ABSTRACT THE RADIO RHETORIC OF JOHN L. LEWIS by Ernest P. Weekesser, Jr. It was the purpose of this study to analyze the radio speaking of John L. Lewis in terms of the rhetorical devices and appeals which he employed. In a brief analysis of Lewis's childhood and ado- lescent environment, it was found that he received his impetus to champion the labor movement from three sources. The first of these was his father, whose attempts at col- lective bargaining on the local level had been thwarted; the second was his own experience as a miner and the third was his extended trip through the western states during which he worked in a variety of mines. A statis- tical and testimonial description of mining conditions from 1925 to 1945 was also included as background for his invention. The complete texts of five of Lewis's radio ad- dresses were analyzed by using substantive and rhetorical outlines. The first of these was his radio address of 1925 from Atlantic City, New Jersey, in which he employed the extended figurative analogy comparing miners who hadIM£n killed in.mine disasters with a Main Street parade. The “av-Ii was vein“ ‘.~' AA ‘ ' Pr: qr ny‘r‘ Y r5.;-.; 3“. an U .0 V. ~ "V‘P “(I a ‘V“ '50 ‘uv Cl "t 5:94.: V a- -__ '5: fl rl 'o-ss C. k, Ray? V“ "‘“fln 'VMM . T A. L'- r:»-- ~ :“-:E.c"‘ “be 99 J: rub. {“NC. Ar ~:use tc _ N 14’ . U‘»:’ EY~ second was his 1956 "Future of Labor" network radio ad- 5 In spite of his dislike for the Communists, Lewis respected their abilities as organizers. As long as he 33Justin.McCarthy, personal interview. 34Statement by Harold‘Ward, personal interview. 35Alinsky,_o_p. cit., p. 154. 116 didn't know exactly who they were, he allowed their pres- ence to continue. But, in the process, he would be forced to answer for that presence. After Lewis's successful negotiations with the large steel companies,there followed the task of organizing the smaller independent companies such as Y0ungstown Sheet and Tube Company, Bethlehem Steel Company, Inland Steel Company, Weirton Steel Company, and the Republic Steel Company. Collectively these companies were known as "Little Steel." Thomas Girdler of Republic Steel was chosen to lead the fight against the 0.1.0. Girdler claimed that while the steel industry legally must allow collective bargain- ing, verbal agreements were sufficient to satisfy the law. He contended that no written contracts need be written nor signed. On.Memorial Day, 1937, at 3:00 p.m. between one thousand and fifteen.hundred striking workers, friends, wives, and children, gathered in a union hall in Chicago. The meeting was adjourned following a motion that all pres- ent parade to the gates of the Republic Steel Company and establish a picket line. The group then proceeded to their destination, where they were met by 260 Chicago policemen. First the police opened fire with tear gas bombs; and then as the strikers began to flee, the police began firing bullets. The Senate investigation of this incident, from which the foregoing details are taken, indicates that the Chicago police shot down thirty people, women and children 117 included. It was also revealed that all of them had been shot in the back.36 Less than three weeks later in Youngstown, Ohio, a Similar incident occurred in which women and children were shot. Governor Davey of Ohio ordered the National Guard to the scene to maintain the gtgtgg uo; but, “they ended their martial law by strike breaking."'57 Dulles notes that motion pictures in both cases “clearly revealed that they (the strikers) had not precipitated the attack.”8 It is difficult to establish just when the break between Roosevelt and Lewis began. John Gunther feels it may have started late in 1936 when a White House secretary forgot to put Lewis's name on the invitation list to an important White House luncheon but included it for the re- ception which was to follow. To make amends, the President invited him to a private tea but several hours before this was to be held, Roosevelt was called away to an important meeting. ”Mr. Lewis's intricate Welsh brain somehow cone strued this to be a deliberate insult," says Gunther, "and he never forgave the fancied affront.”9 The Secretary of Labor during this period was Frances 36Report of the United States Senate Committee on Education and Labor, Report No. 46, p. 13. “Alinsky, _qp. git” p. 156. 380ulles, pp. 931., pp. 501-2. 59J0hn.Gunther. Roosevelt lg Rgtrospect. (New Y0rk: Harper and Brothers, 1950), p. 43. 118 Perkins. She invited Lewis to her office in January, 1937 to discuss legislation which was pending. Instead, Lewis began to interrogate her as to why the President hadn't called for his advice. "It's two months since the election and he has not sent for John L. Lewis," he said. He proceeded to berate the President soundly, calling him all sorts of names, saying he had eaten labor's bread and now failed to stand by labor. It was a long, melodramatic tirade. He walked up and down the floor of my office making a public address to.me.4 In a later passage of her somewhat lengthy descrip- tion of this encounter, She states, “His language was pic- turesque and was almost identical with the statement he made in a prepared address on Labor Day, 1937. It was as though he had given me a dress rehearsal." If Miss Perkins' testimony is correct, it would tend to weaken the theory that the §g_hominem directed at Roose- velt in the peroration of the Speech was a direct result of Roosevelt's famous Shakespearean statement, ”A plague on both your houses.” A third theory of the Split comes from Alinsky, who says it did not really begin until February 3rd, 1937. During the course of the General Motors negotiations, Lewis left Washington for Detroit armed with the private state- ment of President Roosevelt that “the strike can continue 4OFrances Perkins. The Roosevelt I Knew. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), p. 43. 119 as far as I'm concerned.“ In discussing the issue with Governor Murphy of Michigan, Lewis was told that the Pres- ident had told Murphy that the strike was to be ended. In a quandary, Murphy suggested that he call the President and inform Roosevelt of their problem. Murphy suggested that Lewis listen in on an extension phone. When Murphy told the President of Lewis's side of it, Roosevelt replied, "Disregard whatever Mr. Lewis tells you."41 The most famous warrant for Lewis's remarks about the President came on June 20th, 1937, when in reaction to the crippling "Little Steel"-diSpute, Roosevelt said in reference to both Lewis and Girdler, ”a plague on both your houses." Although the explanations previous to this one may well be true, there is some indication that Lewis was still supporting Roosevelt in spite of their personal feud, especially in Pennsylvania where he had been campaign- ing for the President.42 This open support ceased following the Roosevelt statement of June 30th, 1937, but the reasons for Lewis's hostility toward the President may have dated back at least ten months. Audience and Occasion. This speech.was delivered from the C.B.S. studios in.Washington, D. 0., between 10:30 and 11:00 p.m., September 3, 1937, three days before Labor 41Alinsky, pp. p;p., p. 150. 42M 393;: Lippi», June 23rd, 1937. The Times refers to it as a "third term boom.” 120 Day to a nationwide audience over the C.B.S. radio network. Purposes. General. The "Memorial Day Massacre'I in Chicago and its counterpart in Youngstown provided the nation with a graphic conception of the dangers inherent in striking. Lewis realized that these events might shake the confidence and determination of many workers throughout the nation-- workers who were themselves preparing to organize. It was necessary, therefore, that Lewis bolster the confidence of those within his ranks as well as those who were preparing to join him. The general purpose of this Speech thus be- came one of inspiring the workers to continue their efforts in supporting the existing unions and in organizing non- union industry. Specific. In spite of its giant stride forward dur- ing 1937, Lewis felt that the 0.1.0. had been a victim of "kiss and tell“ politics. His specific references are made against Girdler, Kelly,, Davey, and, of course, Roosevelt. It was Lewis's purpose to rebuke those who had not supported the "onward march of labor," and to cleanse the C.I.0.'s reputation of being "run by communists.“ Substantive and Rhetorical Outlipp. 1. Out of the agony and I. A colorful attention-arresting travail of economic device employing a metaphor. America the Committee for Industrial Organ- ization was born. _ Batten. .1 .1 i. A.) 121 A. To millions of Americans, ex- ploited without stint by corporate industry and socially debased beyond the understanding of the fortunate, its com- ing was as welcome as the dawn to the night watcher. B. To a lesser group of Americans, infinitely more fortunately Sit- uated, blessed with larger quantities of the world's goods and insolent in their as- sumption of privileges, its coming was her- alded as a harbinger of ill, sinister of purpose, of unclean methods and non- virtuous objectives. A. B. Allegorical appeal to the workers comp paring the dawn or sunrise to the rise or the 00100. An attack upon the opponents of the 0.1.0. Charged language is also present, viz., “insolent in their assumption of privi- legs." These two stateu ments (A and B) would tend to divide immed- iately members of the listening audience into separate groups. 11. But the Committee for 11. Purposeful statement under- Industrial Organization lining the strength and is here. It is now and perseverance of the 0.1.0. 122 henceforth a definite At the time, even the instrumentality, des- opponents of the 0.1.0. tined greatly to in- would probably consider fluence the lives of it a statement of fact our pe0ple and the since the speech.was internal and external given Shortly after a course of the Republic. rapid succession of 0.1.0. victories. A. This is true only A. Appeal for support because the purpose and a statement of and objectives of praise for all union the Committee for supporters. Industrial Organ- ization find economic, social, political and moral justification in the hearts of the millions who are its members and the mil- lions more who sup- port it. 1. The organization and 1. Further praise. It constant onward sweep is also an attempt of this movement ex- to characterize amplifies the resent- those in opposition ment of the many to- to the 0.1.0. as ward the selfishness, selfish, greedy, greed and the neglect neglectors of labor. 123 of the few. 2. The workers of the 2. Praise and highly nation were tired of purposeful state- waiting for corporate ment. industry to right their economic wrongs, to alleviate their social agony and to grant them their political rights. Des- pairing of fair treat- ment, they resolved to do something for them- selves. 3.They, therefore, have 3. Effect to cause organized a new labor reasoning. Also not- movement, conceived able is the similar- within the principles ity of this passage of the national bill in both style and of rights and com- structure to mitted to the propo- Lincoln's Gettysburg sition that the Address. Some author- workers are free to ities report that assemble in their own Lewis was a great forums, voice their admirer of Lincoln. own grievances, de- This fact may account clare their own hopes, for the obvious sim- and contract on even ilarity. Sulzberger 124 terms with modern industry for the sale of their only material possession--their labor. III. The Committee for Indus- trial Organization has a numerical enrollment of three million seven hun- dred eighteen thousand members. A. It has thirty-two af- filiated national and international unions. 1. Of this number eleven unions ac- count for two mil- lion seven hundred Sixty-five thous- and members. This group is organized in the textile, auto, garment, lum- ber, rubber, elec- trica1.manufactur- ing, power, steel, reports that while in Springfield, Illinois, Lewis even joined the Abraham‘Lincoln Society.43 A. This entire par- agraph is devoted to statistics. Several patterns of argument are present. Firstly, realizing that he was speaking to a vast radio audience, Lewis may have been attempting to mention Specific industries in the hope that 4ESulzberger, pp. cit., p. 21. 125 coal and trans- port industries. 3. Some two hundred thousand workers are organized into five hundred seven chartered local units not yet at- tached to a na- tional industrial union. B. This record beepeaks progress. It is a development without precedent in our own country. 1. Some of this work was accomplished with the enlight- ened cooperation or the acquiescence of employers who B. such acknowledgment would tend to solid- ify the union and allow each indus- trial area to iden- tify themselves with the now enormous size of the 0.1.0. In any case, the detailed statis- tics served to sum- marize and underline the growth which had been taking place in the organizing of industrial labor. General statement of fact. The second sen- tence, however, would probably strike some listeners as exagger- ation of the facts. 1. “Bandwagon“ technique. Lewis is attempting to win support by suggesting that those industries which have accepted 126 recognized that a new labor movement was being forced and who were not disposed, in any event, to flout the law of the land. 2. 0n the other hand, much of this prog- ress was made in the face of violent and deadly opposi- tion which reached its climax in the slaughter of workers paralleling the massacres of Ludlow and Homestead. the 0.1.0. are “enc- lightened,“ *toler- ant,“ and law abiding. 2. A general indictment of those industries where strife occurred during attempts at unionization. A gen- eral reference to G.M., Chrysler, and “Little Steel."'The implication is that, contrasted with 11181, these indus- tries are not “tol- erant,“ "enlightened," and law abiding. IV. In the steel industry the IV.Specific praise to win sup- corporations generally have accepted collective bargaining and negoti- ated wage agreements with the Committee for Industrial Organization. port. The statistics tend to emphasize the "band- wagon“ technique. Lewis is attempting to hold the support of as many listen- ers as possible who may 127 A. Eighty-five per cent of the industry is thus under contract and a peaceful rela- tionship exists be- tween the management and the workers. B. Written wage con- tracts have been negotiated with three hundred ninety-nine steel companies cov- ering five hundred ten thousand men. 0. One thousand thirty- one local lodges in seven hundred commun- ities have been organized. V. Five of the corporations in the steel industry elected to resist col- lective bargaining and undertook to destroy the steel-workers' union. These companies filled their plants with indus- V. be sympathetic to the steel industry in general by separating and alien- ating Little Steel from the “cooperative“ com- panies he is referring to in this paragraph. Specific vilification of Little Steel as well as a general reference to Gov- ernor Davey of Ohio and Mayor Kelly of Chicago. The barrage of charged words and colorful, des- criptive passages indi- 128 trial spies, assembled cates an attempt at heavy depots of guns and gas emotional appeal. bombs, established bar- ricades, controlled their communities with armed thugs, leased the police power of cities, and mobilized the military power of a state to guard them against the intrusion of collective bargaining within their plants. A. During this strike A. Once again the colorful eighteen steel workers description tends to were either shot to death underline the plight of or had their brains the strikers. Examples clubbed out by police of this are such phrases or armed thugs in the as “shot to death," pay of the steel com- “had their brains clubbed panies. out," and "armed thugs.“ 1. In Chicago, Mayor 1. Ag_hominem leveled Kelly's police force against Mayor Kelly was successful in implying that he was killing ten strikers personally reSpon~ before they could sible for the inci- escape the fury of dent. Also of note is the police, shooting the word "successful" eight of them in the implying that the back. One hundred incident had been 129 sixty strikers were maimed and injured by police clubs, riot guns and gas bombs and were hospitalized. Hundreds of strikers were arrested, jailed, treated with brutality while incarcerated and harassed by succeeding litigation. None but strikers were mur- dered, gassed, injured, jailed or maltreated. No one had to die ex- cept the workers who were standing for the right guaranteed them by the Congress and written law. The infamous Governor Davey, of Ohio, suc- cessful in the last election because of his reiterated prom- ises of fair treat- ment to labor, used 2. premeditated without actually making the allegation. Vivid, colorful, descrip- tive phrases with emotional overtones in the two sentences which follow serve to appeal to motives of justice, equity, and decency. Ad_hominem leveled against Governor Davey of Ohio; also innuendoes of Fed- eral support of anti-labor interests. 130 the military power of the Commonwealth on the side of the Repub- lic Steel Company and the Y0ungst0wn Sheet and Tube Company. Nearly half of the staggering military expenditure incident to the crushing of this strike in Ohio was borne by the Federal government through the alloca- tion of financial aid to the military establishment of the state. B. The steel workers have B. Highly emotional appeals now buried their dead, involving death, mother- while the widows weep hood, orphaned children, and watch their orphaned and poverty. children become objects of charity. 1. The murder of these 1. Lewis's allegations unarmed men has never against the Federal been publicly rebuked Government become by any authoritative more specific. Emo- 3. 131 officer of the State or Federal govern- ment. Some of them, in ex- tenuation, plead lack of jurisdiction, but murder as a crime against the moral code can always be rebuked without regard to the niceties of legalistic jurisdic- tion, by those who profess to be the keepers of the public conscience. Girdler, of Republic Steel, in the quiet of his bed chamber doubt- less shrills his psy- chopathic cackles as he files notches on his corporate gun and views in retrospect the ruthless work of his mercenary killers. 3. tion laden words such as "murder,“ and “Unarmed men" are also evident. Sarcasm and invective leveled against an unspecified group-- "some of them.” pp hominem against Girdler with strong emphasis upon loaded words, allegations, and insults. Lewis's metaphorical style tends to heighten the sharpness of his invective. 132 4. Shortly after Kelly's police force in Chicago had indulged in their bloody orgy, Kelly came to Washington looking for political patronage. That patronage was forthcoming, and Kelly must believe that the killing of the strikers is no liability in partisan politics. 4. pp hominem with ref- erence to Kelly. The colorful language again underlines Lewis's invective, through such words as "bloody orgy,“ "political patronage," and “killing.” It is interesting to note that Lewis manifests his personal ven- detta against Kelly by verbally placing him in the front ranks of the police force rather than at- tacking the precinct captain, the police chief, the police commissioner, or any- one who might have been closer to the decision to open fire on the strikers. This is not to say that Kelly was or wasn't responsible 133 5. Meanwhile, the steel- puppet Davey is still Governor of Ohio, but not for long I think-- not for long. The people of Ohio may be relied upon to mete out political justice to one who has betrayed his state, outraged the public conscience, and besmirched the public honor. 5. to some degree for the episode, only to note the clever man- ner in.which Lewis leads the listener into feeling that Kelly alone should bear the burden of responsibility. Ad hominem directed against Davey. Again Lewis links Davey and the Y0ungstown killing so closely that the listener might believe that Davey himself was the first to open fire. Also apparent is his appealo-under- lined by the repeti- tion device-~to the people of Ohio, many of whom were laborers, to vote Davey out of Office. 134 0. While the men of the Steel industry were going through blood and gas in defense of their rights and their homes and their families, elsewhere on the far- flung 0.1.0. front the hosts of labor were ad- vancing and intelligent and permanent progress was being made. 1. In scores of indus- tries plant after plant and company after company were negotiating sensible working agreements. 2. The men in the steel industry who sacri- ficed their all were not merely aiding 0. Extreme emotional proof as evidenced by references to “going through blood and gas,“ ”homes,“'”families," “hosts."' Metaphorical style suggesting the 0.1.0. to be an army on the “front.“ 1. Positive suggestion. 2. Praise. their fellows at home but were adding strength to the cause of their comrades in all industry. 3. Labor was marching 3. Emotional positive toward the goal of suggestion carrying 135 industrial democracy and contributing constructively toward a more rational ar- rangement of our domestic economy. VI. Labor does not seek indus- trial strife. It wants peace, but a peace with justice. A. In the long struggle for labor's rights it has been patient and forebearing. l. Sabotage and des- tructive syndical- ism have had no part in the Amer- ican institutions. 2. Most of the cone flicts which have occurred have been when labor's right to live has been challenged and denied. B. If there is to be peace on the metaphor indicated in.V c. VI. Statement of extreme contrast. Ethical proof in that labor and Lewis are peaceful and justice- 1oving--totally opposed to hostility. Since the C.I.0. had been charac- terized by its opponents as violent, this was Lewis's reply. It should be noted however, that prior to this paragraph, Lewis likened labor to an army. New he would have his listeners be- lieve that when they are given “the right to live,“ they possess the disposition of tranquil lambs. Although Lewis's 136 in our industrial life let the employer recognize his obligation to his employees-~at least to the degree set forth in existing statutes. Ordinary problems affecting wages, hours and working conditions, in most instances, will quickly reSpond to negotiation in the council room. delivery will be discussed in a later chapter, one technique bears mentioning. Prior to the time that Lewis began this para- graph his voice had been much higher, louder, and bombastic, and particu- 1arly during those pass- ages in which he was assailing Girdler, Kelly, and Davey. Just as he came to the sentence "Labor does not seek in- dustrial strife,“ he paused,lowered his voice and took on.a much more intimate and personal tone. This vocal effect or “technique” compli- mented and underlined the contrast apparent in the text at this point. It would also support the possibility that Lewis was using a problem- solution form of arrange- ment. 137 VII. The United States Chamber of Commerce, the National.Associ- ation of Manufacturers, and similar groups representing industry and financial interests, are rendering a dis- service to the American people in their at- tempts to frustrate the organization of labor and in their refusal to accept collective bar- gaining as one of our economic institutions. A. These groups are en- couraging a system- atic organization of vigilante groups to fight unionization under the sham pre- text of local inter- ests. VII. Specific indictment linking the United States Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers with "disservice,“‘"refusal,“ and “attempts to frus- trate." In this para- graph, as in the previ- ous paragraph, there are numerous appeals to patriotism. Lewis dem- onstrates this by refer- ring to the "groups‘ he is vilifying as being opposed to the American people, the Apppippp labor movement, and not keeping faith in.American institutions. A. Specific allegations. 138 1. These vigilantes 1. Emotionally charged with tin hats, description. wooden clubs, gas masks and lethal weapons train in the arts of brutality and oppression. 2. They bring in snoops, 2. Name calling. finks, hatchet gangs, and Chowderhead Cohens to infest their plants and disturb the communities. 3. Fascist organizations 3. Specific accusation have been launched and financed under the shabby pretext that the 0.1.0. movement is communistic. B. The real breeders of discontent and alien that fascist activ- ities are being spon- sored by anti-labor factions. This is alsoagpgppgpp fallacy in that Lewis is attempting to shift suSpicion of Un-American activ- ity from the 0.1.0. to management. B. Highly purposeful state- ment with an abundance 139 doctrines of govern- ment and philosophies subsersive of good citizenship are such as these who take the law into their own hands. No tin hat brigade of goose- stepping vigilantes or bibble-babbling mob of blackguarding and corporation-paid scoundrels will pre- vent the onward march of labor, or divert its purpose to play its natural and rational part in the development of the economic, polit- ical and social life of our nation. of name calling, viz. ”tin hat brigade,“ “goose-stepping vigi- lantes,“ "bibble- babbling mob," “blackguarding,“ "corporation-paid scoundrels.” Appar- ent also, is the technique of guilt by association, in that Lewis makes obvious reference to fascist organi- zations (“goose- stepping vigilantes") in the same sentence and in reference to ”the corporation- paid scoundrels.‘ The motive appeals of patriotism and positive suggestion are also clearly evident. V111. Unionization, as op- VIII. Outwardly this paragraph posed to communism, appears to include a presupposes the rela- great deal of logical 140 tion of employment. It is based upon the wage system and it recognizes fully and unreservedly the in- stitution of private property and the right to investment profit. A. It is upon, 1. the fuller de- velopment of collective bargaining, 2. the wider expansion of proof. This is particu- larly true of the first sentence. It is however, worded in such general terms that it is diffi- cult to find any spe- cific reasoning. Terms such as "unionization,m “relation of employment," and“wage system,“ are all subject to a wide variety of definitions. This is of special importance because this statement together with the prev- ious Tn 992 919.6. (VII A) regarding the“corporation- paid fascists,“ is Lewis's only rebuttal to those who are calling the 0.1.0. "communistic.” A. and B. Technique of "turning the table." Lewis is suggesting that by supporting the 0.1.0., the com- munists will be driven out of the country. 141 the labor move- Again, however, he does ment, not deny or attempt to 3. the increased in- diSprove that they are fluence of labor present in the 0.1.0. in our national councils, that the perpetuity of our democratic insti- tutions must largely depend. B. The organized workers of America, free in their industrial life, conscious partners in production, secure in their homes, and enjoying a decent standard of living, will prove the finest bulwark against the intrusion of alien doctrines of government. 1. D0 those who have hatched this foolish cry of come munism in the 0.1.0. fear the increased influence of labor in our democracy? 2. Do they fear its influence will be cast on the side 142 a. of shorter hours, b. a better system of distributed employment, 0. better homes for the underprivi- leged, d. social security for the aged, e. a fairer distri— bution of the national income? 0. Certainly the workers 0. Glittering generality that are being organ- with appeals to pur- ized want a voice in posefulness and jus- the determination of tice, viz. “Objectives these objectives of of social justice." social justice. Rhetorical questions. 1. Certainly labor wants 1, 2, 3, and 4, a fairer Share in the appeals to equity. national income. 2. Assuredly labor wants a larger participa- tion in increased productive efficiency. 3. Obviously the popula- tion is entitled to participate in the 143 fruits of the genius of our men of achieve- ment in the field of the material sciences 4. Labor has suffered just as our farm pop- ulation has suffered from a viciously un- equal distribution of the national income. D. In the exploitation of D. Generalization. The both classes of workers sentence is also has been the source of quite involved and panic and depression, to some extent and upon the economic awkward. welfare of both rests the best assurance of a sound and permanent prosperity. 1X. In this connection let 1X. Attention arresting device me call attention to by specific reference to the propaganda which the "attention“ of the some of our industri- listener. alists are carrying on among the farmers. A. By pamphlets in the A. Statement of his op- milk cans or at- ponents' argument. tached to machinery C. 144 and in countless other ways of direct and indirect approach, the farmers of the nation are being told that the increased price of farm machin- ery and farm supplies is due to the rising wage level brought about by the Commit- tee for Industrial Organization. And yet it is the in- dustrial.mi11ions of this country who con- stitute the substan- tial market for all agricultural products. The interests of the two groups are mutu- ally dependent. 1. It is when the pay- roll goes down that the farmer's reali- zation is diminished, B. Refutation of “A."I C. Attempt to Show good will toward the farmer and create common ground between the two groups. 1. Use of examples in support of “C“-- logical proof. 145 so that his loans become overdue at the bank and the arrival of the tax collector is awaited with fear. 2. 0n the other hand 2. More examples in it is the prOSper- support of "CW-- ity of the farmer logical proof. that quickens the tempo of manufac- turing activities and brings buying power to the mil- lions of urban and industrial workers. D. As we view the years D. Logical and emotional that have passed, appeals designed to this has always been create good will and true; and it becomes common ground between increasingly impera- the farmer and the tive that the farm 0.1.0. In effect Lewis population and the is asserting that the millions of workers farmer would benefit in industry learn to greatly from joining combine the strength the 0.1.0. for the attainment of 146 mutual and desirable objectives and at the same time learn to guard themselves against the sinister propaganda of those who would divide and exploit then. X. Under the banner of the X. Highly purposeful state- Committee for Industrial ment. The symbolism of Organization, American such words as "banner” labor is on the march. and "march"'recall an earlier metaphor. A. Its objectives today A. Appeal to determination are those it had in and constancy of the beginning:; purpose. 1. to strive for the unionization of our unorganized millions of workers, and 2. for the acceptance of collective bar- gaining as a recog- nized American Institution. B. It seeks peace with B. Appeals to peace. the industrial world. 147 C. It seeks cooperation 0. Appeal to cooperation and mutuality of ef- and concord as well fort with the agri- as to the unorganized cultural population. farmers. D. It would avoid strikes. D. Appeal to peace and cooperation. E. It would have its E. Appeal to justice rights determined and fairness. under the law by the peaceful negotiations and contract relation- ships that are supposed to characterize Amer- ican commercial life. F. Until an aroused pub- F. Lewis poses the plight lic opinion demands of the 0.1.0. as a that employers accept dilemma-~"surrender. . . that rule, labor has or struggle. . .* no recourse but to surrender its rights or struggle for their realization with its own economic power. XI. The objectives of this XI. Statement of policy. movement are not polit- ical in a partisan sense. A. Yet it is true that a A. Appeal to equity. political party which XII. Labor next year cannot 148 seeks the support of labor and makes pledges of good faith to labor must, in equity and good conscience, keep that faith and re- deem those pledges. The spectacle of aug- ust and dignified mem- bers of Congress, serv- ants of the people and agents of the Republic, Skulking in hallways and closets, hiding their faces in a party- caucus to prevent a quorum from acting upon a labor measure, is one that emphasizes the per- fidy of politicians. avoid the necessity of a political assay of the work and deeds of its so-called friends and its political bene- ficiaries. B. Colorful description. Generalized vilifica- tion of anti-labor forces in the Federal government. Charged language is again apparent. XII. This passage begins the peroration of Lewis's address. It also mani- fests his anger at what he felt was Roosevelt's lack of support during the steel strike. This is apparent from Lewis's A. B. C. 149 It must determine who are its friends in the arena of pol- itics as elsewhere. It feels that its cause is just that, that its friends should not view its struggle with neutral detachment or intone constant crit- icism of its activities. Those who chant their praises of democracy but who lose no chance to drive their knives into labor's defense- less back must feel the weight of labor's woe even as its open adver-e series must ever feel the thrust of labor's power. Labor, like Israel, has many sorrows. 1. Its women weep for choice of words, e.i. Tao-called friends.” A. Warning. B. ”Neutral detachment“ is probably in ref- erence to Roosevelt's "a plague on both your houses." 0. Emotional and highly charged warning. D. Simile, liking Labor to the chosen people of God. 1. Appeals to pity, 150 their fallen and, love, and family. 2. they lament for the 2. Appeals to pity future of the and justice. children of the race. E. It ill behooves one who E. A metaphor Specifi- has supped at labor's cally refuting and table and who has been chastizing Roosevelt. sheltered in labor's house to curse with equal fervor and fine impartiality both labor and its adversaries when they become locked in deadly embrace. X111. 1 repeat that, X111. Summary and Conclusion. A. labor seeks peace, A. Appeal to peace and and harmony. B. guarantees its own B. Appeal to loyalty. loyalty, 0. But the voice of 0. Appeal to justice labor, insistent and equity. upon its rights, should, 1. not be annoying to the ears of justice, or 2. offensive to the 151 conscience of the American people. Subsequent Events. Although Lewis touched on many contro- versial issues during his address, one of the most talked about issues became the question of whether or not farmers Should become affiliated with organized labor. On September 5th, the New York Times interviewed several members of Congress regarding Lewis's speech. - Representative Fulmer, a Democrat from South. Carolina, stated that he agreed with Lewis's plea for cooperation between farm and industrial labor but added that he wouldn't advocate such a move “under the banner of John L. Lewis.‘44 Representative Mitchell of Illinois, the only Negro Con- gressman at the time, was far more blunt. He charged Lewis with dictatorial ambitions which could eventually control the president and said "He is bitter because he can't con- trol the President.“45 Another congressional reaction came from Senator Burke, Democrat of Nebraska, who said, “If Lewis tries to organize the farmers he will have the biggest disappoint- ment of his life. Opposition of Lewis is the best thing a candidate can have in the farm regions. Lewis tried to get the farmers behind him and failed."46 With reSpect to other issues, Mayor Kelly of Chicago 44New Yprk Times, September 5th, 1957, p. 4. 45;bi . 46Ibid. 152 refused to enter into the controversy. The only comment he would make was as follows. "Chicago's industrial labor situation is now normal. . . the coroner's verdict is the answer to all the criticism in the matter. . .m The Tippp, however, stated that Kelly had been found ”not guilty;” the verdict had been "justifiable homicide.“7 Roosevelt did not comment for several weeks but when Max Lerner asked him about the incident, he replied, Y0u know, Max, this is really a great country. The framework of democracy is so strong that it can get along and absorb a Huey Long and a John L. Lewis.48 It is interesting to note that when Lewis was told of this remark, he retorted, "The statement is incomplete. It should also include 'and a Franklin Delano Roosevelt."49 In spite of their verbal break, Roosevelt was not in a position, politically, to divorce himself completely from a man of Lewis's popularity. Shortly after Lewis's Speech, Roosevelt began to encounter determined senatorial opposi- tion to some of his legislation; and he became angered by this opposition. Although James Farley and other party chiefs attempted to dissuade him, he attempted to purge the opposition, some of whom were democrats. But, to do this he needed money. In desperation, he turned to Lewis for funds and the funds were forthcoming. The final irony, 47Ibid. 4BIBurns, pp. cit., p. 352. 49Alinsky,,9_p. cit., p. 165. 153 however, was to come some years later. Because Roosevelt needed professional assistance in his battle against Con- gress, he “employed" Representative Allen E. Goldsborough of Maryland to help him defeat the opposition, using Lewis's money to underwrite his efforts. When the fight was won, Roosevelt rewarded Goldsborough with an appoint- ment as Federal Jurist. It was this same Representative Goldsborough who, some years later, became Judge Goldsbor- ough, the man who fined Lewis and the U.M.W.A. three and a half million dollars. Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins described the immediate effect of Lewis's castigation of Roosevelt as follows: . . . it was not news to us, although the country and even Lewis's opponents were shocked. Until that time, Lewis, who is a man of abil- ity, had been increasingly well spoken of by the press, by government officials, even by employers. But this intemperate attack made many people turn against Lewis, not Roosevelt.50 It would be a difficult task to determine just how much good or harm Lewis's remarks may have done him. Dulles reports that a Gallup poll conducted prior to the Speech showed over 70 per cent of those interviewed were opposed to collective bargaining and felt that the unions should be ”curbed.” If this evidence is correct, Lewis may have Spoken to a largely hostile audience, and if so, Madame Perkins' suspicion that Lewis's comments created 50Perkins, pp. _q_i_._’_c_., p. 161. 154 more hostility than agreement may have been true. The New York Tgppp summarized its feeling toward the Speech in an editorial on September 5th. . . . his account of the essential pre- rogatives of labor in a free society would have been more complete if, along with recog- nition of the right to organize and the right to strike, he had included the right to work.51 Did Lewis accomplish his task of bolstering the confidence of the workers both organized and unorganized? Apparently he had. The 0.1.0. increased its organizing efforts for the next several months; and by the end of 1937 it had, (1) organized over 3,800,000 workers; (2) established thirty-two national and international unions, and: (3) had established “hundreds of directly affiliated local industrial unionsf52 Although a direct cause-to-effect relationship may not exist, Governor Davey was not renominated for the gov- ernorship of Ohio. The peroration of the speech seems to be one of the most widely quoted of any Lewis has made.55 IMoreover, Lauck, McCarthy,‘Ward, and Williams all cited this speech and the Speech in support of Willkie as the two most "sig- nificant radio addresses" that Lewis ever made. 51New York Timesp September 5th, 1937, p. 8E. 5ZLauck, pp. cit., p. 90. 55It is quoted by Alinsky, Coleman, Burns, and was chosen by Edward R. Murrow as the representative radio - utterance of John L. Lewis. 155 Radio Address pf March 2lst, 1939 Speaking Situation. General Background. By 1938, the voice of John L. Lewis had become familiar to millions of American radio listeners. The number of radio addresses he had made prior to this time was between twenty and twenty-five, although some of these were not nationwide. This Speech, however, is the first to be delivered for an audience outside North America. The idea of having Lewis Speak to the British Common— wealth came from B.B.C. representatives in the United States and Great Britain.54 It was their feeling that, in spite of military threat to Germany, the people of the Common- wealth were interested in the industrial capacity of America if for no other reason than that it might serve them well if, indeed, war was imminent. The address was relayed in a most unusual way. Lewis delivered the address from Washington, D. 0., from where it was sent to the B.B.C. in London. The B.B.C. then re- layed the transmission from their own studios to B.B.C. affiliated stations throughout the world, who in turn re- layed the Speech to their listeners.55 Special Ipsues. During the early part of 1938, the Roosevelt-Lewis ”feud' eased off. One of the reasons for 54m Mine Workers Journal, v. 49, #7, p. a. 55United Mine Workers Journal, April 2, 1938. p. 4. 156 this was Roosevelt's congressional opposition and his acceptance of United Mine Workers financial support. Since several of the bills that he was trying to push through the Senate would benefit the miners, Lewis pro- vided such support, but, at best, it was an alliance of necessity. It was also at this time that former Vice-President Alben Barkley was encountering heavy opposition to his re-election as Senator from Kentucky. Roosevelt stepped in, supporting Barkley with a personal endorsement and the widely publicized "My Dear Alben" letter. Since Barkley had been a political ally of the miners in Ken- tucky, Lewis agreed to make another substantial contribu- tion to Barkley's campaign fund,but he agreed to do so only at the personal request of the President. The President phoned him from Albuquerque, New Mexico; and Lewis in turn supplied the funds. AS Alinsky has stated, Lewis expected to achieve two objec- tives: gratitude from the President and political cooperation from Senator Barkley.56 Since Barkley was the Democratic whip and after his re-election was to become majority leader in the Senate, the “cooperation“ that Alinsky mentions could have been extremely helpful. As far as money to Roosevelt was concerned, Lewis was still hoping that Roosevelt would repay his obligation 56Alinsky,pp. cit., p. 169. 157 by approving the organization of the W.P.A. under the 0.1.0. Again, Alinsky cites Lewis's expectation of support from Roosevelt as the only reason for his contributions to the President. In spite of Lewis's strong feelings against the President he still hadn't aban- doned hope that Roosevelt might yet deliver the kind of help that Lewis 'expected' of him.57 Burns reports that Lewis was also becoming angered by Roosevelt's recruitment of several top 0.1.0. officials for government posts, among them, Sidney Hillman.58 Creel confirms this report. As the feud became an established fact the President set to work, shrewdly and de- liberately, to detach Sidney Hillman and Phillip Murray from their allegiance to John L. Lewis.59 According to Burns, Lewis felt Roosevelt was "weak, tricky, and lacking in conviction."60 It would be inaccurate to say that at this time Lewis was still ambivalent toward Roosevelt. There is no evidence that his personal dislike and mistrust of the President stemming from the “Little Steel” crisis had changed in any way. It would probably be more accurate to suggest that Lewis was frustrated. Despite his mistrust 571bid., p. 170. 58Burns, pp. cit., p. 351. 59George Creel. Rebel.pp Larg . (New Y0rk: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1947), p. 303. 60Burns, pp. cit., p. 351. 158 of Roosevelt, there was still the chance that the President might repay some favors and thus increase the power and prestige of the 0.1.0. It was a gamble, and to Lewis it seemed to be worth taking. But his dislike of the Presi- dent was still obvious to those who knew him, and Lewis would not overlook an opportunity to manifest his resent- ment of Roosevelt's lack of cooperation. Frances Perkins even reports that Lewis was “beginning to have ambitions of his own."51 In January, 1938, Roosevelt decided to sound out England regarding an international conference. Prime Minister Chamberlain's reply was, according to Burns, “like a douche of ice water."52 A rift ensued between the governments of England and the United States which would last for several months. The time was certainly ripe for Lewis to go to the British people with a radio address designed to inform them of the failure of America's leaders and the Congress in helping "the millions of Americans who are now looking to labor to give them leadership and hope for the future."' If Lewis's case for the 0.1.0. was going to be made in Great Britain, it would best be made during a time when Lewis could charge the administration with "failures" and have his charges fall upon the ears predisposed to agree with him. 61Perkins, pp. cit., p. 321. 62Burns, pp. 213., p. 353. 159 There has always been some disagreement as to the difference between a recession and a depression. There is some evidence that it is a "recession" to the party in power and a "depression" to the party out of power. Al- though there seems to be a problem of semantic interpreta- tion present, suffice it to say, the nation suffered an economic setback beginning in 1937 which continued in vary- ing degrees until 1939; and if there was a distinguishable "bottom" to it, it was in the early months of 1938. This issue, therefore, became an excellent one to focus upon during Lewis's speech, for it would serve to Show cause for the 0.1.0. and, at the same time, give Lewis an opportunity to prophesy America's economic doom at the hands of our "cavilling and confused statesmen." Audience and Occasion. This radio address was ap- parently never carried by any standard AM or FM station in the United States, nor was the complete text of it re- printed in this country except by the United Mine W0rkers Journal. It is, of course, possible that it may have been received by an undetermined number of listeners in the United States who had access to radio equipped for short- wave reception. It is a difficult problem to estimate the size of any radio audience, but in the case of this address it would be impossible. As was mentioned before, the broad- cast was sent to all parts of Great Britain and many parts of Australia, Canada, Africa, and India. No evidence was obtainable as to whether or not the broadcast was received 160 clearly in some of these areas. Since the broadcast was transmitted on the short wave band, there is, of course, the possibility of static, interference due to adverse weather, and interference caused by the intentional or unintentional jamming of the B.B.C.'s frequency by other transmitters. Purposes. General. It was Lewis's general purpose to inform the radio listeners throughout the British Empire of the progress of organized labor in the United States and to impress them with the efforts of labor to organize them- selves and thereby increase their economic and social stat- ure. In a broad sense he was attempting to gain sympathy for the entire cause of organized labor. Specific. Lewis's specific purpose appears to be twofold. He was first of all, attempting, through a problem-solution method of arrangement, to convince his listeners that the future of organized labor would deter- mine the future of the United States. Lewis's second Spe- cific purpose was to impress his listeners with the inept manner in which United States industrial and governmental leaders were attempting to deal with the economic ills of the nation. Sppstantive ppp Rhetorical Oupline. I. I address you in the I. A statement intended to name of the Committee link Lewis and the 0.1.0. for Industrial Organs directly with "millions ization and the mil- of Americans. . . leader- 161 lions of Americans who are looking to labor to give them leadership and hope for the future. A. Almost three fourths of the people of America are repre- sented by workers gainfully employed. 8. The future of organ- ized labor, therefore, is in a broad sense the future of America. Ship. . . and hope for the future. By assimilat- ing both himself and the 0.1.0. with the emotion laden terms which follow, Lewis has attempted to contribute to his own ppppp as well as the "good- ness" of the organization which he represents. A. and B. This is an en- thymeme, “A" being the minor premise and "B” being the conclusion. The unstated major pre- mise would, according to Lewis's logic, prob- ably read, "The major- ity of people in a country will detenmine the future of the coun- try,“ so that the com- plete syllogism might be constructed as fol- lows; Maj. Prem.: The major- ity of people in a country will determine 162 the future of the coun- try. Min. Prem.: Almost 3/4's of the people of America are represented by workers gainfully em- ployed. Conc1.: The future of organized labor is. . . the future of America. There are several flaws in this syllogism, but the most obvious and most destructive is the faulty deduc— tion that the “workers gainfully employed“ (minor premise) are the same, or equivalent to "organized labor“ (conclusion). Thus Lewis begins his ad- dress with moderate emotional and ethical appeals coupled with a fallacious attempt at deductive reasoning. 163 II. American labor is today in the throes of the greatest struggle in the history of the United States. A. The workers of C. America are becoming articulate. They are demanding their just Share in the government of their nation. They desire to benefit not only themselves, but all other citizens of this country by the establishment and preservation of a true democracy in their own country. D. The final determination of our endeavors lies II. Positive and purposeful assertion. A. and B. Emotional proof. C. These statements are generalities designed to Show determination, perseverance, and jus- tice. In support of II. Highly emotional appeal emphasizing the mag- nanimity and sense of fair play that “they“ possess. Extreme emo- tional appeals to patriotism and justice through frequent use of such words and phrases as . . . all citizens. . . this country. . . true democ- racy. . . their own country. D. Two specific appeals are apparent. Lewis is 164 many years in the making strong ap- future, but it is peals to strength, our firm belief purposefulness, and that upon our success perseverance as he and our failure will emphasizes the asser- depend not only the tion that the goals future of this na- of labor lie “many tion, but in some years in the future." degree the future of Second, he is making endangered civili- a distinct bid to zation. establish both com- mon ground and good will in stating that his purposes are for “the future of en- dangered civilization. Both appeals would probably tend to strengthen his own ppppp as well. 111. The fabric of culture 111. Metaphorical statement which has been built emphasizing common up by mankind through ground ("civilization" enduring centuries of and "centuries"'rather painful toil and sac- than."Americans" or rifice is menaced to- "years") Again, Lewis's day as never before. style is charged with A. C. 165 America is one of the group of three remaining democracies. If the citizens of the United States can pass on to their children the ideal and the practice of human freedom, we shall 1. not only be ful- filling our duty as inheritors of the hard-won traditions of ages, but 2. we shall be accom- plishing our respon- sibilities to the future of our race. If the democracy of the United States is to sur- vive and if its govern- ment is to be a true expression of the ideas highly emotional terms such as "enduring centur- ies“, "painful toil. . . sacrifice. . . menaced.“ A. Statement of fact em- phasizing common ground and good will. B. Appeals to patience, childhood, and demo- cratic patriotism. 1. emotional proof. 2. emotional proof. 0. Purposeful statement and suggestion of in- justice and inequity. 166 of its citizens, there are abuses which must be corrected. 1. Hundreds of thous- l. Generalization em- sands of the people ploying emotional of this nation proof. have for years on years been exploited, oppressed, and denied the exercise of these rights guaranteed to them under our con- stitution. 2. They have lived at 2. Appeals to pity and the mercy of economic justice. vicissitudes. 3. They have been little 3. Appeals to pity and more than industrial justice. serfs. 4. They have been unable 4. Appeals to pity and to raise their wages justice. to ameliorate their working conditions to assure themselves of economic security. 5. Millions have suf- 5. Extreme appeals to fered the ills that pity and equity. 167 accompany partial starvation in America, and the children of these men have been un- able to improve their lot. D. It is not the purpose of the workers of the United States that these things should continue. 1. We do not intend that our people shall trudge aim- 1essly from street to street seeking only that which they will never find because our economic leaders Throughout III C, 2, 3, 4, and 5, Lewis has general- ized and, through words and phrases with strong seman- tic implications employed highly emotional proof in support of his contentions. D. Purposeful statement opposing inequity and injustice. Ethical proof is also present in that Lewis is empha- sizing his opposition to injustice and inequity. 1. Negative statement. Extremely emotional appeal to pity and generality, vilify- ing the “economic leaders" who, as yet, remain anony- mOus o 168 have neglected to provide it for them. 2. We do not intend that our children Shall starve in the midst of plenty. 3. We do intend to take an active part in the government of our nation so as to insure to the aver- age citizen an im- proved participation in its economical and political bounties. IV. A Committee for Industrial IV. Organization was formed by the heads of eight na- tional and international unions in November, 1935. The membership of the Committee for Industrial Organization now closely 2. Negative statement. An extreme general- ization employing appeals to child- hood, injustice to the innocent, and, above all, pity. 3. Positive statement appealing to pur- posefulness, deter- mination, equity, and justice. Again, this statement would tend to en- hance Lewis's ethos. Thus far in the address Lewis has been emphasiz- ing the problems of American labor. It is at this point that he begins to present a solution-~the 0.1.0. 169 approximates four million. A. It is not my desire to A. A statement of purpose dwell upon the division regarding the rift be— in the ranks of American tween the A. F. of L. labor. and the 0.1.0. 1. The members of the 1. 2. 3. and 4. These Committee for Indus- statements are ex- trial Organization planatory in nature at its inception de- and serve to des- sired only to work cribe the break within the framework with the A. F. of L. of the existing fed- as being one-sided. eration for the bene- fit of the unorganized workers in the United States. 2. They were not permitted to do so. 3. Our organization was suspended from mem- bership. 4. After this action we determined to extend our educational activ- ities by independent organization of the workers in the name of the Committee for 170 Industrial Organiza- tion. B. The results of our B. Logical proof. Lewis efforts are apparent. is employing statistics In two years we have in order to impress attained a membership his auditors with the of four million. strength and determin- ation of the 0.1.0. V. Thirteen.million Americans V. Statement of fact utiliz- are now unemployed. ing statistical evidence. A. Their numbers are A. Motive appeals to dan- steadily increasing, ger and self- as the nation drifts preservation. Although with terrifying and his listeners are not deadly sureness to U. S. workers, the the never-never realm world situation binds of financial bank- their own welfare with ruptcy, economic 001- that of the U. S. The lapse, and human emotional, colorful, tragedy. and metaphorical lan- guage employed paints a verbal picture of sheer doom through such phrases as "terrifying . . . deadly. . . never- never realm. . . bank- ruptcy. . . economic collapse. . . human 171 tragedy.“ B. This is appallingly B. A metaphor characteriz- true despite the fact ing the government as that the government having spent the public's has dipped into the money in a gross and public purse to make haphazard manner. possible the grant- ing of huge subsidies to industry, agricul- ture, banking, and finance. 1. Since 1933 approx- 1. Reasoning from statis- imately seven bil- tics and a Specific lions of dollars example. of government money have been paid to the unem- ployed in the form of direct or work relief. 2. Most of this vast 2. Allegation charging sum has trickled the government with through the tills Spending the public's of the nation's money unwisely. shopkeepers and thus has become a subsidy to our merchants and 172 professional.men. 0. America is moving in economic reverse. 1. Our consumer goods industries began to Slow down in June, 1937, and by October of the same year our heavy industries began to feel the icy hand of the depression. 2. Since that time the drifts have been constant-shut downs in industry being the order of the day, while the number of human beings being thrown out of employ- ment has augmented day by day. D. In the months that have ensued neither industry nor government has come forth with constructive proposals designed to meet the problems of 0. Positive statement. 1. Reasoning from Spe- cific example. Ap- peals to property and self-preservation. 2. General example sup- ported by 0-1. Logi- cal proof with emotional overtones. D. General allegation. Once again Lewis asserts that industry and gov- ernment have failed. 173 the depression. 1. The federal Congress, 2. lacking adequate or competent leadership in continuous session for months past, has failed to devise or enact a Single stat- ute that would cause a glimmer of hope to penetrate the minds of millions of des- pairing Americans. Meantime, cavilling and confusion pre- vail; and our states- men, and those carry- ing the responsibil- ities of the nation's manifold enterprises are reviling each other with an anger and bitterness which defiles, scars, and destroys. 1. Specific allega- tion and name calling. 2. General allegations directed against government and indus- try. Terms such as "cavilling. . . con- fusion. . . anger. . . bitterness. . . defiles. . . scars. . . destroys“ reveal that, as usual, Lewis is sup- porting his original allegation (d) with a substantial amount of emotional proof. 174 3. Meantime, the pop- ulation suffers, and the creeping paralysis pro- gressively impairs its functions. VI. What is to be done? A. Reason calls for a change. B. More rational poli- cies are indicated. 1. America is menaced not by a foreign foe that would storm its battle- ments but by the more fearful enemy of domestic strife and savagery. 3. Emotional argument embodying appeals to pity and inequity. VI. Specific question used as a transition to Lewis's solution step and the peroration of his Speech A. Logical proof utiliz— ing the technique of “self-evident truths.“ B. Another "self-evident“ truth used as a transi- tional statement. 1. Comparison and con- trast of British and American en- emies designed to point up the poss- ible consequences of a depression. Emotionallycharged words color Lewis's description of the consequences. 175 2. It is time for 2. Appeals to coopera- Americans to cooperate. tion and harmony. It is the time for Americans to recognize each other's rights of individual existence. It is time for capital to recognize labor's rights to live and participate in the increased efficiency of industry and the bounties of our na- tional resources. It is time for labor to recognize the right of capital to have a reasonable return upon its investment. 3. 5. Appeal to rights and equity. Appeals to peace, harmony, coopera- tion and equity. This statement al- most seems out of place. In the con- text of what is being said it is one of the few statements devoted exclusively to enhancing the ethical appeal of the speaker and the institution (organ- ized labor) for which he is speaking. By saying, in effect, "We've all made mis- 176 6. It is time for states- men to recognize their nation's peril and to decide to, a. cooperate with labor and industry, b. to rationalize the nation's purposes, and, c. alleviate a nation's distress. 0. Labor is willing to C. cooperate, 1. now let the leaders of the nation's busi- ness step forward, 2. let the statesmen of the nation do the same, takes, now let's coop- erate," Lewis charac- terizes himself as being extremely fair and cooperative. 6. Appeals to danger and self-preservation. a. b. and c. support- ing emotional appeals. Ethical and logical proof combined in a Short pos- itive and purposeful statement. 1. Purposeful metaphor appealing to cooper- ation and patriotism. 2. Repetition of words and sentence structure in a purposeful metaphor. 177 3. let the counsel 3. Colorful, emo- of reason and tional, metaphor mutual tolera- designed to appeal tion be convened. to harmony, good American leader- will, and unity ship can accom- of purpose. plish this task, and, in so doing, will preserve its governmental structure and its democratic insti- tution. VII. My compliments and good VII. Complimentary con- wishes to the people of clusion. the British Empire. Good-night. Subsequent Sppppp. Neither the London.TippS nor the Manchester Spardian carried any review or comment concerning Lewis's speech although both papers listed it in columns containing the evening's broadcasting schedule. No mention was made of the speech in the Spy 191g Tippp. Several days after the Speech, Lewis addressed the House Appropriations Committee in an effort to gain legis- lation which would reduce the unemployment problem which he stressed in his radio address to Great Britain. He re- peated this same theme before the 1938 U.M.W.A. Convention 178 a Short time later. Although Lewis failed to convince Congress to enact the unemployment legislation.which he had requested, the 0.1.0. succeeded in, (1) maintaining wage levels and (2) organizing the General Electric Corporation and Radio Corporation of America.63 Other Radio Speaking: 1936-1939 In 1936, two years before his speech to the British Empire, Lewis gained considerable popularity as a radio Speaker. Even Fortune, a magazine intended for management circulation, dubbed Lewis "the best rough and tumble debater in America today."64 In his biography of Lewis, Carnes has entitled one of the chapters, "The New Radio Personality." It deals with Mr. Lewis's activities and radio addresses during 1936. Referring to the period, he observed, Telephones were being brought into use in thousands of homes throughout the nation as those who had their dials set told friends about the golden voice of the labor leader. Some of them, possibly, listened mainly for the enjoyment of the tones Mr. Lewis sent over the waves. But they listened and America had a new radio personality.65 Lewis was getting his message across too. The annual Fortune Survey of 1936 asked if “some, if not all, wage earners should belong to a union." Fifty-eight per cent of those reSponding agreed that they Should. As Carnes 6~7>Lauck, pp. cit., p. 108. 64="Eloquent Welshman,“ Fortune, XIV (October 14, 1936) 65Carnes, pp. cit., p. 268. 179 put it, “the heads of America's five billion dollar steel industry were afraid of Lewis.“55 Radio Address pf July 6th, ggpp. Speaking over N.B.C. on the evening of July 6th, 1936, Lewis opened the C.I.O.'s campaign to organize the steel industry.67 He began by declaring himself to be the "servant" of "the hosts of labor who listen,“ and pro- ceeded to cite statistics which indicated the growth of industrial union membership. He assailed the American Iron and Steel institute as “contraveners of the law“ be- cause they had declared their open opposition to unioniza- tion. Lewis used more evidence in support of his arguments during his Speech than he had done before and has possibly done since. Although his invective is almost as strong as it was during his Speech of September 7th, 1936, his use of strong emotional proof was limited to only several sen- tences. Carnes called the Speech “one of the greatest speeches ever made for the consideration of American labor."68 This appraisal must, of course, be qualified by the fact that Carnes's book was written in 1936, and obviously would not include any references to Lewis's speaking from 1937 to the present. 66Ibid., p. 266. 6"(Lauck, pp. cit., pp. 77-8. 68Carnes, pp. cit., p. 267. ill JIT I l b O t - a i v u a .\ . v c 1 v I A s O t e 180 Sppgp_Address_pf October pzpp, ISSS. If indeed 1936 was the year in.which Lewis's popu- larity rose to its greatest height, it was not because Roosevelt and the N.R.A. had not helped him. During 1936, Lewis reciprocated this support at eve- ry turn. He believed that political favors deserved to be returned in the fullest possible measure--an attitude which eventually caused him to break with the President. On October 17th, 1936, the eve of the Presidential election, Lewis delivered a national radio address in support of Roosevelt. The address can be clearly divided into three parts, (1) a lengthy introduction explaining the conditions in America, (2) a denunciation of Alfred Landon, and, (3) a colorful and emotion-packed peroration in support of Roosevelt. Lewis's description of Landon.was not only unfavor- able, it was the essence of derogatory description and name calling . Regarding Landon, Lewis said, You have listened to his diurnal and nocturnal babblements as with quibble and quirk he seeks to cozen the American people . . . Surrounded by his scribes, a group of political sorcerers he seeks by complaining, bewailing, lamenting, and whining, to chisel an entrance into the White House of the people.69 Appraising the first term of incumbent Democratic President, Lewis continued, "He has succeeded so well. . . 69United Mine Workers Journal, November 2, 1936, p. 2. 181 that the industrialists and financiers have recovered suf- ficiently to fight him with malice and venom, defamation and prevarication.”70 Lewis concluded with the statement which he would sorely regret within one year. "An.American concerned with the future will vote for the re-election of Roosevelt.“7l Carnes describes Lewis's Speaking on this occasion as a “powerful voice down the air lanes.“72 Rppip Address p§_December S1,,lgpé. The Democrats, having swept the national election, were now firmly entrenched in Washington. The success of Roosevelt's first term had been acknowledged by the people. Even the ousted U.M.W.A. President, Frank Hayes, had been elected Lieutenant Governor of Colorado. As Lauck states, “0.1.0. organizers. . . were freed from their political duties and could buckle down to their arduous task of organizing. . ."75 Steel was the primary target of the 0.1.0. during this period. "Big Steel" owners had proposed a 10% wage increase to be tied on to a “cost of living indexw‘which would serve to determine the rise or fall of future wages. Lewis and Roosevelt both urged the "company“ union to turn 70United Mine Workers Journal, November 2, 1936, p. 2. 7lIbid., p. 2. 720arnes, pp. cit., p. 294. 73Lauck, pp. cit., p. 268. 182 down the offer. Meanwhile, the infant U.A.W. achieved little progress in its struggle to negotiate with General Motors. On December 30th, four General Motors plants shut down. The following day Lewis went to the N.B.C. studios in Washington and, in a nationwide broadcast, an- nounced the C.I.O.'s plans for the New Year. Beginning with his usual list of 0.1.0. accomplish- ments, Lewis went on to state: Employers who tyrannize over employees, with the aid of labor spies, company guards, and the threat of discharge, need not be sur- prised if their production lines are suddenly halted. Lewis's conclusion left little doubt that the 0.1.0. had only begun its battle to “organize the unorgan- ized" and that it fully expected the help of the new admin- istration. The time has passed in.America when the workers can be clubbed, gassed, or shot down with impunity. I solemnly warn the leaders of industry that labor will not tolerate such policies or tactics. Labor will expect the protection of the agencies of the federal government in the pursuit of its lawful ob- jectives.7 Alinsky calls this occasion the "D-Day of the c.I.0.75 Radio Address pf September 4th, 1939. By 1939, the Roosevelt-Lewis break was no longer just a rumor. According to Lauck there were three major issues which now openly divided the two. The first of these was, of course, the assertion by 74United Mine'Workers Journal, January 5, 1957, p. 1. 75A1insky, pp. cit., p. 97 183 Lewis that Roosevelt had broken his promises to labor. Secondly, the unemployment problem of 1938 and 1939 caused Lewis to rebuke the President for failing to put the labor force back to work. The third issue was that by 1939, the international threats to America's security were displacing many domestic issues as front-page news. The America First movement was proposing an isolationistic foreign policy while Roosevelt was listening to Churchill's plea for arms and assistance. McCarthy reports that Lewis's daughter, Kathryn, always a close associate of the labor leader, was now an active member of the America First group.76 While Lewis himself did not join the organization, he was sympathetic to its tenets and so began to charge Roosevelt with still a third abuse-~war mongering. Over N.B.C. that Labor Day evening, Lewis told a nationwide audience, "War has always been the device of the politically despairing and intellectually sterile states- man." After arguing that war provides employment in the "gun factories' but kills the men who might one day ques- tion "the financial and political exploitation of the race," Lewis states: Labor in America wants no war nor any part of war. Labor wants the right to work and live, not the privilege of dying by gun- shot or poison gas to sustain the mental errors of current statesmen. 76$tatement by Justin McCarthy, personal interview. 184 In Spite of these words, Lewis was not oblivious to the prospect of war. According to Lauck, Lewis recog- nized the clear and present danger of Hitler and Musso- lini.77 Several days later in a non-radio address to the 0.1.0. Convention, Lewis stated, ‘When this mad, bloodthirsty, wolf of the German government inflicts its will on the defenseless people of Germany, of Austria, and of Czechoslovakia. . . then it is possible that we will have to meet the German dictator as he tries to extend his domain into the realm of theWestern.Hemisphere.78 Summary pf Chapterl! Ethical Ppppf. It may be said that Lewis was more than just a spokesman for labor. During his radio speech of September 7th, 1937, in which he likened labor to Israel, there is little doubt that most people would have metaphorically cast him in the role of Moses. Alinsky, suggesting a different analogy, compares Lewis with a great knight in shining armor “who was leading them out of the economic jungle to the promised land. . . Lewis is their economic God."79 In spite of the assertion that to several million laborers, Lewis was the Messiah incarnate, there remains the question of his ethical appeal to the other millions 77Lauck, pp. cit., p. 127. 781bid. 79Alinsky, pp. cit., p. 172. 185 who were listening. If, as Thonssen and Baird suggest, there is a cor- relation between the ppppp of the speaker and the pphpp, of the group or cause he represents, it would probably exist in proportion to the listener's identification of the speaker with the group.80 It is in this way that Lewis demonstrates ethical proof. He associates himself so closely with the miner, the 0.1.0., and the labor movement in general that their qualities, probity, and, if you will, collective character become his own. Added to this close identification are the Speaking situation, and audience. Radio, unlike face to face speak- ing, television, or film, forces the listener to form a “mind's eye" impression of the speaker, and to vest him with whatever clothes, features, and expression, the lis- tener mentally perceives him as having at the moment. Be- cause of this, it is not only the Speaker's voice, but his "radio voice" which becomes all important as a means to judging the speaker's character as related to physical factors of appearance and taste. But by limiting the visible code to such an extent, the listener is forced to place even.more emphasis upon what the speaker is saying. In this way the identification of the speaker with the group he represents, as revealed by the speech itself, becomes an even stronger determinant in the establishment 80Lester Thonssen, and A. Craig,Baird. Speech Criticism. (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1948), p. o. 186 of his ppppp. Aristotle divided the constituents of ethical proof into three partS--character, sagacity, and good will. The foregoing problem of speaker to group identification probably concerns itself most closely with the first of Aristotle's subdivisions--character. This is evident dur- ing the period under consideration, especially in the radio address delivered on July 6th, 1936, over N.B.C. His iden- tification with the group was quite obvious during his introduction and served to confirm for his listeners that his voice was, in fact, the voice of labor. I salute the hosts of labor who listen. To them, whose servant I am, I express my pride in their courage and loyalty. . . from their collective sentiment and crystallized power I derive my strength. Not only does this statement exude humility and sincerity, it provides the listener with the speaker's pro- nounced intention that he Should be identified with labor. Lewis attempts to display sagacity during almost all of his speeches. He manifests this through frequent use of the “self-evident" truth.81 Several instances of this technique may be found in his radio address of October 17th, 1936, in which he supports Roosevelt for a second term. Following is a list of expressions taken from that speech: 1. ”You all know what President Roosevelt has done." 81This phrase, for lack of a better one, is borrowed from Stuart Chase's book, Guides pp Straight Thinking. pp. 122-9. 2. 3. 4. 187 "His actions speak for themselves." "We have only to look at the desperate totter- ing nations of Europe." "The candidate of the Republican party is known to you all." "An American concerned with the future will vote for the re-election of Roosevelt." More evidence of this “common knowledge--common sense" approach is found in his Speech of September 7th, 1937. 1. 3. “Certainly labor wants a fairer share in the national income."- "Assuredly, labor wants a larger participation in increased productive efficiency.” “Obviously, the population is entitled to participate. . . W This technique is often clothed in the form of rhetorical questions as apparent during Lewis's Labor Day speech of 1939. 1. 2. 3. "Who is going to send its young men to military ranks to engage in war? Labor! Labor!" "Who is going to protest the institutions of this country? Labor!“ “Who is going to protect the titles to pros- perity and great wealth down through the gen- erations? Labor!" To many listeners, Lewis must have seemed the 188 antithesis of the third constituent of ethical proof- good will. Included in their exploratory criteria for the establishment of good will, Thonssen and Baird cite the speaker's attempts to offer necessary rebukes with tact and consideration.82 There is little doubt that when Lewis rebukes Davey, Girdler, Landon, Roosevelt, the U. 5. Chamber of Commerce, and the National Association of Mane ufacturers, it was without tact or consideration. On the other hand, Lewis consistently sought to identify himself with his hearers and establish common ground. Emotional Proof. Motive Appeals. Throughout this period, Lewis em- ploys motive appeals to equity, justice, and pity more than any other type. During his Speech on July 6th, 1936, he referred to the inequity of American Iron and Steel Institute saying, "It contravenes the law! . . . The Institute . . . does not intend to grant them the free liberty of organization.“ Lewis went on to say, "Why shouldn't organized labor throw its influence into this unequal situation?“ These same appeals to equity and pity were appar- ent when Lewis told an N.B.C. radio audience on December 3lst, 1936, The time has passed in America when the workers can be clubbed, gassed, or shot down 82Thonssen and Baird, pp. cit., p. 387.. 189 with impunity. . . labor will not tolerate such policies or tactics. In.March, 1938, he told the British people, Hundreds of thousands of the people have for years on years been SXploited, oppressed, and denied the exercise of these rights guaranteed to them under our consti- tution. These appeals to equity, justice, and pity tend to become more profuse as Lewis's struggle becomes more in- tense. While the citation of emotional appeals is of necessity a subjective analysis, there appear to be at least thirty to forty separate appeals to equity, justice, and pity which are recognizable as such in Lewis's Labor Day Speech of 1937. Also notable are Lewis's motive appeals to patriot- ism through his frequent use of the adjective “American“ in modification of nouns referring to labor, the mines, and the 0.1.0. Style and Emotional Epppf. Lewis's use of charged words, metaphors, and unusual words in conjunction with emotional proof suggests that some consideration of style is in order at this point. During this period Lewis frequently uses the meta- phor and simile to strengthen the Semantic punch of his emotional appeals. The most obvious example of this is his famous simile comparing labor and Israel during his speech of September 3rd, 1937. Not only does the substance of the paragraph tend to arouse pity, but it is heightened by the simile in which the "women weep for their fallen and lament 190 for the future of the children of the race.“ In short, the metaphor and the simile became Lewis's vehicle to grand style and strong emotion sometimes avoiding a manifestation of ludicrous sensationalism. It is difficult to describe or summarize Lewis's style because it was very inconsistent. At times he em- ployed short sentences and repetition. At other times his sentences tend to ramble through long involved phrases and clauses. Lewis would employ grand, almost poetic words and phrases at one point and, within the same sentence, deliver an admonition.more appropriate to a street fighter than a union president. But whether he is employing the elevated or the plain style, it is usually filled with words and phrases having a great deal of emotional impli- cation as evidenced by the following metaphorical sentence from his radio address of September 7th, 1936. In our nation they cannot forever dam the impulse of workers to free association, or barricade the road against the onward march of labor. Logical Proof. Lewis frequently attempts to use logical appeals. However, they are sometimes weak or fallacious. Several instances of faulty inductive and deductive reasoning are noted in the rhetorical outlines of his Speeches contained in this chapter. Of the various common fallacies, Lewis employs the pp hominem and the over-generalization with greater fre- quency than any of the others. 191 His use of sound logical proof is most noticeable in his radio address of July 6th, 1936, while his address of October 15th, in support of Roosevelt seems to contain fewer logical appeals than any of the others. Because Lewis's employment of logical proof tends to remain consistent throughout the three periods in which he spoke, a more detailed analysis of this aspect of his speaking will be found in Chapter VI. CHAPTER V. THE ROOSEVELT--WILLKIE DILEMMA In this chapter, Lewis's radio Speech of October 25th, 1940, in which he supported Wendell Willkie for the Presidency, is analyzed in detail. It was the last major radio address that Lewis gave. In view of subsequent events,it may also be the most significant Speech Lewis ever delivered. For purposes of perspective, a brief ac- count of Lewis's activities following this speech is in- cluded in a final portion of the chapter. I. Bppip Address pf_October gppp, lppp Speaking Situation. General Background. By 1939 Lewis was openly pro- posing that Labor's Non Partisan League become the nucleus organization for the creation of a third party. Referring to Lewis, Alinsky makes the following statement. He was becoming increasingly interested in the establishment of a third political party. He now fully recognized the sterility of the kind of thinking that would segregate trade unions from direct political partici- pation.1 The fact that Lewis had not transformed the Demo- 1Saul Alinsky. John.L. Lewis: pp Unauthorized Biography. (New York: 0. P. Putnam's Sons, 1949), p. 170. 192 193 cratic party into a labor party was, according to Dulles, the impetus for Lewis's new political strategy.2 "Lewis was playing a dangerous game,“ Dulles said. His course appeared to suggest. . . he had formed the idea that Labor's Non Partisan League might develop into a third party which could provide the necessary vehicle for his own political preferment in 1944.5 Lewis's relationship with Roosevelt was still very strained. If there was any good feeling between the two men, it was not apparent at this time. The primary reason for the rift was, as it had been for several years, the question of political quid pro pp_. Lewis wanted positive assurance from Roosevelt that 0.1.0. support would be returned in equal quantity. ‘When Lewis felt that Roosevelt had not delivered his full support to the labor movement, he felt he had been double crossed. As Lewis told Alinsky during a personal interview several months before this speech.was given, The United Mine W0rkers and the 0.1.0. have paid cash on the barrel head for every piece of legislation that we have gotten. . .4 Following this statement, Lewis proceeded to list the various contributions labor had made to the President's campaigns including the re-election of Senator Alben Barkley of Kentucky. 2Foster Rhea Dulles. Labor ip.America. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1949), p. 321. 51bid., p. 522. 4Alinsky, pp. ppp., p. 179. 194 Lewis pointed out that his dislike for the Presi- dent was not an overnight occurrence. Representative Howard Smith, ”a labor baiting, crackpot fool," according to Lewis,had been invited to the White House for lunch-- a singular distinction for a freshman congressman. Infuriated by the President's apparent courting of anti-labor representatives, Lewis went to see the Presi- dent the same afternoon. Roosevelt told Lewis that he had invited the young man only to scold him for his narrow- mindedness. But as Lewis put it, He expected me to believe that! Would he eXpect anyone to believe that? Even a precinct captain would have sufficient polit- ical savvy to recognize the consequences of that kind of an action, and with Franklin D. Roosevelt's political sagacity, to give that kind of an answer to me was not audacity, it was a bare-faced lie that only a damn fool would believe.5 Frances Perkins states that she and Daniel Tobin of the Teamsters Union talked with Roosevelt about Lewis's alleged ambition to become the 1940 Vice-Presidential candidate on the Roosevelt ticket. From what Frances Perkins says, Tobin was pleading with a reluctant Presi- dent to run for a third term. After Roosevelt still in- sisted that he didn't want to run again, Tobin declared "Labor will stand behind you.“‘ At that the President began to laugh. According to Roosevelt, Lewis had come to him and suggested that he, Lewis, be given the Vice- 5Alinsky, pp. pip., p. 180. 195 Presidential candidacy in order to assure the labor vote. According to Frances Perkins, when Roosevelt told her of this, he laughed and said, ”Can you beat that.”6 Perkins states that She is ”sure now that this is why John L. Lewis came out against Roosevelt when the campaign was at its height.7 Dulles offers a Similar and perhaps apocryphal ac- count of the incident in which Lewis is alleged to have said to Roosevelt, We're the two most prominent men.in the nation. We'll make an invincible ticket. Supposedly, the President replied, "Yes, but which place will you take, John?"8 Whether or not this incident actually caused Lewis to oppose Roosevelt is not known, nor is there positive evidence that the Situation actually occurred since Per- kins's testimony is based only upon what Roosevelt told her. According to Alinsky, Lewis didn't think Roosevelt would run again. Harold Ickes, in his book entitled Tpp Secret Sgppy pf Harold L. kapp, asserts that Lewis was support- ing Burton.Kt Wheeler for the nomination. According to Ickes, the plans were laid for Lewis to support Wheeler 6Frances Perkins. The Roosevelt I Knew. (New York: The Viking Press, 1946), pp. 126-7. 71bid. 8Dulles, pp. p;p., p. 521. 196 while the labor leader was vacationing at Wheeler's Rocky Mountain lodge for two weeks, late in 1939.9 ‘With only sixty days left before the election, Saul Alinsky and Roman Catholic Bishop Bernard J. Shell of Chicago, a trusted friend of Lewis's, attempted to reconcile the feud through a series of Roosevelt-Lewis conferences. The first of these was unsuccessful. Roosevelt began the conversation by telling Lewis of a plan he had developed for a coordinated production schedule. Lewis in turn offered his own ideas on a similar plan that the 0.1.0. was creating. According to Alinsky, there were no harsh words exchanged, but each was annoyed by the other's lack of interest in what pp was proposing.lo Several other meetings were held, but to no avail. Finally, on Thursday morning, October 17th, only seven days before Lewis's radio address, Roosevelt, ill with a cold, called Lewis to his bedside. When Lewis insisted that Roosevelt was not being ”friendly" to labor because the F.B.I. had been “tapping“ his phones, Roosevelt is reported to have said, "That's a damn 1ie£"' Lewis stood up and replied, "Nobody can call John L. Lewis a liar, least of all Franklin Delano Rooseveltl": Lewis then 9Harold Ickes. The Secret Diary g Harold _L_. Ickes, II, The Inside Struggle, 1936-1939. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953ffp. 698. lQAlinsky, pp. 9313., p. 181. 197 walked out of the President's bedroom.ll Despite Alinsky's attempts to reunite Roosevelt and Lewis, there is some evidence not only that the split was irreconcilable but that as early as January of 1940, Lewis would not have supported Roosevelt's bid for a third term. Speaking before the U.M.W.A. Convention in Columbus, Ohio, Lewis said in part, I am one who believes that President Roosevelt will not be a candidate for re- election. Conceding that the Democratic National Convention could be coerced or dragooned into renominating him, I am con- vinced that, with conditions now confronting the nation and dissatisfaction now permeating the minds of the people, his candidacy would result in ignominious defeat. The title of this chapter refers to a dilemma. The reason for this is that by the fall of 1940, Lewis faced three possible alternatives as to his part in the election, all of which appeared to offer ill-fated results. First, Lewis might have chosen to support Roosevelt, but this would have been an admission of defeat and ser- vility. Added to this would be the problem of contradic- tion and the question of Lewis's own prestige and integrity because he had openly criticized the Roosevelt Administra- tion on many occasions. Second, he could remain neutral llIbid., p. 187. lZUnited Mine Workers Journal, January 15th,1940, p. 2. and Lauck, (ed) John L. Lewis and the International Union United Mine Workers *pL,America: The Story from 1917 to 1952. (Silver Springs, Maryland: The International Executive Board of the United Mine Workers, 1952), p. 124. 198 and not endorse either candidate. But this course of action, too, could have serious consequences. As Burns points out, the once passive communists were now calling the President "a power-mad, militarist, bent on plunging his country into an imperialistic war.“l3 Since the label of "communist" had been applied to the C.I.O. from many quarters and especially since Lewis had openly pro- claimed an isolationistic philosophy regarding the wars in Europe, any silence on his part may well have been con- strued as endorsement of the communist party line. Cer- tainly the communists would have liked nothing better. The point is that while Lewis was not forced into supporting Willkie, certainly his alternatives left him little choice. Perhaps the crux of the problem and his biggest mistake was his assumption that the President would not seek a third term. Audience and Occasion. Unlike many of Lewis's other speeches, this one was given on no specific holiday or anniversary. Moreover, the date of the speech was an- nounced by Lewis only four days before the speech was to be given.14 The facilities for the address were, according to the New York Times, "the most extensive radio hook up ever l95James McGregor Burns. Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox. (New Ybrk: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1956), Po 4:70 l4Alinsky, op. cit., p. 187. 199 given a labor speaker."l5 Lewis's Speech was simultane- ously carried over three networks, N.B.C., C.B.S., and Mutual, to 522 radio stations. The Timgg estimated that the speech reached between twenty-five and thirty million people at a cost of over $60,000. This money was paid by an organization called the National Committee of Democrats for Wendell‘Willkie.16 Purpose. Lewis's only ostensible purpose during this speech was to induce his audience to vote for the Republican candidate for President, Wendell L.‘Willkie, in the coming election. While his methods of doing this sometimes appear digressive, these digressions consistently lead back to this basic thesis. Substantive and Rhetorical Outline. I. I address all Americans. I. Statement of salutation. Lewis's reference to all Americans may be an attempt to soothe some verbal wounds he in- flicted during sev- eral of his labor addresses. 15New York Times, October 25th, 1946. p. 1. 15Ib1d. A. 200 Our country is at one of the crossroads of its political destiny. 1. The issues run deep and will inevitably affect the well- being and lives of every American. 2. They will also affect the population of every other civil- ized country, and may well determine the stability or instability of all free institutions of our present-day culture. I am conscious of the degree of responsi- bility which attaches to my words. 1. I am a qualified representative of A. Metaphorical expression emphasizing the signif- icance and importance of the occasion. 1. and 2. General statements pertain- ing to I A. Here Lewis attempts to develop the gravity of the issues in- volved in the elec- tion by using a generalized exten- sion of their consequences. A general and somewhat obvious attempt to de- velop ethical appeal by advocating and man- ifestly accepting "responsibility." 1. An open attempt to impress the audi- 201 many organizations of labor and other groups of citizens. It is not necessary to enumerate them since my listeners are familiar with their identity. a. b. Suffice it to say that the direct and affiliated membership of these organiza- tions amounts to substantially 10,000,000 men and women. Adding to this number in numeri- cal strength of their dependent families, there is achieved a sum total of human beings amounting to approximately one fourth of the ence with the posi- tion and "qualifi- cations“ of the speaker. 2., 2a and 2b. This sec- tion of Lewis's ad- dress is unusual in that it seems to be an attempt to im- press the audience with Lewis the man. Heretofore, Lewis has always referred to labor or to the specific organiza- tion he was repre- senting, but rarely to himself. While the facts may be true, the section seems not only to lack humility, but to be boastful and egotistic. It ap- pears to be a bold, and obvious attempt at ethical proof which may well have 202 total population of our nation. C. Abandoning my right to speak officially for this great segment of our population, I chose to speak tonight only in the role of a citizen and an American. 1. I do so on all the 2. pride of my heri- tage and with a desire to protect that heritage and likewise the heri- tage of my peers. Accordingly, tonight, a. I do not Speak for labor but on the contrary, b. I speak to labor, and, c. to all my country- men. backfired in the minds of many listeners. C. Further attempts to develop ethical appeal through self- proclaimed modesty. l. Emotional appeal employing the vague phrases such as “the pride of my heritage.“ Also a continuation of the ethical proof con- tained in.B and C. a, b, and c. A statement clarify- ing the specific position of the speaker in rela- tion to his audi- ence and the groups which he 3. I do not control the vote of any man or woman. 4. I have no power, no influence, except insofar as those who believe in me may accept my recommendation. II. On September 4th, 1959, in a public radio ad- dress, I said, "The nation cannot forever continue its appalling drift. Thoughtless and sadly executed ex— perimentation will not always suffice to be- guile the suffering people. II. "represented" in former radio ad- dresses. 3. and 4. Obvious appeals to modesty and humility. Again Lewis seems determined to pic- ture himself as the humble man, but the belabored and severe nature of his appea1.may destroy any empa- thy he has estab- lished thus far. Quotation used as a form of logical and, in this case, ethical proof. The quotation contains meta- phorical emotional appeals to purposefulness and pity. A. 204 The internal national debt has already reached such proportions that it may never be liquidated by orthodox methods. In the face of the eco- nomic debacle in Amer- ica, many of our states- men are more concerned and agitated over the political quarrels in Europe. C. War has always been the political device of the politically despairing and intellectually sterile statesman. 1. It provides employ- ment in the gun fac- tories and begets enormous profits for those already rich. 2. It kills off the vig- orous males who, if permitted to live, might question the financial exploita- A. Logical proof in sup- port of II employing vague phrases such as "orthodox methods.” B. Emotional proof em- ploying appeals to common sense and nationalism. C. A generalization employing charged words such as "intel- lectually sterile statesman.“ 1. A generalization in support of C. 2. An attempt at cause to effect reasoning, weak- ened considerably by the words 205 tion of the race. 5. Above all, war perpetuates in im- perishable letters on the scroll of fame and history, the names of its political creators and managers." III. The foregoing state- ment constitutes the first basis of my per- sonal opposition to the re-election of President Roosevelt for a third time as Chief Executive of the Republic. A. Those who hear these words and have stud- ied the public ad- dress of the Presi- dent from his Chicago "quarantine speech" to his Char- lottesville "stab-in- the-back“ address and and thence to Dayton III. "might" and "if.“ 5. A sarcastic, para- doxical metaphor employing some invective and many charged words. Statement of personal belief. Naturally this sentence is assumed to have had a great deal of emotional impact in that it constitutes the first public announce- ment of the Lewis- Roosevelt "break.“ A. Logical proof incor- porating an attempt at cause to effect reasoning and the technique of "self- evident truths.“ Lewis is insinuating that if one disagrees with him he hasn't "studied the public 206 and Philadelphia will understand his moti- vation and his objective. 1. It is war. 2. His every act leads one to this ines- capable conclusion. The President has said that he hates war and he will work for peace, but his actions do not match his words. 1. I am opposed to any involvement of our country in foreign wars. address of the Presi- dent" closely enough. In short, if one is intelligent and per- ceptive, he will agree; therefore, according to Lewis, if one does n23 agree he must not be in- telligent and per- ceptive. 1. Assertion and, in view of II C, vilification of the President. 2. A continuation of the I'self-evident truth" technique employed in III A. General statement of assumption and accusa- tion. Argument gg hominem. l. Emotional appeals to peace and patriotism. 2. 3. 207 I believe that every thoughtful, normal citizen is similarly opposed. They are willing, as I am willing, to contribute every- thing for any neces- sary defense of our geographical integ— rity, our families, our positions, and our liberties, and our lives. 2. A "black or white" argument insinuating that anyone favor- ing U. S. military intervention (or supporting the al- leged policy of the President) is not thoughtful and, hence, abnormal. General statement modifying III A and B. The purpose of this modification is to allow for the contingency of open attack on the U. S. and to assure his listeners that a policy of non- intervention is not a policy of weakness or non-patriotism. C. The flaming horror of C. General statement of the current war now fact employing color- engulfs many nations. ful words for effect. 1. Reason would seem to l. and 2. A logical prompt a course of appeal which may be 208 national action designed to restrict and abate the war rather than to, expand and intensify its scope and destruction. equally as logical (and therefore equally as illog- ical) if the con- clusion is reversed. Lewis refers to "national action designed to restrict and abate the war" which could justify a course of inter- vention (thus shortening the conflict) reducing the total casual- ties, etc. as well as to a course of non-intervention. IV. The present concentra- IV. Although there may be tion of power in the some factual justifica- office of the President tion for the statement, of the United States it is still a generaliza- has never before been tion designed to alarm equaled in the history the audience in that of our country. Lewis does not Specify his criteria for evalu- ating the relative term, "power." A. C. 209 His powers and influ- ence in this republic are so far reaching that they intimately and vitally affect the lives and fortunes of every citizen. In like measure they may affect the lives and fortunes of other nations and their populations. How startling, there- fore, is the spectacle of a president who is disinclined to surrender that power in keeping A. A supporting general— ization suggesting a cause to effect argu- ment. He had "power and influence" therefore this will "effect“ the “lives and for- tunes. . ." A continued support- ing generalization. It is interesting to note that although the grammatical con- struction of IV A and IV B is parallel, Lewis has inserted the word "may" in the latter, thus weaken- ing the logical struc- ture but making the argument more reason- able. Argument gg hominem. Lewis is picturing Roosevelt as having broken national tra- dition by the "usurpa- 210 with the traditions of the republic. l. The suggestion of 3. a third term under these conditions is less than whole- some or healthy. Personal craving for power, the overweening, ab- normal, and self- ish craving, for increased power is a thing to alarm and dismay. tion of unprecedented power.“ 1. Appeal to tradition Eminent Americans have 5. analyzed this prin- ciple in a manner that should bring conviction to the heart of every questioner. and patriotism. Argument gg hominem. In effect Lewis is suggesting that Roose- velt is personally a selfish, power-craving, abnormal man. An attempt at logical argument gg vericundium supported by anonymous testimony. ("Eminent Americans. . .") The statement is also ex- tremely vague. Viz. Analyzed--How? When? Where? Principle--Which one? Manner--Which one? Conviction--Which one? moral? Political? related to what? 211 4. No citizen with a proper regard for the system of orderly, temperate, and con- siderate government should lightly endow any politician or statesman with a brief of authority, that for all prac- tical considerations runs in perpetuity. D. Power for what? 1. Personal and official power to what end? 4. Argument by admoni- tion and strong positive suggestion. Appeals to security and the American "tradition." D. Attention arresting question also serving as a transition to D 2. l. A more specific and, in this case, somewhat rhetorical question. Lewis also"loads'I the question by imply- ing that Roosevelt, in seeking a third term, is doing so only for "personal and official power." This is similar to the propaganda technique commonly 212 2. In all history, the unwarranted exercise of continuously vested authority has brought its train of political and social convulsions, for which humanity has paid an appalling price in loss of liberty, in disorder, tragedy, and debt. V. America needs no super- man. A. It denies the philos- ophy that deifies the called "stacking the deck." This sentence ap- pears to be a com- bination of the secundum quid fallacy of gross generalization and the thin entering wedge technique. If the people elect Roosevelt, is the "power" then un- warranted? Is four years together with the right of impeachment really "continuously vested power?” Were the unspeci- fied referrents of Lewis's phrase "In all history“ elected every four years? V. A sarcastic gg hominem in reference to Roosevelt. A. Appeal to patriotism, democracy and the 213 state. 1. America wants no royal family. 2. Our forebears paid the price in blood, agony, privation, and sorrow, requi- site for the build- ing of this republic. 5. Are we now to cast away that priceless liberty which is our heritage? 4. Are we to yield to the appetite for power and the vault- American tradition. I. General comparison 5. 4. of a Roosevelt third term to a monarchy. Also a transition for the emotional appeal found in V A 2 and the log- ical appeal in.V A 5. Highly emotional appeal to patriot- ism. Logical appeal by comparison and cause to effect reasoning. Lewis is implying that a Roosevelt third term will cause the casting away of that nprice- less liberty.“ gg hominem rhetor- ical question. 6. 214 ing ambitions of a man who plays with the lives of human beings for a pastime? I say, NO: And whether I stand alone, or whether I am sus- tained, as I think I will be by the over- whelming number of American citizens, I should retain these convictions. It is time for the manhood and woman- hood of America to assert themselves. 6. ll Positive suggestion as an emotional answer to V A 4. The concluding por- tion of the sen- tence constitutes an attempt at ethical proof since Lewis is pro- claiming his ex- treme sincerity and individualism. Once again, the obvious and senti- mental nature of the appeal may connote manifest insincerity to some listeners. Appeal gg populum. Lewis is attempting to rally his listen- ers on the prover- bial bandwagon by 215 7. Tomorrow may be too late. If President Roosevelt is re-established in office in the forth- coming election, 1. he will answer to no man including the Congress for his executive acts. 2. That may create a dictatorship in emotional appeals to "manhood" and patriotism. Argument by admoni- tion with emotional appeals to fear and security. B. Statement of supposi- tion. 1. Unwarranted assump- tion. Although Roosevelt's first two terms in office were controversial, Lewis shows no reason that the constitutional check and balance of executive, leg- islative, and judi- cial branches of government would automatically cease to function. Logical fallacy based upon the this land. 216 thin entering wedge concept. Lewis is reasoning by dis- torted sign that if Roosevelt is elected, he will act inde- pendent of Congress or the Supreme Court. This will give him unlimited power. Having un- limited power, he will become a dic- tator and as a dictator he will return us to the controlled elections of the "old world.“ All of this based on the one fact that a man is run- ning for re-election. This fallacious ex- trapolation may arouse emotional appeals to fear, security, and tra- dition. 217 C. I ask my countrymen C. Specific suggestion. to pause briefly and Also present is the think deeply before implication that the die is cast on thoughtful contempla- this grave issue. tion will necessarily lead to agreement with the Speaker. VI. On January 24th, 1940, VI.Quotation used as logical at Columbus, Ohio, in proof. a public address, I said in part as follows, A. 'As the current year A. General allegation of opens, the Democratic failure. party is in default to the American people. 1. After seven years of 1. Specific examples power, it finds itself of the general without solution for the major questions of unemployment, low na- tional income, mount- ing internal debt, increasing direct and consumer taxation, and restricted foreign marketed allegation in VI A. It should be noted that the adjec- tives Lewis uses in describing the alleged failure are quite vague. Viz. "mounting. . . increasing. . . restricted. . ." 218 2. There still exists the same national unhappiness that it faced seven years ago. B. The foregoing indict- ment has never been answered or refuted nor successfully denied by any single spokesman for the Democratic party or the Roosevelt Administration. 1. They cannot gainsay the cold stark facts of that record. 2. A fallacious logi- cal appeal. Lewis asserts that his subjective appraisal of a general and highly relative sentiment (is any one ever completely haPPY?) is to be considered a fact. Here Lewis poses a clever dilemma. Who is to determine what "successfully denied" means when applied to a relative sentiment. Although Lewis would have a difficult time proving himself right who could prove him wrong? 1. Supposition. Also an attempt at log- ical proof by over- generalization. Lewis has never actually stated what facts he has 2. 219 There is no Spokes- man in the Democratic party, or in the Roosevelt Administra- tion, intellectually capable of this task. C. If this be true, what of the future? 1. President Roosevelt is asking the American people to contribute to him at least four more years out of their individual lives. What will he do with those lives and this nation in the next four years and how does he propose to do it? C. in.mind. A severe §d_hominem, directed at the collective adminis- tration of the President. It is possible that the severity of this all-inclusive insult may have cost Lewis substantial support. A rhetorical question based on the premise that his previous lpggg has been sound. 1. A redundant metaphor implying that if Roosevelt is elected, the listeners must give him their "individual lives." 2. Argument ad populum. Lewis is posing a question which can- not be answered by Lewis's opponents because they are not present. 220 5. He has not said, and, 4. he asks from the people a grant of discre- tionary power that would bind him to no course of action, except the un- predictable policies and adventures which he may later devise. D. After all, Americans are D. not a nation of guinea pigs, constantly subject to the vicissitudes of the economic and polit- ical experiments of the amateur, ill-equipped, practioner in the realm of political science. 1. One of the commission- ers of national defense recently called public attention to the fact that there were 45,000,000 hungry people in America. 2. In his subsequent press conference, the Presi- dent rebuked the Commis- 5. Assertion. 4. Assertion employing loaded words and assumptions. Viz. "unpredictable. . . adventures. . . no course of action. . . devise." An extreme gd hominem together with appeals to patriotism,common sense and fear. His lack of tact and con- sideration for Roose- velt may again have a detrimental effect upon Lewis's gthgg. 1. Logical proof. Lewis cites statistics without revealing the exact source, nor does he define the term “hungry people." 2. Specific allegation through the use of an example. 4. N (Y) H sioner for the statement and asserted that the Commissioner has no relation to the problem of national defense. It is authoritatively 5. Logical proof. stated that 20,000,000 people in the United States are able to spend only five cents per meal per person. Consider the astound- 4. ing facts: a. 45,000,000 people in this land suf- fering from in- sufficient food and undernourish- ment, 0. 20,000,000 of whom are required to live on an actual expenditure of fifteen cents a day. 0. This, in the land of plenty, with its Again Lewis fails to cite a source for his statistics. a. and b. Emotional appeal to pity and security. Logical appeal by repetition of undocumented sta- tistical evidence. 0. Argument by anti- thesis. By using 222 agricultural generalities as granaries and extremes at op- overflowing posite ends, with surplus Lewis attempts farm commodities to picture his which the farmer adversary as is unable to sell. illogical and inequitable. 5. Where now are the 5. A sarcastic rhetor- tears for the “ill- ical question de- housed, ill-clothed, signed to portray and ill-fed?" a gross contradic- tion of policy on the part of the President. The phrase is misquoted, but nevertheless is a reference to Roosevelt's Second Inaugural Address in which he stated, "I see one third of a nation i11- housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished." E. The Roosevelt Admin- E. Assertion of his 0p- istration is trying ponent's policy imply- to create prosperity ing that Roosevelt is 225 by the making of guns and lethal weapons. 1. It points to the increased volume of productions. 2. It forgets to state that the productivity of the individual worker has vastly increased since 1929 and that increased volume does not cor- respondingly.mean increased employment of workers. 5. It forgets to state that there are nine million one hundred and fifteen thousand men and women in America still unem— ployed. 4. The Administration spokesmen forget to say what will happen to economic America when 25,000,000 men, now under arms in a warmonger. l. 2. 3. Restatement of the opposition's argument. In a situation not unlike the prover- bial "pot calling the kettle black: Lewis challenges the validity of Roosevelt's sta~ tistics and seeks to refute them by logical analysis. Logical proof util- izing statistics (source uncited) as refutation. Logical proof util- izing statistics (source uncited) as refutation. Also notable is the rep- etition of the 6. 224 foreign nations, and the 70,000,000 citi- zens who service these armies are returned to personal pursuits. The manufacturer's of America and the workers of America will then have to compete in the remaining world markets with the quantitative production of foreign nations whose workmen will occupy the rela- tive economic and social status as chattel slaves. Where will our country then sell its goods? a. Surely not in the Baltic or Mediter- ranean areas. b. Surely not in Africa or the Orient. phrase, "It forgets to state. . . it forgets to state. Assumption and gen- eralization. Lewis is assuming that the United States will adopt a policy of free trade. He "forgets to state“ that normal tariff barriers would tend to decrease the influx of foreign goods into the American.market and thus maintain the wage lead. Question used as transition. a. b. c. Answers to V. E. 6. Again Lewis uses repe- tition for effect as he narrows the 225 c. Surely, it is obvious that South American markets will be penetrated by the cheap labor prod- ucts of the world, commercial adver- saries of the United States. 7. What is being done by the Roosevelt Administration to safeguard our pop- ulation from such impending economic disaster? 8. What is being done to modernize the marketing methods of the United States and foreign trade territories so as to compete with the changed rules of interna- tional commerce? list of alter— native answers to his question. 7. A challenging ques- tion employed as a rhetorical device in that the opposi- tion has no immedi- ate chance to answer it. 8. A second challeng- ing question similar in purpose and structure to V. E. 7. 226 F. As a literal fact, the record of the last seven years has proved suffi- cient that the Roosevelt Adminis- tration is incapable of meeting this situation and main- taining this nation's rightful share of world commerce, and yet. this administration, in nonchalant and spritely fashion, bluntly asks the American people to grant it at least an additional four years of power so it can continue to toy with the lives of men and the destiny of nations. F. A generalization based upon inductive reasoning which be- gan with the Specific allegations and ques- tions contained in V. E. l, 2, 5, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, and re- sulted in the general conclusion contained in the first part of this sentence. A general statement suggesting both con- tradiction and audac- ity on the part of the President. Mo- tive appeals to com- mon sense, charged words and phrases such as "nonchalant? "Spritely fashion," "toy with the lives of men," also indi- cate an attempt at emotional proof. VII. If not Roosevelt, whom 227 do I recommend to do the job of making se- cure our nation and its people? A. Why, of course, I recommend the elec- tion of Wendell L. Willkie as the next president of the United States. 1. 3. He is a gallant American. He has opened his heart to the American people. He is not an aristocrat. He has the common touch. VII. A question used as a transition. A. Statement of fact. Lewis also implies that his endorsement should be self evident through his use of the expression "of course' thus indi- cating that there can be no other choice. 1. Statement of praise. Appeal to patriotism. 2. Statement of praise. Appeals to love, sincer- ity, and magnan- imity. 5., 4., 5., and 6. These are all statements of praise in favor 5. 228 He was born in the briar and not to the purple. He has worked with his hands and he has known the pangs of hunger. of Willkie. Once again repetition of words and structure is used as a rhetor- ical device. All of these statements are apparently meant for Lewis's labor audience. Collectively, they constitute not only appeals to common ground with labor, but cleverly con- cealed insinuations that Willkie is n23 the typical Repub— lican "boss" or "operator" or “man- ager" that Lewis had so often reviled in the past--that he is a true friend of labor because of his "briar" begin- nings, and because he has "worked with his hands." These statements may also have a secondary reference to Roose- velt's wealth during childhood. To some, in fact, this may have been the primary refer- ence. 7. He has had experi- ence in various fields of American enterprise, and he is an administrator and an executive. B. Some sources have sug- B. Restatement of the op- gested that I should posing argument with- withhold my support of out specific reference. Mr. Willkie because Messers Grace, Girdler, and Weir were allegedly supporting him. 1. This is specious 1. General refutation. reasoning. a. One could do as a. Argument by well to suggest analogy. The that the commun- analogy appears b. 250 icants of a par- ticular faith should leave their church be- cause of the presence of a hypocrite in their midst. Aside from this, these gentlemen must possess some virtue, be- cause President Roosevelt has awarded them many fat and lucrative government con- tracts at the expense of the public purse. I may also add in passing, that it is a reasonable b. C. to be well chosen in that it compares the Republican party and their candidate with Church, which in turn, implies God, Heaven, and absolute good- ness. Argument pg guogue. Lewis is in effect im- plying that two wrongs make a right. He attempts to sidestep the argument by sug- gesting that "Grace, Girdler, and Weir" are as closely linked with the Presi- dent as they are to Willkie. Paradox. After comparing them to hypocrites 251 hope that these and noting their gentlemen, acting association with in their corporate the man he has capacities, will been belittling, soon execute 001- Lewis now turns lective bargain- the tables and ing contracts for suggests that the C.I.O. even these men are becoming reSponsive to the wishes of the 0.1.0. C. Wendell Willkie has said C. Specific reference to that he will Willkie's statements. The implication in Lewis's remark is that he is not quot- ing but paraphrasing Willkie's ideas and statements. 1. put the unemployed 1. Appeal to security to work; and subsistence. 2. that he will abolish 2. Appeal to subsis- pauperism. tence. 5. He has said that he 5. Appeal to equity. will increase the na- tional income by working to increase 252 the wages and incomes of those unemployed. He says that he will enlist the repre- sentative brains of the nation to do this job. He says that he will also take representa- tives of labor into his cabinet and into the policy-making agencies of govern- ment to assist and cooperate in the eco- nomic rehabilitation of America. He has said that he will reduce the cost of operations of our government and thus reduce the taxes im- posed upon individ- ual citizens. He has said that he believes in and will enforce the right of labor to organize and 4. Appeals to purpose- fulness and probity. Specific appeals to listeners sympathetic to, or engaged in, the labor movement. General appeal to subsistence, thrift, and economy. and 8. Again Lewis is attempting to convince labor that in spite of the 8. 9. 255 will promote col- lective bargaining between industry and labor. He has said that he will preserve and maintain all social legislation previ- ously enacted for the protection of labor and any other citizen. Wendell L. Willkie has given his guar- antee to the American people that, if elec- ted President, he will not send the sons of American mothers and American fathers to fight in foreign wars. 9. fact that Willkie is a Republican, he is a friend of labor and of collective bargaining. Highly emotional ap- peals to peace, security, country, motherhood, and fatherhood. Also many of the fore- going arguments-- especially this one-~are in direct and correlated refu- tation of the charges Lewis had previously levied against Roosevelt. With proper rhetorical and forensic strat- 254 egy, Lewis is making his "plan" fit the exact need which he established earlier. a. He avers that he a. General statement will not use the reiterating and power and influ- supporting VII ence of this C. 9. mammoth nation to promote or create war, but rather to 0. exercise that b. Antithesis and power and that comparison used influence to as support. abate war and promote and main- tain peace between nations. D. This statement of ob- D. Basically, this is an jectives and principles attempt at logical entitles Mr. Willkie to proof by employing an the support of all enthymeme. If Lewis thoughtful citizens. had included his major premise, the syllogism might read: Willkie's statement of objectives is good. Thought- ful citizens should sup- port that which is good. Willkie is entitled to the support of thoughtful citizens. The syllogism, however, contains several falla- cies. Firstly "this statement of Willkie's" is not Willkie's; it is Lewis's paraphrasing of what Lewis feels are Willkie's principles. Secondly, even if the statement of principles were the exact and sum total of Willkie's prin- ciples, the minor pre- mise only asks that the thoughtful citizen should support that which is good, thus they need only support the state- ment and not necessarily Willkie, for the "state- ment," even according to Lewis's wording, is the direct referrent of both support and the interpolated word, "good," but not of "Willkie.“ 1. "Can he accom- l. Rhetorical question plish such a used as a transi- task?" many tion. will ask. 2. It is my con- 2. Purposeful statement sidered judg- endorsing Willkie. ment that if Wendell Willkie is elected President, this task can and will be done. VIII. The words I utter to- VIII. A somewhat boastful night represent my statement apparently mature conclusions designed to elicit and my sincere con- ethical proof. victions. A. They are expressed A. Continuation of VII because I believe with emotional appeals that the men and to patriotism and women of labor and honesty. Once and all other again a statement Americans, are en- such as "Americans B. titled to know the truth as I see it. I think the re- election of Presi- dent Roosevelt for a third term would be a national evil of the first magni- tude. He no longer hears the cries of 257 are entitled to know the truth as I see it," tends to be pon- tifical and somewhat egotistic. Lewis's use of the word "truth" is also interesting. If what Lewis has said is “truth,“ then it doesn't need the mod- ifying phrase, “as I see it.“ If it is his own analysis of events, then it is opinion; and while many of the facts he states may be true, the application of the word "truth" is a misnomer. and C. Statements of personal opinion sup- ported by an allega- tion. The use of the term "cries“ as a hyperbole tends to color and exaggerate the allegation. The IX. 258 the people. C. I think the election of Mr. Wendell Willkie is impera- tive in relation to the country's needs. I commend him to the IX. men and women of labor and to the nation, as one worthy of their sup- port and as one who will capably and zealously protect their rights, increase their privileges, and restore their happiness. A. It is obvious that Pres- ident Roosevelt will not parallel structure of these four senten- ces emphasizes the contrast of the comparison. Statement of personal opinion employing the logical fallacy of gen- eralization and emotional appeals to justice (”pro- tect their rights"), subsistence ("increase their privileges“), and pleasure ("restore their happiness.") The entire paragraph is a generali- zation in that all of the reasoning is based, not upon specific reference, but upon categorical labels such as “evil. . . cries. . . first magni- tude. . . rights. . . privileges. . . happiness." A. General statement of opinion by the speaker 259 be re-elected to a third term unless he has the overwhelming support of the men and women of labor. 1. If he is, therefore, re-elected, it will mean that the mem- bers of the Congress of Industrial Organ- ization have rejected my advice and recommendations. 2. I will accept the result as being the equivalent of a vote of no confidence and will retire as Presi- dent of the C.I.O. at its convention in November 0 stated as a "self- evident truth." Supposition. 1. Statement of logi- cal consequence to IX A. 2. Specific threat being used as a rhetorical device. This statement could have many ef- fects depending upon the listeners particular state of mind. To most everyone it is a shocking state- ment. To labor it constitutes a strong emotional appeal not only to, 5. This action will save our great movement composed of millions of men and women from the embarrassment and handicap of my leadership during the ensuing reign of President Roosevelt. 5. but for loyalty, hence equity and fair play. To others, however, the statement may be an attempt at a rhetorical tour d £2222- Emotional appeals to loyalty and, in a sense, pity. Lewis is making of himself a self- proclaimed martyr and thus attempt- ing to appeal to all the emotions surrounding mar- tyrdom. B. To the leaders of the B. Personal appeals to a 0.1.0., its executive special interest group. staff, officers, and field representatives, 1. I know, and have 1. An attempt to es- worked with each tablish close com- of you. mon ground and to identify the speaker with the 2. Upon some of you, I have bestowed the honors which you now wear. 5. Through the years of struggle you have been content that I should be in for forefront of your battles. 4. I am still the same man. 3. group being addressed. An emotional meta- phor in support of IX A 1. and 4. Metaphorical emotional appeals to loyalty and honor with overtones of syllogistic reasoning. Maj. Prem: "You have been content with my leadership in the past.“ Min. Prem: ”I am the same man.“ therefore Unstated Concl. "Y0u should be con- tent with my leader- ship now.“ Unless Lewis is suggesting that time, space, and matter are com- pletely static, the conclusion is, of course, fallacious. C. 242 5. Sustain me now or repudiate me. 6. I will not chide you, and will even hope that you will not regret your action. To the mine workers of the nation, who know me best and who have always been the shock troops in the forward march of labor, I say it is best for you and for those you love to help oppose the crea- tion of a political dictatorship in a free America. To the steel workers, the automobile workers, C. D. An extended 5. A challenging state- ment containing an implied but, none- theless, strong appeal to loyalty. 6. Ethical proof. An obvious attempt to display magnan- imity and a sense of fair play. Specific appeal to a single organization employing strong metaphorical praise. Emotional appeals to security, family, and home, and to patriot- ism. The allegation that Roosevelt's third term would, of necessity be a "polit- ical dictatorship," is a generalization employing charged words and argument gg hominem. salutation designed to create 245 and the shipbuilders, the maritime workers and the lumber workers in the far Northwest, the textile workers, the white collar workers, and the men and women of labor and the miscellaneous indus- tries, I say, 1. I have worked for you and have fought for you. 2. Believe me now, when I say that your in- terests and the inter- ests of the families you support lie in the acceptance of the truth and the words which I speak tonight. E. To the farmers of the nation I say that I know something of your good will and common ground through spe- cific reference. Emotional appeals to loyalty and ethical proof in the sense that Lewis is suggesting he is faithful and diligent. Highly emotional and generalized ap- peal for support. Again, Lewis uses the term "truth" as a Synonym for his own opinion. E. Specific appeal to one interest group. problems. 1. I was born and reared in an agri- cultural state. 2. You cannot be prosperous while the urban and indus- trial p0pulation is idle and debased. 5. The national income must be increased so that your crops will move to market at prices that will sustain you. 4. Your interest lies in aggressive sup- port of Mr. Willkie. To the youth of America who will cast their first votes in November, I say that the road of opportunity for you lies in the election of Wen- dell Willkie for Presi- dent. l. 2. 3. 4. age group. An attempt to estab- lish common ground by reference to mutual experience. Logical appeal using implied cause to effect reasoning. Positive suggestion and logical appeal. Positive suggestion used to stimulate and activate the interest group. F. Specific appeal to one Motive appeals to power and subsistence. 245 l. Surely you wish to preserve the privi- lege for which your elders and your forebears fought. 2. Surely, you wish to widen the horizon of opportunity for yourselves and your contemporary citizens. C. To the members of the Negro race in our northern states I say your incomes as a group are the lowest, your living conditions are the poorest. Your un- employment is the highest; discrimination against you is the worst. 1. Surely you have no cause to believe that President Roosevelt is an indispensable man; G. 1. Supporting state- ment containing emotional appeals to tradition. N 0 Supporting state- ment containing motive appeals to power and oppor- tunity. Also not- able are the "grand style“ and parallel structure used in this paragraph. Specific appeal to one race in one geographic area employing motive appeals to subsistence in general and to property, work, and social approval in particular. 1. Indirect suggestion. The implication is that Roosevelt is reSponsible for not 2. 246 but surely you be- lieve that Wendell Willkie can and will do more for you than has been done in the last seven years. As a proven friend of the Negro race, I urge you to vote for‘Willkie. 3. having alleviated these conditions altogether. Direct suggestion. As was the case in IX F 1, Lewis is stating in parallel structure that his contentions are self evident. For this reason, anyone who disagrees with him must be blind to all reason. Emotional appeals to loyalty. This sentence is either cleverly worded or poorly worded. Upon careful scru- tiny the sentence suggests that the Negro should vote for Willkie, because Lewis, a friend of the Negro, is urg- ing them to. How- ever, the sentence H. You millions of young men who have qualified for peacetime military draft, have you cause to rejoice? 1. You, who may be about to die in for- eign wars, created at the whim of an international med- dler, should you salute your Caesar? H. could be interpreted to mean that Willkie is a proven friend of the Negro race. The referrent of the phrase "As a proven friend of the Negro race" is by no means clear. and H-1. A rhetorical question directed at one age group but obvi ously designed to in- fluence a much larger group of parents, rel- atives, friends, and all others sympathetic to the results of war. In view of Lewis's admiration and study of Shakespeare, it is interesting to note the similarity of these two sentences to Act I of Julius Caesar in which Marullus says, “Wherefore rejoice? What conquests brings he home?" The compar- 2. In cold common sense, I think you should vote for Willkie. I. You members of the Christian Church, 1. Why should you vote for and support the man who ignores home considerations and practices the modern sorcery of war mongering? ison of Roosevelt to Caesar may be not only a Shakespearean ref- erence, but also an allusion to the Roman custom that each glad- iator was compelled to stand before Caesar in the arena and before the mortal combat be- gan, slap his breast- plate and shout, "Hail Caesar! We who are about to die salute you!" 2. Direct motive appeal to common sense and prObity o I. Direct appeal to one religion. 1. A rhetorical ques- tion "loaded" with charged words, name calling, and appeals to home and the Deity. 2. Labor and the Christian Church are the first vic- tims of the social and political con- vulsions which follow war and one- man government. J. To the women of our race I say perhaps you can do the great- est part of all. May I hope that on e1ec- tion day, the mothers of our sons will, with the sacred ballot, lead the revolt against the candidate who plays at a game that can.make cannon fodder of your sons 0 X. For myself, it matters not. 2. Emotional generality. J. Direct appeal to one sex. In the first sen- tence, Lewis attempts to establish good will through praise. The second sentence is a florid and histrionic appeal to the protec- tion of (l) democracy --"the sacred ballot," (2) motherhood-~"the mothers of our sons,“ (5) childhood and youth--"our sons. . . your sons,m and (4) fear-~"that can make cannon fodder of your sons.“ X. Emotional appeal to self sacrifice and ethical 250 A. I do not fear the bravos of the Roose- vert Administration. B. I fear only for the people, and for our country. C. I am joining with Mr. Willkie in trying to do my part. D. I shall believe, my countrymen, that you will do likewise. Subsequent Events. appeal to humility and magnanimity. A. Ethical proof suggest- ing that the speaker is possessed of great courage. Also present is the indirect sug- gestion that the "bravos“ or "hired assassins" of the Roosevelt Ad- ministration perse- cute those who oppose them in any way. B. Obvious emotional appeals to fear and patriotism. Ethical appeals to courage and magnanimity. C. Purposeful statement containing emotional appeals to patriotism. D. Direct suggestion with emotional appeals to patriotism. The headlines of the New York Times on October 26th, 251 1940, read: LEWIS DECLARES FOR WILLKIE SAYS ROOSEVELT MEANS WAR AND DICTATORSHIPl7 On page twelve of the same issue, however, another headline is somewhat more revealing of the consequences of Lewis's address. It read: MANY 0.1.0. GROUPS DEFY LEWIS'S STAND18 The Timgg, whose columns became permeated with reac- tion to the Lewis Speech during the next two days, quoted as many prominent labor leaders as they could contact. R. J. Thomas, President of the United Auto Workers, seemed more confused than anything else. “There were many things said that I just couldn't understand,“ said Thomas.19 Richard T. Franksteen, one of Thomas's lieutenants, was more to the point. He stated, "In endorsing Willkie you don't express the sentiment of our unions.“20 Phillip Murray, Vice-President of the U.M.W.A. and one of the men Lewis accused of being "courted“ by the President, found himself on a political tightrope?l He temporarily maintained his balance by replying “no comment." Some evidence of Murray's precarious position is l7New York Times, October 26th, 1940, p. 1. lBIbid., p. 12. l9Ib1d. 201b1d. 21George Creel. Rebel g: Large. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1947), p. 503. 252 provided by John Greer, C.I.O. official and President of the United Shipbuilders of America. "We would do well to oust Lewis now and put Murray in his place."22 Sherman Dalrymple, President of the United Rubber Workers, and Daniel Tobin of the Teamsters both urged their constituents to support Roosevelt in spite of Lewis's speech. As Tobin put it, “He is trying to line us up with the very men that tried to crucify us--Girdler and Weir."23 Even the mine workers district leaders who, accord- ing to Alinsky, had come to regard Lewis, Roosevelt, and the New Deal as “the Holy Trinity of labor,"24 now opposed Lewis. One district boss, Jesse Aquino of West Virginia, told the Times, "West Virginia will go down the line 100% for Franklin Delano Roosevelt."25 As would be eXpected, however, there were some who agreed with Lewis. One of the first to acknowledge his support was the Republican candidate whom Lewis had so heartily endorsed. "I am glad to have the support of Mr. Lewis," said Wendell Willkie. "He is a valiant defender of 1abor."25 William Hutcheson, President of the A. F. of L. 22New York Times, October 26th, 1940, p. 12. 23Ibid. 24Alinsky, 9p, cit., p. 172. 25New York Times, October 26th, 1940, p. 12. 261bid. 255 Carpenters Union, supported Lewis. Speaking over W.O.R. radio in New YOrk City the same evening, he told his lis- teners that “Roosevelt has given Labor a most contemptuous snubbing."27 On Sunday, October 27th, more comment was reviewed by the Timgg. Their headlines read, BULK 0F C.I.O. REBELS SWING TO WILLKIE 0.1.0. SPLIT INTO SEPARATE CAMPS28 Secretary of State, Cordell Hull called the Speech "baseless."' Another article said that fifty local unions of the C.I.O. had signed a petition citing Lewis as the "Benedict Arnold of Labor.“29 The most significant effect of the Speech was Lewis's resignation from the C.I.O., a promise which he had made during his radio address, in the event that Roose- velt were re-elected. Phillip Murray, whose "neutrality' had served him well, was named as Lewis's successor. Lauck reports that in spite of the C.I.O. Split immedi- ately following Lewis's Speech, Lewis received a spon- taneous standing ovation "which lasted forty minutes" as he stood on the platform preparing to address the conven- tion. A photograph of the occasion Shows one person visibly weeping as Lewis Spoke.30 271bid., p. 15. 28mew YOrk Times, October 27th, 1940, p. 1. 29Ibid. 30Lauck, gp. cit., p. 152. 254 Although Roosevelt made no immediate reply to the speech, he developed an overall rebuttal strategy which hit Lewis where he was the most vulnerable and the most sensitive. In a speech in Brooklyn several weeks later, Roosevelt linked Lewis with the communists based upon their mutual love of labor and condemnation of the Demo- cratic administration. Roosevelt stated, There is something very ominous in this combination that has been forming within the Republican party between the extreme reaction- ary and the extreme radical elements of this county. There is no common ground on which they can unite unless it be. . . their impa- tience to produce. . . the inconsistent dic- tatorial ends that they, each of them, seek."31 According to Harry Hopkins, Lewis's speech may have done more harm to Willkie than it did good. Hopkins stated: It is my opinion that Roosevelt had not really been able to put his heart into the campaign against Wiflkie who presented so in- distinct a target; but a battle to discre it John L. Lewis loomed as a real pleasure. Attempting to show that even the Republicans were suspicious of Lewis's backing, Hopkins states that on the eve of Lewis's radio address Republican National Committee- man Harold Lasken was in Chicago attempting to raise more money for the Willkie campaign. After Lasken and the group of business men who were to contribute the funds listened to Lewis's "Hymn of Hate,"'Hopkins says there was a long 5lBurns, pp. cit., p. 449. 52Robert E. Sherwood. Roosevelt and Hopkins. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), p{_192. 255 silence. Lasken then turned to the group and said, "Now gentlemen-~having heard that speech in our support, you will understand why the need of the Republican Party is truly deSperate." According to Hopkins, Lasken received his campaign money.33 According to Frances Perkins, Roosevelt was not surprised by Lewis's endorsement of Willkie. But, he was surprised when Lewis attempted to coerce the 0.1.0. to follow him by threatening to resign if they did not. Madame Perkins states "Lewis's estimate of his own power and leadership even in his own union, in strictly political matters, had to be revised.“34 There is little doubt that this Speech.marked a major turning point in Lewis's career. As Dulles states, For all the defiant independence and dramatic posturing that were to mark his later activities, and in spite of the excitement he was to cause as a war and post-war strike leader, he could not recapture the power and prestige of his days as President of the C.I.O. Creel notes that both Sidney Hillman and Phillip Murray drew closer to the Roosevelt camp following the 1940 election. Murray became a presidential advisor as well as becoming President of the C.I.O., while Hillman.was 33Ibid. , p. 193. 34Perkins, pp. cit., p. 512. 256 appointed Associate General Director of the Office of Production.Management. "Through all of it," states Creel, “John L. Lewis's picture was not only turned to the wall, it was nailed there."35 There have been many post mortems written not only about the Lewis-Roosevelt break but about the 1940 also- tion in general. Most of these accounts cite the extreme personal ambition of both men as the cause for an inevi- table break. There is little doubt that the Lewis- Roosevelt portion of the election was in essence a power struggle. Alinsky, however, suggests that whatever the personal issues may have been, the total effect of the feud, as manifested in.Lewis's radio address, had histor- ical significance which transcends the individual power of either man. The break between them broke the mili- tant surge of the labor movement and broke much of the New Deal. Historians will des- cribe it as the American Tragedy of the Labor Movement. In Spite of the fact that Lewis resigned as Presi- dent of the C.I.O., he was by no means giving up his aspir- ations to "organize the unorganized." He was in a sense "retrenching" for the battle that would inevitably come. As Lewis put it, I had some chores to perform for the organization that pays me, the United.Mine Workers of America.3 350ree1, pp. pip” p. 304. 56Alinsky, pp. cit., p. 212. 37Lauck, pp. cit., p. 155. 257 Lewis began earning his money without delay. In March of 1941, he and a district president pushed a new mine inSpection law through Congress. A month later Lewis personally negotiated new wage agreements in both the bitumonous and anthracite coal fields. After four months of local strikes and general bickering, Lewis won a national minimum wage, annual vacation benefits, a 10% wage increase, and a universal union shop contract. Within one week of the signing of the new agreement, Lewis was in.Washington appearing before the House Rivers and Harbors Committee in opposition to the prOposed St. Lawrence Seaway bill because, as Lewis stated, ". . . the electricity generated by the project will displace coal."58 Also during this same period Lewis authorized the "captive mines" strike against those mines owned by sev- eral major steel companies. These steel operators felt that their mines were not subject to the union shop clause which had been accepted by the operators several months before. On November 19th, President Roosevelt asked Lewis and the steel company representative, Benjamin.F. Fairless, to agree to arbitration. Reversing his policy of the 1920's, Lewis agreed. On December 7th, 1941 the mine workers were awarded a union shop. But, as one might expect, the news of the strike Settlement was, on that "infamous" Monday morning, buried under small headlines on 38Lauck, pp. cit., p. 157. 258 the back pages of America's newspapers. All traces of Lewis's anti-war feelings were gone after the Japanese had attacked Pearl Harbor. In a non- radio speech several days after the attack, Lewis said, When the nation is attacked, every American must rally to its defense. All other considerations become insignificant. Congress and administrative government must be supported, and every aid given to the men in the combat services of our country.39 However, in that moment of intense national unity which most Americans experienced shortly after December 7th, Lewis had overstated the case. Indeed, his actions revealed that many "considerations" were far more "signif- icant" than the war effort per pp. During 1945, Lewis not only broke with the C.I.O. but authorized a multiplicity of coal strikes in areas where he and other mine workers officials felt the War Labor Board had been unfair in their arbitration of wage diSputes and new contracts. When Lewis refused to recognize the board's authority, President Roosevelt ordered government seizure of the mines. This action was taken as a temporary measure, but negotiations between Lewis and Harold Ickes dragged on for months. According to Dulles, At no time did Lewis Show the slightest willingness to accept the authority of the board or to take into consideration the public interest. Dulles goes on to point out that "Lewis was the 39Lauck, pp. cit., p. 139. 259 villain in the eyes of the public.”0 Although Lewis was without a doubt one of the most unpopular men living in the United States during World War II, he maintained his leadership of the U.M.W.A. When the war ended, Lewis set to work on.a Welfare and Retirement Fund for the miners. When the operators refused to contribute $60,000,000 annually to the fund, Lewis initiated another strike sim- ilar to that of 1945; and again the operators consented to the demands but only after the steel industry had closed down to 50% production and the nation was faced with a three week coal supply. This agreement lasted only six months. In November, Lewis placed new wage demands before the operators. Secretary of the Interior, Julius Krug, applied to Judge Alan T. Goldsborough, the man whom Lewis's money brought to prominence, for a federal injunction forcing the miners back to work. The injunction was granted, but Lewis re- fused to obey it. Goldsborough found Lewis and the U.M.W.A. in contempt of court, fined them both, and, after a series of appeals, the Supreme Court upheld the Goldsborough decision. Only then did Lewis order some of the miners back to work. With the government still in control of the indus- try in 1947, one of the worse disasters in mining history 40Dulles, pp. cit., p. 540. 260 occurred at Centralia, Illinois, when a methane gas and coal dust explosion killed 111 men. This incident gave Lewis an opportunity to repudiate the government, and Secretary Krug in particular, for not enforcing what were supposed to be mandatory government safety inspections of the mines. Speaking before the House Labor Committee, Lewis said, I have not said that J. A. Krug by an affirmative act killed these men. I say that J. A. Krug, by his action, has permitted them to die while he withheld from them the succor which it was within his power to give.41 When Krug subsequently closed 518 mines because they were unsafe, Lewis called the action "Krug's deathbed confession."42 Lewis continued as President of the United Mine Workers of America until 1960. In Spite of his retire- ment Lewis still maintains an office and secretarial staff in the Mine W0rkers Building in.Washington. Since 1947, he has appeared with diminishing frequency before labor organizations and government committees in an effort to advance the cause of mining. Even at his present age of 85, he still makes occasional Speeches in behalf of the UtM.W.A. His most recent speech before a newspaper guild was of sufficient significance to warrant film clip news coverage over at least one major network. 41Lauck, pp, cit., p. 176. 42Ibid., p. 178. 261 Shortly after Lewis's retirement in 1960, John Hutchinson, writing in the Yale Review, reflected upon Lewis's past. If Lewis is in the shadows, it is after a lifetime of limelight such as few men have shared. If his failings are writ large, so are his talents. If he has confounded some expectations, he leaves behind him a legacy of rare achievements. And if he is alone, he can reflect in his solitude upon the respect he commands, not only from his own, but among those who have chosen another way. He may no longer be regarded as a savior, but he is surely remembered as a man.43 Summary During the 1940 presidential campaign, Lewis found himself faced with a trilemma. He could support Roosevelt and by so doing contradict statements made in several of his previous speeches. He could choose neutrality, but this course would not only weaken his chances for polit- ical favors. Regardless of which candidate won, it would be tantamount to the communist policy of belittling both candidates. Finally, he could support Wendell Willkie and attempt to swing the 0.1.0. into the Republican.camp. Lewis chose the latter course, and in the most extensive network radio speech ever made by a labor leader, attempted to persuade labor and its friends to vote for Willkie. £232.. During the Speech, Lewis attempted to use a great deal of what would appear to be logical appeal. However, 43Hutchinson, John. "Captain of a Mighty Host.“ Yale Review. 'Vol. I. (Autumn, 1960) pp. 27-52. 262 these appeals were often permeated with emotional refer- ences, loaded words, and various figures of speech, par- ticularly metaphors. At several points Lewis used statistics, but his references and sources were often vague and at times were non-existent. He used two long quotations, but in both cases, he was quoting himself. Lewis reasoned both induc- tively and deductively. When he attempted to use inductive reasoning, it often resulted in overgeneralization. His deductive reasoning often took the form of enthymemes with the major premise implied but never stated. We Throughout this address, Lewis attempted to picture himself as a humble martyr. He refers to himself, to his feelings, opinions, and ideas far more than he has done in the past. In this sense the Speech is unique. It is the only one in which Lewis attempts to superficially separate himself from the labor movement. He appears to be using negative psychology as he implies that labor need not follow him if they so choose, but he constantly bases his appeals upon his feelings for labor and the importance of loyalty. The fact that he employs so much sentiment and emotion during those por- tions of the speech in which he is referring to himself may have caused many listeners to doubt Lewis's sincerity and consequently disbelieve his basic thesis. Pathos. Although argument pd hominem is technically a log- .— ical fallacy, Lewis adorns his attacks upon Roosevelt as well as his praise for Willkie with so many emotional phrases and metaphors that they often fall more into the category of Pathos than Lpgp_. Lewis uses metaphorical eXpressions and figurative analogies with great frequency not only during his argu- ment pp hominem but during his personal appeals to special interest groups. Although Lewis attempted to convince his audience that he was presenting a logical analysis of the Wtruth,“ he employed more emotional appeals than any other type. In section VIII A, for example, Lewis states he will pre- sent the "truth“ as he sees it but as support of this truth he offers very little evidence and spends the remainder of the speech.making appeals to Specific interest groups em- ploying such phrases as "I say it is best for you and those you love to help oppose the creation of a political dic- tatorship.“ Addressing the farmers, Lewis first states that he was "born and reared in an agricultural state."- Using this statement as the sole basis for his ability to discuss farm problems, he concludes that the farmers' interest "lies in the aggressive support of Mr. Willkie." Again, no real comparison of the candidates respecting farm pol- icies is included in the speech. 264 Further appeals to the Negroes, the draft-age youth, and to “members of the Christian Church," all reflect the same lack of evidence. CHAPTER VI LEWIS'S PREPARATION AND DELIVERY Preparation Lewis stated that he was required to submit a manu- script of each of his network radio speeches "at least twenty-four hours in advance." He also indicated that network officials had warned him that studio personnel were instructed to "hold a script" on him. According to Lewis, "they kept telling me how much trouble would be started if I extemporized.'l He also indicated that net- work representatives from.N}B.C. threatened to cut him off the air if he began to deviate from the approved script. For this reason, Lewis prepared a manuscript for each of his network radio speeches, submitted it at least twenty- four hours in advance, and read from the manuscript as he spoke. Lewis noted that he at one time tried to memorize his speeches but that this method had not proved success- ful because in the "heat of the moment" he would forget the exact phrasing he had so carefully prepared.2 Even during the busiest periods of his career, 1Statement by John L. Lewis, personal interview. 2Statement by John L. Lewis, personal interview. 265 LI 266 Lewis wrote his own speeches. If he borrowed a phrase from anyone, it was usually from his own earlier Speeches or from his book. Obviously, Shakespeare, Lincoln, and the Bible were also frequently paraphrased in Lewis's radio Speeches. Elizabeth Covington, Lewis's secretary, suggested that Kathryn Lewis, his daughter, may have helped him pre- pare several of his major speeches during the 50's.3 When Lewis was questioned on this point, he indicated that she had "provided some suggestions“ but did not elaborate further.4 Since it was known that the now deceased Kathryn.was very dear to Lewis, the question was abandoned at that point. With the exception of Mrs. Covington, this possibility was not mentioned by anyone of Lewis's other associates or biographers. It is generally acknowledged by Lauck, McCarthy, Alinsky, Carnes, et. al., that Lewis's wife was especially helpful during his preparation for his early speeches. The major portion of this help, however, seems to have been in the form of coaching, especially with respect to delivery. It is doubtful whether Myrta Lewis did any more than contribute a few phrases to the actual manuscript of the Speeches. According to Alinsky, she liked to make John feel as though he had done the work, composed the 3Statement by Elizabeth Covington, personal interview. 4Statement by John L. Lewis, personal interview. 267 wording and consequently prepared the speech.5 In the total analysis, Mrs. Lewis must be given a great deal of credit, since it was through her insistence that Lewis studied, read, and practiced for the speaking situations he was to encounter. She not only urged Lewis to make use of background materials such as books, plays, and lectures, but became his tutor and his foremost critic. Lewis did mention that in several of his non-network radio speeches, he used neither manuscript nor notes.6 Delivery One of the most noticeable features of Lewis's de- livery was his voice. As was mentioned before, Carnes re- ported that many radio listeners were fascinated by his voice alone. It was unusually deep, rotund, and resonant. Seldom, even at the highest point of peroration, did Lewis allow his voice to carry into the upper register. Instead he used what might best be described as restrained force. Using what seemed to be a great deal of breath, Lewis would emphasize a point, bringing rolling and elongated vowel sounds up from the diaphragm and allowing the force to diminish slowly, thereby accentuating the depth of his voice. As is evident in the text of his speeches, Lewis 5Saul Alinsky. John 1,. Lewis: pp Unauthorized Biography. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1949), p. 21. 6Statement by John L. Lewis, personal interview. 268 As is evident in the text of his Speeches, Lewis often used parallel construction and repetition as a rhetorical device. He complimented this technique by using similar inflection patterns to accentuate it. This pattern is also evident when Lewis used colorful words and especially long and unusual words. They ers, in a sense, words "fired for effect." When he used a word such as "imbroglio," he was undoubtedly aware that most of his listeners had no idea what it meant. Lewis, nevertheless, would draw out the “m," the "r,"-and the "ow sounds to the extent that the word became onomatopoetic and thus very noticeable. His stylistic tendency to use unusual words such as "harbinger," "beSpeaks," "besmirched," "Sindical- ism," and "bibble-babbling," was therefore, enhanced by his careful, fully stressed pronunciation of each syllable. As McCarthy said in a passing remark, ”Lewis can say 'unemployment' like nobody else I've ever heard. It's enough to make you shudder."7 Lewis's inflection never gave the impression of levity even in his most sardonic remarks. Often the earlier passages of his speeches indicated a tendency toward a "ministerial cadence" type of inflection pattern characterized by a steadily rising pitch--although never too much--and a sudden drop in pitch for the last one or‘mma words in the sentence. 7Statement by Justin McCarthy, personal interview. 269 G. Robert Vincent, Curator of the National Voice Library, commented that there is an apparent, though at times strained, similarity between Lewis's inflection and that of comedian w. 0. Fields.8 Dulles states, Over the radio, Lewis showed a flare for the dramatic that inevitably arrested public attention. He well knew his ability as an actor. 'My life is but a stage' he said upon one occasion. He would alternately cajole, denounce, threaten and pontificate with equal self assurange. His sense of importance was magnificent. Frances Perkins described his speaking as "dramatic“ and called it "sensationalism."lo Carnes, who at times seems to portray the same traits as he describes in his subject, offers the follow- ing description of Lewis's delivery. His vituperation is lavish and his elo- quent outpourings. . . can be both stimulat- ing and goading. He delights in exploding and rolling out his syllables. You will remember the phrases he coins although at times he waxes ungrammatical. . .11 Time Magazine in an article entitled "The Great Actor,“'said, 8Statement by G. Robert Vincent, personal interview. 9Foster Rhea Dulles. Labor ip America. (New YOrk: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1949), pp. 291-2. 10Frances Perkins. The Roosevelt ;_Knew. (New York: The Viking Press, 1946), p. 160. llCecil Carnes. John L. Lewis, Leader pi Labor. (New YOrk: Robert Speller Company, 1956), pp. 597-8. 270 He is Mephistopheles in a baggy black business suit. He is Daniel Webster, Billy Sunday, Bette Davis, or John Barrymore. . . whatever character is necessary, the great actor can handle it. Ruth McKenny's account of the Akron, Ohio, Rubber Workers entitled Industrial Valley provides insight into some of the effects and feelings of the laborer with respect to Lewis's "acting." The Akron rubber workers admired and found deeply moving Lewis's rather florid style of Speech. Simple men of simple speech themselves, they liked hearing their dreams, their problems, their suffering, cloaked in Biblical phrases. They felt proud that a worker's leader could use so many educated words with such obvious fluency, and they were pleased and a little flattered by hearing their own fate discussed in such rolling per- iods and such dramatic phrases.l5 The number of comments regarding Lewis's delivery could continue for hundreds of pages because almost every- one who has ever mentioned Lewis's name seems to connect it with his eloquence, whether for the good or for the bad. To those who listened he was either a magnificent spokesman or an egocentric ham; the distinction being based upon the predispositions of the auditor. Apparently, Lewis was not sure himself. In a rare moment of self appraisal, he once asked, What makes me tick? Is it power I'm after or am I a Saint Francis in disguise or what?14 12"Great Actor “ Time Magazine XLVII (April 1 1946) p. 24. , ’ ’ ’ 15’9RuthMcKenny. Industrial'Valley. (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1959): p. 250. 14Dulles, pp. pip., p. 289. CHAPTER'VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Summary John L. Lewis was born in the coal mining community of Lucas, Iowa, on February 12th, 1880 into a family which would eventually consist of six sons and two daughters. His father's fighting spirit and interest in the labor movement tempered by his mother's spiritual and emotional stability provided him with an outspoken interest in the labor movement and a disciplined dedication to his home and his family. When his father was Wblacklisted" from the Lucas mines, Lewis received further impetus to champion the cause of organized labor. His trip through the western.United States confirmed and crystallized this ambition and gave him the image of a fighter, strong man, and hero of the laboring man. In 1907, Lewis married a woman whose combined be- lief in education and her husband's ability led her to coach, support, and critize his efforts. He had also run a debating society and managed a local opera house during this period. During the 20's Lewis maintained his position as president, but many of his decisions and activities were 271 272 unpopular among the miners. Not only was he defeated in his bid for the presidency of the A. F. of L. by the pop- ular Samuel Gompers, but the membership of the U.M.W.A. dropped to only one third strength within a period of five years. In 1925, Lewis delivered his first notable radio address over radio station WED in Atlantic City, New Jersey. The Speech was designed to persuade and impress his "in- visible audience" that the conditions and danger of the mining occupation warranted a wage increase. Apparently Lewis was aware of the importance of establishing good will between the Speaker and the audi- ence. In Spite of the fact that he had little idea as to who his listeners were, he inserted such phrases as "this great audience will do me the honor of paying close atten- tion," and "people of this great land."‘ By inserting flattery and eloquent respect at the beginning of the speech, he could thus hope to eliminate the possible ster- eotype of the labor leader as a crude, bitter, and dis- respectful reprobate. The rhetorical outline of this Speech also reveals that Lewis made extensive use of strong motive appeals to (l) subsistence, (2) equity, (5) justice (or the threat of injustice), as well as including Specific appeals aimed at specific interest groups such as those employed in in- dustry, transportation, and housework. For example, after reminding his audience of the conditions under which the 275 miner labors, Lewis asserts that this is done "that the people may have warm comfortable homes. . . wholesome food. . . light. . . transportation," and "trade and commerce," thus attempting to emphasize the good will of his subject as well as to establish common ground. An analysis of the substantive elements of the speech also reveals that the most evident use of logical appeal appears in the form of a figurative analogy in which Lewis compares the statistical data pertaining to deaths and injuries resulting from.mining accidents with a "Main Street parade." He also uses numerous rhetorical questions and at times is guilty of overgeneralization. Evidence of this latter shortcoming may be found in his statement that all miners belonging to the union "believe in the fairminded- ness of the American people," or "because he owes a duty to the public, the coal miner goes into the dark and dan- gerous recesses of the earth. . .“ In the conclusion of the Speech, Lewis foregoes all attempts at logical argument and relies entirely upon emotional appeals through such phrases as “a little happi- ness and sunshine," "this great land of ours," and “every man shall receive a square deal." There is a strong poss- ibility that the extremely sentimental and unctuous nature of the peroration may have alienated many listeners who, knowing Lewis's reputation for cold and sober bargaining, would detect such sentiment as false and out of character 274 for the militantly aggressive union leader. Subsequent to this speech, the miners did strike as Lewis had threatened they would and, following a five- month shutdown of the mines, the union won its demands. In 1926, Lewis retrenched with his "no backward step" policy to guide him in all decisions. By 1955, he realized that the only hope of advancing the cause of mass labor was by mass industrial unionization. This meant crossing the boundaries of craft unions, which, in turn meant "crossing" the A. F. of L. In 1955, Lewis addressed the A. F. of L. Convention proposing that the organization adopt industrial unioniza- tion as a supplement to craft unionization. The Committee for Industrial Organization, headed by Lewis, continued its recruiting campaign until the A. F. of L. suspended it. During a Labor Day radio address in 1956, Lewis vilified those industrialists who would impede the progress of organized labor and extolled the place of collective bargaining in a free society. The Speech was broadcast nationwide by the Columbia Broadcasting System. The substantive and rhetorical outline revealed that throughout the speech Lewis used deductive reasoning to focus attention upon the importance and economic neces- sity of organization. He justified his reasoning by em- ploying examples and stating, "everywhere you look you see the acceptance of the principles of c00perative association;" and by argument pp populum such as "The very freedom that 275 glorifies our democracy seems to reserve its rewards for those who organize to obtain them." Lewis used statistics with more frequency than he had in the past, citing at least one source but giving no date as to when the research was done. As was evident in his 1925 radio Speech, Lewis's weakest form of support was overgeneralization. In this speech, however, Lewis com- bined the fallacy of overgeneralization.with pp hominem ar- guments and clothed them in metaphorical expressions thus producing such "charged" conclusions as "that the awful dread of management shall no longer shadow the home," and, "The leaders of corporate industry. . . cannot forever dam the impulse of workers to free association." Once again he used strong emotional appeals not only to equality and justice, but also to security, peace and self-preservation. Another parallel between this speech and Lewis's Speech in 1925 is his use of strong emotional appeals during the conclusion. Although he re— places some of his former sentiment with a degree of mili- tancy, the repetition of the phrase "let the" through a long series of admonitions culminating in the emotional statement, "The future of labor is the future of America," offers substantial evidence that Lewis was trying hard to achieve his purpose in delivering the Speech--to rally and to motivate workers for the cause of industrial unioniza- tion. During 1957, the C.I.O. organized several of the 276 nation's largest industries including rubber, glass, and "big steel.“ The smaller steel companies, collectively known as "little steel" fought C.I.O. advances and several serious and tragic strikes occurred. Speaking over the C.B.S. radio network on September 5rd, 1957, Lewis sought his revenge. The speech contained some of the most severe pp hominem arguments that Lewis had ever delivered. Lewis apparently liked the pp hominem. He used it often, particularly in this address. Rather than vilify- ing the Chicago police force, Lewis chose Mayor Kelly. Rather than attacking the Ohio National Guard or "Little Steel,“ Lewis chose Governor Davey of Ohio and Thomas Girdler. By using such phrases as ". . . Kelly's police force was successful in killing ten strikers," Lewis im- plied that the Mayor of Chicago had committed premeditated murder; but Lewis clothed the accusation in a detailed account of what had occurred in Chicago. Not quite so clothed were his accusations that Thomas Girdler was a "psychopath"-and the employer of "mercenary killers."- At least one third of the entire speech was devoted to incisive pp hominems and general name calling. Lewis continued his frequent use of metaphors and similies in this Speech, the most notable being his simile comparing Labor to Israel. From 1958 to 1940 the differences between Lewis and 277 Roosevelt became more apparent. This breach ended in a power struggle between the two which manifested itself in a national radio address made by Lewis in October of 1940 in which he attacked Roosevelt as a war monger and en- dorsed Wendell.Willkie for the presidency. He promised that if F. D. R. were elected, he would resign as President of the C.I.O. During the course of the Speech, Lewis used a problem- solution method of arrangement. Roosevelt and his record were, of course, the problem, and Willkie was the solution. He also placed his own ppppp before his audience with numerous references to himself, his raison.pp,pppp, his humility, and his loyalty. His emotional appeals were at times so obvious and maudlin that they may have alienated some of his listeners. His logical appeals were often based upon generalities and faulty cause to effect rela- tionships. Conclusions. This portion of the chapter is divided into four parts in order to provide a lucid yet systematic set of conclusions regarding the radio Speaking of John L. Lewis. The first three parts deal with Lewis's ethos, pathos, and lpgpp. These terms are defined in Chapter I and utilized as criteria for the rhetorical outlines contained herein. By applying these same criteria to a comprehensive analy- sis of Lewis's speaking and analyzing the various rhetor- ical outlines collectively, it is hoped that an organized 278 profile of Lewis's radio rhetoric will emerge. However, since radio is an unusual if not unique public forum, a fourth consideration--the question of Lewis's use of radio as a medium of persuasion--is also included in thetnpe that it will add further definition to the conclusions of this study. aims. With the exception of his radio address in support of Wendell Willkie, Lewis consistently identified himself with the cause of the miner and with organized labor in general. During the course of his radio speaking during the 1950's, he identified himself so closely with the labor movement that, at times, it is difficult to distinguish the ppppp of the speaker from the ethical standards of the United Mine Workers of America or the Congress of Indus- trial Organizations. In his Atlantic City speech, for example, he first described the greatness of the miner as an individual, then as a member of the U.M.W.A. stating in conclusion, "The United Mine Workers of America believe in the fairminded- ness of the American public."- However, Lewis replaced the words "United Mine Workers of America" with the pronoun "we" in the next sentence thus implying that he, too, was a part of all that he has been describing as virtuous, just, and “fairminded.“' Even during that portion of the speech in which Lewis was describing the "parade," he prefaced his subsequent appeal for justice with the pronoun "we" 279 again suggesting the integral relationship between himself and the miners. This same pattern of identification is true of Lewis's "Future of Labor" address delivered eleven years later, and of his famous "Guests at Labor's Table" speech delivered in 1957. It was abandoned however during Lewis's speech in support of Willkie because, as Lewis put it, "I chose to speak tonight only in the role of a citizen and an.American." Unlike his other addresses, Lewis used the first person Singular profusely throughout the course of the “Willkie” Speech. He used the terms "I" and "my" over fifteen times in the introduction alone. But he did so in an apparent attempt to manifest good will by stating that he spoke "with a desire to protect. . . the heritage of my peers." He also attempted to establish common ground by saying, "I speak to all my countrymen;" and to exude great humility by remarking, "I have no power or influence except insofar as those who believe in me may accept my recommendation." Although Lewis's inconsistent approach to the use of the first person and his close identification with the organizations for which he Spoke may be significant, they are by no means a sufficient index of his ethical proof. His frequent use of the pp hominem, his incisive and vili- fying metaphors, his "charged" attacks against any group or institution standing in the way of labor's progress-- 280 all of these elements, even though many of them technically fall under the headings of Pathos and Lpgpp, had a direct and frequently negative effect upon Lewis's ppppp. They may have evoked a feeling among some laborers that Lewis was a courageous advocate "Calling a Spade a Spade!" As Ruth McKenny indicated, he said things that labor leaders before him had been afraid to say. But when he broadened his sights to include Franklin Roosevelt, Thomas Girdler, and the New Deal, as well as the Republic Steel Company, Lewis should have realized that he was verbally crucifying some of labor's most venerated saints and not the Mephis- topheles of management as in times past. Lewis thus de- tracted and in some cases destroyed his own ppppp by des- troying the good will which he attempted to establish in the introduction to the speech. Examples of such personal attacks abound throughout his speech in support of Willkie. Referring to Roosevelt's economic policy, Lewis calls it "an economic debacle." He states that Roosevelt's objec- tive "is war," and that the President's "over weening, abnormal and selfish craving for power is a thing to alarm and dismay." Lewis's pp hominems were not only incisive, they were often sarcastic, for example, "America needs no super- man,“ and "wants no royal family." At times theyvvere little more than simple name calling devices as was the case when Lewis referred to Roosevelt as "the amateur, ill- equipped, practitioner in the realm of political science." 281 To many of those who remembered Lewis's words of years past, these attacks upon the President were not only improper, but contradictory. It was the same John L. Lewis who, referring to Roosevelt only four years earlier, had told the voters, "In a blinding white light of pub- licity and a microscopic examination of his every official act, he stands forth clear and undefiled." Thus, in Spite of the fact that Lewis gained the somewhat admirable reputation as a "fighter" for labor dur- ing the '20's and early '50's, he destroyed much of his ppppp and public image as a courageous, truthful, and con- sistent advocate of the cause of labor by contradicting himself regarding Roosevelt and the Democratic administra- tion and by vilifying those persons, including Roosevelt, who had ostensibly helped the cause of labor as much, if not more, than he had. Pathos. From the time of Aristotle, the concept of emotional proof has always been allied to (if not, at times, synony- mous with) the concept of audience adaptation and audience reaction. Face to face speaking, particularly when lim- ited to homogeneous audiences, presents the speaker with a difficult but not impossible task. In most cases he knows some of the “do's” and "don'ts" which will guide him in preparing the speech. These considerations will often come from his understanding of the age level, educational level, politics, income level, religious beliefs, and 282 special interests of his audience. National radio Speak- ing, however, provides a somewhat different challenge. Since it would be impossible to know in advance exactly who might listen to a given broadcast, the radio rhetorician has no such advantage. ESpecially if he is speaking on a national level, he must ask himself questions relating to the common emotions of an extremely heterogen- eous aggregation of listeners-~questions which might lead to the use of such emotional common denominators as patri- otism, love, fair play, justice, and, perhaps the most elusive of all terms, "the American way." Emptional Appeals. In response to his search for the common denominators of emotional proof, Lewis provided his audience with frequent appeals to the aforementioned commonplaces of patriotism, love, fair play, justice, and "the American way." In 1925, he discussed the miners' wages in terms of justice and fair play when he asked that the miners"rate of compensation be placed upon a level of fair and even justice." During the same speech, he sought pity by stating ". . . at the head of this parade let there be a band play- ing a funeral dirge. . . what a sorrowful, depressing scene this is." His concluding remarks provide an excellent example of an.emotional appeal to the "American.way." Comfort him with the thought that in this great land of ours there is a native understanding of justice and of determina- tion on the part of the public to see to it that every man shall receive a square deal. 283 Lewis continued his frequent reliance upon emotional appeals through the 1950's. In his "Labor's Table" speech in 1957, he offered the following histrionics in an effort to appeal to pity, motherhood, death, orphaned children, and poverty. The steel workers have now buried their dead while the widows weep and watch their orphaned children become objects of charity. A list of highly emotional appeals delivered by Lewis could continue for many pages. The point is that he employed extensive emotional appeals in his radio Speeches and that they were almost always phrased in an extremely strong, open, obvious, and almost passionate style. Emotion and Style. Thus far the principle factor of emotion under consideration has been the overt appeal to particular common denominators of emotion. It is also evident that Lewis used highly emotional words and figures of speech in an apparent effort to color and ”charge" his logical proof. Consider, for example, the extremely charged language and metaphorical expressions contained in the pp_hominem which Lewis levied against Girdler in 1957. Girdler, of Republic Steel, in the quiet of his bedchamber doubtless shrills his psy- chopathic cackles as he files notches on his corporate gun and views in retrospect the ruthless work of his mercenary killers. This same type of language, although not always as vicious, is evident throughout most of Lewis's radio speeches. While the technique of employing such strong emotional appeals together with highly charged and emotional words 284 and figures of speech may prove very effective in.the min- ing camps of Kentucky, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania, there is some question as to their effectiveness on a national scale, particularly when such histrionics are addressed to small individual listening groups gathered in the privacy of their own homes or automobiles. By over- loading his rhetoric with such strong and overt emotion, Lewis not only gained the reputation of “an actor," as in- dicated in Chapter VI, but diluted the importance of his message in crocodile tears. To be sure, such appeals ap- pear to have proved effective with the miners and many of the workers who were listening, but, here again considera- tion must be given to the effect of these terms not upon a minority of listeners, particularly a minority already predisposed to accept the Speaker's message, but to a mass heterogeneous audience whose taste for the grand style of florid oratory had been tempered by a depression, world crisis, and advancing technology. In this sense, Lewis's strong emphasis upon emotion was anachronous and thus, at times, his words were relegated in the minds of many lis- teners to mere entertainment. AS Thonssen and Baird have observed, . . histrionics are accessories. Exhibitionism in speech is not a congen- ial ally of responsibility of statement. Logos 0 Factual Accuragy. One of the critic's first ques- tions relating to logos is whether or not the Speaker dealt 285 "with an adequate and reliably established body of facts."1 But this question immediately gives rise to another, e.i. what is a "fact"? This is a particularly trenchant ques- tion when applied to Lewis's use of logical proof. The problem of definition involved here will not preclude an analysis of Lewis's use of facts, but is inserted only so that the reader may be aware of the various possible mean- ings that could be attached to the word. For example, Webster refers to a fact as "truth. . . something that has happened." The critic thus becomes involved in a defini- tion of truth, a problem which has puzzled philosophers from Pilate to the present. From this point, the critic could go on into all phases of epistomology and metaphysics pg infinitum. Since an arbitrary definition appears to be a neces- sity, the problem of distinguishing what is fact from what is not will rest upon the question: Does the speaker sup- port his statements with evidence in all cases where the facts are not actually self-evident to the audience? One of the most complex factual references made by Lewis is his frequent implication that his statements are "self—evident truths" when in reality this may not be so. In 1925, for example, Lewis stated, "So-called substitutes come and go. . . but. . . people must, and they do, depend upon coal as their prime and reliable fuel." Based upon lLester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird. speech Criti- cism. (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1948): p. 549. 286 the available evidence, this statement may well have been true at the time Lewis delivered the speech, but it is nevertheless expressed as a self-evident statement with no supporting evidence. Lewis often used a series of such self-evident statements in rapid succession, and, as will be noted in.a moment, reasoned inductively from them. Based upon the series of statements beginning with the one just quoted, Lewis arrived at the self-evident "fact" that ". . . the very essence of human and public welfare" was coal. The latter phrase, again unsupported by any docu- mentation, has a much less reliable basis in evidence than did his original "self-evident truth." Obviously, there are many things which could fall into the category of the "essence of human and public welfare" depending upon how far one wished to stretch the imagination. It could be said that transportation, government, individualism, food, clothing, houses, etc. could be such an "essence" yet they cannot pg; be the essence unless a much broader and all- inclusive term is applied. Thus the statement that "coal“ alone is the "essence" is not a fact, rather it is a glittering generality. Other highly relative and unsupported "self-evident truths" and generalizations continue to permeate Lewis's logical proof. All of the following examples were used without any support in the form of statistics, testimony, or other documentation. Atlantic City Speech 1925 Atlantic City Speech 1925 "Future of Labor" Speech 1956 "Future of Labor" Speech 1956 "Guests at Labor's Table“ 1937 Speech to the British Empire 1958 Willkie Speech 1940 Willkie Speech 1940 Willkie Speech 1940 287 ". . . the coal miner is under- paid. 0 O" ". . . coal companies. . . could. . . pay an increased rate of wages without adding a single penny to the cost of coal to the consumer." "After all, the labor unions are rooted in the institutions of our country." "American political democracy has carried with it no tradi- tion of class restriction." ". . . our farm pOpulation has suffered from a viciously un- equal distribution of the na- tional income." ". . . the future of labor is . . . the future of America." "War has always been the polit- ical device of the. . . des- pairing and intellectuallyy sterile statesman." "If. . . Roosevelt. . . is re-established in office he will answer to no man, includ- ing Congress. . .“ “As a proven friend of the Negro race, I urge you to vote for Willkie." While some of these statements may be true in part, they are not supported facts and, indeed, are weak founda- tions upon which to build reasoned discourse. AS is evident in the substantive outlines contained in Chapters III, IV, and V, Lewis did make occasional ref- erence to statistics but cited a source for his figures only once when he mentioned that they were "recent" and pro- vided by "the Brookings Institute." 288 In the only two major quotations Lewis provided for his auditors, the person being quoted was himself. Even though he was, without a doubt, an authority on the sub- ject of labor, he was so strongly predisposed to one side of the question that the relative value of his own testi- mony is dubious. Thus, in view of the foregoing evidence, it is con- cluded that Lewis weakened his lpgpp considerably by basing many of his arguments upon undocumented statements, ”self- evident truths," and generalities. Validity pf Argument. Heretofore consideration has been given to the validity of Lewis's supporting material. Although this section will deal with the validity of his argument there is a necessary overlapping of these two areas of investigation. As was mentioned before, when Lewis reasoned inductively that because coalivas needed for cooking, heating, and lighting, it was the "essence of human and public welfare," the critic must be concerned with Lewis's reasoning in order to judge the intrinsic value of the statement as evidence. Or, in other words, does the list of specifics warrant the assumption that the statement has been sufficiently supported? Naturally this overlapping works in reverse as well. If the evidence used to support ar1argument is invalid, then there is a probability that the conclusion will be equally invalid. Thus the validity of evidence has a direct bearing upon the validity of the argument and vice versa. Since a substantial amount of Lewis's evidence was found to be weak and at times invalid, 289 it is difficult to analyze the soundness of his arguments without being drawn back to the question of factual accuracy. Although Lewis's use of the argument pp hominem has been analyzed with regard to emotional and ethical appeals, it is categorically a logical appeal and quite often a log- ical fallacy. It is fallacious because the Speaker shifts his attacks from the opponent's arguments to the opponent as a person. Thus, unless the essence of the issue revolves around the personal character of the opponent himself, the speaker employing the pp hominem is not only avoiding the issue but practicing an unethical form of argument as well. During Lewis's "Guests at Labor's Table" speech in 1957, he attacked Mayor Kelly of Chicago on the grounds that Kelly had personally planned the death of the ten strikers. At this point it is difficult not to be drawn back to the fact that a Congressional investigation cleared Kelly of all reSponsibility for the offence and that it was not Kelly but a Captain James Mooney who led the police that day. In view of this and since Lewis offers no evi- dence to support his allegation, it appears that he not only missed the basic argument but relied upon.what seems to be invalid evidence as well. . This same pattern of argument holds true of Lewis's attacks upon Thomas Girdler, Governor Davey of Ohio, and President Roosevelt. In Girdler's case, for example, Lewis offers no evidence to indicate that Girdler was any “t" v' C . 290 more reSponsible for the steel companies' corporate action against unions than any of the other executives who hired him and directed his efforts. For this reason, the critic must assume that no such evidence was available to the speaker, otherwise he probably would have used it to sup- port the pp hominem. And, once again, the personality of Thomas Girdler has little bearing upon the real issue at hand-~the question of whether or not various industries Should be unionized and to what extent. Lewis also employed the pp guogue or "thou also" fallacy on several occasions. In 1957, for example, he refuted the charge that the C.I.O. was run by communists by suggesting that management was financing "fascist organ- izations," thus implying that in this case two wrongs make a rhetorical right. He continued this type of rebuttal by suggesting that such "goose—stepping vigilantes" were the "real . . . subversives of our good citizenship." Also in 1940 he fought back against those who said that by backing Willkie, Lewis placed himself in Girdler's camp by stating, "These gentlemen must possess some virtue because President Roosevelt has awarded them fat and lucrative government contracts. . .' For the most part, Lewis's analogies were good. Again in 1940, still faced with the argument that he had "sold out" to the Willkie forces, Lewis replied with an analogy which likened the Republican party to a church in which some of the communicants were hypocrites. He then 291 pointed out that it would be "specious reasoning“ to deny the faith because one or two adherents were morally bad. His cause to effect reasoning was not quite as sound as his analogical arguments. In 1925, he stated, No one more fully realizes the tremen- dous importance of coal to the well being of the nation than does the coal miner himself. That is why the coal.miner applies himself so diligently to the task of producing this ne- cessary fuel. In this statement Lewis is suggesting that the min- er's realization that coal is "important to the well being of the nation“ (cause) has a singular causal relationship to the miner's diligent application of himself "to the task ‘ of producing this necessary fuel." A general analysis of the mining industry as well as common sense would indicate that every miner is not in the mine simply because he realizes that coal is "important." Such considerations as money, family or so- cial pressure, and the fact that many miners grew up and had family ties in the mining communities appear to be much more plausible explanations for their choice of employment. The point is not that one explanation is ne- cessarily any better than another but that Lewis implies a Specific singular causal relationship exists without actually establishing the relationship. This defect ap- pears in even more dramatic form several paragraphs later when Lewis states, Because he owes a duty to the public, the coal miner goes into the dark and dan- gerous recesses and caverns of the earth, amid 292 all the terrors and hazards of those under- ground places risking his life, day after day. . . Here again the stated cause ("duty to the public"), modified to Show causal relationship by the word "because," has not been shown to bring about the stated effect ("goes into the dark. . .”). Further examples of both cause to effect and effect to cause reasoning are found throughout Lewis's speeches. Many of these are weak; some because the evidence is in- herently weak to begin with and others because, despite the evidence, Lewis fails to establish causation—-the im- portant element in either cause to effect or effect to cause reasoning. One of the primary subdivisions of cause to effect reasoning is the scientific practice of extrapolation which is all too often misused by those who apply the practice to a Situation or problem containing so many variables that accurate extrapolation is impossible. Under these circumstances, the practice is called secundum quid. Like extrapolation, it involves the prediction of coming events based upon a series of past events. If one finds A/A, B/A, C/A, in that sequence, it seems logical to predict that D/A and E/A etc. will follow-~all other things being equal. Using this same general approach to the realm of politics, Lewis argues that Roosevelt asked for a first term and received it, ( /A) thus receiving a certain amount of“power" (A/A). His success in gaining a second term 295 added to this power (B/A). Thus if he is re-elected, C/A will follow which in turn will be followed by D/A, E/A, F/A, and eventually the nation will be faced with complete dictatorship represented by, let us say, G/A. This prac- tice seems quite plausable in a laboratory situation where the researcher feels he has controlled all of the variables; but in the area of politics, it is subject to a high degree of error. In 1940, however, when Lewis employed this type of reasoning, he used it as an extended basis for his appeal that Roosevelt be defeated. At the beginning of Section IV of his 1940 address he stated, "The present concentration of power in the office of . . . President. . . has never before been equaled." During Section IVC he went on to state, ". . . the selfish craving for power is a thing to alarm and dismay," and in Section IVD said, "In all history . . . continuously vested authority has brought with it. . . disorder, tragedy, and debt." Based upon these arguments Lewis went on to "extra- polate" as follows, If President Roosevelt is re-established in office he will answer to no man. . . that may create a dictatorship in this land. . . this election may be comparable to the con- trolled elections in plebecites of some of the nations of the old world. Following this, Lewis continued his speech on the supposition that his secundum quid was accurate by refer- ring to Roosevelt as, ". . . a dictator. . ." (IXC) ". . . Caesar. . ." (IXH) and W. . . a one man government. . ." (1x1) 294 Lewis also used frequent rhetorical questions to persuade and stimulate his audience. During his "Future of Labor" address in 1956, he employed Six relatively lengthy rhetorical questions in a row (III A-E), and in 1940 provided his listeners with a sequence of three. Others were interspersed throughout his speeches. Based upon the foregoing analysis and upon the rhe- torical outlines of Lewis's speeches, the following conclu- sions are made with regard to his use of argument. First, Lewis used many arguments which were weak or unsound pri- marily because the evidence used to support them was un- sound. Second, although many of his logical arguments were difficult to detect because they were submerged in athos, they were often structurally weak. Specifically, (1) his argument pp hominem failed to relate to the real issues; (2) he sometimes used pp qpp qpp arguments which did not refute his opponent's contentions but only accused them of committing comparable wrongs; (5) with one excep- tion he consistently failed to cite any source or data for his statistical argument; (4) his use of direct testimony was limited only to himself; (5) he frequently failed to establish causation when he argued from cause to effect or effect to cause, and (6) on at least two occasions a substantial portion of his inductive reasoning was based upon improper extrapolation. His analogies, however, were often relatively sound and well chosen. It is concluded, therefore, that even though Lewis 295 seems to have been persuasive on several occasions, a care- ful analysis of his arguments indicates that they were frequently unsound and irrelevant to the basic issues of his radio discourse. The Radio Rhetorician. In the committee room Lewis battled and debated, won and lost. Here he fought for wages, pensions, contracts, legislation, and mine safety. On the platform, he could rally workers and convention delegates to follow him or to follow their own leaders in whatever action he was pro- posing. Radio, however, provided Lewis with an unusual chal- lenge. The audience was physically removed. The question and answer, rough and tumble, of the committee room was missing. Lewis could not ignore radio as a new public forum any more than any man.with something to say could ignore an audience of millions. Thus, in the 1920's a man whose Speech training and experience had been based upon debate and platform speaking attempted to make the transi- tion to radio. It was a speaking situation which neither his wife nor himself had anticipated during his formative years as a labor leader. Lewis's first mistake in making the transition from platform to radio speaking was his conception of the mass audience. Based upon his arrangement, style, and delivery, Lewis saw his audience as one huge throng of people listen- ing to his words much like the hundreds of rubber workers WA x—.—— u 296 or auto workers who crowded before him in Akron and Detroit. He neglected the fact that he was, in reality, talking with small intimate groups of one to ten people who felt that by his presence in their own living room, Lewis was Speaking only to them. There were no mobs and masses with all of the crowd psychology, the contagion of emotion, and the susceptibility to charged and exciting phrases that Lewis was used to facing. Indeed, a radio audience is susceptible to emotional, logical, and ethical proof but such devices must be used in a more intimate and conversational manner suitable to a "living room" forum. On radio, as elsewhere, Lewis was a showman. He knew this, and so did most of his listeners. But when his platform histrionics were pitted against the more intimate radio rhetoric which inevitably began with a well modulated "my friends," the labor leader may well have taken stock of the technique employed by the master of the "fireside chat.“ While radio listeners may have enjoyed his strong pp hominems and lofty emotional metaphors, they may have preferred simply to listen in fascination rather than actu- ally to believe what Lewis was saying. During the course of Lewis's radio speaking, he identified himself so closely with the labor movement that, at times, it is difficult to distinguish the ppppp of the speaker from the ethical standards of labor. Lewis was a popular figure among the working class; and with the excep- 297 tion of his speech in support of Willkie, Lewis was a St. George of sorts slaying the dragons of management. He was controversial during the 50's championing a popular cause in terms and phrases which the working man liked to hear. In deep, resonant, and prophetic tones he was articu- lating the feelings of a large segment of the population. He put the laborers' thoughts into words, some of which they didn't understand. Nevertheless, they liked what they heard because it sounded good to hear a representa- tive of labor speaking with such strength, sincerity and candor. BIBLIOGRAPHY Selected Bibliography A. Books Alinsky, Saul. John L. Lewis: Lp'Unauthorized Bioggaphy. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1949. Auer, J. Jeffery. An Introduction to Research in Speech. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1959. Barnouw, Erik. .Mass Communications. New York: Rinehart and Company, Inc., 1956. Bonnett, Clarence E. Labor-Management Relations. New York:: McGraw Hill.Book Company, 1947. Brembeck, Winston L. and William S. Howell. Persuasion. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1952. Burns, James McGregor. Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox. New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1956. Carnes, Cecil. John L. Lewis, Leader of Labor. New York: Robert Speller Company, 1956. Chase, Stuart. Guides pp Straight Thinking. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1956. Coleman, McAlister. Men and Coal. New York: Farrar and Rhinehart, 1945. Cooper, Lane. (Trans.) Aristotle: The Rhetoric. New'York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1952. Creel, George. Rebel at Lar rg . New Yerk: G. P. Putnam's Sons 9 1947 o Dulles, Foster Rhea. Labor Lp America. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1949. Emery, Walter B. Broadcasting and Government. East Lansing, Michigan;' Michigan State University Press, 1961. Emery, Walter B. "Samuel Gompers, Spokesman for Labor.“ Unpublished Doctor's thesis, The University of Wisconsin, 1959. 298 299 Gray, Giles w. and Braden, Waldo. Public Speaking. New York: Harper and Row, 1963. Gunther, John. Roosevelt in Retrospect. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. Hurd, Charles A. A Treasury 93 Great American Speeches. New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1959. Ickes, Harold. The Secret Diary 9: Harold L. Ickes, LL. The Inside Struggle, 1936-1939. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953. Lantz, Herman R. People pi Coal Town. New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. Lauck, Rex (ed.). John L. Lewis and the International Union United Mine Workers of America: The Story from 1917 to 1952. Silver Springs, Maryland: The International Executive Board of the United Mine Workers, 1952. Lewis, John L. The Miners' Fight for American Standards. Indianapolis: Bell Publishing Company, 1925. McCarthy, Justin. A Brief History of the United Mine Workers of America. Washington: United Mine‘Workers Journal, 1962. McKenny, Ruth. Lpdustrial'Valley. New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1939. Morris, Homer L. and‘Willits, Joseph H. The Plight of the Bituminous Coal Miner. Philadelphia:: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1934. Newcomb, Theodore M. Social Psychology. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1950. O'Neill, James M. and McBurney, James H. The Working Principles p£_Argument. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1932. Perkins, Frances. The Roosevelt I Knew. New York: The Viking Press, 1946. Phillips, Arthur E. Effective Speaking. Chicago: The Newton Company, 1920. Report of the United States Senate Committee on Education and Labor. Report No. 46, July 22,1937. pp. 12-22. Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1937. 500 Roosevelt, Elliot. As H§_Saw it. New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1946. Roosevelt, Elliot (ed.). 3.2.3.: His Personal Letters. New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1950. Rothman, Richard M. "The Public Speaking of John L. Lewis." Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Purdue University, 1952. Schettler, Clarence. Public Opinion in American Society. New York: Harper and Bros., 1960. Selekman, Benjamin.M. Labor Relations and Human Relations. New York:' Exposition Press, 1959. Sherwood, Robert E. Roosevelt and Hopkins. New York: Harper and Bros., 1948. Sulzberger, Cyrus L. Sit Down With John.L. Lewis. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1948. Thonssen, Lester and Baird, A. Craig. Speech Criticism. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1948. United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Statistics. Handbook 9: Labor Statistics, 1950 Edition. Wash- ington: United States Government Printing Office, 1950. United States Coal Commission. Report 9§_the United States Coal Commission, 1925. Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1925. Wecksler, James A. Labor Baron, a Portrait of John L. Lewis. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1944. Wright, Charles R. Mass Communications. New York: Random House, 1959. B. Articles and Periodicals Chamberlain, John. "The Special Case of John L. Lewis,“ Fortune, XXVIII (September, 1945). “Eloquent Welshman,“ Fortune, XIV (October 14, 1936). "Great Actor,“‘ Time, XLVII (April 1, 1946). Green, William. "Does the U. S. Want a Labor Dictator?“ Reader's Digest, XXXI (December 1937). Hutchinson, John. "Captain of a Mighty Host," Yale Review, L (Autumn, 1960) o 301 f r Kramer, Dale. "Follow the Leader," The New Republic, CXVI (April 14, 1947). "Labor's Lewis Condemns Roosevelt," Life, IX (November 4, 1940). Lewis, John L. "Not Guilty," Colliers, CXIV (July 15, 1944). "Mr. Lewis Speaking," Business Week, XXI (September 11, 1936 . Stolberg, B. E. "The Education of John L. Lewis," Nation, CXLIII (August 1, 1936). Stone, I. F. "The Lewis-Willkie Pact," Nation, CLI (November 2, 1940). "Storm over Steel," Time, XXVIII (July 6, 1936). "The Non-Conformist Welshman,"-New Republic, CIII (November 4, 1940). "Victory for Mr. Lewis," Current History, L (June, 1989). C. New5papers The New York Times, 1925-1941. United Mine Workers Journal, 1922-1950. Other Sources A. Personal Correspondence of the Author Correspondent Date Received City from which Received Lauck, Rex, Asst. April 2, 1965 Washington, D. C. Editor, United Mine Workers Journal McCarthy, Justin May 21, 1963 Washington, D. C. Editor, United Mine Workers Journal B. Personal Interviews by the Author Person Interviewed Date Place Covington, Elizabeth April 11, 1965 Washington, D. C. Former Executive 1 Secretary to John 1 Lo LGWiS o Person Interviewed Date Place Griffiths, Gerald April 12, 1968 Washington, D. C. Former Personal Secretary to John L. Lewis. Lauck, Rex, Asst. April 11, 1968 Washington, D. C. Editor, United Mine Workers Journal Lewis, John L. April 11, 1968 Washington, D. C. Lewis, John L. April 11, 1968 Washington, D. C. McCarthy, Justin April 12, 1968 Washington, D. C. Editor, United Mine Workers Journal Vincent, G. Robert July 10, 1962 Lansing, Michigan Curator, National Voice Library Ward, Harold April 12, 1968 Washington, D. C. Director, U.M.W.A. Welfare Fund C. Recordings Murrow, Edward R. I Can Hear I: Now, 1982—1945. Columbia Record Company, New York. National.Broadcasting Company. Audio Tape Recording of Radio Address by John L. Lewis, October 25th, 1940. National Voice Library recordings of samplings of speeches by John L. Lewis.