 1917 and lasted approximately nine years before being discontinued.Lll Actual production Of beet sugar began in 1929 when two mills, one in the province of Mendoza and the other in the Rio Negro Valley, started operations. Beet sugar output reached a high of 4,900 tons in 1935, but by 1940, with only the Rio Negro mill in operation, production had declined to 2,190 tons and ceased completely in 1941.42 Unfavorable growing conditions and strong opposition from the cane areas are reasons most often given for this rapid decline. Actually, sugar beets ulWilliam E. Cross, "Experimentos con la remolacha azucarera en Tucuman," Revista Industrial y Agricola de Tucuman, Vol. 13, No. 7—8, 1923, p. 132. u2U.S. Tariff Commission, Agricultural, Pastoral and Forest Industries in Argentina (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), p. 50. 58 never became more than a mild threat to the established cane areas. Among the traditional cane producing areas, Tucuman retained the dominant position throughout this period, but an element of competition was injected. The progression of planted area and sugar production for the two major regions can be seen in Figures 3 and 4. Data from 1913, for example, show that Tucuman province accounted for approximately 84 percent of the cane acreage and 82 percent of the sugar produced. This same year, Salta and Jujuy had 10 percent of the planted area and 14 percent of the annual production.L13 By 1941 Tucuman had slightly over 80 percent of the acreage planted but yielded only 65.6 percent of sugar milled, while Salta and Jujuy had 11.5 percent of the area cultivated but produced 29.1 percent of the sugar.1M Even higher percentages for the two northern provinces followed in the late 1950's and early 1960's. The variation in total area harvested is due almost entirely to gains or losses in Tucuman, while increases in the North occurred slowly but steadily (see Figure 3). Cultivation in Salta and Jujuy started from a low base but uBErnesto Tornquist & Co., Ltd., The Economic Development of the Argentine Republic in the Last Fifty Years (Buenos Aires, 1919), p. 55. qunternational Sugar Council, National Sugar Economies and Policies, Vol. 1 of The World Sugar Economy: Structure and Policies (London: International Sugar Council, 1963), p. 177. —é 000 Hectares 1. 59 u 0 o N 01 O O 0 TOTAL ARGENTINA G o J _—\, Figure 3. Cone Area Harvested in Tucumcin and Salta—Juiuy Provinces, 1900—T973 UJUV IUCUMAN 1“ I I ____’\—‘—-"-_‘\”\ . A '65 '70 I973 Sugar Production in Tucuma’n and 190 Figure 4. i 0—1973 1500 1‘00 ‘ 100 600 500 TOTAL ARGENTTNA SALTA _ ,r’\ JUJUY; \ ”Ixx \ z '10 'IS '20 75 '30 35 '05 Source Lo lndusluo Azucarero and ComleciIon by “Ibo, n )00 Solic—Juiuy Provinces, '60 60 dcfllbled between 1910 and 1940, and nearly doubled again by :19635. This growth took place without any dramatic yearly irnzrements, and at its peak Salta and Jujuy accounted for aIDOLAt 20 percent of the total Argentine area devoted to the Cane acreage in Tucuman also doubled between 1910 crop. axni 1940 and then rose erratically to a maximum in 1955, Mflierl over 80 percent of its cultivated land was in cane. PRDIJJDWing that peak of about 230,000 hectares, the area ifl czine declined for seven consecutive years and then began increasing again with the 1963 crop year. Production figures are even more graphic than those Large yearly variations have been Sflovving cultivated area. cha—Pacteristic of sugar production in Tucuman, and these Sllj~f7ts have been mirrored in the national figures (see Irjté§klre 4). It is noteworthy that maximum production did r1C>13 coincide with the maximum area harvested. Obviously C) itzklfiér variables, such as climatic factors, must be investi— Production in Salta Egeihtieed to explain the fluctuations. Jujuy varied little in comparison with Tucuman, showing aha Thus, by the 1960's the a 53 :Low but steady upward trend. NCDI. . ‘t:h had improved its position considerably, while Tucuman S 3{II-lllbited signs of relative stagnation. Increasing competition between Tucuman and the North \3 EEClame especially pronounced during and after the Peron era. PXt; izhis time the majority of the northern mills were in By betSter financial condition than those of Tucuman. 61 ignoring the full requirements of the Regulatory Fund of 1950, which compensated inefficient growers and mills with contributions made by the most productive operations, the ingenios of Salta and Jujuy gained further strength relative 45 to Tucuman. Then, with change in government policies in 1959 from paying by weight of raw cane to placing a premium on yields per ton of cane, the entire industry was forced to acquire new, efficient equipment or close down. This policy naturally favored the mills that could most afford the changes, and many ingenios in Tucuman went heavily into debt. The improved milling capacity, plus associated varietal changes and improvement in agricultural practices, resulted in higher production in the 1960's. This added to surpluses of sugar that had accumulated since 1959. Fortunately, the crisis was alleviated by an abnormally poor 1963 European crop year, which allowed Argentine sugar to be exported at record prices. This set of circumstances led to increased plantings in all cane areas and, combined with several years of mild winter in Tucuman, resulted in the accumulation of considerable surpluses again in 1965. uSEstacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman. Bases para el desarrollo agrario de la provincia de Tucuman, Publicacion Miscelanea No. 29 (Tucuman, 1968), p. 17. 62 Current Developments: 1966—1974 The harvest of 1965, which left a surplus of about 400,000 tons in excess of domestic consumption drastically changed the sugar industry. Prior to this date any excess would have been exported, but only at a considerable loss since national production costs were about five times higher than the usual international price for sugar.“6 Compounding this problem, a general economic—financial crisis in Tucuman during the mid—1960's led to acts of Violence. Workers forcefully occupied a number of mills that were behind in wage and cane payments. As noted previously, all sugar factories needed to improve their equipment, and many had to borrow large sums from the national bank. A few were so far in debt that their obligations were difficult, if not impossible, to meet. In government circles these conditions were intolerable and a new mentality was at work to provide a "solution." Two overriding goals governed thoughts at the policy—making level: 1) A rationalization of the sugar industry as whole, and 2) a structural transformation of the Tucuman economy. Toward these ends a number of strong actions were designed. u6Roberto F. de Ullivarri and Guillermo Kenning Voss, Cafia de azficar: Documento basico, Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, Centro Regional del Noroeste (Tucuman,1966), . 33. .fl: . 63 The most dramatic move occurred very early on August 22, 1966, with the sugar harvest perhaps three- quarters finished in Tucuman. Federal troops were quickly and unexpectedly dispersed to the seven most financially unsettled ingenios. These mills were occupied and given seventy—two hours to cease operation for the season.47 The armed take-over reduced the number of operating factories in Tucuman from twenty—six to nineteen. Three other important steps were taken by the government: 1) a decrease of production in Tucuman by 30 percent and in Salta—Jujuy by 17 percent, relative to the 1965 harvest (followed by a 10 percent reduction the next year); 2) a limitation on exports, allowing shipments only to fill the quota of the high—priced market in the United States; and, 3) the expropriation of production quotas (ggpgg) from approxi- mately 7,000 mini—farmers in Tucuman. Naturally these measures had severe repercussions in the industry and particularly within the province of Tucuman. Some of the important and lasting results were: 1) A reduction in the amount of land devoted to cane in Tucuman. The area dropped to about 130,000 hectares in 1967 from more than 190,000 in 1965 and nearly 250,000 in 1955. 2) The elimination of about 7,000 small cane growers whfi had production quotas under 8,064 kilograms. 8 This meant both a deterioration of uYLey 16.926/ (22/8/66). Published in Lg Industria Azucarera, September 1966, p. 229. 48Estaci6n Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Bases, p. 22. 64 planted cane fields and a potentially great social problem. 3) The creation of a problem concerning the nearly 60,000 hectares of former cane land. 4) The existence of a vast pool of unoccupied persons, estimated at about 40,000 field and industrial workers. Associated with this was a considerable exodus of manpower to other provinces. 5) A drastic reduction of income for the province as a consequence of the production limits. Government actions thus may have settled certain problems within the industry but certainly created others. Several of the militarily occupied factories were subse- quently allowed to reopen but others, seeing the handwriting, ceased operations. Therefore, by 1968 the number of func— tioning mills was reduced from nineteen to seventeen, and in 1969 this number was further reduced by one (Map 7). The number of factories stabilized at sixteen, but financial problems and associated worker unrest continued in certain cases. In May, 1970, three ingenios were expropriated and placed under a government entity, the Compania Nacional Azucarera, S. A. (CONASA), to be run in a financially sane and disciplined manner. Later, two more Tucuman mills and two in the Litoral were placed under this agency. The "rationalization" of the industry was to be accompanied by a structural transformation of the Tucuman economy. Measures taken in this regard were less definitive q in nature but, in general, consisted of a concerted effort 1#91616. I I \_. ‘,-\ - a. / \. / T (HI/.11! ( SAN anm a. ”uny/ I \. /, t I: .—~-l_\ JUJUY \,_, ,..\ ~x’ ‘ : ./ ". 'v'v"? / \ \ T A \ k .' MOMMA," ( . ( ~ I. / \. . \, -_ T. /.. n l 1 \ j i /' \_"_/ SAN suvlinon do IUIUV *, .1 .h “'“ANU / /' ‘- ' no GIANDE (- \ ’ - \‘~\- A.: r“\ _/ ,, , 3.3m mono I. SALTA sun ¢ , ” /'. _ _________________ "1' I A i .P ‘ \ .2 -’ r' ‘ ’ ‘. / \_ f/ / \' -'\. A l \ -\ / K. . .1 -\ ./ '—\ i ‘ —\./ “' j I" , / f \ \.j . a] ‘v /. f (_ (. TUCUMAN ' l \. l-‘Vnonm ' \ {3’ r’ SANTIAGO 5m mouu a. vucuMAN * q‘ON‘""°" s.......... ( .I . [9,1 -._/ 4.: :sreno A Is c r a W - if: ' /'J V nu o via! an. no vumn / noumllA u VISVA ' la-lvnaJ nan ._._._H+H / gains / vlociléggilclj9 ° “N' °“ 'IuIIIIi-I tun-II ' u 'vovinllll Inna-Ian _ _ \- N:: on "WIND i:\ ( “WM“ .smu nun; Int-rallioncl Ioun‘o'iul ..... _ I‘muuu ‘. (. H , _ \ hum-... AV. 1 . / I... .I V v» Sou". Coluilud by Auvho: m. -— 66 to diversify both the industrial and agricultural bases of the province. Responsibility for attracting new industrial concerns was placed in a joint national and provincial commission, called Operativo Tucumano. Efforts to diversify the agricultural sector remained with the existing mechanisms, namely the experiment station and the Ministry of Agriculture. The effect of all the government actions on the regional sugar balance was to greatly strengthen the position of Salta and Jujuy. This can be seen in Figures 3 and 4, p. 59, as both acreage and production in these northern provinces increased considerably. Production recovered slightly in Tucuman, but its proportion of the national total has been reduced to slightly over 50 percent. A heightened verbal battle between representatives of the two major producing zones has also been characteristic of this latest stage, and each region has vied to attract the attention of the federal government. The recent history of the sugar cane industry is best understood as a reaction and adjustment to the government actions of 1966. The changes have been signifi- cant and serve as the basis for the remainder of this dissertation. CHAPTER III \ AGRO—TECHNICAL ASPECTS AND MARKETING Planting patterns for sugar cane are affected greatly by the agricultural characteristics of the crop and customary regional practices of cultivation. Sugar cane generally has a wide tolerance of physical environments 1 within the tropics and sub—tropics, but since Northwest 5 Argentina is near the southern margin of acceptability for cane growth, it is presumably "marginal" with respect to important growth elements.1 The limited areas devoted to cane planting in Argentina tend to support the idea of physical marginality. Even within the study areas, however, cultural practices were observed to be far from uniform. Distinctions must be made between the methods and techniques used in Tucuman and those of Salta—Jujuy. Many differences are simply a matter of degree, however, and are not dis— cussed unless considered significant to the study. A normal sequence of cultural practices may be noted in the agricultural calendar presented in Figure 5. Signifi— cant differences in the timing and duration of planting and lInternational Sugar Council, The World Sugar Economy: Structure and Policies, Vol. II, The World J Picture (London: The International Sugar Council, 1963), pp. 5 and 6 67 68 harvesting, and minor variations in cultivation schedules, typify practices in the two areas. FIGURE 5 AGRICULTURAL CALENDAR FOR SUGAR CANE IN TUCUMAN AND SALTA-JUJUY PROVINCES J F M A M J J A s o N D z PLANT < 2 HARVEST 3 u D ._ cumvns FERTILIZE CULTIVATE CULTIVATE >— 3 PLANT PLANT _‘ _____ _.._.— 3 IRRIGATE IRRIGATE '3 HARVEST < .— .. FERTILIZE FERTILIZE < CULTIVATE CULTIVATE V) . : : . . : : e A. : J F M A M J J A s o N D Source: Compiled by author. Planting and Cultivation Sugar cane under normal circumstances is a perennial crop. In Argentina, the life of the yearly cane crop is cut short in many areas by frost, but the "seed" is not affected and ratoon crops can be generated. On the average, 69 a planting in Northwest Argentina is harvested for six or seven years and in former times even up to seventeen conse— cutive years.2 The first year‘s crop (cana planta) gener— ally yields less than the second, in direct contrast with the situation in prime cane areas such as those of the 3 Dominican Republic. Yields from the subsequent ratoon crops (ggfig gggg) remain relatively steady over the succeeding six or seven years. Soil preparation for planting is similar in both cane areas but accomplished differently. Almost complete mechanization characterizes the two northern provinces, while Tucuman still depends to a large degree on animal power, both mules and oxen. Care in working the fields is closely correlated with the extent of irrigation. Irrigated fields, for example, must be carefully leveled. This is typical of Salta and Jujuy, where irrigation is the norm, while less than 30 percent of the cane area in Tucuman receives this extra care.Ll Planting furrows vary in depth 2William E. Cross, ”Tucuman agricola e industrial," Revista Industrial y Agricola de Tucuman, Vol. 26, No. 4—6, 1936, Do 85- 3Dominican Republic, Evolucién de la industria azucarera en la Republica Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Editora del Caribe, 1968), p. 17. The author spent a week researching the sugar industry of the Dominican Republic in March, 1969. uEstacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Lg mecanizacién en el cultivo y la cosecha de la cafia de azucar, Publicacién miscelanea, No. 24 (Tucuman, 1967), p. 3. 70 according to soil fertility, while the distance between rows also differs but has decreased somewhat over time. Standard rows are 100 meters in length and traditionally are oriented in a north—south direction to take advantage of exposure to the sun.5 The "seed” used in planting is selected carefully from healthy mature canes so each plant will meet specifi— cations of proper maturation, disease resistence and sugar yields. The chosen canes are then cut in lengths of roughly two feet and usually include at least three joints from which the new stalks will grow. Placement of the pieces in the furrows is normally done by hand, and the density of planting depends chiefly upon soil characteristics. Plant— ing in Tucuman is spread out over the winter months from May to September, while the process is concentrated in February and March in Salta and Jujuy (see Figure 5). Cultivation is necessary during the early growth stages, and increasing amounts of fertilizer are applied simultaneously. Nitrogenous fertilizers now are applied on more than 50 percent of the cane area.6 These applications also affect weed growth. Thus, greater usage of herbicides 5William E. Cross, "E1 cultivo de la cafia de,azucar en la Republica Argentina,” Revista Industrial y Agricola de Tucuman, Vol. 19, No. 7—8, 1939, p. 183. 6William E. Cross, "Informe sobre la industria azucarera de la Argentina en los ultimos diez afios" Lg Industria Azucarera, Vol. 66, No. 802, 1960, p. 395. 71 has followed, since annual weeding is prohibitively expen— sive on large holdings. Once the cane grows tall enough to shade the inter—row area further weeding becomes unnecessary. Very little care is needed for cultivating sugar cane relative to most other crops. Increasing mechaniza- tion throughout the industry requires fewer man hours during the preparation and growth periods. These stages are labor intensive today only for the small family farmer. Harvesting The harvest season, or ggfgg, causes radical changes in the appearance of the producing provinces. The harvest period demands a large number of workers, and a seasonal in—migration of considerable magnitude therefore occurs. Zafreros are attracted not only from the province of Tucuman but also from neighboring provinces, and even Bolivian laborers are drawn into Salta and Jujuy. These seasonal migrants are particularly visible in Tucuman as they arrive in mule-drawn, large wheeled carts, piled high with possessions and family members (see Figure 6). Normally the picture is completed by several dogs trailing the procession. Neither major producing area was ever dependent upon black laborers, which makes them almost unique among cane areas of the world. This fact even 7International Sugar Council, The World Picture, p. 13. 4.‘J\ 4.. ‘. 72 Fig. 6. Zafreros Arriving in Tucuman Province Fig. 7. Working Cargadero in Tucuman Province 73 caused the globe—trotting Theodore Roosevelt to comment on the lack of "exploitation" in the sugar industry, as he passed through the area in 1913.8 The working sugar mills also transform the province. Distinctive smoke trails rise from the ingenio stacks as the calderas are stoked up for the round—the—clock work hours of the ggfgg. The olfactory senses also note the beginning of the harvest, as a typical molasses odor pervades the environs of each mill. Life in the villages surrounding most ingenios is also affected by new animation. After a long day's work violent arguments break out not infrequently, with the result that machetes are sometimes drawn and blood is spilled. Additional testimony to the frenzy of this period is the cane strewn along all roads and the sudden appearance of make—shift huts for the seasonal laborers. The basics of the harvest itself are quite similar in all the cane areas, but differences arise in the degree of mechanization. In preparation for cutting, the cane is normally burned to rid the fields of dried leaves accumulated around the base of the canes. This process, incidentally, also rids the canebreaks of snakes and other inhabitants that might inhibit the work of the cane cutters! The 9 JAugusto M. Bravo, La industria azucarera 1n Tucuman: Sus problemas sociales y sanitarios (Tucuman, 1966), p. 42. 74 burning does not significantly harm the cane since the stalk contains a large volume, nearly 70 percent, of water. The great majority of the cane is cut by hand, although increasing amounts are being harvested by mechanical cutters. This mechanization process in the field is more advanced in the large holdings of the North than in Tucuman. Where cane is still harvested manually, experienced workers are desired, since the cutting requires some artistry. The stalks are cut at ground level by machetes, and the growing end (the despunte, which may be used as cattle feed) is lopped off. The remainder of the stalk is quickly cleaned of remaining leaves and may then be sliced in two if deemed too long. The cut cane is usually piled neatly to facilitate the succeeding loading process. Zafreros often work in teams and are given the responsibility for harvesting a certain area by the foreman (capataz). Often wives and children help, sometimes by wielding a machete but more frequently by helping pile the cut cane. Once cut and piled, methods of transfer to the mill vary greatly. The crudest, and the method most used by small caneros, is to load the cane by hand into the typical large—wheeled carretas. Each full load (fgggg) contains about three tons of raw material. The carts with iron—rimmed wheels are slowly disappearing from the cane areas, and metal carts with pneumatic tires are replacing them. These are more easily pulled and cause much less damage to the 75 roads. The construction of good paved roads was reportedly retarded in Tucuman because the iron cart wheels quickly broke up pavement.9 The filled carts are pulled by mules or oxen either directly to the mill or to a gathering station (cargadero). Animal power has been replaced in many areas by tractors, which improve efficiency by their capacity to pull up to six or seven filled carts. The cane accumulated at the gathering stations is often transferred to trucks, or, in isolated cases, to railroad cars and carried to the mills. During the harvest the rather odd shaped cargaderos are crowded with waiting wagons, carts and large stalks of bundled cane which await transfer to the next transport mode (see Figure 7, p. 72). The cane trucks normally have a capacity ranging from twenty to thirty—two tons, which may be doubled with an additional trailer. The larger capacity is necessary since the estimated average distance from any canefield to a cargadero is about four kilometers (two and one—half miles), and from each cargadero to the factory averages almost seventeen kilometers (ten and six—tenths miles).10 9Conversation with Professor Teodoro R. Ricci, Tucuman, August 5, 1970. 10Roberto F. de Ullivarri and Guillermo K. Voss, Cafia de azucar: Documento basico (Tucuman: Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1966), p. 22. 76 When the cane reaches the mill it frequently meets a bottleneck. The "typical" ingenio has cane piled high in the plaza (canchén), while lines of trucks and carts tie up movement around the entrances. The result is that cane frequently lies in the hot sun for more than a day. Attempts to speed up the operation, and thus to improve factory yields, include the use of large, mechanically loaded trucks which can dump their load directly onto conveyor belts. Then, the problem becomes a logistical one of proper scheduling. Greater use of portable cranes would help to speed up traditional operations at the mill. Three major distinctions can be made in the harvesting and transfer of cane from the fields to the mills: 1) A manual system in which the cane is cut, piled and loaded entirely by hand, chiefly visible in Tucuman but present to some extent in both zones; 2) a mixed system in which the cane is cut and piled by hand but loaded mechanically, which is used with variations in all zones; and 3) an entirely mechanized system, in which the cane is cut and loaded by machine. This system is most prevalent in Jujuy but is also used in certain mills of Tucuman (see Figures 8—11). The field methods of Ingenio Esperanza in Jujuy are the most mechanized of any encountered. An industrial trend is definitely toward more capital intensive methods of harvesting, with a declining emphasis upon manual labor. 77 Fig. 10. Mechanized Loading of Sugar Cane in Salta Province. Fig. 11. Mechanized Piling of Sugar Cane, La Esperanza, Jujuy. 79 Therefore, Esperanza provides an important example. Much of the harvest is still cut manually, although the manage— ment has been experimenting with various mechanical harvestors. Yet, the process from field to mill is highly mechanized. Large bulldozers push the cut cane to the margins of access roads where a moveable crane transfers the cane to large trucks. The trucks are weighed at the mill and their loads tilted onto conveyor belts. The cane then passes through a water spray to rid it of dirt and other accumulated material picked up in the mechanical loading process. The latter technique was learned through three years of experience, according to company officials. This system could serve as a model for the rest of the industry. The industry as a whole maintains a system of transfer from field to mill that is far less than ideal. In Tucuman, particularly, the movement of cane from the field is slow and inefficient. Any improvements resulting in less time loss between cutting and milling would add to factory yields. Most of the northern mills transfer the cane to factory via fleets of trucks or privately-owned railroad systems (Figures 12 and 13). In general, this results in fresher cane to grind than is the case in ‘ 11Conversation with Agron. Hector Jeréz, Sub- Administrator of Ingenio La Esperanza, Jujuy, July 10, 1970. 11 80 Fig. 12. Field—to-Mill Transfer of Cane by Rail, Jujuy Province. «at = ...," Fig. 13. Field-to-Mill Transfer of Cane by Truck, Jujuy Province. 81 Tucuman. In Salta and Jujuy the average cane crushed has been out less than forty-eight hours, while estimates for Tucuman approach or surpass seventy—two hours.l2 Particu— larly in the very hot weather of late summer, long delays can have a negative effect on factory yields.13 The harvest period lasts approximately five months, and during this time the mills are seldom quiet. Each mill has a recognized daily capacity, and the goal is to grind near capacity throughout the harvest period (Table 6). In reality, an individual factory does not operate close to capacity except in unusual circumstances, and the harvest period is therefore prolonged. A tendency within the industry is to increase milling capacities, and the goal is to minimize the actual number of harvest days. This would ideally result in higher factory yields. Processing Outward and interior appearances of sugar mills can vary immensely, but the process of making sugar is essen— tially the same regardless of aesthetics. The scale of operations and modernity may differ, but four major operations summarize the industrialization of the raw ‘ l2Ullivarri and Voss, Cana de azucar, p. 24. 13Roberto F. de Ullivarri, Recomendaggones para la zafra azucarera, Estacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Circular No. 152 (Tucuman, 1957), p. 2. 82 TABLE 6 AVERAGE EFFECTIVE CANE MILLING IN TUCUMAN, SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES, SELECTED YEARS, 1965-1973 Mills 1965 1967 1969 .1971 1973 (Metric Tons - Daily) Tucuman Province Aguilares 2,302 2,509 3,075 3,221 3,286 Amalia 2,459 1,391 -—- --- ——- Bella Vista 4,284 4,347 4,160 3,362 3,709 Concepcion 10,497 10,725 12,337 12,109 12,598 Cruz Alta 1,724 1,791 1,767 1,892 1,840 Esperanza 1,415 --— -—- -—— ——— La Corona 4,156 4,163 4,206 4,319 4,832 La Florida 3,242 3,190 2,952 3,832 2,945 La Fronterita 4,453 4,544 4,292 4,397 5,286 La Providencia 3,856 3,743 3,837 3,761 4,411 La Trinidad 4,186 3,386 3,132 3,052 3,755 Lastenia 1,863 ——— —-- —-— ——— Leales 2,513 2,263 2,384 2,419 2,510 Los Ralos 2,029 ——— ——— ——— ——- Marapa 1,846 1,615 1,657 1.983 2,115 Mercedes 1,541 —-— --— -—— --- Nueva Baviera 1,686 -—- --- —-— ——— Nunorco 2,137 2,327 2,267 2,377 2,605 San Antonio 2,909 ——- -—— ——— ——— San José 1,819 —-— --- —-— --— San Juan 2,381 2,377 2,619 2,492 2,844 San Pablo 4,426 4,537 4,588 3,981 4,806 San Ramon 2,097 2,442 -—— --— --— Santa Ana 2,237 —-- —-— -—— —-- Santa Barbara 2,823 2,905 3,130 3,281 3,719 Santa Lucia 2,689 2,558 ——— ——- --- Santa Rosa 3,128 3,012 2,782 3,261 3,499 Jujuy Province La Esperanza 4,467 4,669 4,225 4,301 4,690 Ledesma 12,423 13,798 13,824 13,455 12,443 Rio Grande 1,710 1,664 2,370 2,521 2,604 Salta Province San Isidro 1,668 1,789 1,746 1,787 1,787 San Martin 5,468 5,850 5,769 7,532 7,191 83 sugar cane: l) extraction of the juice by large crushers (trapiches), 2) purification and filtration of the juice, 3) concentration of the juice to crystalize the sugar, and 4) centrifuging and refining the sugar produced. Numerous useful by-products are generated by the milling process. The fibrous remnants of cane (bagazo) contain vestiges of sugar and moisture and a high celulose content. The bagasse is frequently used as supplementary fuel for the ovens, but in several special cases it is also used as a raw material for paper fabrication. A solid residue of the purification and filtration process, cachaza, can be spread in the fields as a fertilizer or utilized as a source of vegetable wax.lu The sticky fluid that yields no more sugar crystals is either sold as molasses or sent to the distillery for the manufacture of alcohol. Distinctive classes of sugar are the end products of the ingenio. These may be identified according to sucrose content: 1) pllé, a specially compacted sugar that contains 100 percent sucrose; 2) refined granulated, with a content of 99.8 percent, and a brillant even-grained appearance; 3) second cooking (azucar g3 segunda) with a yellowish coloring and a sucrose content of 98 percent; 4) crude sugar, containing 96.8 percent sucrose and a 14 Personal interview with Ing. Sergio Gonzalez Zigaran, Ledesma Sugar Mill, May 16, 1970. 84 yellowish—brown cast; and 5) third cooking (gg tercera) with a percentage of ninety-five and a brownish, rather large-grained appearance.15 All, except the pilé, are marketed in fifty kilogram sacks, usually made of paper but sometimes of jute. Transportation and Storage Competition between two transport modes character- izes the movement of sugar from the mill. The railroad was the chief transporter of both cane and sugar throughout most of the industry's evolution. The Ferrocarril Belgrano remains the largest rail carrier of sugar today, while the only other significant rail line, the Ferrocarril Mitre, carries less than one-fourth the tonnage of the Belgrano. The percentage of the total harvest moved by rail has declined over time, so that in 1971/72 trucks accounted for nearly half the total tonnage. For the second time in ten years, the tonnage carried by truck in that year surpassed that transported by the Belgrano railroad.l6 The railroad is more economical for large tonnages, but the truck has become increasingly competitive over long hauls and the trend indicates that trucking will continue to increase at the expense of the railroad. 15Mimeographed report of the Centro Azucarera del Norte, Divisién de Produccion, no date. l6"E1 azucar Argentino en cifras; Zafra 1972," Lg Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, 1972. 85 For individual mills the mix of transportation modes varies greatly. Since, in general, the mills of Salta and Jujuy have greater capacities, and distance to the major market of Buenos Aires is also greater than from Tucuman, a larger percentage of the northern sugar moves by rail.17 The decision regarding transportation frequently is not that of the mills, however, since many award transportation concessions to individuals, who are then in charge of getting the sugar to the desired locations. Each mill normally maintains several large store— houses for the processed sugar, both at the production site and in Buenos Aires. Production quotas are assigned and checks are made by federal inspectors at the mill and in the storage areas. Irregularities have been discovered, however, as indicated by a 1970 scandal.l8 One of the companies in doubtful financial straits was found with far less sugar in its Buenos Aires warehouse than had been reported. Some illicit sales had obviously taken place and several individuals were indicted. , 17Conversation with Ing. Agosto Paz, Ingenio San Martin de Tabacal, Salta, August 14, 1970. 18La Gaceta, Tucuman, May 14, 1970. 86 Consumption and Marketing Government quotas regulate the industry by tying prnadilction to levels of national consumption. Per capita ccnlstlnmtion of sugar had stabilized at around thirty—five kilxaggrams in the 1950's, but by 1972 it had reached about 19 thiartzy-nine kilograms. These figures are above average for: Ihatin America and below only the consumption figures Of Iflc>rth America.2O Low levels of population growth, about IL.5 33ercent, indicate a limited growth potential for the iINiListhuZl Prices are also regulated by the government ark: 'have been held at quite constant levels, to the dismay of? izhe industry and its workers. The only outlet other than the national market for Ar’gentine sugar is the United States. United States prices WeEreconsiderably above those of the world market up to 215974 and even the high cost producers of Argentina could ‘tllerefore profitably export to the northern giant. AI“gentina is alloted a yearly quota which varies according ‘PCD the supply situation of other United States sources, but \ l9"E1 azucar Argentino en cifras; Zafra 1972," Tea Industria Azucarera, 1972. 2OAlbert Viton, "World Sugar Outlook for the 1970's," Sugar y Azucar, 1969, p. 14. 21Population Reference Bureau, World Population Figures-1972, July, 1972. 87 irl 15972 it was over 85,000 short tons.22 As is the case 111 nupst other sugar producing nations, Argentina wishes to 23 ‘maicituain and increase its share of the U.S. market! 22La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, IDecember, 1972, p. 195. 23In June, 1974, Congress abolished the forty year C31d U.S. Sugar Act which had provided subsidies to both oma spans oz< «anew .zezsosa 2H oneopaoma nz< mm o>m=z .mm mumsmooz mmPpmn on smog spasm .NF mmstn mumcmuoz mumw> oF_mm .mm mpmcmooz mowumpsm mo; .FF Peeves: mercmpcosa .em mpocmuoz oesopc< cam .o_ mpmcmnoz mmumocmz .mm Easexmz moPpwcucom .m memcmnoz mszn .NN Esewxsz mpmmmo .w _sewcwz ofinsa com .FN wppmeoa Ezewxmz mopmm mo; .m Assess: omee< .om _mew:wz mwcmpmmn .o finesse: Conn com .m_ mpmsmuoz oNcmcmamm .m sp_< Nzcu Poewcwz .wFsm cwm .mp Fspwdeo Essexmz oecwmsw> .s Fmewcwz _mwpmcmz .NF mpmcmuoz cheep _m .m Fmewcez wmow com .op mpmcouoz possum an .N mpmswuoz onwe> acme .mF res» mpmcmuoz oncscoz Fm ._ zumxsccsm rswmcmcu Co cosmos *mmwmm mucmEucmamo s4mmcmzo we wmcmmo *mmpwm mpcmspcoamo ommFImomp m m4moma z¢zzozh .onHozooma mzons scs som ”sacsco spscssoe somIo_ .mmcsgu Pseecwe &o_Iov .scso on ssucs_s ssss c? cowpossss waspcsossq gases s ms smcwEsspss ms: sacsco mo mocmso .mpcs5300s _sowsopmw; sohse asp was; sssomscs_ one :o mposewpcs scs mesons sw< .msm_ Eons cowusecoecw cps: sscsdeoo was; mccsupss scs ommF c? ss>csmno was: msuwm mFdEsm sneer .csxsp omFs sis: mssos acops msmcs>sse .sspsmwpms>cw mssss oewwossms .cocpss as sspwssoo ”socsom Esswxsz mosscssw .Nm mosscssw Pseecwz ssscsz .om ESEmeE .5535 .m .... .mm spscssoz sc< spasm .sm ooeco ova rsswcwz sssecece s4 .mm _seecvz cowussocou .Nm _ssecez ocw_oz Fm .Pm spmsmspoeso spscssoz sooewm .om spscssoz cease :sm .mm Psewcvz mosspcoz .mm Essexsz mopmmsd mos .s_ Issmcsso mo mucosa *mmpwm mHCsEpcssso tsmmcsgu mo smcmso Issuem mpcsescsaso hpsm ohm so pmsz upsm sex so pmsm UmzcwucouIIw m4mf short, yellowed, irregular and weedy cane indicate lcetired fields which are occasionally used for cattle ggrazing (Figure 14). Perhaps most graphic, however, are ‘the older and recently closed mills with broken windows, sagging gates and smokeless Stacks testifying to formerly Inore prosperous, or at least more expansive, times (Figure 15). Production Change Despite uncertainty in the industry and changing sugar policies, the past decade has been characterized by increasing productivity in Tucuman. This has been accom— plished largely through the application of successful agricultural research to field practices. Particularly, the relative significance of individual cane varieties changed markedly between 1960 and 1970. Varieties developed in experimental stations in the Northwest are earlier maturing, yet produce a relatively high yielding crOp. The shift to new varieties can be noted in a comparison between varietal censuses taken in the department of Cruz Alta in 1960 and 1970. 103 Fig. 14. Abandoned Sugar Cane Field in Tucuman Province. Fig. 15. Abandoned Ingenio in Tucuman Province. 104 TABLE 9 SUGAR CANE VARIETIES IN CRUZ ALTA DEPARTMENT, TUCUMAN: 1960 AND 1970 1960 1970 Area Area Variety (Rows of Cane)* Variety (Rows of Cane)* Tuc. 2645 733,427 N.A. 56/79 471,575 Co. 421 272,593 N.Co. 310 194,352 C. P. 34/120 114,690 N. A. 56/30 131,391 C. P. 29/116 89,121 Tuc. 2645 86,850 P. R. 902 61,536 C. P. 48/103 46,677 Tu c. 3342 51,364 C. P. 34/120 44,788 C. B. 36/4 35,112 N. A. 56/19 17,287 0. P. 43/74 34,864 N. A. 56/62 8,751 C0413 20,415 Various 263,500 Various 455,657 Total 1,868,779 1,265,171 Source: Gamara Gremial de Productores de Azucar, Censo de productores cafieros, afio 1970, preliminary (Tucuman, 1970). *Each row (ggggg) is 100 meters long. There are approximately fifty—five surcos in each hectare (2.47 acres). A near complete change occurred in just a ten—year period. The switch to new varieties seems to have occurred about 1959, when everyone was concerned with increasing both agricultural and factory yields.8 The Tucuman 2645 variety fell from favor quickly but never dropped out of production completely. It declined from nearly 40 percent of the planted area of Tucuman province in 1960 to only 8W. Kenning; R. F. de Ullivari and C. A. Artaza, "Variedades de cafia de azdcar para Tucuman: Algunas resultados del INTA," La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 71, No. 869, 1966, p. 97. 105 17 percent by 1963 and less than 10 percent in 1970.9 Farmers had obtained great success with this variety and were loathe to give it up, even though it was not an early maturing cane and was quite susceptible to frosts.10 Varieties such as N.A. (Norte Argentina) 56/79 not only surpassed the 2645 in sugar yields but also matured sooner. Another replacement variety, C.P. (Canal Point) 48/103, was the earliest of the 1970 clones but needed a particu— larly fertile soil and more water than most. Thus, it was not as adaptable to Tucuman conditions. Normally the larger growers, as well as some small farmers, planted several varieties which differed in maturation time and other characteristics so the harvest period could be staggered to minimize the risk of crop failure. Four elements seem most important in the continual improvement of cane varieties for Tucuman: precocity (early maturation), resistance to frost, ability to grow with minimal water supply, and disease resistance. All characteristics are the subject of research at the Tucuman Agricultural Experiment Station. Planting the new varieties has resulted in greater sugar production per unit area, except during unusually 9Camara Gremial de Productores de Azucar, Censos, 1961 and 1971. 10Personal interview with Prof. C. Santamarina, Tucuman, July 24, 1970. 106 severe and early winters.ll Tucuman in 1969, for example, obtained a total average yield of 3,700 kilograms per hectare and showed a general upward trend, but that was still less than one—third of the yields reported in Jujuy (Tables 10, 11 and 12). It is in field production that Tucuman compares least favorably with the two northern provinces. Yields increased slowly following elimination of the Sugar Regulating Fund in 1958, but there are still some obstacles to yields comparable with those of Salta and Jujuy. Factory yields on the other hand increased consider— ably during the 1960's in Tucuman and now approach those of the Ngggg. Experiments have shown that Tucuman is capable of producing as much sugar per unit area as the supposedly more favored areas of Salta and Jujuy.l2 The land tenure system is particularly important in explaining current low yields, but changing harvest techniques and methods also have affected overall produc— tion patterns in Tucuman. Capital intensive harvesting methods are gradually being introduced on the large farms and ingenio lands of the province. In fact, there appears llThree productivity measures are normally quoted: l) tonnage of useable cane produced per hectare, 2) factory yield of sugar, in kilograms per ton of cane, and 3) total yield, obtained by multiplying the two previous measures and stated in tons of sugar per hectare. l2Experiments undertaken by the Tucuman Agricultural Experiment Station and by INTA (Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria) in various sections of Tucuman province. 107 TABLE 10 AGRICULTURAL YIELDS OF SUGAR CANE IN TUCUMAN, SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES: 1960-1972 Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province (Tons of cane per hectare) 1960 34.4 70.6 82.9 1961 33.4 75.3 80.6 1962 39.7 63.4 81.5 1963 44.7 78.8 83.5 1964 41.9 72.7 95.3 1965 46.7 66.1 105.9 1966 34.0 74.7 98.0 1967 34.6 53.6 81.7 1968 35.7 62.2 110.7 1969 38.8 53.9 120.5 1970 40.2 62.1 105.5 1971 35.9 58.2 82.5 1972 41.8 71.5 111.3 Source: Based on data from the Centro Azucarero Argentino TABLE 11 FACTORY YIELDS OF SUGAR IN TUCUMAN, SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES, 1960—1972 Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province (Kilograms of sugar per 100 kilograms of cane) 1960 7.46 10.06 9.96 1961 6.67 9.28 8.39 1962 7.65 9.54 9.56 1963 8.51 10.74 9.96 1964 7.69 10.06 9.58 1965 8.62 11.09 10.89 1966 8.85 10.54 10.20 1967 8.04 10.38 11.26 1968 9.78 11.69 11.90 1969 9.58 11.10 10.42 108 TABLE ll-—Continued Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province (Kilograms of sugar per 100 kilograms of cane) 1970 9.14 10.50 11.12 1971 9.29 10.66 11.18 1972 9.59 10.95 11.16 Source: "E1 azucar Argentino en cifras: Zafra 1972" La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, December 1972. TABLE 12 SUGAR YIELDS PER HECTARE IN TUCUMAN, SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES, 1960-1972 Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province (Tons of sugar per hectare) 1960 2.6 7.0 8.3 1961 2.2 6.9 6.8 1962 3.0 6.0 7.8 1963 3.8 8.2 8.4 1964 3.2 7.3 9.1 1965 4.0 7.3 11.5 1966 3.0 6.8 10.0 1967 2.8 5.6 9.2 1968 3.5 7.3 13.2 1969 3.7 6.0 12.5 1970 3.7 6.5 11.7 1971 3.3 6.2 9.2 1972 4.0 7.8 12.5 Source: Based on data from the Centro Azucarero Argentino. 109 to be some mechanization taking place that can not really be justified on a cost-benefit basis.l3 Mechanical loading of cane is fairly widespread while mechanical cutting, which was initiated at San Pablo ingenio about 1964, is infrequently used to-date. For most of the small and medium-sized operations, labor intensive methods seem most applicable but the trend is definitely toward increased mechanization. Structural Change The organizational structure of the industry has been altered substantially, especially in the past decade. Traditionally, some formal grouping or more subtle COOperation has occurred among factory owners, chiefly to exert more effective control over the industry. For example, CAT (Compafiia Azucarera Tucumana) included three Tucuman mills, while the Nougues family at one time controlled two mills in Tucuman, one in the Litoral and extensive cane lands in Salta. This traditional "free- enterprise" system was disrupted in 1970 with the exprop- riation of several mills by the national government, which occurred just four years after the forceable closing of seven mills within the province. On May 20, 1970, the government took over the three CAT mills and established a government agency to operate them. Seven months later, in l3Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnéstico, p. 82. 110 December, 1970, two additional factories were added to the list administered by CONASA (Corporacién Nacional Azucarera, S.A.).lu The official justification for this action was to rescue financially troubled institutions from potential bankrupcy. This would also save hundreds of jobs for the province, which was important since Tucuman has a much higher unemployment rate than that of any other province of the country.15 Although the primary objective quoted for the creation of CONASA was a social one, the economic justification must have played a significant role as well. Expropriation has meant that the government is now the largest producer of sugar in the province. This situation has obvious and potentially dangerous implica- tions for the industry, but problems to date have been minimal. Changes have also transpired in the labor sector of the industry. A relative transposition of influence occurred as the number of small producers was officially reduced. Since the quotas of more than 7,000 small cane farmers were eliminated, the union representing the minifundista (UCIT) declined greatly in importance l”The expropriated mills of CAT included La Florida, Santa Rosa and La Trinidad. The two added later were Bella Vista and San Juan. 15Unemployment figures for Tucuman province were 14.7 percent in April, 1972, and 11.7 percent in October of the same year. Bank of London and South America Review, Vol. 7, No. 74, 1973, p. 52. 111 following 1966. The union encompassing the larger cane growers (CACTU) has gained in influence as a result. Each element in the Tucuman sugar industry seems to have gained an effective voice during the 1960's. This is not to say that each is fully or fairly represented in decision making relevant to the industry, but a greater participation by all sectors does seem a relatively new characteristic of the sugar industry. Industrial Expansion in Salta and Jujuy The area devoted to sugar cane in Salta and Jujuy has increased slowly, while overall sugar production has expanded more rapidly. The industry in these two provinces is dominated by three large sugar mills, but two smaller mills are also in operation.16 The mills have remained unchanged in number and location since 1919 when the northernmost and newest ingenio, San Martin de Tabacal, came into production. They include the oldest continuously Operating mill in the country, San Isidro, and the largest in both capacity and production, Ledesma. The industry in the Norte has remained concentrated in few hands, and in many reSpects sugar has continued as a frontier crop on the periphery of each province. The region as a whole, however, has consistently gained in production and l6In Jujuy, La Esperanza and Ledesma are large while Rio Grande is medium—sized in capacity. In Salta, San Martin is large and San Isidro is a small mill. 112 importance at the national level. During the traumatic period of the middle 1960's in Tucuman, the sugar industry in Salta and Jujuy gained impetus, but gradually. Slow evolution rather than drastic change is the key phrase for the Norte. Spatial Change The sugar area of the figrte_has remained relatively stable and is focused on the five ingenios of the region. The events of 1966 in Tucuman, however, did effect some change in the northern sugar zones. A decrease in area and production occurred immediately after the 1966 policy change, but the trend has been generally upward since then (Table 7, p. 91). The mills of the flgrt§_grow on their own land most of the cane they grind, and the major increases in area, therefore, have been associated with the ingenios. All of the mills in Salta and Jujuy expanded their crop— land after 1966, although the three largest were best able to invest in additional sugar cane. Cane plantings here require a heavy capital investment since all of the crop must be irrigated. This in effect limited expansion to areas accessible to a reliable source of water and to growers of considerable financial means. The larger mills, qualified on both counts,took advantage of the decreased acreage in Tucuman by increasing their own cane land. Map 12 shows the cropland surrounding Ingenio La Esperanza and indicates areas of recent expansion and clearing. 113 MAP I2 CHANGES IN SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION, INGENIO LA ESPERANZA, JUJUY: I965—I970 SUGAR CANE CI OTHER CROPS MAJOR ROAD E 174;; RAILROAD E OIL aIGAs PIPELINE E '. INGENIO lA ESPERANZA E INGENIO GROUNDSIauIIdIng,CamIIaI NON—USED RIVER BANK 7/////A “WE. E “I 34%} "" a: E - ‘ o ,~«~......, ..... _.._-naive“ I" .& ~ufl|‘=::u ------- Al... I‘ _ I“ - -.§~ .. lllllll ..... ".- Sourco: Plano do In finals do Ingenio lo Elporanza, (Ingenio La Esporanza, Juiuy: I967) ///// 4” I970 vw‘N ‘ /fi’4« ”\‘“\\\ . fig 5 I I ‘7 \\ .=:- “I": mu g“ " flaw ‘" ,, * lill'llllllllllfi’gt g \ ' ‘32:: '5 fl‘ gala; 4.1- ~~ - ~ \ufi Vk“—- (A AIR FIELD 4 'z —= ‘ IIIIIIIIII o 11a During this study period several mills were clearing forest land, or monte, to further expand their cropland. For example, in 1970 San Martin de Tabacal was in the process of clearing about 1,000 hectares.17 This expansion can be seen clearly in the increased area planted to cane in 1971 and 1972 (Table 7, p. 91). An estimated thirty to thirty—five independent growers form part of the industry in Salta and Jujuy. Indications are that most of them expanded cultivation to the best of their ability from 1965 to 1970 but accounted 18 for a very small part of total production. Production Change An increase in sugar production characterized the Morte during the past decade. This trend is shown in Table 13. The great variation in factory capacities is also notable, as is the considerable increase in production in 1971 and 1972. Field yields of cane are much higher in the M9333 than in Tucuman (Table 10, p. 107). Factory yields are also higher, as efficient factory operations and effective coordination between the cutting of cane and the actual l7Personal interview with Ing. Jim Lord, Ingenio San Martin de Tabacal, Salta, March 19, 1970. 18Conversation with Ricardo Leach, cane grower and former part owner of Ingenio La Esperanza, San Pedro de Jujuy, July 18, 1970. 115 .mmmalmmma “whopmo:N< mflhpmSUQH mg ”oopsom sma,wfim mzo,:HH mmm,om mmonnq oms,omm smm.mm msmfi :©:,mmm omo,am owm,qa Hmm,mm mmznfimfi amp,mm HAQH Am:.mmm Ohm,om :mmnma mpm,wm mmo.omH mmm,om osmfi www.mmm amm,aw soo.sa mmm,mm mo:,osfi Amm,mm mmmfi mum,:sm mma.mw mfio,mfi wmm.mm mmm.fimfi :mm.fim mesa oomnsam Hum.:m mm>.HH mmw.om omm.mma Ho:,mm Amma mom.mmm mms,ms www.mfi Hm:.mm mm:.msfi m:m.mm mesa Awm.:o: sz,zm mom,mH mom.mm mo:.mmH mmm,op mmmfi :mw.smm :wH,ow Hms.mfi mmm,mm mmfi.mmfi sfiw.mm smma om:.fimm mmm.om mmm,mH mas.sm smm.msfi mom.fim mmmfl AmOHHx pm: mo m.OOOHv Hmpoe Qmemz cam opoflmH :mm mpcmmw owm mamoomq mwswmmdmm m4 ammw spasm mamSh mmmalmwma AmmOZH>Omm wbhbh 92¢ mmmFImeF .mm omhumnmmnmozH>oma zmonmzm m mm m4moea cowoomawo newssoskv womF mwamzumaoaom mpmmzucm .mOTmeumpmm we _mwocw>oga cowoowgwo “moaaom mmm.mm e—v.wm mwm.mm mmmRNm n¢¢._o me.mm nm¢.mm omm._m owm.m— wwmnmp omn.m~ mom.N_ _muOH no—nm Nmo.¢ mmw.o— mmmnmp _Fm.mm Nmm.mm MFm.om mmm.m omv mmm m—m wm_.F mmocw>oaa Lospo EOE; Nm¢._w mwm.vm Nwm.mm mmm.¢m mw—.wm mmm.mm emw.vm www.mP omm.m— mpo.m_ mow.m~ F¢—.m— cwazozk Eogm .omo .>oz .poo .pamm .m:< >sz mean as: .La<. .Lmz .nmm .cwn camwgo mom— .mqu>omm zmHHLDQ zH omHazooo mmmxmoz mm m4m