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”L IBRARY
Michigan State
University

. O A ‘ n“'
This is to certify that the.
,. i thesis entitled 1“

SH l FTI NG PATTERNS OF SUGARCANE
PRODUCTION IN NORTHWEST ARGENTINA

presented by

D’W’b H.1'5‘g'b5/ES

 

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

PH.D. degreein GEOGRAPHY

 

     

Major professor

 

0-7639

 

H Mar-=5

 

 

1" k U ‘_'
\ \ ABSTRACT

SHIFTING PATTERNS OF SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION

IN NORTHWEST ARGENTINA

by

David M. Jones

This study constitutes a comparative regional
analysis of the two major sugar producing areas of Argentina,
namely Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy. During the late 1960's an
apparent shift occurred in sugar cane production northward
from Tucuman to Salta and Jujuy. The objectives of the
research were to determine the nature and extent of the
areal shift in sugar production within these provinces, to
isolate and weigh the factors contributing to this situation,
and to analyse the effects. Features studied and compared
in each area include: 1) physical conditions affecting
production, such as water availability, soil characteristics,
frost frequency and sun hours; 2) socio—historical factors,
including land tenure systems, differences in population
density and labor problems; 3) economic factors, such as
production and processing techniques, transportation
facilities, marketing arrangements, and capital availa—

bility; and A) government policies affecting the industry.

The research period in Argentina extended from
October, 1969, through August, 1970. Residence was estab—
lished in San Miguel de Tucuman, but about forty-five days
were spent in Salta and Jujuy. Within the study areas the
principal techniques used in data collection were personal
interviews, air photo interpretation, the study of published
documents, and direct observation. The producing areas were
delimited and mapped, and historical documents, interviews
and personal notation revealed changes in land use patterns.
A grid system of sampling allowed selective direct compari—
sons with data from 1965, a year of maximum cane cultivation.
Interviews with about 110 cane farmers and more than fifty
farm and factory workers were recorded. In addition, the
sugar mills, twenty—one in number, were Visited and data
regarding each were collected from interviews with repre—
sentatives of factory management.

Evidence of a shift in production after 1966 was
overwhelming. Seven sugar mills in Tucuman province
closed after the 1966 harvest season, and between 1965 and
1969 a total of eleven mills were shut down. Total sugar
acreage in Tucuman was reduced by about 120,000 hectares,
and about A0,000 persons became suddenly unemployed. The
planted areas most affected were the marginal lands
subject to severe frosts and the regions dominated by

minifundia. The immediate cause of this devastation was

 

government intervention in the industry in 1966 and

succeeding legislation. The conditions leading to these
actions, however, were long-standing and complex.

Salta and Jujuy have evolved into more effective
and efficient sugar producing areas than Tucuman. Agricul—
tural yields are higher, due chiefly to irrigation, more
intensive use of fertilizers and more effective sun hours.
Factory yields are likewise higher in the gorge, principally
a result of larger mills with more modern machinery and a
better field-to-mill movement of the harvested cane.

The size of holdings is a major drawback to
production in Tucuman. Even with the elimination of the

smallest sugar quotas many minifundia of less than fifteen

 

acres have continued to operate. The owners of these small
holdings could not take advantage of improved inputs because
of limited means. Thus, mechanization, irrigation and
fertilization were inhibited in much of Tucuman, and the
"primitive" methods used have mitigated against the develop-
ment of high quality cane and the rapid movement of the
harvest to the mills.

Effective organization and a strong economic base
characterize most mills of Salta and Jujuy. Individual mills
can be so described in Tucuman, but inefficiencies and
hesitant management are typical of many. Administratively,
the large northern mills are run like corporations with
efficiency and profit foremost. They also make better use

of sugar "wastes." The prime example of this was the large

Kraft factory in Ledesma, turning sugar cane bagasse into
paper.

The effects of government intervention and the
resultant shift in production most directly concern
Tucuman province. Official attention has been directed
toward agricultural and industrial diversification. The
marginal cane lands taken out of production have been planted
to more draught resistant crops such as sorghum. Nearly
all crops other than sugar cane have increased in acreage.
At the same time, an attempt has been made to attract new
industry to the province, but by 1970 the effort could be
judged as only moderately successful. In general, the
firms locating in the province have been small and have
little national outreach. Thus, the measures to reduce
dependency on sugar in Tucuman were positive but limited by
1970.

The landscape in 1970 reflected great changes in
Tucuman, with a decrease in cane emphasis, while there was
a strengthening and concentration of the sugar industry
in Salta and Jujuy. The forced decrease in sugar production
in Tucuman was conceived with "good" long-term goals in
mind. A better balance between the sugar producing regions
would be of benefit to the Northwest. In any event, it
seems clear that both Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy will continue

to be important sugar zones for many years to come.

SHIFTING PATTERNS OF SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION

IN NORTHWEST ARGENTINA

by

David Melvin Jones

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Geography

1975

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

LIST OF TABLES

PREFACE. . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION

Sugar in Latin America . . . . . . . . .
The Argentine Sugar Industry . . . . . . .
Problem and Objectives . . . . . .
Procedures

Related Research . .
II. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

Early Foundations: 1565-1820. . .
Rudimentary Production: 1821—1875

Foundation of a Modern Industry: 1876—1900.

Maturation Through Crises: 1901—1965.

Government Controls. . . . . . . . . .
Agro— technical Advances. . . . . . . .
Organizations

Changing Regional Patterns of
Cultivation and Harvest. . . . . . .
Current Developments: 1966-197A . . . . .

III. AGRO—TECHNICAL ASPECTS AND MARKETING

Planting and Cultivation
Harvesting . . . . . . .
Processing

Transportation and Storage
Consumption and Marketing.

11

Page

viii

xi

10
ll
14

17

18
2A

32
AS
A6
A9
51

57
62

67
68

71
81

86

TABLE OF CONTENTS——Continued

 

Chapter
IV. ANALYSIS OF INTER-REGIONAL CHANGE.

Areal Differentiation Within the Northwest
Industrial Consolidation in Tucuman.
Spatial Change
Production Change
Structural Change ,
Industrial Expansion in Salta and Jujuy.
Spatial Change
Production Change,
Structural Change,
Present Conditions

V. PHYSICAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE.

Production Differences Between Regions
Yields
Productivity .

Climatic Influences.
Precipitation.

Temperature.
Other Factors Related .to Climate

Edaphic Influences

VI. SOCIO—HISTORICAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE.

Demographic Characteristics.
Land Tenure
Property Size.
Land Ownership
Labor.
Organizational Factors

VII. ECONOMIC FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE.

Historical Perspective
Production Efficiencies.
Field Efficiencies
Property Size.
Technology
Labor
Factory Efficiencies
Administrative Factors
Foreign Influence.

iii

Page
88

88

9O

92
102
109
111
112
11A
117
118

120

121
121
122
123
123
128
131
135

1A0

1A0
1A7
1A8
152
155
159

163

163
167
168
168
175
177
177
185
187

TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued

 

Chapter Page
VIII. GOVERNMENT FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE. . . . 189
Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . 189

Current Government Regulations . . . . . . 192

Current Government Programs. . . . . . . . 197
Industrial Transformation. . . . . . . . 199
Agricultural Diversification . . . . . . 205

IX. EFFECTS PRODUCED BY CHANGE . . . . . . . . . 213

Land Use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Sugar Cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214

Other Crops. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Productivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218

Sugar Cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218

Other Crops. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

Industrial Activities. . . . . . . . . . . 221

Sugar Industry . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221

Other Industries . . . . . . . . . . . . 222

Labor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22A

Sugar Cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22A

Other Crops. . . . . . . . . . . . 226

Industrial Opportunities . . . . . . . 227

Synthesis of Changing Landscapes . . . . . 228

X. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. . . . . . . 230
Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
Recommendations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2A3

APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

iv

Figure

\OCDNTCh

10.

11.

12.

13.

1A.
15.
16.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Traditional Wooden Trapiche.

Organizational Elements of the Argentine
Sugar Industry

Cane Area Harvested in Tucuman and Salta-Jujuy
Provinces, 1900-1973

Sugar Production in Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy
Provinces, 1900-1973

Agricultural Calendar for Sugar Cane in Tucuman
and Salta—Jujuy Provinces.

Zafreros Arriving in Tucuman Province.

Working Cargadero in Tucuman Province.

 

Manual Harvest of Sugar Cane
Manual Loading of Sugar Cane

Mechanized Loading of Sugar Cane in Salta
Province . . . . . . . . . . .

Mechanized Piling of Sugar Cane, La ESperanza,
Jujuy. .

Field- to— Mill Transfer of Cane by Rail, Jujuy
Province . . . . . . . . .

Field— to— Mill Transfer of Cane by Truck, Jujuy
Province . . . . . . . . .

Abandoned Sugar Cane Field in Tucuman Province
Abandoned Ingenio in Tucuman Province.

Frost Line in Cane Fields of Tucuman Province—
West

Page
23

53

59

59

68
72
72
77
77

78

78

80

80
.103

.103

.132

Figure

17.

18.

Map

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS-~Continued

 

Frost Line in Cane Fields of Tucuman Province—
East. . . . . . . . . . .

Peak Labor Demands for Selected Crops in
Tucuman Province.

Argentina
Areas of Sugar Cane Production in Argentina

Spanish Settlements and Trade Routes in La
Plata and Peru.
Sugar Mills of Northwest Argentina: 1750

Sugar Cane Cultivation in Tucuman Province,
Argentina: 1870.

Sugar Cane Cultivation in Salta and Jujuy
Provinces, Argentina. . . . . . . . . . . .

Current Sugar Mills of Northwest Argentina.

Sugar Mill Closings in Tucuman Province: 1965-
1970. . . .

Changes in Sugar Cane Production,
Tucuman: 1965-1970

Simoca,

Changes in Sugar Cane Production, Juan B.
Alberdi, Tucuman: 1965-1970.

Changes in Sugar Cane Production, Tucuman
Province: 1965—1970.

Changes in Sugar Cane Production, Ingenio La

Esperanza, Jujuy: 1965—1970. . . . . . . .
Average Annual Precipitation: Tucuman
Province.
Average Annual Precipitation:

Northwest
Argentina . . .

vi

Page

132

211

19
21

28

31
65

94

97

98

99

113

125

126

Map

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS--Continued

 

Elevation and Sugar Cane Production in
Tucuman Province. . . . . . . . . . .

Soils and Sugar Cane Production in Tucuman
Province. . . . . . . . . . . . .

Population Distribution in Tucuman Province:

1966. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Selected Urban Centers in Sugar Areas of North—
west Argentina.

Planned Factory Locations in Tucuman
Province: 1970

vii

Page

134

137

142

144

201

Table

10.

11.

12.

13.

LIST OF TABLES

Distribution of Sugar Mills in Tucuman
Province, 1870—1897.

Number and Distribution of Cane Growers in
Tucuman Province, Selected Years, 1874-

1895

Total Cultivated Area and Area in Sugar Cane
in Tucuman Province, Selected Years,

1872-1895.

Sugar Cane Area in Northwest Argentina,
Selected Years, 1872—1895.

Sugar Imports into Argentina, Selected Years,

1870—1895.
Average Effective Cane Milling Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy Provinces, Selected Years, 1965-

1973

Sugar Area and Production in Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy Provinces, 1962/63—1971/72

Changes in Sugar Cane Production, Tucuman
Province, 1965-1970.

Sugar Cane Varieties in Cruz Alta Department,
Tucuman Province, 1960 and 1970. .

Agricultural Yields of Sugar Cane in Tucuman,
Salta and Jujuy Provinces, 1960—1972

Factory Yields of Sugar in Tucuman, Salta and
Jujuy Provinces, 1960—1972

Sugar Yields per Hectare in Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy Provinces, 1960—1972

Sugar Production in Salta and Jujuy Provinces,

1963—1972.

viii

Page

36

37

41

43

44

82

91

100

104

107

107

108

115

LIST OF TABLES--Continued

 

Table Page

14. Field Yields of Sugar Cane in Northwest
Argentina, 1968—1972. . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

15. Sugar Output per Hectare in Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy Provinces, 1968—1972. . . . . . . . 123

16. Number of Yearly Freezes and Minimum
Temperatures at Selected Cane Sites in
Tucuman, Salta and Jujuy Provinces. . . . . . 129

17. Population Characteristics of Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy Provinces, 1960 . . . . . . . . . . 141

18. Selected Urban Centers of the Sugar Cane
Areas of Tucuman, Salta and Jujuy Provinces . 141

19. Growth of Population and the Sugar Industry
in Tucuman Province, Selected Years, 1869-
1968. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145

20. Size and Number of Cane Holdings in Tucuman
Salta and Jujuy Provinces . . . . . . . . . . 153

21. Land Tenure Patterns in Cruz Alta and Rio
Chico Departments, Tucuman, 1970. . . . . . . 154

22. Workers Occupied in Cultivation and Harvest
in Tucuman Province, 1963 . . . . . . . . . . 156

23. Variation in Sugar Employment during Harvest
Months in Tucuman Province, Selected Years

1955-1969 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
24. Number and Composition of In enio Personnel

in Tucuman Province, 1966 . . . . . . . . 157
25. Personnel of Closed Mills in Tucuman

Province, 1966. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
26. Fuel Consumed in Sugar Mills of Tucuman,

Salta and Jujuy Provinces, 1969-1972. . . . . 166
27. Per Capita Consumption of Sugar in Argentina,

1950—1972 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

ix

Table
28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

LIST OF TABLES-4Continued

 

Size, Number, Production and Yields of Cane
Farms in Tucuman Province, 1964.

Comparison of Areas and Quotas of Small Cane
Growers in Tucuman Province, 1964 and 1969

Distribution of Quotas to Cafieros of Tucuman
Province, 1967—1969.

Productivity and Yields in Sugar Mills of
Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy Provinces, 1963 and

1969

Gross Productivity of Manpower in Mills of
Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy Provinces, 1963—

1969

Production and Workers in Sugar Mills of
Tucuman Province, 1963 and 1969.

Productivity of Workers and Factory Yields
in Tucuman Province, 1963 and 1969

Reduction in Sugar Quotas in Tucuman
Province, 1967

Industries Scheduled to Locate in Tucuman
Province, 1970

Percentage of Cultivated Area in Tucuman
Province Devoted to Sugar Cane, Selected
Years, 1937—1970 .

Area under Crops in Tucuman, Selected Years,

1937/38—1969/70.

Page

170

172

173

179

180

181

183

196

204

206

207

PREFACE

Prior planning is an essential part of any research
project and is doubly so when the field work is scheduled
for a foreign country. Many thanks are due my academic and
dissertation advisor, Dr. C. W. Minkel, for his personal
reconnaisance and in-country contacts that laid a firm base
for the study. The aid of my Guidance Committee (Dr. Robert
N. Thomas, Dr. Ian M. Matley, and Dr. Robert D. Stevens) in
the formulation of my proposal is also appreciated.

Attempts were made to secure the involvement and aid of
appropriate individuals in Argentina and a warm abrazo upon
arrival in Tucuman attested to the success of these efforts.

My wife Julie and I are indebted to many individuals
in Argentina for their friendship during our residence
there. The support and camaraderie of all members of the
Geography Department of the National University of Tucuman
were invaluable. Professors Teodoro R. Ricci, Estela B.
de Santamarina, Selva E. Santillan de Andrés and Enrique de
Jesus Setti were especially helpful. Professor Ricci was
my mentor and good friend and made two Yanguis feel like
members of his family. Don Mario Santamarina provided
experienced insights and useful contacts during the late
stages of the field work. Ing. Agr. Jorge A. Mariotti,

xi

 

 

 

professor of agronomy and expert on sugar cane, was a source
of many ideas and useful information. To Agr. Pablo Dragan,
of the Comission de Cartografia in Buenos Aires, go many
thanks for his assistance in attaining needed air photos.

Of special note is the friendship of the Bulacio family,
particularly Pedro and Marta, who shared many experiences
with us and made our stay extremely enjoyable.

The first three months in Argentina were personally
financed but our hope never faltered for some outside
funding. Perseverance was finally rewarded, as Ford
Foundation monies administered by the Latin American Studies
Center of Michigan State University provided sustenance for
the period from January through July of 1970. For this
financial aid, and to the people who made it possible, the
author is grateful. Particular mention should be made of
the support of Dr. John M. Hunter and Dr. C. W. Minkel.
Appreciation is also extended to the active Latino group
of the Geography Department and to the Paul C. Morrison
Latin American Research Fund of Michigan State University
for emergency financial help.

During the protracted period of analysis and
writing, support was provided by numerous individuals. The
staff of the Social Science Research Bureau at Michigan
State University and the geography faculty and staff at the
University of South Carolina were especially helpful. Dr.
Richard G. Silvernail and Dr. Julian V. Minghi, Heads

xii

 

 

 

 

 

of the Geography Department at South Carolina were
solicitous of my problems and aided in finding solutions.
All consideration was extended to facilitate my completion
of the dissertation. Cartographic work was ably done by
Mike Holland, Douglas McKay, Janice Jones and Jerry Ulrey,
who all spent long hours learning about the Argentine sugar
industry! The typing was capably handled by Mrs. Dot
Brabham and Mrs. Frances Blanton.

In the final stages of this study, the perseverance
of Dr. C. W. Minkel was notable. Throughout the research
period and thereafter the support of my family was
unstinting. Special appreciation is due my wife, Julie,
for constant assistance in the field and subsequently during

the writing stage.

xiii

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Few commodities are as universally produced and
consumed as sugar. Total world demand currently reaches 84
million short tons, over double the figure of fifteen years
ago.1 Sugar growing and processing operations exist in
nearly every nation, and most countries consider it a matter
of national interest to maintain a defined level of local
production. Despite this general policy, exports of sugar
have averaged 40 percent of production since 1900.2 The
importance of sugar in world trade is notable as it accounts
for 7 to 9 percent, by value, of all agricultural products

3

exchanged.

 

lU.S. Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricul—
tural Service, World Agricultural Production and Trade:
Statistical Report (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, June 19743, p. 8.

 

 

2International Sugar Council, The World Picture,
Vol. II of The World Sugar Economy: Structure and Policies
(London: International Sugar Council, 19637, p 134.

 

 

3U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research
Service, World Trade in Selected Agricultural Commodities,
Foreign Agricultural Economic Report No. 44 (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, June 1968), p. v.

 

 

 

 

Although sugar is produced in most parts of the
world, the crops cultivated for sucrose accumulation are
limited in number. Sucrose (sugar) exists in some quantity
in every green plant, but sugar cane and sugar beets are
the most efficient converters and are the most widely used
crops commercially. In addition to these dominant sources,
various palm species, the maple tree, sorghum and maize are
of purely local significance and do not appear in inter—
national sugar statistics. Cane usually provides between
55 and 60 percent of world sugar production (59 percent in
1969/70), while beet sugar represents the remaining 40 to
45 percent.“

The extraction of sugar from beets was a relatively
late but very successful development. The experiments
leading to commercial production occurred in Germany and
Austria-Hungary in the late 1700's, but cultivation lagged
until about 1800. By the middle of the nineteenth century
a thriving industry existed in numerous European nations,
and the corresponding industry in the United States was
firmly established by 1880.5 Limited to temperate climates,
the sugar beet opened vast new areas to the possible produc-

tion of sugar. The more highly developed nations of the

 

“Bank of London & South America Review, Vol. 5,
No. 49, January 1971, p. 58.

 

5International Sugar Council, The World Picture,
p. 14.

 

 

 

3

northern hemisphere became less dependent upon tropical
regions for this product, but cane sugar remained a dominant
item of trade.

The natural home of sugar cane is believed to be
New Guinea and nearby islands in the South Pacific. The
earliest evidence of processing sugar from cane, however,
dates from 1500 B.C. and indicates northeastern India as
the hearth. From this beginning the cultivation of cane
spread slowly. The product did not become generally known
until about 400 A.D. and remained a luxury item well into
the eleventh century.6 Cane did not reach the "western"
world until the Arabs introduced it into the Mediterranean
Basin, where its success was only partial. During the
fifteenth century, cane production shifted to the more
favorable habitats of the Portuguese islands of Madeira and
Sao Tomé and the Spanish—ruled Canary Islands. Sugar
enjoyed sufficient popularity and demand at this time so
that cane stock accompanied most of the early explorers and

settlers to the New World.

Sugar in Latin America
Sugar cane was the first plantation crop brought by
Europeans to the Americas. Columbus introduced cane to the

island of Hispaniola on his second voyage, in 1494, and it

 

6Ibid., p. 3.

 

 

 

 

was found to thrive in its new surroundings.7 From this
foothold the crop spread rapidly to the other islands and
then to the mainland of Middle and South America. Thirty
years after successful establishment in Hispaniola, "sugar
cane was being so widely grown that the islands of the
Caribbean were called the 'sugar islands'."8 While the
Spanish explorers and colonists were dispersing sugar cane
throughOut propitious sections of their domain, the Portu—
guese introduced it to Brazil in 1500 and began sugar ship—
ments to Lisbon by mid—century. The European market became
dependent upon the West Indies and other New World terri-
tories to satisfy a growing sweet tooth. In addition to the
renowned mineral wealth of the Americas, trade ships carried
sugar, molasses, and other agricultural products to Europe,
and slaves often filled the ships on the return trip.

The productive capacity of the Latin American sugar
industry grew steadily throughout the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. By 1800 this region became the
world's leading producer and supplier of sugar.9 Then

followed years of rapid change and innovation in the

 

7W. R. Aykroyd, Sweet Malefactor (London: William
Heinemann Ltd., 1967), p. 15.

 

8Leslie C. Hurt, "Sugar: One of Latin America's
Oldest Assets," Foreign Agriculture, Vol. 5, No. 15,
April 10, 1967, p. 15.

 

9International Sugar Council, The World Picture,
p. 11.

industry. With the increasing competition of beet sugar,
added to problems engendered by emancipation, many cane
areas could not adjust to the new conditions. Other
producers, through forced consolidation and technological
advances, welcomed the advent of a modern industry. By the
late 1800's, the adaptations necessary for large—scale
production and processing had been introduced and Cuba
became the measuring stick of the tropical sugar industry.
In 1890, for instance, Cuba produced nearly 60 percent of
the total sugar harvest in the Americas and about 15 percent
of the world total.lO During the same year, South American
nations accounted for less than 20 percent of the regional
totals. The major change since the beginning of this
century is that South American production has risen to match
and surpass the Cuban total. In fact, during the early
1970's Brazilian sugar production alone has exceeded that

of Cuba.11 The Latin American countries following Brazil
and Cuba in importance, and producing over one million short
tons of sugar each, are Mexico, Argentina, the Dominican

Republic and Peru.12

lOIbid., p. 29.

11U.S. Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricul-
tural Service, Foreign Agricultural Circular — Sugar, FS
3-73 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,Emcember

1973), p. 5.

lZIbid.

 

 

The Argentine Sugar Industry

 

Argentina is probably best known for its beef cattle
and waving fields of wheat. Thus, it is surprising to note
its relative importance in the production of sugar from
cane, being surpassed within South America only by Brazil.
This fact helps to emphasize the overall size, north -
south extent, and corresponding diversity of this, the
world's eighth largest country (Map 1).

The cultivation of sugar cane historically has been
concentrated in the Northwest of Argentina, which offers the
advantages of a subtropical climate and a relative abundance
of water for irrigation (see Map 2). The Litoral, including
land bordering the Parana River, also contains areas of cane
cultivation but is of minor importance compared with the
Northwest.

The zone centering immediately upon San Miguel de
Tucuman offers unique advantages for sugar cane within the
Argentine Northwest. The high Sierra de Aconquija rises
just west of the city and intercepts the prevailing westward
flow of air. The resulting precipitation on the Sierra and
the snowfields at higher elevations in the Andes provide
a constant water supply for streams which serve the Tucuman
area. The water of these permanent rivers supplements the
substantial but irregular rainfall received in Tucuman and
prevents crop failure due to drought. To the east, rainfall

and the water available from streams decrease rapidly.

 

 

 

 

 

 
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Wu

 

 

 

 

MAP 2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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\.. .../~H\. :....II. v _ n. x.
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..\/.. ..\ fill-..., . \.. \
x..\ F ........... L vaNTNQm ...:IlI...../.\

 

 

<Z_h2m0¢< z. ZO_._.UDOO¢._ m.Z<U «(0.5 “_O m<m¢<

 

 

Illu‘ll‘l

 

Frost—free conditions are found within a thirty—
five mile radius of the city of Tucuman, and winter tempera—

tures are modified at this location by a persistent cloud

cover.13 In addition, fields near the base of the mountains
are protected by air drainage across the sloping alluvial
:fans. Farther eastward the occurrence of frost increases

rnarkedly.
The province of Tucuman traditionally has been

Essfnonymous with sugar production in Argentina and has at
tsznes contributed more than 80 percent of the national total.

Vquth more than 50 percent of its cultivated area devoted to
EEIJggar cane, the province provides a prime example of a one—
The heavy demands for labor in the sugar

<3 Pep economy .
i—rjxiustry have resulted in one of the most dense concentra-

t3li_c>ns of rural population in all of Latin America.
During recent years a shift in sugar cane production

r1<:>:thhward to the Salta and Jujuy area has occurred, which
i‘ If‘ continued may have a serious effect upon the economy of

qu—l-C1uman.lu

The proportion of national cane production in
ES'Eal-lllta and Jujuy provinces increased from 28 to 38 percent

h><3>‘t:ween 1962/63 and 1968/69, while that of Tucuman fell
"The number of sugar mills in

PI‘ Qm 66 to 58 percent.

Latin America, 4th ed. (New

l3Preston E. James,

The Odyssey Press, 1969), p. 611.

The Salta—Jujuy area is referred to locally 35
The sugar lands which occupy joined river

It.<3>3?k:
14

the Norte .
‘\reilleys are called the Ramal.

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIn.__________________________________________ __1__ .1

10
"a

' )

Tucuman was reduced from 27 in 1966 to 19 in 1967
15
There are now only

drastic decrease in a single year.
sixteen active mills within the province, and other closings

It is hoped that this study of the phenome-

seem imminent.
non will contribute to an understanding of current condi—

‘tions in Northwest Argentina and aid in development planning.

Problem and Objectives

This study constitutes a comparative regional

Eirlalysis of the two major producing areas of Argentina,
The general objectives

Ileinuely Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy.
1) to pursue an academic and practical problem of

511?€3:
E§€3<>graphical merit and 2) to provide a report useful for
The

I) 3.51nning purposes within the Republic of Argentina.
ELIJJthor has sought to determine the nature and extent of
t317163 areal shift in sugar production, to isolate and weigh
t;lflee factors contributing to this situation, and to analyze
gg<E> C>graphica11y the effects upon the two regions concerned.
Ij171.62 working hypothesis was that the shift northward is
Q'lfllniefly a function of technological differences between the

I3<E> Eggions, in turn affected by distinct land ownership

E>EEL‘t:terns.
Features studied and compared in each area include:
physical factors affecting production, such as water

1)
2.

 

15Bank of London and South America Review, Vol.
506.

N9 - 21, September 1968, p

 

 

11

availability, soil characteristics, frost frequency, and
elevation; 2) socio—historical factors, including land

tenure systems, differences in population density, labor
problems, and historical evolution of the sugar industry;

3) economic factors, such as production and processing
isechniques, transportation facilities, marketing arrange—
rnents and costs, and capital availability; and, 4) govern—
Ineent policies affecting the industry.

Procedures
A survey of relevant literature and interviews with
Ptrjrbwledgeable persons at Michigan State University were
C=C>ricluded prior to departure for Argentina. In addition,

C3C>Prespondence with interested professionals and appro-
Added insights,

FDIK’:iate agencies in Argentina was initiated.
E>'<:>t:ential comparisons, and valuable training for the study
“T<EE:I°e gained in a one—week field problem concerning the
S§‘—1-ggar industry of the Dominican Republic, completed as an
i‘ITl‘tzegral part of the Ph.D. program. Spanish language
I‘:1‘1_1.ency was indispensible and had been achieved through

F)3:T'<E>vious residence and research in Latin America.
The research period in Argentina was from mid—

C)<:= 1:;ober, 1969, through August, 1970. ”Permanent residence”

VrEEL Es established in San Miguel de Tucuman, the center of the

IrIESL4j or sugar producing area. Several trips, totaling about

fTC>2Pty-five days, were made into the Salta—Jujuy area

‘

 

12

The bibliographical work was continued and inten—
sified with the author's arrival in Tucuman. Contacts were
made with the Department of Geography at the National
University of Tucuman, which offered full cooperation, work
space, and materials. The technical and administrative
staff of the School of Agronomy professed great interest
in the research plans and offered technical assistance.
Likewise, the agricultural experiment station of Tucuman
province provided library facilities and advice. Other
appropriate agencies were visited, both to gather informa—
tion and to establish working relationships.

Within the study areas the principal techniques
used in data collection were personal interviews, air photo
interpretation, the study of published documents, and
direct observation. Air photographs were available for
much of Tucuman province and, combined with field investi—
gation, were used to delimit and map the producing areas.
Historical documents were studied to determine changes in
the land—use patterns. Statistics based upon the smallest
political units, departamentos, were gathered and used to
the extent possible (See Appendix).

The identification and analysis of change in the
producing areas were handled through air photo analysis,
published studies, and personal observation and mapping.

A census of sugar cane growers had been undertaken in 1960,

and another was underway in 1970. These aided in

 

 

 

 

l3

differentiating changes within the departamentos. In
addition, air photo coverage pertaining to a period of
maximum expansion (1965) was available for most of the area.
A grid system of sampling allowed direct comparison of this
historical information with current patterns.

Analysis of the physical factors was accomplished
through field observation, air photo interpretation, and
interviews. Government agencies were contacted for techni—
cal information, and fairly detailed soils, hydrologic, and
climatic data were gathered. This information was applied
in greater detail in the analysis of selected sample areas.

Personal interviews and library research were the
primary means of investigating the socio—historical factors.
Approximately 160 interviews with individual growers and
farm and factory workers were recorded with the use of
prepared interview schedules. The evolution of land tenure
was also investigated, and labor migration patterns were
outlined.

Important insights into economic conditions affect—
ing the industry were obtained by interviewing sugar mill
owners and operators. Each mill, twenty—one in total, was
classified according to production efficiency to determine
areal variations. Transportation and marketing procedures
were observed at all stages in the process. Capital
resources available to the producer were checked by inter—

views on the farm and at the banks. Technological changes

 

 

14

and their effects on the industry were determined chiefly
at the individual farm level.

Government officials and university personnel were
contacted for insights into current public policies
regarding the sugar industry. The Tucuman newspapers also
proved to be invaluable sources of information concerning
current government positions, as was the monthly sugar
industry journal.

The effects of change in the production zones were
determined chiefly through direct observation and personal
interviews. Industrial and agricultural diversification
efforts were documented and mapped, as were other important
areal trends.

Problems relevant to each aspect of the investi—
gation were noted, and recommendations were formulated for
inclusion in this report. It is anticipated that the study
will be published in English as a doctoral dissertation at
Michigan State University and in Spanish as a number in the
Geography Monograph Series of the National University of

Tucuman.

Related Research
Little current information directly related to the
sugar industry of Northwest Argentina was found prior to
initiation of field research. Production figures and
general historical data were available but could be used

Only to indicate broad trends. United States Department of

IIIIIIIIII------------------------------a

 

 

 

15

Agriculture publications, plus International Sugar Council
information, were most helpful but specific analytical
studies were lacking. In the geographical literature, the
region and the industry have been covered chiefly in
broadly—based regional books.

Upon the author's arrival in Argentina an "informa—
tion explosion" was experienced, particularly related to
Tucuman. Pertinent Spanish language publications unavail-
able in Michigan appeared throughout the research period.
Several complete historical accounts of the sugar industry's
development provided a basis for understanding events
through the middle 1950's. Technical agronomic bulletins
and interpretive studies of crisis periods were available
through the agricultural experiment station of Tucuman
province and the agronomy school of the university. An
active Institute of Economic Investigations had available
several well delimited studies on economic aspects of the
industry. Human aspects had not been neglected, either, as
several recent articles by sociologists attempted to analyze
social structure in the Tucuman sphere. The geography staff
of the National University of Tucuman had published numerous
small articles about the sugar industry. The sugar
business so dominates the province that it would have been
difficult to find a person who was not connected with it in
some way, and myriad opinions concerning current problems

were expressed. Altogether, no lack of information sources

 

 

16

was encountered, although statistical coverage and census
materials were suspect.

On site the study developed into a problem of
integration and synthesis. A need for an "objective"
overview of the producing regions of the Northwest became

obvious, but this was also a very difficult assignment.

 

CHAPTER II

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

During the early colonial period, Northwest
Argentina was characterized by a diversified and nearly
self—sufficient agricultural economy. Explored and colonized
in the second half of the sixteenth century by Spaniards
crossing the Andes from Pacific Coast settlements, the
Northwest was the most highly developed area in Argentina
for nearly 200 years. Since this region held no easily
exploitable mineral wealth, and relatively small Indian
populations, it evolved as a supplier of such items as
cotton, rice, wheat, corn and livestock for the Andean
mining sites of Upper Peru (Bolivia) and Peru. The exten—
sive grasslands of the Pampas were ideal for raising the
necessary mules for the mines, while towns such as Santiago
del Estero, Tucuman, Salta, and Jujuy served as intermediate
points between the plains and the highland communities.

The advantages of an Atlantic port at Buenos Aires
finally gained official Spanish recognition in the early
1700's, and traffic between the coast and Upper Peru inten—
sified. With the increasing importance of external trade,
the balance of power within Argentina began to shift to the
coastal city. The towns located on the road from Buenos

l7

 

 

18

Aires to Peru continued to grow due to their positions as
trade centers (see Map 3). Goods traveled along the road
either in large wooden wagons, carretas, which were a
specialty of Tucuman, or by mules, which usually were bought
and sold in the large mule fairs of Salta. It was probably
by one of these means that imported processed sugar first
entered the Northwest and at such exorbitant prices that

experimentation with sugar cane was furthered.

Early Foundations: 1565—1820

 

Sugar cane stock was an early arrival to Argentina
but sugar remained a marginal crop for several centuries.
Numerous versions of its diffusion to Argentina seem equally
credible. One traces a route from Brazil to Paraguay with
Cabeza de Vaca in 1542, and shortly thereafter to Tucuman.
Another interpretation credits the conguistador Francisco
Aguirre with bringing cane from Chile to the Northwest in
1553. The Jesuit order is also frequently viewed as
responsible for introducing the plant, and Peru is postu—
lated as the source region. Whatever the origin and route,
sugar cultivation can be inferred by the late 1500's, when
a bishop residing in Tucuman brought Negro slaves from

Brazil to aid in working the cane.1

 

lHerbert Wilhelmy and Wilhelm Rohmeder, Die La
Plata—Iander (Hamburg: Georg Westermann Verlag, 1963),
p. 233. Early colonial plantings utilized a limited number
of black slaves, but the prime labor source was the native
Indian population. A limited number of imported blacks

 

 

MAP 3

 

SPANISH SETTLEMENTS AND TRADE ROUTES
IN LA PLATA AND PERU

f
Ocean Routes of“ The Empire

  

V

        

 

 

 
  
   

 

       
 
 
    

 

U _. Jujuy nsm ‘\.. -.
. ./ \ . L../
-. t. salmnsan \.. 1
\ ’- \ I
\ -A:unuon (1537) j
o~ ) ["I
3\ Tutumén 1
u .. (1565) _,
U /' P/J/
/' (uvnmouu ( 'V “r“
' llbl} omenlu ,
K / IISGBI H’-
) _r"
/
I .x'
..5 _.1'1,
j (,\.. \,
I . San Juan (Md 0|” J \ ,\
US$21 (1573) ./ \
./' "\
i 'k
.1 \

in proportion to amount of

Colonial trade routes shown
17th-18th century trade l

"”050 All“
Principal colonial towns (l5(36”l05)4ll
(dates indicate when founded)°
KILOMETEIS 50°

Present international
boundaries

_"““— 0

MILES 30°

 

 

 

SOURCE: James R. Scobie, ARGENTINA: A Cit and a Nation,
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p.52.

 

 

 

 

 

20

Small—scale garden plots of cane, mixed with a few
larger holdings, were typical well into the eighteenth
century. General problems of clearing forested land, a
lack of technical knowledge, poor varieties, and a marginal
Climate were the most likely limitations on sugar acreage.
The pattern of early cane plantings is difficult to recon—
struct, but it seems certain that in Tucuman the cane was
grown on lower mountain slopes near the capital city and
along streams where irrigation water could supplement rain—
fall. In Salta and Jujuy small plots were found along
suitable river valleys. Much of the cane at this time was
consumed in its natural state, the sugar content being
extracted by individuals chewing and sucking on the cane.

The major sustained interest in sugar cane culti—
vation was first assumed by the widely-spaced Jesuit
missions although numerous individuals also maintained small
cane fields. Missions in Tucuman (Lules) and Salta (Zenta—
Oran), as well as in sufficiently humid provinces bordering
the Rio de la Plata system, provided bases for limited
experimentation in cane growing and processing (see Map U).
By the late 1600's, a rudimentary sugar mill, or trapiche,
was installed in Lules for the processing of cane, while
another operated about the same time near the city of Jujuy.

The trapiches were heavy wooden cylinders, usually of

 

were also reported in 1779. Francisco De Aparicio, ed.,
La Argentina, suma de geografia, Vol. u (Buenos Aires:
Ediciones Geograficas Argentinas, 194“), p. 168.

 

¥_——_4_—____4

 

 

 

2],

MAP 4

 

SUGAR MILLS OF NORTHWEST ARGENTINA: I750

 

 

Area: of Sugar Cane Production

\s

Early Sugar Mill: O
Provincial Capilall_ * :1-
Provincial Boundarieu____ _ r,’

International Boundaries

KILOMITIIS
ID

a

 

50
mus

 

 

 

 

 

 

I
4‘}. j\
.'/ \V

..r
.,/
I

\.
..c’;
) \ ~ — — — r — 1

 

 

' \
\ \
./
w .
l.
x) \.
\ ) CATAMARCA
a _.<'
b '/
L J A
. \>
../ L x
\ /~
/ LA NOJA \V /\‘_/‘\
\

JUJUY ) \
( §ZENTA

Â¥ \ SAN SALVADOI

caunnca *

\

\ “£11m )
\ §PALPALA f

k
“\x /\ /f

r“ \/
AMPO SANTO
sun * \

SALTA

I
TUCUMAN \

_J
\ SAN mouu)
* a. Iucuman
I

 

/
/ SANTIAGO
del ESTERO

samuoo *
\ / \ I“ «I rsvno

IEDRA \

_ BLANCA |
I

I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

22

durable quebracho wood, which were rotated by mules or oxen
and served to squeeze the juice from the cane (see Figure 1).
From this simple mill a given volume of cane juice was
purified and marketed as gig; (sugar honey), and the
remainder was concentrated and slowly crystalized into a
crude sugar. In addition, the concentrated juice served as
the base for a sugar brandy, or aguardiente. This initial
small-scale industrialization of sugar was maintained at
Lules until 1767, when the Jesuits were expelled from all
Spanish territories.

With the expulsion of the Jesuits, the driving force
behind cane cultivation and processing was lost and cane
growth in Tucuman entered a short period of near eclipse.
The extent of this decline may be judged by the appearance
of a "myth" surrounding the cultivation of cane in the
province. It was widely stated that Tucuman was completely
unsuited for sugar cane. Indeed, it is maintained that cane
disappeared completely from the province, but this seems
unlikely.2

There is little doubt that limited cane cultivation
continued in various centers-in Salta and Jujuy provinces,
and some cane was also grown in Catamarca (see Map A). The
oldest permanent site of cane growing in Argentina is

considered to be Campo Santo, Salta. This center boasted

 

2Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias sobre el azucar en la
Ar entina (Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino,
l9 5 , p- 103.

 

 

 

 

23

 

Fig. l.——Traditional Wooden Tra iche

 

 

 

 

24

a trapiche in the 1790's, and the same family still main-
tains a cane operation there. The northern area of Salta,
surrounding the old Zenta mission, can claim even earlier
cultivation of the crop but permanence is uncertain. In
addition, the cane was not processed there but rather
consumed by individuals, as was also the case in Jujuy.
All efforts in Salta and Jujuy provinces during this period
were of limited nature, with little actual sugar produc—
tion, so claims to historical preeminance in the industry
seem dubious.3
All of the incipient developments in sugar cane
cultivation occurred against a backdrOp of relative prosper—
ity in the Northwest. The continued transportation func—
tions of the major settlements on the road between the two
Viceroyalties, Peru and Rio de La Plata, provided the
primary economic impetus. This commercial relationship,

however, was to change drastically with independence.

Rudimentary Production: 1821—1875

 

The Argentine independence movement, begun in 1816,
caused a complete disruption in the economy of the Northwest.
Since this area served as a battlefield for most of the
war's duration, 1810 to 1816, the entire countryside was
literally ravaged. Not only were vital resources depleted,
but connection with the most important commercial route of

the continent was broken. The trade route to Upper Peru

 

3Ibid., p. 338.

IIII=Z:;_________________________________________________,llllll

 

25

was severed and was to remain so.” Thus, a total reorienta—

tion was necessary for the Northwest, and the only logical

action was to cultivate closer ties with Buenos Aires. ;
This port city had gained in strength and importance during
the hostilities by attracting increased trade with other
nations. A prohibitive distance factor, plus a lack of
concern for the interior by the portenos, however, mitigated
against any extensive benefits for the Northwest.

The post—war transformation of the Northwest was

. f.\'\

effected chiefly through local initiative. The redevelop— é
ment of Tucuman, in particular, was closely tied with the

efforts and activities of one man, Dr. José Eusebio

Colombres. He was referred to as the Conqueror of Misery

(vencedor de la miséria) for the role he played in this

 

critical period. Bishop Colombres arrived in Tucuman in
1816 as a delegate from the neighboring province of
Catamarca to the Independence Congress and remained there.
Seeing the utter devastation and lack of direction of the
province he determined to do something about it.

A Tucumano by birth, Colombres studied for the
priesthood and obtained his doctorate in theology from the
University of Cordoba. In 1807 he was assigned to the
parish of Piedra Blanca in Catamarca where he came in

contact with Antonio Molas, owner of the largest sugar

 

A . .
Augusto M. Bravo, La industria azucarera en
Tucuman: Sus problemas sociales y sanitarios (Tucuman,

1966), p. 18.

 

 

26

operation of that time. Dating from the late 1700's, sugar
cane was processed there to juice, sugar and aguardiente.
Enough surplus was produced to export small quantities of

5 It

sugar to neighboring provinces, including Tucuman.
seems likely, then, that in the nine years spent in Piedra
Blanca Colombres acquired an interest in, and knowledge of,
this "exotic" crop.6

Whatever the source of his inspiration and planting
stock, Colombres did reinitiate the cultivation of cane at
a viable scale within the province. This in itself was
not an easy task as he had to fight the myth of unsuit—
ability and at the same time create some enthusiasm for
the crop. By 1820 he had installed a wooden trapiche on a
small property at the edge of San Miguel de Tucuman and was
freely distributing cane stock to interested persons. The
existing commercial vacuum in the province and the promise
of this "new" crop was such that cultivation expanded
rapidly. Mills increased from one in 1820 to seven in 1827,
thirteen by 1850 and twenty—four by the death of Colombres
in 1859. This growth in number of mills directly reflected
areal expansion, since nearly every grower was a processor

of his own cane. By 1859 sugar cane was planted in large

 

BSchleh, Noticias, p. 338.

6Jorge Alfonso Dominguez and Agustin Hervas,
Cooperativas agropecuarias de trabajo: Una alternativa de
solucidn para el problema Tucumano (Tucuman: Instituto
Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1970), p. 19.

 

 

27

expanses of Cruz Alta and to the south had won both margins
of the Lules River and was advancing toward Famailla
(Map 5).7 This evidence of success must have pleased
Colombres greatly. His promotion of the industry did not
go without official recognition, as Colombres was declared
a meritorious citizen through an 1839 law of the Tucuman
provincial congress:
To reward the important service that the citizen
Dr. José Colombres gave to his country, acclimating
sugar cane, promoting its cultivation, and providing
the first example of its elaboration to sugar and
aguardiente. With this he overcame a long standing
and destructive myth by demonstrating with experience
that Tucuman is apt for these products, and created
a rich industry, that notably and progressively
increased the public wealth... [This same act filso
made his farm free of taxes for twenty years].
The prior fabrication of sugar by Cornejo in Salta, Zegada
in Jujuy, and Molas in Catamarca did not lead to the
development that occurred following the initiative of
Colombres. He seems to truly deserve the title of Founder
of the Argentine Sugar Industry.
Expansion in acreage and number of mills continued
steadily after the death of Colombres. By 1870 an

enumeration in Tucuman showed forty—six ingenios, and sugar

had become the most important activity in the province in

 

zHoracio William Bliss, Evolucion econémica del
Tucuman, Cursillo de Historia del Tucuman (Tucuman, 1968),
p. 13.

 

8Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Facultad de
Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, La legislacién laboral en
Tucuman, Vol. 1 (Tucuman, 1969), p. 279.

 

 

 

 

 

28

MAP 5

 

SUGAR CANE CULTIVATION IN TUCUMAN, ARGENTINA: 1870

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

v -/ \
...»f "w <‘ k
.f 1 .
v "' I
1
. I \.
I
\ x \
. l .
1
\ TRANCAS \ BURRUYACU \
. \ .
f5 \ 5'
. : r“
./ I 1 l
/'\—-. / \1 1 .
r \r' x - 1
. \1 1! ,i4
"“ 1 / L r'
\ / [F’ /\
\_ ~\“K // L /_ \\ f,‘ I"-
, \x\ J \ \ L, ’r
k V r” \ ( “NJ \
. \ a ’
r I f ‘ .
. CAPITAL ‘
l TAFI }‘ 7 \
10 4' ”3
\ (1 SAN moon 3 ‘
‘ (”\J/ \\ a. mama-‘43. “$.28; .)
j ‘/.».\ v. ,1 -50. {5.1.2. cauz ALTA -
v./ \...~.\ I 1"..4X;7 ,, \
. 1
-1 I ‘
W. \ wuso ‘13‘1 _fl fl_,._ _.—\
, r——— '-
f g FAMAILLA \: ”w ,
. I *4 l
l ‘\
l \ \ 16‘ I
I Je i s ' (/ ‘T‘ o “nun.“ a
Z Joac’CoIombrea J ) | .
3 Cruz Alta . ) K \ [EALES )
«I Merredes ‘ \ \VA \
5 San Io .I/W\ f2 \\ \ .
s Concepcio’n ) \ \ \_>\ r
7 ElParauo ' \\ \\ nouvuoso \ _
B E D-
9 £533" [,r\ " MONTEROS w \ 1
IO San Jose’ / \\\ ,___~.,-.1—«\ l
11 Lakeduccio’n . \\l\ I ngngng .,-~"”\’ \\H ‘
12 AltodeAguin-e { ‘“\A‘ “’\14—K
I3 ujan . \
14 s“"““_"' ' (ONCIPUONO CHICUGASTA ,‘ '
15 SanFehpe ..AJ, .j
16 San Jose / ’P’fly\ /..\ 1 I 3
17 P: . /’\~\v~g~"“ 4 3 _____ ’ '
18 lndultria Argentina L F/ AOUILAIES /\ \
I9 ' ' ad '\ . \_ // ~/ \
20 SanJuan 1 ( , ,’ .
21 Invernada 'x r// \
22 Am“. 1 mo cmco \, .>
intimated Harvested Area — %//€; \ VILLA Allllol o / (
l.650 Hectares / ‘ GRANEROS “
Sugar Mill. , \ i/ \v -
\ I J
Provincial Capiul {1:1 , <3 r-\._4'
. . \ l A )
Pr ' ' 1c: _ \ . .
onucu x 1e: 0 'J \ ‘ / \.__’.
. . \ .
Department Boundaries _____ \ \ /.\ _/
Provincial Boundary -._._ ‘X \‘ \ I
n nonnus \ I
o n u u \ /
I: .
I: we In” an as H L-
SOURCE Complled by author
"I
—.. -_ u—Io-

 

 

 

29

9 Mills became diffused

terms of capital and employment.
throughout the province, varying in distance from two to
twenty kilometers from the capital city (Map 5).
Statistics of 1870 also indicate that Tucuman exported
considerable quantities of sugar and aguardiente to
neighboring provinces.lO

The political power of the planters in controlling
the movement of sugar within and outside the province was
already evident in 1834 when a tax was placed on sugar

entering the province from "outside.”11

This would appear
to be the earliest attempt at protecting the industry.

Most of the early expansion took place on a small
scale, with little innovation other than a gradual supplant-
ing of the wooden cylinders with metal ones. In the late
1850's, however, an attempt was made to adopt the most
modern processing techniques available. A citizen of
Tucuman, Don Baltazar Aguirre, acquired machinery in England
and, lacking money to unload and transport the heavy goods
to Tucuman, went into partnership with General Justo José'
de Urquiza. General Urquiza was president from 185“ to

1860 and was willing to back almost any enterprise to

 

lOSchleh, Noticias, p. 198.

llBliss, Evolucion, p. lu. Early imported sugar
was listed as de la tierra or de Castilla, depending upon
its arrival route by land from Upper Peru or by sea to
Buenos Aires, and was naturally very expensive. This tax
was most likely levied against either sugar from Salta or
coming in from Cuba.

Ii.IIIE::::____________________________________l_l

 

 

30

benefit the country. After the equipment had been in
transit for nearly two months by carreta to Tucuman, the
first mill to use modern machinery and processes became
operational in 1858. Continuing financial problems and
trouble with the water—powered mill plagued this attempt,
however, and the mill ceased to function scarcely ten years
after it began. Its well publicized troubles probably
hindered further attempts at modernization for a brief
period.

Expansion in the northern provinces of Salta and
Jujuy was much more limited than that in Tucuman. There,
production was concentrated along the Rio San Francisco and
in several other small valleys where conditions were
favorable (Map 6). "All sites in the provinces [Salta and
Jujuy] below 800 meters [2,62H feet] are considered apt for
cultivation of cane but especially the large valley of the
Rio San Francisco from Campo Santo to the Rio Bermejo."l2
By the early 1800's, the sugar produced in Salta met local
needs but did not advance much beyond that stage during
the remainder of the century. In fact, Salta "imported"
sugar from Jujuy, although the owners of the sugar planta-
tions there were Saltenos. The most distant cane fields,
those near the junction of the San Francisco and the Bermejo,

served at this time only to meet the needs of local

 

12Schleh, Noticias, p. 290.

 

31
MAP 6

 

 

SUGAR CANE CULTIVATION IN SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES,

 

  
  

 

 

 

RI’ P c '
a . do: ‘
SUGAR MILLS ® , ., ,
AREAS or SUGAR CANE a :,
PRODUCTION :
-
ROADS coo"... '
'15 ,, ‘1. "o
RAILROADS +H+H+ ' .
2 San Ramon d9
I N ’
RIVERS Ag , 0 New .00”
PROVINCIAL CAPITALS o ,
SAN Alum .--
MAJ R CITIES
O . radian/a a. IABACAI . r
’
PROVINCIAL BOUNDARIES _ . _. “‘- .
ELEVATION IIN METERS '0
(IO .'
[Ora .
BeIow 500
500 Io 1000 .‘
1000 I0 1500 .'
1500 I0 ?000 '3 , __ . _.
a
.
Above 2000 .-‘. 5‘9/
..' g/
ruomuus a" u" ‘
lo 0 ID 20 so ':
:_:_:—-—=— .
m .
s o s In 15 20 , .‘ e
MILES ...5.‘ 5'
0.. "
. ...
.0
a. Q
I... “
.° t
:
. .
. _.
." e
. _- -.
'- .' e
I , ' U
. .
'- :' 0’
. .
' .'
. a
' o
. .
.‘ .'
. .'
.‘
.' .‘
' .'
. o
.-
San Ped'c n» Am
I /.
u swarm“...
‘ Sun
a'
.
.‘
n
C
-
..I"'
General Ghemes ;
Source: Compiled by Author '

 

III!

VIEVI

 

 

 

 

 

32

consumption. For the most part, owners of small trapiches
in these areas were slow to acquire new equipment, but by
1870 some improvements had been made in individual mills.
The labor employed on the early sugar ”plantations"
was drawn initially from the Indian population of each area
and later from the Chaco tribes. Black slaves were also
imported into each sugar area but did not reach significant

13

numbers. The northern provinces used some Bolivian
Indians during the harvest season and generally encountered
no problems in obtaining sufficient help. A shortage of
labor was a constant problem for Tucuman, however, so an
early migration pattern of criollos (generally a white and
Indian mixture) from neighboring provinces was created.

All phases of the industry in the Northwest were
relatively inefficient during this period. Only gradual
and sporadic technical change had reached the cane areas,
and new inputs were therefore necessary to alter the

situation.

Foundation of a Modern Industry: 1876—1900

 

The arrival of the railroad at Tucuman in 1876
signaled a period of rapid industrial transformation.

Distances were effectively shortened; transportation costs

 

l3Emilio J. Schleh, La industria azucarera en su
primer centenario: 1821—1921 (Buenos Aires: Ferrari
Hnos., 1921), p. 32.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

33

were much reduced for all trade items, especially for heavy
items such as machinery; and the marketing of sugar and
its by—products in the urbanized litoral was facilitated.
The sugar industry to this time had developed and slowly
”modernized," despite a nearly prohibitive time—distance
factor. Freight had been carried by the large wooden—
wheeled carretas, pulled by oxen or mules and required two
months to traverse the distance between Buenos Aires and
Tucuman.lLl
A close correlation can be traced between the
subsequent developments of the sugar industry and the
railroad in Tucuman. The success of the first line, the
Central Cdrdoba, was due chiefly to cane. By 1882, almost
the total production of sugar (8,100 tons) was moved by
this rail connection. In addition to the harvest, wood
for the mills, machinery, and livestock were carried by
this line. Within a decade of its establishment, four
additional railroad companies were competing for business
within the province. Construction of the first line was
greatly influenced by the prior location of sugar plantings,

but, with expansion of the rail network, location of new

 

l“Emilio J. Schleh, "El primer censo descriptivo
de Tucuman," La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 61, No. 748,February,
1956, p. 89. The distance between Buenos Aires and Tucuman
is approximately 725 miles. Heavy machinery, however, was
generally transhipped to the interior from Rosario, which
is closer (570 miles) to Tucuman.

 

 

 

34

cane fields near the railroads became a dominant industrial
factor.15

The railroad affected all existing cane operations
to some extent. Naturally, change did not occur immediately,
but by 1882, for example, all primitive wooden trapiches
had disappeared from the landscape and the concentration of
capital characteristic of the new period could be seen.16
The minor reform of the 1860's, involving the substitution
of steel for wooden trapiches, had been within the reach of
nearly all planters. When industrial conditions were
altered by the new transport mode, however, all aspects of
processing were affected and the changed competitive
situation called for major new capital inputs. Although
all trapiche owners must have aspired to remain industri—
alists, those with limited assets were relegated to the
planter class.

The availability of capital and credit was a
necessity for transformation of the industry. The initial
investment risks involved purely local monies provided by

individual and provincial banks. In addition, suitable

 

15J. S. Bosonetto, "Distribucién de los ingenios
azucareros Tucumanos" in Geographia una et varia, Publi-
caciénes especiales II (Tucuman: Universidad Nacional de
Tucuman, 1949), p. 49.

 

l6Ram6n Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia del Tucuman
moderno," Revista de la Junta de Estudios Historicos de
Tucuman, Vol. 2, No. 2, July 1968, p. 148.

 

 

 

 

 

 

35

credit terms were offered by the English and French machin—
ery suppliers. Then, with proven success, some foreign
interests and investors from other Argentine provinces
began adding to the resources.17

One highly visible effect of the machinery revolu-
tion was a greatly increased plant capacity and a corre—
sponding decline in the number of mills. The need to
improve and modernize led to a reduction of mills from a
maximum of eighty—two in 1877 to only thirty—four in 1881.
This concentration occurred chiefly in the immediate
environs of San Miguel de Tucuman, in the department of
La Capital (see Table 1).

With improved transportation, the processing of cane
became more diffuse. Prior to construction of the railroad,
most mills were located within a relatively short distance
of San Miguel de Tucuman. The majority of those founded
after 1876, however, were not so restricted and followed
the existing railway lines to good cane land.18 Only the
northern sections of the province, where there was a lack
of dependable water, remained without mills (in Table l,

Burruyacu and Tafi departments).

 

17Horacio W. Bliss, ”Evolucion economica del
Tucuman," Cursillo de Historia del Tucuman (Tucuman:
Instituto Tucumano de Cultura Hispanica, 1968), p. 17.

18Bosonetto, Distribucién, p. 52. This author
used a twenty—five kilometer (approximately 16 miles)
radius from San Miguel de Tucuman as the limit prior to
1876.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

36
TABLE 1
DISTRIBUTION OF SUGAR MILLS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE,
1870—1897
Department 1870 1874 1877 1881 1897
La Capitél*. . . . 39 54 6O 28 3
Cruz Alta — — - - 15
Famailla 10 l2 l6 5 6
Monteros — 2 — - 3
Chicligasta. 2 2 2 l 3
Rio Chico 1 1 1 — 2
Graneros l 1 1 — 1
Leales — — 1 — l
Burruyacu. l l l — —
Tafi — — — — —
Totals. 54 73 82 34 34
Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el

 

azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro
Azucarero Argentino, 1945), p. 207.

 

*Included Cruz Alta until 1887.

The new and growing industrial capacity demanded

an increasing supply of raw material. Thus, sugar cane

expanded steadily in acreage during this period. Of

significance also was the tremendous increase in number of

cultivators (Table 2). This indicates an increasing

dependence of each ingenio upon independent growers, and

 

 

37

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 2
NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF CANE GROWERS IN TUCUMAN
PROVINCE, SELECTED YEARS, 1874-1895

Department 1874 1876 1877 1881 1882 1895
La Capitél* 82 146 I70 270 394 298
Cruz Alta - — - — - 991
Famaillé 59 22 23 44 48 470
Monteros 22 l — 2O 24 210
Chicligasta 11 3 10 38 46 208
Rio Chico 14 1 1 12 — 201
Graneros 1 l 1 5 4 4
Leales 10 l 1 3 4 139
Burruyacu 34 — 1 2 2 7
Tafi — - — — — 102
Totals 233 175 207 394 522 2,630

Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre el

*Included Cruz Alta until 1887.

the trend was to continue.

 

azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires:

 

Azucarero Argentina,

1945), p-

208.

Centro

The largest expansion in number

of growers occurred between 1888 and 1894, from 889 to

2,117.

Such a dramatic increase can be explained only by

referring to the social and organizational climate of the

province.

I¥__—_____4

 

 

38

By the mid-1880's there were three main groups
involved in the industry: 1) the mill owners, who also
generally owned extensive cane lands; 2) the independent
cane planters, who grew cane to sell to the mills; and 3)
the field and factory workers. The system of land tenure
was in transition at this time. Much land was bought by
industrialists so they could provide their own cane, and
the complex of factory and cane land usually was included
in the term ingenio. These large holdings never approached
the importance typical of other sugar areas, however, and
the latifundia did not become characteristic of the Tucuman
cane region. In fact, the mill owners began to lease large
segments of their cane lands to individuals about this time.
By 1895, 240 colonias (leased properties) accounted for

about 36 percent of the total cane land.19

The new group
of renters naturally added numbers to the planter class,
but it was the number of independent growers that really
expanded. In a national report of 1882 it was stated that
the cultivation of sugar cane in Tucuman and Santiago del
Estero had been converted to a "public passion” and that
there was a real enthusiasm to become a planter.20 Every—
one wanted to become involved in this glamour industry, and

there was sufficient new land available to be cleared and

planted.

 

19Schleh, Noticias, p. 208.

20Bravo, La industria azucarera, p. 22.

 

 

39

The major limitations to the expansion of cane
were: 1) the lack of laborers, 2) the bad state of roads
and generally high transportation costs, and 3) the lack
of water.21 Since each of these factors affected the
location of sugar cane plantings, they are here dealt with
briefly in turn.

As the industry gained force in Tucuman, a growing
need for manpower occurred. Indian laborers were at first
sought, but the numbers available from the Chaco and else—
where were too variable to provide an adequate supply.
Attempts were even made to use Indians conquered during the
Patagonian campaigns. In 1879 at least 400 families were
brought in from the pampas.22 Most of the Indians soon
escaped or were generally unsatisfactory as workers. Thus,
a phenomenon very unusual for a plantation economy was
established. Workers came increasingly from the surround—
ing provinces and were chiefly white. Many laborers
migrated seasonally to Tucuman for the harvest period, and
a significant number stayed as permanent additions to the
population of the province. A great increase in population

occurred between the census years of 1869 and 1895, when

 

21Alfredo Bousquet, Memoria historica y descriptiva

de la provincia de Tucuman, 1882, quoted in Schleh, E. J.,
Noticias, p. 236

 

22Manuel G. Soriano, ”E1 trabajo de los indios en
los ingenios azucareros de Tucuman," Revista de la Junta de
EStudios Historicos de Tucuman, Vol. 2, No. 2, July, 1969,
D. 114.

 

 

40

that of Tucuman grew from 108,953 to 215,742.
Transportation problems were only partially solved
with the arrival of the railroad. Road networks of the
sugar areas were poor and, since quick harvesting and
transportation to the mill are necessities for good cane
yields, this shortcoming became increasingly critical.
Changes in cultivation techniques accompanied the
shift to modern processing machinery. Since the lack of
water was definitely a limitation to cane expansion,
emphasis was placed on improving the irrigation systems.
Older ditches were transformed into useable canals, and
nearly one-half of all irrigated cropland in Tucuman was

devoted to cane in 1882.23

This did not signify that all
or even most of the cane fields were irrigated. On the
contrary, most were not and natural precipitation was
therefore extremely important.

Much expansion on land unsuitable for cane occurred
during the period. A report of 1882 indicated a signifi—
cant expansion in Santiago del Estero as well as in
provinces along the Parana River.2Ll The example of
Santiago del Estero is illustrative of a growing problem.
There, much cane was grown during the boom years, and

several mills were installed. Long and frequent frosts,

with resulting low sugar yields, eventually forced the

 

23Soh1eh, Noticias, p. 205.

2“Bravo, La industria azucarera, p. 23.

 

 

_—__

 

 

41

withdrawal of cane from this climatically marginal zone.
Some remnants of the industry remain as stark reminders of
that era of hope.

The expansion of cane elicited considerable clear—
ing of new lands, but much of the growth occurred at the
expense of other traditional crops. The increase in cane
acreage relative to total cultivated land is documented

in Table 3.

TABLE 3

TOTAL CULTIVATED AREA AND AREA IN SUGAR CANE IN
TUCUMAN PROVINCE, SELECTED YEARS, 1872—1895

 

 

 

Total Area Cane Area Cane as
Year (hectares) (hectares) % of Total
1872 24,832 1,687 7%
1882 51,600 6,636 13%
1888 36,041 10,594 29%
1895 98,175 53,086 54%

 

Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre
el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires:
Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945), pp. 209—
210.

 

 

The expansion of cane cultivation was especially
notable between 1888 and 1895. During the latter year

Tucuman province accounted for about 93 percent of all

25

cultivated cane in the nation. This dominance was not

 

25Schleh, Noticias, p. 209.

 

 

 

42

always so complete. From 1872 to 1888 more than one—half
of the Argentine sugar cane grown was from Tucuman, but
during this period cane had its greatest development in
other regions of the country.26 These regions were also .
affected by the innovations and improvements in industrial
machinery, but at different rates. For example, the first
Argentine sugar refinery was founded in 1889 in Rosario, a
break—in—bulk point for imports and exports on the Rio
Parana. This centralized the refining process, and for a
considerable period all raw sugar was transported to the
river port and redistributed to various national and inter—
national destinations. The most important areas devoted
to cane outside of Tucuman, however, were in Salta and
Jujuy provinces. Northwestern provinces other than Tucuman
also gained from the improved transportation network, but
there was a natural lag since the railroad arrived later.
The growth in area planted to cane can be seen in Table 4.
The area devoted to cane in Salta and Jujuy
increased gradually, while a dramatic increase and decline
occurred in Santiago del Estero. As previously stated, the
boom ended quickly in the latter province, while the
growth in the other two areas was indicative of their
future importance. In these areas the system developed

differently from that of Tucuman. There, large holdings

 

26Ibid.

_—_———»_——A

 

43

TABLE 4

SUGAR CANE AREA IN NORTHWEST ARGENTINA,
SELECTED YEARS, 1872-1895

 

 

Santiago del

 

Jujuy Salta Estero Tucuman
(hectares) (hectares) (hectares) (hectares)
372 338 251 17 1,687
375 338 290 18 6,636
388 974 302 2,925 10,594
395 2,138 645 796 53,086

 

Source: Data compiled from Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias
historicas sobre el azucar en la Argentina
(Buenos Aires: Centro Azucarero Argentino,

1945).
:ame the rule. In 1895 Jujuy's more than 2,000 hectares
’e divided among only sixteen plantations, and there were

27 Also more typical of

, two mills to process the cane.
Pse areas was the near complete dependence for labor upon
.ians from the Chaco, the Argentine Andes, and Bolivia.
t of the sugar produced stayed within the area and was
d for local consumption.

Inter—regional differences in sugar yields became
:nificant in the late 1800's. The average yields of the
0's in Tucuman hovered around 5 percent, and it was

jected that yields could not significantly surpass this

ure. A report of 1889, however, stated that at least

 

_—

275oh1eh, Noticias, p. 268.

 

44

singenio reached yields of more than 7 percent sugar and
tugh additional alcohol to equal almost 9 percent in
al.28 This figure compared favorably with that of any
er region in Argentina or the world at that time. Thus,
can be seen that even limitations on yields were begin—
g to break down.

Increasing national production can be documented
oughout the early period of expansion. In fact, the
ost total commitment to cane, added to the easy credit
uired by industrialists, led to overexpansion, both ‘
ustrial and agronomic. By 1895, a self-sufficiency in
ional sugar production was attained, thanks chiefly to
plantings in Tucuman, and the savings in foreign imports

a considerable (see Table 5).

 

 

 

TABLE 5
SUGAR IMPORTS INTO ARGENTINA, SELECTED YEARS
1870—1895
Lr Tons Year Tons
'0 19,599 1885 19,036
'5 23,631 1890 29,540
.0 30,533 1895 5,651

 

Source: Emilio J. Schleh, Noticias historicas sobre
el azucar en la Argentina (Buenos Aires:
Centro Azucarero Argentino, 1945), p. 32.

 

 

 

28Ibid., p. 250.

 

 

45

In 1896, as a result of the rapid increase in

>Iuod1uotion, the first great crisis in the industry was

prneciJDitated. A semi—artificial economic life had been

esteflolished that took on increasingly dangerous overtones.
Fevr:industrialists could resist the easy credit available

for’eestablishment of mills, and few planters resisted the

higfl1 earnings possible through cane cultivation. Drastic

adjLustment was needed, and the super—abundant harvests from

1894 to 1896 spelled the end of the boom. In Tucuman, the

chief producing region, seven of the smaller mills were

closed, and further steps toward industrial consolidation

took place. The industry had reached a definite level of
maturity.

Maturation Through Crises: 1901—1965

Smooth progress did not automatically follow the

establishment of a firm industrial base. More character-

istic of the subsequent period, about 1900 through 1965,

vmre recurrent crises and adjustments. This further

ewolution of the sugar industry was influenced by many

fmnmrs, but certain features stand out as keys to

dewflppment: 1) Government controls affected all phases

ofthe industry and directed much of the progress; 2)

Cuhflyation was greatly influenced by agro—technical ad-
vmmms, particularly the introduction of new cane varieties;

3)(hganizational conflicts within sectors of the industry

asziwhole, and between producing regions of the country,

 

46

ntributed to production crises and to increased social
areness by the working class; and 4) Changing regional
tterns in cultivation and harvesting created increasing

npetition.

vernment Controls

 

The influence of the national government was
itical to the development of the sugar industry through
3 1900—1965 period. The overall goal was to maintain and
atect a stable national production, and three chief means
he used to attain this end: 1) customs duties levied on
ported sugar, 2) subsidies for exportable production, and

29

direct regulation of production. Each of these policies
3 utilized, either in concord or separately, depending
3n the circumstances.

Import duties, beginning in 1888, protected the
lustry during its period of most significant growth, but
>sequent development required new and varied kinds of
gulation. Surplus sugar production continued from 1896
#ough 1906 and resulted in the first regulatory laws.
nerous decrees were issued in the early 1900's and most
7e directed at the Tucuman cane region, since it completely

1inated production at this time. For example, a 1902

I of Tucuman province placed a tax on each kilogram of

17

29Roberto F. de Ullivari and Guillermo K. Voss, La
{duccién azucarera Argentina: Necesidad de su regulacién
lcuman: Centro Regional Noroeste, 1966), p. 13.

 

 

47

ture sugar produced in excess of that 1902 harvest year.
ronger limitations followed, such as an absolute produc—
on quota, and the first crisis was eventually eased.

National pricing schemes affected all producing
gions and all sectors of the industry. Both raw material
i finished product prices were sometimes fixed by the
vernment. In 1912, for example, a national law linked
tail sugar prices to a given level of import duties. An
crease in domestic prices allowed additional low-cost
gar into the country and thus effectively stabilized
ternal prices for years. Such an arrangement was deemed
cessary to protect consumer interests in this basic food
em.

Pricing policies between planter and mill owner
3ame of increasing concern during this period. Prior to
25 there was essentially a free market for the purchase
cane. Each mill offered fixed prices per ton of cut
gar cane. The independent grower could theoretically
Dose the mill with the "best" price. In reality, how-
er, the small, elite group of industrialists was at a
finite advantage and could quite easily manipulate prices.
is colonial-type relationship led to increasing levels
conflict between growers and the ingenios which reached
)eak in the mid—1920's. President Marcelo T. de Alvear
3 designated by the contending parties to arbitrate the

fferences. His detailed, written decision of 1928 settled

 

48

:k prices for the sugar crop of 1926 and fixed norms for
;ure relationships between planters and industrialists.3O
,s ruling, known as the Qaudg Alvear, was based upon a
1prehensive study of the entire industry and is considered
many to be the best conceived instrument for both culti—

31

;or and ingenio to date. It fixed cane prices by a
.re—basis formula according to costs engendered by each
rup. Attempts were made to revise this agreement in the
l0's, but the Laudo Alvear was the essential regulator of
. industry until the era of Juan Domingo Peron.

From 1945 to 1956 the basis of the pricing policy
;ween grower and industrialist took an abrupt turn.
’ing this period there was no incentive for higher sucrose
elds because payment was based purely on the weight of
Le delivered.32 The significance was that even small
iducers on marginal cane land could produce acceptable
.ntities when sucrose percentage had no importance. In
‘ect this subsidized the small or inefficient grower,

. by 1950 a formal compensatory fund was established to

 

3O"Laudo Alvear," in La legislacién laboral en
uman, Vol. 3 (Tucuman: Universidad Nacional de Tucuman,
95, pp. 171—221.

31Ullivari and Voss, La produccién azucarera
:entina, p. 14

 

 

32Robert E. Evenson and Manuel L. Cordomi, Sugar
duction in Argentina: A Cursory Examination. Cuaderno
69—1. Facultad de Ciencias Economicas. (Tucuman:
versidad Nacional de Tucuman, 1969), p. 8.

 

 

 

49

ver the producers with low sugar yields. The policy
emed to be mainly a populist move enabling the small
oducers to enjoy a limited measure of economic growth.
e industry, in turn, attained a new look, as factory
elds declined and acreage in cane increased.

A return to economic goals after the ouster of Perén
used the reinstigation of payment according to sucrose
elds by 1957. Planters again needed to find new, improved
rieties and cultural practices, and ingenios were required

up-date and improve extraction methods. Although minor
anges have occurred since then, a basic concern with high
eld and factory yields has been maintained.

Another period of superproduction in the late 1950's
sulted in some variation in government policies. Surplus
oduction became most acute in 1959, and a law was passed

that year that again favored export with compensation.
ntinuing surpluses plagued the industry into the 1960's,

t this situation fortunately coincided with several years
poor beet sugar harvests in Europe. Stockpiled Argentine
gar thus found an outlet at very favorable prices,
though this artificial situation was not to last. In

65, strict limits were placed on the amounts harvested

d processed, and more drastic events were soon to come.

ro-technical Advances

 

Variations in planting, harvesting, and processing

chniques always accompany a progessive industry, and the

 

 

5O

gentine sugar industry was no exception during this
riod. In most cases the changes were minor and difficult
document. A most significant area of change, however,
8 the evolution of sugar cane varieties.

Local cane varieties (criollas), or those introduced
the Spaniards, provided the entire supply of raw material
rvested throughout the initial period of development.
equate yields were attained until the mosaic disease
eatly reduced production in the 1914 crop year. The
arch for varieties resistent to this plague resulted in
e introduction of a ”second generation" of cane, developed
imarily in Java. Adoption was such that by 1918 about
percent of the production of Tucuman was from Javan
rieties, and by 1928 they had almost entirely replaced the
igllg varieties.33 The accompanying higher yields
sulted in renewed confidence within the industry and
is was transposed on the landscape as increased cane
reage.3u

A second major ailment to seriously affect produc—
Jn was the insect—caused carbén,in the early 1940's.
ctunately, this occurrence coincided with the release of

3 first cane varieties developed by the Tucuman Experiment

 

33Ibid., p. 2.

3“William E. Cross, "Informes relacionados,con e1
1f1icto fabril—cafiero," Revista Industrial y Agricola
Tucuman, Vol. 19, No. 1—2, 1928, p. 37.

 

 

51

ation. Thus, in 1944 a sample census showed that Tucuman
rieties accounted for 18 percent of the plantings and
ached over 70 percent in 1953.35 The most popular variety
uc 2645) was resistent to both of the major plagues but

d a low yield of sucrose. This was no deterent to plant-
g, however, since the pricing scheme from 1945 to 1956
couraged production by weight of cane and not by sugar
ntent. It is possible to trace the importance of these

avy varieties into the early 1960's, when the Tucuman

pes were replaced by improved, high sugar content varieties

om Florida, South Africa, and Brazil.36

The necessity

r imported strains is attributed to the fact that experi—
ntation with high yielding varieties was discouraged in
cuman during the period when pure weight was emphasized.
e concern with "third generation" varieties with high
crose content and early maturation has continued, and the

cuman Experiment Station is again contributing to local

provements.

ganizations

 

Three basic segments of the sugar industry are the
dustrialists, planters and workers. Such distinctions

e, in reality, a bit simplistic since, for example, many

 

35Evenson and Cordomi, Sugar Production in

gentina, p. 3.

 

36Ibid.

 

 

-ugi....- .ww‘
nun—fa.”-
-—._—._____ .-.---

52

11s operate their own cane fields. However, these

oupings do represent separate interests that have become
stitutionalized over time in specific organizations. The
imary divisions have, in turn, formed finer organizational
its and all offer insights into the maturation process of
e industry (Figure 2).

The first group to profit greatly from the indus—
ial growth were the mill owners, or industrialists. This
latively small but powerful class controlled the early
stiny of the industry. Relationships between mills about
00 were far from cordial since each was fighting for a
are of the local market. Yet, because of the limited
tal demand and a common foe, the necessity for organization

37

3 recognized. The Centro Azucarero Argentino, initiated
two prominent Tucuman mill owners, was a grouping of
1ers formed in 1894 to defend the local industry's
sition relative to government policies, and particularly

38

vard imported sugar. Subsequently, an association of
iustrialists was formed in each major district, and the
Lls were also well represented on regional sugar councils.

The first challenge to the supremacy of the owner

188 came from the independent growers of Tucuman. As the

 

37

Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia," p. 152.

38Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Tucuman guia
lcumah, 1970), p. 106.

 

 

53

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m__wz
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p:oE:gm>ow

 

54

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mgmgmozm< owiumaocH w_ on occasosh ohmgno cowoMvamu I <Hhoa

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Logan
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awasoah on meiwmoo mmgop_:u_gm< we ogpcwu I zho<u
swasose mu mwucwsucmamucH mogwmmo sews: I HHo:
mgmzogw
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umVFMLmezncHIpcmECLm>ow

ooscflpQOOIIm opsmflm

 

 

55

number of planters increased, from 2,630 in 1895 to over
5,000 in 1926, the potential power of organized action was
seen.39 The first effective union of cane growers, the
Centro Canero, was formed in 1917. The initial goal was to
attain better access to, and better prices from, the mills.
At this point the mill owners still held most of the power
and, thus, active conflict between the groups seemed only
a matter of time and circumstance. A major confrontation
occurred during the 1926/27 crop year as the growers struck
the mills and organized several marches on the city of
Tucuman. Low prices and delayed payments for cane bought
from the independent planters were the major reasons for
the strike. The result of this turmoil was the establish-
ment of a national policy which established norms for cane
prices paid to the growers. These payments varied directly
according to the market price for the final processed
sugar. This same ruling, the Laudo Alvear, also stated
that the mills had an obligation to grind the cane of
independent growers. Thus, the planter attained an estab—
lished and recognized position in the industry.

A partial reorganization of the growers union
followed shortly after the 1927 Victory, but the Centro
Cafiero lasted until 1945 when the Unidn Cafieros Indepen-

dientes de Tucuman (UCIT) was formed to represent the

 

39Leoni Pinto, "La historiografia,” p. 155.

 

:'

 

 

 

56

planters. This union became dominated by the much more
numerous and "activist” small growers and, thus, the larger
independents and some of the medium—sized operators split
into their own group, the Centro de Agricultores Cafieros

de Tucuman (CACTU). These two groups represented the cane
farmers of Tucuman throughout this period.

The workers, not surprisingly, were the last segment
of the industry to begin the organizational process. The
factory workers affiliated with the Federacion Obrera
Tucumana de la Industria Azucarera (FOTIA) in 1942, and
the field workers formed their own union, the Federacién
de Obreros del Surco de la Industria Azucarera e
Agropecuarios de Tucuman (FOSIAAT), two years later. Both
groups tended to associate with the small planter class in
pressing for changes within the industry.”0 Even further
splintering occurred as the office employees of the mills
organized separately. In addition, many mills began
individual syndicates to represent the various working
groups.

Through organization, the almost total power
wielded initially by the owner group was diffused throughout
the process from field to factory. This meant essentially

that all sectors began to participate more fully in the

 

quiguel Murmis and Carlos Waisman, "Monoproduccién
agro—industrial, crisis y clase obrera: La industria
azucarera tucumana," Revista Latinoamericana de Sociologia,
Vol 5, No. 2, 1969, p. 363.

iIIc::I________________________________________________________________ __________-IIII'II

 

57

economic progress of the industry. It also lead to more

infighting among the various sectors.

Changing Regional Patterns of Cultivation and Harvest

 

At the turn of the century, the major sugar produc-
ing zones were well established. Most significant changes
between 1900 and 1965 can be understood through inter-
regional comparisons of Tucuman and Salta-Jujuy.

One new occurrence in the sugar industry of
Argentina during this period concerns experimentation with
the sugar beet. Some studies were conducted in Tucuman
beginning about 1917 and lasted approximately nine years
before being discontinued.Lll Actual production Of beet
sugar began in 1929 when two mills, one in the province of
Mendoza and the other in the Rio Negro Valley, started
operations. Beet sugar output reached a high of 4,900 tons
in 1935, but by 1940, with only the Rio Negro mill in
operation, production had declined to 2,190 tons and
ceased completely in 1941.42 Unfavorable growing conditions

and strong opposition from the cane areas are reasons most

often given for this rapid decline. Actually, sugar beets

 

ulWilliam E. Cross, "Experimentos con la remolacha
azucarera en Tucuman," Revista Industrial y Agricola de
Tucuman, Vol. 13, No. 7—8, 1923, p. 132.

u2U.S. Tariff Commission, Agricultural, Pastoral
and Forest Industries in Argentina (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1947), p. 50.

 

 

58

never became more than a mild threat to the established
cane areas.

Among the traditional cane producing areas, Tucuman
retained the dominant position throughout this period, but
an element of competition was injected. The progression
of planted area and sugar production for the two major
regions can be seen in Figures 3 and 4. Data from 1913,
for example, show that Tucuman province accounted for
approximately 84 percent of the cane acreage and 82 percent
of the sugar produced. This same year, Salta and Jujuy
had 10 percent of the planted area and 14 percent of the
annual production.L13 By 1941 Tucuman had slightly over 80
percent of the acreage planted but yielded only 65.6 percent
of sugar milled, while Salta and Jujuy had 11.5 percent
of the area cultivated but produced 29.1 percent of the
sugar.1M Even higher percentages for the two northern
provinces followed in the late 1950's and early 1960's.

The variation in total area harvested is due almost
entirely to gains or losses in Tucuman, while increases in
the North occurred slowly but steadily (see Figure 3).

Cultivation in Salta and Jujuy started from a low base but

 

uBErnesto Tornquist & Co., Ltd., The Economic
Development of the Argentine Republic in the Last Fifty
Years (Buenos Aires, 1919), p. 55.

qunternational Sugar Council, National Sugar
Economies and Policies, Vol. 1 of The World Sugar Economy:
Structure and Policies (London: International Sugar
Council, 1963), p. 177.

 

 

—é

000 Hectares

1.

 

59

u
0
o

N
01
O

O
0

TOTAL ARGENTINA

 

     

G
o

J
_—\,

Figure 3. Cone Area Harvested in Tucumcin and Salta—Juiuy
Provinces, 1900—T973

   

UJUV

IUCUMAN

 
  
 

1“
I
I

____’\—‘—-"-_‘\”\

. A
'65 '70 I973

 

Sugar Production in Tucuma’n and
190

Figure 4.
i 0—1973

1500

1‘00

‘ 100

600

500 TOTAL ARGENTTNA

   

   

SALTA _

,r’\
JUJUY; \
”Ixx \

z

 

'10 'IS '20 75 '30 35

'05
Source Lo lndusluo Azucarero and ComleciIon by “Ibo,

n
)00

Solic—Juiuy Provinces,

     

'60

 

 

 

60

dcfllbled between 1910 and 1940, and nearly doubled again by
:19635. This growth took place without any dramatic yearly

irnzrements,

and at its peak Salta and Jujuy accounted for
aIDOLAt 20 percent of the total Argentine area devoted to the

Cane acreage in Tucuman also doubled between 1910

crop.
axni 1940 and then rose erratically to a maximum in 1955,
Mflierl over 80 percent of its cultivated land was in cane.

PRDIJJDWing that peak of about 230,000 hectares, the area

ifl czine declined for seven consecutive years and then began

increasing again with the 1963 crop year.
Production figures are even more graphic than those

Large yearly variations have been

Sflovving cultivated area.
cha—Pacteristic of sugar production in Tucuman, and these

Sllj~f7ts have been mirrored in the national figures (see
Irjté§klre 4). It is noteworthy that maximum production did
r1C>13 coincide with the maximum area harvested. Obviously

C)
itzklfiér variables, such as climatic factors, must be investi—
Production in Salta

Egeihtieed to explain the fluctuations.
Jujuy varied little in comparison with Tucuman, showing

aha
Thus, by the 1960's the

a
53 :Low but steady upward trend.
NCDI. .
‘t:h had improved its position considerably, while Tucuman

S
3{II-lllbited signs of relative stagnation.
Increasing competition between Tucuman and the North

\3
EEClame especially pronounced during and after the Peron era.

PXt; izhis time the majority of the northern mills were in
By

betSter financial condition than those of Tucuman.

61

ignoring the full requirements of the Regulatory Fund of
1950, which compensated inefficient growers and mills with
contributions made by the most productive operations, the
ingenios of Salta and Jujuy gained further strength relative

45

to Tucuman. Then, with change in government policies in
1959 from paying by weight of raw cane to placing a premium
on yields per ton of cane, the entire industry was forced
to acquire new, efficient equipment or close down. This
policy naturally favored the mills that could most afford
the changes, and many ingenios in Tucuman went heavily into
debt. The improved milling capacity, plus associated
varietal changes and improvement in agricultural practices,
resulted in higher production in the 1960's. This added

to surpluses of sugar that had accumulated since 1959.
Fortunately, the crisis was alleviated by an abnormally
poor 1963 European crop year, which allowed Argentine sugar
to be exported at record prices. This set of circumstances
led to increased plantings in all cane areas and, combined
with several years of mild winter in Tucuman, resulted in

the accumulation of considerable surpluses again in 1965.

 

uSEstacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman. Bases
para el desarrollo agrario de la provincia de Tucuman,
Publicacion Miscelanea No. 29 (Tucuman, 1968), p. 17.

 

62

Current Developments: 1966—1974

 

The harvest of 1965, which left a surplus of about
400,000 tons in excess of domestic consumption drastically
changed the sugar industry. Prior to this date any excess
would have been exported, but only at a considerable loss
since national production costs were about five times higher
than the usual international price for sugar.“6 Compounding
this problem, a general economic—financial crisis in Tucuman
during the mid—1960's led to acts of Violence. Workers
forcefully occupied a number of mills that were behind in
wage and cane payments. As noted previously, all sugar
factories needed to improve their equipment, and many had
to borrow large sums from the national bank. A few were so
far in debt that their obligations were difficult, if not
impossible, to meet. In government circles these conditions
were intolerable and a new mentality was at work to provide
a "solution."

Two overriding goals governed thoughts at the
policy—making level: 1) A rationalization of the sugar
industry as whole, and 2) a structural transformation of
the Tucuman economy. Toward these ends a number of strong

actions were designed.

 

u6Roberto F. de Ullivarri and Guillermo Kenning
Voss, Cafia de azficar: Documento basico, Instituto Nacional
de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, Centro Regional del Noroeste
(Tucuman,1966), . 33. .fl: .

 

63

The most dramatic move occurred very early on
August 22, 1966, with the sugar harvest perhaps three-
quarters finished in Tucuman. Federal troops were quickly
and unexpectedly dispersed to the seven most financially
unsettled ingenios. These mills were occupied and given

seventy—two hours to cease operation for the season.47

The
armed take-over reduced the number of operating factories
in Tucuman from twenty—six to nineteen. Three other
important steps were taken by the government: 1) a decrease
of production in Tucuman by 30 percent and in Salta—Jujuy
by 17 percent, relative to the 1965 harvest (followed by

a 10 percent reduction the next year); 2) a limitation on
exports, allowing shipments only to fill the quota of the
high—priced market in the United States; and, 3) the
expropriation of production quotas (ggpgg) from approxi-
mately 7,000 mini—farmers in Tucuman.

Naturally these measures had severe repercussions
in the industry and particularly within the province of
Tucuman. Some of the important and lasting results were:

1) A reduction in the amount of land devoted to

cane in Tucuman. The area dropped to about 130,000
hectares in 1967 from more than 190,000 in 1965 and
nearly 250,000 in 1955.

2) The elimination of about 7,000 small cane

growers whfi had production quotas under 8,064
kilograms. 8 This meant both a deterioration of

 

uYLey 16.926/ (22/8/66). Published in Lg
Industria Azucarera, September 1966, p. 229.

48Estaci6n Experimental Agricola de Tucuman,
Bases, p. 22.

 

 

 

64

planted cane fields and a potentially great social
problem.

3) The creation of a problem concerning the nearly
60,000 hectares of former cane land.

4) The existence of a vast pool of unoccupied
persons, estimated at about 40,000 field and industrial
workers. Associated with this was a considerable
exodus of manpower to other provinces.

5) A drastic reduction of income for the province
as a consequence of the production limits.

Government actions thus may have settled certain
problems within the industry but certainly created others.
Several of the militarily occupied factories were subse-
quently allowed to reopen but others, seeing the handwriting,
ceased operations. Therefore, by 1968 the number of func—
tioning mills was reduced from nineteen to seventeen, and
in 1969 this number was further reduced by one (Map 7). The
number of factories stabilized at sixteen, but financial
problems and associated worker unrest continued in certain
cases. In May, 1970, three ingenios were expropriated and
placed under a government entity, the Compania Nacional
Azucarera, S. A. (CONASA), to be run in a financially sane
and disciplined manner. Later, two more Tucuman mills and
two in the Litoral were placed under this agency.

The "rationalization" of the industry was to be
accompanied by a structural transformation of the Tucuman
economy. Measures taken in this regard were less definitive

q

in nature but, in general, consisted of a concerted effort

 

1#91616.

 

 

I I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\_. ‘,-\ - a. /
\. / T
(HI/.11! ( SAN anm a. ”uny/
I \. /, t
I: .—~-l_\ JUJUY \,_, ,..\ ~x’ ‘
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m.
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66

to diversify both the industrial and agricultural bases of
the province. Responsibility for attracting new industrial
concerns was placed in a joint national and provincial
commission, called Operativo Tucumano. Efforts to diversify
the agricultural sector remained with the existing
mechanisms, namely the experiment station and the Ministry
of Agriculture.

The effect of all the government actions on the
regional sugar balance was to greatly strengthen the
position of Salta and Jujuy. This can be seen in Figures 3
and 4, p. 59, as both acreage and production in these
northern provinces increased considerably. Production
recovered slightly in Tucuman, but its proportion of the
national total has been reduced to slightly over 50 percent.
A heightened verbal battle between representatives of the
two major producing zones has also been characteristic of
this latest stage, and each region has vied to attract
the attention of the federal government.

The recent history of the sugar cane industry is
best understood as a reaction and adjustment to the
government actions of 1966. The changes have been signifi-
cant and serve as the basis for the remainder of this

dissertation.

 

CHAPTER III \
AGRO—TECHNICAL ASPECTS AND MARKETING

Planting patterns for sugar cane are affected
greatly by the agricultural characteristics of the crop and
customary regional practices of cultivation. Sugar cane
generally has a wide tolerance of physical environments 1
within the tropics and sub—tropics, but since Northwest 5
Argentina is near the southern margin of acceptability for
cane growth, it is presumably "marginal" with respect to
important growth elements.1 The limited areas devoted to
cane planting in Argentina tend to support the idea of
physical marginality. Even within the study areas, however,
cultural practices were observed to be far from uniform.
Distinctions must be made between the methods and techniques
used in Tucuman and those of Salta—Jujuy. Many differences
are simply a matter of degree, however, and are not dis—
cussed unless considered significant to the study.
A normal sequence of cultural practices may be noted
in the agricultural calendar presented in Figure 5. Signifi—

cant differences in the timing and duration of planting and

 

lInternational Sugar Council, The World Sugar
Economy: Structure and Policies, Vol. II, The World J
Picture (London: The International Sugar Council, 1963),
pp. 5 and 6

67

68

harvesting, and minor variations in cultivation schedules,

typify practices in the two areas.

FIGURE 5

AGRICULTURAL CALENDAR FOR SUGAR CANE IN
TUCUMAN AND SALTA-JUJUY PROVINCES

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

J F M A M J J A s o N D
z PLANT
<
2 HARVEST
3
u
D
._ cumvns FERTILIZE CULTIVATE
CULTIVATE
>—
3 PLANT PLANT
_‘ _____ _.._.—
3 IRRIGATE IRRIGATE
'3 HARVEST
<
.—
.. FERTILIZE FERTILIZE
< CULTIVATE CULTIVATE
V)
. : : . . : : e A. :
J F M A M J J A s o N D

Source: Compiled by author.

Planting and Cultivation
Sugar cane under normal circumstances is a perennial
crop. In Argentina, the life of the yearly cane crop is
cut short in many areas by frost, but the "seed" is not

affected and ratoon crops can be generated. On the average,

 

 

 

 

 

69

a planting in Northwest Argentina is harvested for six or
seven years and in former times even up to seventeen conse—

cutive years.2 The first year‘s crop (cana planta) gener—

 

ally yields less than the second, in direct contrast with
the situation in prime cane areas such as those of the

3

Dominican Republic. Yields from the subsequent ratoon
crops (ggfig gggg) remain relatively steady over the
succeeding six or seven years.

Soil preparation for planting is similar in both
cane areas but accomplished differently. Almost complete
mechanization characterizes the two northern provinces,
while Tucuman still depends to a large degree on animal
power, both mules and oxen. Care in working the fields is
closely correlated with the extent of irrigation. Irrigated
fields, for example, must be carefully leveled. This is
typical of Salta and Jujuy, where irrigation is the norm,

while less than 30 percent of the cane area in Tucuman

receives this extra care.Ll Planting furrows vary in depth

 

2William E. Cross, ”Tucuman agricola e industrial,"
Revista Industrial y Agricola de Tucuman, Vol. 26, No. 4—6,
1936, Do 85-

3Dominican Republic, Evolucién de la industria
azucarera en la Republica Dominicana (Santo Domingo:
Editora del Caribe, 1968), p. 17. The author spent a week
researching the sugar industry of the Dominican Republic
in March, 1969.

uEstacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Lg

mecanizacién en el cultivo y la cosecha de la cafia de azucar,

Publicacién miscelanea, No. 24 (Tucuman, 1967), p. 3.

 

 

 

 

70

according to soil fertility, while the distance between rows
also differs but has decreased somewhat over time. Standard
rows are 100 meters in length and traditionally are oriented
in a north—south direction to take advantage of exposure to
the sun.5
The "seed” used in planting is selected carefully
from healthy mature canes so each plant will meet specifi—
cations of proper maturation, disease resistence and sugar
yields. The chosen canes are then cut in lengths of roughly
two feet and usually include at least three joints from
which the new stalks will grow. Placement of the pieces in
the furrows is normally done by hand, and the density of
planting depends chiefly upon soil characteristics. Plant—
ing in Tucuman is spread out over the winter months from
May to September, while the process is concentrated in
February and March in Salta and Jujuy (see Figure 5).
Cultivation is necessary during the early growth
stages, and increasing amounts of fertilizer are applied
simultaneously. Nitrogenous fertilizers now are applied on
more than 50 percent of the cane area.6 These applications

also affect weed growth. Thus, greater usage of herbicides

 

5William E. Cross, "E1 cultivo de la cafia de,azucar
en la Republica Argentina,” Revista Industrial y Agricola
de Tucuman, Vol. 19, No. 7—8, 1939, p. 183.

 

6William E. Cross, "Informe sobre la industria
azucarera de la Argentina en los ultimos diez afios" Lg
Industria Azucarera, Vol. 66, No. 802, 1960, p. 395.

 

71

has followed, since annual weeding is prohibitively expen—
sive on large holdings. Once the cane grows tall enough
to shade the inter—row area further weeding becomes
unnecessary.

Very little care is needed for cultivating sugar
cane relative to most other crops. Increasing mechaniza-
tion throughout the industry requires fewer man hours
during the preparation and growth periods. These stages

are labor intensive today only for the small family farmer.

Harvesting

The harvest season, or ggfgg, causes radical changes
in the appearance of the producing provinces. The harvest
period demands a large number of workers, and a seasonal
in—migration of considerable magnitude therefore occurs.
Zafreros are attracted not only from the province of
Tucuman but also from neighboring provinces, and even
Bolivian laborers are drawn into Salta and Jujuy. These
seasonal migrants are particularly visible in Tucuman as
they arrive in mule-drawn, large wheeled carts, piled high
with possessions and family members (see Figure 6).
Normally the picture is completed by several dogs trailing
the procession. Neither major producing area was ever
dependent upon black laborers, which makes them almost

unique among cane areas of the world. This fact even

 

7International Sugar Council, The World Picture,

 

p. 13.

4.‘J\

4.. ‘.

72

 

 

 

Fig. 6. Zafreros Arriving in Tucuman Province

 

 

Fig. 7. Working Cargadero in Tucuman Province

 

 

 

 

 

73

caused the globe—trotting Theodore Roosevelt to comment on
the lack of "exploitation" in the sugar industry, as he
passed through the area in 1913.8

The working sugar mills also transform the province.
Distinctive smoke trails rise from the ingenio stacks as
the calderas are stoked up for the round—the—clock work
hours of the ggfgg. The olfactory senses also note the
beginning of the harvest, as a typical molasses odor
pervades the environs of each mill. Life in the villages
surrounding most ingenios is also affected by new animation.
After a long day's work violent arguments break out not
infrequently, with the result that machetes are sometimes
drawn and blood is spilled. Additional testimony to the
frenzy of this period is the cane strewn along all roads
and the sudden appearance of make—shift huts for the
seasonal laborers.

The basics of the harvest itself are quite similar
in all the cane areas, but differences arise in the degree
of mechanization. In preparation for cutting, the cane is
normally burned to rid the fields of dried leaves accumulated
around the base of the canes. This process, incidentally,
also rids the canebreaks of snakes and other inhabitants

that might inhibit the work of the cane cutters! The

 

9
JAugusto M. Bravo, La industria azucarera 1n
Tucuman: Sus problemas sociales y sanitarios (Tucuman,

1966), p. 42.

 

74

burning does not significantly harm the cane since the
stalk contains a large volume, nearly 70 percent, of water.

The great majority of the cane is cut by hand,
although increasing amounts are being harvested by
mechanical cutters. This mechanization process in the
field is more advanced in the large holdings of the North
than in Tucuman. Where cane is still harvested manually,
experienced workers are desired, since the cutting requires
some artistry. The stalks are cut at ground level by
machetes, and the growing end (the despunte, which may be
used as cattle feed) is lopped off. The remainder of the
stalk is quickly cleaned of remaining leaves and may then
be sliced in two if deemed too long. The cut cane is
usually piled neatly to facilitate the succeeding loading
process. Zafreros often work in teams and are given the
responsibility for harvesting a certain area by the foreman
(capataz). Often wives and children help, sometimes by
wielding a machete but more frequently by helping pile the
cut cane.

Once cut and piled, methods of transfer to the mill
vary greatly. The crudest, and the method most used by
small caneros, is to load the cane by hand into the typical
large—wheeled carretas. Each full load (fgggg) contains
about three tons of raw material. The carts with iron—rimmed
wheels are slowly disappearing from the cane areas, and
metal carts with pneumatic tires are replacing them. These

are more easily pulled and cause much less damage to the

 

 

 

75

roads. The construction of good paved roads was reportedly
retarded in Tucuman because the iron cart wheels quickly
broke up pavement.9 The filled carts are pulled by mules
or oxen either directly to the mill or to a gathering
station (cargadero). Animal power has been replaced in
many areas by tractors, which improve efficiency by their
capacity to pull up to six or seven filled carts.

The cane accumulated at the gathering stations is
often transferred to trucks, or, in isolated cases, to
railroad cars and carried to the mills. During the harvest
the rather odd shaped cargaderos are crowded with waiting
wagons, carts and large stalks of bundled cane which await
transfer to the next transport mode (see Figure 7, p. 72).
The cane trucks normally have a capacity ranging from
twenty to thirty—two tons, which may be doubled with an
additional trailer. The larger capacity is necessary
since the estimated average distance from any canefield to
a cargadero is about four kilometers (two and one—half
miles), and from each cargadero to the factory averages

almost seventeen kilometers (ten and six—tenths miles).10

 

9Conversation with Professor Teodoro R. Ricci,
Tucuman, August 5, 1970.

10Roberto F. de Ullivarri and Guillermo K. Voss,

Cafia de azucar: Documento basico (Tucuman: Instituto
Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1966), p. 22.

 

 

 

76

When the cane reaches the mill it frequently meets
a bottleneck. The "typical" ingenio has cane piled high
in the plaza (canchén), while lines of trucks and carts
tie up movement around the entrances. The result is that
cane frequently lies in the hot sun for more than a day.
Attempts to speed up the operation, and thus to improve
factory yields, include the use of large, mechanically
loaded trucks which can dump their load directly onto
conveyor belts. Then, the problem becomes a logistical one
of proper scheduling. Greater use of portable cranes
would help to speed up traditional operations at the mill.

Three major distinctions can be made in the
harvesting and transfer of cane from the fields to the
mills: 1) A manual system in which the cane is cut, piled
and loaded entirely by hand, chiefly visible in Tucuman
but present to some extent in both zones; 2) a mixed system
in which the cane is cut and piled by hand but loaded
mechanically, which is used with variations in all zones;
and 3) an entirely mechanized system, in which the cane is
cut and loaded by machine. This system is most prevalent
in Jujuy but is also used in certain mills of Tucuman (see
Figures 8—11).

The field methods of Ingenio Esperanza in Jujuy
are the most mechanized of any encountered. An industrial
trend is definitely toward more capital intensive methods

of harvesting, with a declining emphasis upon manual labor.

 

 

 

77

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 10. Mechanized Loading of Sugar Cane
in Salta Province.

 

Fig. 11. Mechanized Piling of Sugar Cane,
La Esperanza, Jujuy.

 

 

 

79

Therefore, Esperanza provides an important example. Much
of the harvest is still cut manually, although the manage—
ment has been experimenting with various mechanical
harvestors. Yet, the process from field to mill is highly
mechanized. Large bulldozers push the cut cane to the
margins of access roads where a moveable crane transfers
the cane to large trucks. The trucks are weighed at the
mill and their loads tilted onto conveyor belts. The cane
then passes through a water spray to rid it of dirt and
other accumulated material picked up in the mechanical
loading process. The latter technique was learned through
three years of experience, according to company officials.
This system could serve as a model for the rest of the
industry.

The industry as a whole maintains a system of
transfer from field to mill that is far less than ideal.
In Tucuman, particularly, the movement of cane from the
field is slow and inefficient. Any improvements resulting
in less time loss between cutting and milling would add to
factory yields. Most of the northern mills transfer the
cane to factory via fleets of trucks or privately-owned
railroad systems (Figures 12 and 13). In general, this

results in fresher cane to grind than is the case in

‘

11Conversation with Agron. Hector Jeréz, Sub-
Administrator of Ingenio La Esperanza, Jujuy, July 10,
1970.

11

 

 

80

 

Fig. 12. Field—to-Mill Transfer of Cane by
Rail, Jujuy Province.

 

   
 

«at = ...,"

 

 

Fig. 13. Field-to-Mill Transfer of Cane by
Truck, Jujuy Province.

 

 

 

81

Tucuman. In Salta and Jujuy the average cane crushed has
been out less than forty-eight hours, while estimates for
Tucuman approach or surpass seventy—two hours.l2 Particu—
larly in the very hot weather of late summer, long delays
can have a negative effect on factory yields.13
The harvest period lasts approximately five months,
and during this time the mills are seldom quiet. Each
mill has a recognized daily capacity, and the goal is to
grind near capacity throughout the harvest period (Table 6).
In reality, an individual factory does not operate close
to capacity except in unusual circumstances, and the harvest
period is therefore prolonged. A tendency within the
industry is to increase milling capacities, and the goal

is to minimize the actual number of harvest days. This

would ideally result in higher factory yields.

Processing

 

Outward and interior appearances of sugar mills can
vary immensely, but the process of making sugar is essen—
tially the same regardless of aesthetics. The scale of
operations and modernity may differ, but four major

operations summarize the industrialization of the raw

‘

l2Ullivarri and Voss, Cana de azucar, p. 24.

 

13Roberto F. de Ullivarri, Recomendaggones para
la zafra azucarera, Estacién Experimental Agricola de
Tucuman, Circular No. 152 (Tucuman, 1957), p. 2.

 

 

 

 

 

82

TABLE 6

AVERAGE EFFECTIVE CANE MILLING IN TUCUMAN, SALTA

 

 

 

AND JUJUY PROVINCES, SELECTED YEARS, 1965-1973
Mills 1965 1967 1969 .1971 1973
(Metric Tons - Daily)
Tucuman Province
Aguilares 2,302 2,509 3,075 3,221 3,286
Amalia 2,459 1,391 -—- --- ——-
Bella Vista 4,284 4,347 4,160 3,362 3,709
Concepcion 10,497 10,725 12,337 12,109 12,598
Cruz Alta 1,724 1,791 1,767 1,892 1,840
Esperanza 1,415 --— -—- -—— ———
La Corona 4,156 4,163 4,206 4,319 4,832
La Florida 3,242 3,190 2,952 3,832 2,945
La Fronterita 4,453 4,544 4,292 4,397 5,286
La Providencia 3,856 3,743 3,837 3,761 4,411
La Trinidad 4,186 3,386 3,132 3,052 3,755
Lastenia 1,863 ——— —-- —-— ———
Leales 2,513 2,263 2,384 2,419 2,510
Los Ralos 2,029 ——— ——— ——— ——-
Marapa 1,846 1,615 1,657 1.983 2,115
Mercedes 1,541 —-— --— -—— ---
Nueva Baviera 1,686 -—- --- —-— ———
Nunorco 2,137 2,327 2,267 2,377 2,605
San Antonio 2,909 ——- -—— ——— ———
San José 1,819 —-— --- —-— --—
San Juan 2,381 2,377 2,619 2,492 2,844
San Pablo 4,426 4,537 4,588 3,981 4,806
San Ramon 2,097 2,442 -—— --— --—
Santa Ana 2,237 —-- —-— -—— —--
Santa Barbara 2,823 2,905 3,130 3,281 3,719
Santa Lucia 2,689 2,558 ——— ——- ---
Santa Rosa 3,128 3,012 2,782 3,261 3,499
Jujuy Province
La Esperanza 4,467 4,669 4,225 4,301 4,690
Ledesma 12,423 13,798 13,824 13,455 12,443
Rio Grande 1,710 1,664 2,370 2,521 2,604
Salta Province
San Isidro 1,668 1,789 1,746 1,787 1,787
San Martin 5,468 5,850 5,769 7,532 7,191

 

 

83

sugar cane: l) extraction of the juice by large crushers

(trapiches), 2) purification and filtration of the juice,

 

3) concentration of the juice to crystalize the sugar, and
4) centrifuging and refining the sugar produced.

Numerous useful by-products are generated by the
milling process. The fibrous remnants of cane (bagazo)
contain vestiges of sugar and moisture and a high celulose
content. The bagasse is frequently used as supplementary
fuel for the ovens, but in several special cases it is also
used as a raw material for paper fabrication. A solid
residue of the purification and filtration process, cachaza,
can be spread in the fields as a fertilizer or utilized as
a source of vegetable wax.lu The sticky fluid that yields
no more sugar crystals is either sold as molasses or sent
to the distillery for the manufacture of alcohol.

Distinctive classes of sugar are the end products
of the ingenio. These may be identified according to
sucrose content: 1) pllé, a specially compacted sugar
that contains 100 percent sucrose; 2) refined granulated,
with a content of 99.8 percent, and a brillant even-grained
appearance; 3) second cooking (azucar g3 segunda) with a
yellowish coloring and a sucrose content of 98 percent;

4) crude sugar, containing 96.8 percent sucrose and a

 

14

Personal interview with Ing. Sergio Gonzalez
Zigaran, Ledesma Sugar Mill, May 16, 1970.

 

 

84

yellowish—brown cast; and 5) third cooking (gg tercera)
with a percentage of ninety-five and a brownish, rather

large-grained appearance.15

All, except the pilé, are
marketed in fifty kilogram sacks, usually made of paper

but sometimes of jute.

Transportation and Storage

 

Competition between two transport modes character-
izes the movement of sugar from the mill. The railroad
was the chief transporter of both cane and sugar throughout
most of the industry's evolution. The Ferrocarril Belgrano
remains the largest rail carrier of sugar today, while the
only other significant rail line, the Ferrocarril Mitre,
carries less than one-fourth the tonnage of the Belgrano.
The percentage of the total harvest moved by rail has
declined over time, so that in 1971/72 trucks accounted
for nearly half the total tonnage. For the second time in
ten years, the tonnage carried by truck in that year
surpassed that transported by the Belgrano railroad.l6
The railroad is more economical for large tonnages, but
the truck has become increasingly competitive over long

hauls and the trend indicates that trucking will continue

to increase at the expense of the railroad.

15Mimeographed report of the Centro Azucarera del
Norte, Divisién de Produccion, no date.

l6"E1 azucar Argentino en cifras; Zafra 1972," Lg
Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, 1972.

 

 

 

85

For individual mills the mix of transportation modes
varies greatly. Since, in general, the mills of Salta and
Jujuy have greater capacities, and distance to the major
market of Buenos Aires is also greater than from Tucuman,

a larger percentage of the northern sugar moves by rail.17
The decision regarding transportation frequently is not that
of the mills, however, since many award transportation
concessions to individuals, who are then in charge of
getting the sugar to the desired locations.

Each mill normally maintains several large store—
houses for the processed sugar, both at the production site
and in Buenos Aires. Production quotas are assigned and
checks are made by federal inspectors at the mill and in
the storage areas. Irregularities have been discovered,
however, as indicated by a 1970 scandal.l8 One of the
companies in doubtful financial straits was found with far
less sugar in its Buenos Aires warehouse than had been

reported. Some illicit sales had obviously taken place

and several individuals were indicted.

 

, 17Conversation with Ing. Agosto Paz, Ingenio San
Martin de Tabacal, Salta, August 14, 1970.

18La Gaceta, Tucuman, May 14, 1970.

 

 

 

86

Consumption and Marketing

 

Government quotas regulate the industry by tying
prnadilction to levels of national consumption. Per capita
ccnlstlnmtion of sugar had stabilized at around thirty—five
kilxaggrams in the 1950's, but by 1972 it had reached about
19

thiartzy-nine kilograms. These figures are above average
for: Ihatin America and below only the consumption figures
Of Iflc>rth America.2O Low levels of population growth, about
IL.5 33ercent, indicate a limited growth potential for the
iINiListhuZl Prices are also regulated by the government
ark: 'have been held at quite constant levels, to the dismay
of? izhe industry and its workers.

The only outlet other than the national market for
Ar’gentine sugar is the United States. United States prices
WeEreconsiderably above those of the world market up to
215974 and even the high cost producers of Argentina could
‘tllerefore profitably export to the northern giant.

AI“gentina is alloted a yearly quota which varies according

‘PCD the supply situation of other United States sources, but
\

l9"E1 azucar Argentino en cifras; Zafra 1972,"
Tea Industria Azucarera, 1972.

 

2OAlbert Viton, "World Sugar Outlook for the
1970's," Sugar y Azucar, 1969, p. 14.

 

21Population Reference Bureau, World Population
Figures-1972, July, 1972.

 

 

 

 

87

irl 15972 it was over 85,000 short tons.22 As is the case

111 nupst other sugar producing nations, Argentina wishes to

23

‘maicituain and increase its share of the U.S. market!

22La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931,
IDecember, 1972, p. 195.

 

23In June, 1974, Congress abolished the forty year
C31d U.S. Sugar Act which had provided subsidies to both
<iomestic and foreign producers. Thus, each country now
Thas to compete for the U.S. market.

 

 

 

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF INTER—REGIONAL CHANGE

Relationships among the major sugar areas of the
Argxerltine Northwest are currently undergoing great change.
The: g3rovince of Tucuman has traditionally led all others
in-Iplcoduction, but Salta and Jujuy have become increasingly
iUKDCnctant and recent government actions have punctuated
trriss growing competitiveness. The resulting economic gains
CXF ‘the two northern provinces have mirrored growing problems
111 'Iucuman, and historically based regional jealousies have
EDENEn fanned. A new balance within the industry is being

atStained, however, one that should benefit the Northwest

as a whole.

Areal Differentiation Within the Northwest
As recently as the 1965/66 harvest year Tucuman
aCcounted for more than 75 percent of all land planted to
Es'ugar cane and a somewhat smaller percentage of total sugar
production.1 A relatively large, contiguous area within
rTucuman is suitable for the cultivation of cane, while in

Salta and Jujuy (the Norte) sugar land is restricted to

k

l"El azucar Argentino en cifras," La Industria
Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, 1972.

 

 

88

 

ii"

 

 

89

rwatller narrow river valleys where irrigation is required.
Tfiluss, expansion of planted area has been limited in the
tuna Inore northerly provinces, while land devoted to cane
ill Tulcuman has expanded and contracted with apparent ease.
Salisea and Jujuy are characterized by limited areas planted
to czaine but subdivided into large individual holdings,
Mflnerweas the opposite conditions are typical of Tucuman.
The: ssugar areas of the Ngggg are also located in distinct,
Sen121-—isolated sectors of the respective provinces and are
ruyt closely connected with the remainder of each political
'urtitz. They are, instead, linked directly with Buenos Aires.
CH1 'the other hand, sugar cane has been, and remains, the
eel’l‘trally located and dominant activity of Tucuman.
TuCl‘uman is in the orbit of Buenos Aires, but its sugar
itldustry is integrated with the rest of the province.
Regional differences in yields and overall produc—
tivity have favored the Ngggg. Almost every economic
illdicator reflects this point. For example, productivity
IDESr worker, as measured in tons of sugar produced divided
bythe number of cane workers in each province, shows
Eilmost a two-fold advantage for the two northern provinces

iin comparison with Tucuman.2 Results such as these have

‘been attained largely through more efficient production

Â¥

2Adolfo Canitrot and Juan Sommer, Diaggéstico de

la situacién econémica de la Provincia de Tucuman, Instituto
Torcuato Di Tella (Buenos Aires: 1972), p. 113.

 

 

 

 

9O

Hustllods and capital intensive, large-scale efforts in the
ha1TVtasting and marketing stages.

The "growing edge" of the industry in the late
196C)':s overwhelmingly favored Salta and Jujuy, but more
recearrt figures of plantings and production give a less
conL31stive picture (Table 7). Both planted area and sugar
prmxitlction showed a downward trend in percentage but a
Confisixderable absolute gain in Tucuman between 1969 and
1971. Jujuy has exhibited the most steady expansion in
IPPCNiIlction and planted area, while Salta has shown smaller

ert steady increases.

Industrial Consolidation in Tucuman

After completion of the railroad in 1876, with the
Q‘leresponding beginning of a modern sugar industry, the
I11«Huber of active mills in Tucuman varied from a high of
1:111rty—four to the present low of sixteen. Simple
QEEPBQiches reached a numerical peak in Tucuman in 1877, but
51 <flrastic decline to about twenty larger units occurred in
ltlie following year, due to adjustments resulting from
ELVailability of the new transport mode.3 New industrial

63Stablishments raised the total to thirty—four mills by

14894, and shortly thereafter relative stability was attained.

\

3J. C. Bosonetto, "Distribucién de los ingenios
azucareros Tucumanos," in Geographia Una Et Varia (Tucuman:
‘Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, 19495, p. 50.

 

 

 

91

 

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mcoa ofipuo: I coauozvoam human .mmnouoom.i mmn< vacmam

 

 

 

msxflsmaImexwmmw .mmoZH>oma spans oz< «anew .zezsosa 2H oneopaoma nz< <mm< m<esm
_ s mam<e

 

 

 

 

 

92

Frnanl 1900 to 1966 the number of sugar factories varied from
tvverrty—six to twenty—nine. Despite this slight variation
irl tcatal numbers, a progression of closings and new attempts

keprt the industry in flux. Several mills began production

in.‘t11e 1920's and the latest, Leales, opened for the 1936

halrvxest. Most of the later entries are still functioning,
whilei probably indicates the advantages of new equipment

and. Lcnowledge.

Additions or subtractions in number of sugar mills
irl Thacuman did not necessarily reflect increases or

deCreases in sugar production. Factory capacities tended

tCD expand steadily, and even with reduced numbers the
SEEEmingly inevitable crises of over—production continued

thPough the mid—1960's. The bumper crop of 1965 (Table 7)

resulted in government intervention in 1966, when seven

Inills were forceably closed. Additional closures occurred

111 subsequent years so that just sixteen mills have been
ill operation in Tucuman since the 1969 harvest. This
idnduced industrial consolidation naturally affected all

ESugar operations in the province, and numerous adjustments

followed.

Spatial Change

The areas of cane production in Tucuman, and the
distribution of working cane mills within these areas,

have evolved and changed over time. The factories have

been concentrated around the provincial capital and have

 

 

 

93

sgxreaad in a linear fashion along the base of the Andean
:focrtliills. Those mills closed in and after 1966 show no
zappnalcent spatial pattern, although the heaviest toll was
takxerl east of San Miguel de Tucuman (Map 8). The remaining
ingxerlios are more dispersed. Although not stated as an
objeec:tive, this selective thinning has had the effect of
redllczing territorial competition and has expanded the raw
matner°ial hinterlands of the remaining mills. Enough mills
SthlZL operate in close proximity to each other, however,
'90 iJndicate that the government actions were not spatially
coheeived.

The existing mills vary greatly in total capacity,
mOCiernity and average yields. The first two of these
features are random in nature, while factory yields are
related to climatic and other physical variables.

A contraction in planted acreage has occurred in
[I‘lcuman since the boom years of the late 1960's, but
r‘enewed expansion seems to have taken place since 1971

(TPable 7, p.91). It has been estimated that roughly
550,000 hectares of sugar cane land were withdrawn from
IDroduction following the government action of 1966.4 This
decrease in cane area between 1965 and 1970 has been docu—

anted through the use of provincial cane censuses, an

\__

“Personal Interview with Ing. Ploper, Secretary
of Agriculture of Tucuman Province, Tucuman, August 7,
1970.

94

MAP 8

 

 

SUGAR MILL CLOSINGS IN TUCUMAN

PROVINCE: I965 — I970

 

  
  
  
  
 
     
 

 

 

  

  
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TRANCAS BURRUYACU
r.
~./
/[ \
\ //' I, I" r ‘1
\3 \._// I LII—7‘7"" A A
,_ __ .
.— I
, . . } \ on now» \
Tali VIOIO Ol \ \
CAPITAL \ otsnunu nu '
I
I
/-\\ San M'sueI dc Tucum‘n‘ 0:2NNCE'C'OONc.UI ALIA .los .Alos ‘9‘.
/ sAN Jostfvu O \ 0J9!" ousumA nu ".
\ A AMAuA 1967 I
\_,__..— -—-" \ I CRUZ ALTA \
\ \ ‘\
SAN PAILOO \ I
\ \ o sAN ANtomo was \
lulcs O ‘ ,_._— —— “— ""4
FAMA'LLA OMERC‘D‘S 19". [I r..- flab—“’- 0‘
————— —J .
\ ) I
7") \‘L '
\ !
\ K / !
\ onuA win I
on nounuu [SALE (
Famailla'O / S '
. ouAus |
3 O Noiva “va woo '
\ \ I
k“ l a)
V\
o sANtA “KM 1969 \ \ \
\5_
Monteroso
NUNOICOO
MON‘I’EROS OSANTA non
0 SAN IAMON "67 _/
novuomcu; ’ __ fr/ \.
CHICLIGAS'I’A '\
Concepcio’n 0
u COIONAo
oLA YRINIDAD c1 d 111 ,th 1 , d“ .
one m 8 W1 C 031113 9
I /\ /’
...- / / \"\ /" Current mi"! 0
’\/
h~ \\__ f)
Aguilares 9 Area of Sugar Cane Production 0
Aouunls osAmA IAIIAIA /,-‘ provincial Capital
-// CT
1 ICE
RIO cmco / °
OSANIA ANA I,.. F// Provincial Boundary _.
\\ Department Boundaries __ _
Juan . Alberdi O
MAlAPAO ‘ lilo-clov-
/ GRANEROS .m. .. .. .. ..
L/ 5 Allen '5

 

 

 

SOURCE“ Compiled by author

.1

95

analysis of 1965 air photos compared with personal obser-
vation in 1970, personal interviews, and the comparative
use of previous studies.

In general, restrictions in planted acreage were
most notable in three main areas within Tucuman: the
northern production zones, the eastern areas, and the
southern section of the province. Each of these areas
might be considered climatically marginal for sugar cane,
since precipitation is minimal and temperatures severe.

In addition to their limiting climatic elements these areas

contain a large number of very small farms (minifundia).

 

The government actions of 1966 eliminated the sugar quotas

of most minifundistas, thus reducing the area devoted to

 

cane in all sections of Tucuman and particularly in the
marginal zones.

Specific reductions in cane land can be seen in
selected areas of the province. Changes in Cruz Alta
department east of the provincial capital, were somewhat
typical between 1960 and 1970.5 In 1960 at least 28 per—
cent of the department was devoted to sugar cane, while

6

only 17.8 percent was planted to cane in 1970. The decline

 

5Although the data compared are for 1960 and 1970
it can be safely assumed that most of the change occurred
between 1965 and 1970.

6Camara Gremial de Productores de Azucar, Censo de
explotaciones cafieras, 1960-61 (Tucuman, 1961)and Censo
afio 1970, preliminary (Tucuman, 1970).

 

 

 

96

is especially impressive considering that the 1970 census
covered more areas than the earlier census.

The area of Tucuman surrounding the small town of
Simoca was greatly affected by the "new order." The

numerous cane minifundias there were devastated, as can be

 

seen in Map 9 showing the lands devoted to cane in 1965
and 1970. A number of fields were still planted to sugar
cane in 1970, even though the farmers were without sugar
quotas. Since no other crOps were known to be as
remunerative as cane, many hoped that the quotas would be
restored. Thus, they remained prepared and hOpefully
could sell their small harvest despite the restrictions.7
National Route 38 south from San Miguel de Tucuman
traverses some of the best cane land in the province.
While sugar still dominates in Tucuman, a considerable
contraction in the cane area has occurred south of the city
of Juan B. Alberdi (Map 10). Extremely scattered and
small plots of sugar cane are characteristic of this area.
Map 11 and Table 8 summarize data gathered from
a number of cane producing areas. Greatest change seems

to have taken place in those climatically marginal areas

where large numbers of minifundia were located, although

 

some movement out of cane cultivation has occurred

throughout the province.

 

7Personal interview with Mario Alvarez, cane
farmer, Simoca, July 14, 1970. Nearly all the small cane
farmers interviewed expressed similar sentiments.

 

 

97

MAP 9

 

 

 

 

CHANGES IN SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION, SIMOCA, TUCUMAN: 1965—I970

FOREST/GRAZING

SUGAR CANE

OTHER CROPS

 

 

 

 

 

 

98

MAP 10

 

 

 

  
   
 
  
 
 

CHANGES IN SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION, JUAN B. ALBERDI, TUCUMAN:
1965—I970

 

- FOREST/GRAZING

SUGAR CANE

  
  

 

H , OTHER CROPS

.44:
44-: ,

  

Source: My Photo 3-C'316-2464 (1965). (Buenos

 

res: Comission do Cartogroiio, I965).

 

 

‘ v F
. RJ mo f’P’VACIo 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

99

MAP II

 

CHANGES IN SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION, TUCUMAN PROVINCE:
I965 — I970

 

  
     
    

TRANCAS

‘7'
F/ A I
\ /r/ r’I
\D \‘// I.’1__‘_\, I
‘.
\
TaliVIe ,
TAFI
8
f\\ San MigueldeT
\ I
\J’ I
I
,_ I.
' ' ~~~~~ -\
FAMAILLA fi‘ . .- c — I
, i
.. \ !
“\ !
I
F‘
MONTER

 

 

 

  

Change in Sugar Cane Production Areas
Maximum Reduction,, 7

Moderate Reduction—

 

Minimal Reduction

 

Sample Sites
(number indicates IOCBLIOHI

 

 

Area 0T Sugar Cane Production

Current MI115——_ o
Provmcml CapIIa1__— a
cmcs— 0
Provincial Boundary—_._.

Department Boundaries

lilum-ICI
I

 

 

 

o m 3 20 n

m:—

o s :o :1
AA”.-

 

 

 

 

Source: Compiled by Author

100

 

\wfimm oem so “mm:

elem sex so amen

Passer: pecan spasm .mm mosmpcoz oposwuoz mmmen .m_
Foevcwz ecmw>mm o>m=z .mm mumsmooz mmPpmn on smog spasm .NF mmstn
mumcmuoz mumw> oF_mm .mm mpmcmooz mowumpsm mo; .FF
Peeves: mercmpcosa .em mpocmuoz oesopc< cam .o_
mpmcmnoz mmumocmz .mm Easexmz moPpwcucom .m
memcmnoz mszn .NN Esewxsz mpmmmo .w
_sewcwz ofinsa com .FN wppmeoa Ezewxmz mopmm mo; .m
Assess: omee< .om _mew:wz mwcmpmmn .o
finesse: Conn com .m_ mpmsmuoz oNcmcmamm .m sp_< Nzcu
Poewcwz .wFsm cwm .mp Fspwdeo Essexmz oecwmsw> .s
Fmewcwz _mwpmcmz .NF mpmcmuoz cheep _m .m
Fmewcez wmow com .op mpmcouoz possum an .N
mpmswuoz onwe> acme .mF res» mpmcmuoz oncscoz Fm ._ zumxsccsm
rswmcmcu Co cosmos *mmwmm mucmEucmamo s4mmcmzo we wmcmmo *mmpwm mpcmspcoamo

 

 

ommFImomp

m m4m<H

”mozH>oma z¢zzozh .onHozooma mz<o m<w2m 2H mmwz<zu

 

 

101

.Asmcscu Esswxse s>ons scs som

”sacsco spscssoe somIo_ .mmcsgu Pseecwe &o_Iov .scso on ssucs_s ssss c? cowpossss waspcsossq gases s ms

smcwEsspss ms: sacsco mo mocmso .mpcs5300s _sowsopmw; sohse asp was; sssomscs_ one :o mposewpcs scs mesons
sw< .msm_ Eons cowusecoecw cps: sscsdeoo was; mccsupss scs ommF c? ss>csmno was: msuwm mFdEsm sneer

.csxsp omFs sis: mssos acops msmcs>sse .sspsmwpms>cw mssss oewwossms
.cocpss as sspwssoo ”socsom

 

Esswxsz mosscssw .Nm mosscssw
Pseecwz ssscsz .om

ESEmeE .5535 .m .... .mm

 

spscssoz sc< spasm .sm ooeco ova
rsswcwz sssecece s4 .mm
_seecvz cowussocou .Nm
_ssecez ocw_oz Fm .Pm spmsmspoeso

spscssoz sooewm .om

spscssoz cease :sm .mm
Psewcvz mosspcoz .mm Essexsz mopmmsd mos .s_

Issmcsso mo mucosa *mmpwm mHCsEpcssso tsmmcsgu mo smcmso Issuem mpcsescsaso
hpsm ohm so pmsz upsm sex so pmsm

 

 

UmzcwucouIIw m4m<k

 

 

 

102

Visual signs of spatial shifts within the province

zalre numerous and striking. Artifacts such as abandoned

<3eane loaders (carggderos) are seen throughout the province,
enspecially in areas on the margin of cultivation. Fields
c>f short, yellowed, irregular and weedy cane indicate
lcetired fields which are occasionally used for cattle

ggrazing (Figure 14). Perhaps most graphic, however, are

‘the older and recently closed mills with broken windows,
sagging gates and smokeless Stacks testifying to formerly
Inore prosperous, or at least more expansive,

times
(Figure 15).

Production Change

Despite uncertainty in the industry and changing

sugar policies, the past decade has been characterized by

increasing productivity in Tucuman. This has been accom—

plished largely through the application of successful

agricultural research to field practices. Particularly,

the relative significance of individual cane varieties

changed markedly between 1960 and 1970. Varieties developed
in experimental stations in the Northwest are earlier
maturing, yet produce a relatively high yielding crOp.

The shift to new varieties can be noted in a comparison

between varietal censuses taken in the department of Cruz

Alta in 1960 and 1970.

 

 

 

 

103

 

Fig. 14. Abandoned Sugar Cane Field in
Tucuman Province.

 

Fig. 15. Abandoned Ingenio in Tucuman
Province.

 

104

TABLE 9

SUGAR CANE VARIETIES IN CRUZ ALTA DEPARTMENT,
TUCUMAN: 1960 AND 1970

 

 

 

 

 

1960 1970
Area Area

Variety (Rows of Cane)* Variety (Rows of Cane)*
Tuc. 2645 733,427 N.A. 56/79 471,575
Co. 421 272,593 N.Co. 310 194,352
C. P. 34/120 114,690 N. A. 56/30 131,391
C. P. 29/116 89,121 Tuc. 2645 86,850
P. R. 902 61,536 C. P. 48/103 46,677
Tu c. 3342 51,364 C. P. 34/120 44,788
C. B. 36/4 35,112 N. A. 56/19 17,287
0. P. 43/74 34,864 N. A. 56/62 8,751
C0413 20,415 Various 263,500
Various 455,657

Total 1,868,779 1,265,171

 

Source: Gamara Gremial de Productores de Azucar,
Censo de productores cafieros, afio 1970,
preliminary (Tucuman, 1970).

 

*Each row (ggggg) is 100 meters long. There are

approximately fifty—five surcos in each hectare (2.47 acres).
A near complete change occurred in just a ten—year

period. The switch to new varieties seems to have occurred
about 1959, when everyone was concerned with increasing
both agricultural and factory yields.8 The Tucuman 2645
variety fell from favor quickly but never dropped out of
production completely. It declined from nearly 40 percent

of the planted area of Tucuman province in 1960 to only

 

8W. Kenning; R. F. de Ullivari and C. A. Artaza,
"Variedades de cafia de azdcar para Tucuman: Algunas
resultados del INTA," La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 71,
No. 869, 1966, p. 97.

 

 

 

105

17 percent by 1963 and less than 10 percent in 1970.9
Farmers had obtained great success with this variety and
were loathe to give it up, even though it was not an early
maturing cane and was quite susceptible to frosts.10
Varieties such as N.A. (Norte Argentina) 56/79 not only
surpassed the 2645 in sugar yields but also matured sooner.
Another replacement variety, C.P. (Canal Point) 48/103,
was the earliest of the 1970 clones but needed a particu—
larly fertile soil and more water than most. Thus, it was
not as adaptable to Tucuman conditions. Normally the
larger growers, as well as some small farmers, planted
several varieties which differed in maturation time and
other characteristics so the harvest period could be
staggered to minimize the risk of crop failure.

Four elements seem most important in the continual
improvement of cane varieties for Tucuman: precocity
(early maturation), resistance to frost, ability to grow
with minimal water supply, and disease resistance. All
characteristics are the subject of research at the Tucuman
Agricultural Experiment Station.

Planting the new varieties has resulted in greater

sugar production per unit area, except during unusually

 

9Camara Gremial de Productores de Azucar, Censos,
1961 and 1971.

10Personal interview with Prof. C. Santamarina,
Tucuman, July 24, 1970.

106

severe and early winters.ll Tucuman in 1969, for example,
obtained a total average yield of 3,700 kilograms per
hectare and showed a general upward trend, but that was
still less than one—third of the yields reported in Jujuy
(Tables 10, 11 and 12). It is in field production that
Tucuman compares least favorably with the two northern
provinces. Yields increased slowly following elimination
of the Sugar Regulating Fund in 1958, but there are still
some obstacles to yields comparable with those of Salta and
Jujuy. Factory yields on the other hand increased consider—
ably during the 1960's in Tucuman and now approach those
of the Ngggg. Experiments have shown that Tucuman is
capable of producing as much sugar per unit area as the
supposedly more favored areas of Salta and Jujuy.l2

The land tenure system is particularly important
in explaining current low yields, but changing harvest
techniques and methods also have affected overall produc—
tion patterns in Tucuman. Capital intensive harvesting
methods are gradually being introduced on the large farms

and ingenio lands of the province. In fact, there appears

 

llThree productivity measures are normally quoted:
l) tonnage of useable cane produced per hectare, 2) factory
yield of sugar, in kilograms per ton of cane, and 3) total
yield, obtained by multiplying the two previous measures
and stated in tons of sugar per hectare.

l2Experiments undertaken by the Tucuman Agricultural
Experiment Station and by INTA (Instituto Nacional de
Tecnologia Agropecuaria) in various sections of Tucuman
province.

 

107

TABLE 10

AGRICULTURAL YIELDS OF SUGAR CANE IN TUCUMAN,
SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES: 1960-1972

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Tons of cane per hectare)

 

 

1960 34.4 70.6 82.9
1961 33.4 75.3 80.6
1962 39.7 63.4 81.5
1963 44.7 78.8 83.5
1964 41.9 72.7 95.3
1965 46.7 66.1 105.9
1966 34.0 74.7 98.0
1967 34.6 53.6 81.7
1968 35.7 62.2 110.7
1969 38.8 53.9 120.5
1970 40.2 62.1 105.5
1971 35.9 58.2 82.5
1972 41.8 71.5 111.3

Source: Based on data from the Centro Azucarero

Argentino
TABLE 11

FACTORY YIELDS OF SUGAR IN TUCUMAN, SALTA
AND JUJUY PROVINCES, 1960—1972

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Kilograms of sugar per 100 kilograms of cane)

 

1960 7.46 10.06 9.96
1961 6.67 9.28 8.39
1962 7.65 9.54 9.56
1963 8.51 10.74 9.96
1964 7.69 10.06 9.58
1965 8.62 11.09 10.89
1966 8.85 10.54 10.20
1967 8.04 10.38 11.26
1968 9.78 11.69 11.90
1969 9.58 11.10 10.42

108

TABLE ll-—Continued

 

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Kilograms of sugar per 100 kilograms of cane)

 

 

1970 9.14 10.50 11.12

1971 9.29 10.66 11.18

1972 9.59 10.95 11.16
Source: "E1 azucar Argentino en cifras: Zafra 1972"

La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931,
December 1972.

 

TABLE 12

SUGAR YIELDS PER HECTARE IN TUCUMAN, SALTA
AND JUJUY PROVINCES, 1960-1972

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Tons of sugar per hectare)

 

1960 2.6 7.0 8.3
1961 2.2 6.9 6.8
1962 3.0 6.0 7.8
1963 3.8 8.2 8.4
1964 3.2 7.3 9.1
1965 4.0 7.3 11.5
1966 3.0 6.8 10.0
1967 2.8 5.6 9.2
1968 3.5 7.3 13.2
1969 3.7 6.0 12.5
1970 3.7 6.5 11.7
1971 3.3 6.2 9.2
1972 4.0 7.8 12.5

 

Source: Based on data from the Centro Azucarero
Argentino.

109

to be some mechanization taking place that can not really
be justified on a cost-benefit basis.l3 Mechanical
loading of cane is fairly widespread while mechanical
cutting, which was initiated at San Pablo ingenio about
1964, is infrequently used to-date. For most of the

small and medium-sized operations, labor intensive methods
seem most applicable but the trend is definitely toward

increased mechanization.

Structural Change

 

The organizational structure of the industry has
been altered substantially, especially in the past decade.
Traditionally, some formal grouping or more subtle
COOperation has occurred among factory owners, chiefly to
exert more effective control over the industry. For
example, CAT (Compafiia Azucarera Tucumana) included three
Tucuman mills, while the Nougues family at one time
controlled two mills in Tucuman, one in the Litoral and
extensive cane lands in Salta. This traditional "free-
enterprise" system was disrupted in 1970 with the exprop-
riation of several mills by the national government, which
occurred just four years after the forceable closing of
seven mills within the province. On May 20, 1970, the
government took over the three CAT mills and established a

government agency to operate them. Seven months later, in

 

 

l3Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnéstico, p. 82.

110

December, 1970, two additional factories were added to the
list administered by CONASA (Corporacién Nacional
Azucarera, S.A.).lu The official justification for this
action was to rescue financially troubled institutions

from potential bankrupcy. This would also save hundreds

of jobs for the province, which was important since Tucuman
has a much higher unemployment rate than that of any other

province of the country.15

Although the primary objective
quoted for the creation of CONASA was a social one, the
economic justification must have played a significant role
as well. Expropriation has meant that the government is
now the largest producer of sugar in the province. This
situation has obvious and potentially dangerous implica-
tions for the industry, but problems to date have been
minimal.

Changes have also transpired in the labor sector of
the industry. A relative transposition of influence
occurred as the number of small producers was officially
reduced. Since the quotas of more than 7,000 small cane

farmers were eliminated, the union representing the

minifundista (UCIT) declined greatly in importance

 

 

l”The expropriated mills of CAT included La Florida,
Santa Rosa and La Trinidad. The two added later were Bella
Vista and San Juan.

15Unemployment figures for Tucuman province were 14.7
percent in April, 1972, and 11.7 percent in October of the
same year. Bank of London and South America Review, Vol. 7,
No. 74, 1973, p. 52.

 

 

111

following 1966. The union encompassing the larger cane
growers (CACTU) has gained in influence as a result.

Each element in the Tucuman sugar industry seems
to have gained an effective voice during the 1960's. This
is not to say that each is fully or fairly represented in
decision making relevant to the industry, but a greater
participation by all sectors does seem a relatively new

characteristic of the sugar industry.

Industrial Expansion in Salta and Jujuy

 

The area devoted to sugar cane in Salta and Jujuy
has increased slowly, while overall sugar production has
expanded more rapidly. The industry in these two provinces
is dominated by three large sugar mills, but two smaller
mills are also in operation.16 The mills have remained
unchanged in number and location since 1919 when the
northernmost and newest ingenio, San Martin de Tabacal,
came into production. They include the oldest continuously
Operating mill in the country, San Isidro, and the largest
in both capacity and production, Ledesma. The industry
in the Norte has remained concentrated in few hands, and
in many reSpects sugar has continued as a frontier crop on

the periphery of each province. The region as a whole,

however, has consistently gained in production and

 

l6In Jujuy, La Esperanza and Ledesma are large

while Rio Grande is medium—sized in capacity. In Salta,
San Martin is large and San Isidro is a small mill.

112

importance at the national level. During the traumatic
period of the middle 1960's in Tucuman, the sugar industry
in Salta and Jujuy gained impetus, but gradually. Slow
evolution rather than drastic change is the key phrase for

the Norte.

Spatial Change

 

The sugar area of the figrte_has remained relatively
stable and is focused on the five ingenios of the region.
The events of 1966 in Tucuman, however, did effect some
change in the northern sugar zones. A decrease in area
and production occurred immediately after the 1966 policy
change, but the trend has been generally upward since then
(Table 7, p. 91). The mills of the flgrt§_grow on their own
land most of the cane they grind, and the major increases
in area, therefore, have been associated with the ingenios.
All of the mills in Salta and Jujuy expanded their crop—
land after 1966, although the three largest were best able
to invest in additional sugar cane. Cane plantings here
require a heavy capital investment since all of the crop
must be irrigated. This in effect limited expansion to
areas accessible to a reliable source of water and to
growers of considerable financial means. The larger mills,
qualified on both counts,took advantage of the decreased
acreage in Tucuman by increasing their own cane land.

Map 12 shows the cropland surrounding Ingenio La Esperanza

and indicates areas of recent expansion and clearing.

113

MAP I2

 

CHANGES IN SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION, INGENIO LA ESPERANZA, JUJUY:
I965—I970

 
 
 
 
   
 
 
  
      

SUGAR CANE CI
OTHER CROPS

MAJOR ROAD E 174;;

RAILROAD E

OIL aIGAs PIPELINE E '.
INGENIO lA ESPERANZA E
INGENIO GROUNDSIauIIdIng,CamIIaI

NON—USED RIVER BANK 7/////A

 

   
 

“WE.
E “I 34%} ""
a: E - ‘
o ,~«~......, ..... _.._-naive“ I"
.& ~ufl|‘=::u ------- Al... I‘
_ I“ - -.§~

..
lllllll
.....

".-

 

 

 

Sourco: Plano do In finals do Ingenio lo Elporanza, (Ingenio La Esporanza, Juiuy: I967)

 

 
  

///// 4” I970
vw‘N ‘ /fi’4«
”\‘“\\\ .

fig

5
I I
‘7

 

\\ .=:- “I":
mu g“ "

flaw ‘"

   
  

,, * lill'llllllllllfi’gt

g \ ' ‘32::

'5 fl‘ gala;

4.1- ~~ -
~ \ufi

 

   

Vk“—-

(A AIR FIELD
4 'z —= ‘

IIIIIIIIII

o

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

11a

During this study period several mills were clearing forest
land, or monte, to further expand their cropland. For
example, in 1970 San Martin de Tabacal was in the process

of clearing about 1,000 hectares.17

This expansion can be
seen clearly in the increased area planted to cane in 1971
and 1972 (Table 7, p. 91).

An estimated thirty to thirty—five independent
growers form part of the industry in Salta and Jujuy.
Indications are that most of them expanded cultivation to
the best of their ability from 1965 to 1970 but accounted
18

for a very small part of total production.

Production Change

 

An increase in sugar production characterized the
Morte during the past decade. This trend is shown in
Table 13. The great variation in factory capacities is
also notable, as is the considerable increase in production
in 1971 and 1972.

Field yields of cane are much higher in the M9333
than in Tucuman (Table 10, p. 107). Factory yields are also
higher, as efficient factory operations and effective

coordination between the cutting of cane and the actual

 

l7Personal interview with Ing. Jim Lord, Ingenio
San Martin de Tabacal, Salta, March 19, 1970.

18Conversation with Ricardo Leach, cane grower and
former part owner of Ingenio La Esperanza, San Pedro de
Jujuy, July 18, 1970.

 

 

115

 

 

 

 

.mmmalmmma “whopmo:N< mflhpmSUQH mg ”oopsom
sma,wfim mzo,:HH mmm,om mmonnq oms,omm smm.mm msmfi
:©:,mmm omo,am owm,qa Hmm,mm mmznfimfi amp,mm HAQH
Am:.mmm Ohm,om :mmnma mpm,wm mmo.omH mmm,om osmfi
www.mmm amm,aw soo.sa mmm,mm mo:,osfi Amm,mm mmmfi
mum,:sm mma.mw mfio,mfi wmm.mm mmm.fimfi :mm.fim mesa
oomnsam Hum.:m mm>.HH mmw.om omm.mma Ho:,mm Amma
mom.mmm mms,ms www.mfi Hm:.mm mm:.msfi m:m.mm mesa
Awm.:o: sz,zm mom,mH mom.mm mo:.mmH mmm,op mmmfi
:mw.smm :wH,ow Hms.mfi mmm,mm mmfi.mmfi sfiw.mm smma
om:.fimm mmm.om mmm,mH mas.sm smm.msfi mom.fim mmmfl

AmOHHx pm: mo m.OOOHv
Hmpoe Qmemz cam opoflmH :mm mpcmmw owm mamoomq mwswmmdmm m4 ammw
spasm mamSh

 

 

mmmalmwma AmmOZH>Omm wbhbh 92¢ <BQ<m 2H ZOHBODQOmm mdwbm

ma mqm<B

 

 

116

milling assures that the freshest cane possible enters the
mill.

Productivity in the field is closely correlated
with cane varieties. Most of the mills concentrate upon
early maturing varieties, but some medium and rather long
term cane is also grown. Clones currently planted are
chiefly products of Argentine experimentation. The
northern mills support an agricultural experiment station
at Santa Rosa, in Salta, which has helped in the testing
and development of suitable new varieties. Different
considerations prevail in the Morte_than in Tucuman, since
mechanical harvesting is much more widespread. In addition
to having a high sugar content, the cane should ideally
grow straight for the cutting machines to operate properly.

Attempts at total mechanization of the cane harvest
reflect an on-going effort to replace the imported worker
with a machine. La Esperanza is the leader in mechanizing
the harvest phase but reports difficulty in finding a
harvester adaptable to the special soil and cane varieties
of the area. Minor problems also occur, such as use of a
harvester that cut the cane in such small pieces that the

factory trapiches become clogged.19

 

 

l9Personal interview with Agron. Héctor Jeréz,
Sub—Administrator of Ingenio La Esperana, Jujuy, May 21,
1970.

 

 

117

Structural Change

 

The northern provinces were traditionally at a
disadvantage politically with respect to Tucuman. Because
of the economic influence of the Tucuman sugar harvest on
surrounding provinces, the sugar interests of Tucuman
could always count on regional delegate support in the
national assembly. Salta and Jujuy, on the other hand,
could count on no additional constituency, since their
labor force was drawn chiefly from Bolivia. Thus, the
political influence of Salta and Jujuy was usually secon-
dary to that of Tucuman. This condition has been gradu—
ally changing. Because of their better financial position
and relative lack of scandal, the Morte has received more
favorable national press. In addition, the larger indus—
trial units of Salta and Jujuy with investments and
interests outside the realm of sugar have gained in direct
influence. Ledesma, not only the largest individual
sugar mill in the country but also a major producer of
paper (which is in short supply in the country), wields
particularly great power on the national scene.

The industrialists of the M9333 are the chief
spokesmen for their industry. Few important splintering
influences are found, since there are relatively few
independent growers and the largest segment of the
workers are still Bolivians with no base for political

organization within Argentina. Thus, the Norte can speak

118

with essentially one voice.

Present Conditions

 

The sugar industry of the Northwest was drastically
changed in 1966. Most affected was Tucuman where seven
mills were closed, more than 7,000 small farmers were
dispossessed of their sugar quotas, and the cane plantings
were reduced by more than 50,000 hectares. Some 150,000
people emigrated from the province to Buenos Aires and
other urban centers, and thousands more were left
unemployed. Naturally, an abrupt decrease in the gross
domestic product of the province likewise occurred.20 The
amazing thing was that few active protests or disturbances
ensued! In Salta and Jujuy these events caused a momentary
waver in sugar production, but the Norte certainly bene-
fited both directly and indirectly from the troubles of
Tucuman.

These events were important psychologically, as
well as economically. The supremacy of Tucuman in a
traditional industry was challenged not only by the North
but with the backing of the national government. Some
statements expressing unwarranted persecution were found
in Tucuman newspaper accounts of the time, but the basic
feeling seemed to be that there was a certain amount of

justice in the actions. It was recognized that elements

 

18La Gaceta, Tucuman, April 17, 1970.

 

119

of the industry in Tucuman needed, at the least, some basic
reform. Thus, although the action affected the livelihood
of many people, there was an acceptance of the government
position. Diversification was viewed as a necessary step
as long as sugar remained an essential part of the economy.

The North emerged considerably strengthened and
with a larger percentage of the total Argentine sugar
production after 1966. An optimistic attitude about the
future of the industry also pervaded that region. People
seemed confident that sugar was based firmly in the North
and only wished for larger quotas. It was rather incon—
gruous, however, that in several years Salta and Jujuy
were unable to meet their assigned quotas and the deficits
were met by sugar from Tucuman.

Areal expansion was limited by government restric~
tions on overall production, so the resulting changes were
greatly tempered. Contractions in cultivated sugar cane
in Tucuman were the most notable effects on the landscape,
but other subtle changes occurred both there and in Salta

and Jujuy.

CHAPTER V
PHYSICAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE

Sugar cane thrives in a tropical environment, but
the crop can be grown commercially in subtropical and even
mild, humid—continental zones such as Louisiana and
Northwest Argentina. Although the Argentine production
area of the Litoral extends even farther poleward, the
Northwest is considered near the southern limit for cane.
The sugar zones of Tucuman extend to about 270 20' South
Latitude, while the planted areas of the Norte reach to 23°
South, just north of the Tropic of Capricorn (Louisiana
cane lands extend to about 30° North Latitude). Under
these latitudinal constraints, the physical and climatic
characteristics become especially important parameters for
sugar production.

Differences in physical conditions within the
Northwest have frequently been used to question the propri—
ety of cane production in Tucuman province. "In (Argentina)

cane is generally grown on loams and sandy loams of high

 

lInternational Sugar Council, The World Sugar
Economy: Structure and Policies, Vol. II, The World Picture

 

 

 

(London: International Sugar Council, 1963), p. 5.

E. W. Shanahan, South America, 2nd ed. (New York: Dutton
and Co., 1939), p. 211, states that Tucuman lies "at extreme
southern limit” for South American sugar cane production.

120

121

fertility but climatic conditions due to the latitude and

altitude exclude high yields. This is especially true for
Tucuman where winter frosts shorten the growing season and
prevent the cane from ripening.”2 The validity of this and

other such statements requires further analysis.

Production Differences Between Regions

 

As previously indicated, production in the Norte
greatly exceeds that of Tucuman on a unit area basis.
Measures of crop yields and industrial productivity portray

major differences among the producing zones.

Yields

The crop yields of Tucuman are lower than those of
either Salta or Jujuy (Table 10, p. 10D. The average yields
in Tucuman, measured in tons of cane per hectare, over a
period of five years ranged from 15.7 tons in 1968 to Al.8
tons in 1972. The corresponding figures for Salta and
Jujuy also show yearly variations but are much higher than
those for Tucuman during the same period (Table 1A).

The regional differences in yield indicate more than
casual variations. A partial explanation may lie with the

physical characteristics of each region.

 

2International Sugar Council, The World Picture,

 

p. 66.

122

TABLE 14

FIELD YIELDS OF SUGAR CANE IN NORTHWEST
ARGENTINA, 1968—1972

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Tons of cane per hectare)

 

1968 35.7 62.2 110.7
1969 38.8 53.9 120.5
1970 “0.2 62.1 105.5
1971 35.9 58.2 82.5
1972 “1.8 71.5 111.3

 

Source: La Industria Azucarera, 1973.

 

Productivity

 

The crude sugar output in the factories from a
hectare of cane gives an indication of agricultural, as well
as industrial, efficiency within each producing region.

From smaller planted areas both Salta and Jujuy produce
proportionately more sugar than Tucuman, as shown in Table
15 (See also Tables 11 and 12, pp. 107—108).

Production figures indicate a great difference
between Tucuman and the two northern provinces and a consid—
erable contrast between Salta and Jujuy. Physical elements
may also help explain these variations. Climatic and
edaphic influences are especially important, while

physiographic limitations also exist.

123

TABLE 15

SUGAR OUTPUT PER HECTARE IN TUCUMAN, SALTA AND
JUJUY PROVINCES,1968—1972

 

 

Year Tucuman Province Salta Province Jujuy Province
(Tons of sugar per hectare)

 

1968 3.5 7. 13.2
1969 3.7 6. 12.5
1970 3.7 6.5 11.7
1971 3.3 6.2 9.2
1972 “.0 7.8 12.5

 

Source: La Industria Azucarera, 1973.

 

Climatic Influences

 

Although sugar cane has a history as long and
continuous in Tucuman as in any other province of Argentina,
the question of climatic suitability has recurred fre-
quently. Dr. Colombres had to fight the idea of inclement
conditions in order to reintroduce cane as a cash crop to
Tucuman about 1820, after a fifty year hiatus. Elements
of the climatic argument have resurfaced today in compari—
sons of the producing zones. Existing conditions in

Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy merit some examination.

Precipitation

 

Sugar cane grows best in hot moist climates where

a period of heavy rainfall is followed by a dry season.

l2“
Ideal precipitation amounts vary with location, but at
least 1000 millimeters (almost forty inches) are normally
desirable. Limited sections in the producing areas of
the Northwest match these optimal natural conditions.

A wide variation in rainfall exists within and
between major producing areas. An isohyet map of Tucuman
(Map 13) shows that most of the cane area receives more
than 850 millimeters (thirty—five inches), while all land
planted to cane receives from 650 to 1500 millimeters
(about twenty—five to sixty inches). The prime zones appear
to record from 1000 to 1500 millimeters (forty to sixty
inches), while a decrease in precipitation becomes an
absolute limit to the south and east. Total rainfall in
the sugar zones of Salta and Jujuy is quite low, in
general, and extremely varied. The range is from about
500 millimeters (twenty inches) at Ingenio San Isidro, in
Salta, the southernmost location, to 1200 millimeters
(forty—eight inches) at Finca Abra Grande, Salta, at the
northern end of the Argentine sugar area (Map 1“).

Precipitation records kept in the sugar zones
vary widely in availability, length and reliability. More
complete data exist for the heavily populated province of
Tucuman than for the relatively isolated production zones
of Salta and Jujuy. For example, monthly rainfall totals
for the city of Tucuman extend from 188“, whereas lengthy
records for the sugar areas of Salta-Jujuy are difficult

to find.

 

125

MAP I3

 

AVERAGE ANNUAL PRECIPITATION: TUCUMAN PROVINCE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Precipiutiou in Millimeter:
Under 800

800 » I000
1000 - I 5 00

Above 1500

 

Area OI Sugar Cane Production

- 7 ,7 A J
Rivers ”*3, ‘v'\‘ / ‘\, .

 

Provincul Cnpxul
ProvmcnI Boundary

Inc-Inn
u

 

 

 

 

D n u ' /
D ID nun 10 no H‘L.
SOURCE J. C

 

3 son: to. "Diltribucio/n de lo- Ingemol azucarera; tucum-nos“, In GeograghIa Una (‘l Vana.
Univerndad Nation-I de Tucuma’n, (Tucuma’n. I‘M?)

 

 

 

 

 

My

 

126

MAP l4

 

 

AVERAGE ANNUAL PRECIPITATION: NORTHWEST ARGENTINA

 

(“H/u: I

/ .—~.l,‘. JUJUY

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

... ————————————————— -1
I 3
I _p. \ _____
/ _/
/' ’— /
I. _/
\ I
\ ./ ' '\ ~ /‘ K /
\ / \ L (
. \ «_
i \ l I / ‘\ J 3°
') \/ .
./ / TUCUMAN
(.
SANTIAGO
SAN MIGUEL do YUCUMAN
/l doI ESTERO
Precipitation in Millinoion_~. 600/ _/I r (‘39 '
Iivou J ./ °°
/ .
onvinciol Cooiioln * (K
. \.
onvinciol Iooodo'iol _ _ _
I
lniovnotionol Ioundovi oo _ ,,,,, _ .\
.\ \
lilouovon . . /
w / \. -\_I
.iloo . / X
Soouo: Hol-ol Lou-con, "Prod'iioci‘n uodio onuol” in Coonco dol i‘ do Io ”on: I udio at. "I Ionilitoci‘n d oooooo Ilo. (Uolhiognn. D. C.: Or...6|.'l..

 

 

     

oi Auovicoo Siotos. i969).

iOI

 

 

127

While total precipitation is an important climatic
indicator, the proper distribution of moisture throughout
the year is equally desirable for the crOp. Cane needs
abundant water in the period of growth and relative dryness
during maturation. Particularly after initial budding the
leafy plant requires greater amounts, and if the rain fails
there can be extensive losses. 0n the other hand, too much
water during the mature plant stage can lead to a sharp
decline in sugar yields. Distribution of precipitation in
Salta and Jujuy is nearly ideal, with most rain from
October to April and very little during the maturation and
harvesting period from May through August. In Tucuman, the
rainfall also occurs mainly in the summer but amounts are
higher during the harvest period. Irrigation there is used
only sparingly, in contrast with the North.

The major value of irrigation is that water appli—
cation can be regulated to periods of plant need. It is
likely that the crop will be especially well developed
under irrigation. Thus, the need for irrigation in the
Norte and the availability of water is correlated with
high overall yields. The highest sugar yields of the
nation correspond to the irrigated lands of the North.
Through irrigation the growing season of these areas is
extended, and this affects yields. Areas suitable for

irrigation are restricted, however, and all ingenios of

 

the Norte lack sufficient water for expansion. Water is

 

128

obtained primarily from nearby rivers, although wells are
occasionally utilized and water transported from more
distant streams is used in one instance.3

Although precipitation is both more abundant and
dependable in Tucuman, this is not a clear—cut advantage.
Cane yields of the province could undoubtedly be increased
with more extensive irrigation. Only an estimated 30

percent of the cane in Tucuman receives supplemental irri—

gation, leaving most of the crop to the vagaries of nature.

Temperature

Temperature regimes are critical at the limits of
crop cultivation. Summer temperatures in the Argentine
Northwest compare favorably with those of prime growing
areas elsewhere in the world, but the differences lie in
the winter temperatures. In both Tucuman and Salta-Jujuy
the growing season is an important variant in each crop
year, since neither zone is frost—free. The plant matures
and the sucrose increases with the approach of cool weather,
but severe damage occurs with a frost. Crop losses are
greatest with immature cane since further growth is retarded
or stopped at a period when the sugar content is low.

Once the cane has reached maturity a frost does minimal

 

’ 3Personal interview with Ing. Jim Lord, Ingenio San
Martin de Tabacal, March 19, 1970. A joint project of
Finca Abra Grande and San Martin de Tabacal was to bring
irrigation water twenty-six miles from the Rio Pescado, a
tributary of the Rio Bermejo (see Map 6, p. 31).

 

129

harm, although the crop must be harvested and transported
to the factory as soon as possible to avoid inversion of
some of the sugars. Little control can be exerted over the
frosts, but resulting adjustments have included the
development and use of early maturing varieties.

The severity of a frost depends chiefly on the
absolute temperature and the number of freezing hours
maintained. Only the first of these measurements is avail—
able, and the following table indicates minimum tempera—

tures reported by various sugar mills of the Northwest.

TABLE 16

NUMBER OF YEARLY FREEZES AND MINIMUM TEMPERATURES
AT SELECTED CANE SITES IN TUCUMAN, SALTA
AND JUJUY PROVINCES

 

Minimum Recorded
Average No. of Temperature (1950-

 

Locations Yearly Freezes 1970)
Leales, Tucuman l6 17.60F
Villa Alberdi, Tucuman l2 l9.“0
Monteros, Tucuman 6 21.00
San Miguel de Tucuman “ 21.oO
Tabacal, Salta 6 26.60
Campo Santo, Salta 6 2“.8°
Ledesma, Jujuy 3 26.60
La Esperanza, Jujuy 3 26.60
Rio Grande, Jujuy 5 2“.8°

 

Source: La Industra Azucarera, 1950—1950 and Roberto
F. de Ullivarri, and Carlos M. Guerineau,
Zonas para la futura expansién azucarera
argentina (Buenos Aires: Instituto Nacional
de Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1960).

 

 

 

 

130

Sporadic records kept at the sugar mills made a
detailed analysis of temperatures difficult, if not impos—
sible. Every mill visited maintains a simple weather
station that records daily temperatures and precipitation.
Most include maximum and minimum readings for the ingenio
grounds, and some also have a station or stations in the
gampg (fields). Frequently the instruments are attended
only on an irregular basis. In fact, many mill operators
see no reason to keep accurate weather records since most
plantings are initiated and maintained on the basis of
hard experience.

Existing records corroborate generally lower tem-
peratures for specific areas in Tucuman than for sugar
zones of the Norte. Frosts are somewhat less likely in
Salta and Jujuy. Since 1960, the lowest recorded tempera-
ture in Salta and Jujuy was a —2° C. (28.“0 F) at San
Isidro, Salta, in July, 1962.)"I Temperatures below freezing
in the Norte were most often reported for San Isidro and
Rio Grande, the two smallest operations within the northern
region. This might suggest a less favorable location,
which in turn limits the cane areas, or it might simply
connote a "bad" placement of the recording station! There
is also a considerable range in low temperatures recorded

by the sugar mills of Tucuman. The mills in the eastern

 

“La Industria Azuzarera, 1960—1970.

 

131

and southern sugar zones of the province, such as Leales,
generally record the lower temperatures.

The effects of low temperatures (frost) on a sugar
cane field is highly visible on the landscape. A brown
coloration gives the affected areas the appearance of ripe
grain fields. Where cane is grown on slopes, as in Tucuman,
the frost line often is apparent part way up the foothills
(see Figures 16 and 17). Because of air drainage the up—
slope cane is less affected by light froSts, while that

planted in the lower areas turns tell—tale brown.

Other Factors Related to Climate

 

Altitudinal limits for sugar cane depend upon
specific site characteristics. Cane is grown commercially
in the world at sites near sea level and over 1300 meters
(“,250 feet).5 Since temperatures decrease with increasing
elevation, this factor can be especially critical in higher
latitudes. The differences in elevation among the producing
zones of the Argentine Northwest are relatively small but
not inconsequential. Selected altitudes of sugar areas
include: “10 meters (1,3“0 feet) at San Pablo, Tucuman;

“60 meters (1,50“ feet) at Ledesma, Jujuy; and 310 meters

(1,01“ feet) at San Martin de Tabacal, Salta. The absolute

 

5W. Knoche and V. Borsacov. Estudio comparativo de
climas apropiadosgpara el cultivo de la cafia de azucar segun
una nueva classificacién climatica. Boletin No. 30,
Estacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman (Tucuman, l9“0),
p. 12.

 

 

 

132

 

Fig. 16. Frost Line in Cane Fields in Tucuman
Province-West.

 

Fig. 17. Frost Line in Cane Fields of Tucuman
Province—East.

 

133

variation in Tucuman province alone is substantial (Map 15).
Localities with economic production are found at elevations
ranging from about 350 to over 600 meters (about 1,150 to
1,950 feet), and small areas with particularly favorable
orientations are found near 700 meters (roughly 2,300
feet).6 In Tucuman there seems to be some relationship
between increasing elevation and slightly higher precipi-
tation totals, while average temperatures are affected only
slightly.7 In Salta and Jujuy local variation on individ-

ual ingenios is slight since irrigation is maintained on

 

relatively restricted and level areas. There is, however,
considerable variation within the region. For example, at
Ledesma and Esperanza, in Jujuy, respective elevations are
“60 meters and 560 meters (1,50“ and 1,83“ feet). In this
case, precipitation totals are slightly greater at the
lower site.8 Thus, the limited examples from Tucuman and
Jujuy indicate no consistent relationship between elevation
and climatic elements.

For rapid maturation of cane, the number of hours

of sunshine is very important, especially during the late

 

0Estela B. de Santamarina, Caracteristicas morfo-
légicas y climaticas del area canera de Tucuman. Mimeographed
report (Tucuman, 1967), p. l.

 

7Ibid., p. 7.

8Personal interviews at sugar mills Ledesma and
La.Esperanza.

 

13“

MAP IS

 

 

ELEVATION AND SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE

 

 

 

 

 

 

Elevation In Meters
contour interval
equals 200 meters

 

Area of Sugar Cane ProductIOn

 

Rivers

 

Provinmal Capital

 

Provincial Bounda r y

 

Ii LOIIYIIS
O I! 2‘ It 6|

 

I 30 IO
0 0 IILIS

O
55y
43.

 

    
 

I u

 

 

SOURCE: Compiled by author

 

 

 

 

135

growth stages. The northern provinces have more sun hours
than does Tucuman. Due to heavier autumn rains and asso—
ciated cloud cover in Tucuman, maturation is somewhat

9

retarded. No statistics other than precipitation totals
are available to support this observation, but it is often
suggested by agriculturalists as a decided advantage of
the northern zones.10

Other factors generally accepted as restrictions
to cane growth include the degree of slope and Specific
eXposure. Planting on slopes is not desirable since
erosion is intense during the early planting stages when
the soil surface is exposed between rows. Exposure to the

prevailing winds, rainfall and sunlight are also influen-

tial in limiting cane growth.

Edaphic Influences

 

Soils in the sugar regions of the Northwest have
some fundamental similarities. All areas are associated
with the Andean foothills and are generally overlain with
alluvial materials. Differences do exist, however, in the
information available about the areas. Detailed soil

surveys have been undertaken in Tucuman, while

 

9Manfredo A. L. Reichart, "E1 suelo en el cultivo
de la cafia de azucar," Revista Agronémica del Noroeste
Argentino, Vol. 7, No. 1-2, 1970, p. 112.

 

10Interview with Ing. Jorge Mariotti, Division of
Sugar Cane, School of Agronomy, Universidad de Tucuman,
Tucuman, January 7, 1970.

 

136

investigations in the Salta and Jujuy canelands have been
sketchy at best.

The planted areas of Tucuman are classified gener—
ally as mollisols, having thick, dark, organic A horizons.ll
The soils are friable, contain few stones, and are of
relatively high natural fertility. The major element most
commonly lacking is phosphorus, with minor deficiencies of
calcium in certain soil types. The chief limitations for
the planting and growth of cane, aside from lack of water,
are exhibited in areas with high water tables and exces—
sively salty soil horizons.l2 Subsoils are generally of
moderate texture, allowing good water retention yet
adequate drainage, but extensive areas have more impermeable
subsoils which result in a drainage problem. The poorly
drained and salty soils are located chiefly along the Rio
Sali, at the eastern margin of continuous cane plantings
(Map 16).

The soils of Tucuman have been under continuous
cultivation for several hundred years. Sugar cane has
exclusively occupied a large area for more than 100 years,
and fertilization has been used only sparingly. Soil
renewal is now much needed, and research at the Tucuman

Agricultural Experiment Station has indicated that nitrogen

 

llNatalio Mikenburg, Bosquejo de distribucién de los
suelos de Tucuman y capacidad de uso actual, Publicacidn
No. 53, Instituto de Suelos y Agrotécnica, Ministerio de
Afgricultura y Ganaderia (Buenos Aires, 1957), p.

12Ibid., p. 8.

 

137
MAP 16

 

SOILS AND SUGAR CANE PRODUCTION IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

 

   

Soil Group-
Deep well draIned soils
ndy loam to loam
Poorly drained soxls
Undifferentiated
Mountain IO“!
Area of Sugar Cane Production
River-
PrOV‘incial Capital
Provincial Boundary
l I t 0 I I I II}
o u u
n

 

0 I0
nun

 

 

 

 

 

SOURCE: Noullo Mikenbcr', Booqueio de diuribucio‘n de loo Suelol de hwmo‘n y co ac idad de um actual.
mo de Suolol y Agrotecnio. Mini-t terlo de Agricultura y Ganaderia. (Buenol Airel, I957.

 

 

138

is the element most commonly lacking. Studies concerning
other elements have not been conclusive for cane, but
further research on artificial fertilization is being
conducted.

Many soils in Salta and Jujuy compare favorably
with those of Tucuman. Most of the area is well drained,
which is particularly important since irrigation is
practiced on nearly all the planted acreage. An advantage
accrues to most ingenios in the North since they are in the
process of opening new land. The soils are generally fresh
and need few additional nutrients. Some lands have been
cultivated as long as those in Tucuman, however, and all
mills maintain continuous fertilization programs. Many
send cachaza (the solid residue left from the purification
of cane juice) back to the fields in the irrigation water,
for instance. Detailed soil surveys may eventually indi—
cate more specific needs when, and if, yields decline.

In summary, the differences in yields between
Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy are related directly to climatic

l3

and edaphic conditions. In northern Salta the climatic

and edaphic conditions are favorable for attaining high
sugar yields. The judicious use of water gives this area

a growing period of approximately 250 days.14 The growing

 

13This is the thesis of Manfredo Reichart in his
previously cited article "E1 suelo en el cultivo de la
cafia de azucar," 1970.

114Reichart, "El suelo",p. 139.

 

 

 

 

139

season is extended over the expected "natural" norm up
to two months through the use of irrigation. The new
plantings and ratoon crops receive irrigation water during
September and November. This gives cane growers of Salta
at least one month's advantage over those of Tucuman.
During the period of maturation and harvest, approximately
150 days, the temperature is relatively low and therefore
induces sugar accumulation. Reduced precipitation during
this period further aids the process. The very important
soil conditions of water retention and nutrient levels
are also favorable in the North.

In Tucuman, the growth period approximates 195

15 A more regular rainfall than in Salta and Jujuy

days.
helps to compensate for the shorter period of growth, but
there is a lower soil fertility due to the many years of
cane cultivation. Also, more precipitation is received
during the maturation period than is true of the N9333,
which further restricts the accumulation of sugar.

Cane growing in both regions is limited by frosts,
but the total physical environment in Salta and Jujuy is
more favorable for good cane yields than that of Tucuman.

However, more detailed and "scientific" investigations are

still needed.

 

lSIbid., p. 140.

 

 

CHAPTER VI

SOCIO—HISTORICAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE

The evolution of many human and institutional
factors in the cane areas of the Northwest has been directly
or indirectly tied to change within the sugar industry.
Although complicated and liable to gross generalizations,
the contrasting social history of the producing zones has

likewise greatly influenced industry developments.

Demographic Characteristics

 

The population of Tucuman, Salta and Jujuy provinces
varies markedly in size, composition and general distri—
bution, as shown in Table 17.

Tucuman is the most populous province Of the North—
west and, perhaps more significantly, has the highest
population density of the entire country. Salta and Jujuy
are both larger in area than Tucuman and much less densely
populated. All three provinces have high percentages of
rural population, but Tucuman exhibits a more concentrated
settlement pattern (Map 17). An intermingling of urban
centers and dense rural settlement is distinctive only of
Tucuman within Argentina and, in fact, is a pattern seldom
seen elsewhere in Latin America. The greatest density of

1“0

 

 

 

1“1

TABLE 17

POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS OF TUCUMAN, SALTA
AND JUJUY PROVINCES, 1960

 

 

 

Total 2 2
Province Inhabitants Area (km ) Inhabitants/km % Rural
Tucuman 773,972 22,52“ 3“.“ “6
Salta “12,85“ 15“,775 2.7 “5
Jujuy 2M1,u62 53,219 “.5 51

 

Source: Direccién Nacional de Estadistica y Censos,

Censo Nacional de Poblacidn, 1960,

 

Aires, 1962).

TABLE 18

SELECTED URBAN CENTERS OF THE SUGAR CANE AREAS

OF TUCUMAN, SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES

(Buenos

 

 

Population*

Population*

 

Tucuman Province

San Miguel de 300,000+
Tucuman

Concepcidn “0,000

Villa Alberdi 2u,000

Tafi Viejo 35,000

Monteros 16,000

Famailla 13,200

Salta Province

San Ramén de la
Nueva Oran

General Gfiemes

Tabacal

Jujuy Province
San Pedro de Jujuy

Ledesma

16,900

10,425

6,900

20,000

12,000

 

*1968 provincial estimates.

 

 

 

 

1“2

MAP I7

 

POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE: I966

 

 

 

 

 

 

      

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Iqu I

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I—79

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JO _ 49 B Is 000 _ IO 99? l—Ld
, V‘ 20000 — 29 we )
, M '—/
so _ 199 JD 000 — as 000
300 000
Joe
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0 I1 14

M II

D ID :0 no I“' /
AIIH '

SOURCE, Selva E. Sannlla‘n rle Andrea.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Estela B. dr Samamarma and Teodoro R. RICCI. La real distribution de la
Erovincia de Tucumin. Deportamemo de Geografi'a (Ncuma'n, I ).

 

 

 

 

 

 

1“3

population in Tucuman coincides with the cane areas, while
production zones of Salta and Jujuy contain small percent—
ages of their respective populations. The cane areas of
Salta and Jujuy are also more completely rural, as indi-
cated by the relatively small size of cities within the
region.

All of the cities in Tucuman are found directly
within the sugar producing areas of the province, while
two of the cities in Salta, Oran and Gfiemes, are peripheral
to the production zones of that province. Both the Salta
and Jujuy cane areas are sparcely served with urban
functions (Map 18).

In Tucuman, population growth has occurred
sporadically, and interesting parallels can be drawn with
the expansion of the sugar industry (Table 19).

With a healthy and expanding industry a large labor
force was needed, and this could not be supplied from the
existing population base. Attempts were made to employ
laborers from many sources, but the "solution" came chiefly
from the surrounding provinces. The greatest demand for
labor occurs during the harvest period, which coincides
with the otherwise relatively inactive winter season.

This timing proved quite attractive to the underemployed
of the region. A large part of the labor force was
necessarily transitory, but many workers remained perma—
nently within the province. The population growth of

Tucuman obviously cannot be explained only by these

 

 

 

SELECTED URBAN CENTERS IN SUGAR AREAS OF NORTHWEST ARGENTINA

 

(HI/.5

\.
5-
.1

 

 

 

 

 

Urban Connor:

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TUCUMAN

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K

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GENERAL OUEMIS

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unm- «I ll; d. I. rI-I.

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1“5

TABLE 19

GROWTH OF POPULATION AND THE SUGAR INDUSTRY
IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, SELECTED YEARS,

 

 

 

1869—1968

Year Population No. Sugar Mills Area in Cane
1869 108,953 12 1,000 cuadras*
1895 215,7“2 3“ 53,086 has.
191“ 332,933 28 105,000 has.
19“? 593,371 28 192,000 has.
1960** 773,972 27 228,000 has.
1968 773,913 16 135,000 has.

 

Source: Compiled by author from varied sources.

* A cuadra is a measure previously used in
Argentina and approximately 130 square meters.

*

*

Seasonality of the sugar harvest causes diffi—
culty for census takers. It is hypothesized that
the 1960 census overestimated permanent populations,
since the count occurred in September when the

zafra is in full operation.

additions, since European immigration of the late 1800's
added large numbers, for example, but there is little doubt
that the economic impulse of the sugar industry was the
major factor behind population increases.

The transitory labor situation of Tucuman may have
been an important population variable, particularly in hard
times. It is likely that many of the newcomers felt
neither the ties nor the desire to remain during stagnant
or declining periods in the industry and thus provided the

bulk of the emigrants. Although impossible to document, it

. _A

 

 

 

 

1“6

is also probable that many of the thousands who left the
province after the 1966 government intervention fit that
category. Most who left apparently followed other crops
or decided to join the crowded suburbs surrounding Buenos
Aires.1

The sugar areas of Salta and Jujuy are relatively
isolated from the major population centers of the two
provinces. This fact plus a small local population meant
problems for the seasonally labor intensive industry.
The sugar mills there, as in Tucuman, imported various
groups of people for the harvest period. Since there are
no major populated areas nearby, it was perhaps natural
that the employers turned to Bolivia as a source of labor.
Importation of Bolivians is still common but is declining
in relative importance, since many Bolivians have remained
in the mill towns and are becoming Argentine citizens.

Variations in labor demands, which often result in
attempts at replacing manual labor with machines, have had
only a minimal effect in Salta and Jujuy. This is due
chiefly to the dependence on foreign laborers who never
were incorporated into the fabric of the province but
maintained their economic and social interaction within the
structure of the sugar mills. Thus, industrial "progress"
in the Norte has been and is considerably less painful to

the human element of the area than in Tucuman.

 

1La Gaceta, Tucuman, March 20, 1970.

 

 

 

 

l“?

The development of a "surplus" population in
Tucuman has not been paralleled in Salta and Jujuy. Closer
control over labor numbers by the large mills of the Norte,
and the greater use of "disposable" temporary workers, has
led to a more stable population in that area. Unemployment
figures for the provinces tend to bear this out: in 1968
Tucuman averaged 11 percent unemployed, while Salta and Jujuy
averaged 5 and 6 percent, respectively.2 These figures
most accurately represent the great influence of the sugar
industry in Tucuman and its more modest role in Salta and

Jujuy.

Land Tenure
The contrasting population distribution in the cane

producing regions is closely tied with ownership patterns
and farm sizes typical of each area. The many small
landowners of Tucuman are reflected in the most densely
inhabited rural landscape in Argentina, while the large
estates of the N93§g_dominate the restricted arable river
valleys and effect a relatively sparce settlement pattern.
The evolution of these two very different systems offers

important insights into the sugar industry.

 

2Censo provincial de Tucuman, 1968, and Bank of
London and South America Review. Vol. 3, No. 31, July 1969,
p. ““2.

 

 

 

 

1“8

Property Size

Extensive 1and_grants were not characteristic of
the early settlement patterns of the Northwest. Over time,
however, some large holdings were developed. These
latifundios were and are dominant only in the two northern
provinces of the region.

The latifundio could not be considered typical of
Tucuman in any historical period. The vegetation mixture
of subtropical forest, scrub forest and occasional lush
grasslands was difficult to prepare for agriculture.
Scattered agricultural holdings surrounded the city of San
Miguel de Tucuman in its early days, but the non—cultivated
land was considered property of all.3 During the mid-1800's
the more prosperous tradesmen and farmers acquired large
land holdings, but it was later that the railroad and the
expanding sugar industry physically transformed the land—
scape of the province. Great amounts of land were cleared
and sugar cane was planted extensively. Rapid transport
made intensive cane growing highly profitable.

The big agricultural breakthrough corresponded with
an increase in the number of cane planters. In 187“, two

years prior to the arrival of the railroad, only 233

 

3Ricardo Jaimes Freyre, E1 Tucuman en 1810, Noticias
historicas de documentos inéditos. (Tucuman, 1909) quoted
in Teodoro R. Ricci, Evolucién de la ciudad de San Miguel
de Tucuman (Tucuman, 1967), p. 75.

 

 

 

 

 

1“9

planters were reported while in 1895 the number had
increased to 2,630! Continued proliferation occurred
during the 1900's. In 1926 cane farmers totaled 5,033 and
by 1965 a phenomenal increase to 26,780 was reported.“

The growth rate varied with cycles in the industry, but two
general conditions prevailed: (1) early separation of the
agricultural and industrial stages, and (2) negative
incentives offered the large owner of cane lands.

During the initial stages of the sugar industry
each grower was also an industrialist, that is, he processed
the cane into crude sugar. Large—scale processing became
both possible and necessary when the railroad arrived in
1876, and the people with capital not only acquired the
machinery for a modern mill but also extended their land
holdings. A new class came into being along with the large
industrialist: the monoculture cane farmer. Planting
sugar cane was attractive to even a small landowner, since
cane was easy to care for and afforded a better cash return
than any other crop. The growers had little economic
leverage, however, for at this stage the industrialist
dictated the prices for the raw material. Yet, this did

not deter thousands from entering the new profession.

 

“Adolfo Canitrot and Juan Sommer, Diagnéstico de
la situacién economica de la provincia de Tucuman, p. 21.

 

 

 

 

 

 

150

Sugar cane proved so profitable that the industri-
alists sought ways to extend cultivation to all suitable
parts of their properties. To use all or most of their
lands, the ingenio owners developed a system of colonias.5
This was a variant on share cropping where the mill owners
awarded use of sections of their land in exchange for the
care and harvesting of the crop. All the cane was sent to
the mill and cash reimbursements were made to the colonistas.
At first the parcels of land were passed to family members
and friends, since they assured an income and could be
subcontracted if so desired.6 The workers were normally
agglomerated into housing groups, near the fields, which
frequently developed their own town characteristics and
functions. In this manner, the mills extended their cane
area and assured additional supplies of cane. By 1895,
some 2“O colonias accounted for about 36 percent of the
land planted to cane within the province.7 Each of the
colonistas was considered a separate grower and thus added

to the count of planters, somewhat falsely.

 

5Jorge A. Dominguez and Agustin Hervas, Cooperativas
agropecuarias de trabajo: Una alternativa de solucién
para el problema Tucumano (Tucuman: INTA, 1970), p. 107.

 

6Ibid., p. 108.

7Emilio J. Schleh, La industria azucarera en su primer
centenario: 1821—1921 (Buenos Aires: Ferrari Hnos., 1921),
p.

 

 

 

 

 

 

151

The development of worker demands in the late
1920's changed the land and planting strategies of most
sugar mills. Each ingenio traditionally held large planted
acreages and produced much of the cane it milled. This
necessitated large numbers of workers to care for and
harvest the crop, and demands for higher wages and benefits
led many mills to sell or rent large portions of their
lands. These actions multiplied the number of persons
directly involved in growing cane. Additional cafieros
resulted from: (1) expansion onto the marginal eastern
lands of the province; (2) favorable pricing policies which
rewarded the small, relatively inefficient producer; and
(3) the natural break-up of holdings over time through
inheritance.

Developments in the Norte did not parallel those
of Tucuman. Here, large holdings associated with the sugar
mills remained dominant throughout the years. Even today,
only 20—25 percent of the cane in Salta and Jujuy is grown
by independent planters. The explanation for the estate
system lies with the isolated location of the cane lands in
these provinces, the restricted area of land suited to cane,
and the need for substantial capital to install irrigation
systems. Wealthy families or individuals with large land-
holdings started the modern sugar mills, and have remained
in command of production, although many have developed

corporate structures. Thus, historical development,

 

 

 

 

 

 

152

physical limitations and restrictively high capital needs
have all mitigated against the development of small cane
growers in both Salta and Jujuy (Table 20).

There are obvious industrial advantages to the land
ownership structure that evolved in the Npppp. Large cane
fields associated with the mills favor efficient production
and an easy coordination of the harvest period. In
contrast, the large number and small size of holdings in
Tucuman have complicated the industrial process. Among the
associated problems of Tucuman are difficulties in
coordinating the harvest, transport and milling phases; a
lack of control over varieties and cultivation techniques
(quality control); a lag in putting research results into
practice; payment complications; and a generally inefficient
size of holdings. Thus, from an industrial point of View
the Npppe appears to have a much more effective production

system.

Land Ownership

A pronounced difference in land tenure patterns
exists among the cane areas. Tucuman again exhibits the
greatest variety and most serious "problems." The
integrated sugar cane operations of Salta and Jujuy are
almost uniformly factory operated, in contrast with those
of Tucuman.

Tucuman has a very large number of cane growers and,

surprisingly, the great majority own their own land. In

 

 

 

 

153

TABLE 20

SIZE AND NUMBER OF CANE HOLDINGS IN TUCUMAN,
SALTA AND JUJUY PROVINCES

 

 

 

Province No. of Planters Range in Cane Area/Farm
(1970)* (Hectares)
Tucuman “,725 2.5 — 7,000**
Salta—Jujuy “6 2O — 22,000

 

Source: Compiled by author.

* Includes Ingenio lands as single planters.

** Many minifundia remain in Tucuman province without

quotas but with under one hectare in cane.

1960—61, for instance, owner-operated fields accounted for
about 86 percent of the total cane acreage.8 Sample data
in 1970 also indicated that over 80 percent of the individual
cane fields (fundos), which vary greatly in size, were owner

9

operated. Other relevant tenure conditions include tenant
farming, rental, and squatters (Table 21).
Although the statistics presented are not directly

comparable, due to varied information gathering techniques,

it is clear that OWner—operated cane farms are the rule.

 

8Censo de explotaciones cafieras, 1960—61 (Tucuman:
Camara Gremial de Productores de Azdcar, 1961).

 

9Censo de productores cafieros, Afio 1970 (Tucuman:
Camara Gremial de Productores de Azficar, 1970) and personal
sampling in 1970.

 

 

 

 

15“

TABLE 21

LAND TENURE PATTERNS IN CRUZ ALTA AND RIO
CHICO DEPARTMENTS, TUCUMAN, 1970

 

 

Tenant
Department Owners Renters Farmers Squatters Total

 

Cruz Alta 1,063 95 1“5 17 1,320

Rio Chico 832 “2 53 7 93“

 

Source: Censo de Productores Cafieros, 1970
(Preliminary), Tucuman, 1970, and personal
sampling in 1970.

 

Many are included under other modes of tenure, however.

The land tenure system was greatly altered following
the government actions of 1966. Many small landowners were
forced out of cane production by the elimination of their
sugar quotas. The government encouraged a positive approach
to the minifundia problem, however, which led to a new form
of land utilization, the cooperative. Three large
cooperatives were organized in the late 1960's and probably
exemplified the most important new development after 1966.
Directly following government intervention, one mill, Bella
Vista, made about 2,000 hectares available to dismissed
workers, purportedly to help alleviate the immediate problem
of severe unemployment. This co-op appeared to be well

founded and is today a viable unit.lo Despite its success,

 

loDominguez and Hervas, Cooperatives, l970,offer a
thorough analysis of this cooperative, Cooperativa
"Trabajadores Unidos" Ltd., pp. 120—130.

 

 

 

 

 

155

there does not seem to be any great increase in the

cooperative movement in the province of Tucuman.

any

Although a heavy demand for labor is common to the
sugar industry as a whole, various means have been employed
to supply the demand. This in turn has led to a number of
problems.

The need for workers is especially critical during
the harvest season (Table 22). The 1963 figures, while not
representative of absolute numbers involved today, show
graphically the seasonal movement of workers into and out
of the province. An indication of the declining labor
needs over time is given in Table 23. The effect of the
1966 actions, and the more gradual prior decline of employ—
ment due to increased efficiency and mechanization, is
also clearly shown.

The workers can be classified in four categories
according to where and when they are employed: permanent
and transitory factory workers, and permanent and
transitory field hands. Each category pertains to specific
needs and each shows a different employment pattern. The
importance of the groups numerically and the effect of
mill closings between 1966 and 1968 are shown in Tables 2“
and 25.

Differences in the origin of workers in each region

have been alluded to earlier. Entrepreneurs of each region

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

156

 

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mm m4m<p

 

 

 

 

 

157

TABLE 24

NUMBER AND COMPOSITION OF INGENIO PERSONNEL
IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, 1966

 

 

 

Workers Numbers
Permanent Factory 5,500
Transitory Factory l2,300
Permanent Field 3,300
Transitory Field 9,700

 

Source: Miguel Murmis and Carlos Waisman, ”Monoproduccién
agro-industrial, crisis y clase obrera: La industria
azucarera tucumana,“ Revista Latinoamericana de
Sociologia, Vol. 5, No. 2, l969.

TABLE 25
PERSONNEL 0F CLOSED MILLS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE, 1966

 

 

 

Permanent Trans. Perm. Trans.

Workers Factory Factory Field Field

Workers of Mills Closed in l966 l,5l6 3,406 540 l,550

% total workers in 1966 30% 28% l7% 16%
Workers of Mills not Operating

in I968 2,080 4,050 l,l30 2,067

% of total workers l966 41% 33% 34% 2l%

 

Source: Murmis and Waisman, "Monoproduccién agro-industrial,
crisis y clase obrera: La industria azucarera tucumana,“
Revista Latinoamericana de Sociologia, Vol. 5, No. 2,
l969.

 

 

 

 

 

158

have actively recruited laborers from outside the respec—
tive provinces, but notable differences in techniques and
results can be noted. In Tucuman, the workers are chiefly
white and from within the province or the near—by provinces
of Santiago del Estero and Catamarca. Active labor
recruitment is needed only by the larger landowners and is
normally handled on an individual basis.11 At present,
there is little need for even subtle coercion to attract
workers. A completely different system is used in Salta
and Jujuy. Bolivia was found to be the best source of
cheap, seasonal labor. Contratistas are hired by the indi-
vidual mills to contract Bolivian Indian laborers and are
reimbursed for each laborer delivered. It is estimated
that in 1970 Salta and Jujuy employed more than 26,000 men
in the sugar harvest and that up to 80 percent were
Bolivians.l2 Laws extant limit migrant workers to those
with proper documentation, and these state that no more
than “0 percent of the workers in any establishment may be

from a foreign country. Despite such laws, large numbers

of Bolivians still enter the country to work.

 

11Interview with Dn. Mario Santamarina, former
large cane grower, Tucuman, May 1“, 1970.

12Scott Whiteford and Richard Adams, "Migration,
Ethnicity and Adaptation: Bolivian Migrant Workers in
Northwest Argentina," paper presented at a Symposium on
Migration and Ethnicity, Chicago, 1973.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

159
Another important laboral element that has influ—
enced change has been the "organizational environment" of

each region.

Organizational Factors

 

The three major protagonists of the sugar industry
are the industrialists, cane planters and workers, to which
might be added the government. Each group spawned organi—
zations at different historical moments to represent its
interests. These organizations, in turn, affected the
direction of the industry and influenced the changes of the
past several decades.

On the national level, the sugar industry is well
regulated through the national sugar council (DirecciOn
Nacional de Azucar). Most of the formal actions effecting
policy changes have been directed from this level. Local
or regional decrees occasionally influence the industry
but problems are generally directed to the highest levels.
The government also serves as enforcer when local condi-
tions are judged to be worthy of attention.

Formal organizations have exerted strong influence
in both major producing areas of the Northwest. The inter-
play among the sectors, however, has been most striking
in Tucuman. The industry in Salta and Jujuy has been
dominated by the industrialists, since relatively few
independent planters exist and the worker unions have not

been very powerful or militant. Within each area the

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

160

organizations have worked to further their own ends and
have acted as defenders of their respective sugar zones.
A strong regional bias bordering on direct antagonism has
frequently existed between the Npppg and Tucuman.

In Tucuman, all sectors of the industry were
represented by organizations by the 19“0's. Mill numbers
remained relatively constant from then until 1966, but the
planters and workers gained in overall power and influence.
An erosion of the industrialist's leverage, and internal
adjustments to this situation, characterized the period.

During the 1960's another cycle of overproduction
occurred, and this eventually led to severe structural
problems. By 1965 the excess stocks of the previous year
and another abundant harvest drove sugar prices down.

This meant that some mills were unable to meet their
financial obligations. Payments for cane were reduced and
in many cases non—existent. A parallel lag in the payment
of salaries occurred in both the industrial and planter
sectors, with consequent demands and shows of force that
culminated in the take—over of some mills by the workers.lu
In August, 1965, a new labor agreement was reached that
awarded a 30 percent wage increase for workers, and this
further aggravated the situation. Industrialists pointed

out that while prices for sugar were lower than in 1963,

 

1I‘lLa Industria Azucarera, Jan. 1966, Vol. 72,
NO. 872, p. 13.

 

 

 

161

salary increments amounted to 37 percent in 196“ and an
additional 30 percent in 1965. Thus, financial pressure
on all mills was considerable and drastically affected the
marginal ingenios.

National attention was naturally directed toward
the delinquent mills by both worker unions (FOTIA AND FEIA)
and the small planter organization (UCIT) of Tucuman, which
helped to force the government's hand. Intervention was
demanded by these unions, but not at the price of shut—

l5

downs. Everyone deplored the eventual loss of jobs in
the province, but many growers and workers were hopeful
that the government would assume responsibility for the
six to ten mills that were in serious trouble. Several
ingenios, such as Bella Vista, were bailed out of difficulty
but within several years ten mills were closed.

Following the government actions of 1966 it was
the groups represented by more radical organizations (UCIT,
FOTIA, and FEIA) that were most decimated. The workers of
the factories that were closed and the small growers who
lost their quotas were effectively disenfranchised. Most
of the medium—sized and large planters, represented by
CACTU, who supplied the intervened mills were hurt
financially by non—payments, but they could find other

markets for their cane.

 

15La Gaceta, Tucuman, July 19, 1965.

 

 

 

 

162

Actions taken by the unions of Tucuman demon—
strated the need for restructuring the industry. The
organizations pointed out major problems and inefficiencies
which were later used as ammunition to shift production

from Tucuman to the Norte.

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VII
ECONOMIC FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE

The traditional factors of production (land, labor
and capital) have all had an effect in shifting the sugar
industry from Tucuman toward the Npppg. Inputs affecting
all phases of cane production, processing and marketing
have changed in form or quantity within and between the
regions over time. These economic elements offer important
insights into the reasons behind shifting production

patterns in the Northwest.

Historical Perspective

 

Commercial sugar production in Argentina never
really operated under a free market situation. Early
production was influenced greatly by price structures
instituted by the national government. Thus, incentives
to create efficiencies in the field and factory depended
frequently on the policy in force. During the first Perdn
era, more recently, emphasis was on social welfare and
immediate short—run goals were not strictly economic.
Production elements have responded to changing prices at
all levels, from the mill to world market prices, and
factor costs (such as land and labor) linked to specific
sites also have been important in causing production shifts.

163

 

 

 

 

 

 

l6“

Farming inputs have changed visibly over time.
Growing and harvesting sugar cane have always required a
large amount of energy, and heavy manpower needs have been
tempered with greater utilization of animal and inanimate
sources of energy. Through the early stages of the
industry man's labor was aided by the use of animals,
particularly oxen, mules and horses. Originally, due to
their strength and docile natures, oxen were most used in

the fields but were gradually replaced by the faster

 

working mule. Replacing the four-legged creatures with
mechanical horsepower began on the larger farms during the
1920's and 1930's, and tractors have now almost entirely
replaced animals in the canefields of the EQEEE- In
Tucuman, however, it is still common to see animals working
the fields or hauling cut cane. In 196“, Tucuman supported
over “2,000 horses, 57,000 mules, 6,900 donkeys and 10,000
oxen.l Numbers have undoubtedly declined since that date.
A sample taken in 1966 found that only 5 percent of the
provincial cane farmers owned oxen, 63 percent used mules,
and about “0 percent had work horses.2 A personal investi—

gation indicated that of 100 farmers in 1970, eighty—eight

 

lDireccién de Estadistica, Encuesta agropecuaria
196“ (Tucuman, 1966), p. 13.

 

2Francisco J. Delich, Tierra y conciencia campesina
en Tucuman (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Signos, 1970), p. 81.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

165

owned either horses or mules and only nine utilized oxen.
The remainder used no work animals in their cane operations.
Modernization of the typical cane farm came piece—
meal. Originally, draft animals and a wooden cart (carreta)
to transport the cut cane were the main necessities.
Equipment improvements included replacement of the large—
wheeled, heavy carreta with lighter metal carts, (carros),
which rode on pneumatic tires instead of metal—rimmed
wooden ones. Tractors replaced animals in the fields, and
mechanical cane cutters have since the early 1960's
eliminated some of the most difficult manual labor of the
harvest. All of these changes are making the industry more
capital intensive and tend to favor the large landowner.
Thus, the ingenios of the Npppg have moved faster and
further in this process than the whole of Tucuman.
Refinements in the machinery of the sugar mills
have been no less important than those of the canefield
but are hidden behind the walls of the ingenio. Upon
entering the large—scale phase of production in the 1880's
most mills operated with the most modern and efficient
equipment available. Over time, however, considerable
differences emerged among mills in terms of age and
efficiency of the machinery. For example, most mills are
currently in the process of phasing out wood burning
furnaces (calderas) with those burning oil and gas (Table

26). There have been many other technical advances in the

 

 

 

 

166

 

 

 

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167

milling process but, for the uninitiated, changes in a
vacuum pan, for instance, adds little to an understanding
of the industry! Many of the larger mills typify modernity,
but efficiency of operation cannot be related directly to
size. In fact, one study has indicated that there may be
diseconomies of scale in the sugar mills of Tucuman.3 In
general, the Npppp, with larger mills and larger capital
investments, made greater gains in the industrial sector
than did Tucuman. By the late 1960's, however, Tucuman
factory yields did advance relative to those of the North.
(See Table 11, pp. 107-108).

General marketing conditions influence all areas
with near uniformity. Since most of the production is
directed toward domestic consumption, levels of consumption
are an important variable affecting quotas. Per capita
consumption in Argentina has remained relatively constant
over recent time, and the nation's population growth rate

is one of the lowest in Latin America (Table 27).

Production Efficiencies

 

Production efficiencies, or inefficiencies, can
be divided roughly into two categories: those affecting
cane production in the field, and those related to sugar
production in the factory. Other exogenous factors, such

as government policies, may likewise affect productivity.

 

3Manual L. Cordomi, A Study of the Production of
Sugar in Tucuman, Argentina, unpublished Ph.D. disserta—
tion, University of Chicago, 1969.

 

 

 

 

 

 

168

 

 

 

TABLE 27
PER CAPITA CONSUMPTION OF SUGAR IN ARGENTINA,
1950-1972

Year Kgs/Capita Year Kgs/Capita
1950 3“.8 1961 3“.5
1951 35.7 1962 36.2
1952 36.9 1963 33.6
1953 32.8 1964 35.1
195“ 35.3 1965 37.9
1955 3“.6 1966 31.1
1956 35.4 1967 35.7
1957 37.2 1968 3“.5
1958 37.2 1969 33-7
1959 35.7 1970 35.2
1960 31.3 1971 38.8

 

Source: Centro Azucarero Argentino.

Field Efficiencies

The process of growing and harvesting the raw
material is similar in all producing areas. The numerous
inputs and machinery, however, differ considerably within
and between Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy. Variables related to
productivity in the cane fields include property size,

technology and labor.

Property Size
As previously noted, small holdings developed
extensively in Tucuman, while large cane lands characterize

the Norte. The size of holding correlates directly with

 

 

 

169

crop yields, as can be seen in examples from Tucuman
(Table 28).

About 50 percent of the cane farms in Tucuman in
196“ were less than three hectares in size! The minimum
size of canefield that will support an average family has
been variously estimated, but most authorities seem to
agree that from sixteen to twenty hectares are neededf‘l
From Table 28 it can be seen that 93 percent of the farms,
and about “0 percent of the area planted to cane, in 196“
fell below this figure. Yields do not correlate neatly
with size of farm, but a reasonable consistency of higher
yields can be seen on farms from twenty hectares upward.
Conversely, the smallest holdings tend to show the lowest
average yields. By 1969, 82 percent of the farms were
still below the recommended minimum size, but the low end
of the scale had been thinned out considerably. This
reduction was attained through enforcement of a production
quota system set high enough to eliminate the smaller
growers (Tables 29 and 30). It was not only the number of
small farmers that was affected, however, as shown in

Table 30 . After the drastic reduction in number of small

 

uEstacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Bases
para el desarrollo agrario de la provincia de Tucuman ’
(Tficuman, 1968), p. 12, and Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia
Agropecuaria, El minifundio cafiero en la provincia de
Tucuman (Tucumgfi, 1969), p. 33. Delich, Tierra y conciencia,
1970, p. 81, uses sixteen hectares as the base.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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172

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173

 

 

 

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17“

growers, a steady attrition also occurred in other
categories except for the largest farmers.

Many elements associated with small size affect
yields, but most are directly related to limited avail—
ability of capital. The small farms are less "efficient"
because of poor physical sites, a lack of irrigation,
limited cane varieties and little fertilizer or pesticide
use, to name some of the more important considerations.
Countering these restrictions is the tendency of the very
small farmer to substitute increased labor for capital
inputs. The small field usually is very well cultivated
at the early growth stages, but without irrigation,
fertilizer or pesticides, the final yield has strict
limitations.

The Npppg offers direct contrasts with Tucuman.
In Jujuy, for example, there were only forty-one registered
independent growers in 1970, and only ten of these had
holdings of less than twenty hectares. Most independents
held between twenty—one and forty hectares and were

5 About 80 percent

considered medium—sized cane farmers.
of the cane in Salta and Jujuy is grown on large ingenio
lands, and the advantages for production lie chiefly in

the use of new and better farming technology.

 

5Information from Caneros Independientes de Jujuy,
Jujuy, 1970.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Technology

New and improved farm machinery appears frequently,
and sugar cane production is not exempt from this process.
Often the equipment has a level of operation which becomes
efficient and economical at a given farm size. Considering
the differences in land holdings between Tucuman and Salta-
Jujuy, it is not surprising that field technologies differ.

There were an estimated 1,600 tractors in Tucuman
during 1970, which worked more than 50 percent of the
cultivated cane area.6 It has been estimated by the
Agricultural Experiment Station of Tucuman that between
forty and forty—five hectares are required for the economic
use of a tractor for cultivation and general work in the
cane fields.7 In 1969 about 65 percent of the cultivated
cane area was included in farms of more than forty hectares
(Table 28, p. 170). Thus, it may be assumed that additional
tractors could still be introduced economically. On the
other hand, numerous farms under the "minimum economic
size" are tilled by tractors. Presumably these farms could

be worked more economically with animal power.8

 

6Adolfo Canitrot and Juan Sommer, Diagnéstico de la
situacién econémica de la Provincia de Tucuman (Buenos Aires:
Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, 1972), p. 88.

 

 

7Estacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, La
mecanizacién en el cultivo y la cosecha de la cafia de
azficar, Publicacion Miscelanea No. 2“ ITucuman, 196%, p. 11.

8

 

Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnéstico, 1972, p. 90.

 

 

176

By adding attachments to the tractor its overall
utility is increased and the effective area limitation can
be altered. Thus, by adding a cane cutting attachment,
the minimum economic size of farm for the use of a tractor
is reduced to about thirty—five hectares.9 About 200
cortadoras operated in Tucuman during 1970 and, since their
cost is not extreme, it is assumed that many more will
soon be in use.10

Salta and Jujuy are more "tractorized" per unit area
of cane than is Tucuman but are not yet as involved in
mechanical cutting. Data on total number of tractors in
the sugar areas are unavailable, but Ledesma alone owns
more than 200.11 On the other hand, since labor problems
are less common in these areas the pressure to use mechan—
ical cutters is also less severe. Several mills, notably
Esperanza, have experimented with a much more complicated
cane harvestor which not only chops the cane but also cuts
it into pieces and loads it. However, little was being
done in 1970 with the simple mechanical cutter.

At least “00 hectares of sugar cane are required

for economical levels of operation with the mechanical cane

 

9Estacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, pg
mecanizacién, p. 12

10Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnéstico, p. 90.

11Personal interview, Victor Hugo Valdera, Secretary
to Ledesma Director, March 13, 1970.

177

loader.l2 Fewer than forty farms in Tucuman qualify in

this respect, yet the reported number extant in the province
is about 100 and many more farmers seem to be considering

13 All

this means of partially mechanizing their harvest.
of the Salta and Jujuy mills save one, Rio Grande, were
using these cargadoras in 1970, while just one of the
independents in the Npppp was large enough to make their

use economically feasible.“I

Labor

Since labor costs are large and increasing in
sugar production, means are constantly being sought to
reduce these expenditures. Mechanization is one obvious
solution, while an often overlooked but extremely important
possibility is increased production from less total area.
In fact, it is estimated that the greatest labor savings

15

could occur through improved yields.

Factory Efficiencies

Individual ingenios differ in the amount of sugar

extracted from a ton of cane. The extraction rate is

 

l2Estacién Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Lg
mecanizaciéq, p. 17

l3Canitrot and Sommers, Diagnéstico, P. 92.

lLIPersonal interview with cane grower Ricardo
Leach, San Pedro de Jujuy, March 15, 1970.

15Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnéstico, P. 9“.

 

 

 

178

dent upon two major conditions: the quality of the

received and the efficiency of the milling process.
Sugar extraction from the raw material results

a complex series of steps, but the process is essen—

y the same at all mills. There are, however, some

a1 conditions that affect the process:

1. Efficiency is in part related to modernity.
Those mills in which old equipment is replaced with
new are likely to extract more sugar from the cane.
Constant technical advances, both large and small,
are being made and it is advantageous to incorpo—
rate these periodically. The ingenios of the Norte,
for instance, have uniformly newer trapiches and
other equipment than do the mills of Tucuman.
2. While it is tempting to associate increasing

extraction rates with increased size or capacity
of the factories, according to one study of mills
in Tucuman there is no evidence of economies of
scale at the ingenio level.l6 Nonetheless, it
seems logical that the well—run larger mill would
have more financial influence to obtain increased
quotas and investment money for improvements.
Factory yields, or sugar obtained per ton of cane,

he only available measures of efficiency for the

ng process itself. Aggregate figures of factory

s greatly favor the mills of Salta and Jujuy over

of Tucuman (see Chapter 5). Other measures of

ctivity can be obtained by considering output per

r. The clear superiority of Salta and Jujuy can be

, but a slight revival of the Tucuman area occurred

 

l6Cordomi, A Study of the Production of Sugar,

 
 

179

1968. This was due in part to the government actions

66 (Tables 31 and 32).

TABLE 31

PRODUCTIVITY AND YIELDS IN SUGAR MILLS OF
TUCUMAN AND SALTA—JUJUY PROVINCES,
1963 AND 1969

 

 

 

 

Tucuman Salta—Jujuy
1963 1969 1963 1969
r of workers 17,625 10,196 3,610 3,915
Production
HS) 615,409 503,733 321,451 368,773
of Sugar per
ker 35.0 “9.“ 69.7 9“.2

 

Source: Data from La Industria Azucarera

 

Tables 33 and 3“ show the situation in Tucuman, by
ips, in 1963 and 1969. Production and employment are
red, and it can be noted that productivity per worker
ased greatly after the closing of ten mills that were

the least efficient. The rationalization of the
try was also reflected in a drastic reduction of
yment in nearly every mill. The mills with the

st worker productivity ratios, La Corona, Santa

ra and La Providencia, offer interesting contrasts
the remainder. La Corona is notable in the province

ery modern and efficient factory operations, while

180

 

 

 

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182

 

 

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183

 

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mm.a ma.w 0.0: :.mm swflogmocoo
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mHHHE Con

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I m:.w I m.:m «Hung macaw
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I wa.m I m.mm meb cmm
I HH.w I :.mm 0fl20pg< saw
I Hm.w I m.mm apmfl>mm m>msz
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made mo mQOQ pmwSm mo mCOp hmxaoz mmm

mwamflw mQOpowm

 

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185

8. Barbara is a smaller mill that quietly does its job
17

guays everything on time. La Providencia also has
of‘ the more modern factory operations and a well
=dinaated field—to—factory transition. All have the
rtation of good administration.

One additional measure of efficiency frequently
:ioned in interviews was the length of the operating
son. Management uniformly expressed the desire to mill
r capacity on a daily basis. Given the production
tas for each mill, this translates into the need to
dense the zafra into a minimum number of days. Being
e to control their harvest period a bit more, due to
ership of most of the cane milled, the mills of Salta

Jujuy normally have much shorter seasons.

Administrative Factors

 

Since the sugar mill is a business enterprise of
1e size, administrative policies and actions are of
rat importance. In fact, administration has often
an the critical element in making or breaking an

The administrative structure varies considerably

3m mill to mill. The hierarchy can be quite complicated,

 

17Personal interview with Prof. Estela B. de
ntamarina, Professor of Geography, Tucuman, April 2,
70.

 

 

186

icnilarly in the large mills. In addition to the
raj. administrator, there are heads of each division
a :fine breakdown below that level. Coordinating all
acts is a very challenging task.

Most of the sugar mills were founded as single
_ly operations. This family structure still character—
; many of the mills in Tucuman and several in Salta
Jujuy. Numerous families have remained in control
nills since the beginnings of the industry. Notable
3g these are representatives from each producing region:

Cornejo family of San Isidro, the Nogués clan of San
lo, and Prat Guy of San Martin de Tabacal. Their
rations have considerable tradition and are well
nded in the sugar industry. In contrast, the larger
ls of the E9333 are under corporate ownership and fre—
ntly do not divulge the names of the major stockholders.
s has opened up a more dispassionate profit motive,

.h management extremely aware of efficiency. This
mess is not unknown to other areas of the world!

The mills of Tucuman in particular have frequently
nlcritized for poor administration.18 Evidence is
Heated by the desperate financial situation of numerous
Us prior to 1966. This was obviously not a condition
fi;occurred suddenly but developed over time. It is

mmhesized by many that it was a lack of reinvestment.

 

18La Gaceta, 1969—1970.

187

ape; seeing the handwriting on the wall, the owners
not about to place money into a dying operation.
A new administrative entry to the sugar industry
Hicuman appeared in 1970. The government agency,
LSA, is now responsible for five mills in the province.
Jill be interesting to see if the government does as

L in the sugar industry as it has with the railroads!

Foreign Influence
Initially the total investment capital in the
ar industry of the Northwest was derived from within
region and the nation. The only thing foreign was
equipment, which was shipped principally from France
England.

It is difficult to document foreign investment,
general concensus indicates that it is influential in
industry today. In 1970, there was a not—so—secretive

tish attempt to buy a number of mills.19 This seems
have come to naught, but the "smoke" indicated the
Isibility of further action.

Many of the technically trained people in the

wstry have studied in other countries, e.g., the United

ates, Cuba and Europe. Thus, some cross—fertilization

ideas and methods has occurred.

 

19Personal interview with Prof. Estela de
rfiamarina, Professor Geography, Tucuman, July 20, 1970.

188

There is definitely an indirect foreign influence
Iroduction from the marketing viewpoint. A growing
endence on the United States market as an outlet for

.l amounts of sugar is one characteristic.

CHAPTER VIII
GOVERNMENTAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CHANGE

As an activity deemed essential to national
verests, the sugar industry has been closely regulated
the Argentine government. Major goals are to assure
_f—sufficiency and to maintain the industry as a healthy
1 well balanced element of the economy. A long and con-
1uous series of laws and decrees has been promulgated to
Jain such ends, and these have played a dominant role in

?ucturing the industry.

Historical Perspective
The main areas of government intervention in the
gar industry have included (1) tariff protection,
) control over the domestic price of sugar, (3) regula—
on of prices for raw sugar cane, and (A) controls over
oduction and sales.1 Readjustments in policy have
curred frequently as conditions within the sugar zones

the world market changed.

 

1Manuel L. Cordomi, A Study of the Production of
gar in Tucuman, Argentina. Ph.D. dissertation, Univer-
ty of Chicago, 1969, p. 3, and Roberto F. Ullivarri
d Guillermo K. Voss, La produccién azucarera Argentina:
wesidad de su regulacidn, (INTA: Tucuman, 1966), p. 13.

189

190

In the early stages of industrial development, the
late 1800's, the government placed tariff barriers on
imported sugar so that the infant domestic industry could
)rogress without ”unfair competition." By the 1890's,

:he country was not only self—sufficient but was exporting
Lts surplus. Argentina was, however, a high cost producer
Ind its excess sugar was frequently difficult to sell on

:he world market. Due to this fact, and continued years

)f exceeding domestic demands in the first decade of the
;wentieth century, restrictions were placed on the industry.
7he first sugar law of Tucuman province, the "Ley del
Iachete,” so limited production that much cane was destroyed
.n the fields.

Two major laws dictated sugar policy through the
'irst half of the 1900's, the Ley Saavedra Lamas and the
.audo Alvear. The Saavedra Lamas Law of 1912 maintained

system of tariffs on imports and set a maximum price on
ugar for domestic consumer protection. If prices
xceeded this maximum per kilogram cost, the tariffs
ould be lowered to allow entry of low—cost imported
ugar. This policy was effective until a prolonged
eriod of overproduction occurred in the 1920's. Low
arket prices and resulting problems of payment to cane
roducers led to confrontation between growers and
ndustrialists. This forced a new structure.

The new system, called the Laudo Alvear for the

resident who negotiated the agreement, was one of the

‘ 191

most important to be implemented in Argentina, since it
provided the basic framework for the industry from 1927
to l9AU. It set the price of cane and created a share
system which divided the sale price of sugar equally
)etween farmers and industrialists. It also established
I quota system for each mill, based at first on 70 percent
>f the 1926 production. Analogous restrictive measures
were applied to the agricultural sector.2

A different pattern of price regulation appeared
_n 19A5, generated in part by a period of rapid inflation.
lane prices, based on weight of the raw material, favored
;he further establishment of inefficient cane farmers,
Iut processed sugar prices remained low. Subsidies were
Ieeded to induce the producers to meet consumer demand at
he artificially low price, which was still the ceiling
Irice set in 1912! By 1949 the government subsidies had
ecome too heavy a burden and the policy was changed.
rom 1950 to 1958 a Regulatory Fund operated with sporadic
ffectiveness and enforcement. This allowed sugar prices
0 rise to a new maximum which was calculated somewhat
ysteriously using the average production costs of all
xisting mills, a difficult calculation at best.3 Each

ill was allowed to retain from its sales an amount equal

 

2Ullivarri and Voss, La produccién, p. 1A.

3Cordomi, A Study of the Production of Sugar, p. 6.

 

 

 

 

192

to its average costs, while receipts over this amount were
to be submitted to the Regulatory Fund to cover the losses
of deficit mills. Many ingenios, particularly those in
Norte, refused to make payments to the Fund and the
government, unable to enforce the measure, had to pay for
them. After 1955, with the departure of Peron, this
system was maintained but not enforced and a short period
of ambivilence followed. From then until the mid—1960‘s
no special government program was evident, except for a

basic price ceiling.

Current Government Regulations

 

In response to a great accumulation of sugar in
1965, a government program designed to restrict production
was again instigated. At that time the country had a
stored surplus equal to nearly eight months' consumption.”
1 resolution of April, 1966, limited the output of sugar
5

3y placing production quotas on each mill. Restrictions
vere based on the amount necessary to meet total national
:onsumption, plus a small safety margin, and this meant

Limiting production to a certain percentage of the 1965

1arvest. Different criteria were applied to each sugar

 

“Jorge A. Dominguez and Agustin Hervas, Cooper—
Ltivas agropecuarias de trabajo: Una alternativa de
solucién para el problema Tucumano (INTA: Tucuman, 1970),
n. l

 

5Decreto 3AO7/66, published in La Industria
Izucarera, April 1966, p. 101.

 

 

193

area. Thus, total production in Tucuman was reduced by
30 percent, while tonnages in Salta—Jujuy were out
"only" 17 percent.6

To attain reductions in processed sugar, restric—
tions obviously had to be placed on the individual grower,
and several schemes for planter quotas were proposed.

Phe first based production cuts on a sliding scale and
allowed the smaller, more vulnerable producers to grow
:he highest percentage of their 1965 harvest. Finally,
Iowever, a flat 70 percent was applied to all growers in
lucuman and each farmer was to receive certification of
:he amount contracted. The farmer was also freed from
Lupplying the nearest mill and could search out the
Iighest price or most secure deal.

Following shortly after the new regulations, the
:overnment took the much discussed step of direct inter—
ention in seven Tucuman mills in August, 1966. Four of
hese mills eventually were closed, either by law or
hrough bankruptcy proceedings. The others reopened, but
y 1969 a total of eleven ingenios in Tucuman were
ermanently out of business as a direct or indirect

esult of government action.

E_._____

6Decreto 215/66, published in La Industria

zucarera, June 1966, p- 176-

 

 

19“

In early 1967 an "emergency law" regulating the
JJSth over the next five years was enacted.7 Its
Iitious goal was to facilitate the efficient functioning
the sugar industry. The country was divided adminis-
Itively into three sugar zones designated as "A"
1cuman), "B" (Salta and Jujuy), and "C" (Santa Fé, Chaco
1 Misiones). This law prohibited the installation of
v sugar factories, or even an increase in capacity of
3 existing mills, and also established a production
ota amounting to a 10 percent reduction from the 1966
rvest.

The law established a total production of 750,000
ns and then provided for regional quotas. Zone "A" was
signed “00,000 tons of sugar, Zone "B" 30A,000 tons, and
ne "C" A6,000 tons. The heaviest penalty was obviously
Irne by Tucuman, which had produced nearly 750,000 tons
.one in 1965 and was reduced to 520,U00 tons in 1966.
as further reduction of more than 120,000 tons was a
avere blow to an already shaky economy.

Combined planter quotas had to match the fixed

agional total. Where the sum of the 1966 provisional

Li

7Ley 17163/67 published in La Industria Azucarera,
anuary, 1968, pp. ll-17.

8In 197A a combined delegation of Salta and
exumn businessmen proposed a new mill to be located in
Madepartment of Oran, Salta. "Convenio para instalar
nrmevo ingenio en Oran," La Gaceta, July 17, 197A.

 

 

 

 

 

195

1e allotments surpassed the regional quota, individual
rm allocations were eliminated. The government asked
r voluntary surrender of whole or partial quotas in
turn for a "fair" price paid by the government. This
licy hit hardest in Tucuman where the voluntary sale
11 far short of that designated. The decision was then
de to eliminate the smallest, and least efficient,
owers and to proceed upward until the necessary reduction
5 reached. In this manner, quotas up to 8,000 kilograms
re cancelled, i.e. those of farmers cultivating less
an about 2.5 hectares of cane. Table 35 shows the
urces of reduction. The two most notable changes were
e closure of several functioning mills, including
ssation of their crop production, and elimination of the
allest cane farmers.

Even after such revisions, problems remained
thin the industry. By 1970, many mills in Tucuman were
ill in financial difficulty, and government expropriation
' five mills was offered as a ”solution." The idea was
. take bankrupt mills and operate them adequately while
'eserving major sources of employment for the province.9
Ime minor modifications of the 1967 policy occurred in
Ie early 1970's, and changing world and national condi-

_ons lead to the need for new policies.

 

9La Gaceta, May 20, 1970.

 

 

 

196

 

 

 

 

TABLE 35
REDUCTION IN SUGAR QUOTAS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE,
1967

Event Quotas (kilos) Est. Area (Has.)*
>sing of several mills 27,997,000 10,000
iWS 17,13“ and 17,222)
Le of ingenio land

repay debts 17,059,A86 5,686
luntary sales by
iependents and mills 10,818,513 3,39A
iifundias cancelled 32,154,513 10,718
Potals 88,029,512 29,798

kilograms hectares

 

Source: Jorge A. Dominguez and Agustin Hervas,
Cooperativos agropecuarias de trabajo:
Una alternativa de solucion para el

roblema Tucumano (INTA: Tucuman, 1970),
p. 85.

*Using average figure of 3,000 kg. per hectare.

 

 

By 1972 a considerable reduction in the supply of
gar had been achieved within the country. The restric—
ve policies had depleted the reserves of the nation,

1 world sugar prices were the highest they had been
ice 1963.10 This meant that much of the capacity of

3 industry was idle when it could have been making

 

loLa Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 932,

18—19.

 

 

 

 

197

money for the nation and the provinces. Cautioned by
previous boom cycles, however, the government formulated
the 1972 Sugar Law to only moderately increase production.
This measure took into account four main factors in deter—
mining production levels: (1) the level of domestic
consumption, (2) a domestic reserve of 15 percent of the
above figure, (3) contracted and expected exports, and

(A) any stock remaining from the previous crop year.11

Current Government Programs

 

The government has wavered in its overall develop—
ment plans for the Northwest, one time listing Salta as
the growth pole for the region and then acceeding to the
cries from Tucuman. There is, however, no doubt of the
need for new development investments in Tucuman following
the events of 1966.12

After the intervention of 1966 and the forced
closing of ten mills in Tucuman by the 1969 harvest season,
it was realized that very serious consequences for the
economic well-being of the province would follow. The
negative effects of government actions were manifested in

numerous ways in Tucuman, the more critical including

 

llLey 19,597/72 published in La Industria
Azucarera, Vol. 78, No. 927, pp. A9—61.

l2La Gaceta, May 6, 1971, reported that Tucuman
was included as a growth pole in the National Development
Plan of 1970—71.

198

(1) the aforementioned mill closing, actually eleven in
number since 1966 as one mill filed bankruptcy just prior
to the 1966 harvest; (2) a reduction in cultivated cane
area of 60—80,000 hectares; (3) the emigration of an
estimated A0,000 workers; and (A) the elimination of at
least 7,000 small cane growers.l3
To help alleviate the severe problems of Tucuman
the government launched a three—pronged attack. The
immediate goals were to reduce dependency on the sugar
industry by (1) emphasizing a program of agricultural
diversification; (2) creating temporary jobs in the public
sector for the unemployed workers of the cane industry,
whose numbers would be reduced as other sectors could
absorb them; and (3) offering financial and tax incentives
to attract new industries to the province.lu
The Comité Operativo Tucuman was created to
formulate programs of agricultural diversification and to
coordinate new industrial development. Active dissemi—
nation of propaganda about the proposed agro—industrial
transformation of the province was also part of the

charge.

 

l3Sources disagree on the total impact, and the
stated figures are conservative.

l“Adolfo Canitrot and Juan Sommer, Diagnostico de
la situacion economica de la provincia de Tucuman
(Buenos Aires: Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, 1972),
p. 127.

 

 

 

199

Industrial Transformation

 

The primary factor in the re-invigoration of
Tucuman was to be a new, more diversified industrial
structure. This sector was slated to absorb a large
percentage of the people unemployed by the closing of the
sugar mills. A stated objective of the program was to
regain the economic product of 1965 by the year 1972.15

The Comité Operativo Tucuman received and
evaluated inquiries of firms wishing to locate in the
province and submitted recommendations to the national
and provincial governments. Incentives offered both for
new firms and for expansion of established industries
included credit, tax concessions, aid in finding industrial
sites and some assistance in developing markets.

The industrialization program started slowly, and
only fifteen small factories had entered the province by
1968. As incentives were increased more letters were
received by the committee and a greater number of firms
formalized location plans. By the end of 1970, under the
auspices of "Operativo Tucuman," more than ninety firms
had either begun construction or had permission to do

16

SO

 

l5La Gaceta, April 12, 1971.

 

16Information from the office of the Comité
Operativo Tucuman, June 1970.

200

A specific goal of the industrial transformation
was to attract new factories so as to strengthen the
economy of areas where sugar mills had been closed. These
areas are shown in Map 19, where they are compared with
actual or planned factory locations through 1970. A
system of secondary growth poles within the province was
suggested to reflect the industrialization goal, but little

17

official recognition was given to this plan. Although
some dispersal throughout the province has occurred,
most of the new firms have located near the capital city.
Numerous criticisms were leveled at the program.
The major arguments were that (l) the businesses attracted
were mostly very small, (2) most could be expected to
have slow actual and potential rates of growth, and
(3) there was a paucity of industries with any substantial
national market.18
Of particular importance relative to the problems
of Tucuman is the number of jobs provided by each
industry, since at least 25,000 unemployed sugar industry

workers remained in the province after the mill closings.

If all industries scheduled to locate by 1970 were to

 

17Noticias, November 20, 1969. The eight chosen
sites were Ranchillos, Los Ralos, Amalia, Bella Vista,
Famailla, Monteros, Concepcion, and Aguilares.

18

 

Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnostico, p. 128.

 

201

MAP I9

 

 

PLANNED FACTORY lOCATlONS IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE: I970

 

\

   
   
 
 

   

TRANCAS BURRUYACU
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.\ I~ sAHTmomo \
. \ .

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m i) ) LEALES

  
  

 

 

/

f Owned; uvun'g '

. SANYA tUClA (l)

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\

/ ,'-\

 

fi/‘/\ ‘C—fi

 

 

 

Planned Factories (2)
\ Area of Sugar Cane Production 0
CHICLIGASIA x cm... Min- .

 

* D l m t Phin-
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A Provincial Capi'al a

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\-\ fr-r/ Cities 0
_/
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/ Provxncnal Boundary —._..—
. SANI’A ANA
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SOURCE- Compiled by author

 

 

 

 

202

employ their stated numbers, slightly more than 9,000
19

people would be involved. By September, 1970, thirty-
one businesses were operating with nearly 3,300 employees,
thirteen were under construction with a planned labor
force of 2,200 and the eighteen establishments authorized
planned to employ slightly more than 3,000 persons.20

The new industries exhibit great variation in levels of
employment, from ten workers in a plant for dehydrating
vegetables to nearly 1,700 in a shoe factory. The average
size of work force in the firms for which information was
available, however, was about 110. By eliminating the
largest individual company, the average would fall to

only ninety persons.21 Thus, most firms appear to be
capital intensive and certainly do not solve the unemploy—
ment crisis of the province. Aggravating the condition

is the fact that many firms are employing primarily women.
This leaves unemployment figures relatively unchanged,
since many of the women are being drawn into the labor
force for the first time. On the positive side, all firms
are offering steady, year—round employment.

The new industries are predominantly of two types,

textiles and clothing or foods and beverages, as

 

19Information from the office of the Comité
Operativo Tucuman.

2OLa Gaceta, Tucuman, September 22, 1970.

 

21Personal interview with Roberto Alvarez, coordi—
nator, Comité Operativo Tucuman, July 8, 1970.

 

 

 

 

203

illustrated in Table 36. Demand for these products is
normally quite inelastic. That is, consumption is rela-
tively unaffected by price changes. As a rule these
industries are characterized by gradual and slow growth
rates and are dependent primarily on population increases
for expansion. The need for local raw material assures
linkages with the agricultural sector but the products do
not lead to additional factories. Thus, these types of
industry are not the ideal generators of continuing
industrial development.

The market area for most of the goods produced by
the new industries is limited to the province of Tucuman,
or at best the Northwest. Businesses with greater out—
reach have not been attracted or, in some cases, have
preferred sites in other regions of the country. A prime
example of the latter condition concerns the planned
location of two automotive parts factories, Saab-Scania
and Volvo. Pressures from Cordoba, the main automobile
manufacturing center, appeared to be the major reason
for cancellation of these plans.

With information covering just four years of
operation it is far too early to judge the long—term
success or failure of the Operacion Tucuman in its indus—
trial phase. It is clear that some gains have been made,

but the goal of regaining the 1965 provincial product

204

level was not attained until 1973/7A.22

TABLE 36

INDUSTRIES SCHEDULED TO LOCATE IN
TUCUMAN PROVINCE, 1970

 

 

 

 

Industries Number
Foods and beverages 23
Textiles, clothing and shoes 21
Chemicals . 9
Construction materials 6
Electrical machinery 5
Non-electrical machinery A
Wood working, paper and celulose 5
Furniture 1
Tobacco 1
Rubber 1
Printing 1
Miscellaneous agriculture oriented __2_

79

 

Source: Comité Operativo Tucuman and Canitrot and
Sommer, Diagnéstico de la situacion
econdmica de la Provincia de Tucuman, 1972.

 

 

 

22Correspondence with Prof. Teodoro Ricci,

February 12, 197A.

205

Agricultural Diversification

 

Attempts to diversify the agricultural sector
were coordinated by the Comite Operativo Tucuman, the
provincial Secretary of Agriculture and the Secretary of
Transformation (Secretaria de Transformacion de la
Provincia de Tucuman). With the great decline in cane
area since 1965, and with farmers deprived of sugar quotas,
the task was to continue a deemphasis of that dominant

crop and to promote Viable alternatives.

 

There has always been a great variety of things
grown in Tucuman province, since it is a favored agricul-
tural area with a diversity of ecological niches.23
However, sugar cane has occupied as much as 80 percent
of the cultivated land (Table 37). Certainly during
the peak periods, monoculture would have been an appropri-
ate descriptive term. Since 1956 sugar cane has decreased
in relative importance but it certainly has continued to
be the dominant crop. Such dominance by a labor intensive
and seasonal crop has always been problematic, yet attempts

at diversification have never had a lasting effect.2u

 

23The possibilities for more than fifty different
crOps were explored and mapped by the Estacion Experimental
Agricola de Tucuman in Cultivos posibles en Tucuman:
Orientaciones para diversificar la produccion agricola
(Tucuman, 1961).

2”According to La Industria Azucarera, December,
1973, the area planted to cane in Tucuman in 1973 was the
highest it had been in the past decade.

 

 

 

 

206

TABLE 37

PERCENTAGE OF CULTIVATED AREA IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE
DEVOTED TO SUGAR CANE, SELECTED YEARS,

 

 

 

1937-1970
Years Percent of Total Cultivated Area
1937—38 80.A
1947—48 77.7
1955—56 80.2
1960-61 68.2
1965-66 63.9
1966-67 53.5
1969—70 A8.0

 

Source: La Industria Azucarera, various years.

 

The evolution of the most important crops in
Tucuman province is shown in Table 38. The predominance
of sugar cane is obvious, but nearly every crop listed
has maintained some areal growth since 1965. The number
of crops is considerable, but of particular note is
the rise in importance of sorghum, soybeans, cotton,
wheat and tobacco. 0n the basis of these data, diversi—
fication efforts appear to be at least partially success-
ful.

Diversification schemes depend very much on the
incentives offered to the agricultural sector. Some

considerations essential for the development or expansion

 

 

207

 

 

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208

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mo swampohomm one Ammma ”QwESoSBV cwESOSB mo meosw>opm ma mo OHmewm
oaaopmmmco Ho mpmm,mommm "amazose mo mHOOth< Hmpcoeflpodxm Qwflompmm ”mooasom

 

 

 

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eeeeeepfiso fleece

 

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e oom.fi cos I I oom OOH meezOHecsm
005 com oee com I I I seemeeom

 

osmanmoma smmaImmmH ommHImmmH Hmmalomma mmmHImmmH mamalwzma mmmalsmma dogo

 

 

 

Umssflpzoollmm mqm<9

 

209

of any crop include the physical requirements of the crop,
labor and capital demands, market conditions and size
constraints.

Although the area planted to cane decreased between
1966 and 1970, not all the expansion of other crops was at
the expense of sugar cane. Some crops do not compete for
the same land and, thus, diversification need not mean
replacement of cane. The oil crops, cotton,and sorghum,

for example, grow quite well under the drier and most frost—

 

prone conditions of the eastern part of the province where
cane cannot be cultivated profitably. Since sugar cane is
grown in the most favored agricultural zones, however,
some competitiveness among most crops is inevitable.

Labor requirements differ with each crop, both in
absolute numbers and in period of need. As to the amount
of labor necessary for cultivation and harvest, all crops
listed in Table 38 require less labor per unit area than
does sugar cane, with the exception of tobacco.25
Restraints on tobacco cultivation include little suitable
growing area and marketing difficulties.26 If this crop

is excepted, diversification will not greatly aid the

unoccupied workers. It could, however, mitigate the

 

25Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnostico, p. 1A5.

 

26Personal interview with Ing. Ploper, Secretaria
de Agricultura de la Provincia, Tucuman, August 7, 1970.

210

drastic seasonal unemployment associated with sugar.
Figure 18 shows the months of peak labor demand for a
variety of crops, and it is noteworthy that many compete
for labor during the same period as sugar cane. The major
exceptions are wheat, corn, the oil crops and sorghum.
Thus, it is not surprising that all agencies involved have
stressed the latter crops.

With regard to economic return, "it is probable that
of the diverse crOps, only citrus and some other fruits
and vegetables result in greater returns than cane..."27
These crops, in turn, present problems to the average
farmer of Tucuman because citrus requires at least five
years to achieve profitable bearing, and most vegetables
are viable only with the secure source of water that
irrigation alone can provide.

Finally, diversification is probably not compat-

ible with minifundia. Because of the peculiarities of

 

sugar cane, there does not seem to be a viable alternative
to that crop for the extremely small landholder.28 This

can be checked empirically by noting that most minifundistas

 

continue to grow cane despite legal prohibitions. It is

 

27Canitrot and Sommer, Diagnostico, p. 1A9.

28Estacion Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Bases,
p. 28. Numerous other studies referred to the same
situation.

 

 

211

FIGURE 18

PEAK LABOR DEMANDS FOR SELECTED CROPS
IN TUCUMAN PROVINCE

Sugar Cane

Citrus

 

Corn

Cotton

 

Peanuts

 

 

Sorghum

 

 

Soybeans

 

 

Sunflowers

 

 

Tobacco

 

Vegetables

 

Wheat

 

 

   

Maximum Employment Low Employment No Employment

Source: Tucumdn, Secretarl’o de Agricultura.

212

argued that diversification can occur effectively and
economically only on medium to large—scale farms. Not only
is there a greater investment capability, but greater
flexibility to allow reactions to prices. A recommenda-
tion based on these thoughts was made in 1965 by the Agri-
cultural Experiment Station of Tucuman. It was suggested
that cane production be assigned chiefly to the

29

minifundistas, while the large owners should diversify.

 

It has been shown that the government did not exactly
agree!

Some real changes have been effected in the economic
structure of Tucuman province since 1966. Most authorities
would agree that movement away from a near complete
dependence on one industry is "good." Results to 1970 have
been inconclusive at best, and indications are that high
world market prices for sugar could undo the achievements

attained to date.

 

28

La Industria Azucarera, December 1965, p. 27“.

 

 

CHAPTER IX
EFFECTS PRODUCED BY CHANGE

The government intervention of 1966 and succeeding
legislation directly affected all Argentine sugar producing
regions. As a result of the new policies numerous changes

occurred which were mirrored on the landscape and in the

 

economic activities of each area. The effects were most
strongly manifested in the Northwest, and specifically
in Tucuman. The resultant changes in land use, agricul—
tural productivity, industrial activities, and the size
and composition of the regional labor force were particu-

larly important.

Land Use

Patterns of agricultural land use were altered
considerably within the Northwest after 1966. Change was
abrupt and extensive in Tucuman, while the northern agri-
cultural regions of Salta and Jujuy underwent relatively
little modification. Since a principal government
objective was to rationalize the sugar industry, the
greatest effects were felt in the areas devoted to sugar
cane cultivation. A reduction in cane area had to be
forced by legislation, since farmers left cane production
with extreme reluctance.

213

 

21A

Sugar Cane

 

The dominance of sugar cane in Tucuman decreased
rapidly after 1966 (see Table 7, p. 91). Reductions in
regional quotas were attained either through voluntary
individual action with monetary compensation, or by
legislative fiat. In this manner lands planted to cane
were withdrawn from production as quotas were eliminated.
The climatically marginal zones for cane were most affected.
These were frequently areas where larger farmers had
"over—extended" their plantings or where small farmers had
been able to maintain only minimal levels of production.
Thus, the cane region of Tucuman retreated on three fronts,
the north, east and south, and became slightly more concen—
trated west of the Rio Sali (see Map 11, p. 99).

Surveys along major highways and around selected
towns in Tucuman province reveal contraction in sugar areas
at the eastern margins of the cultivated zone and even
isolated changes within the prime growing areas west of
the Rio Sali. Cane holdings of the intervened mills, for
instance, were sold without the accompanying sugar quotas
and thus the land was effectively taken out of production.
(About one-third of the sale price of their lands was

needed by the closed ingenios to repay back debts).l

 

1Jorge A. Dominquez and Agustin Hervas, Cogperativas
agropecuarias de trabajo: Una alternativa solucion para
el problema Tucumano (Tucuman: Instituto Nacional de
Tecnologia Agropecuaria, 1970), p. 8A.

 

 

 

 

215

Minifundia were, and are, present within prime growing

 

zones, as well as in the marginal areas. Some of these
were also forced to relinquish sugar production quotas.

Many minifundistas left land in cane, however, as no

 

economically viable alternative was available to them.
Along with the official elimination of the smallest cane

farms, large numbers of loading stations (cargaderos) were

 

left idle. These relics were particularly noticeable in

areas of minifundia since transshipment points were usually

 

needed to facilitate cane delivery to the mills. Slow
individual transport by oxcart was then replaced by the
faster collective movement by truck or tractor.

The actual change on the Tucuman landscape was
often less a disappearance of canefields than a selective
decline in quality due to the semi—abandonment of fields.
Much land was gradually taken out of production as numerous
canefields were simply left to merge into weeds or pasture.
The area withdrawn from production remained out of cane
cultivation for at least five years, until high world sugar
prices started another cycle of planting.2

No great land use change resulted in the Norte. In

Salta and Jujuy the effects of the policy changes were

 

2By the harvest seasons of 1971/72 and 1972/73
planted area in Tucuman expanded greatly, in the latter
year exceeding any previous planting of the prior decade:
"El azucar Argentina en cifras: Zafra 1973," E2
Industria Azucarera, Vol. 80, No. 937, 1973.

 

216

mildly positive. Some reduction in cane occurred immedi—
ately after 1966, but by the late 1960's the ingenios
were again expanding their planted area. As restrictions
were gradually lifted a more pronounced expansion took
place. By 1970 growth was mostly in newly cleared fields
that had never before been devoted to steady cropping.
In summary, little change occurred in sugar cane

cultivation in Salta and Jujuy, while Tucuman experienced
considerable disruption. The pattern of change indicated

a shift in production emphasis from Tucuman to Salta—Jujuy.

Other Crops

 

In Tucuman much of the land taken out of cane
production was planted to a variety of crops as the provin—
cial government stressed agricultural diversification. In
Salta and Jujuy most of the cultivated area remained in
cane, although some diversification into citrus, for
example, did take place.

Crops appeared in Tucuman that were most suited to
the drier arable margins where cane had been eliminated.
Specialized horticulture also expanded around urban centers
in the prime cane growing areas of the province. The
growth of numerous individual crops can be noted in
Table 38, p. 207. Most of this growth did not reflect
increasing total acreage planted in the province, but a
replacement of cane by other crops. Such substitution

did not indicate a loss of esteem for sugar cane as a crop.

217

The farmers of the province almost without exception would
have been growing more cane if permitted to do so.3
Psychologically there was an attachment developed to cane
over time. This feeling was not without a firm economic
foundation as cane appears to yield a higher monetary
return on a steadier basis than almost any other crop.
Uneasiness existed with regard to new crops, particularly
in marketing the harvest. This prejudice was corroborated
by experience with some of the vegetable crops, such as
potatoes and tomatoes, during the 1970 and 1971 harvest
seasons, when a very weak market existed and many farmers
left their crOps in the field.” Thus, it was not surpris-
ing to find many small farmers still cultivating sugar cane
even though they were officially prohibited from selling
the crop. Allegiance remained to a crop that was easy to
care for and that assUred a good monetary return.

Diversification efforts in Salta and Jujuy were
limited. There the attempts to diversify occurred chiefly
on the extensive sugar mill lands. Ledesma and Tabacal

both have profitable citrus plantings, while other ingenio

lands feature tree and cattle farming, plus experimental

 

3Interviews with 10“ cane farmers indicated that
ninety-eight would prefer to have all possible land in
sugar cane.

“La Gaceta, Tucuman, February 1, l970,and
January 12, 1971.

 

218

5

fields of craps such as soybeans, sorghum and cotton.
Some diversification occurred in both sugar zones
of the Northwest, but the greatest change in cropping
patterns appeared in Tucuman. The greater emphasis upon
new crops in Tucuman appeared because farmers were forced
out of sugar cane. In the Marta diversified cropping took
place because management of the large ingenios wanted to
vary the holdings. This difference in motivation is
important in understanding differences between the two

areas .

Productivity

 

Available measurements of productivity in the
sugar industry of the Northwest include yields per unit
area and output per worker. Data for yields are normally
available and reliable, while measures of labor output are
difficult to find and more suspect in reliability. Such
figures have been collected for sugar cane but for few
other crops in the cane regions. Nevertheless, some
comparisons and analyses can be made from the new relation—

ships between crops following 1966.

Sugar Cane

 

Many factors affect the yields of sugar cane,

including variety, soils, climatic conditions, and field

 

5Personal interview with Ing. Agronomo Gerez,
Ingenio La Esperanza, San Pedro de Jujuy, March 15, 1970.

219

and factory practices. Although a trend toward higher
cane yields began with policy changes after 1955, the
actions of 1966 had effects of their own.

The increasing areal concentration of production
in Tucuman resulted in improved average yields, since many
marginal fields were regulated out of production.6 Like-
wise, with the elimination of some of the less efficient
mills, refined sugar yields were improved. Thus, the
effect in Tucuman were to reinforce regional trends in
yields and to make the province slightly more competitive.
It was found that cane production on a unit of land could
approach that obtained in the N9rt§,7

Despite individual improvements in Tucuman, Salta
and Jujuy retained leadership in overall yields. There,
the 1966 policies did not seem to exert any significant
pressure on yields. Nearly all the cane in the Ngrtg is
grown on relatively high quality irrigated land and little
was actually taken out of production. Thus, continuing
improvements in yield must be attributed to such things
as improved varieties, increased irrigation and better
field practices. Only indirect effects due to the increased
emphasis on overall efficiency after 1966 might have

resulted in higher yields in the North.

 

6"El azucar Argentina en cifras: Zafra 1973,"
La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 80, No. 937, 1973.

 

71bid.‘

 

220

Comparisons of worker productivity in Salta-Jujuy
and Tucuman are made in Tables 31 and 32, pages 179-180,
and it is clear that the Norte held a substantial lead
over Tucuman. These data relate to factory labor only,
since estimates pertaining to field workers are less
reliable. Improvements occurred in Tucuman due in part
to the closure of less efficient mills. The statistics
for Salta and Jujuy also indicate continued increases in
productivity per worker, but this is chiefly due to

improved capital-intensive measures.

Other Crops

 

Reductions in cane area in the late 1960's decidedly
affected the competitive position of other crops. In
Tucuman, crops such as soybeans and sunflowers appeared
for the first time on a large scale. Others, such as
sorghum, were planted in semi—arid areas unsuited to most
other crops without irrigation. A better correlation of
crops to specific ecological conditions appeared. Thus,
improved overall agricultural productivity could be
attained by better matching natural conditions with crap
requirements. More intensive crops, such as vegetables,
were planted in some areas, increasing the total value of
agricultural products. The reduced dependence on one crop
in Tucuman was a step toward better utilization of all

cropland in the province.

221

In the sugar cane areas of Salta and Jujuy crops
other than cane have usually been grown for subsistence or
as minor sidelines to the chief cash crop of the zone.

The fact that much of the area requires irrigation natu—
rally limits the viable alternatives. Despite this, some
land rationalization has occurred with citrus, for example,
as the trees occupy rolling land less suited for sugar cane.
However diversification certainly does not currently
characterize the sugar valleys (the Ramal) of the Marta.

Yields and productivity have been rising steadily
in both producing areas, but improvements are still
possible. Improved methods of cultivation and the increased
use and better application of inputs such as fertilizer
and irrigation water could greatly increase agricultural
yields. Mechanization to replace manual labor will assure

greater productivity per man hour.

Industrial Activities

 

Both study areas have been dominated by the sugar
cane industry for 100 to 150 years. The effects of the
1966 policy were to lessen this dependency in Tucuman and

to strengthen the industry in Salta and Jujuy.

Sugar Industry

 

Between 1965 and 1968 twelve Argentine sugar mills
ceased operation, reducing the total number from thirty—

seven to twenty—five. Eleven were located in Tucuman and

 

222

one in the Litoral production zone.8 Thus, the industrial
capacity of Tucuman was sharply diminished. Even increased
output by the remaining mills was not assured since total
production was strictly limited, keeping each mill at near
its customary level of production.

In Salta and Jujuy little change occurred within
the sugar industry as the number of mills remained the
same. In fact, the ingenios of the 39329 gained relative
to Tucuman since some of their competition had been elimi-
nated. The northern industry emerged from the crisis of
the mid—1960's stronger than ever. This allowed the mills
to modify and improve their physical plants and total

operations.

Other Industries

 

Some industrial diversification occurred in Tucuman
following the abrupt l966 closing of the sugar mills. The
efforts of the Comité Operativo Tucuman attracted a
relatively large number, but small range, of new indus-
tries. The goal was to broaden the industrial base of the
province and to reduce dependency on the sugar industry.
Thus, one effect of the campaign was a "forced" influx
of new industries into the province. This did not increase

the total number of employees in the manufacturing sector,

 

8Tacuarendi sugar mill in Santa Fe Province was
closed in 1968.

 

223

however, since the losses from the sugar industry were so
severe. A high rate of unemployment continued in Tucuman
as the new firms were unable to absorb the workforce of the
closed ingenios.

Those industries locating in Tucuman province
after 1966, with few exceptions, were small and had little
economic outreach to the rest of the country. The new
firms tended to increase spatial concentration of industrial
power, since most of the new factories were constructed on
sites in or near the capital city. Efforts to place firms
in areas of former sugar mill influence had little success
(Map 19, p. 201).

The industrial diversification was viewed by

nearly all Tucumanos as a useful but limited endeavor.

 

The major objection was that the firms attracted were too
few and too small. Intensive industrialization could
rejuvenate the province, and as the historical location
of the first real industry in the country (sugar milling)
Tucuman was anxious to regain some economic momentum.

In the cane areas of Salta and Jujuy specialization
in sugar production was maintained with little diversifi—
cation. Greater utilization of cane by-products was
stressed within the sugar industry itself. Ledesma, for
instance, expanded paper production from bagasse and planned

to double its Kraft output by 19711.9 The other four mills

 

9Interview with Victor Hugo Valdera, Secretary to
the Administrator, Ingenio Ledesma, Jujuy, July 17, 1970.

 

 

22A

of the Norte had investigated diversification possibil-
ities, but only the management of San Martin de Tabacal
admitted to expansion plans for by—products such as paper

and furfural.10

mag:

Labor was one of the most critical elements of the
Northwest economy affected by the intervention in the
sugar industry. A labor intensive operation such as sugar
manufacture had a far reaching influence, and the closure

of eleven mills put a great number of people out of work.

Sugar Cane

 

It is estimated that up to A0,000 field and factory
workers were affected directly by the mill closings.ll
Since the province of Tucuman could absorb only a small

percentage of these laborers within the existing economic
structure, many were forced to emigrate to other parts of
the country. Some make—work projects helped temporarily,

but the long range solution was to create permanent job

opportunities. This was to be accomplished through a plan

 

10Interview with Ing. Jim Lord, Administrator,
Ingenio San Martin de Tabacal, March 17, 1970. Furfural
is a product used in the synthetic fiber process.

llEstacion Experimental Agricola de Tucuman, Bases

para el desarrollo agrario de la provincia de Tucuman,
Publicacion Miscelanea No. 29, Tucuman, 1968, p. 17.

 

225

to diversify agriculture and industry within the province.
The accomplishments of the committee in charge have been
spotty at best. Large numbers of workers in Tucuman have
remained outside the active labor force, and unemployment
rates in excess of 10 percent have been common.12

The labor organizations of the sugar industry were

13

affected severely. The small growers union (UCIT) was
especially decimated as a result of its drastic decrease in
membership. The medium-sized and large cane farmers,
represented by CACTU, gained some additional power after
1966. All labor unions deplored the mill closings, however.
In Salta and Jujuy labor did not suffer much from
the events of 1966. Indirect effects were felt due to
new policies stressing efficiency of operation and increased
utilization of Argentine labor. There, reduction in labor
needs have been associated with increasing mechanization
rather than a decrease in number of mills. No effective
labor opposition to these methods has surfaced, in part
because many of the laborers of the Norte are not residents
of the region or even the country. Labor has continued

to decrease in number and appears to be dominanted by

management.

 

12Bank of London & South America Review, Vol. 8,
No. 2/7A(86), 1973, p. 89.

13Management also suffered to a degree because of
the poor administration of many sugar mills.

 

 

 

226

Other Crops

 

With diversification efforts in Tucuman a greater
number of workers became involved in crops other than sugar
cane. Relative to cane, however, most crops are not as
labor intensive. Many of the new crOps, particularly those
grown in the drier sectors of the province, were highly
mechanized and did not require large labor inputs. Special-
ized garden crops, such as strawberries and potatoes,
provided small seasonal labor demands but the market was
often "soft." In such situations few opportunities for
labor were generated. These conditions meant that most
of the newly unemployed could not expect to find work
within the agricultural sector.

Evidence from field interviews indicates that a
number of manual labor tasks associated with vegetable and
other crop harvests were carried on by migrant workers.lu
These laborers are generally Argentine citizens who follow
harvest cycles in various parts of the country. This does
not characterize the sugar cane harvest, since most of
the zafreros come from either Tucuman or adjacent provinces.
A less consistent regional commitment could be attributed
to the migrants, along with a minimum of organization.

These conditions resulted in little direct involvement by

these workers in affairs of the province.

 

1”At least four individuals indicated that they
followed the speciality crop harvests from north to south
during the season.

 

227

Reactions from former cane workers indicate that
much of the stoop labor required by the non-traditional
crops appears as a less attractive alternative to working

15

in the cane fields. This View does not seem logical to
the author since, from limited personal experience, the
work in a cane harvest is difficult and unattractive!
Since many of the cane workers are owners or renters of
their own small farms, another explanation for their work
preferences is possible. The sugar zafra arrives late in

the season when most personal crops have been cared for,

thus freeing individuals for other work.

Industrial Opportunities

 

Maximum planned industrial employment of the new
firms scheduled for completion in the early 1970's totaled
9,000 to 10,000 workers. This could be considered a small
but significant percentage of the more than 40,000 sugar
employees put out of work. Further analysis of the work
force attracted by the new factories indicates that the
employees were not entirely or even primarily those of
the "former" sugar industry.16 Indeed, a large percentage

of the new industrial workers were women, first—time wage

 

15Personal interview with Sr. Bulacio, Juan B.
Alberdi, Tucuman, April 6, 1970.

l6Adolfo Canitrot and Juan Sommer, Diagnostico de
la situacién economica de la provincia de Tucuman (Buenos
Aires: Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, 1972), p. 138.

 

 

 

228

earners for the most part. Thus, the employment base of
the province was apparently broadened but unemployment was
not much reduced.

Semi-skilled or skilled jobs characterized many of
the new opportunities. Since most of the sugar workers had
few marketable skills, they did not fit existing require—
ments. In addition, most of the new firms were highly
mechanized and therefore employed rather small numbers.

As efforts toward industrial diversification continue,
employment outside of the sugar industry must increase and
should eventually reduce the high unemployment rate.

The new industrial employment, in addition to
including fewer sugar workers than desirable, was char—
acterized by little unionization. This was attractive to
the manufacturers but could be exploitive of the workers,

17

according to the sugar industry!

Synthesis of Changing Landscapes

 

The effects of change following 1966 were felt
strongly in Tucuman and were only slightly evident in
Salta-Jujuy. In Tucuman large areas were withdrawn from
cane production and planted to a variety of other crops.
The cane industry remained dominant but decreased in

importance and this was evident on the landscape. Abandoned

 

l7La Gaceta, August 1“, 1971.

 

229

fields of cane were juxtaposed with new sorghum and wheat
fields and citrus groves. These changes characterized
areas of Tucuman up to 1973, When increased sugar acreages

. 18
again occurred.

In general, the recent period has featured a

weaker sugar industry in Tucuman and improved well-being
for the industry in the Norte. The sugar areas of Salta

and Jujuy expanded slightly while cane lands in Tucuman

contracted.

 

18"El azucar Argentina en cifras: Zafra 1973,"
La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 80, No. 937, 1973.

 

 

 

CHAPTER X
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This study has interpreted and synthesized the
evolution of sugar production in Northwest Argentina. The
changing relationships within and between the chief pro-
ducing regions of the country, Tucuman and Salta-Jujuy,
provided the general theme for investigation, and spatial
differences through time have been delimited and explained.
The study has focused upon the geographical aspects of
cultivation, harvesting, processing and marketing and has
stressed particularly the changes since 1966 when a major
restructuring of the industry occurred. Interpretation
and explanation of change necessitated investigation of
physical, socio-historical, economic and political condi—
tions.

The field investigation was conducted during a
period of about one year, from October, 1969 through
August, 1970. During this time it was possible for the
author to become familiar with all major phases of the
sugar cane industry and to formulate some conclusions and
recommendations that should merit consideration by

appropriate planning agencies of the Northwest.

230

 

 

231

Summary

Sugar cane production in Argentina developed slowly
and sporadically during the colonial period. Early culti—
vation was undertaken by the Jesuits and by individual
landowners in suitable areas of the country, chiefly in
the Northwest. Production levels were so small, however,
that considerable volumes of sugar were imported at high
costs even into the producing zones. After expulson of
the Jesuit order in 1767 a near eclipse occurred in cane
cultivation, and a period of more than fifty years followed
without notable production. It was not until 1820 that
cane was reestablished on a commercial scale in Tucuman by
Bishop Colombres, the "Father of the Argentine Sugar
Industry." This event coincided with the post—Independence
period and signaled a new era for the war—ravaged Northwest.
The sugar industry offered a focus for the re-development
of Tucuman, and from this ”beginning" cane cultivation
expanded slowly in areal extent and overall importance.

A quantum advance in industrial modernization and
agricultural production followed completion of a rail
connection between Buenos Aires and Tucuman in 1876. This
linkage allowed the transfer of heavy machinery inland and
permitted a much greater market for sugar. Improved
transportation stimulated a modern system of sugar mills,
which in turn generated a great expansion in plantings

to meet the increased mill capacity. In the twentieth

 

 

232

century growth continued but in an uneven fashion. A
cyclical pattern of recurring surpluses was particularly
problematic, and each period featured piecemeal legis-
lation to deal with the production crises.

Tucuman province early became the undisputed leader
in production and was never seriously challenged by the
secondary zone of Salta—Jujuy. Each period of surplus
production in the industry was largely the result of over-
planting in that primary region and tended to deepen the
natural rivalry between the provinces. An extensive
surplus occurred again in the 1960's when record world
sugar prices stimulated a great expansion in sugar plantings
and government reactions affected primarily Tucuman.

The closure of seven mills in Tucuman in 1966 by
the national government greatly changed the industry and
seemed to be a tardy reaction to the regional differences
that had evolved between Tucuman and Salta—Jujuy. Follow—
ing l966 undeniable shifts in production from Tucuman to
the Norte occurred. Figures on yields and industrial
efficiency heavily favored the northern production areas,
and these data seemed to convince many influential people
that Tucuman could no longer be "pampered." Factors
leading to this situation were manyfold and longstanding,
as the investigation readily revealed. The original
hypotheses, relating the production shift to technological
differences and varying land ownership patterns, were

only part of the answer.

 

 

 

 

233

Physical factors comparing Tucuman unfavorably
with the Norte have often been used to denigrate Tucuman
as a viable production zone for sugar cane. There is no
disputing differences between the regions, but many factors
have been over-stated. Tucuman is located at or near the
southern margin of viable commercial sugar cane production,
but many elements favor the cultivation of cane. Total
precipitation is greater in Tucuman than in the Ngrtg,
although the distribution is frequently unsatisfactory.
Rainfall in Tucuman often extends into the harvest period,
which tends to promote additional plant growth rather than
sugar accumulation. Salta and Jujuy, on the other hand,
receive most precipitation prior to the critical stage of
maturation. However, low total rainfall has made irrigation
mandatory. This regulated water supply has resulted in
higher yields and earlier planting than is characteristic
of Tucuman. Although irrigation systems are expensive
to install and maintain, their benefits appear to exceed
the costs.

Other physical elements also seem to favor the
Marta. Average monthly temperatures are slightly higher
in Salta-Jujuy than in Tucuman, but both areas are
susceptible to frosts. Frost damage to crops is more
likely in Tucuman, due to lower absolute temperatures and
longer periods below freezing, and these differences may be

critical. Although difficult to document, it appears

 

23A

that the North also benefits from a greater average
number of sun hours.

Soils in the two areas are similar in type and
origin, but those of Tucuman have been longer under culti—
vation. Whereas less is known about the soils of the Norte,
sectors of the cane areas there have been recently cleared
and therefore are likely to be "fresher" than those under
cultivation in Tucuman.

Socio-historical factors have naturally influenced
the development of the industry. Population growth differed
markedly among the Northwestern provinces, and Tucuman
early featured the most dense pattern of settlement.
Population was attracted to Tucuman in the colonial period
by the city's location on the transport route to Bolivian
mines. The fertile alluvial soils and fine timber resources
of the province were subsequently major attractions. The
land was not completely occupied by large estates and
many small holdings became characteristic of the province.
The Tucuman cane area by the mid-1900's included more than
20,000 individual farms and most were owner operated. In
Salta and Jujuy, on the other hand, the river valleys
suitable for cane were occupied by a few large holdings.
There the sugar zones are still held by grower-industri—
alists, whereas in Tucuman only vestiges of that system
remain, as agricultural lands associated with mills were

broken up in the 1930's and 19A0's.

235

The ownership and operation of large estates by
the northern mills is an important distinction between
producing regions. Consolidated mill and cane ownership
tends to assure an efficient harvest operation and smooth
movement of cane to the mill. The harvest, collection and
transport of cane from the many small farms of Tucuman has
many inherent inefficiencies. Data correlating farm size and
yields also indicate higher yields on fields over thirty
hectares (Table 28, p. 170), which gives another advantage
to the N2322-

Labor force composition and labor costs are vari—
ables between regions that can best be understood through
historical perspective. The Marta had few people to draw
upon and needed to recruit laborers from Bolivia to satisfy
demands in the industry. This practice has continued to
the present and has numerous advantages to the mills,
since wages can be kept lower and threats of unionization
are minimized.1 The labor force for the sugar industry in
Tucuman was locally developed and drew upon neighboring
provinces during the peak period of the harvest. The
workers were and are mostly white and were organized
into strong unions during the 1930's. Management in

both areas had to search outside provincial boundaries

 

1Wage levels are now regulated by law and adjusted
only bycxnflsof living differences between regions.
Advantages still accrue to the northern mills, however,
since migrant workers make fewer demands on the estab-
lishment.

 

 

236

for steady labor, and the resulting solutions led to lower
labor costs and fewer initial problems for Salta and Jujuy.

The organizational aspects of the industry have
also changed over time and have tended to favor the more
centralized operations of the North. In Tucuman the
industrialists are no longer all powerful as the worker
unions have garnered considerable influence. In the Norte
nominal unionization exists, but the owner class is still
very much in control. A new element with great potential
for leadership is the government agency (CONASA), which
controls five mills in Tucuman.

Economic-agrotechnical changes occurred throughout
the evolution of the industry, and each change was imple-
mented differently among the producing regions of the
Northwest. Mechanization in the cane fields has proceeded
sporadically, and nearly the full historical range can
still be seen in Tucuman. Animal power remains important
on the small farms, and on most large operations a full
pen of mules is also common. Juxtaposed, however, are
fields being worked by tractors where the cane is scarcely
touched by human hands! The Ngrte is hardly more uniform
in its field operations, although mechanical cane loaders
are used on all the mill lands to some degree. Both
areas are dependent mainly on the machete for cutting

cane .

237

Modernization within the sugar mills has neces—
sarily taken place in both production regions, but with a
greater number of small and old mills in Tucuman, the
"average mill" there lacks the degree of modernization
seen in the Norte. The new, more efficient machinery has
generally resulted in increased factory yields wherever
it is employed.

Production efficiency obviously depends in part
upon other than technical aspects in the field and factory.
Property size and labor conditions in Salta and Jujuy seem
advantageous, while the small size of many cane farms in
Tucuman has mitigated against the diffusion of proven
productive inputs, such as fertilizers, new cane varieties,

and irrigation. The minifundia in Tucuman are handicapped

 

by a lack of available capital, and even if it were avail—
able new technology and mechanization would have a limited
effect. Labor efficiency is difficult to measure, but
the control exerted over total Operations by the northern
mills assures less duplication of effort than in Tucuman.
Also, the measures of output per worker are considerably
higher in Salta and Jujuy.

Faulty administration of individual mills is not
a monopoly of either region, but Tucuman offers the most
negative examples. The family mill, as opposed to corporate
mills, is present in both regions but is most character-

istic of Tucuman. It is here that most "errors" have

 

 

238
occurred. The situation was epitomized when numerous mill
owners neglected reinvestment and eventually were unable
to pay their workers and cane suppliers. This coincided
with the surplus production of 1965 and provided the
immediate reason for government action.

The national government of Argentina very early
passed legislation concerning the sugar industry. Varied
national policies had been drafted to regulate and control
production, but all sooner or later were found wanting.

In 1966 drastic government action was taken to deal with
the latest crisis.

In August, 1966, seven mills were intervened with
federal troops and were forced to cease production for
the remainder of that season. Later several of these were
reopened, yet a total of eleven mills closed in Tucuman
between 1965 and 1969. Other restrictions on production
were also instigated, but the most drastic step was the
sudden mill closings. Closure of these mills was justified
officially as providing an improved social and economic
climate in Tucuman. The selected ingenios were the weaker
ones of the province, and most were considerably behind
schedule in payments to workers and suppliers. Thus, the
government action was considered necessary to avoid
collapse of the milling operations and a total lack of

confidence in the industry.

239

Results of the 1966 government legislation and
mill closure in Tucuman included: a great reduction in
land devoted to cane, the elimination of the sugar quotas
of 7,000 small cane growers, the creation of a pool of
nearly 40,000 unemployed field and factory workers, and a
drastic reduction in tax revenue for the province. On the
other hand, the position of the northern zones was greatly
strengthened, which seemed compatible with government
interests. The prevailing nation was that there had been
too much "subsidizing" of the Tucuman sugar industry and
that Salta and Jujuy deserved larger roles in national

production.

Conclusions

 

W. E. Cross predicted in 1923 that in the distant
future Tucuman would have sugar competition from two
areas: (1) from Jujuy, where expansion with low production
costs would be based on cheap land, low-cost labor, and
high yields; and 2) from the Litoral where beet sugar
was expected to be competitive.2 The second threat never
materialized but the Marta did gradually fulfill the

predictions of Cross. The area of Jujuy, along with Salta,

gained increased importance and by 1966 was challenging

 

2William E. Cross, "Experimentos con la’remolacha
azucarera en Tucuman," Revista Industrial y Agricola de
Tucuman, Vol. 13, No. 7—8, 1923, p. 131.

 

 

 

2A0

the sugar supremacy of Tucuman. Even the predicted reasons
for northern competition were quite accurate, although
more complex than indicated.

A pronounced change in the sugar industry was
readily evident in 1967. In Tucuman an immediate and
substantial reduction of cane land and production occurred,
and most of the decrease was offset by increases in the
Marta. Production in Tucuman was reduced to barely 50
percent of the national total, while that of Salta and
Jujuy rose to about 43 percent in 1967 and 1968.3 It is
estimated that the reduction in Tucuman was 120,000
hectares, which involved principally the marginal cane lands
toward the east, north, and south. Some reduction occurred

even in the prime sugar areas, particularly where minifundia

 

were present. The planted area in Salta and Jujuy was
reduced in accordance with the restrictions of 1966, but
by 1968 began to expand again. Without exception the mills
of the Marta were clearing land for new cane fields during
the time of this field investigation, while the plantings
in Tucuman were essentially stable.

Good reasons existed for the attempted rationaliza-

tion of sugar production in the Northwest, although the

 

3"El azucar Argentina en cifras: Zafra 1972,"
La Industria Azucarera, Vol. 79, No. 931, 1972.

 

 

 

2A1

methods used to accomplish this goal were questionable.
The importance of government legislation and direct action
was of the utmost importance in understanding the production
shifts. This was an element not given much consideration
by the author prior to arrival in the cane areas.

The evidence presented in this report indicated
that Salta and Jujuy are indeed superior to Tucuman for
producing cane sugar. Major factors include:

1) The physical advantages of the Norte over
Tucuman are not overwhelming but are significant.
Particularly, the difference in normal sun hours
during the maturation period appears to give the
northern zones an advantage. The corresponding
lack of cloudiness, however, emphasizes the need
for irrigation. Irrigation helps to attain high
yields and, since the cane in the Norte is almost
entirely irrigated, this is another advantage of
that area. Available water remains a major con-
straint to expansion although it is not clear
whether the mills of the Norte are fully utilizing
their water supply.

 

2) The large, coterminous cane fields in the Norte
are more easily managed than the scattered parcels
of Tucuman. Of particular note is the ease of
mechanization, which is becoming increasingly
important in the industry. (Ledesma, for instance,
has been testing a field system used in Australia
by which a single machine cuts, gathers, and loads
the cane. This assures that the cane arrives at
the mill ifl optimal condition with little trash
included.) Large holdings where mechanization

of this type can easily be achieved are limited in
Tucuman, although sharing equipment could eventually
lead to more capital intensive methods on the
smaller fields. Mill ownership of cane lands also
favors the Norte. With this type of operation the
planning and organization of all phases of the
industry can be effected more easily. The modern
corporate structure of the large northern mills,
where profit is the major guideline, assures that

 

uLa Gaceta, Tucuman, January 28, 1971.

 

2A2

efficiency of operation will be stressed.
3) Capital availability and a varied product line
are most characteristic of the mills of the Narte.
The large paper Operation at Ledesma, producing an
item in scarce supply within Argentina, aids this
firm's position in government circles. This
position of favor with the government and in the
mental image of the Argentine people is by no
means insignificant.
The relative positions of Tucuman and the Norte
were altered in the late 1960's. Indications are, however,
that by the early 1970's Tucuman regained much of its
former dominance. Spokesmen for the Norte maintain that they
can supply about 75 percent of the national sugar require-
5

ments. This assertion has not yet been tested, and raises
an interesting question: If conditions are much more
favorable in the Marta, why has production in Tucuman
continued so tenaciously? With more extensive arable land
and adequate natural precipitation Tucuman does have a

major advantage of areal flexibility. Land there can be used
or withdrawn from cultivation according to prevailing

market conditions, whereas in Salta and Jujuy the land

base for growing sugar is more narrowly fixed. Industrial
inertia is a greater problem in Tucuman, since the province

includes a large number of mills which represent a sunk

investment of capital. This suggests that Tucuman will

 

, 5La Gaceta, Tucuman, July 17, 1970. Quoting Ing.
Martin Blaquier, Manager of Ledesma.

 

 

 

2A3

remain an important sugar zone. The process of agricultural
and industrial diversification will surely continue, and

the province's dependence on sugar production as the main
economic activity may decline, but sugar will remain a

vital part of the local economy.

Recommendations

 

There is need for a careful restructuring of the
Argentine sugar industry. A better balance between the
major producing regions would be of benefit to the nation,
since improved production and less variation thereof would
result. In addition, bickering and petty jealousies
between regions could be reduced. Specific measures adopted
depend to a degree upon government policy regarding exports.
If the aim is to place considerable quantities on the
world market, production can be essentially unrestricted
and Tucuman growers can plant without limitation. Since
Argentina is a high cost producer, however, it is probable
that subsidized production would be required when world
prices are low, unlikely as that possibility may seem at
the moment! If subsidies are considered undesirable,
restrictions will probably be needed on sugar production,
at least in Tucuman. Since the government does control
prices and production, a farsighted and stable policy would
be of the highest benefit.

Two broad goals, aimed primarily at Tucuman, can

be formulated: l) A reduction in the relative importance

 

244
of sugar among economic activities should be pursued,
along with the creation of alternative means of production
and employment, and 2) a system should be adopted to
reduce cyclical variations in sugar production.

The following are more specific ideas and recom-
mendations aimed at the achievement of a healthy national
sugar industry. The items listed are not in order of
importance, nor are the categories mutually exclusive:

1) High priority should be given to agricultural
research on varieties of cane adaptable to conditions
within the Northwest and on agricultural methods and
techniques likely to increase productivity and yields.

The agricultural experiment stations should make a concerted
effort to disperse the resultant information to all sugar
cane farmers and not primarily to the large operators.

2) Increased emphasis should be given to irrigation
in Tucuman so as to assure a steadier harvest and increased
production efficiency. A reduction of the cane area in
Tucuman to that land most suitable for the crop would also
be desirable.

3) Efforts at re—educating and retraining sugar
workers for other jobs in the respective provinces should
be intensified, since the harvesting process will continue
to become more mechanized.

A) Measures should be taken to assure rapid move-
ment of cut cane from the fields to the factory. This is

particularly important in Tucuman where long delays in the

 

245

ingenio courtyards (canChones) have been the norm. Improved

 

scheduling of loads and physical improvements such as
portable cranes at the mills would facilitate quicker
processing and thus assure higher yields.

5) Mill owners should be given the incentives
necessary to improve their machinery so that factory
efficiencies reach levels common to those in other parts of
the world. Gains could also be made by concentrating

refineries at fewer locations. Nearly every mill now

 

serves jointly as a refinery, and more emphasis on crude
sugar and fewer refineries could improve marketing and
transportation of the finished product.

6) The more complete use of cane by—products should
be implemented. Gradually, new uses are being discovered
for the various "waste products" of the cane sugar process.
A planned factory in Tucuman to produce newsprint from
bagasse is one example of diversification within the
industry.5

7) More reliable and detailed data are needed con-
cerning natural conditions in the cane-growing regions.

A comprehensive analysis of climatic elements related to
specific crop needs including evapotranspiration studies,
would be especially valuable. Studies comparing the advan-

tages of irrigation versus natural rainfall would also be

very useful. More detailed soil surveys are also needed,

 

5Bank of London & South America Review, Vol. 8,
No. 9/74, 1974, p- 531.

 

 

 

2A6

especially in the Maria where formal classifications have
not yet been developed.

8) As a social measure it is desirable to restore
the quotas of the small cane farmers. There are few
alternative crops for the small landholders, and their
contributions to the Tucuman crop amounts to less than 10

percent of the total. Reinstating the minifundista would

 

not therefore markedly affect any production limitations
placed on the province. This action would be taken at
some cost in efficiency but with great social returns.

9) Individual mill enterprises should be converted
into public corporations. In this manner the management
of each ingenio would be made accountable to stockholders,
which would ensure a greater degree of economic and
social responsibility by the industry.

This study has attempted to synthesize a very
complex issue. A challenge to the sugar supremacy of
Tucuman was mounted by sugar producers in Salta and Jujuy
and has apparently been repulsed for the time being. The
elements favoring change still exist, however, and the
situation is therefore not yet permanently resolved.

Since it is deemed vital to national interests
to maintain sugar production at least equal to the level
of domestic consumption, it is essential to have a viable

and Vigorous industry. As with any crop planted in

 

2A7

different areas, there will continue to be production
shifts in sugar cane due to natural causes and human
vagaries. The continued competition between Tucuman and
Salta—Jujuy is not all negative, but some level of harmony
should be reached that is equitable to both production
zones. In any event, it seems certain that the two areas
will continue as the major foci of Argentine sugar cane

production throughout the forseeable future.

 

 

APPENDIX

2A8

 

 

APPENDIX
METHODOLOGY

Information gathering techniques were direct and
uncomplicated. To facilitate the collection of data in
Tucuman province, a grid was aligned along the intersection
of 27° South Latitude and 65° West Longitude. The province
was divided into quadrants of ten square kilometers and
demarcation of the area planted to sugar cane in 1970 formed
the basis for selection of the appropriate units to inves-
tigate. Since the eastern crop margins were historically
the zones of expansion and contraction, at least one
quadrant east of the 1970 cane area was also placed within
the study area. This system resulted in sixty quadrants to
be sampled.1

Each quadrant was divided into quarters, one of
which was selected randomly. Then a specific site was
chosen subjectively, as near the center of the sample area

as possible. Usually, the land use of about one square

 

lIf roughly one—quarter of a quadrant was, or had
been, planted in sugar cane, it was included as a sample
unit.

249

 

 

 

 

250

kilometer was mapped.2 In addition to the above method,
several transects along major highways through the sugar
zones were mapped and personal contacts facilitated con-
centration in still other sectors of the province.
The results of the personal samples were contrasted

where possible with air photo coverage of 1965, a period

of maximum cane expansion. Thirty-seven sites were com-
parable and these results are summarized in Map 11 and

Table 8, pp. 99-101.

 

Interviews at the farm and mill levels were under-
taken to help identify important socio—historical and
economic factors in the evolution of the sugar industry. Of
particular interest were changes that occurred after 1965.
Prepared interview schedules assured some uniformity and
considerable leeway for open-ended questions. Formal con—
tact was made with 10“ cane farmers, fifty-six farm and
factory workers and representatives of all twenty-one work-
ing mills. Most individuals within the first two categories
were chosen in the sample areas for their willingness to con-
verse with a Yangui! These interviews proved extremely use—
ful for general information and personalized insights into
the industry but detailed analysis proved difficult because

of conflicting information and the lack of precise data.

 

2The area covered was occasionally much more than
one square kilometer, depending on the day and the ease of
mapping (See Maps 9 and 10, pp. 97-98).

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

251

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Andres, Selva Santillan de. "Esquemas de la estructura
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Whitefard, Scott. "Urbanization of Rural Praletarians:
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Migration and Ethnicity. Chicago, 1973.

 

    

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