It. 0.. ... .. r. t . . 7. h" u‘l .II. ”I L. IQ... ) V A .9 .‘. Do a. . .3 a. .u . n . § . c a‘ ~.. o . ‘ § 9.. o no ‘0 .O‘ o 0 . a . Q .‘o . .- 0 .a. u... u. I Q.-\‘ .. o h .h - .0. 4. o. C.- .00 .- .o. 0 ~. .. «N o . A O I. ‘ .1 .. ... .‘ O. n r o . , .. 0 - ABS TRACT A HISTORICAL STUDY OF PUBLIC EVANGELISM IN THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH: 1900-1966 by Howard B. Weeks It was the purpose of this study to: (1) review the historical development of public evangelism in the Seventh-day Adventist church; (2) to assess its significance as an instrument of church policy; (3) to review its varying relationships with other interests of the denomination; (4) to examine its relationships to evangelistic acti- vities in other religious groups -- and to the societal setting at large; and (S) to rectify the omission from existing Adventist histor- ical works of any meaningful treatment of denominational public evan- - gelism. The study was limited to the period from 1900 to 1965; and the primary geographical area surveyed was the North American Division, canprising the United States and Canada -- a subdivision of the Gen- eral Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. The focus of the study was on public evangelism as a process in which evangelistic oratory (most typically in public facilities such as halls, or tabernacles): is utilized by the church to make its tents, .omessagen known to persons not among its present membership, with the objective of persuading as many as possible to accept that message and to become uIembers . j l.:. . I. o ... ‘. r‘.'\. .n . D . \ “'0‘... '( I ’I. H. t .‘.|.. . ‘ w . c..,“1_ .i ‘-. .0 .. o. ' -- , - ‘ w. . " I It s ‘I . C . ‘9. t. l' i . -.. ‘.-.. I Q .' "O. .. "900‘ . o ‘I ‘ '.. . '. o ~~ 0. . c ‘ . .- - ~. 'I. .. .. '.. . '- - Q. ‘(Q o .. ‘0 ‘ o z. n ‘3 u ‘ O u . ~ ~o ~ 1 “. ‘ Q § ’4‘ . !._ . “ . ‘§ 0. Q l‘. . Howard B. Weeks -- 2 Primary sources included a wide variety of materials, pub- lished and unpublished, as well as the direct testimony of many individuals. A number of surveys were made, and numerous inter- views were conducted. Secondary sources included works of secular, religious, and rhetorical history, and the sociology and psychology of religion, reference works, and various periodicals of a secular, scholarly, or religious character. The report of the study proceeds for the most part along chronological lines, but with some topical synthesis; as well as a separate, extended treatment of certain topics for background pur- poses. Chapters I through VIII describe the tension in the Adventist church at the turn of the. century between "institutionalism" and "evan- gelism," leading to a historic commitment to evangelism, and a period of intensive preparation for such work. Chapters IX to XIII portray a dramatic breakthrough to large scale evangelistic success during World War I, followed by a reaction and an extended low plateau during the 1920's. Chapters XIV and XV outline the second great Adventist evan- gelistic advance of the twentieth century, during the Great Depression, and the emergence of a constellation of evangelistic "stars." The fol- lowing three chapters XVI through XVIII, detail the rapid development ’ of a more n n evangelism and the growing emphasis on a larger SYstema tic Q . . . ‘ -, 'flf. r. ‘0”!' '0 I: “" «a l O ._. b...“ .".. . ..' . - vb. . . . -‘ .-.a...l....,1 ” 7 cu. .~ to. _ .. .‘ ‘ O U ‘7 u.._-k "‘- I Q . ..A. ‘ ,' n. _ " I "so ‘ .‘fi' J . .... 'i. .‘ :‘EZ: :- . ‘9- “ h?! .V. '.l.I ‘vr o I. ..-‘.~" I o'o - :2: -‘-....‘.1. . . .--.4. .i .39...c (a! .m, . , ‘ “n‘f‘ ! . I ". .v. . .I ‘ Q. 9 . O .’ o. ‘ ol “ 3“... .3 :9 o to... ..1 C s .‘ ~ . "I ’:. .‘ . .‘ . L. . .- u‘ . .. ' ‘a. o ‘ . m‘fi lu_.. .. .h ., . N ‘ . §‘ . 4 . ..v:..,'~- O -‘ .' ’ .o o. \u. .“ ‘t . : ‘_. . .~ ' . .- g‘-‘ ..‘ ... Howard B. Weeks -- 3 number of lesser evangelists during the third period of Adventist re- surgence during World War II. Chapters XIX and XX describe the grow- ing "institutionalizing" of evangelism in the Adventist church during a fourth upsurge with the beginning of "the atomic age," and to the present time. Chapter XXI is based on findings in the previously mentioned survey of the contemporary opinions, attitudes, and beliefs of Adventist ministers concerning public evangelism -- which suggest the development by the mid-1960's of a "church-like" approach to evangelistic action. The final narrative chapter (XXII), assumes the possibility of a future departure from this more restrained evangelistic stance, and a renewal of the former more aggressive, sectarian approach -- given . the further development of certain contemporary religious and secular conditions which in the past have been associated with periods of re- 8“resume in Adventist evangelism. A HISTORICAL STUDY OF PUBLIC EVANGELISM IN THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH: 1900-1966 by Howard B? Weeks A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Speech 1966 COpyright by Howard B. Weeks 1966 . u. s o , . O . — . n . v . O Q . . ‘ . .. _ . .e s 3. an .. o. c... .. . ‘ v. . , s on. . - Q . .. ‘. .c . . x u _ . . . :- . . .. .. . . . . c. .. . . . . .. ... . . .. .oo .. I ., -.. .. a, . . sv .. i . .. o.‘ l v. If . ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Among the many persons making significant contributions to this study, the following are due a Special measure of gratitude: Kenneth G. Hance, Professor of Speech and Director of Graduate Studies in Speech, Michigan State University, and chairman of the Guidance Committee; mem- bers of the Committee, other teachers, and my colleagues at the Univer- sity; Arthur L. White and other Trustees and associates of the Ellen G. White Publications, including eSpecially Mrs. Virgil Robinson and Mrs. T. H. Jemison; R. Allan Anderson, LeRoy E. Froom, R. J. Radcliffe, and others at the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists; Ivan R. Neilsen, co-ordinator of the Scientific Computation Facility, Loma Linda University, and his associates, Milton Barber and James Horning--as well as other personnel at Loma Linda University, including George V. Summers, librarian, and F. Faye Brown, medical record administrator; Philip Fol- lett and other personnel of the Southern California Conference of Seventh- dfilmhmntists, as well as other conference and union conference organi- zations; and many other persons who gave of their knowledge, time, and material. ESpecially to be mentioned are Muriel B. Wichman and Marjorie G. NEISon, secretaries par excellence; and, of critical importance, Godfrey T. Anderson, president, and my associates at Loma Linda University, for their patient forbearance while, along with official duties, work on this StUdY progressed. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER INTRODUCTION 1. EVANGELISM AND INSTITUTIONALISM Adventist Blending of Institutionalism and Evangelism Almcline of Adventist Evangelism Reasons for Decline Reaction at Century's End II. PRESSURE FROM A PROPHETIC LEADER . the. White Urges Reorganisation and Action . Disaster 3 Turning Point . lbssibilities Demonstrated MHuctance Prevails Renewed PrOphetic Insistence A Weak Adventist ReSponse III. A DECISIVE CONFRONTATION . Small Plans To Meet a Large Challenge A Compelling Message IV. COMMITMENT TO EVANGELISM . Anlmpromising Beginning . lwrsonal Pressure on the President . Commitment to Evangelisnl. Reassurance to a President V. NEEDED: A COMPETENT, CO-ORDINATED MINISTRY Training and Unification of Adventist Ministers iii PAGE .xviii 12 11+ 14 16 17 24 27 3O 34 35 38 41+ 45 49 51 57 6O 65 ' CHAPTER Official decisions made Institutes for ministerial instruction . Plans for continuing instruction . A course in public Speaking An Important Evangelistic Council Ambivalence regarding the evangelistic message Unanimity on health message Reflections of the Contemporary Scene V1. EVANGELISTIC ADVANCE: 1911-1915 . Evangelistic Campaigns Multiply { Evangelistic Leaders Appear J. W. McCord . K. C. Russell Charles T. Everson . J. S. Washburn . R. E. Harter . Gustavus P. Rodgers E. L. Cardey . O. O. Bernstein Evangelistic Work Abroad . Public Affirmation of Evangelistic Commitment VIL DEIPRESS: AN EVANGELISTIC TOOL . Early Emphasis on the Press Formal Organization of a Press Bureau iv PAGE 65 67 73 76 77 82 83 85 87 87 92 92 94 96 97 100 101 102 104 105 106 109 109 112 _. . .. . .C - o. ._ . .._ ... . . .s. . .v .. Q a. u u. .. .< . i 1 .0. .o. .- . n . . . . . . . . . , .e. O n . . v , . a. . . 9- .a- . v. . . a u . n . a. I g t .0 .p r C 0s a .. . n at. . — . , . . I . . . A a Q . . .. . . o . .0 . ..~ . . c ._ .. . . u . o . . '— . . c Q 0. . o w. . . . a - . o u .. a . s . .. . . . a . . . ‘ ., . u . . 0‘ us. w . D‘ ‘ x u h 0 . w e - V4. 4 . on. I 5 I - .I 0 v - .. . . - ~I. ‘— . .o .a‘ ..~ .. . . o s v H ‘ o .4 . a O u y . . a r q Q A .n . O . . 4 e. C. ‘ a 1 .. . ~. . . . . s , . s .. . . . e u . . . u. .. . . . . . . .. . . . a. . .. . . u. .. . ,. . _. .. .. l .. CHAPTER Background of the action . Organization accomplished Evangelistic Application of the Press Bureau Concept . VIII. PRELUDE TO SUCCESS . Discontent in Old Denominations World CatastrOphe Alhepening Spiritual Commitment . IX. EVANGELISTIC BREAKTHROUGH vaSuccess in Portland, Maine . More Triumphs in Pittsburgh Alhed to Follow Through . Success Multiplied . Formal Recognition of the New Era Confirmation of Zeal . X. ADVENTIST WARTIME EVANGELISTS XI. POSTWAR RECESSION AND REAPPRAISAL Reasons for Diminished Growth Rate From alarm to caution Reversal of prediction.. Decline of religious interest Institutional inadequacy . Ibstwar Reorientation An interpretation of peace Continued expectation of disaster PAGE 112 114 116 119 119 125 130 135 136 142 144 148 151 155 158 170 170 172 177 179 180 183 184 185 CHAPTER PAGE An Effort Toward Evangelical-Institutional Balance . . . . 186 Institutes and conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 New emphasis on lay evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Enhanced ministerial education . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 Improvement in church housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 Financial reversals and a new administration . . . . . . 198 A Provision for Continued Evangelistic Emphasis . . . . . 201 XLL ’HHIDECLINE AND REVIVAL OF REVIVALISM. . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Visitation Evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Religion and Depression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Reorganization of Fundamentalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Revival of Revivalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 XIII. POS'IWAR ADVENTIST EVANGELISM: NEW WAYS FOR A CONTINUED MARCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 A Continued.March . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Organizational support . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 A continuing audience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Examples of success . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222 Content and Technique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 Doctrinal discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 Successful techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 Tabernacle evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 "Educational evangelism" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 Medical evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 vi ‘. CHAPTER Evangelists and the Mass Media . The press Radio Motion picture . XDL 'DHIGREAT DEPRESSION: AN EVANGELISTIC BOOM Ifiscouragement at Decade's End . A search for cause and correction Continued institutional support ffiw Great Depression Booms Evangelism Laymen involved Administrative cutbacks aid evangelism . Apocalyptic spirit spurs effort Heightened criticism of "established" churches Stronger institutional support . Field cleared for "big time" evangelism Denominational recommitment XV. MEN AND METHODS OF THE 1930's Theaters, Tents, and Tabernacles . Theaters and tabernacles . Tents and variations . Outdoor evangelism . Audience Attractions . Titles . SPecial programs and features vii PAGE 245 245 247 249 252 252 253 259 262 263 265 266 268 271 273 274 277 279 280 281 283 287 287 290 rulillll I“ .0. r. .\. c . . I. to v . c Q . . I. o .« w . . \ . . U u c . ¥ . . a .e .. - .o. o o c O. D. ..O . .h D 0.. z . nOk .. .s . n . .. .Io ooh o. ... . Q, n .. ... .. Q. A . 1.- . . .\! I . co. ... n . pa .. . .. .. II. 4 I .~ 0“ 1.... ’ CHAPTER PAGE Advertising and promotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292 Getting "Decisions" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Systematic decision making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Altar calls and after meetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298 Efforts Toward Systematic Evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . 300 )WI. WORLD WAR II: A MORE INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH . . . . . . . . 308 Post-Crisis Slump and Re-evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . 308 Diminishing conversions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308 A new reappraisal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 War-Crisis Advance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 A calmer approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312 A reminder of reSponsibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 Continued Official Support . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 Evangelistic institutes and councils . . . . . . . . . . 316 A stronger Bible work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 A more evangelistic Ministerial Association . . . . . . 317 Distribution of Evangelistic ReSponsibility . . . . . . . 318 Increasing manpower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318 More systematic training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319 The Evangelist as an "Organization Man" . . . . . . . . . 322 Assertion of organizational authority . . . . . . . . . 323 Specification of the evangelist's organizational duties. 324 Mutual evangelistic-organizational support . . . . . . . 325 i Renewed Emphasis on Lay Evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . 328 1 viii .‘o ‘- ‘4 v '- U. .. It Q H... . r‘ .. a. O . . p u . . I. . A. . o . -‘.- I-‘ . . I‘ .o - ‘— a . O n - ‘ c - .~ 5 a A n ' ... 2. .. o. .. . u. 'I _ . o. b. a .C II at C n— ‘ \ .. ... o s .4 . .e o . ob. pt. ~ A. o O .1 .u. .. u . . . . x .- D - O \ o.- .1. . . o p. a .0 . e A .v- . g 0‘. ‘0‘ . ~. . . c I t ... s o I .‘ .~ - ..‘ .v . .rn o o .. o u g a .I a o. ..o I ‘ uh v-x CHAPTER XVII. EARLY WORLD WAR II EVANGELISTIC ACTION . A.New Era of Success . Conference enterprises . Successful men . An Early Decline . Another reappraisal Changed tactics Organizational stimulation . XVIII. ADVENTIST EVANGELISM IN AMERICA'S POSTWAR REVIVAL Alhw Wave of Success Renewed evangelical interest . Nuclear stimulation A Continued Organization Approach Official evangelistic backing A multitude of evangelists . Overseas Success . XIX. A SYNTHESIS OF EVANGELISM AND INSTITUTIONALISM . The Institutionalizing of Evangelism . Increasingly systematic evangelism . The primacy of pastoral evangelism . Renewed use of laymen Thelfise of "Denominational" Evangelism .Mnera of "independent" evangelists A contrary view ix PAGE 334 334 335 336 345 345 347 350 353 353 353 355 357 358 360 369 375 376 376 377 380 381 384 385 1" amass A debate on "identification" . The new era of denominational evangelists Institutional Confidence and Good Will . Increasing institutional strength An interest in good public relations . A theological outreach . Changing publications emphasis . A Move Toward "Evangelistic Institutions" Evangelism Reaps Institutional Benefits Early concept of spearhead evangelism New emphasis on "reaping" concept A forecast of things to come . XX. 1955-1965: DECADE OF INNOVATION . Fears of Evangelism's Demise . Not Dead but Different . Greater Reliance on Mass Media . Evangelism by television . Other mass media . Public Relations and Evangelism Medical Evangelism . Congregational Evangelism City evangelistic centers grow . Evangelism centered in the congregation Concern for the pastoral "image" - PAGE 385 389 391 391 394 397 399 401 404 404 406 409 410 410 411’ 413 414 416 418 421 423 425 426 428 . u . .‘ a . a. .c . m . .. o D. 56s . .(a _ s Q c. . . . , .. a . a .. u. CHAPTER Converts in the congregation . Changed Emphasis in Evangelistic Content More stress on Christian fundamentals An infusion of "practical Christianity" A parallel shift of emphasis A measurement of changed emphasis Experimental Forms of Evangelism . 'Tompact" Evangelism: The Short Campaign Antecedents Modern beginnings of "compact" evangelism Imported to America Reaction, support, and imitation . Variations in the short campaign . Success confirmed Efforts Toward a Unified Evangelism A "total evangelism” Merger of Media and Meetings A plan for unified action Historical deveIOpment . An important example . An analysis of convert characteristics . A ”Bible marking” innovation . Extension of "media" evangelism Thaining Schools for the New Techniques xi PAGE 429 430 431 433 436 438 439 442 442 444 444 447 449 451 452 453 454 455 456 458 459 464 465 467 CHAPTER XXI. CONTEMPORARY ADVENTIST ATTITUDES TOWARD PUBLIC EVANGELISM A Survey of Contemporary Opinion . Conflict and contrast (Hdrtime evangelism declines Optimism in a new approach . The purpose of public evangelism . Evangelism as a source of new members Pastoral attitudes toward evangelists inking evangelism more productive A more "church-like" evangelisni A Summary of the Survey and a Conclusion . XXII. COUNTERPOISE AND PROGNOSIS . Evangelistic Protest . Rising Evangelistic Gains Success abroad . North American increases Historical Corollaries . (hens of Evangelical Resurgence Ecumenical acceleration and Catholic renewal . Division in Protestantism Stirring in the evangelical camp . Adventist Preparedness Well-deveIOped techniques Broader doctrinal emphasis . xii PAGE 469 470 471 472 474 477 479 482 482 483 486 489 489 493 493 497 500 502 502 505 508 509 509 510 CHAPTER PAGE Institutional and Social Appeal . . . . . . . . . . . . . 511 Potential for Renewal of Evangelistic Dominance . . . . . 513 XXIII. SUPMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 520 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523 APPENDIX. Figuresl7t020 531 xiii THEE IL IIL IV. LIST OF TABLES Increasing Size of Adventist Churches and Schools: 1900-1963 Changing PrOportion of Evangelistic to Institutional Salaried Adventist Workers: 1910-1963 . Reasons Given for Opinion that Adventist Evangelism as a Life Work Will Attract Fewer Men in the Future Reasons Given for Opinion that Adventist Evangelism as a Life Work Will Attract More Men in the Future xiv PAGE 393 395 475 487 .t . . c s 9 o . . . Q a. . c DO. A .. a. u . . . an . u a a. o u. . u‘ l a, V C e .u o . v. _ THERE 1. LIST OF FIGURES Cartoon Advertisements Used by Archer V. Cotton in Detroit, Michigan: 1918 Annual Percentage Increase in Seventh-day Adventist Church Membership (United States and Canada) Annual Admissions to the Seventh-day Adventist Church on "Profession of Faith" (United States and Canada) Annual Admissions to the Seventh-day Adventist Church Through Baptism; Expressed as a Percentage of Total Membership (United States and Canada) Views of "Billy-Sunday-Type" Tabernacles Used by Charles T. Everson in the 1920's and 1930's Annual Combined Accessions (Baptisms and "Profession of Faith”) to the Seventh-day Adventist Church; Expressed as a Percentage of Total Membership (United States and Canada . Licensed Ministers (Pre-Ordination) Employed by the Seventh- da)’ Adventist Church (United States and Canada) Members Missing and Apostatized from the SeVEnth-day Adventist Church; Expressed as a Percentage of Total Membership (United States and Canada) Annual Percentage Increase in Seventh-day Adventist World Membership, as Compared with United States and Canadian Membership: 1943-1963 . XV PAGE 165 171 182 219 233 313 320 352 370 . n . . . a. . e O. 'l U u o. n n o. i. . .Q r c u. . t I. . — v. . . . . . . . U a. v o '- . . s. .. . . .. . . . . , . .nv . p o I. . . . 0‘ I .o . _ On I . C . . c ' v I I u . . . 1 . A. . .. . ' v H. I — . ,. . . . . - . O y , \ .. ., .. ., _. . , . . . . . . . .. u ‘ . as. .0. Q u n u o o . i .- - .V _ n .- . . o c 0.. i. 1.; .4. .5. . a . D C D‘I .ub . . o . O u. .‘ a o e» e U . . ‘ o .. - . ‘. .ov a .. .~. I .h L I O \ u~u FIGURE 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. 15. l6. 17. 18. 19. Distribution of Selected Occupations Among the "It Is Written" Audience and Converts, as Compared with the Same Occupations Among Total Seventh-day Adventist Church Membership in the Pacific Union Conference A Comparison of Non-Converts in the "It Is Written" Audience with Converts, in Reference to Time Lived in the Community Trends in Intensity of Seventh-day Adventist Public Evange- lism, as Seen by Younger and Older Ministers Future Numbers of Men Attracted to Seventh-day Adventist Evangelism as a Life Work, as Seen by Younger and Older Ministers The Primary Objective of Seventh-day Adventist Public Evangelism, as Seen by Younger and Older Ministers The Most Productive Sources of New Seventh-day Adventist Church Members, as Seen by Younger and Older Ministers Educational Levels Attained by Younger, as Compared with Older Seventh-day Adventist Ministers Seventh-day Adventist Church Membership (United States and Canada) organized Seventh-day Adventist Congregations (United States and Canada) Annual Admissions to the Seventh-day Adventist Church Through Baptism (United States and Canada) xvi PAGE 461 463 473 476 478 481 485 532 533 534 FIGURE PAGE 20. Ordained Ministers of the Seventh-day Adventist Church (United States and Canada) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535 xvii INTRODUC T ION It was the purpose of this study to: (1) review the historical deve10pment of public evangelism in the Seventh-day Adventist church; (2) to assess its significance as an instrument of church policy; (3) to re- view its varying relationships with other interests of the denomination; and (4) to examine its relationships to evangelistic activities in other religious groups--and to the societal setting at large. Adventist literature suggests a major preoccupation with evange- lism, a great deal of denominational energy and resources devoted to evan- gelizing "the masses," and a general belief that public evangelism his- ! torically has been the basis of denominational growth. Yet, there have been no comprehensive studies of the historical antecedents of present- day evangelistic programs and techniques, the relationship of public evangelism to institutional growth, or the extent to which Adventist pub- lic evangelism has paralleled the course of Christian evangelism in l 86neral. Moreover, public evangelism has been virtually ignored in even the most comprehensive histories of the Adventist church covering the Period since 1900. In this study an attempt was made to rectify this omission and to place Adventist public evangelism in a historical and organizational per- spective that will facilitate an objective estimate of its utility, sig- nificance. and possible future deveIOpment. In addition, the study may i sugge“ general principles applicable to similar investigations of evan- gehStiC Phenomena seen in other religious STOUPS° The study was limited to the period from 1900 to 1965, because, \ xviii -—- .L“ according to general histories of the Seventh-day Adventist church, the turn of the century marked the beginning of an entirely new phase in the deveIOpment of the church and its public approach. An extensive reor- ganization was effected in 1901, and the headquarters were moved in 1903 to Washington, D. C., with an eye to greater public influence. In addi- tion, as revealed by a study of the writings of Ellen G. White and con- versations with contemporary Adventist ministerial leaders, the modern era of Adventist city evangelism began in this general context of or- ganizational and directional change. The primary geographical area included in this study was the North American Division, comprising the United States and Canada--a subdivision of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. This division his- torically has been regarded as the most important "base" of the Adventist church; with its men and methods freely "exported" to other divisions. Additionally, evangelistic activities in the overseas divisions were re- viewed at key points in the historical narrative, with resulting data included in the text for purposes of comparison, contrast, or illustration. Because evangelism means so many things in different churches or even within one church, it should be noted that the focus of this study was on Public evangelism as a process in which evangelistic oratory (most typically in public facilities such as halls, tents, or tabernacles), is “mind by the church to make its "message" known to persons not among its present membership, with the objective of persuading as many as pos- sible to accept that message and to become members. Primary sources for the study included a wide variety of materials, xix . u . .o .9 .. I 1 c v v. - . . _ . o o c. v \I .s I Q . _I v . . . o. o a o , ~ . . I I a a . o n v . 9 ,s , w I a i . s . ~, I. , ,. I. .0. . ~ . .0. .. . Iv. . . _. I. . O o . o ' I I . . I O . . . a . . . 9 . . .. a s , . u . to ,. . . . o . .. . . ,. ... . ... u.- o is. o . . o . . ... . . u. . . v. o. .. . I . c . . s . . . . . .. ... .. .v . . . . . . . . . . c. .. y .. I c . . .. c . a . . . . c . n . . . a a, . v II ' . . V . . o . . . I» I o. I. .. ... ‘1. ,. i . .. .. I u. . . .~. .. . I . o . .. .. a I. s. ' O I b 1.. pp. I . u pi A I . .nl. «‘- \. C h u 4 ‘ h. A o . . . .. u. . .. c . . . I .. . ~ . v, o . . o . .. q . . . . . . ~e .. .. . .. . .. m . a ,. v. . . ,K .. . a. a .. . . I I ~ published and unpublished, as well as the direct testimony of many indi- viduals. A number of surveys were undertaken: (1) to secure statistical data on public evangelism from state and regional conferences; (2) to determine certain social and economic characteristics of selected evan- gelistic converts; (3) to secure the expression of the Opinions, atti- tudes, and beliefs of contemporary Adventist ministers toward public evangelism; (4) to obtain personal and career data as well as Opinions from all living active or retired, full-time Adventist evangelists in North America; and (5) to secure from older, retired ministers of the de- nomination their recollections of prominent, now deceased, evangelists. In addition, numerous interviews were conducted with church offi- cials, leading evangelists (both active and retired), as well as rela- tives and former associates of deceased evangelists of note. Supplemental data of this kind were obtained by means of advertisements placed in all reSional Adventist church papers in North America, requesting persons having knowledge of prominent Adventist evangelists or samples of their materials to communicate with the investigator. Various collections of materials provided essential information, foremost among which was that in the vaults of the Ellen G. White Publi- cations, maintained in Washington, D. C. , and Berrien Springs, Michigan. Other such collections were searched in various departments of the Seventh-day Adventist General Conference headquarters in Washington, D' C" “0‘33ny in the offices of the Ministerial Association; and similar coll - . . . . . . ections were examined in various regional, union conference offices of . . . . the North American Division, as well as in the possessron of 1nd1vrdual XX - .. l . . c I. h ._ .- k” . . a I. I. 0 . evangelists. Among published primary sources were (1) the works of Ellen G. mute;(2) books of denominational history; (3) manuals of evangelistic neflmds;(4) collections of evangelistic sermons; (5) reports of mini- sterial, evangelistic, and administrative councils; (6) denominational yearbooks and statistical reports; and (7) to a limited extent, news- pmmrs. Vital to the historical narrative were denominational periodi- c.., I cg. CHAPTER IV COMMITMENT TO EVANGELISM Despite the genuine commitment made by leaders of the General Cmfimrence at the close of the Session of 1909, it was not easy to be- cmmafree of institutional involvement in order to plunge into active mmngflism. Although Daniells announced that the General Conference wasnmving forward with a definite plan, including the entry of W. W. Imemmtt into the field, tangible evidence of action was difficult to see. The regular autumn meeting of the General Conference Committee in l909cmme and went with only the usual concern for the budget, alloca- timm unforeign missionary enterprises, and other routine matters. AIMM aflmr a prompt beginning, Prescott, on whom had been focused most ckmrlylus. White's admonition that leaders of the General Conference shouhinmve personally into platform work, seemed to be taking much time totmrminate his affairs in Washington so that he could begin his newly aPPOhumd evangelistic career. He approached the assignment with no littkadismay that he had been Spotlighted as a key person in public ‘flmngflism, even though aware of Mrs. White's interest in his own spir- itualwelfare. A. G. Daniells described his reluctance: He feels very keenly his lack of experience in that line oferk; but he is determined to do his best. As you know heifi about sixty years old, and having never conducted a wuies of tent meetings nor working in city mission work, it lssomething of an undertaking for him. \ 1Lt . . e ter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, January 3, 1910, p. 2. 45 Daniells himself declared: We do not want Brother Prescott to be put up on a pedes- tal or placed in the limelight as going to do some wonderful thing, and then have it flatten out and bring discouragement upon him. I think the better thing is to go into this city and work earnestly with . . . others who may be there; so that he will be but one among others?- Thus both men upon whom Mrs. White was depending to lead the Seventh-day Adventist denomination into full-scale evangelism seemed burdened with fear and uncertainty as to the possibility of success on the public platform, particularly in a city like New York. A3 Unpromising Beginning Prescott finally arrived in New York in February, eight months after his confrontation with Mrs. White. He began his work in some of the small meetings already in progress in New York City. There is no evidence, however, that be stimulated a large-scale evangelistic enter- prise or figured very prominently in the meetings already being held by lesser men. In the midst of Elder Prescott's work in New York City, Mrs. Prescott became tragically ill with cancer and after a long disability passed away, on June 10, 1910. It was announced that Prescott had with- drawn temporarily from the work and had gone to Maine for a much-needed rest. By October, he had returned but was far from public evangelism. He was assigned to visit India as a General Conference counselor at a meeting of the workers in that field. While he continued for many years as an important official in the Adventist church, his career in public evangelism was apparently at an end.3 \ 2Ibid. ‘- 3 . Miami Herald, June 16, 23, 30; September 29, 1910, passim. 46 Daniells himself was far from being personally involved in public evmumlism. He was, rather, somewhat aloof from the matter, reSponding offnfially only to the extent that might be necessary to meet the mes- sagn;from.Mrs. White. A letter to W. C. White with information intended forlus. White herself reveals this relatively detached attitude: We are doing the very best we know how to carry out the instructions she has sent us. Of course you know we have limitations both as respects men and money. The question of working the cities in the east and south is a big one. We can not do one-half of what there is to be done, and what vm would like to do along this line. I have already written you that we have apprOpriated SUHOOO above our regular apprOpriations to the work in these (fities. . . . You must help us to get laborers, or we shall rmt be able to do but little more than we are now doing. The one major personal effort Daniells promised Mrs. White at this thm dninot materialize. He announced a plan to promote city evange- limnat fluznmetings of all the union conferences throughout the country during the winter of 1910. Regrettably, Daniells did not follow through on these good in- tentuxm, but rather fell into entangled theological argument. A Leon Smifllhad produced a tract attacking Daniells' views concerning the 'flaihfsacrifice," an essential part of Adventist prOphetic interpreta- tIML Daniells arose to defend his beliefs, devoting his time at the unfiniconference meetings to a discussion of the doctrinal issues con- cernedrather than sounding a call-to-arms for city evangelism. MTS- White saw this as a clear indication that Daniells was not \\ 4Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, January 3, 1910. 47 committed to the task. W. C. White, himself sympathetic to Daniells' \Hews, conveyed to him Mrs. White's displeasure with his course of action: I am now forced to the conclusion that there has been an error in judgment, and that it would have been better to tmve given less attention to this matter, that it would have been better to have trusted God to vindicate the truth and your position in His own time and in another way. I think it must be that the time, the thought, and the energy devoted to this would have counted more to the cause of Christ if it had been given to a study of how we can get the passage before the people in the great cities. Can we not now redeem the time . . . and let all your tmm and thought and energy be given to developing the evangelistic work in our great cities?5 Without his prestige and influence squarely behind a denomina- thmalgmogram of city work, Adventists were moving forward very slowly andtnmvenly, with scattered small efforts and correSpondingly small remflts. In the Review and Herald of April 21, 1910, for example, a listhugof recent accessions by the church proceeds about as follows: (km new convert is reported in Flint, Michigan. Nine new believers united with the Wade, Pennsylvania, church recently. Brother E. F. Ferris reports five new Sabbath-keepers at Elizabethtown, Illinois. Three persons have taken their stand for the truth at Ford City, Pennsylvania, recently; T Six persons were baptized at El Campo, Texas, by Elder J. I. aylor. Thus continues a rather dreary report of many small efforts being “Bde= three persons in Davenport, Iowa; seven at Rossburg, Ohio; ten at Do . dsmh Louisiana. Occasionally eighteen or twenty converts were won, a \ 5L . . etter, W. C. White to A. G. Daniells, June 20, 1910, pp. 8, 9. 48 cause for rejoicing. Although the denomination, in the person of its leading officers, had not yet been wholly committed to public evangelism, there were at this time some rays of hope for the future. For example, along with many other denominations, Adventists were doing an aggressive work among the increasing numbers of immigrants. One evidence of this was the flour- ishing of a Special General Conference office for this work and the training of "home-foreign" workers. M. L. Andreasen, for example, launched a Bible school in New York for foreign speaking persons "who desire to better prepare for the work."6 Andreasen had been at work in New York for a number of years, having baptized seventy persons in a "home-foreign" campaign conducted in 1907. Most hopeful of all for the future, however, was the emergence at this time of a number of men who later were to become leading lights in a new era of Adventist public evangelism. For example, 0. O. Bernstein, Who had been active in Philadelphia, moved in April, 1910, to New York CitY- There he began an evangelistic career that was eventually to be- come nationally known. In March, 1910, W. H. Branson was the leading figure in a tent effort in the city of Miami. He had been conducting meetings elsewhere in the state with somewhat meager results but was looking forward to a more successful endeavor in Florida's largest city.7 Overseas, tent evangelism was continuing and ever accelerating. A tent effort at Hiroshima, Japan, in the early part of 1910 resulted in \ 6mg Herald, February 10, 1910, p. 15. 7Rev’ ‘12 and Herald, March 17, 1910, p. 15. 49 nine baptisms and the hope that a Seventh-day Adventist church could be raised in that city.8 Personal Pressure gr th_e President But these indications of future h0pes for the cause of public evangelism were not as yet by any means the mainstream of denominational endeavor. Mrs. White seemed to have reached a point of deSperation in urging the General Conference leadership to make public evangelism their first order of business. Even her son and first aide, W. C. White, seemed at a loss to understand the intense feeling Mrs. White had about this matter. He wrote to A. G. Daniells: This morning Mother said to me that while our brethren have done a little here and there, they have not instituted that thoroughly organized work which must be carried forward if we shall give our cities a proper warning. . . . It seems to me that there must be some great crisis just before us. I cannot in any other way understand the intensity of Moth- er's distress regarding our slowness of action in getting the work going in our big cities.9 This seemingly prophetic view of world crisis ahead and impending doom was emphasized in an article by Mrs. White, published in the Review mm of April 7, 1910: The conditions that face Christian workers in the great cities constitute a solemn appeal for untiring effort on behalf of the millions living within the shadow of impend- ing doom. Men will soon be forced to great decisions, and they must have the opportunity to hear and to understand Bible truth, in order that they may take their stand intel- llgently on the right side. God is now calling upon His messengers, in no uncertain terms, to warn the cities while mercy Still lingers, and while multitudes are yet suscepti- 19 t0 the converting influence of Bible truth. \ 8 . 333—1 and Herald, September 29, 1910, p. 8. 9 Letter, W. C. White to A. G. Daniells, February 11, 1910. 50 A little has been done in years past, it is true, in a few cities; but in order to meet the mind of the Lord, those in responsibility must plan for the carrying forward of a broad, well-organized work. . . . The work in the cities is now to be regarded with Special importance. . . . I am bidden to keep this matter before the attention of the believers, until they shall be aroused to a realization of its impor- tance.10 Clearly, then, Mrs. White was urging not the deployment of an in- dividual evangelist here and another there in scattered efforts, but a concerted, broadly organized program representing the commitment of the entire denomination. She placed the responsibility for this squarely upon the leadership of the General Conference. A. G. Daniells was beginning to feel the reSponsibility in a per- sonal way. It struck him as somewhat ironic that he should now appar- ently stand before the entire Seventh-day Adventist membership as guilty of gross negligence in public evangelism when that had in fact been his first work and perhaps still the work closest to his own heart. The demands of administration, reorganization, and organizational exten- sion had turned him aside from direct involvement in evangelism, but now his response to Mrs. White's counsels was turning him back to his origitlal personal commitment to the public platform. With some nostalgia he shared his feelings with an old friend: . I went out to the Australasian field a young man with very lltfile experience in this cause except as a preacher. During Y irst fo ' ' ' ' 3 '2 ur years in that misalon field I gave myself wholly .0 evangelistic work. Then Brother and Sister White came, and in a short time I was called to conference administrative work, a d t:' gas closely associated with them. This was all new and un- ad“? .to me. It seemed as though I could never get hold of InIIIIStratlve work. But Brother and Sister White encour- 38€d me to hold on and helped me to Succeed. Sometimes the \ o . Mesa Herald, April 7, 1910, p. 3. 51 help given was in the form of sharp reproof from Sister White. This was not pleasant to the natural heart I can assure you. . . . But I did not dare to reject the coun- sel, and as I studied and prayed, and yielded my heart to submission to God, light came to my mind and courage to my heart, and always new help for my tasks. As soon as I heard you have been relieved of the con- ference responsibilities . . . I said . . . that if I were in that situation I would take advantage of the change to do evangelistic work for a time. . . . That is the most satisfying work to my heart I have ever done. I would be glad if I could take up that blessed work today and for- ever be free from the harrassing perplexities of admini- strative work.11 Commitment £9 Evangelism With a fond remembrance of his former evangelistic days growing ever stronger, Daniells was administered another sharp reproof. On a visit to California it was Daniells' intention to call on Mrs. White to review a projected meeting with evangelists in New York City to plan for their work in that city. To his surprise and dismay she flatly re- fused to see him--until he should personally lead out in the work of eva‘ngelism in a manner to inSpire complete denominational commitment.12 Thus turned aside, Daniells humbly yielded his pride. Contritely he wrote to Mrs. White, declaring his intention to take personally her Counsels to make the Seventh-day Adventist church truly evangelistic: I was sorry I could not have talked with you while at St. Helena, concerning the work for our cities. I wanted to tell You that I shall take hold of this work with all my heart. . . I have felt greatly concerned about this for several months, and now I feel that I must take hold of this work \ 11L t e ter, A. G. Daniells to H. W. Cottrell, March 15, 1910. 12 , secretar Intervlew with Arthur L. White, grandson of Ellen G. White; 1964, y, Ellen G. White Publications, Washington, D. C., October, 52 personally. Whatever money and laborers may be required in these places I will do my best to secure. And I am willing to spend m e o t . 1 e 'I . 0.. ‘. v ~ . " ‘ _ , ‘. u _. u "~ .‘ - .u‘ .- n .. . , -'- ‘- ‘- .5‘ \ a ‘. . . u .v ' s u e | ‘t u- . s . ‘- 5 .~ ‘. I a.‘ 'Q I . '. . 65 Surveying the results of this first summer of concerted public evangelism under the leadership of the General Conference, A. G. Daniells vms Optimistic. "I believe we are getting hold of the secret of suc- cess," he said. "I am sure the Lord is adding His blessing to the ef- forts we are making."7 Training 529 Unification 2f Adventist Ministers Despite the encouraging results of the summer, it was apparent to Daniells and other denominational leaders that there were not enough men among the Adventist ministry qualified to command significant audiences in many of the large cities. The ministry as a whole was "utterly unpre- pared" for the task, Daniells later recalled.8 Moreover, the Seventh-day Adventist church, as a highly organized denomination, faced certain risks in placing large numbers of evangelis- tic 5pokesmen before the public. Disunity and confusion concerning the constituents of the Adventist message and the tone of its presentation could easily result without adequate training and mutual understanding among the evangelist speakers. Official decisions made. Consequently, at the annual fall meet- ing of the General Conference Executive Committee in 1910, discussion of city evangelism centered on the need for more satisfactory training of 33d Herald, August 12, 25; September 15, 29; October 13, November 10, 1910; and letters, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, August 12, October 7, 1910. 7Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, September 23, 1910. 8Review and Herald, January 8, 1919, p. 34. 66 evangelists. Among sixteen recommendations adopted by the committee re- lating to city evangelism, ten dealt with the need of more adequate per- sonnel. These included a recommendation that conferences in which large cities were located establish small training centers where workers of various kinds could stay for a time to receive "an all-round training in city work." It was also recommended that evangelistic efforts in the largest cities "be so conducted as to accomplish as much as possible in the training of the younger conference laborers and laymen." It was fur- ther recommended that students in Seventh-day Adventist schools, when they seemed mature and promising, be encouraged during vacations and after graduation, to connect with the city training schools.9 A Special course was inaugurated by the denomination's Foreign Mission Seminary in Washington, D. C. Its purpose was the training of "mature young people who can spend but a short time in school." The training course, eighteen weeks in length, included studies in history and prophecy, Bible doctrines, pastoral training, Bible work, Reforma- tion history, general history, English, journalism, Greek, hygiene and sanitation, botany, bookkeeping, and denominational history.10 The most important action of the 1910 council, however, was the authorization of a series of ministerial institutes for all pastoral and evangelistic workers, in view of the very urgent calls which are coming to us . . . to enter the large cities without delay . . . and knowing well that our ministry . . . feels altogether unequal Review and Herald, December 15, 1910, pp. l6, l7. IOMEEQM, December 29, 1910, pp. 15, 16. a... . -. L . . . . I. . . .. . .. u u. y ~ .- u n .n . .tv . u n t I o . . Q oOh ‘ u. I Q l n Q t C . o .- o a n .- 1 0. e .- .~ . o. .- 1 A ‘\c O Q s 0- v" . u .p. .. . . .eo . .. . .. ... ... . 1 . H. s . . ...1 . f. 67 to the task without special preparation.11 Daniells assured the Whites that he would not revert in these in- stitutes to the old doctrinal discussions through which the evangelical thrust of the denomination had been blunted in times past. He wrote: We are not planning to spend long weeks in systematic study of theology, but we do aim to give ourselves whole-heartedly to the study of the most vital, fundamental questions which 12 have a bearing upon an efficient, able, successful ministry. Dmse institutes were the beginning of Daniells' close personal involve- ment in the educational preparation of the ministry, and were to lead mmntually to the creation of an Adventist ministerial association and Ow present-day comprehensive program of academic preparation for Seventh-day Adventist ministers. Institutes £23 ministerial instruction. The ministerial insti- umes begun in 1911 were of utmost importance in the minds of Daniells andlfls fellow denominational leaders. Daniells emphasized that twenty bears had passed since the last such institutes were held, except for brief ministerial meetings at General Conference Sessions, and the turn- 13 OVer in ministerial personnel had been great. Comparatively few min- isters who had come onto the scene during the preceding two decades had ‘received extended official instruction concerning their duties as minis- ters. Moreover, the comparatively meager educational attainments of the tuinistry of that day and a deficiency in unity of purpose and attitude ‘were seen by Daniells as major Obstacles to successful work in city ”Mac; Herald, December 22, 1910, p. 13. 12Letter, A. G. Daniells to w. c. White, August 3, 1911. ”Mae-1W. April 6, 1911. p. 15. -o .-" .4 9.. .. . s I. . 0 u o no. 9 c m e .4. e n .. . . “I h . rub C .‘v I . n . :2. . ;‘ . a . 68 evangelism. The first ministerial institute of 1911 was held in March, in Knoxville, Tennessee. Virtually all of the ministers, the conference presidents, and Bible workers in the southern states gathered at the Kmowville Presbyterian Church, rented for the occasion. W. W. Prescott Spoke on various doctrinal themes important to Seventh-day Adventists. G. B. Thompson conducted a series of studies on the ministry of the Holy Spirit. A. G. Daniells took for himself the tOpic of ministerial duties mm.methods of work. The group also held prayer meetings and certain 'kocial meetings." In addition, meetings for the public were held every awning. These were well attended and reported in the local newspapers. .Mmording to Daniells, this important institute enabled the ministers to "gaback to their fields with new courage and power." He declared that n:would "mark a new era in the history of the work in the South."14 With the Knoxville institute as a kind of training session, [Mniells and his fellow leaders moved on to a larger institute in Phila- delphia. Conducted for eighteen days from April 12 to 26, 1911, this institute was convened in the West Philadelphia Seventh-day Adventist Church. Approximately 175 ministers, presidents, and Bible workers from three union conferences--Atlantic, Columbia, and Canadian--attended. Daniells, as in Knoxville, discussed ministerial reSponsibilities and Inethods. W. A. Spicer portrayed the history of the church with empha- sis.upon prophetic guidance in the Adventist movement. G. B. Thompson conthnmd his studies on the ministry of the Holy Spirit, emphasizing 1l'Review and Herald, March 16, 1911, p. 15. 69 the ministers' need of complete personal conversion before they could be empowered to evangelize the cities. According to Daniells, it was necessary that the ministers "have greater power . . . to impress the hearts of those to whom we preach, that our message is from God. We must see greater results from the expenditure of time and means than is being made."15 One of the most notable developments at the Philadelphia institute vms a great wave of religious feeling and emotion that came over the min- isters and others in attendance. In the words of Daniells: Deep conviction of sin began to lay hold of hearts. From the meeting where the Spirit's presence was so deeply felt many went to their rooms to plead earnestly with the Lord to forgive their sins and cleanse them from all unrighteousness. Severe battles were fought and glorious victories were won by many on their knees. . . . Many remained in the church until midnight, struggling for deliverance, and they received it. It was not what are considered great, serious sins that brought this deep conviction. It was the terrible character of sin, and its hold upon our hearts, that laid us in the dust. . . . The testimony of all was that they never faced the future with such courage. . It will surely mark the turning point in the lives and the work of many who were present; and it must mark the be- ginning of a new era in our cause. This remarkable experience among the ministers of the eastern part <3f the United States was related directly to their intention to evange- lize the cities. A committee had been at work formulating resolutions pertaining to evangelism. The report of this committee to the institute ‘wasitself the occasion for the emotional manifestation of ministerial ”Mam. April 6. 1911. p. 15. “Massage. May 4. 1911. p. 14. . . n ' " . . ‘ . r U ,. n - c . O... ‘ u 0". . . 0‘ z ” ..' F .,r I‘ . a ' .u 0. § ' u 0 ‘ ‘ \ ,...-oi‘ ' u -- O ‘ ' n .I .- ..- ~~ ~ , .. o . o: h. . 1.. .- u. .- - u- . ..' . . o.0 u a 9 h—o o - sh s. ‘p ' u. ' -‘-.-.~ . a .. g . 00-... ,., ._ n ’ N— ‘h .7 - v. - «- v I, .I ; ' c.. I - . v. ‘ . ~ .- -... ' o. ' o ,," . ‘u- ‘. _,‘ n, , A. .. u '. '-‘ Q ~,, - ._ '- .\ ~ ‘. -.‘ I I u w n s. . o .. o ‘ C 'C s .-“ b « ' m- . ’. w i. c " P- -. ‘- .“ _ n‘-_ I '3 a - o L-. . l c s c s. O t 70 commitment. According to Daniells: The day when the committee brought in its report on city work will never be forgotten by some. The first recommenda- tion was a call to all our gOSpel workers and a solemn pledge on the part of those present, to a new and full consecration of Spirit, soul, and body to this work of God. After a few had spoken of the absolute necessity of such consecration, we all bowed down on our knees before God, to make it with all the heart. AS we did this, the presence of the Lord in melt- ing, overwhelming power filled the house where we were kneel- ing, and gave us assurance that the Lord accepted us and the consecration we were making. In addition to the call for consecration that inSpired this re- mmnse, the committee's report "in view of the importance of evangelis- tn:work in the cities of the nations," recommended several measures to Um church at large. The first, and most general, was that each local underence committee make the need of the cities in their respective funds a matter of first importance; and, "that broad plans be laid for Hm accomplishment of a Speedy and thorough work." Suggestions concerning advertising emphasized primarily the im- Fmrtance of quality "in keeping with the character of the efforts." The group moved to discourage "all advertising methods which are undig- nified, and which detract from the exalted character of our message," encouraging workers to "study modesty and good taste, and avoid sensa- tionalism, taking care to prepare carefully worded advertisements that wijl create a good impression of our work." The committee on city work which made these suggestions was com- prised, among others, of Carlyle B. Haynes, O. 0. Bernstein, Archer V. Cotton, and A. E. Sanderson.18 17Ibid. ”Madge—hi. May 11. 1911. pp. 11. 12. 71 So Significant was the Spiritual effect of the Philadelphia in- stitute upon the ministry of the eastern seaboard that Daniells called for a repetition of such a program and such an experience throughout the field. "I feel a profound conviction," he declared, "that the same work, only in deeper and fuller measure, should be begun in every union and local conference."19 Thus, several additional institutes were held for periods of two weeks or longer: in Walla Walla, Washington, September 25 to October 8, 1911; Battle Creek, Michigan, November 7 to 19; and Los Angeles, Cali- fornia, during the month of March, 1912. A similar institute was con- ducted for the British Union Conference at Stanborough Park, near London, December 11 to 20, 1911, in which Daniells himself participated. In each case there was a repetition of the conversion experience among ministers present. It should be emphasized, however, that while a reconsecration of the ministry in its new-found evangelical unity was the most remarkable result of the meetings, the predominant material covered in the insti- tutes pertained to specific duties and methods of work. A list of topics presented personally by Daniells in Los Angeles, for example, included: 1. What Constitutes the Christian Ministry? 2. The Place of the Ministry in the Gospel Plan 3. The Call to the Ministry 4. The Holy Spirit's Place in the Gospel Ministry 5. The Minister's Public Effort; that is, the Minister with the Congregation 191bid., p. 14. 72 6. The Minister's Personal Effort, or His Work with the Individual 7. Evangelistic Work of the Minister in New Fields 8. Pastoral Work, or the Minister with the Church 9. Preparation for Efficient Service 10. The Minister in His Study 11. Preparation of the Sermon 12. The Delivery of the Sermon 13. The Value of Time 14. The Improvement of the Vocabulary . . . 20 15. Improv1ng Opportunities Emphasis was given to the necessity of constant training and practice that the minister might be a forceful and effective speaker. Alluding to a common Adventist practice of rather sober lecturing on standard doctrinal tOpics, Daniells declared: A preacher Should exert himself all through his minis- try to rise above a tame, prosy manner. He should Speak to the peOple so earnestly and forcibly that he will make them feel that he surely has a message from God. He must summon all his energies and throw them into his effort. Daniells insisted that the minister Should discipline himself for constant improvement in his speaking ability: The minister should ever strive to improve. A man who can learn to read and speak at all can learn to read and Speak well. There is no limit to the improvement he can make. He ought to do better work every year but the fact is many fail to keep on improving. They are very anxious 20A. G. Daniells, The Church and the Ministry: Addresses before the Los Angeles, California, Ministerial Institute (Riversdale, Jamaica: The Watchman Press, 1912), pp. 1, 2. “Mammals, August 24. 1911. p. 12. ‘F‘- 73 about making a good Start. They want their first sermons to be good, and so they make great preparation during the first year or two of their ministry, but when they find that they are able to present the truth fairly well, they cease to put forth their most earnest efforts, and after a few years it is plain to all that they are no stronger nor more efficient in their ministry than they were at the end of the first year or two. Daniells urged the ministers to ”be brief." He suggested that the minister should be able "to crowd into a forty-five minute sermon all that an ordinary audience can appropriate." Daniells also insisted on vigor and persuasiveness in bringing peOple into actual conversion to the Adventist faith. Simple teaching was not enough, he believed: It makes no difference whether we have five or five hundred, we want to lead as many of them as possible to decide for the truth. . . . The first item, and one of the chief elements in this, is the earnestness of the preacher and the workers. Of course, we know it is the Spirit that leads them to obey; but we ourselves must be tremendously in earnest about this work, and preach God's truth as though we believed it with all our hearts.23 Plans for continuing instruction. In order to sustain the insti- tute-inspired interest of ministers in self-improvement, Daniells in- augurated a new column in the official church paper which he entitled, "Gospel Workers' Department--Their Divine Calling, Qualifications, and Preparation. Methods of Labor, Plans, etc.," with his own name as a by- line. Another important Step in the continuing education of ministers was taken at the fall meeting of the General Conference Committee in 1912, where Daniells urged the adoption of a ministerial reading course. 22Ibid. 23Ibid. 74 This course, administered by the General Conference Department of Educa- tion, was to be required of all ministerial licentiates, with an examina- tion on its content before ordination. The prOposal was referred to the 1913 General Conference Session and then adOpted by the church at large.24 The course was formally inaugurated in 1914 with seven hundred ministers initially enrolled. Each enrollee was to file a written state- ment with the Department of Education, testifying to his faithfulness in reading the required books.25 The first book included in the new reading course was Preparing £2 Preach, by Dr. David R. Breed. A reading sched- ule was published each month in the Review 32d Herald as a guide to readers in pacing their progress throughout the year. One reason why Breed's text was chosen was that it not only presented helpful material to the minister on the art of preaching, but also had very extensive references to collateral sources including Behrend's Philosophy 2f Preaching, Shedd's Homiletic and Pastoral Theology, Horton's Verbum Dei, and Jefferson's The Minister 35 Prophet.26 Formal education intensified. Institutional efforts to advance Adventist ministerial education were continued and strengthened by the Foreign Mission Seminary. According to M. E. Kern, its president: The cities of the world are still unwarned on the near coming of Christ. Spirit-filled ministers, consecrated Bible workers, and medical missionary evangelists are needed at once. The pastoral training-class, with its thorough instruction and practical work, the Bible workers' “Materials. October 17, 1912. p. 9. 25m are sew. January 1. 1914, p. 19. 26Letter, A. G. Daniells to George Butler, November 11, 1926, from the files of C. Burton Clark, Cattaraugus, New York. 75 training class . . . and the medical missionary training- courses, are designed to take persons of maturity and education, and quickly prepare them for efficient service in gospel work in the world wide field and in the great cities of our own land. By 1913 the Seminary's pastoral training class had been enlarged to a full year of studies including "the principles of sermon building, and the preparation and delivery of sermons," and Seminary leaders were looking to the inauguration in 1914 of a second year of pastoral train- ing, "which will include a study on exposition, the history of preaching, and further work in instructive homiletics.” Of course, the Seminary ministerial training program was a Spe- cialized one and not the only training available to Adventist ministers. Denominational educational institutions were equipped and qualified to carry students through the college level, although a Special denomina- tional commission in 1913 found "a surprisingly small number of students" working above the high school level.28 Keenly aware of this deficiency, Adventist leaders urged higher educational attainments not only for the ministry but also for Adventist young people going into other lines of work. J. L. Shaw, secretary of the General Conference Department of Education, declared, "There is a growing conviction among our leading men that a much larger number of our young people should remain longer in school and take college courses." He cited the voluminous counsel Of Ellen G. White concerning the importance of education: A life devoted to God Should not be a life of ignorance. . Religion . . . will not lead to a cheapening of the 27321;?!222112‘219: May 25, 1911. p. 18. ”Mastered. August 7. 1913. p. 17. w I..- 76 literary attainments. It will make all true Christians feel their need of thorough knowledge, that they may make the best use of the faculties bestowed upon them. While growing in grace and in a knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ, they will seek constantly to put to the stretch their power of mind, that they may become intelligent Christians. A_course ig public speaking. A remarkable effort was made, be- ginning in 1913, to improve the public Speaking of Adventist ministers and other workers through a course in public Speaking taught by corre- Spondence! This course was offered by C. C. Lewis of the Fireside Cor- respondence School, an institution Operated in Washington, D. C., under the auspices of the General Conference. Lewis was then teaching a course in public Speaking at the Foreign Mission Seminary; and during the two preceding years, 1911 and 1912, had taught classes in public Speaking at Pacific Union College in Angwin, California. He claimed some qualifica- tion for conducting public speaking courses, but also issued a disclaim- er. "I am not wholly without preparation for this work," he suggested, "although not much of a public Speaker myself."3O Some twenty years earlier, about 1893, Lewis had been an English teacher at Union College in Lincoln, Nebraska. In connection with his teaching of English he had conducted special classes in public speaking, "because I saw the great need in this direction and no one else seemed to have a burden to supply it." In the 1890's, Lewis himself had taken regular work in "the public Speaking class" of the University of Nebraska. 29J. L. Shaw, "Talks on Education," Review and Herald, August 21, 1913, p. 19, citing Ellen G. White, Counsels £3 Teachers, pp. 504, 511. 30Review and Herald, August 14, 1913, pp. 16, 17. 77 Lewis' correSpondence course in public Speaking was adapted from the work of Grenville Kleiser and consisted of forty lessons, complete with exercises and Opportunity for the student to correSpond directly with the teacher, to ask questions, and to secure clarification of any obscure points. Included in a $15 charge for the course were several important texts: A. E. Phillips' Effective Speaking, and Natural Drills ppd Expression; Straw's Lessons i2 Expression; and Gregg's Parliamentagy Law. All of these evidences of a new educational emphasis make it clear that, with the deployment of scores of evangelists to spread the Adventist gospel in the cities, Adventist leaders deemed it imperative that there be as much unity of concept and expression as possible so that the church's message would remain recognizable, although declared by many voices. This emphasis on national co-ordination and unity in the interest of one church distinguishes Seventh-day Adventist public evangelism from what is frequently referred to as "modern revivalism," featuring many differing itinerant non-denominational evangelists. A Spirit of unity, a "focusing" of evangelistic emphasis, probably ac- counts in part for the tangible results of Adventist evangelistic labors, in terms of accessions to the church, whereas much criticism of the prominent revivalists centers in their seeming failure materially to enlarge the churches and to advance organizational interests. A3 Important Evangelistic Council The ministerial institutes of 1911 and 1912 were one means of fostering unity of commitment and methodology among Adventist ministers. ‘i 78 New programs in continuing ministerial education were another means to this end. Still another was an important council on city evangelistic vmrk held in Takoma Park, Maryland, May 13 to 16, 1912. Here, approxi- nmtely fifty city evangelists gathered to discuss objectives and methods. According to A. G. Daniells, the purpose of the council was not tflm reading of papers. This had been done at the ministerial institutes. 'Wflmt we need to do," he said, ”is to get down to a very earnest, syste- nmtic study of these questions, and to reach an agreement regarding a general course of procedure to be followed in our city work."31 On Daniells' agenda for discussion by men active in city evange- lism were the following topics: 1. Advertising: What is proper, consistent advertising for securing an audience? 2. The Scriptures: Their value and their purpose in preaching our gospel message. 3. Visiting: Its great importance and efficacy in connection with public meetings. 4. Bible Workers: How can they labor to the best advantage in connection with the public meetings? 5. Magazine Sellers: How can they be associated with, and used in, the city effort? 6. Medical Missionary Work: How can it be combined most effectively with the evangelical work? 7. The Press: How can its columns be secured for reporting lectures and sermons? 8. Preaching: How can it be made most powerful and effectual in winning souls to Christ? 9. The Workers: What should be their personal association and relationship in their united efforts? ____‘_________ 31 A. G. Daniells, general letter, May 6, 1912. "."TL' 79 The purpose of this agenda was to provide "questions concerning \fldch a good understanding could be reached by all our workers, SO that allnmy be as well prepared as possible to work in harmony with the most ”32 It was Daniells' hOpe that the council wmfld "set on foot a new program in our evangelical work."33 One main amnoved and effectual plans. tnpic Of discussion at the council was advertising, a matter of great unmern to Daniells. "In many instances our public announcements are flw first information peOple receive of us," Daniells said. ”First im- puessions as we all know, are lasting, and will have much to do in lead- 34 ingtm a decision to attend our meetings or to remain away." Some of the points on which the advertising of Adventist evangelists had been criticized, Daniells pointed out, were: First, the extent to which the evangelist advertises him- self, by the use of his photograph, and the use of statements regarding himself,--where he is from, his former process, and the manner in which he will present his subject. Second, the use of too many and too strong adjectives in describing his tent, outfit, subjects, music, etc. Thigd, the number and the character of the illustrations used. Daniells strongly insisted that while evangelists might Sincerely hokidifferent views on some things, they should reach a common ground on SOimportant a question as making public announcements, eSpecially the exuum to which the evangelist advertised himself as well as his message. 33 . mmm, June 6, 1912, p. 15. 34 , 12g. 35 , 1m. 80 Adventists generally were still unfavorably diSposed toward the Innspective emergence of glamorous platform celebrities who might attract nmre attention to themselves than to the church. In this they reflected Um Spirit of Moody far more than that of Billy Sunday. Moody had re- hmed to sit for the camera at all; and when unauthorized pictures of him were offered for sale, he pleaded with his New York audience to refuse to mnchase them. "Oh! Let me beg of you to do anything you can to keep dmnithis man-worship," he cried.36 This attitude was in contrast to that of the later revivalists who routinely sold photographs, autobiogra- phies, and souvenirs. Adventist evangelists themselves were not entirely united on the question of personal publicity. At the 1912 evangelistic council, speaker after Speaker, including K. C. Russell, J. L. McElhany, R. E. Hatter, spoke against personal advertising of the evangelist. A. V. Cot- tnn was one evangelist who spoke for a differing point of view: I believe in plenty of advertising. We must remember that we are living in a time of pOpular advertising, and the peOple of the world expect it. While we should strive to magnify the truth and the subject to be presented, yet we cannot divorce a man's personality from the advertising mat- ter. . . . The use of photographs is a form of education. . . The peOple expect to see the photograph of the man connected with the effort.37 However, men of more conservative View won the day, and in the commil's resolution on advertising and publicity it was recommended: ‘ 36 of . I{Ollin W. Quimby and Robert H. Billigmeier, "The Varying Role Rev1valistic Preaching in American Protestant Evangelism," Speech nggfachsr XXVI, August, 1959, p. 220, citing D. L. Moody, Holding the \' 0m '— 'Ph“adelphia, 187W19.— _ " ‘— 37 WLM ___Herald, June 6, 1912, p. 16. twarw- . 81 That in giving publicity to our evangelistic efforts we Should avoid all that borders on sensationalism, and shun every expression that savors of self-exaltation, always en- deavoring to magnify and exalt the message instead of the man. That we discourage the general use of our photographs in advertising our meetings; that we would especially counsel our young and inexperienced workers in this particular. That we recommend that only such cartoons or illustra- tions be used as are of a dignified and modest character which will teach the truth in a clear and elevating manner, avoiding all illustrations which caricature and burlesque. That in advertising we maintain a high and dignified standard in subject-matter, workmanship, and quality of material, ever seeking to exalt the message we are bearing.38 In another meeting of the evangelistic council the Subject of per- anml visitation by the evangelist was emphasized. Here, as in the dis- cussion of advertising, there seemed to be an effort to discourage the Rudd-be evangelistic celebrity. In fact one evangelist, W. H. Hickman, wEnt so far as to downgrade the large city campaign in general: I believe that this personal work will solve the problem of city work. I do not believe that we ever can secure the masses through great preaching. I believe that several smaller efforts where the preacher can come into close con- tact with those who come to the meetipgs, would produce much better results than one large effort. This view had been expressed publicly only a short time before by S, N. Haskell, a veteran evangelistic worker. Haskell represented a sub- stantial majority of Adventists in taking a dim view of the evangelist WI10 attracted an audience to himself as a great preacher. Referring to his work in London, some twenty-five years previously and his subsequent 38Ibid. ”Battered. W, June 20. 1912. pp. 15. 16. a- :rvr - "J 82 experience, Haskell declared: I have noted that where large companies are brought out simply by preaching, after a few years many of them are lost to the church. These peOple come up largely through preaching instead of through individual study of the Bible, and therefore when adversity comes they do not know how to stand firm on the Bible alone. Haskell was devoted to the traditional primacy of close personal woflg carefully teaching and indoctrinating prospective converts before Hwy were brought into the church. His criticism of the dominant plat- fonnpersonality is worth remembering for it has been repeated internally fluough the years against Adventist evangelistic "stars" as well as men hiother faiths who use preaching as the primary influence in conversion. khmntist evangelism, as a matter of fact, has alternated more or less Itgularly between emphasis on preaching, with the attraction of a power- fUI personality, and emphasis on the simple presentation of the message with close attention to the indoctrination of individuals. In general, this history is a noteworthy example of the varying tension between per- SOns of an evangelical orientation and those of an organizational orien- tation; the former tending to emphasize individual conversion and public eXipression, and the latter, carefully conditioned conformity to group Standards. Ambivalence regarding the evangelistic message. In a discussion c’13 the message of the evangelist, the Adventist evangelistic council Of 1912 reached unanimity on the proposition that the real mission of the ACi‘ventist evangelist was to present the teachings of the Bible, avoiding 40Review and Herald, May 2, 1912, p. 5. 83 the then-current "drift away from the Bible.” W. W. Prescott reminded the ministers, however, that the Bible as an abstract document was not quite the same thing as the message or subject of the Bible: I would raise the question whether we study the Bible, or whether we study certain subjects upon which we think we must preach. When we have preached on all the subjects of a cer- tain list have we presented Ehg subject, the real thing? The real subject is salvation through Jesus Christ; and when we do not teach that, no matter what we do teach, I think we get a- way from the real subject of the Bible. K. C. Russell also emphasized the importance of "personal salva- tnnn" which he declared should "stand out prominently in our evangelical work." It may seem strange that a group of evangelists Should make a mfint of insisting that the matter of personal salvation should be empha- sized in evangelical preaching. The fact that such admonition was con- Sidered necessary at this evangelistic council is a further evidence of the long preoccupation of Seventh-day Adventist tent workers and evan- gelists with the didactic lecture and doctrinal formulas. The emphasis of contemporary evangelists of other faiths, of course, was on salva- tion, the acceptance of Christ, and conversion. Here in the evangelistic (Kauncil of the Adventist church in 1912, we hear strong voices raised to Press this central theme of evangelism upon Seventh-day Adventist preach- efirs. Unanimity pp health emphasis. Prominent in the discussions of 1912 was the question of how Seventh-day Adventist health emphasis could “Merillstali, June 13. 1912. p. 18. hi .. a a - h .f 'C' we 84 be co-ordinated with the work of gOSpel evangelism. For forty years or more, in reSponse to the counsels of Ellen G. White, the Seventh-day thntist church had Strongly emphasized the importance of healthful living as a Christian obligation. In this they came to see an effective appeal to the public. There were many efforts to attract evangelistic amfiences with a primary emphasis on healthful living, and there was Immh discussion of ways in which health instruction and the gOSpel min- isny could be combined for the greatest public impact. Prominent among those advocating "health evangelism" at the 1912 cmnmil were J. H. N. Tindall and C. E. Garnsey, who had been working ahng these lines in the District of Columbia. ~According to Garnsey: The medical work is an Opening wedge, helping us to get into the homes of the peOple and to break down prejudice. . . . We have labored in places where strong Opposition to our evangeli- cal work was overcome by the medical missionary work. Tindall recommended the affiliation of a qualified physician and a nurse with evangelistic campaigns so that Sick persons might be visited and that men might be brought to see a certain unity and wholeness in an eVangelistic message that embraced not only salvation of a soul but also the health of the body. So important was this matter regarded at the council of 1912 that a lengthy resolution was adopted urging that "the medical missionary work lrl all its phases . . . be made more prominent in our evangelistic work tllan it has in the past."43 Ministers were encouraged to engage in per- SCHJal study in order to prepare themselves for giving health lectures azmflm, July 11. 1912. p. 20- 43Review and Herald, July 18, 1912, p. 20. 85 and to secure charts and other equipment for the purpose. At least one tfight a week during evangelistic campaigns was recommended for the dis- cussion of health and temperance questions. Ministers and other workers hiconnection with city campaigns were urged to visit the sick and to help thenh Reflections pf the Contemporagy Scene This strong drive to enlist the denomination's medical work in dhmct public evangelism was a measure of the effort under way among Ad- xmntists in 1912 to mobilize all the denomination's resources to meet duaevangelical commitments previously made, and to bring about unity of puqmse and expression in public witness. While, as has been mentioned, the success of this co-ordinate ef- fiut and its focus on the message and organizational interests of one demmunation are distinguishing marks of Adventist evangelism, the effort umanievangelistic mobilization itself was in 1912 a partial reflection 0f the times. From 1912 through World War I there was a rather wideSpread re- actnxiamong laymen of many churches against the social gospel movement. BilIYSunday, in fact, "rose to fame on the crest of this reaction," according toIMcLoughlin.44 Even the Federal Council of Churches, which fwd Mania power center of the social gospel movement, yielded to this Ifsurgnme of conservatism and in 1913 established a new commission on evangelism. Appointed as secretary of the commission was William E. ¥ 0 44William G. McLoughlin, Jr., Modern Revivalism (New York: The ha1d Press Company, 1959), p. 399. f'.‘ My 86 Biederwold', who had been an independent evangelist, formerly president of the Interdenominational Association of Evangelists. The tasks as- signed to the new Federal Council agency were "to place renewed emphasis on the fundamentals of the gOSpel," and "to elevate the standard and to safeguard the work of a sane and thorough type of evangelism"!+5 This move of the Federal Council, along with a modification of its strong stand on economic questions which had been set forth in its "Social Creed" in 1908, were meaningful indications that the new day belonged to the evangelicals. In the field, the evangelist assumed a dominant role in the Pro- testant ministry. In 1911, for example, there were 650 active, full- time professional evangelists itinerating in the United States, in addi- tion to 1,300 part-time evangelists, many of whom sought to emulate and imitate Billy Sunday.~ The minister, particularly the "social gospeler," was definitely in the shade as a soul-winner.46 Thus, as the Seventh-day Adventists mobilized their resources for evangelism, they were, in part at least, in harmony with a nation—wide ' rebirth of conservative revivalism. \—— 45McLoughlin, _o_p. cit., p. 395, citing Charles E. Schaeffer, _A_ % Histogy pi the Department o_f Evangelism pf the Federal Council g M (New York, 1951). 46McLoughlin, pp. cit., pp. 448-450. CHAPTER VI EVANGELISTIC ADVANCE: 1911 - 1915 Even before the effects of the new denominational ministerial training program could be felt, there were evidences that public evangelism had become a tOp priority Adventist Objective. As General Conference President A. G. Daniells set the pace, other administrators fifllowed his example in promoting evangelism and encouraging the de- meOpment of evangelistic talent. One result was a multiplication of NWentist evangelistic Speakers. In Indiana, for example, nine separate companies were reported in action in the early Spring of 1911.1 This profusion of evangelistic efforts was duplicated in conference after conference across the nation. Another apparent result was that the Ad- ventist membership growth rate in America once more began to rise. lflmreas in 1910 it had sunk to a negative 1.5 per cent, it had risen in 1911 to a plus 2.5 per cent, by 1913 to nearly 5 per cent, and the tmst was yet to come.2 EQQngelistic Campaigpngultiply By 1913, fifteen evangelists, assisted by many other workers-- fOrty-two in all--were at work in the Greater New York area. Some of these were conducting efforts for foreign language groups, with gratify- illg results. B. E. Miller and D. N. Wall, for example, conducted two 1Review and Herald, March 9, 1911, p. 14. 2Statistical Secretary, General Conference of Seventh-day Ad- \’€3ntists, Washington, D. C. 88 separate German tent efforts in Brooklyn, with a total of fifty-one con- verts. Campaigns for other audiences were being conducted by Lee Wheeler and L. T. Nicola near 180th Street and Jerome Avenue, while A. V. Cotton and R. J. Bryant were at work in Brooklyn. Cotton had introduced in his campaign a stereopticon feature in which he presented color screen pic- tures of Seventh-day Adventist activity around the world. His purpose, he reported, was to demonstrate that "the Advent movement is not merely local in extent, but is world-wide, and a fulfillment of prOphecy. It shows the third angel's message as progressive, and that Seventh-day Ad- ventists are a live people." Most of the campaigns in the new surge of Adventist evangelism were still conducted as tent meetings, using public halls occasionally during the winter months in order to continue the evangelist's persuasive efforts. An excellent picture of the typical tent meeting is provided by a lhrtha Iliff, who in 1914 recounted her experience in attending an Ad- ventist evangelistic meeting in 1908: There were only three tents. The two in the rear were the dining tents and the bedrooms of the gospel workers. These were small and screened, and scrupulously clean. The audience tent faced the streets. The ground was sodded with clean sawdust. Under the neatly arranged, canvas-folding benches were tufts of green grass. About the organ and the pulpit were house plants and green foliage. The altar was draped in blue and white, and suspended from the tent above and back of the pulpit was a chart representing the image of a man with a head of gold. Above the altar, written in white on blue, were these startling words: "Behold, I come quickly," and above these was the solemn inscrip- tion, "Prepare to meet thy God." These words seemed to burn into my soul. The solemnity, the simplicity, the Spotlessness of this place seemed heavenlike. To my tired soul, here was something 3Review and Herald, December 5, 1912, p. 19. A Ahuq "* ' = 89 new under the sun, yet the message delivered from the pulpit was the old, old story told in a new setting; told by unlearned lips, but lips touched with a living coal from off the altar. The peace and quiet confidence in that minister's face, his plain clothes, and his simple, earnest manner revealed a life of faith that impressed me deeply. I shall never forget the first Sabbath Spent on that tent ground. It was the brightest day of my life. The sun seemed brighter than I had ever seen it; the grass seemed a living green and the tents glistening white. There was a corresponding light on the faces of the gospel workers, reflected, perhaps from the faces of the new converts. Whether in a given case the minister was "plain and unlearned” or momacolorful and sophisticated, as was increasingly the case with more trahfing and co-ordination, tent meetings of the 1910's were more success- fulthan they had been during the preceding decade. In a report for 1913 fnnnthe Columbia Union Conference, in the middle Atlantic states, the preshhnt of one conference declared that every tent effort in his terri- torythe previous summer had resulted in the formation of a new Seventh- day.Mhmntist church--an experience repeated in many other conferences throughout the country . 5 When tent meetings were not successful, the infringement of or- ganiZational interests on the evangelist was likely to be blamed. K. C. Russell suggested, for example, that when meetings were not successful, the Cause was likely to be the premature closing of a summer effort be- c . . auSe of the conference demands that all ministerial workers gather to prepare for the annual camp meeting. According to Russell: \— 4Bertha Iliff, ”The Message in a Tent," Review and Herald, March 5 ’ 1914, p. 17. 5Review and Herald, February 26, 1914, p. 17. ‘- 9O Hundreds of tent-meetings were discontinued with the inter- est possibly at its height. The time has come when every conference official and laborer should seriously study the dis- astrous results that are sure to follow in closing our tent efforts before the interest is sufficiently developed. In the words of A. G. Daniells, Russell reminded conference offi- cials: The preaching of the gOSpel is the fundamental part of gos- pel work. It precedes all other phases of that work. It is that which, more than any other kind of effort, makes disciples, and add to the church such as are being saved. All other fea— tures of gOSpel work are built upon this. All the administra- tive and institutional work of the church Springs from the results of preaching the gOSpel. This was a clear reminder that the denomination had swung deci- shmly into evangelism and that administrative or organizational in- terests Should support, not hinder, evangelistic work. In reSponse to the emphasis of the hour, conference presidents monaand more stressed the results of evangelism as they made their regu- larrmports to the church constituency.~ A. R. Ogden, himself an effec- thnzevangelist, reported in 1915, for example, that nine tent companies had been at work in the Iowa Conference during the summer of 1914. These were led by J. W. McComas, P. E. Broderson, J. W. Beems, among others. EleVEn primary workers were involved, with several assistants assigned to eaCh of the meetings.7 The Nebraska president, D. U. Hale, reported Seven evangelistic campaigns under way, involving not only a large com— Pany.of ministerial workers, but also many volunteer laymen. \— 6Review and Herald, August 21, 1913, p. 16. 7Review and Herald, August 12, 1915, p. 15. 8Review and Herald, November 19, 1915, p. 15. 91 In southern California, A. S. Booth, conference president and evangelist, reported that even in that prosperous area of Seventh-day Adventist activity, increased evangelistic effort was greatly acceler- ating the growth of the church. In December, 1913, he revealed that membership of the ten churches in LOS Angeles had passed the 1,000 mark. Attendance at evangelistic meetings varied from 150 to 600, Booth said, attributing this increase over the attendance experienced in the past to 'Whorough advertising we have done by means of the neWSpapers and an- rmuncements, and by faithful work from house to house with our litera- UHE."9 Also boosting attendance was the use of the stereOpticon with mugs and sermons illustrated on the screen. Between April, 1913, and May, 1914, Booth himself conducted four “flies of meetings: two in Los Angeles; one in Phoenix, Arizona; and anodmr in Sacramento, California. Congregations ranged in size from 75 U)650 persons. More than 100 adults were converted and baptized as mem- berscfifthe Adventist church in these meetings. Such results were suf- ficient to inspire the exclamation: The Lord is pouring out His Spirit upon the peOple. Every- Where there are those who are dissatisfied with the pOpular religion of the day and are anxiously inquiring, "What must we do to be saved?” How thankful we should be for this last mes- Sage of salvation, and how willing and anxious to bear the truth to others!10 In 1915, Booth noted further success in a series of meetings in Ogderp, Utah, which was covered by the local neWSpapers to the extent of 117 atrticles totaling 1,420 column inches--"The first time in the history \—— 9Review'and Herald, December 11, 1913, p. 11. ”Messages. July 16, 191.4. pp. 13, 14. ‘I’ err-r ' ‘ 92 of the paper that they have given any evangelistic effort so much pub- 11 licity," he reported. Thirty-three persons were converted. Evangelistic Leaders Appear In Spite of denominational preference that evangelistic speakers be relatively self-effacing, avoiding personal diSplay, certain men of greater-than-ordinary ability, like Booth, began attracting Special at- tention very early in the new Adventist evangelistic drive. These men commanded larger-than-average audiences and usually produced more-than- ordinary numbers of converts. The stories Of their evangelistic exploits were featured in denominational papers, and their methods came to be undely imitated by lesser evangelists. J;_W; McCord. In the San Francisco area, J. W. McCord and a gunn>of six or seven assistants experienced noteworthy success. McCord reported somewhat apologetically that in the Bay area they were not able matme tents to advantage "because of high winds and fog.” He was "Obliged to labor entirely in halls and store buildings," a circumstance Which made the work somewhat more expensive, and according to McCord, "to some degree less attractive." A 1913 Spring campaign in a rented theater ran for ten weeks with forty-five converts.12 An autumn campaign in the San Jose area in 1913 converted sixty- five persons. The campaign continued for twelve weeks, "the longest and the nuost successful in the ministry of the workers." Sunday night \———— “wildlieaald, September 16, 1915, p. 17. ”Mariam. July 5, 1913. p. 14. 93 attendance during the campaign varied from five hundred to six hundred.13 During 1914 some one hundred persons were converted in two cam- paigns, one of which continued for fourteen weeks in a rented hall. This campaign alone produced seventy-two converts, results previously seldom experienced in Adventist evangelism.14 The longer evangelistic campaigns undertaken by McCord were in mme contrast to the six and seven week, or even shorter, efforts common at this time. MtCord's success seemed to confirm the merit Of a sugges- tion made by A. G. Daniells in June, 1912. He had declared that it was algreat mistake to plan only a Short campaign: I believe that the conditions which led me to carry on my campaigns in New Zealand [in the 1890's] eighteen months to two years without a break, prevail here. . . . A steady, con- tinuouiseffort will bring results similar to those that came to me. McCord's success continued to increase, and in the summer of 1915 aififteen-week campaign produced approximately one hundred converts in (Mkland, California. In this campaign McCord used a new tent, with an attendance of about Six hundred each weekday night, approximately eight hundred on Saturday night, and an average of fully one thousand persons Present on Sunday nights.16 Here for the first time Since the success ten years earlier of W. W. Simpson in Los Angeles and E. E. Franke in New York, regular attend- \— 13Review and Herald, December 4, 1913, p. 16. 14Review and Herald, December 4, 1915, p. 16. 15Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, June 6, 1912. ”Mariam, December 9. 1915, p. 19. 94 ance at Adventist evangelistic services reached the one thousand mark. §;_Q; Russell. Strong impetus was given the Adventist evangelis- tic movement when K. C. Russell, head of the General Conference Religious liberty Department, and a major denominational figure, was released to "devote his entire time to evangelistic work in our cities." A. G. Imniells explained that this action, which had been under consideration flu'more than a year, was a reSponse to the counsels of Ellen G. White of 1909: The messages that have been coming to us since the General Conference session of three years ago, calling for greater efforts in behalf of our large cities, have awakened a new interest in evangelistic work, and created a great demand for evangelical workers. Taking Russell's place in Washington was none other than W. W. Prescott, the man upon whose withdrawal from.the editorship of the churCh paper Ellen G. White had insisted, that he might devote himself to evangelistic work. With little or no background in public evangelism, Prescott had not been a great evangelistic success. He was now called back into headquarters work so that Russell, a man of considerable ex- Perience in evangelism, might enter the field as a contribution of the General Conference to public evangelism. Russell was first assigned to the Chicago area, and launched a camPaign in Austin, one of the city's western suburbs. A tent pitched at the corner of Chicago and Laurel Avenues attracted audiences of three hundred to four hundred at each of the meetings, held daily during the monthS of July and August, 1912. \— 17Review and Herald, May 2, 1912, p. 24. 95 Russell was pleased with the advertising of the Austin campaign. lfith what was doubtless a Side glance at another leading Adventist evan- gelist, O. O. Bernstein, whose advertising consisted very largely of the untoon-style illustrations somewhat disapproved in resolutions of the evangelistic council of 1912, Russell declared: We have endeavored to follow the most approved and up-to- date methods in conducting our meetings. We have aimed to advertise in a dignified and attractive way, using folders and cards neatly printed on good material, but not copiously illustrated. In addition, Russell posted large printed signs near the center of the city's traffic flow, giving the location of the tent and the time of services. Also used were bulletin boards as well as articles in three rmighborhood weekly newspapers whiCh co-Operated fully in promoting the meetings. Associated with Russell, in the presentation of health lec- tures, were Drs. D. H. and Lauretta Kress, who conducted a "school of health" each Monday afternoon, with a health lecture in the evening. The General Conference, impressed by Russell's initial success, mOVECi to strengthen evangelistic work in Chicago, appropriating $3,500 tOWarti additional efforts and appointing several evangelistic assistants. In aSLiition, evangelists were deployed to other areas of Chicago, with as many as six tent efforts Simultaneously under way and a field school of evangelism conducted for the training of younger workers. Adventist evangelism in Chicago was greatly influenced by the WOr ' IQ Of Dr. David Paulson and the Doctors Kress. These "medical mission- ari 6253,.. all of whom were qualified medical doctors, co-operated with the \— 18321121 sad aerate. August 22. 1912. p. 17. 96 evangelists in establishing ”small medical missionary centers.” From fiwse centers nurses went out seeking needy persons--house-to-house-- ghdng simple treatments and delivering health talks, which attracted Imople to hear the evangelistic addresses. In February, 1913, approxi- xmmely fifteen of these centers were reported in Operation throughout ‘flm Chicago area.19 In early 1913, Russell attempted a larger, more ambitious cam- mngn, renting a Baptist church in the center of the metropolitan area, atlwhland Blvd. and Monroe Street. The church had a seating capacity ofsixteen hundred. Actual attendance figures for the campaign were notreported, although Russell called it "a fairly good attendance of a mdmtantial class of people," including "a number of professional men 20 The Doctors Kress continued muiwomen and other influential peOple." their program of "health evangelism" at these meetings, with three pub- 1ic services each week. During this central Chicago campaign Russell reverted to his form- er’interest in the Religious Liberty Department of the General Confer- Ence, sCheduling as a part of the program, a "religious liberty conven- tion." After another summer of public evangelism in Chicago, he was Called in 1914 to the presidency of the New York Conference, although he .' I O C O 2]- COntinued in a more or less active evangelistic role. Charles T; Everson. A newcomer to the evangelistic scene was \— lggggigg_ggg,§ggglg, February 13, 1913, p. 16. ZOWEEM. February 27. 1913. pp. 15. 16. 21Ibid. '. . it ¢§‘ 97 Charles T. Everson, who had been at work in the North Illinois Conference along pastoral lines Since returning from Italy in 1909. He launched his fhwt evangelistic effort in Chicago in the autumn of 1911, and during Mm ensuing year conducted several additional meetings with attendance attimes reaching more than five hundred. Everson was successful in at- hecting to these meetings audiences of fairly substantial persons, in- chxfing "lawyers and doctors of some prominence, quite a number of 1neachers, [and] business men, including at least one millionaire.”22 Hevms somewhat disappointed in the results of his efforts, however, blmfing a lack of personal workers. Nevertheless, he baptized thirty- two;mrsons during the course of his first year in city evangelism. J; §;_Washburn. Another major evangelist in the field following the ministerial institutes of 1911 and 1912 was J. S. Washburn, a key fight in the important 1905 evangelistic meetings conducted in Washing- t011,1). C., under the Sponsorship of the General Conference. In 1911, w'aShburn held a series of meetings in Memphis, Tennessee, pitching his tentinthe suburbs--where Adventist city campaigns were usually con- ducted. In 1912, however, he moved his tent to the heart of the city. Here moderate success was realized, with thirty-one persons signing a "C0venant" indicating their acceptance of the Adventist message. But wHShburn was not satisfied. He reported that the evangelistic group Was holding a Special weekly meeting to "pray for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit." The evangelist insisted that "this alone can solve all of the difficulties and perplexities in the city work to which the Lord has x ”Mariam. December 5. 1912. p. 19. 98 called us at this time.”23 By 1914, Washburn had been transferred to West Philadelphia and lmgan to realize greater Success. He launched a series of tent meetings m1$unday, July 19, ”with the largest attendance for the opening night amithe best interest I have ever known in all my experience Since I be- gmlholding tent meetings in Iowa, thirty years ago.”24 The large tent, brflliantly lighted with electric lights, was packed, Washburn reported, amia great number of peOple stood on the outside to hear. The evange- lim:had the services of a thirty-voice choir, which seemed attractive u>"the middle class people" noticed at his meetings. Washburn saw in hisrww evangelistic success a fulfillment Of prophecy: It would seem that a new era is opening for the work in this great city, the second of the large cities of the East, and one Specially mentioned by the spirit of prophecy as among those to which the work of God should return in power when the time should come in the providence of God for the message to return to the East.25 Even with a good attendance at the meetings, however, results in tenmsof baptisms were not large. Only twenty persons were converted in the West Philadelphia campaign, but Washburn reported that he had the fumes of two hundred additional interested persons with whom personal 26 Workers could continue to labor. Another Washburn campaign during the Slemer of 1915 also attracted "very large congregations," filling the eVangelist's large canvas pavilion. \_——- 23.12151- 24Review and Herald, August 6, 1914, pp. 14, 15. 251bid. 26Review and Herald, March 11, 1915, pp. 16, 17. 99 Encountering increasing difficulty in securing the names and ad- mmsses of interested persons in Philadelphia, Washburn devised a new ewangelistic technique. He offered a series of twenty-eight printed shflies called "The Family Bible Teacher," which on request were to be mafled in sequence, in installments of seven lessons at one time. Pen- (fils and slips of paper were distributed to the audience for the purpose ofsecuring the names and addresses. The evangelist developed a record- ingsystem whereby files were maintained on each ”interest" with nota- thxm as to lessons sent and visits made. "We have found this system an exufllent one," Washburn reported, ”enabling us to get into close touch wiflithe people." Washburn also worked diligently on the problem of musuading peOple to bring their Bibles with them so that they could fol- hnvthe texts discussed. In order to encourage this, he began a plan of I'eSponsive reading from the Scriptures in connection with each lecture SUbject, encouraging the people to follow the texts and mark their Bibles for future reference.27 In both of these procedures--the mailing of a regflar schedule of printed Bible lessons and systematic efforts to per- SUade people to read and mark their personal Bibles as the evangelist Inksented his lecture--Washburn was experimenting with two supplements to the Spoken word which, with some refinement, are in wideSpread use anmng Adventist evangelists today. In common with other leading Adventists of the day, Washburn SEEHmd impressed with the number of substantial citizens who appeared at the Church's evangelistic meetings, something relatively uncommon in ¥ 27.Review and Herald, October 7, 1915, p. 18. 100 former years. In connection with his 1915 West Philadelphia meeting, for example, Washburn mentioned one prominent physician and two other doctors in attendance, a number of Catholics, and several educators. Again, the results of the 1915 meetings were not great--eighteen persons were converted, including some from among the ”substantial citi- zens" who attended--but Washburn was impressed with the number of in- terested families still taking studies after the close of the meetings, more than two hundred and fifty, the largest number in Washburn's evan- gelistic experience . R_.E_. Harter. Two years earlier, in 1913, R. E. Harter had at- tracted audiences of nearly seven hundred persons in Philadelphia near the location of Washburn's meetings. (Washburn's work was, in fact, a continuation of Harter's evangelistic campaigns, using the same tent and some of the same workers.) Harter's musical director was Henry de Fluiter, and among his assistants was young Harold Richards, better known in later years as H. M. S. Richards, perhaps the most renowned of all Seventh-day Adventist evangelists.29 Harter moved from Philadelphia to Washington, D. C., and launched t(int meetings in the Lincoln Park area, then one of "the most desirable Sections of the city." Working with Harter were Evangelist S. B. Horton, a Choir of Sixty members, and the Review and Herald orchestra, in addi- t10n . . . to a mumber of other assistants. Here in Washington the Adventists fOUnd new eVidence that their evangelistic appeal was getting through to ‘—_.-___““'-——_ 28 .322i23,229 Herald, December 23, 1915, p. 17, 29 Review and Herald, September 11, 1913, p. 16. 101 hmreasing numbers of persons. Harter's opening address, on June 27, 1915,was presented to an audience of at least one thousand persons. lkmk-night audiences numbered between six hundred and eight hundred, amnacted in part by Horton's stereOpticon lectures.3O Gustavus P; Rodgers. Work was being done among Negro peOple in the Baltimore, Maryland, area by Gustavus P. Rodgers. He, too, reported better results than he had ever before experienced. During the course of the Summer's campaign in 1914, Rodgers estimated that 25,000 persons visited the tent at some time during the season. ”Wherever we went we found the peOple talking about the meetings," he said. "They came out to all the services, even on nights when it rained very hard." Fifty- five persons were converted. Another series conducted by Rodgers in 1915 attracted Six hundred persons on the Opening night. He encountered Considerable Opposition from other ministers and became involved in two debates, each of which attracted "vast crowds"; but the end of the cam- Paign’ thirty-four persons united with the church.31 Among other Negro evangelists, J. M. Campbell was at work conducting an effort in the northwestern part of Washington, D. C., at 22nd and M Streets. He re- ported a nightly attendance of three hundred to five hundred.32 One of the most prominent leaders in the re- Carlyle B; Haynes. Surgence of Adventist evangelism was Carlyle B. Haynes. Converted by ¥ ”Margaretta. August 12. 1915, p. 17. 31E§X§gfl_ggfi Herald, October 21, 1915, p. 16. 32Review and Herald, August 12, 1915, p. 17. 102 E.EL Franke, the controversial Adventist evangelist in New York City atthe turn of the century, Haynes entered evangelism in New Jersey in 1905.:33 One of his most successful early campaigns was in Baltimore in 1911, with attendance ranging upward to about four hundred.34 Twenty- .five persons were converted, with a public baptism conducted at Glen Oak Park, attracting an audience of some four thousand persons. In league ldth Haynes in this campaign was Walter L. Burgan, who coached Haynes in the stimulation of newspaper publicity, a performance that helped to in- Spire the formation Of a General Conference press bureau later the same Year. In the fall, Haynes booked a new theater on Lexington Street for a continuation of his meetings. The summer of 1913 found Haynes in Florida conducting a hall cam- Paign in Jacksonville, attracting ”a large and attentive audience." This nine-week campaign was well publicized in the newspapers, a pro- Cedure which Haynes claimed had made the effort in fact ”a city effort,” reaChing the entire population. Among the fifty converts of this cam- paign were four ministers--three Negro and one white.35 E; L; Cardey. E. L. Cardey attracted wide attention as an evange- list when, in the wake of public reaction in Albany, New York, to his lecture, "Will Rome Rule America?" his tent was forcibly closed by the COUrlty’sheriff. Many citizens, including ministers and public officials, Sidenlwith Cardey in the issue, and many continued to come to Cardey's x. 33Letter, Donald Haynes to author, November, 1964. 34Review 3nd Herald, October 26, 1911, p. 17. ”Maw. June 14. 1913. p. 19. 103 meetings when they were transferred to the Seventh-day Adventist church itself. Converts swelled the membership of the church, including ”a number of substantial persons," and a new building was erected to accom- modate them. According to A. G. Daniells, Cardey's efforts brought "new life and activity into the church."36 Cardey was especially pleased with the number of men who were converted in his meetings--”more . . . here than at any other place I have ever labored."37 By mid-1914 Cardey had moved to Brooklyn, and was conducting a number of campaigns in various places, including the central YMCA audi- torium and Sonia Hall, "one of the finest . . . in the city.” During shcmonths these efforts resulted in sixty new converts with about Umnty-five additional prOSpects ”on the waiting list."38 By April 15, 1915, the membership of the Brooklyn English church had reached 215. Cardey, like Haynes, emphasized the importance of the press in pdflic evangelism. In the winter of 1915, he reported, the General Cmfierence Press Bureau had established a branch Office in Brooklyn, lmaded by S. E. St. Amant, a newspaperman converted to Adventism during the preceding summer. Between February and April, 1915, St. Amant had Secured the publication of approximately two hundred newspaper articles in the Brooklyn and Long Island papers, with many others appearing else- whETe throughout the United States.39 ‘¥—_ 36Review 3nd Herald, January 15, 1914, p. 16. 37Review gig Herald, April 9, 1914, p. 15. 38 Review and Herald, January 14, 1915, pp. 17, 18. ”Waggeialg, April 15, 1915, pp. 16, 17. _e .~ gnu-1‘... n 1 104 Q; Q; Berstein. After the institutes and the evangelistic council of 1912, O. O. Bernstein, with a now well-established evangelis- tic reputation--deSpite his persistence in a kind of advertising disliked by many Adventist 1eaders--moved from New York to begin campaigns in bfinnesota. Eight weeks of tent meetings during the summer of 1912 and Hume weeks of follow-up meetings in a hall yielded thirty adult con- verts. Bernstein felt that the "influence of the tent-meetings [had] Ewen felt in various quarters of the city." A second six-weeks' campaign in.a rented Baptist church at Nicolet Avenue and 15th Street produced 40 audiences beyond the capacity of that church. Other campaigns were conducted in the Pence Auditorium in the spring of 1913, with audiences ranging up to nine hundred persons. By January, 1914, the number of Bernstein's converts in Minneapolis had reached eighty; and he was lay- ing plans for another hall campaign in St. Paul. The tent meetings of the preceding summer, Bernstein felt, were a success, "although inter- fered with by intense heat and swarms of hungry mosquitoes.”41 Bernstein worked in Minneapolis for more than two years, con- duCting four evangelistic campaigns yielding approximately 125 additions to the Adventist church. In the summer of 1915 he moved to Lincoln, Nebraska, where he launched a tent meeting with an attendance ranging betmmen three hundred and seven hundred persons.42 40321}23,§g§ flgggld, December 12, 1912, p. 17. “assassins aerate. January 1. 1914. p. 16. 42Review and Herald, July 29, 1915, p. 15. 105 Evangglistic Work Abroad Increasing Adventist evangelistic success in North America was municated in many countries abroad. A tent meeting conducted in Naga- saki, Japan, in the latter part of 1910, attracted one thousand or more pmrsons daily to meetings during the height of a local festival. Much favorable newspaper publicity was given these meetings, creating such favorable impressions about Christianity that "even other pastors ap- parently appreciated [the] work."43 In 1913 a hall was secured in Bom- bay, in which a continuous Succession of public evangelistic campaigns were held.44 Evangelistic audiences numbering "in the hundreds” were being reached in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It was declared by church leaders in that country that "experience . . . seems to be demonstrating that the large meeting tent is the way by which we can meet the multitudes living in our large cities."45 In Nanziang, China, a pagoda-like mat and bamboo tabernacle was c0nStructed, diSplaying a large illuminated glass Sign reading, "The Great Warning Meetings." On either Side of the Sign were twenty-foot Strips of cloth, hung in the style of Chinese scrolls, proclaiming a Cordial welcome to all. The tabernacle was filled to capacity from the Start. When stereopticon lectures were attempted, the crowds became tOO large to manage safely in the tabernacle. To accommodate them, a large military parade ground was secured, and pictures projected on the ‘-__I 43Review and Herald, January 19, 1911, p. 16. 44Review and Herald, March 18, 1914, p. 12. 453211221 2114 seals. April 29, 1915. p. 12. 106 wall of a high building, whitewashed to serve as a screen. The pictures included views of the San Francisco earthquake, floods, famines, and wars hIChina, some of the industrial conditions prevailing in the great coun- tries and "the mighty preparations for war." Closing the lecture were screen pictures of a last great world earthquake and Christ's second com- ing. The crowds were so large that the Speaker used a megaphone in order maumke the peOple hear. F. E. Stafford, one of the evangelists, was highly pleased with the "vast multitude, . . . probably . . . as large an audience as has ever had the privilege of listening to the . . . message H46 at one time in China. Public Affirmation pf Evangelistic Commitment At the General Conference session, May 15 to June 8, 1913, Daniells brought before the constituency of the church at large the urgency of the evangelical objectives that had been adopted since the last session in l909. Amid reports of accelerating evangelistic success, he called at- tention to membership growth during the preceding quadrennium--"one of the largest gains we have made in any four-year period." Daniells empha- Sized what he considered to be the three most important considerations before the church: (1) development of a stronger and more efficient min- istry; (2) greater emphasis on evangelical work; and (3) stimulation of greater activity in home missionary work by lay members of the church.47 This was a remarkable change from the statement of objectives made four years previously, when emphasis was primarily on the institu- 46Review 1951. Herald, November 26, 1915, p. 16. 47322121auaera_1c1.uay 15, 1913. pp. 10. 11. 107 tional work of the denomination--with only a passing reference to in- creased distribution of literature representing evangelical interests of Hm church. Now, in 1913, Daniells Stressed the primacy of evangelism cnmr every other consideration of the denomination. Speaking of the ad- nunistrative and institutional features of the work, Daniells cautioned, "The tendency has ever been for these features to paralyze evangelical work."48 He declared further, in words previously cited: The preaching of the gOSpel is the fundamental part of gos- pel work. It precedes all other phases of that work. It is that which, more than any other kind of effort, makes disciples, and adds to the church such as are being saved. All other fea- tures of the gospel work are built upon this. All the adminis- trative and institutional work of the church Springs from the results of preaching the gospel. However good and important the administrative and educational work may be, it never can successfully take the place of purely evangelical work. That must go on, or the other departments, which Sprang from its results will become of none effect in advancing the cause of Christ.z'9 Yet, Daniells also made clear the importance of the denomination's institutional work and called for improvement in the finances and admin- 18':ration of those institutions. Seeking to blend both evangelism and institutionalism, Daniells said, "In this age evangelical and institu- tional work are very closely, if not inseparably, connected. It is es- Sential that we hold true conceptions of the place, the purpose, and the 'Value of our institutions." Thus, while those persons concerned with the church's institution- a1~pn6gram were assured that their interests were remembered, first place heVertheless was now given to the work of evangelism. With new men of \ 48Ibid. 49Ibid. 108 evangelistic ability moving to the front, with the rank and file of mhfisters becoming better trained and more effective, and with the curve ofnembership growth swinging upward, it seemed evident that the General Conference response to the evangelical urgings of Ellen G. White was beginning to pay dividends. CHAPTER VII THE PRESS: AN EVANGELISTIC TOOL As the Adventist church organized its forces for all-out evange- listic work, it also created new agencies for effective public communi- cation. Directly related to the revival of denominational interest in evangelism was the formation of a General Conference Press Bureau, the first such venture by any religious organization.1 Early Emphasis pp the Press Adventists had been urged to employ the public press to multiply the effect of evangelistic meetings as early as 1875, at a time when the American press, with leadership from such men as Pulitzer and Scripps, was becoming a truly national force. In that year, aware of the agitation and readjustment even then reshaping the country, Ellen G. White wrote: There are many who desire to know the truth. The angels 0f heaven are moving upon human minds to arouse investigation in the themes of the Bible. . . . All who will be saved must cooperate with the agencies of heaven to arouse the inhabitants 0f the earth to the solemn truths for this time. . . . The angels of God will even now go through all the land to arouse the minds of the people if we will COOperate with them. She then pointed to the public press as a means of accomplishing the great work essential to the advancement of the cause: Men will misrepresent the doctrines we believe and teach as Bible truth, and it is necessary that wise plans Should be laid to secure the privilege of inserting articles into the ¥ _ 1George W. Cornell, "Religion Today," an Associated Press dispatch 1n the Arizona Daily Star, July 31, 1959. 110 secular papers; for this will be a means of awakening souls to see the truth. God will raise up men who will be qualified to sow beside all waters. God has given great light upon impor- tant truths, and it must come to the world. James White, then the General Conference president, ventured to flfllow this counsel himself, beginning with a series of camp meetings in 1876. Recruiting as a news reporter Miss Mary L. Clough, Mrs. White's rfiece, White launched a highly successful nationwide publicity campaign.3 The vision of many doctrinal messages going via the press into lunflreds of thousands of homes assured James White of the wisdom of Mrs. Whiufls counsel of the preceding year. At the General Conference Session hiSeptember, 1876, he inSpired the following official action: Resolved, That we heartily approve the plan carried out by Elder White in obtaining so able a reporter, Miss M. L. Clough, and in securing so extensive publication of these reports in the leading papers of the various States, and that we recommend that the same plan be carried out next season. Not a very extensive resolution, to be sure, looking forward only U>the next camp meeting session, but it was nevertheless an important SteP'-the first official Adventist recognition of the values to be de- rived from reaching out through the public media to a wider audience than Could be touched by the denomination's own resources. Thus encouraged, others took up the work during subsequent years; and in 1884, S. N. Haskell brought to the General Conference session an infifiring account of his own recent experiences with the press. The \ 2Ellen G. White, Letter 1, 1875, published in Counsels £9 Writers $Elgfligg£§ (Nashville, Tennessee: Southern Publishing Association, 946). Pp. 140, 141. 3Review and Herald, October 19, 1876. 4Review and Herald, October 5, 1876. “flan..- I 111 zmsembled leaders were moved to take the first formal action calling for acmntinuing, systematic plan of press relations, at least in connection vdth important gatherings of the church: Resolved, That it is the sense of this body that faithful reports of all our general gatherings should be made for the leading papers, and that the services of good reporters se- lected from our people, Should be secured for this purpose at the commencement of the meetings.5 This was a general recommendation, leaving every man to himself wiflino specific responsibility assigned, but it was a long second step toward a deliberate public relations program. Use of the press gradually increased among Seventh-day Adventists. It was greatly stimulated in the early 1900's by the necessity of ex- ;flaining to the public why the church opposed the then-frequent attempts to enact a national Sunday observance law. It was also accelerated by Um increasing interest of the church in city evangelism. By 1905, the lme of newspapers as a supplement to public evangelism was relatively Common among Adventist evangelistic Speakers. One notable example of the enthusiasm with which the press was er“Ployed was a campaign in Nashville, Tennessee, conducted by J. S. Wash- bump The mayor of the city was attracted to the meetings by means of newsPaper reports; and in general, Washburn reported, there was "a t"linking, intelligent class . . . greatly interested in the meetings.” ACCOU1Panying the regular publicity were daily reports in the paper (as mudias a full column if the evangelistic company would buy one hundred paWHB)- In addition, Washburn hOped "to get in a brief history of the \— C 5General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Yearbook (Battle reeks'Michigan: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1884). ‘35?!’ ‘ ’ 112 Advent[ist] movemeru:fl' Sensing something of a "breakthrough" via this mmlic-relations-oriented evangelistic approach, Washburn exclaimed, 'Whe Lord has given us favor with the people."6 Ebrmal Ogganization _£'3_Press Bureau With a new consciousness of the denomination's powers in public encounter, encouraged by an often favorable public response, together with repeated demonstrations that the press would circulate a great variety ofinformation about the denomination, the time seemed ripe at the 1911 Auhmm_Council of the General Conference Committee to establish a gen- eral press bureau to serve all the church. Background pf Eng action. Carlyle B. Haynes had been one of the must successful exponents of the public relations approach in evangelism, mm had only that summer achieved the publication of eighty-four articles hlBaltimore newspapers during the course of an evangelistic crusade. Hmse articles had an aggregate circulation of 9,655,000 c0pies, Haynes Itported--a figure calculated to stir the imagination of church leaders (niented to literature distribution.7 Moreover, professional help was at hamL for Haynes had previously baptized Walter L. Burgan, a reporter of mmm twelve years' experience on the Baltimore American and the Baltimore silt. With the Opening of the Council in late October, Haynes was on the \— 6Review and Herald, July 19, 1906, p. 15. 7Walter L. Burgan and Carlyle B. Haynes, A Series pg Lessons in Newspaper Reporting, No. 1 (Washington, D. C.: The Press Bureau, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, 1912), p. l. 113 job supplying the Washington press and the press associations with daily reports of the meetings. Newsmen had even been sent to the gathering in mmurban Takoma Park for photographs of the Adventist college and hospi- tal to illustrate Haynes' stories. This on-the-scene demonstration of a ynwral publicity Operation had its effect. An official interim report ofthe Council enthusiastically exclaimed: Thus by . . . this one brother, information regarding our work has been placed before probably millions of readers. The Council has been giving study to the importance of this kind of publicity work, which can be made use of wherever councils or meetings are held. K. C. Russell, then of the Religious Liberty Department, and under \dmse Sponsorship an informal ”press bureau" had grown up, urged the 1eaflus forward. "The press bureau work should be greatly extended,” he and the Council. He added: Plans should be develOped for publishing articles through the newspaper syndicates, the expense of which might be met by Special donations to a fund dedicated to that purpose. We should secure Space in the great metropolitan papers of the country. Frmnactual experience, Russell pointed out, it was not difficult to semue Space for reports of meetings and synopses of sermons. ”Such r£3P0rts are gladly accepted as items of news.” In order to obtain pub- lnmtion of material "designated for enlightenment," however, he ob- “HVEd that "more than ordinary care” was needed in the preparation of artiCleS. 9 AS church leaders pondered the alternative courses they might \ 8 m m Herald, November 2, 1911, p. 24. 9 . %-, p- 18- vfl‘u- a .I. 114 take in strengthening the work with news media, they focused at length on "the importance Of more general use Of the public press," rather than having the work included in any one existing department. By Special request, Carlyle B. Haynes was called upon to read a paper on the sub- ject to complement what Russell had said. According to the official report of the Council: . . [Haynes] spoke Of the large use that had been made Of the press in Baltimore during the last tent meeting season. Of 54 sermons preached in that city, 51 had been reported in the papers. Brethren K. C. Russell and S. B. Horton, of the Reli- gious Liberty Department, also brought before the Council the large work which had been done from the department offices in the way Of duplicating articles on Special features of the mes- sage, which have been placed in the hands Of our people through- out the country for insertion in the dauntry press.l Organization accomplished. The pleas Of these men, and the tangible evidence Of what was already being accomplished throughout the Country and abroad, and the recognition of the value of a professionally- manned, general press bureau for the entire church organization, led the Council at last to take this action: Recognizing the power and value Of the public press as an influential medium for conveying information, molding public Sentiment, and educating the masses, and appreciating the OPGHings universally existing, whereby the gOSpel message may 30 t0 millions Of readers; and, W, Encouraging results have already attended efforts Put forth in that direction, t kwe recommend, That the General Conference employ a man to a e clharge Of and to Operate a general press bureau. \\ 10 WQQM, November 9. 1911, p. 14. ll . @- 115 That "man" was Walter L. Burgan, Haynes' evangelistic convert. lmdoubtedly Burgan's professional qualifications and his availability went far in persuading church leaders to establish the press relations work as a distinctly separate agency of the church, as so many secular cmganizations were then doing. Burgan, as a new recruit to church membership, relatively un- acquainted with the ways of the church organization, needed a mentor, lmwever, and this was supplied in the person Of Carlyle B. Haynes. Early publications Of the new press bureau were in the names Of both men; awe early itineraries were undertaken in tandem--that none should lack cmnfidence in the new "professional" director of the denomination's press bureau. Burgan's appointment was recognized as a significant step in de- tmmnnational history, the fulfillment of the hOpes of many years. In- trmhming Burgan to the field, less than a month after the historic actun1of the Autumn Council, General Conference president A. G. Daniells recalled the early entreaties Of James White that just such a program be undertaken: Thirty years ago James White felt a great burden to make use Of the public press in giving publicity tO our message and our vaement. Just before his death he made a great effort tO a- waken the conference leaders to the importance Of training per- SOns. . . . For a time there was considerable activity but the effort was not carried far. For years we have done but little. However, during the last three or four years the importance Of this work has pressed upon the hearts of many Of our ministers. The General Conference has made a number of efforts to es- tablish a Press Bureau. It has at last succeeded. At the Au- tumn Council the Committee was requested tO secure an experienced newspaper man to take charge. \ ”Merflflw, December 14, 1911, pp. 9. 10. 116 The General Conference leader Spoke approvingly Of Burgan's ex- ;mrience as a newspaperman and revealed plans for a series Of classes in press relations to be conducted for ministers and "other workers engaged hipublic work" beginning in January, 1912. Burgan was to lead out in Hm series of "workShOpS" in the northern part Of the country, Haynes in Um South. Daniells expressed hOpe that workers would: take advantage Of this Opportunity to learn and thus be enabled to report tent, hall, and camp meetings through the pub- lic press SO that peOple will have their attention frequently directed to both our message and our work from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Pm added, in a sort Of benediction, ”We believe that our present bureau wffl.prove to be Of inestimable value to our cause."13 Thus was launched the first formally organized press bureau among Munica's churches, six years before similar agencies were created by the Nathxml Lutheran Council and the Catholic church through the Knights Of Columbus.“+ As Burgan began his work in January, 1912, and as he and Canhde B. Haynes began their first field itinerary, the Review and Her- ikigave the pioneers an enthusiastic send-off, with the hOpe that: . a hearty reception will be accorded them at all Our union conferences. . . . We have lost many Opportunities to bring the message before the public by failing tO utilize the various ave- nues Open to us through the weekly and daily press. We should we11 improve this means of Spreading truth in the future.15 EEHEEljfiigig Application pf the Press Bureau Concept Ihargan and Haynes plunged into their work with a prOphetic Spirit. \‘ 131bid. 14Scott M. Cutlip and Allen H. Center, Effective Public Relations (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1958), p. 42. ISEEEEEE,§E§ Herald, January ll, 1912, p. 24. 117 Hwy declared: The newspaper has been brought to its high state Of effi- ciency in the rapid dissemination Of news for the express purpose Of being used Of God in these last days tO finish His work and cut it short in righteousness. This is the real purpose for the existence Of the press Of the world.1 Sudlan Observation.would doubtless have seemed quaint tO Hearst, Scripps, and other "press lords" Of the day, but it does serve as an in- cfication Of the evangelistic zeal with which the Adventist press bureau gn:under way. ”There is a system in actual Operation,” said Burgan and Hmnms, "which if we can but use for our own purposes would go far toward sohfing the problem Of warning the world.”17 Burgan's Objective, supported by Haynes, was to "train a force of umrkers in the practical use Of every avenue of publicity." A series Of pruned lessons was prepared, including ”instruction in writing articles forthe daily and Sunday newspapers, the weekly country papers, the week- lyanm monthly magazines, and in reporting tent and hall meetings, ser- nmns,addresses, lectures, local and union conference sessions, ministe- rialinstitutes, departmental conventions and camp meetings." As a read: of training present workers along these lines, it was declared, thecmurch leaders "hOpe tO provide a trained press agent for every con- fénnwe and institution without additional expense."18 By 1914, Burgan had branched out into paid advertising. In that yearheissued a thirty-two page booklet of sample newspaper advertise- \\—— 6Walter L. Burgan and Carlyle B. Haynes, pp. cit., p. 2. 17Ibid. Ibid. 118 awnts for use in publicizing evangelistic meetings, rallies, and other events, a service greatly appreciated by men in the field who were smuggling with the problems Of preparing advertising copy.19 The General Conference press relations director Spent a great deal oflfis time attending evangelistic campaigns in the larger cities, per- sonally preparing news COpy and advertising material, most Of which he relayed tO the field at large in printed or mimeographed brochures. The press was thus firmly established as an agency of Adventist evangelimn. While Billy Sunday and other evangelists also made the press a major instrument Of their appeal and while Sunday, of course, occupied considerably more space in the newspapers than did any other evangelist Of the day, the Adventist evangelists preceded Sunday in the (EvelOpment Of an intensive, systematic plan for the evangelistic use of the press. CHAPTER VIII PRELUDE TO SUCCESS Mounting Adventist gains as the world was drawn into the Great War were in no small measure the result Of intensive preparation after 1910. However, denominational commitment to evangelism, extensive ministerial and evangelistic institutes, and other training measures doubtless would not have been so successful, had the times not been ripe for an Adventist evangelistic breakthrough. Ifiscontent in Old Denominations There was much discontent in the larger Old-line churches Of Mmrica. ‘Many members of the fundamentalist Orientation greatly re- smued the increasing acceptance by clerical leaders Of "the claims of Mience, scholarship, and social reform."1 There were pitched internal baufles between fundamentalists and liberals within the larger denomi- rmtions. At conventions Of the Northern Baptists, Presbyterians, bkthodists, and Disciples, for example, the fundamentalists sought to flute the adoption Of fundamentalist creeds--but with no decisive vic- uHies.2 For that matter, ever Since 1900, with a declining interest ‘hlBiblical prophecy, perfectionism, and adventism among the newly domi- rant liberal leaders Of the major denominations, new sects had been Splitting off as persons within those groups sought more congenial \— 1William G. McLoughlin, Jr., Modern Revivalism (New York: The Rona1d Press Company, 1959), p. 453. 2Jerald C. Brauer, Protestantism 13 America (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1953), pp. 249, 250. 120 Spiritual homes.3 Adventist evangelists benefited from this discontent by placing the picture Of current religious events and trends in a prophetic per- spective. The Seventh-day Adventist church, Since its beginning as a union of persons who had departed their former churches in the Millerite uwvement Of the 1840's, had applied tO those churches the prophetic dec- laration Of John the Revelator that "Babylon is fallen, is fallen."4 Hunughout their subsequent history, Adventists had seen themselves as ummrising a special movement ordained to "call out" into a separate gnnm those who "keep the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus.”5 Latheir imprecation against the "fallen" Protestant churches was added a.strong mixture of anti-Catholicism. Adventists predicted, on the lmsis Of their interpretation of Bible prophecy and the writings Of Ellen (1 White, that Catholicism and apostate Protestantism would ere long Unite and persecute the faithful ones. Adventist Speakers and writers quoted liberally from the press of Other denominations, pointing up their internal conflict and the depar- tUl‘e from the fervor and standards Of former days. "There is a growing feeling on the part Of many thoughtful men and women in the various ChurChes,” the editor Of the Adventist church paper reported, "that there is a great departure from the Old time preaching Of the Word on the Part Of many professed ministers of Christ." He quoted the Lutheran N 3McLoughlin, pp. cit., pp. 464, 465. 4Revelation 14.8. 5Revelation 14:12. 121 of August 12, 1915: There is not the slightest doubt that many laymen leave the house Of God on Sundays feeling that they have not been fed. . . . They feel that they have been cheated. If there is one reason why many believe that the pulpit has lost its power, here is the explanation of it beyond the Shadow of a doubt.6 On another occasion the editor lamented the passing Of the "amen corner," which he said: . has ceased to exist for the most part in the great churches Of Christendom. Formalism has in large measure supplanted spirituality. Much of the preaching is not a character to awaken deep spiritual emotions, and on the part Of many there is an indifference to the utterances of the minister SO long as Sinful pleasures and practices are not tOO strongly rebuked. It is a fact that there was comparatively little growth of member- flfip in the larger churches during these years deSpite the pervasive influence Of the itinerant revivalist. In the Christian Observer Of August 5, 1914, it was said: In view Of the continued destitution in our beloved Zion and the slow growth Of the church, and especially in view Of the meager report Of accessions and Of the distressing fact that last year 1399 congregations . . . reported no conver- sions, we would earnestly appeal tO all our peOple tO bow in importunate and faithful prayer tO God to build up our waste Places and to bring multitudes into the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. In 1912, despite the influence Of the Men and Religion Forward MOVement, in which more than one million dollars was expended on co- Operative evangelism by the various churches, the membership growth Of \— 6Review and Herald, August 26, 1915, p. 24. 7Review and Herald, February 18, 1915, p. 24. 8Review and Herald, September 24, 1914, p. 10. ‘F- ‘ 122 all American churches was only 579,000 compared with 859,000 the year before. According to Adventists, this relatively poor showing was "in large measure due to the work of evolution and higher criticism."9 Adventist evangelists Spoke out freely against almost every ef- fort at church unity. These were seen as fulfillments of prophetic beliefs that an apostate Protestantism and Catholicism would be bound tmgether in a persecuting covenant against "Sabbath keepers." According U)W. W. Prescott: One Of the cardinal points upon which the Federal Council Of Churches Of Christ in America is united is that Of com- pulsory Sunday Observance. Greater emphasis is being placed upon this feature Of the federal movement at each successive council. TO back up his assertion, he cited actual resolutions Of the Coun- cil in favor of legally supported Sunday Observance. The Men and Reli- ghnlMovement was viewed with similar suSpicion. In fact, in reference to religious unity movements in general, it was said: Great organizations already committed tO definite reli- gious movements are working with all their power tO accom- plish results which they believe tO be for the betterment of the world, but which we know are the devices Of Satan to fasten men and women in his snares, and prevent them from listening tO the message when it shall come to their ears AS yet the forces Of Seventh-day Adventists are tOO feeble tO attract the attention Of the world; when we shall at last awake tO our Obligations, and to give the warning in its ful- ness, we Shall soon feel the hand Of Oppression laid heavily Upon us. V 9Review and Herald, March 6, 1913, p. 10. 1oIbid. 11Review and Herald, May 23, 1912, pp. 5, 6. 123 This prospect Of impending persecution as the result Of predicted fidfillments of prophecy figured prominently in Adventist comments on the religious scene. J. O. Corliss quoted a Speaker at 3 Men and Reli- gnanorward Movement meeting as declaring: that the blOOd would flow before all the work contem- plated by the movement Should be accomplished. It seems that the enemy Of souls is ripening every conceivable scheme, in his final attempt to thwart God's plan Of salvation for the human race. In criticizing the church unity movement and in decrying the "fallew' state Of the larger Protestant churches, Adventists were not, lmwever, saying more than many persons within the churches themselves ymre saying, as has been mentioned. Further, in Speaking against Catholicism, the Adventists were merely touching on wideSpread fears Of the Roman faith among Anglo-Saxon Mmmicans in the wake of many years Of heavy immigration from southern EuroPE. Some of the criticism was most pointed. For example, The North- Efiflfflfll Christian Advocate Of December 16, 1914, declared: Roman Catholics throughout the country propose to unite in a demand upon Congress for the enactment Of a special law ex- cluding anti-Catholic publications from the United States mail. They'also advocate the use of the threat that they "cannot sup- Port at the polls an administration which is SO remiss in its ‘hlty as to allow such filthy sheets tO use the money of Ameri- carl citizens tO circulate slanders." It might not be amiSs tO apply the Old suggestion about a physician healing himself before applying his nostrum to others. .As long as Roman Catholicism . lays violent hands upon the= public school; as long as She sets church above state, carTdinal above President, Rome against Washington, SO long may Sr“3 expect a force, a strong and ever swelling force, to be di‘li‘ected against her. \— 12Review and Herald, March 4, 1912, p. 7. 13Cited in Review and Herald, February 11, 1915, p. 11. 124 Thus, based on the twin concepts Of fallen Protestantism and sinister Catholicism and the knowledge Of wideSpread agreement among many fellow Protestants, Adventists zealously gave their proclamation that "Babylon is fallen," and freely appealed to members of other chur- ches to join the Adventist movement in preparation for the coming Of Christ. caution in criticism. There were, however, moderating voices within Adventism urging H. J. Rogers, for example, admonished his fellow ministers: was the Observation and long experience have taught me that in pre- senting the truth to persons, either privately or publicly, it is not best to assail what we conceive tO be their views Of scripture, doctrine, or the ”popular view” but tO give the word Of the Lord direct and straight. Combatting in a critical Spirit their errors, does not convert them, but leaves them with the same Opinion still. Repeatedly lending her influence to this moderate public approach Ellen G. White. In one publication she cautioned the ministry Of Adventist church: It should ever be manifest that we are reformers, but not bigots. When our laborers enter a new field, they should seek t0 become acquainted with the pastors Of the several churches in the place. Much has been lost by neglecting to do this. If Our ministers Show themselves friendly and sociable, and do IKDC act as if they were ashamed Of the message they bear, it will have an excellent effect and may give these pastors and their congregations favorable impressions of the truth. . (Dur laborers should be very careful not to give the impres- SlOnthat they are wolves stealing in to get the sheep. (3n entering a new place Of labor, we Should be careful not t" create prejudice in the minds Of the Catholics, or do any- thing to lead them to think us their enemies. \_— 14Review and Herald, June 13, 1912, p. 5. 125 While the claims Of the law of God are to be presented tO the world, we should never forget that love--the love Of God-- is the only power that can soften the heart and lead to Obedi- ence. While this note of caution was to become more insistent as the Imited States entered the war, Adventist evangelism during this period vms almost always a message of warning Of Christ's soon return and a caU.for separation from "Babylon." Confusion and discontent among a large body Of American Protestantism provided a setting in which that ymrning and call rang true for many peOple. World CatastrOphe With the Outbreak Of hostilities in EurOpe, Adventist evangelistic zeal received new stimulation. Deterioration in world conditions lent weight to the Adventist premillennial view Of growing world disorder as apnelude to the second coming Of Christ, as Opposed to that of liberal churchmen, particularly in the social gOSpel movement, who had long fore- cast increasing world betterment. Moreover, the early involvement Of Dukey in European strife was seen as one of the apocalyptic signals in Adventist prophetic teachings. According to certain time-honored interpretations Of the extensive WHTrayal Of political turmoil in Daniel 11, Turkey was that power Of the MHTh who would be driven out of his land by surrounding powers and who wmfld ”come to his end, and none Shall help him."16 The significance Of \ 15Review and Herald, June 13, 1912, pp. 3, 4. 16Daniel 11:45. 126 this event was that, according to the prophetic interpretations adopted --but not necessarily originated--by Adventists,17 ”At that time Shall lfichael [Christ] stand up," Armageddon, earth's last great battle, would ensue; then would come the resurrection and the long-looked-for return of Christ.18 It was, therefore, with some excitement that Adventists rmted in 1911 the entry Of Turkey into active hostilities with its neigh- MHS and a declaration Of war against Turkey by the Italian government, inth no one "interposing in behalf Of the Ottoman empire."19 A. G. Daniells at once began a series Of articles in the church Imper, outlining what came to be an oft-repeated evangelistic mes- sage on world affairs during the World War era. Turkey, Daniells de- clared, fulfilled the Specifications Of that power described in prophecy asthe "king Of the north” and according to the prOphecy would ulti- mately lose all its possessions in Africa and EurOpe, be driven out Of mnwpe, re-establish a capital in Jerusalem, and then finally be per- manently obliterated, receiving no help from any allies. Thereupon Wnfld be launched the battle of Armageddon, bringing the close Of human lustory and the return Of Christ, as seen in other prOphecies. Adventists became keenly interested in the day-by-day flow Of Workinews. A Special feature was included in the Official church paper fiu'the purpose Of keeping the membership abreast Of rapidly changing worklevents--in many details Of which Adventists saw a fulfillment Of 17See LeRoy Edwin Froom, The Prophetic Faith pf Our Fathers, four vohmes (Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1953). 18Daniel 12:1-3. 19Review and Herald, January 4, 1912, p. 8. 127 apocalyptic prophecies. Adventist evangelists began more definitely to lwy their public appeal to current events and the insights afforded by thntist interpretations of Biblical prOphecy.20 With the sudden outbreak of World War I in July and August Of 1914, Adventists were stimulated to new levels Of anticipation. "The events of the last few days indicate how rapidly we are approaching the fhwl conflict,--the Armageddon foretold in Scriptures," the editor Of Hutchurch paper declared. Citing the words of an editorial in the Ipndon Daily Teleggaph of August 1, 1914, he exclaimed: ”Human imagi- nation is stunned by so sudden, so tremendous, so unexpected a catastro- phe."21 It was not claimed that the war was itself Armageddon. How- ever, it was suggested: "It surely stands as the precursor of Arma- geddon. It is the nearest approach to that last great conflict that the world has ever seen."22 Then, with the entry Of Turkey into the general conflict, Advent- ists expected its imminent destruction. Albert Bushnell Hart Of Harvard was Cited in the New York Times of November 8, 1914: ”Apparently the end<3f the Turkish Empire is at hand, whether it accepts or resists the ”23 W. H. Branson declared: hammer- strokes Of either side. What a clarion call to Seventh-day Adventists is the present “Hir'which now involves all EurOpe! We have long preached that tbua EurOpean powers would be thrown into great conflict and tkhat the Turkish empire would be dried up as a result. If the y zofigyigy,ggg Herald, June 11, 1912, p. 9. 21 Review and Herald, September 3, 1914, p. 6. 22Ibid. 233321331329 Herald, December 17, 1914, p. 5. 128 present war continues, it will in all human probability result in the expulsion Of the Turk from Europe and the destruction of his government. But this event will be a Sign tO this peo- ple that their work is over. By 1915, as the war advanced, predictions were more Specific. 'Hw editor of the church paper called upon his fellow believers tO "realize as never before that this work is soon to close. A few more years and we shall witness the end Of earth's history and the coming Of ourLord."25 A. G. Daniells himself in 1913 had called attention to the factthat at the beginning Of the Adventist movement in 1844 it was be- lieved that the work would be finished in a single generation after that cute. He said, "That generation has now nearly passed away. The end cannot be far Off."26 Adventists' belief in their message Of an impending end was snengthened by a growing public interest in what they had tO say. For exmmfle, with Daniells traveling in Australia when the war broke out in mque, it was reported that newspaper men in Australia eagerly solicited 27 lfis views Of the world situation. The same interest was noted in the lmmeland. According to Walter L. Burgan: Editors . . . now appreciate the fact that the Adventists are the one denomination which has predicted these things Coming upon the earth. The result is that editors are now aDXious for our ministers to give their views through the cOlumns Of the newspapers. ““-~—______ Zaggyigy Egg Herald, December 17, 1914, p. 5. zsfigyigg Egg Herald, March 11, 1915, p. 9. 26E§yigy_ggg Herald, November 13, 1913, pp. 7, 8. 27figxigfllggd Herald, October 1, 1914, p. 15. 28ReView and Herald, September 10, 1914. 129 The church was encouraged to utilize the press, and evangelists in par- ticular seized upon the war interest to attract peOple to their meetings. Burgan reported: Taking advantage Of the Opportunity Offered them by the terrible war that is now being waged in EurOpe to announce to the world the nearness of the coming of the battle of Armaged- don, a number of the ministers engaged in tent efforts and others holding special meetings have preached on this subject and have had extracts of their sermons published in the news— papers. The neWSpapers Of America are giving liberal Space to the details concerning this conflict and the effects it will produce; and no better Opportunity than the present one could be Offered to publish extracts Of sermons telling Of this mo- mentous battle. The Adventists also hurried their own publishing facilities into action in their effort to reach a national audience with the denomina- tional view Of the world situation. The Southern Publishing Association cm Nashville, Tennessee, announced a new tract entitled, "Is It Armaged- donW' The Pacific Press Publishing Association of Mountain View, Cali- . 30 finnia, published the tract: "Have We Come tO Armageddon?" The Review axiHerald Publishing Association produced an extra edition of the church Inper entitled, "Eastern Question Extra," having just previously pub- UShed a "War" extra, Of which more than 1,500,000 COpieS were distrib- 3 LWEd- l The Adventist publishers were encouraged in their production mm only by an avid public reSponse but also by editorial statements Of mmlic interest in such literature. The Literary Digest, for example, (fited the Springfield Republican as predicting immediate changes in the Character of American reading matter: \— 29Review and Herald, August 20, 1914, p. 16. 30Review and Herald, August 27, 1914, p. 24. 31§§gigy Egg Herald, November 5, 1915, p. 24. 130 A world event Of such transcendent importance will not only create a demand for Special literature . . . it is likely, also, to have a marked effect upon literary taste. Writers who can tell a stupefied world what this fearful por- tent means, who can throw light on the great fundamental prob- lemns Of the race and give some hint as to its destiny will have an attentive and even anxious hearing. Adventist writers and evangelists alike were sure they knew the meaning Of world events and were ready to inform the public. In addition to the war, numerous other social developments were portrayed as further signs Of world deterioration and disintegration {neceding a premillennial second coming. In 1916, conflict between capital and labor was described as a part Of the last great conflict. Tflm church paper cited the occurrence Of 36,757 strikes between 1881 and 1905, and such incidents at an even greater rate between 1906 and 1914, niaddition to more recent labor difficulties in 1915 and 1916 as "a Sign tmuzwe have reached the last days Of earth's history.”33 Epidemics Of nuantile paralysis, floods, fires, earthquakes, and other calamities wenadescribed in vivid fashion as "telling us in clear tones that sin's lmrvest is almost ripe, and the day of God is at the door."34 Alkgpenipg Spiritual Commitment Increasing public response to the Adventist message was accom- Pmfied by a deepening Spiritual commitment Of Adventists to their task. Hume was an inSpired conviction that after many years Of ridicule as finecasters Of world catastrOphe in the face Of the "world betterment" 32Cited in Review and Herald, December 3, 1914, p. 22. 33Review and Herald, September 21, 1916, p. 4. 34Ibid. 131 \dews of other churches, actual events had at last proven the Advent- ists right and the others wrong. Adventists hastened to press their ad- xmntage by calling on unhappy members of other churches to join them in their great movement. The denomination was caught up in a new spirit Of confidence, unity, and commitment. I. H. Evans, president Of the North American Division, declared: God is visiting His peOple. Marked experiences in gaining personal victories over evil habits have come to many. Our evangelists report good meetings in connection with their field efforts, and many are ggirred as they contemplate present day conditions in the world. Ministers in the field echoed this same awareness Of awakening. Taylor G. Bunch from the Southern Oregon Conference reported: It is indeed encouraging to see the awakening among our peOple throughout the conference, and the missionary zeal that is taking hold of them. They seem anxious to dO something. The present widespread alarm Of war is Opening the way for many Opportunitities to present the truth as tO what these things mean. We never before saw so many good Openings for meetings. . . . Good audiences are easily secured by announc- ing subjects relating to the war. It is important, however, to note that this Spirit Of revival and COmmitment was merely enhanced by the outbreak Of war and not created by it' It had actually begun in 1911 in the wake Of the ministerial insti- tutes and evangelistic councils convened by A. G. Daniells. At that Same time he had inaugurated a plan of revival among Adventist churches throUghout the country with an urgent plea to the church at large: The revival Of new consecration and Spiritual life has al- ready begun with our ministers and Bible workers in the minis- terial institutes that have been held. . . . It must come to ~—\_— 35Review and Herald, August 27, 1914, p. 7. 36Review and Herald, February 4, 1915, pp. 20, 21. 132 all the peOple. Everyone must experience this; and everyone will be aroused and impelled tO do all in his power to hasten forward this work. Following the institute held in the Atlantic Union Conference, the officers Of that field began a series of revival meetings in the churches Iniorder to "impart to the members Of our churches the blessings we had received." He reported: We were surprised to find that God had gone before us, that already some had been earnestly praying for the baptism Of the Holy Spirit. They came to the first meeting ready to praise God for the power they had received. . . . There was no Special excitement in any Of the meetings held. SO far they have been too solemn for anything of a Superficial nature. . . . We feel convinced that this movement is Of God, the time for the mani- festation Of this gift has certainly arrived. It will be needed by the church for the finishing Of the work. This spirit Of revival continued and deepened; and on January 8, 19M“ it was reported in the church paper: A deep religious revival and reformation are in progress among our people. . . . It is difficult to tell just when and how this revival began; but it is here, and there is great re- joicing over the glorious results it is producing. It seems to have begun in the very earnest appeals Of [Ellen G. White] during 1909 in behalf of the millions Of lost souls in the great cities. Then was recounted the convention Of city evangelistic workers in NeW York in June, 1910, followed by the ministerial institutes in which mhfisters experienced "deep conviction Of the sinfulness Of Sin" and "deep repentance”: and now this experience is being extended tO the teachers and students in our academies and colleges and to our dear peo- M 37Review and Herald, December 7, 1911, p. 9. 38Review and Herald, January 1, 1913, p. 14. 39Review and Herald, January 8, 1914. 133 ple in the churches. A revival is in progress. A new life and new experience are coming to men and women who fear God. 40 In March, 1914, it was reported that "the Greater New York Con— ference has been passing through one Of the most searching revivals in . . ”41 . . . . . . 1ts hlstory. And aga1n 1n April, 1914, 1t was sa1d Of the f1e1d at large: One Of the most encouraging omens of certain success in this work is the Spirit manifested throughout the ranks Of this people to rise up and take hold with earnestness in the Special soul-winning campaign recently inaugurated. In July, just before the outbreak Of World War I, it was further recorded: A new Spirit is working among us. Greater power is ac- companying the efforts Of our ministers. . . . The Spirit Of revival [is] felt by our churches. . . . In the various tent meetings and evangelistic services being carried on in the different parts Of the field a larger number than usual are being converted. Victory is turning on the side Of Israel. 43 With the hour of their great evangelistic breakthrough at hand, Hm Adventists were ready. For five years they had been intensively cul- tivating evangelistic talent. The unstinting commitment Of the leader- flfip Of the denomination to evangelism had immeasurably elevated the Stanfisof the evangelist and prepared the peOple to support his work. 'Hm members themselves were spiritually revived, unified, and mobilized. Asthe Outbreak of the EurOpean catastrophe Shattered the confidence of matWAmericanS in themselves and in their traditional religious leader- ‘3— 40Ibid. 41W erflflerilcl, March 19. 1914, p. 17. 42Review and Herald, April, 1914. 4339116222221. Herald. July 2. 1914, p. 24. 134 ship, Adventists were well prepared to Offer an attractive alternative with vigor and with success. Ironically, the voice that had urged them toward this state Of readiness was now stilled. On July 15, 1915, after a period Of illness, Ellen G. White died, at the age Of eighty-seven years. Yet, as Adventist evangelists moved toward their greatest period of ministry in a chaotic world, her written counsel-«SO frequently recalled by voice and pen-- remained both an inspiration and a guide. CHAPTER IX 1916: EVANGELISTIC BREAKTHROUGH With a Sublime fitness, the major breakthrough inaugurating the umdern era of large-scale Adventist evangelism occurred under the direct unnistry Of A. G. Daniells——who for so long had borne the burden Of the (mnomination's evangelistic negligence; and in Portland, Maine, the dfildhood home Of Ellen G. White--who had urged him into personal action. The year: 1916 . Portland had long been an Object of Mrs. White's Special interest; and she had suggested that there, as well as in other cities Of the East, the Adventist message would "return in power” after its long years Of nurturing in the West. In reSponse to Mrs. White's interest in Port- land, S. N. Haskell had moved there from Tennessee in 1912 and had been doing an effective work of literature distribution and personal visita- tion” While he realized comparatively few converts, he reported at the time Of his departure for California that ”a foundation [had] been laid for a substantial and fruitful work."l Early in 1916, impressed by a Spirit of revival in the Portland Church, its zeal in having erected a new church building, and a great interest among the Adventist leadership Of that area in launching an ef- fective evangelistic program, A. G. Daniells responded to an invitation to be their speaker. He had but recently returned from a world tour during which, with \\_ 1Review and Herald, September 12, 1912, p. 14. 136 the outbreak Of World War I, he had experienced a new surge Of public interest in Adventist viewpoints. Throughout his itinerary, in New Zea- land and Australia in particular, Adventists in the principal cities had arranged for him to speak in large halls, where in almost every case, exceptionally good audiences were attracted. He returned to America pleased with the fact that Adventist evangelists at home were also meet- :hg with increased success, and he was anxious to renew his personal in- wflvement in city evangelism. Nap Success El Portland, Maine The Opportunity came in Portland, where the local conference had sanmed the new Civic Auditorium--"one of the finest in the United Shues" --for its evangelistic campaign. Meetings were scheduled for Un>Sunday nights, January 23 and 30, and Wednesday, January 26. The series was thoroughly advertised by means Of handbills, show cards in shop windows, large painted signs in prominent places. as well msa liberal amount Of newspaper Space--all "of a creditable, high-class <fimracter."3 Lecture titles presented were: "Changing the World's Map: or, The Place and Meaning Of the Present Great World Struggle of the lhtions as ForetOld in the Prophecies Of the Bible"; "Miracles Of Modern Missions"; and "Preparedness and Armageddon." Daniells was advertised rmt as the president Of the World Conference Of Seventh-day Adventists, huzrather--perhaps because of a fear of prejudice toward Adventists-- as'Trom Washington Missionary College, Washington, D. C." 2Review and Herald, April 6, 1916, p. 7. 3Ibid. 137 On Saturday preceding the Sunday night meeting, the Adventist churches Of the Portland area Observed a day of fasting and prayer. Mning this season, members Of the church and local leaders expressed an expectation Of success, confident that the Civic Auditorium would be filled. Daniells, somewhat cautious, declared, "Personally I felt that if five hundred persons came to hear us I should feel encouraged."4 To Daniells' surprise and to the delight of local members, the first night's congregation numbered nearly two thousand persons--who 'Wistened with intense interest as [Daniells] explained with vigor how 11m present world crisis is a fulfillment of Bible prophecy."5 This wasrmarly twice as many persons as the best Adventist evangelists were amnmtomed to seeing. It was noted that "most Of these [persons] were strangers whom we had never met before."6 Even more surprising to Daniells was an immediate invitation tO IBpeat his lecture the following evening to the Portland Business Men's ChHL On this occasion, unprecedented in Daniells' experience, about 2fl)of the leading men Of the city were present and "listened with deep huerest as he explained that the present scramble for Turkish territory Immt result in the removal Of the Turkish capital to Jerusalem, and that Huzdeliverance Of God's peOple will soon follow."7 Daniells' personal account of this incident written in his own ALREQ: 5Review and Herald, February 24, 1916, p. 14. 6Review and Herald, April 13, 1916, p. 7. 7Review and Herald, February 24, 1916, p. 14. 138 hamito I. H. Evans the following morning, reveals his amazement and dmn>awareness that a historic moment had arrived in the history Of Ad- ventist evangelisnu At 6:15 I sat down to dinner with 250 merchants, bankers, doctors, architects, etc. I was introduced by the chairman at 6:45 and spoke tO them until 7:30. In some respects this was the most remarkable meeting I ever held. Those men were keen thinkers, familiar with the political and geographical points I had to deal with, and with the history I had to Sketch. They eyed me like a hawk. But when I came to the applica- tion Of Daniel 11:45 and 12:1,2, they seemed spellbound. The silence could be felt as I told Of the beginning Of the reign Of the Prince Of Peace, the time Of trouble, and the deliverance Of everyone that Should be found written in the book Of life. I told them I was a Christian, a believer in the inSpiration and divine origin of the good Old Book. I told them Of the skepticism that had been growing among professional and busi- ness men. Well, I did not know that I could ever stand before 250 Of the first business and professional men of a city and talk our message as I did in that club room. The mayor sat directly in front Of me and the editor Of the Evening Press by my Side and never took their eyes from me the whole time. A divine power Was present. At the close many came and thanked me most cor- dially for the address. Some said it was the first serious and definite explanation they had ever heard Of the present terrible Struggle. I have felt very solemn all day--almost sad as I have thought of those upturned faces. I wonder if there is not some way to get before this class of men in our cities. . . . We had nearly tWO thousand people out Sunday night, and only a few Of them Were our own people. There is something more than ordinary about this whole work in Portland. I am seeking the Lord with all my heart tO know how tO do my part. I felt very much dis- satisfied with my address in the big hall. Pray for me. I can do so little.8 Somewhat fewer than one thousand persons attended Daniells' Wed- neSdayevening lecture on January 26, entitled, "Miracles of Modern 8Letter, A. G. Daniells to I. H. Evans, January 25, 1916. 139 bfissions"; but on the following Sunday, January 30, the audience again numbered nearly two thousand persons who, it was said, "felt a solemn conviction Of truth and duty," as Daniells presented his lecture on "Preparedness and Armageddon: or, The Last Great Battle Of the Nations.”9 The reaction to these unusual meetings in the city of Portland was.apparent1y good. Liberal Space was given in the newSpapers to re- ports Of Daniells' addresses, with "many favorable comments on the points made by the speaker."10 Managers Of the Civic Auditorium Offered further tme Of the building free Of charge to A. E. Sanderson, a local evange- list, tO continue the lectures. Public interest continued at such a high level that after attending to certain duties in Washington, Daniells was persuaded to return to Portland for an additional series Of eight meet- ings in the Civic Auditorium, tO be held twice weekly over a period Of four weeks. Daniells arrived in Portland at 4:30 on Sunday afternoon, Febru- ary 20, only three hours before the service was to begin. When he reached the building fifteen minutes before the advertised time, he was astonished tO find every one Of the three thousand seats taken and hun-. dTEds standing along the walls and in both galleries—-and still the peo- Ple Were streaming in. At length police ordered the doors closed, and hurldreds Of persons were turned away. According to Daniells: One Of Our brethren who could not get inside told me that the street was [filled] with peOple leaving the building. One Of the ushers estimated that more than one thousand people Were shut out. We were very sorry for this. We have arranged y 9Advertising leaflet. 10Review and Herald, February 24, 1916, p. 14. 140 for an overflow meetin in another hall if we have such a crowd on Sunday night. A report in the Portland Eastern Argus the following morning sug- gwsted the air Of excitement generated not only among the Adventist pro- uwters Of the meeting but also among the public itself: A half hour before Dr. Daniells began his lecture every available seat was taken in the great amphitheater. Hundreds stood on the main floor and also in both balco- nies. More than one thousand were turned away, the police taking precautions that no more forced their way through the entrances. Great enthusiasm prevailed as various scenes Of the war were thrown on the screen, and though the lecture lasted an hour and a half, the crowd gave excellent attention through- out. The meetings continued with Similarly interested crowds well into MarChand were the beginning of a continuing and systematic evangelistic cannpaign throughout the state Of Maine. During this period meetings were also held in suburban halls on Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday nights in the manner of Chapman's Simultaneous evangelistic campaigns. Daniells emphasized that the meetings were known as Adventist meetings--a1though that fact was not mentioned in advertising. In sermon content, he ex- plained, "We connect these world conditions with the prOphecies Of these times, endeavoring tO impress the people with the conviction that they are facing the end Of the world."13 Daniells saw the sensational develOpments in Portland as a ful- 11Letter, A. c. Daniells to w. c. White, February 22, 1916. ”Item em M. March 2, 1916. p. 24. 13Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, February 22, 1916. 141 fillment Of the words of Ellen G. White that new power would come to the movement when the city work was undertaken in earnest. He declared, "It has certainly develOped into the greatest movement I have ever had on my hands in the way Of public meetings.”14 He said further: We believe that the experience Of the last few weeks in Portland will be duplicated in many cities. The people are anxious to know the meaning of these great world events. The prophecies Of the Word furnish answers to their inquiries. Seventh-day Adventists who have the light of prophecy Should realize that God has called them to the place they occupy for such a time as this. Alert to the historical Significance Of what had happened in Port- land, Daniells exclaimed: Never in my experience had I witnessed such a desire on the part Of the public to hear the message we are proclaiming to the world. We are deeply impressed that we are entering upon a new ex erience in our work on behalf Of the masses in the cities. He was convinced that: The time has fully come for a greater work to be done for the masses in our cities than we have yet seen. Large halls will be filled with peOple anxious to hear God's message . . . the promise Of a "new era" tO the cause Of God throughout the world.17 As Daniells' success in Maine was reported to the Adventist con- stituency in North America, he received many calls for personal assist- ance in helping the conferences tO test the potential for similar meetings in their large cities. As he related the situation to W. C. White: 14Ibid. 15Review and Herald, March 2, 1916, p. 24. 16Review and Herald, March 30, 1916, p. 7. 17Review and Herald, April 13, 1916, p. 7. 142 Our brethren who have heard Of the work here are pressing me to help them get it started in other cities. The Syracuse church is making arrangements to hire the largest theater in the city. Professor [B. G.] Wilkinson and Elder [F. H.] Rob- bins, the president Of the West Pennsylvania Conference, are urging me to give them some help in a large hall in the city Of Pittsburgh. . . . The Boston church is planning for a great meeting in Tremont Temple. . . . I am not unmindful Of the pressing messages that came to me a few years ago re- garding this city work. At the present time I am the freest to engage in this work that I have been for fifteen years. More Triumphs ip_PittSburgh The most urgent and promising Of the appeals coming to Daniells seemed tO be that from the Western Pennsylvania Conference for the Spe- cial effort in Pittsburgh. The Columbia Union Conference was planning its regular constituency meeting; and in connection with this, had secured the Pitt Theater, "the largest and most modern in the city," for two public Sunday evening lectures, March 12 and 19.19 Daniells joined the local leaders, F. H. Robbins, D. A. Parsons, B. G. Wilkinson, and C. S. Longacre, on March 12, tO Speak on the sub- ject: "The Call to Arms: Is America Yet to be involved?" Although the theater seated only two thousand persons, there were at least twenty-five hundred present tO hear him; and some seven hundred persons left their names and addresses, desiring to receive a printed copy Of the evening's lecture, "among them . . . three ministers, one leading lawyer Of the city, and other prominent men." The second meeting on March 19 drew an even larger audience, with more than one thousand persons turned away. 18Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, February 22, 1918. 9References relating to the Pittsburgh campaign are drawn from the Review and Herald, March 30, 1918, p. 24, and April 27, 1916, pp. 15, 16. 143 At this meeting approximately one thousand persons turned in names and addresses for a COpy Of the lecture. Daniells had intended to Speak only twice but was prevailed upon to Speak at a third meeting on April 2 on the subject, "The Coming Of the Prince Of Peace." Approximately seventeen hundred persons attended this meeting, with "the boxes . . . occupied by some Of the best peOple in the city.” Additional meetings were planned to sustain the interest generated in Pittsburgh, with B. G. Wilkinson appointed as the Speaker. Associated with Wilkinson in the continuing campaign were D. A. Parsons, J. P. Gaede, W. F. Schwartz, Dr. D. H. Kress, and F. H. Robbins, in ad- dition to a number Of Bible workers. There were clear indications in the Pittsburgh meetings, as well as those in Maine, that the Adventists were appealing to new people a- mong the other Protestant churches who previously had not been interested in the Adventist message. In some cases, apparently, a seeming failure on their own ministerial leaders tO provide satisfying explanations Of the world cataclysm had turned them to the Adventist speakers with evi- dent appreciation. Dr. D. H. Kress quoted a number of persons in at- tendance at Pittsburgh to this effect. One prominent business man, he reported, said: ”I do not wish to find fault with my church or with the other churches, but really I get very little in going to these churches. Since coming tO these meetings the Bible has become a new book.” The business man explained that his wife went to their regular church because She had to do it inasmuch as she sang in their program, but he attended the Adventist meetings and his wife came as soon as She could complete 144 her singing chores at the regular church. In Pittsburgh, as in Maine, the participants sensed a historic turn Of events. According to L. A. Hansen, the Pittsburgh meetings, in the wake of those in Maine, ”seemed like the beginning of a new and great work. As we hear Of calls for similar meetings in a number of other large cities, we can but recognize that we have entered upon a "21,22 new era . A Need 29 Follow Through In the midst of this sensational Adventist success in attracting large audiences, Daniells felt restless and disturbed. Thinking Of the 20Review and Herald, June 1, 1916, p. 16. 21Review and Herald, March 30, 1916, p. 24. 22The breakthrough in Portland, Maine, together with Chat in Pitts- burgh, may be considered the beginning Of the modern era Of Adventist city evangelism even though it was not in fact the first time SO large an au- dience had ever been attracted tO hear an Adventist evangelist. William'Ward Simpson had attracted audiences Of two thousand per- sons in Los Angeles in 1906, as noted previously. In addition, a later, but isolated, example occurred in 1913 in Portland, Oregon, where Luther Warren, assisted by M. H. St. John, J. J. Nethery, and H. W. Cottrell, "taking advantage of a providential Opportunity afforded us by the pres- ent war in Turkey," secured the largest theater in the city Of Portland, with a seating capacity Of three thousand. Advertising produced by some Adventist laymen who were professional advertising peOple attracted an overflow audience to a single meeting. Later, the Gypsy Smith Tabernacle was secured for an afternoon meeting on Sunday, November 17, when thirty- five hundred persons came to hear the Adventist message. It is remark— able that no other such events occurred for another three years. The Portland, Maine, and Pittsburgh meetings Of 1916 were the be- ginning Of a new era because from that time forward many other Adventist evangelists throughout the country enjoyed Similar success in a concerted national effort in the cities. 145 thousands Of persons who had attended the second Pittsburgh meeting, he wrote: I kept wondering how we were going to take care Of that great crowd Of interested, anxious peOple. . . . It seems a terrible thing to me to call the peOple out as we have in Pittsburgh and give them just a little and then let the work drop to a large extent. Insistent invitations from church leaders elsewhere convinced Daniells that the new evangelism was no passing phenomenon and that they must develop plans for systematic evangelistic follow-up. Leaders in Chicago, for example, wired Daniells in Pittsburgh asking him to come and "give them a lift." They declared that the church there would secure an auditorium that would hold five thousand peOple with confidence of being able to fill it. I. H. Evans, president Of the North American Division, concurred in Daniells' concern, declaring that he, too, was "distressed and per- plexed in regard tO these great meetings.” Evans thought it imperative that they get results in terms of conversions to the church. "Our people expect results," he said. ". . . We have quoted the Testimonies [Ellen G. White's counsels] to them, and said that we believe this was the be- ginning Of the fulfillment Of those promises." Evans affirmed his belief that they would get results in prOpor- tion to the effectiveness Of their organization: While I would not in any way discount the Holy Spirit and the power Of God, yet I believe results are Obtained somewhat in proportion to human effort and human wisdom. . . . We are under Obligations to leave nothing undone that can be done in order to win out in this great fight. 23Letter, A. G. Daniells to I. H. Evans, March 20, 1918. 146 Evans appealed to Daniells to lay the groundwork Of good follow-up or- ganization before he undertook another large evangelistic enterprise in a new place: It would be a splendid thing if you would get the execu- tive committee Of the union conference together and decide definitely how many men, and whom, you would put into a place tO follow up your work. Then if you could lead out with two or three Of your very strong lectures, then counsel these men and let them follow your advice and work with you, I would be very glad tO see you take work in several cities; but really just to have a big crowd two or three times, with nO follow-up plans and no method Of develOping the interest aroused, it seems to me is going tO give us considerable perplexity.24 Daniells left B. G. Wilkinson and C. S. Longacre in charge Of evangelistic follow-up in Pittsburgh and returned tO Portland, Maine. Here he worked with the Union Conference Committee in setting up an extensive organization to carry on a permanent work. K. C. Russell was called from the presidency Of the New York Conference to be the evange- listic director. Associated with him was A. E. Sanderson as "permanent assistant evangelist." H. W. Carr was delegated to serve as "financier." Listed as "assistant evangelists” were C. B. Haynes, who was called from the Southern Union Conference, R. D. Quinn, and A. G. Daniells himself. In addition, five Bible workers, four colporteurs, and three nurses were appointed. The plan was for Russell to work in the city of Portland, with Sanderson assisting in the preaching, and for the other assistant evan— gelists, including Sanderson and Haynes, to tour cities Of the state, two by two, capitalizing on the interest that had been stimulated by the Port- land success. Meetings in Portland were to continue in the Pythian 24Letter, I. H. Evans to A. G. Daniells, March 22, 1916. 147 Temple, a hall accommodating about six hundred persons, with other meetings on other nights in smaller halls around the suburbs. In addi- tion, colporteurs and Bible workers were deployed, joining with the evan- gelists themselves, in a careful canvass of the six hundred families who had sent in names and addresses for literature.25 In this follow-up program in Portland, the public press was ex- tensively utilized. W. L. Burgan of the General Conference Press Bureau was personally on the scene for a time. In addition to these publicity measures, during the Maine State Exposition June 5 to 17, Russell secured a booth in the new exposition building, "in a very central location.” At this booth Adventist literature was exhibited for sale, and demonstra- tions Of Adventist health principles given. Also, at various places throughout the state, cooking schools were employed as an additional means Of attracting public attention.26 Returning to Pittsburgh for a final address at the Pitt Theater, Daniells called the local conference men together to form a committee to carry on a strong follow-up program there. The conference was urged tO call in some of its workers from elsewhere in the field, and also to in-- vest "every dollar it could spare" in the campaign. Daniells' major concern in Pittsburgh, however, was not organiza- tion so much as an attitude that he felt was not quite intense enough. He declared: All through our council there was a bit of lightness and a lack of seriousness which makes me fear. These big public 25Letter, A. G. Daniells tO I. H. Evans, March 29, 1916. 26Review and Herald, June 8, 1916. 148 efforts cannot be maintained by mere stage acting. Intellectual preparation, while very necessary, will not answer. TO my mind there is but one thing that will draw the peOple and keep them coming and that is tremendous earnestness on the part Of those conducting the campaign. Unless they feel the worth Of souls, unless they love the people whom they meet with that constrain- ing love that appeals to the heart, they will not be able to hold these big audiences. The Pittsburgh evangelistic presentations, combined with an organ- ized follow-up work, apparently produced the results for which Daniells hOped. It was reported that the membership Of the Adventist churches in Pittsburgh doubled during 1916 and that a new church building was erected.28 Success Multiplied Daniells closed his work in Maine during the month Of April; and although he conceded that "the city work which I got into by going to Maine has thrown a very heavy burden upon me,"29 he responded to calls Of other Adventist leaders throughout the country to repeat in their fields his recent triumphs. In Minneapolis, for example, audiences of 2,000 persons assembled tO hear Daniells' explanation Of world events. In Duluth, a 1,300-seat auditorium was overcrowded with 1,400 persons; and at Columbus, Ohio, he Spoke to "a large audience" in the Memorial Audi- torium.30 In the north-central states Daniells gave a total Of ten lectures in ten meetings in public halls and auditoriums, speaking to a total Of 12,000 persons. Lectures were given in St. Paul, Superior, Jamestown 27Letter, A. G. Daniells tO I. H. Evans, April 3, 1916. 28Review and Herald, February 22, 1917, p. 19. 29Letter, A. c. Daniells tO w. c. White, April 5, 1916. 30Review and Herald, July 13, 1916, p. 24; and Letter, A. G. Daniells to W. C. White, July 23, 1916. 149 Fargo, Hutchinson, Mankato, and COlquet, in addition to those in Minneapo— lis and Duluth. Daniells' tOpic at all Of these meetings was, "The World's War: Its Cause and Meaning," and his Objective clearly was tO emphasize Hm relative nearness of the end: From prophecy and history and from statements Of modern scholars and writers, emphasized by various maps and View thrown upon a large screen by a stereopticon: convincing testimony was given that the present EurOpean conflict is a prelude tO Armageddon.31 At these lectures some two thousand interested persons gave their names and addresses, requesting additional information. Plans were laid to make personal follow-up contacts with these individuals in order tO assess the degree of their interest. In the wake Of the new success in the Northern Union Conference, Charles Thompson emphasized the importance Of a more general use Of audi- toriums and other public buildings in lieu Of the tent that had been more or less standard among Adventist evangelists. There are thousands of peOple in the cities, many Of them the very best class Of citizens, that will never go to one Of our churches, or attend a public effort in a tent. They will, however, attend a lecture in an auditorium or other public building . . . and they will leave their cards with the lec- ture committee. This Opens the way for personal work to be done by the rank and file Of our church members. I believe that many Of our ministers who are able to present various phases Of our message in an interesting manner should develop further the line Of work being done by Elder Daniells in this public way, and thus reach not only the "masses" but the "classes" also, . . . thus taxing our church members to the extent Of their ability to answer the calls.32 31.121222»: 2241123121.. August 3, 1916, pp. 15. 16. 32Ibid. 150 A belief that other men, as well as Daniells, were able to at- tract large audiences, and also that other aspects Of the Adventist mes- sage as well as its tOpical prophecies would appeal to a large audience was strengthened by the success Of Charles T. Everson in New York City, not long after Daniells' meetings in Portland and Pittsburgh. A major difference in Everson's approach was the length of his campaigns; not two or three weeks, or even two or three months, but as long as seven months or more. Consistent with his belief in a longer evangelistic exposure, Everson booked the Fulton Theater for thirty con- secutive Sunday nights, a plan that ”had never been attempted in other cities."33 Concurring with him in this audacious plan were division and local church leaders, including I. H. Evans and R. D. Quinn. These meetings, scheduled through the winter Of 1915 and 1916, attracted constantly growing audiences "until we tested the capacity Of the theater," Everson reported. At that time the management wanted the theater for other uses on Sunday evenings and Offered Everson the much larger Hudson Theater only three blocks away for the same fee. There, Everson said, the meetings continued to grow ”until we filled up to the top gallery." Everson was pleased that his large audiences were not the result of an emphasis on war topics. He had not attracted them by ”following only pOpular lines," he emphasized; presenting, rather, ”almost every phase Of the truth," including the somewhat controversial Adventist doc- trines. The doctrine Of the judgment, for example, ”drew the greatest crowds Of the season," Everson reported; ”not even the war tOpics 33References to Everson's 1916 New York campaign are from the Review and Herald, July 5, 1916, pp. 14, 15. 151 appealing to the peOple so strongly." Everson's ability to move audiences emotionally, later to become one Of his most noted characteristics, was evident in this first extended campaign. "An unusual power characterized this service the night the subject Of the sin against the Holy Spirit was presented," he reported. "There was a solemn hush when an appeal was made; all over the theater people stood up for Christ." The evangelist made extensive use Of the neWSpapers in publicizing his campaigns, this being his primary means Of attracting an audience. He also used some tickets for Special meetings, window cards, and circu- lars, and also stimulated direct news coverage on certain Of his tOpics. This advertising helped tO make Everson's meetings something of a conver- sation piece in New York. "One minister . . . ,” he reported, "remarked to a worker Of another church, that wherever he visited the people in the neighborhood Of [his] church, he heard about our meetings." Here in Everson's seeming breakthrough in New York was evidence that through the ministry of other evangelists, even without Daniells' personal kind Of "magic," the public was ready to hear the Adventist mes- sage. Formal Recognition gf £hg_NngE£a As the time approached for the Fall Council of the General Con- ference in October, 1916, many minds were thinking in a similar direction. The new "city evangelism" must be given effective form and order so that it might be pursued more consistently and effectively by a variety Of men and that it might be followed up with greater results. Carlyle B. Haynes, fresh from his Special tour Of duty in Maine 152 with A. G. Daniells, set down his thoughts oneavangelistic organization for the benefit of I. H. Evans, president of the North American Division. These were first considered by Haynes' own Southern Union Conference and voted as a recommendation to the Fall Council. They were Similar to sug- gestions which Haynes had presented at the Fall Council of 1909, but which the church at large apparently was not then ready to accept. As a matter of fact, even in 1916 the church was not ready to accept all Of Haynes' recommendations; but they did much to stimulate the adoption Of a compre- hensive evangelistic policy at the Fall Council. Prior tO that meeting, Evans convened an evangelistic study session to which were invited R. D. Quinn, L. H. Christian, B. G. Wilkinson, Charles Thompson, as union conference presidents; as well as several evan- gelists, including K. C. Russell, Charles T. Everson, M. H. St. John, A. S. Booth, and Haynes. The purpose of this meeting was to formulate a sys- tematic plan for the new city evangelism and to study Haynes' suggestions as a means to this end. These suggestions focused on the appointment Of two strong evange- listic companies for general work throughout the North American Division. These companies would include a 1eader--a capable, experienced city evan- gelist-~with whom would be associated a singer, a publicity agent, two or more Bible workers, and other workers such as a pianist, nurses, colpor- teurs, and perhaps others. Conferences in which larger cities were loca- ted could make calls for the services Of these companies at such times as they were prepared financially and otherwise for "a far-reaching and sys- tematic work." The local or union conferences would bear all the expenses Of the campaigns including the erection Of any special tabernacles or auditoriums 153 that might be required if they could not secure large theaters or public halls. They would also send to work with the evangelistic company as many Of their local workers as possible so that they would be prepared to do the important follow-up work, releasing the division evangelistic com- pany for other campaigns. Also tO be connected with the large campaign would be promising young ministers and ministerial students, so that the campaigns might serve as field training schools. All of the preparatory work would be done by the local field under the direction Of an ”advance man" from the division evangelistic company. This plan approximated closely "the methods Of the apostles," Haynes maintained, pointing to their method of going from city to city, completing their work in each place and leaving it to the local men. In addition, he pointed out, the plan was designed to meet the suggestions Of Ellen G. White that they bring into their evangelistic work "system," "34’35 It also reflected in many de- "thoroughness," and "organization. tails, incidentally, the Billy Sunday campaign organization. In the Fall Council itself a comprehensive resolution on city evangelism was adopted. While it went beyond Haynes' recommendations in some respects, it failed to call for the essential measure: the appoint- ment Of North American Division evangelistic teams. The resolution did, however, 34Letter, Carlyle B. Haynes tO I. H. Evans, September 17, 1916. 35Mrs. White had frequently written Of this necessity. For exam- ple, in 1887, she said: "It is essential to labor with order, following an organized plan and a definite Object." Manuscript 24, 1887, cited in Ellen G. White, Evangelism (Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Pub- lishing Association, 1946), p. 94. 154 encourage the formation of strong evangelical teams, either by local or union conferences, or both, as conditions will permit, the same to undertake stronger evangelical efforts in the large centers Of population than we have hitherto been able to conduct. AS for the North American Division, it would "fully COOperate with these efforts in union and local conferences, by helping tO secure strong wor- kers, and by assisting financially as far as possible." The Fall Council resolution also provided that large city campaigns be conducted as training schools for the benefit Of younger or less success- ful workers, and that systematic procedures Should be adopted by the local and union conferences to be sure that the way was prOperly prepared for such large campaigns and that plans were laid early in the effort to pro- vide for the follow-up of interests created. It was also urged that the public press be used, harnessing "its power in proclaiming the truth for this time." Perhaps even more productive Of immediate results was a pointed provision that: . . every laborer under conference pay be earnestly urged to undertake a stronger and more active soul winning campaign than ever before; and that those who are unable to succeed be advised to take up self-supporting work.37 Here in unmistakable terms, every minister was served notice that evangelism was indeed the first order of the day in Adventist enterprise, and failing his personal results along this line, he might think Of lookw ing elsewhere for his salary! 36Review and Herald, November 9, 1916, p. 6. 37Ibid., p. 5. 155 Confirmation pf Zeal The Adventists were stimulated in their new endeavor--seen largely as a mission to warn the world of its impending fate--by the seeming con- currence Of many other persons that the world was indeed "tottering on the brink." Even President Wilson on January 29, 1916, in an address in Cleveland, Ohio, declared: The world is on fire. Sparks are likely tO drop anywhere. Things are getting more and more difficult to handle. NO man in the United States knows what a Single week or a single day or a single hour may bring forth. The editor Of the North American Review spoke Of the times as, "The modern twilight Of the gods." The editor Of Hearst's Magazine wrote, ”The rulers Of the nations are stupid. . . . It is as if a madness is upon them, a fatuity incurable; a mania, fatal, malignant, satanic.” The Springfield Republican Spoke Of the fury Of the EurOpean fighting as something akin to "demonical possession." The POpe declared in one publication, "All civili- zation seems to have gone mad." Former President Taft declared, ”Nothing like it has occurred Since the world began. It is a cataclysm. The future looks dark indeed." Rudyard Kipling wrote of the war, "This is not a war Of victories, but a war Of extermination. . . . Universal ruin awaits us."39 A. G. Daniells quoted an 1890 statement by Ellen G. White which he said predicted just Such a time: 38Washington Post, January 30, 1916, cited in Review and Herald, February 10, 1916, p. 6. 39 Rediew and Herald, February 17, 1916, p. 6. 156 The Lord will arise to shake terribly the earth. We will see troubles on all sides. Thousands Of Ships will be hurled into the depths Of the sea. Navies will go down, and human lives will be sacrificed by the millions. Fires will break out unexpectedly, and no human effort will be able to quench them. The palaces Of the earth will be swept away in flames. Disasters by rail will become more and more frequent; confusion, collision, and death without a moment's warning will occur on the great lines Of travel. The end is near, probation is closing. "Surely these perils are upon us," Daniells declared. ”It surely looks as if the world is beginning to go to pieces. . . . This is the hour Of Opportunity for God's people to be the light Of the world, the salt of 41 the earth, a great blessing to hopeless menand women." Convinced that their message Of an imminent second advent and world destruction was the message Of the hour, fortified by unprecedented success in attracting public audiences, Adventists moved rapidly on many fronts. A survey, reported in March, 1918, revealed that during 1917, major evangelistic campaigns had been conducted in more than half Of America's seventy-one cities Of 100,000 population or more; and plans were afoot tO cover the rest during the next year or so. The denomination thrilled to the prospect Of continuing expansion. Said Daniells: Whose heart has not been cheered by the experience Of our city evangelists the last two or three years. During the past winter the largest buildings our evangelists have been able tO pay for in a number Of cities have been well filled, and at times thousands Of anxious peOple have been unable to get seats or standing room. The authorities have been compelled to lock the doors to prevent overcrowding. This has been the experience of our evangelists in New York City, Philadelphia, Detroit, Atlanta, Nashville, and other cities. Not only have thousands come tO bear, but they have become deeply interested and have continued to come week after week. . . . Hundreds have taken their stand for the truth 40Review and Herald, February 17, 1916, p. 6, citing Sigps pf the Times, April 21, 1890. 411bid. 157 and are now members of our churches. . . . It looks as if we must secure larger halls and organize stronger staffs Of helpers. Daniells recalled the seemingly enormous problems the church had faced in 1909 and 1910 when first it tried to respond to Ellen G. White's insistence on more aggressive work in the cities, and declared that the church was well on its way toward solving those problems: We are all well acquainted with the stirring messages that came to us through the Spirit Of prophecy a few years ago in be- half Of the masses gathered in our large cities. When these messages began coming, we had done but little really succesful work in these great, congested centers. We did not know how to make ourselves known or heard. The task seemed insurmountable. These cities seemed like SO many mighty Jerichos whose walls we could neither scale nor throw down. But aroused by oft repeated and most urgent messages, we applied ourselves to the great under- taking. Our efforts have been blessed Of God. . . . We are get- ting inside the ramparts, and today the outlook is good.‘“3 The surging Adventist success was also noted by other denominations. The Christian Advocate of November 4, 1915, observed: There are 125,844 Seventh-day Adventists, and the net gain last year was ten per cent, an accelerated increase which is no doubt partly attributable to the partial success Of those evan- gelists who are reading the morning paper with one eye on the book Of Daniel. \ “Magma. April 4. 1918. p. 6. 43Ibid. CHAPTER X ADVENTIST WARTIME EVANGELISTS The evangelists Spearheading Adventist wartime evangelism included many old hands as well as new men who had but recently risen to prominence. Almost without exception they experienced success unknown to Adventists before the great conflict. In ChicagO,a major campaign was conducted in 1917 by M. H. St. John and I. J. Woodman in an attractive hall in the heart Of the Chicago Loop. Here they Spoke to standing-room-only crowds and in addition had their sermons published gratis in the Chicago Daily News. E. L. Cardey conducted several campaigns in Boston. Early in 1917 he delivered a series Of Sunday afternoon lectures tO overflow crowds in the Tremont Temple in the center Of Boston's downtown area, securing lib- eral free newspaper Space for evangelistic sermons. In the fall Of 1917 he moved tO the Colonial Theater, "one Of the best-known theaters in the city"1; and in 1918 he held Sunday evening services in the Park Square Theater during January, February, and March, with capacity crowds. In addition, tent efforts were held in the summer. Carlyle B. Haynes, recently returned from his round of meetings with A. G. Daniells in Maine, was invited to conduct a series Of meetings in Atlanta. The Grand Theater was leased for five Sunday nights, two thousand invitations in the form Of free tickets were distributed, and announcements were made in the three leading daily newspapers. 1Review and Herald, January 31, 1918, pp. 17, 18. 159 The first meeting, on Sunday night, January 27, featured the sub- ject, ”The Crash of Empires.” According to an associate, B. W. Brown: Long before the hour announced for the Opening Of the doors, several hundred people were present. Before 7:30, the time for the meeting tO begin, every seat was filled, and the aisles were packed, with several hundred persons standing. And still they came, many urging that they be admitted. At least 500 persons were turned away. The seating capacity Of the theater is 2,200, and it is safe tO say that fully 2,500 persons were present. The large audience listened, almost spellbound, as Elder Haynes gave the message from the second chapter Of Daniel. Hun- dreds Of soldiers and army Officers were present and listened attentively, hoping tO hear something that would give them light on the present World War. AS the Speaker presented the events leading up to Christ's coming, the people assented to the fact that we are living in the last days Of earth's history.2 In Philadelphia, under the local leadership Of H. M. J. Richards, B. G. Wilkinson was booked as the Speaker for a series Of meetings in the Garrick Theater, "one Of the finest in the city,” beginning Sunday, Feb- ruary 25, 1917, and continuing for ten Sunday evenings.3 Week-night meetings were scheduled for a smaller hall nearby. Again was given the by-now familiar report: At 7:30 the doors were locked, and hundreds were turned away. . . . That large audience listened with rapt attention as Wilkinson eXplained the meaning Of the war from the Biblical standpoint. Spokesmen reported that the names and addresses Of two thousand persons interested in Obtaining further information on the Adventist mes- sage were turned in at the meeting. The Philadelphia Adventists scheduled another series of meetings 2Review and Herald, February 28, 1918, p. 18. 3Review and Herald, February 15, 1917, p. 17. 4Review and Herald, April 26, 1917, p. 24. 160 in the Garrick Theater the same year, beginning on November 25, 1917. The Opening night attendance revealed that the interest was even greater than it had been at the previous meeting, it being estimated that as many as two thousand people were turned away after the doors were locked. One anxious person, having been locked out, succeeded in passing himself Off as a fireman, mounting the fire escape for entry into the building. Another secured a policeman's star, pinned it tO his lapel, and endeavored to gain entrance to hear the evangelist.5 In New York, Charles T. Everson, during the summer Of 1916, used a tent--"the largest that has ever been used by our peOple in work in this city," with the crowds at times overflowing ontO a surrounding lot. In the winter of 1917 and 1918, he rented the Casino Theater--"one Of the finest and largest theaters on Broadway"--for every Sunday night during a period of seven months, using the long campaign format he had inaugurated the year before. Here, Everson said, "the beacon light Of God's truth" was placed "right on the White Way." Across the stage Everson hung an electric Sign proclaiming, "Behold, I Come Quickly," which he felt "won- derfully impressed" the audience. At a time when pastors Of other churches were complaining Of dif- ficulty in attracting crowds in New York "where there are SO many unfilled churches," Everson reported that he was ”holding the largest Sunday night audience to be found in the city." His week-night meetings in the Bronx and upper Manhattan also attracted large audiences. 5Review and Herald, December 13, 1917. 6References to Everson's 1917-1918 campaign, from Review and Herald, March 29, 1917, p. 18. 161 Everson continued tO make a point Of the fact that he did not dwell on the sensationalism Of war, but rather was "giving the whole counsel Of God in the most straightforward way Of which we are capable." Taking a cue from Billy Sunday, whose largest campaign was held in New York in 1917, Everson sought to make a strong appeal to men and to leading citizens Of the community. Recounting one experience, Everson reported: One Of the leading members Of the Republican Club in New York, perhaps the most noted club in America, invited me to Speak on "Peace After the War" at the club. I did SO, and had the privilege of telling some Of the most noted men in New York Of the coming Of the Prince Of Peace as the only so- lution Of the peace problem after the war.7 In Milwaukee, J. H. N. Tindall lectured in the city auditorium ”in the very center Of town," attracting crowds which overflowed the audito- rium's capacity Of one thousand persons. Tindall's sermons were published regularly in the Milwaukee Journal, and later published in booklet form with accompanying photographs. Along with his lectures, Tindall conduc- ted, in a room "in one of the best downtown buildings," a series Of "de- cision" classes for interested persons. A worker was in charge at the location throughout the day with an assortment of literature for inter- ested persons who might call in the evangelist's absence.8 James W. McComas conducted a tent series in Toronto in 1916; and while the attendance was less than a thousand, another tent campaign in a larger pavilion in the Spring of 1917 attracted what was described as the largest attendance ever experienced by Adventists in that city. In the winter of 1917 and 1918, McComas, accompanied by Harry P. Gray, rented 7Ibid. 8Review and Herald, November 21, 1918, p. 13. 162 the Strand Theater for lectures in downtown Toronto; and Simultaneously, H. M. J. Richards conducted meetings in the Regent Theater in Ottawa. In each case the audiences numbered well over one thousand persons. McComas utilized the stereopticon for illustrated lectures, and displayed life size images on the stage illustrating the prOphecieS of Daniel.9 A. S. Booth continued his work with hall and theater campaigns in Baltimore and Hagerstown, Maryland. In the latter city, a two thousand- seat theater was packed, with nearly three hundred persons standing throughout the service and many hundreds turned away.10 In California, J. W. McCord during 1917 conducted successful cam- paigns in Pasadena, Long Beach, and Sacramento.11 Meanwhile, work among Negroes was spearheaded by J. K. Humphrey in New York City, with converts numbering more than one thousand from 1914 to 1917.12 Another prominent Negro evangelist, G. E. Peters, con- ducted a large tent effort in the spring of 1917 in Jacksonville, Florida. In 1918 Peters conducted similar meetings in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and . . l3 1n Savannah, Georg1a. In Detroit, Archer V. Cotton attracted audiences ranging between 1,200 and 3,500 in the Arcadia Auditorium, beginning in October, 1917, and continuing until February, 1918. Working with Cotton were L. C. 9Review and Herald, January 24, 1918, p. 21; and March 28, 1918, p. 17. 10 p. 17. Review and Herald, January 25, 1917, p. 17; and February 28, 1918, 11Review and Herald, March 28, 1918, pp. 17, 18. 12Review and Herald, November 1, 1917, p. 14. 13Review and Herald, January 30, 1919, p. 21. 163 Metcalfe, directing a chorus Of 150 voices, and Walter L. Burgan, direc- tor Of the General Conference Bureau Of Press Relations. The Arcadia Auditorium campaign had been preceded in the Summer Of 1917 by an Outdoor tent meeting conducted by Cotton on the same Spot which Billy Sunday's tabernacle had occupied in 1916. Cotton's work in Detroit provides an excellent example of one kind Of Adventist evangelism--a somewhat com- bative, predictive style, against which Adventist leaders were soon to warn evangelistic Speakers. The evangelist, himself, is remembered by presently living members Of his Detroit audience as Of striking appear- ' with a pleasing personality. ance, "immaculate, flawless, and handsome,‘ On the platform he was calm and dignified and not especially emotional or gesticulating, which was something Of a contrast tO Billy Sunday. Cotton's voice is remembered as clear and forceful, although he was ap- parently an average "Speaker." Nevertheless, by a logical presentation of information, he could make a point stick. While his rather restrained style Of Speaking led some to believe that he did not really fggl_what he was preaching, yet, even the critics recall him as a person who was "tall, handsome, and made a fine appearance.”14 The newspaper was Cotton's primary means of promoting his campaign and the advertisements published suggest its tone. For example, in the second week a twelve-column-inch display advertisement was placed in the neWSpaperS declaring: Turkey Will Be Driven From EurOpe, Followed by the Battle Of Armageddon. Momentous Things Are About to Happen. The Bible Tells All About Them. Hundreds are Being Benefited.15 14Survey conducted in Detroit, Michigan, April, 1963. 15Advertisement in the Detroit Free Press, November 10, 1917, p. 5. 164 An unusual ”comic strip" format was featured in other advertise- ments that reveal Cotton's tendency to deal severely with other clergy- men and churches. One Of these, entitled ”That Much Wanted Text," portrayed a Bible-carrying gentleman striding along the Sidewalk, saying to himself, "I am going over to ask Rev. Mr. Jones tO find a text that commands the religious Observance of Sunday, SO I can get the reward Of $25,000 that is Offered by Evangelist Cotton." (See Figure l.) "Reverend," he says in the next frame, as he shakes hands with a Sunday-keeping pastor, "I have come over to ask you for a text that commands the religious Observance Of Sunday. I want the reward Offered by Evangelist Cotton." Next frame: The good pastor, apparently having searched the Bible in vain, scratches his befuddled head and says, "I can't find it just now. Come next week, and in the meantime I will try to find the text." "I haven't been able to find anyone who can find that text,” says ' the gentleman. "I am going to Evangelist Cotton's meeting Sunday night and see who gets that reward of $25,000.”16 Other advertisements in Detroit newspapers further reveal Cotton's somewhat provocative evangelistic approach. Appearing as a prophetic figure with a certain voice at a cataclysndt: moment in the nation's his- tory, he issued striking predictions as to the outcome Of present events, challenged long-held religious views, and freely reproached the estab- lished clergy who led the people in these views. At length he presented his own church as the true church, giving the "last warning message" to the world. Headlines like these illustrate his style: 16Ibid. 165 FIGURE 1 CARTOON ADVERTISEMENTS USED BY ARCHER v. COTTON IN DETROIT, MICHIGAN, 1918 (DETROIT FREE PRESS, FEBRUARY 16, MARCH 10, 1918) THAT MUCH WANTED TEXT IAN some oven TO ASK "‘ REVEREND. I HAVE COME rev. m Jones TO FIND oven TO ASK You FOR A I CAN T FIND IMTJUST [ ATEXT TNAI COMMANDS TEXT c ‘ Now, -_ , REL INOU USWERVANCE NEXT wgcao ANED "1 or SUNDAY soo IcAN en 0F sum ._I WAND L [Ina HEM TIME I TE RE“ '0 ] . orggngo av WILL TRY TO FINQA ‘ 925.000 VANS [LIST TEXT R‘ I ' In " *1C0TT0N I :‘ V ' I~€ I \" 'I —.-—= \‘g‘ “EHTWE WW“; / Ii; ' 7, . fi‘ m" p! :m- .1 It In T I "4 ‘ .1 _' - 45%") V In \/ J —_-— lg", _LZ-gil roe , ~‘oo ‘r .- , ALARHIDJ‘ ‘ - was: < ‘ o I :Mv ' . “taaomemnaro , - ourmnvous- -‘.: FINOTNECNMUIN , ' was or: .- - DETROIT VEARS nsncc’ . _.I; TIACNESALL Tue . I51. AND . ’t I ;' enoenvoas‘ro ' , .I . PRACTICE IT" ’ A ' ‘ 1.. \ . ., . _ t \ , - . Subject of Evangelist Cotton‘ I Lecture at the ArCAdiA Tomorrow Night 2," “If tho Apostle Peter Come to Detroit. to What Church Would He Belong. 166 Coming of Christ Forecasted in Present War The Doctrine Of Eternal Fire Makes God a Tyrant Christ's Return Is Near at Hand Signs Point to Christ's Return Clergy Blind Who Follow Evolution False Doctrines Are Doing More to Spread Infidelity Than . The Apostles Did Not Keep Sunday Bible Authority IS Lacking for Sunday Observance Apostle Peter, if Living, Would Be an Adventist Man-Made Sabbath a Forgery to Heaven Those Who UphOld Sacredness Of First Day Guilty Before Heaven Last Message Of Mercy Now Going to World These are challenging assertions to say the least. However, be- cause Of the mood Of the times Cotton's approach probably struck less fire in clerical circles than might be imagined. It is important to remember that the established denominations during this period were experiencing internal clerical tension, possibly as acute as anything Cotton might have created from the outside. As mentioned previously, it was a time Of strug- gle for denominational control between the fundamentalists and the new generation Of liberals or modernists. In a setting Of denominational agi- tation, with theological stalwarts within the established churches crying charges of "betrayal" against the newly dominant liberals, the Adventist evangelist's advertising and preaching does not seem so singularly harsh. What was possibly "scandalous” to the family Of churches, however, was that he deliberately carried the conflict into the neWSpaper columns, making his charges against the clergy before the public at large. More- over, in his provocative Observances in regard to Saturday vs. Sunday 167 Observance he was, Of course, attacking both fundamentalists and liberals. Yet, considering the times, his material was probably not so much a breach Of good taste as it might be considered today. In any case it had the virtue Of riding a wave of interest among certain fundamentalist "believers" who could possibly be attracted to the evangelist's banner. Even when Cotton published a blast at the "unjust capitalists" who were destined to "weep and howl"--according to Adventist interpretations Of Bible prOphecy--and when he Specifically singled out Standard Oil, the coal Operators, and the railway companies who ”mulct the people," he was reflecting and exploiting conflict more than he was creating it. He was following in the wake Of the muck-rakers, and the worst that he said was but a shadow Of what Ida Tarbell, for example, had recently proclaimed in McClure's.17 Thus if Cotton was a provocative, no-holds-barred evange- list, he lived in, and reflected the temperament Of a provocative, no- holds-barred era of religious and political adjustment. Yet, even though Cotton did not hesitate to affront the mainstream Of Protestantism, he made numerous efforts to identify himself and his campaign with general public interest. The most Obvious Of these efforts was made in the field Of current events, particularly in connection with the war. Early in his campaign, for example, Cotton advertised a Sunday night topic declaring, "The Kaiser Doomed!”18--an almost essential allega- tion at the time for any minister who wanted to get a hearing. A Rev. Ames Maywood, Of the Cass Avenue Methodist Church, was one such minister 17Edwin Emery, The Press and America, second ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1962), p. 478. 18Advertisement in the Detroit Free Press, November 19, 1917, p. 8. 168 --quoted to the effect that "Germany must be crushed."19 A BishOp William F. Faber, speaking at a Lenten service in St. Joseph's Episcopal Church, declared that under certain circumstances "Jesus Christ would sanction sticking a bayonet into a German.”20 Cotton's efforts at public identi- fication seem mild by comparison. Cotton took still other notable steps to identify himself and his campaign with current public interest. Amid a nationwide Red Cross drive for funds tO aid trOOps overseas, the evangelist conducted a "Red Cross Night" at one Of his meetings. The hall was decked with Red Cross banners, four young ladies in Red Cross uniforms manned subscription booths, and Cotton himself appealed to the audience to join the Red Cross. Even the evangelist's blast at the "unjust capitalists" was another effort to identify himself with the peOple. Further, in one sermon on that subject he commended those persons who were "doing their part in the war effort," and declared them deserving Of governmental protection against "exploitation by the capitalists." In one Of Cotton's early Detroit advertisements, appearing on the Monday following the Opening night address, there appears a conscious ef- fort to identify even with the very churches that he so freely criticized, and their "Bible students." He reported: In the audience were Bible students from all parts of Detroit and other nearby places who were much interested in the explana- tion given to the prophecies which speak Of this particular sub- ject. Delegations from various Bible classes in the leading churches Of die city were among those present, and followed the Speaker closely as he outlined what the seers of Old declared 19News item in the Detroit Free Press, December 3, 1917, p. 3. 20Ibid., February 20, 1918, p. 3. 169 would be the fate of the Ottoman Empipp and the relations Of its downfall to the return of Christ. While Cotton's claim of "delegations" from Bible classes in De- troit's leading churches may be suSpect, at least it was an effort at public identification, perhaps an invocation Of recollections Of Billy Sunday's recent meetings in the city, with his famous delegation system. Everson, Cotton, Cardey, Haynes, and the many other men cited in this chapter are but examples Of the small "army" of Adventist city evange- lists deployed during the war years. Their "crisis" evangelism produced the most rapid gains the church in North America has experienced in the twentieth century, the annual percentage membership increase reaching a peak in 1917 of nearly ten per cent over the preceding year. Thus, the Adventist denomination seemed to reap abundantly the benefits Of its prewar evangelistic commitment, organization, and training; and Of its apocalyptic message that, amid the turmoil Of the times, seemed attrac- tive to many thousands Of people. 21Advertisement in the Detroit Free Press, November 12, 1917, p. 14. v‘ CHAPTER XI POSTWAR RECESSION AND REAPPRAISAL Intensive wartime evangelism with large meetings in prominent thea- ters and halls contributed to the most rapid membership gains the Seventh- day Adventist church has experienced in the twentieth century. These gains reached a peak in 1917 with a ten per cent membership increase over the preceding year. Yet, within three years, by 1920, the annual per- centage gain had drOpped to virtually zero. (See Figure 2.) While slight improvement was noted in succeeding years, the rate of growth remained on a low plateau throughout the prOSperous twenties. It did not rise appre- ciably until 1932 when, briefly, it exceeded five per cent. Paradoxical- ly, throughout this period public evangelism continued to be a major activity Of the Adventist denomination, with many successful evangelists in the field. Reasons for Diminished Growth Rate The abrupt decline in the rate of Adventist church membership growth following World War I, deSpite continuing emphasis on public evan- gelism, may be attributable to several factors. One of these may have been the departure Of many new converts initially attracted by the apoca- lyptic expectation apparent in much Adventist evangelism before and during the early years Of the war. With the entry of the United States into the conflict, caution and a Spirit of co-Operation were strongly urged by Adventist leaders. This change of emphasis and the apparent failure Of seeming predictions Of an imminent Armageddon, to say nothing of certain very Specific predictions Of the fate of Turkey, possibly FIGURE 2 ANNUAL PERCENTAGE INCREASE IN SEVENTH—DAY ADVENTIST MEMBERSHIP (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) (FOR ACTUAL NUMERICAL INCREASE SEE APPENDIX) 20 171 15 10 -15 -20 [1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1950 1970 172 contributed to the disillusionment of some of the recent converts. Another factor in the decline may be seen in the great influenza epidemic beginning in 1918, which occasionally inhibited the work of the evangelist, many Of whom reported in church publications the necessity of delaying campaigns for a few weeks. In many communities large gath- erings were prohibited or discouraged at various times, although this problem did not extend beyond 1920. Still another factor may have been a general decline in religious interest toward the end Of the war and particularly after its close. All churches felt this decline, most noticeable in the rapid extinction Of large-scale revivalism in the man- ner Of Billy Sunday. Of equal importance in explaining the.postwar decline Of the_ Adventist growth rate were certain internal problems Of organization and administration. With large numbers Of new members added to the church there was a proliferation of newly formed congregations but a correSpond- ing lack, in America, Of pastors tO care for them. This was due in part to overseas expansion as well as to financial difficulties in the early twenties. In addition, there was an increasing tendency for evangelists to bring many persons who were already baptized members Of other churches into the Adventist church on "profession Of faith” rather than through rebaptism. This, together with a neglect Of close indoctrination in Ad- ventist beliefs, could have inhibited full acceptance by the converts of their new church home and, conversely, acceptance Of the new converts by present members. From alarm pg caution. One Of the most Obvious Of these influences was the Shift from evangelistic alarm to institutional caution as the 173 United States entered the Great War. On February 22, 1917, as American involvement seemed imminent, a front-page editorial in the church paper warned Adventist members and ministers: These are times when we cannot afford to indulge in wild talk. God's judgments are abroad in the land. We are in the throes Of earth's final struggles. We need to think seriously and soberly, and talk wisely and discreetly.1 At the Spring Council of the church in May, a resolution pertaining to "public utterances by workers" was adOpted: We urge upon our brethren and sisters throughout the field, and especially upon ministers, teachers, and writers, the ne- cessity Of safeguarding their public utterances and work from extravagance Of speech, unwarranted statements and predictions, and sensational methods. We also caution against the harboring Of a Spirit Of unchristian partisanship. In a presentation Of this resolution to the field, the church editor emphasized that this applied especially to "writing or Speaking upon sub- jects of prophetic import." He urged the ministry to avoid indulgence in . too much Speculation as to the outcome Of many Of the great issues of the world. Let us not hazard our reputation as a peOple for consistency in Bible exposition, by making wild statements. . . . Let us Speak where the Word speaks; where it is silent let us be Silent. Let us not seek to be wise above what is written. Let us use calm statements and sane methods, and like wise, sober, level-headed men and women, consistently and considerately give to the world the message which God has given us.3 Again, as the crisis deepened and as patriotic zeal was turned against persons or groups that seemed uncooperative in the war effort, the church was cautioned to take care: 1Review and Herald, February 22, 1917, p. 1. 2Review and Herald, May 10, 1917, p. 5. 3Review and Herald, May 24, 1917, p. 1. 174 Let us Speak and write guardedly. . . . We are living in days Of stress and strain. . . . In almost every quarter of the world, including the United States, the spirit Of rebel- lion, riot, and insurrection seems to be on the increase. The wildest predictions are being made by writers and Speakers desirous Of gaining the pOpular ear. It should be the burden Of our hearts to pour Oil on the troubled waters, and exert no influence directly or remotely wpich will ac- centuate the troubled conditions which exist. At the annual Fall Council Of the church the same admonition was given Official weight, with a resolution urging Adventist ministers ”to be careful of . . . utterances; tO guard every expression in Speaking and writing which could be taken in any way as ministering to the Spirit 0 0 5 Of sensation or discontent." A month later the same counsel was repeated in a general committee meeting held in Takoma Park. Again the official church paper exhorted ministers to "be careful Of . . . forecasts."6 At the Midsummer Council of July, 1918, evangelists were urged to avoid sensational methods "not in keeping with the sacred character and solemnity Of the message." They were urged to avoid everything ”of a theatrical nature" and "cultivate courtesy and refinement Of manner." It was further emphasized: Those who do the work Of the Lord in the cities must put forth calm, steady, devoted effort for the education Of the peOple. While they are to labor earnestly tO interest the hearers, to hold this interest, yet at the same time they must carefully guard against anything that borders on sen- sationalism. The very weight and volume Of this counsel reflect a deep con- 4Review and Herald, September 6, 1917, p. 5. 51bid. 6Review and Herald, September 6, 1917, p. 1. 7Review and Herald, August 1, 1918, p. 4. 175 cern regarding public statements Of evangelists and other ministers. Within the church, this Official posture Of caution possibly had the ef- fect Of undermining the influence Of those Adventist evangelists who were attracting many new members with a seemingly clear, positive, and detailed knowledge Of the future course of world events. In the urgent desire Of church leaders for more caution and less sensation in evangelism one finds not only the desire to maintain the dignity Of the movement but also a certain fear for the good name of the church. At Odds with the larger religious community on matters Of Sun- day observance and some other aSpects Of Christian belief and practice, taking a noncombatant position toward war, the church was deemed vulner- able to a public hostility that might be aroused by tOO much public at- tention. Such apprehension is revealed in the reSponse Of A. G. Daniells in January, 1918, to leading evangelists Of the denomination who urged that a forthcoming quadrennial General Conference Of the church, scheduled in San Francisco's Exposition Auditorium, be made a great "pacemaker" evan- gelistic crusade. This auditorium, seating ten thousand persons, would have provided facilities for a campaign far beyond anything Adventist evangelists had thus far undertaken. Daniells resisted efforts to sched- ule such a program in connection with the church conference. Although earlier he had thought such a meeting advisable, he had changed his mind and gave this explanation: About the time we made these arrangements for the audito- rium our young men were getting into perplexities all over the land with local boards regarding the draft, and further, our peOple were being criticized because they were not purchasing Liberty Bonds, and supporting the Red Cross work with the en- thusiasm manifested by their neighbors. . . . It occurred tO 176 some that just now in the heat of war times, it would not be best for us to make a very noisy effort for publicity.8 Not at all willing that Adventists be regarded as aloof in a time Of national emergency, church leaders stressed their responsibility during the war effort, their "duty to civil government,"9 urging co-Operation in campaigns of national interest. President Wilson's appeal for the ”Suffering Armenians and Syrians" prompted substantial efforts in Seventh- day Adventist churches with a Special collection taken on January 12, . 10 1918, for th1s purpose. Members were also urged to participate in a Special campaign on behalf Of the Red Cross in May, 1918. In addition, words Of support for President Wilson were frequently published. In one such statement, the Adventist paper declared: We have in the White House at this time, when the world is experiencing a Gethsemane, a finished scholar, a diplomat, a man Of the highest culture, a man who believes in God and in prayer, and who exalts the Bible in his public utterances. NO occupant Of the White House Since the days Of Lincoln has carried so great reSponsibilities amid SO many intricacies and perplexities. President Wilson today stands as the lead- ing figure among the statesmen of the earth. The nations await his words, and study what he says. Being a man Of peace, he is not reSponsible for the bloody conflict which is staged among the nations Of the earth, and which threatens to blot out culture and civilization. We should remember at the throne of grace our nation's Chief Executive. He needs prayer more than censure and criti- cism. . . . A heartbroken, sobbing world is calling for help, and we should do all we can to minister to the needy and suf- fering.11 8Letter, A. G. Daniells to I. H. Evans, January 17, 1918. 9Review and Herald, August 9, 1917, p. 1. 10Review and Herald, January 3, 1918, p. 24. 11Review and Herald, December 20, 1917, p. 24. I 177 Thus, when, as has been shown previously, some Adventist evange- lists utilized sensational, predictive themes to attract crowds to their meetings, emphasizing Adventist ”separateness,"‘the heart Of the church in wartime was really not with them; and those reSponsible for the church as an institution were actively working against this Spirit, attractive though it may have seemed to many new converts--a circumstance that surely must have been puzzling to some Of them after they entered the church and began reading its periodicals. Reversal pf predictions. A factor contributing even more, per- haps, tO possible second thoughts among some converts, was a turn of events in the ”Turkish situation." Adventist evangelists, including Daniells himself, had stated almost categorically that Bible prophecy called for the Turks tO be driven out Of EurOpe, whereupon they were to establish a new capital in Jerusalem. Oddly, the Turks remained in EurOpe and were, in fact, driven out Of Jerusalem, on December 10, 1917. This momentarily brought an end to Moslem rule in that city and stimulated wideSpread expectation that the Jews would be its new inhabitants--again in seeming contradiction Of Adventists' prophetic interpretation that the Jews would never return to Palestine. It was said that ”the entire Christian world . . . was 12 A reflec- thrilled and startled by the news that Jerusalem had fallen." tion of internal discussion Of this question is Observed in a Special note published in the church paper only ten days after this event: The passing Of Jerusalem into the hands Of the British has raised many interesting questions as to the future Of this 12Review and Herald, January 3, 1918, p. 24. I 178 historical city. . . . Some Of our brethren have raised the question as to what Significance the possession Of Jerusalem by the British will have on the fulfillment Of the prOphecy Of Daniel 11. . . . These are days in which we dO well not to hazard too much Speculation in regard tO the trend of events in the world. This war has afforded a long and continued series Of surprises. The forecasts Of the best informed men have come tO naught. It is better for us to await patiently the progress Of human history and the unfolding Of God's plan rather than to run ahead Of His providence and make state- ments which time may demonstrate have been only idle Specu- lation.13 This question was still actively under discussion in 1919, as seen in this statement leaving to the future its ultimate resolution: We have long looked forward to the time when Turkey, driven out Of EurOpe, Should make Jerusalem her headquarters. Many have Supposed that this present war was to bring the fulfill- ment Of this prediction; but now we see Jerusalem, not in the hands Of the Turks, but in the hands Of the English, with no immediate prOSpect of its being returned to Turkish control. Shall we therefore cast aside this prOphecy, for whose fulfill- ment we have looked SO long? Only the future can disclose how events will turn.1 In reference to the prOSpect that Jews might be returned to Pales- tine, it was said: What if we Should see an attempted restoration Of the Jewish nation in its homeland. . . . God, in His inscrutable wisdom, might allow the enemy Of our souls to bring about such a seeming fulfillment of the predicted restoration of Israel that many even of God's own peOple would be led tO doubt that blessed hope.1 Here we have a prudent suSpension of judgment in contrast to the strong conviction voiced by many Adventist evangelists only a short time previously, a shift Of emphasis probably not missed by some new converts. 13Review and Herald, December 20, 1917, p. 24. 14Review and Herald, May 15, 1919, pp. 5, 6. 15Ibid. _.. _ . #..A.._4 - 179 Decline pf religious interest. If recent converts questioned the validity Of Adventist theology because of apparently erroneous predic- tions, they reflected a rather general decrease in acceptance Of Spir- itual authority throughout society in the wake Of World War I. I. H. Evans, president Of the North American Division, said of the war years: The times in which we are living are not conducive to Spir- ituality. The supreme attention is centered in the awful world war. For three years or more it has dragged out, drawing into its vortex the whole world, and the end is not in sight. The political, social, and financial conditions tend to deaden our Spiritual faculties so we ourselves Often seem half stupefied and greatly perplexed concerning our present duties to the church and the cause we represent.1 Many non-Adventists, too, noted the Spiritual decline. One Of these was Washington Gladden, who deplored ”the great lack Of religious awakening in consequence Of the present war." Gladden recalled a tem- porary awakening at the beginning Of the war, but declared: Such temporary awakening is apt tO attend the outbreak Of war, but a reaction usually,follows, the audiences are depleted and the enthusiasm abates. At the close Of our Revolutionary War the churches were nearly deserted; at the close Of the Napoleonic War there was a great dearth of religion; and our own Civil War was followed by some unfruitful years. All of the indications are that this war will close with a shrinkage in the religious life Of the nations that are at war. . . . We are approaching the end Of this war . . . with less religion that we had when we be- gan it. Gladden's predictions seemed verified when a statistical study in 1920 revealed that there were "three million fewer children . . . attend- ing Sunday school than before the war.” Further, it was said, "twenty per cent Of the men holding pastorates before the war have resigned tO 16Review and Herald, November 29, 1917, p. 24. 17Review and Herald, February 14, 1918, p. 3. 180 enter other occupations,” and there was an "alarming decline" in the supply Of new ministers.l8 Institutional inadequacy. Another major cause Of the decline in the Adventist membership growth rate following 1917 may well have been the unsatisfactory institutional accommodations found by many new converts. Adventist congregations during this period were poorly housed and inade- quately Shepherded. Between 1910 and 1917, three hundred new Adventist congregations had been created; but many of these met in rented buildings, private homes, or occasionally in inexpensive halls or other public pla- ces. In Boston, for example, with six hundred members and five congrega- tions, E. L. Cardey reported in 1920 that they had ”not a single building Of our own."19 There was also, as previously noted, an acute Shortage Of Adventist pastors. Membership during the period between 1910 and 1917 increased forty-three per cent--from 60,873 to 87,222. However, during that same period, only eighty-two ordained ministers were added to the clerical force Of the denomination--from 558 to 640--a thirteen per cent increase. Contributing to the lack Of Adventist ministers in America was a greatly increased tempo in foreign missions activity immediately following the war. According to Warren E. Howell, secretary of the General Conference Educational Department: The Macedonian cry is heard from every corner Of the globe, while our home base is being stripped to the minimum to Supply the need. For example, in one Of our most thrifty unions, the 18Review and Herald, March 11, 1920, p. 7, citing an article in United Presbyterian. 19Review and Herald, February 12, 1920, pp. 26, 27. 181 president told me a short time ago that no local conference in the union had more than two ordained ministers. The decade of 1901 to 1910 had been years Of intensive foreign mission activity, with 736 workers sent to mission fields. During the following decade, however, the number increased by Sixty per cent, with 1,209 sent abroad. An additional 1,673 were diSpatched during the next decade, from 1921 tO 1930.21 Lack Of adequate pastoral strength possibly meant that many new converts were admitted without institutionally acceptable ”screening." After the war, for example, new members admitted on profession Of faith," without the rite of baptism, were at an all-time peak. In 1921, 2,525 persons were admitted in this manner--prOportionately eight times as many as in 1964, when, with a church membership nearly four times greater, only 1,294 persons were so admitted. (See Figure 3.) Fears about even the orientation Of many baptized converts had been expressed in 1917, at the height Of Adventist evangelistic success. Daniells wrote tO I. H. Evans from an appointment in Japan: It is cheering tO hear Of the large numbers who are being baptized each quarter in the North American Division. With you I regret the very large losses that are reported each quarter. I cannot understand why this is, and for years I have been un- able to understand it. As you say, the brethren have always given as the reason, that they are clearing up the church re- cords; but one would Suppose that the bottom would be reached in a Short time, and that then such a careful work would be done that losses would be greatly reduced. I suppose . . . that the real cause is the superficial work that is done with the people before they are baptized. Then, tOO, the lack Of shep- herding after they have come into the church is probably another cause. I am inclined tO believe that you Should sound a note 20Review and Herald, May 1, 1919. 21Statistical report of Seventh-day Adventists, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Washington, D. C., 1936, p. 5. I 1.1. 3000 2500 8000 1500 1000 500 ANNUAL ADMISSIONS TO THE SEVENTH—DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH ON "PROFESSION OF FAITH" (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) FIGURE 3 182 WI“ 1910 1980 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 T—’_ ' 7“ "E 183 of warning regarding the quality of the work to be done. I count it a very serious thing to have so many thousands Of peOple going away from our ranks. . . . It does seem tO me that we should somehow find the real cause Of this very heavy2 dr1ft away from us, and set ourselves resolutely to stOp it. With the war's end, there was even more reason to be concerned. In 1920, the year in which growth was at a virtual standstill, apostasies equaled sixty per cent Of total accessions, twice the rate Of apostasy only two years previously; and the net gain in the North American Divi- sion was only 175 members. With large numbers of converts coming into a church Suffering a dearth of church buildings and a lack of pastors--and perhaps in some cases inadequately indoctrinated Or even misinformed concerning the basi- cally conservative outlook of the denomination--then departing that church by the thousands, it would seem that evangelism had outrun institutional- ism. Here was a sharp reversal Of the Situation only ten years earlier, when church leaders were chided for institutional preoccupation and vig- orously were urged to initiate the very evangelistic thrust that now seemed to be accompanied by other disquieting developments. Postwar Reorientation With the passing Of the war, which many Adventists had thought might be "the beginning Of the end," the first task facing the church was tO see meaning in the unexpected new circumstances. This was accom- pflished by a realistic appraisal of the work still confronting the church filits avowed world mission of evangelism, and in a new lOOk at the role of evangelistic oratory in the over-all structure Of the church. 22Letter, A. G. Daniells to I. H. Evans, January 29, 1917. 't' .1 184 Ag interpretation pf peace. Adventists came to see the coming Of peace as "in the direct providence Of God." It was an answer tO the cry "that has gone up from thousands Of burdened hearts," an evidence that God was "holding in check the winds Of war and strife" that the gOSpel might rapidly be carried to all the earth.23 Adventist literature no longer featured the title, "Armageddon," as it had before the war; but rather, ”World Peace in the Light Of Bible Prophecy." Now, rather than stressing an imminent end, the church em- phasized "what remains to be done,” rejecting any thought Of discourage- ment. A. G. Daniells gave the church its challenge: . Much has been done. Many countries have been entered by the Advent message, and men and women have accepted the message by hundreds and thousands. But let us not deceive ourselves into believing that nothing much remains tO be done. Let us face real facts without discouragement. There still remains . the finishing Of the work of carrying the Advent message to all the world.2 L. L. Caviness, associate editor of the Review and Herald, con- ducted a survey Of the world field which demonstrated the vastness of such a task. In Africa, for example, he listed twenty-six countries with a total pOpulation of seventy-four million where no Adventist worker had .YEt gone. In Asia, sixteen countries with a pOpulation of forty-six mil- lion were unentered. The story was repeated in South America and Europe as well as in the island lands. While, as Caviness pointed out, the Bible had been translated into more than six hundred languages, Adventists Published their beliefs in only ninety-four. "What Of the more than five hundred in which we have no literature?" he asked. Even in the lands 23Review and Herald, January 16, 1919, p. 1. 24Review and Herald, January 2, 1919, p. 3. 185 where work was established, Caviness emphasized, "there are large areas unentered." He then called upon the church to "rededicate ourselves tO the finishing Of the work."25 Continued expectation pf disaster. However, in adjusting to peace and viewing it as a providential Opportunity for the fulfillment of their world task, Adventist Spokesmen had no thought that peace would last; and their prophetic view was somewhat more alert to calamities than to signs of progress. Members were cautioned: This world situation has in it a thrilling appeal to God's remnant people. Nothing could be more fatal than to be deceived by the present era Of apparent financial prOSperity. The whole world is on the verge Of ruin. There were continuing references in church publications to disas- ters and crises, as well as Suggestions that the "little time Of peace" could not long endure. Periodically, tabulations Of recent disasters and world crises were published. Adventists felt somewhat justified in a continuing expectation of Chaos by virtue Of the fact that other persons were also making pessi- mistic predictions. One Of these was Raymond B. Fosdick who, in a 1922 commencement address at Wellesley College, declared: Up until 1914 most Of us were fairly confident of the result, fairly easy about the future. We talked glibly of the direction' and goal Of human evolution, and Of the bright prOSpectS Of the race. But now we know that we did not know . . . We see now the abyss upon the edge Of which the race is standing.27 Adventists actually were not pessimists at all, it was maintained, 25Review and Herald, January 2, 1919, p. 32. 26Review and Herald, November 20, 1919, p. 4. 27Review and Herald, December 14, 1922, p. 4. 186 but rather worked "to revive hOpe in the hopeless, to bring good tidings of great joy tO the sorrowing, and to point the deSpondent to the light that continues to shine in this dark world."28 That light, of course, was the hope Of the second advent of Christ beyond world chaos. In fact, according to W. A. Spicer: About the only Optimists today are Seventh-day Adventists. We have hOpe and joy in Jesus Christ. SO far as we are per- sonally concerned, it does not make any difference tO us how soon the and comes. Really, the sooner the better, for when it is all over the Lord will come. Thus, while interpreting the coming Of peace as in the providence of God, and recasting its public approach accordingly, the church re- mained strongly "adventist," maintaining a sense Of urgency, and expec- tation. Still, vital questions Of balance and priority as between public evangelistic effort and other church interests demanded settlement be- fore a co-ordinated approach could be made to the new peace-time challenge of a world task. A3 Effort Toward Evangelical-Institutional Balance Even as the evangelistic drive reached its height during World War 1, some voices Of criticism were being raised indicating discontent in a few quarters with the general management of the church. Exhorting church members tO a greater spirit Of tolerance, F. M. Wilcox, editor of the Review and Herald, urged: Let uS avoid becoming chronic kickers, faultfinders, pessi- mists. . . . It is sad to find such persons in the church today. They are Obsessed with the idea that something is terribly wrong,--there is mismanagement in the church; there is centrali- 28Ibid. 29§§XEEE_§2§,flg£§l§, November 2, 1922, p. 19. 187 zation Of authority; increasing indebtedness; failure to plan prOperly; and weakness in discipline; and a thousand and one other things showing to their minds that the whole cause Of truth is awry and that the ship Of Zion is about tO run upon the rocks. Now it may be that some or all Of these evils exist in a measure in the church; but instead Of forever finding fault and criticizing, let us take hold in the fear Of GOd and seek, with the aid Of His Spirit, to remedy the Situation. We cannot afford to cast a pall Of darkness and gloom over our associates. At the 1918 General Conference Session, I. H. Evans, president Of the North American Division,31 outlined his view Of both the institutional and evangelical needs Of the church. First, he said, the denomination's home base should be kept strong and its institutions maintained in an ef- ficient condition. At the same time, he added, the constituency Should continue to be increased. Second, Evans stressed the importance of avoid- ing further indebtedness-~"even to make improvements, before we raise the money with which tO meet the expense they will incur." Third, a stronger and more efficient evangelical work was endorsed, but with close super- vision Of the work of evangelists and stronger church discipline, includ- ing a careful study Of losses in church membership. Evans pointed out the need for such a study: When you realize that we are losing annually almost as many souls as the net increase in the church membership, SO that half Of all we do is consumed by our losses, you can readily compre- hend what a gain would be made if we were able to eliminate a large percent Of these losses.32 Regarding the shortage of church workers, Evans suggested the im- Portance Of greatly increasing the attendance Of Seventh-day Adventist \_—_ 30Review and Herald, March 1, 1917, p. 5. C 31At that session, the North American Division was merged with the eneral Conference itself. 32Review and Herald, April 4, 1918, p. 13. 188 young people at denominational schools: We are unable to man the fields at home and abroad, and unless we can increase the Output from our schools, the future manning Of our field will be greatly embarrassed.33 With the same problem in mind, the church leader also urged a more effective program for training laymen in evangelistic work: Numbers must be trained and drilled for service. Insti- tutes should be held where men and women can study and qualify tO dO local evangelistic work. The time must come when there will be hundreds Of our peOple who have received Short courses Of training, who will give lectures, conduct Bible studies, hold cottage meetings, and engage in medical missionary work, thus greatly multiplying throughout the entire field the work that is now done by our regularly employed workers. In order to take a step in this direction, Evans suggested that every Adventist college arrange to conduct a short course Of special training, separate from the regular class work, giving drills in the correct use Of English, public speaking, Spelling, and penmanship; having lectures on church history, studies in the Testimonies; and instruction in home Bible readings, conducting meetings and singing. Such a course, he supposed, might be conducted ”wring a period Of Six months or two years qualifying "men and women of good character, with sufficient education to read and Speak well . . . as workers who can hold meetings in rural communities and small towns.”36 Institutes and conventions. These suggestions by Evans became the basis for a number Of important Adventist activities after World War I. 33Ibid. 34Review and Herald, April 4, 1918, p. 13. 35Ibid. 36Ibid. 189 These included a new round Of ministerial institutes held in each Of the union conference territories in 1920 and 1921. The dominant concerns in these institutes were a reappraisal Of the work of the denomination and its prophetic outlook, as well as measures needed to enhance its success. The quest for new direction was expressed by A. G. Daniells in his report Of one Of these institutes: The keynote Of the meeting was the finishing Of the work the Lord has given us tO do. Every lesson and every subject considered in the meeting centered in this great problem. We endeavored to look at it from every angle. What is meant by finishing the work? Has the Lord fixed a time for finishing His work? If SO, when? What is necessary on the Lord's part for its finishing? What is necessary on the part Of the church? What stands in the way Of its being finished? What steps should we take tO remove every Obstacle and hasten the work onward to its close? In addition to regional institutes, a major evangelistic convention was held in Washington, D. C., in May, 1919. Here, rather than concen- trate on such matters as advertising, methods of labor, and other consid- erations that had been the main substance Of previous ministerial sessions, the evangelists gave attention to a renewal Of courage and unity. This emphasis is understandable in view Of the heavy criticism some Of their number were receiving. For example, F. M. Wilcox, the denomination's Chief editor, had recently lamented: It is to be regretted that there is a marked tendency among some Of our ministers tO COpy the sensational style Of gOSpel presentation. Forms Of advertising which would have Shocked the sensibilities Of every Seventh-day Adventist a few years ago are now employed unchallenged. And there is a growing tendency, particularly on the part Of some Of our Young ministers, tO COpy the style Of Billy Sunday and other Popular revivalists. \——_ 37Review and Herald, February 24, 1921, p. 1. 190 We recoil with horror from hearing a pOpular revivalist, in order to gain applause from the crowd, roar out, "TO hell with the Kaiser!” even though we equally, with him, may de- precate the principles for which the Kaiser stOOd. However, this is but little worse than for Seventh-day Adventists to advertise their lectures under such headings as "The Devil, the Kaiser, and the Two Horned Beast.” The Master in His work never played the part Of a dema- gogue. There was nothing in His ministry Of a sensational character. Multitudes thronged His steps and hung upon His words, but they were drawn by the charm Of His irresist- ible life. . . . We cannot conceive Of His ever playing on pOpular prejudice or passion by extravagance Of expression or by sensational methods. . . . Christ is our model, not Billy Sunday.38 In an apparent effort to free the evangelistic work Of any taint of sensationalism or crudity, and to present the city evangelists anew to the church as dedicated, competent Spiritual leaders, they adOpted at their council this declaration: We hereby covenant 1. TO give ourselves as never before to prayer and to the study and the ministry Of the Word of God. 2. TO study to eliminate anything in our work which may appear to be Objectionable or tend to Offend the finer sensibilities Of the peOple for whom we labor. 38Review and Herald, February 27, 1919, p. 4. 39An enumeration Of the evangelists attending this postwar conven- tion includes well-known men and also provides perhaps the only glimpse appearing in denominational periodicals Of many other city evangelists aCtive at that time: A. G. Daniells, W. W. Prescott, G. B. Thompson, Charles Thompson, Wm. Guthrie, W. H. Branson, R. D. Quinn, L. H. Chris- tian’ S. E. Wight, C. F. McVagh, A. V. Olson, J. E. Jayne, D. A. Parsons, C- L. Kilgore, K. C. Russell, Dr. D. H. Kress, N. Z. Town, C. T. Everson, J- C. Stevens, A. v. Cotton, B. G. Wilkinson, E. L. Cardey, A. E. Sander- son, I. D. Richardson, H. W. Carr, A. T. Robinson, 1. M. Martin, H. C. J. wélleker, F. W. Paap, A. E. Serns, M. H. St. John, A. J. Clark, F. M. wllcOx,‘M. C. Wilcox, B. E. Miller, J. K. Jones, H. C. Hartwell, 0. O. BernStein, L. C. Metcalf, J. W. MacNeil, R. S. Fries, Stenple White, C. V- Leach, S. J. Lashier, A. w. Werline, H. M. S. Richards, w. H. Green, E- Nord, G. P. Rodgers, W. C. Moffett, H. H. Votaw, F. D. Gauterau, F'H- Robbins, W. H. Heckman, T. E. Bowen, H. G. Gauker, O. F. Schwedrat, 191 In reporting the session to the constituency, Carlyle B. Haynes called for renewed appreciation of the evangelists: Let us thank the Lord that there are a few laborers doing everything possible to raise up some memorials for God in our neglected cities. Let us remember that it is Our duty to give these workmen encouragement. God is diSpleased with the lack Of appreciation and support shown our faithful workers in our large cities by His people in Our own land. As a part Of the postwar effort tO make evangelism a more careful and productive procedure, Special emphasis was given to the work Of a major evangelistic assistant--the Bible worker. Bible workers, usually women, were persons skilled in explaining Bible teachings by giving "Bible readings," either to a single individual or to a small group gathered in a home. During a series of public lectures in a large city, a corps Of Bible workers called regularly on persons expressing an interest in Ad- ventist teachings in order tO refine their understanding of those teach- ings, and if possible lead them to a decision to accept the Adventist faith. This kind Of evangelistic work had been established as a regular Adventist procedure Since S. N. Haskell launched the plan rather acci- dentally in 1882. When in a camp meeting tent on a very rainy day the PGOple had difficulty in hearing, Haskell gathered them together in a dry area and gave out texts to be read in answer to his questions. The re- SP0nse was so favorable that Haskell prepared Bible readings which others K J- F. Huenergardt, R. J. Bryant, T. B. Westbrook, J. K. Humphrey, A. S. Booth, J. A. Leland, B. W. Spire, Max Trummer, Charles Baierle, R. 8. Lindsay, w. w. Rice, M. R. Coon, VirbrOOk Nutter, J. H. Wierts, O. L. Ice, Kenneth Gant, F. W. Johnston, I. J. Woodman. Some of these men were administrators, of course; but by and large the list represents the pano- f;{ 0f Adventist city evangelists in 1919. Review and Herald, June 5, 9 2 a p. . 40Ibid. 192 might give tO Small audiences. By 1883 the plan had Spread SO widely that the General Conference began publishing a supporting magazine for the purpose, The Bible Reading Gazette, with more than 12,000 COpieS dis- tributed monthly to both laymen and ministers. With increasing demand, the Bible readings were bound into a volume entitled, Bible Readings; subsequently enlarged under the title, Bible Readings for the Home Circle, and sold by colporteurs to the public.41 When the era Of city evangelism dawned in prewar America, the Bible work was already an essential part Of the program. More Often than not a number of Bible workers were attached to each evangelistic company. At the close Of the war, with a persistent shortage of ministers, the work of the Bible instructor received added attention. Bible workers' insti- tutes were scheduled, conjointly with the evangelistic institutes con- ducted throughout the country, with training provided not only for those doing Bible work professionally but also for persons desiring to enter the field. A typical institute included the reading Of papers on such tOpics as: "The Bible Reader and Charity Work," "Literature and How to Use It,” "How to Reach the Entire Family," "Best Methods Of Holding Attention," and "Deportment and Dress." In addition, detailed studies were given on var- iOus doctrines Of the church, with instructions on how to present them, meet Objections, and lead hearers to acceptance of the teaching. Promi- nent among Bible workers leading out in these institutes were Mary Baxter and Mrs. Jennie E. McClelland, who had been trained under 8. N. Haskell and another prominent evangelist, G. B. Starr. V 41Review and Herald, March 18, 1920, p. 26. 193 New emphasis pp lay evangelism. As a part of the postwar reorien- tation Of Adventist evangelism Suggested by Evans, new importance was given to the work Of the Home Missionary Department. First organized in 1913, this department had initially been charged primarily with encourag- ing the distribution Of literature by laymen and the solicitation of mis- sions gifts in the annual "Ingathering" campaign. By 1919 it was also an agency for the promotion Of lay Bible reading and lay evangelisticvnnfl<,and the new emphasis frequently was referred to as ”The Laymen's Movement.” A home missionary convention was held in October, 1919, attended by re- presentatives from each Of the local conferences.42 Regional conventions subsequently were organized to Spread the new laymen's movement through- out the field. In addition, in the face Of epidemics and other world health pro- blems, the Home Missionary Department was called into action, along with the Medical Department, for the training Of competent home nurses, SO that "believers throughout the world [might] bear their full share of the bur- den imposed upon Christians and other philanthrOpists tO minister tO the needs of suffering peOples."43 The many new points Of emphasis and re-emphasis in Adventist work after the war indicate that the denomination no longer gave single-minded attention to the city evangelist, and was actively seeking a new balance in its affairs. Without extensive involvement Of local church membership and leadership in the work Of evangelism, institutional interests Of the ChurCh apparently had suffered to some extent, deSpite--Or perhaps even \— 42Review and Herald, October 30, 1919, p. 2. 43Review and Herald, April 29, 1920, pp. 7, 8. 194 because Of--large numbers of new adherents. Thus, major emphasis was placed on the role Of laymen, Bible workers, and pastors, in sharing the evangelistic mission. Enhanced ministerial education. This reassertion Of the institu- tional interests Of the church was accompanied by persistent calls for a more highly educated ministry. E. K. Slade, for example, declared: The work Of God in these closing days is in great need Of truly educated workers [with an] education that embraces con- version and regeneration. [God] would have men become as intelligent and efficient as lies within their power, through careful develOpment Of every faculty. . . . The trained mind, the develOped faculties, the pleasing personality, the winning ways of refined and highly develOped Christian men are used Of God tO work and win for His kingdom. It becomes even more important now than in former years that Our ministers should be well educated, for we are living in a time in which the educational standard is high in nearly all classes and nations.44 Ministerial education already had been stimulated by wartime gov- ernmental requirements pertaining to "divinity schools." It was necessary for the church to meet these requirements in order to gain draft exemp- tion for divinity students. The government's recommendations for quali- fying Adventist colleges coincided largely with the denomination's own plans for the improvement of ministerial training, but went further in suggesting that Bible departments in the colleges be named ”schools Of theology," and that on completion Of the ministerial course, the degree Of Bachelor Of Sacred Theology be granted. Although church leaders conceded that such nomenclature rang strangely in the Adventist ear, the General Conference Committee adOpted 44Review and Herald, July 18, 1918, p. 12. 195 these two measures, along with other improvements in ministerial training, in order to produce better recruits for the ministry and tO define more clearly for the military the status of Adventist schools. However, the S.T.B. degree was not required for entry into the Adventist ministry.45 With an expanded program Of ministerial training provided for the develOpment Of future workers, the church also tOOk definite steps to im- prove the ministry Of men already in the field. For example, efforts toward the improvement of Adventist public speaking included selection Of the book, Effective Speaking, by A. E. Phillips, for the 1918 Ministerial Reading Course.46 In addition, a steady stream Of admonition was directed to Adventist ministers in their Special section Of the church paper--a column entitled, "The Gospel Ministry." Throughout 1920 this column stressed methods Of public Speaking and sermon construction. In the first article, "Attaining a Logical Method in Speaking,” ministers were admonished tO be mindful Of the audience: The purpose of preaching is so tO present truth that it will appeal tO the minds of the peOple and be accepted by them. TO do this it is necessary to follow the thought processes which are common to one's audience. It is not sufficient for the preacher to satisfy himself Of the correctness Of position; he has not succeeded unless he has also satisfied the minds Of his hearers. Every sermon Should be a lesson, not a monologue. The speaker should be sensible, not that he has made an ora- torical flight into the clouds, but that he has followed the thought-trail Of his auditors tO their home in the jungle Of life. In doing this he will be logical.47 45Five denominational colleges were in Operation at this time, one medical school, in addition tO a large number Of ten, twelve, and fourteen grade schools. Review and Herald, September 26, 1918, p. 21. 46Published in 1908, this was a Significant work in the history Of twentieth century rhetoric, Spearheading a movement in which renewed em- phasis was given tO classical standards and methods. 47Review and Herald, March 18, 1920, pp. 28, 29. 196 Ministers were informed that sermons may be grouped under three classes: narrative, homily, and argument, each Of which requires a logi- cal arrangement Of thought according to its Spec1al character. Under the heading of argument, the ministers were introduced to the procedures Of syllogistic reasoning and argument, with examples utilizing Adventist doctrine presented by way Of illustration. Still another presentation on "The Art Of Speaking” dealt entirely with sources Of material in original thought, experience, Observation, travel, and reading.48 Two subsequent articles presented suggestions on "How to Construct and Deliver a Sermon," and "Outlining Sermons," the last Of these empha- sizing the value Of the extemporaneous method.49 Improvement i3 church housing. The post-war adjustment of evange- listic-institutional balance in the Adventist church required not only improvement in the quantity and quality Of its ministry but also Of its church buildings, eSpecially in the large cities. In 1920 a new Church Extension Fund was created, to be administered by the General Conference Committee. This new financial plan was expected to provide annually about $110,000, and members were urged to make special gifts and legacies to swell the fund. Such a plan Of mutual help was necessary because "believers in the great cities Of the world, including those Of North America, . . . find it impossible, without such aid, to provide places of worship that will 48Review and Herald, July 8, 1920, pp. 27, 28. 49Review and Herald, October 7, 1920, pp. 13, 14; October 14, 1920, 197 prOperly represent this message in the centers of pOpulation." The background Of this action lay in the substantial losses pre- viously mentioned, Suffered in part because of a lack Of adequate church facilities tO accommodate the influx Of new church members. The constit- uency was SO informed: We recognize the new demands which are made upon us, and the effort in recent years to reach the peOple in the great centers Of population throughout the world. We now have a growing work, and in some cases a considerable number Of new believers in this message, in New York, Chicago, London, Paris, Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro, Calcutta, Singapore, Canton, Shanghai, and TOkio; and frequent calls are coming to us for assistance in providing suitable houses Of worship in which those who have accepted the truth in these and other large cities, may meet, and to which they may invite others. In some Of these cities we have already suffered serious losses in membership and have been badly handi- capped throggh lack Of the needed facilities for extending our work. . . . The Church Extension Fund was expected to "make it possible to pro- vide suitable memorials to represent this Advent Movement in a number Of the great cities Of the world." The new interest in church building stimulated many local plans for improving the situation. In the Pacific Union Conference, for exam- ple, professional architects were employed to prepare standard plans for new churches. Prior tO that time, it was said that: With few exceptions our church construction in the Pacific Union territory had been carried out with little or no regard for architectural beauty or even neatness Of design, and Often with indifference to convenience for Sabbath school work and baptismal purposes, and without regard for accoustical proper- ties. The new Pacific Union plan provided three separate sets Of blueprints for 50Review and Herald, November 25, 1920, pp. 10, 11. 51Review and Herald, June 9, 1921, p. 18. 198 congregations Of varying sizes. Financial reversals and 3 new administration. Despite the best intentions Of church leaders to strengthen the denomination both evangel- ically and institutionally, financial reverses accompanying a general business recession in 1920 greatly Slowed their progress. The report of W. T. Knox, treasurer Of the General Conference, for the nine months ending September 30, 1920, revealed expenditures Of $2,026,000 and income Of only $1,589,000.52 As the financial crisis deepened, the services Of many ministers in the conferences Of North America were terminated, and many Of those ministers who remained had to accept twenty-five or fifty per cent Of their wages in order to stay on the payroll. Looking to 1923, the treasurer anticipated a shortage Of 28.5 per cent in funds necessary tO maintain the work already in progress, much less to launch new enterprises. Along with decreasing ministerial rolls in many conferences, some ministers who had been stellar evangelists were called in to take over conference presidencies. Just a partial list of such transfers from evangelism to administration reveals that in 1921, E. L. Cardey was presi- dent Of the Southern New England Conference; 0. O. Bernstein, the New Jersey Conference; A. S. Booth, the Chesapeake Conference; H. F. Harter, the District of Columbia Conference; B. M. Heald, the Eastern New York Conference; J. W. McCord, the West Virginia Conference, J. L. Shuler, the Florida Conference; and Carlyle B. Haynes, the Greater New York Confer- ence . 51Review and Herald, November 25, 1920, p. 11. 199 By 1922, while business conditions were brightening, there was continuing uncertainty in the Adventist church, not only as to its finan- cial condition but also its effectiveness in meeting denominational Ob- jectives. Although many plans had been initiated after the war, evange- lism seemingly had been reduced from its status Of recent years; and with a high rate Of losses, membership gains were low. There was much concern for the approach which the denomination should now take. At the General Conference Session Of May, 1922, A. G. Daniells himself expressed this concern: While the reports Of our activities and achievements in the past will give us the information we Should have in such an occasion . . . after all, Our minds will turn tO the future. . We shall be saying in our hearts, when and how is this work going to be finished? . . . What experience do we need? What steps should we take tO finish quickly what remains to be done? 3 After his long tenure Of twenty-one years as president Of the General Conference, Daniells felt that a partial answer to his own ques- tion was a new administration, and ”declined definitely to allow his name to be entered for president."54 The voluntary withdrawal Of his name as president left the way Open for a realignment of the church organization. W. A. Spicer, the former secretary of the General Conference, was made president; and Daniells was appointed secretary, although it was not ex- pected that he would carry the detailed work Of that office. Rather, he would function as a world field secretary for the mission board and as a general counselor. In addition, a new General Conference constitu- 53Review and Herald, May 22, 1922, p. 4. 54Review and Herald, June 8, 1922, p. 32. 200 tion was adOpted, allowing a far greater degree Of autonomy for the world divisions of the church. W. A. Spicer summarized the general intent Of the actions in his first major presidential address to the General Con- ference Session: the There has been a bit Of cramping, a bit Of question as to authority in relationship between the General Conference Com- mittee and the field. These great divisions may function as complete in themselves, all united together in one central committee, each division standing on its own reSponsibility; and we will push forward together. . . . I feel that your se- lection Of myself as president Of the General Conference means that we have reached a time when our work is so big that we do not need big administrators necessarily at the center. We must just have a committee at the center, easily cooperating with every union and division, cheering everyone on, forming the connecting link between all, ready if possible to inSpire by giving counsel and sending the word Of cheer to keep us all moving together. I believe it is really a good thing tO get our eyes Off from men sometimes. God chooses the weak things Of this world, that men may understand that all the power in this work is de- pendent upon our relationships to the living God, whose the work is.5 For his own part Daniells, in his new and subordinate role, led assembled delegates in an expression Of solidarity: We have each had our own various viewpoints, and we have tried to stand for them. We have not all seen alike; but, dear friends, we have done the best we could, and here we are. Shall we not this morning let everything Of a conten- tious character slip away. . . . I feel SO. I feel to join the president in the suggestions he has made, unity, forward movement, advance, finishing the work are the only things worth while.56 55Review and Herald, June 5, 1922, p. 3. 561bid. 201 A Provision for Continued Evangelistic Emphasis Although at this quadrennial Session Daniells laid down his re- Sponsibility as president Of the General Conference, he assumed a new responsibility and the realization Of a long cherished dream--the creation of a General Conference Ministerial Commission, which he was to serve as chairman. This same Commission had been prOposed at the 1918 Session but it was laid aside because Of strong Opposition from the field leaders. The Opposition at that time was summarized by M. N. Campbell, president of the British Union: "It would seem that if the great body Of our mini- stry were tO be placed under the direction of this department, there would be danger Of confusion in our local and union conference administration."57 Subsequently, however, the Australian field had moved forward with the organization Of a division-wide ministerial association in 1920, led by A. W. Anderson. Its work included the direction Of a ministerial reading course as well as the publication Of a periodical entitled The Evangelist.58 In 1922, with Daniells now in an advisory rather than an executive role, the Session approved the creation Of a world-wide Adventist mini- sterial agency and Specified its role as ”a medium for the interchange of plans, methods and information and for the definite strengthening Of the gospel ministry," and "to give Special attention tO the encouragement .59 Of young men in training for the gOSpel ministry. 57Review and Herald, May 2, 1918. 58A. W. Spalding, Christ's Last Legion (Washington, D. C., Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1949), p. 237. 59Review and Herald, June 15, 1922, p. 29. 202 However, it was emphasized that while the Ministerial Commission would be under Daniells' direction as a general field secretary, it would Operate under the General Conference Committee, and that Daniells would "function through existing leadership . . . without the creation Of addi- tional machinery in either union or local conferences.”6O Thus, insti- tutional control and co-ordination of evangelical activity were assured. Despite these limitations, the Commission provided a direct link between Daniells as a representative of the General Conference, and the evangelists Of the denomination. The weight of his still considerable prestige in this new role, and the continuing belief of Adventist mini- sters in the counsels Of Ellen G. White that had led Daniells to launch the Adventist drive in city evangelism twelve years previously, go far in explaining the church's continuing emphasis on public evangelism during the 1920's, when other institutionalized denominations virtually abandoned it. 6OIbid. CHAPTER XII THE DECLINE AND REVIVAL OF REVIVALISMI In l9l7--the year in which the Adventist growth rate, stimulated by extensive public evangelism, reached its peak in this century--modern revivalism in general was in flOOd tide. In that year Billy Sunday, in the biggest campaign Of his career, called nearly 100,000 New Yorkers down the sawdust trail. The governor of the state dedicated Sunday's tabernacle; Sunday's public relations man was none other than Ivy Lee, today revered as the "father" Of public relations; and the revivalist was feted as a national celebrity. Most Of the Protestant churches united to sustain his work. In the hinterland his hundreds Of imitators were rally- ing the same kind of support. It was the climax Of a modern revivalism launched by Charles Grandison Finney nearly three-quarters Of a century before. Yet, while the revivalists were reveling in the glory of their finest hours, the very foundations upon which their work was based were Crumbling. By the 1930's revivalism was all but dead. Sunday coasted past the World War I area with a few more great successes--Chicago, 1918; Cir1Cinnati, l921--but by 1930 he was reduced to one-man stands in indi— Vidual churches where there was enough fundamentalist strength to support him. In 1935 he died.2 . 1This brief review Of the evangelistic activities Of other reli- g1OUS groups from World War I to the Billy Graham era is provided as a background against which Adventist evangelism Of the same period, as des- CI‘ibed in following chapters, may be seen more clearly. 2Among the pall bearers at his funeral-~Charles T. Everson, the noted Adventist evangelist. 204 Why did revivalism go into rapid decline after World War I? What kind Of "soul-saving" activity were the churches promoting from the 1920's to the 1950's? Revivalism declined after World War I not so much because revivalism changed but because America changed and revivalism tended to stay the same. According to McLoughlin: It was because the professional evangelists lost touch with the prevailing trend of American religious and social thought after World War I (and not because of the vulgarity, sensation- alism, or commercialism Of Billy Sunday and his imitators) that the revival tradition went into its thirty-year eclipse. In an advancing, increasingly sophisticated society, the revival possibly seemed remote from the present, the real world. The radio brought the city into the home Of the rural American. The automobile put him on the road instead Of in the pews. ”Abstemiousness, frugality, and thrift, seemed antique values in a world Of the salesman, credit buying and the ad man."4 More important, McLoughlin points out, in rejecting scientific and scholarly theories, insisting on the small-town morals of a nineteenth- century America, turning their backs on social reform as a concern Of the churches, few of the revivalists had little left to say that seemed mean- ingful to most Americans of the 1920's and 1930's. In McLoughlin's words, they "doomed themselves to obscurity along with the fundamentalism to which they clung."5’6 3William G. McLoughlin, Billy Graham: Revivalist 12 g Secular Age (New York: The Ronald Press, 1960), pp. 19, 20. 4Bernard A. Weisberger, They Gathered g; the River (Boston: Little, Brown and CO., 1958). 5 McLoughlin, loc. cit. 6See also: McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism (New York: The Ronald Press, 1959), p. 453. 205 As the newer, "scientific” religion came into its own in the pros- perous 1920's,7 a majority Of urban ministers repudiated fundamentalism. As mentioned previously, a delaying action was fought by fundamentalists in the major churches, but in the end they lost control Of the church ma- chinery.8 This tactical loss of the means Of organized support was a serious blow to revivalism of the Billy Sunday type. Under the control of more "modern" religious leaders who were concerned by a diminishing public reSponse to traditional revival campaigns, the churches turned to other, more SOphisticated activities: Ministers who had employed revivalists each year as an as- cepted part Of their church's schedule now sought cheaper and more ethical ways of accomplishing their religious purposes. By 1924 middle and upper class churches which had previously employed them, had abandoned the use of revivalistic devices. Even the churches with the large proportion Of lower class members reduced the use of revivalism and eventually the lar- ger denominations abandoned it almost entirely. Consequently, many of the large number Of revivalists who had been in the field before and during World War I found it difficult to obtain good appointments. Early in the 1920's it was estimated that some six hundred professional evangelists were unemployed simply because there was no demand for their services.10 Even in the South and rural areas of the West, where fundamentalism maintained a certain strength, the major 7William Warren Sweet, The Story 2f Religion 13 America, 2nd rev. ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), p. 420. 8Jerald C. Brauer, Protestantism lg America (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1953), p. 262. 9Rollin W. Quimby and Robert H. Billigmeier, "The Varying Role of Revivalistic Preaching in American Protestant Evangelism," Apeech Mono- graphs, Vol. 26 (August, 1959), NO. 3, pp. 218, 219. 10McLoughlin, 22, cit., p. 261. 206 denominations gave up revivalism after the 1930's; and "the one-hundred year tradition Of modern revivalism subsided into a relatively unimportant and unsung role."11 Visitation Evangelism As the popularity of revivalism decreased, that Of visitation evan- gelism increased, and the churches took up evangelization by door-bell 12 By 1930, two-thirds Of the city church fed- ringing on a grand scale. erations were using visitation in some form as their main evangelistic activity. They spoke enthusiastically Of its relative success, low cost, lack of sensationalism, and emphasis on the work of the local pastors and church people rather than on the itinerant evangelist. The concept Of visitation evangelism had received an Official boost in 1918 when Charles L. GOOdell, with some ten years Of eXperience in visitation work in Manhattan, became the executive secretary of the Commission on Evangelism Of the Federal Council of Churches, a body which only six years before had been headed by a professional revivalist. GOOdell visited ministerial conferences, seminaries, and denominational headquarters, promoting the advantages Of personal work over mass evan- gelism with such success that by the winter of 1929-30 five teams were required to handle all of the requests from cities where visitation train- 13 ing was desired. With all its success, however, visitation evangelism quickly 111bid., p. 452. 121bid., p. 456. 13Quimby and Billigmeier, 22: cit., p. 223. 207 develOped the same kind Of professionalism that had characterized the revival campaign. Numerous "experts” arose who, for a fee, would manage 14 One Of the most im- a visitation campaign and guarantee its success. portant of the visitation experts was the Rev. A. Earl Kernahan, who in 1923 established an Office Of "Directed Survey and Visitation Campaigns" in Washington, D. C. At the request Of a community group Of churches, he sent a Specialist tO direct a city-wide religious census in order to de- velOp a list Of prospect cards" upon which the visitation campaign would be based. Next, another expert was dispatched tO train the laymen, com- mitting them to a Specific number of hours they would work in the visita- tion process. If not enough volunteers were forthcoming, professional paid visitors were available from Kernahan's organization. The actual campaign was concentrated in a one or two week period during which visi- tors met every night for dinner and pep talks, and then went two-by-two to make their visits. PrOSpectS who were persuaded to join a church signed a "Record of Decision" card and were then listed on the visitor's records as "won." The campaign was over when all the prOSpects had been visited. Kernahan made remarkable claims Of success for his system. Be- tween 1923 and 1929, he said, a total Of 370,750 prOSpectS were visited, h."15 Other promoters Of visita- Of whom 187,867 were "won to the churc tion evangelism were equally enthusiastic in their interpretation of its financial advantages. Dr. L. A. LaFlamme, field secretary Of the New 15McLoughlin,__p. c1 14McLoughlin, 22: cit., p. 457. t ., p. 458. O 208 York Church Federation, cited comparative statistics: The revival campaign lasted nine weeks, they got fifty- three conversions, and it cost twenty-five thousand dollars. Last year the same three churches adOpted the modern method of sending visitors, two by two, to the houses, and they ob- tained one hundred and six conversions for four hundred and fifty dollars.16 But there were built-in weaknesses in professional visitation just as there were in professional revivalism. One of the most important of these was what was regarded as the superficiality Of the campaign's appeal. There was little theological foundation, the prOSpect being asked to join a church merely because it was the ”decent” thing--which was about what Billy Sunday had asked peOple to do. Kernahan's visitors appealed to their prOSpects to make their home a Christian home, to enter into Christian service in the community; and ex- horted them to be prepared for the hereafter. Any specific theological Commitment was left up to the pastors. One Baptist pastor said: "We should call upon persons not tO be saved but to become Christians." Ker- nahan himself said in 1925: "The thing that people are most interested in rmw is what does Christianity do for life?" They are "not at all interested "17 However, this nontheological approach was the Object of in dogmatism. nmch criticism by many pastors. Another major complaint was that visitation programs did not reach the masses. Makers Of prOSpect lists excluded the tenement dwellers and those without a Protestant background. In fact, it was charged: The adOption of the visitation syStem was a virtual accep- tance Of the fact that the regular Protestant churches were exclusively middle-class institutions and had abandoned any x 16Cited in Quimby and Billigmeier, 22. cit., p. 223. 17Ibid., p. 461. 209 hope Of reaching the workingman.18 AS they had lost patience with high-pressure, professionally di- rected revivalism, so the major churches soon tired of high-pressure, pro- fessionally directed visitation. Many Of them continued the basic Visi- tation idea after 1930 on an individual basis, but most abandoned the big, city-wide campaigns: Between 1930 and 1950 the majority Of urban or suburban Protestant churches did their visitation by themselves or occasionally joined in a visitation program with one or two nearby churches to round up new people in the neighborhood or to bring lapsed members back. 9 As "big-time visitation" faded, the major non-fundamentalist denomi- nations turned more toward education within the church as a means Of "evangelism." By 1946, Willard L. Sperry, dean of Harvard Divinity School, was able to Speak for many Of the larger churches when he Observed: We are tired of religious revivals as we have known them in the last half century. . . . Among all but the most back- ward churches it is now agreed that education ought to be, «and.probably is, the best way of interesting our people in Ireligion and of identifying them with one or another Of our Inarw'denominations. Our efforts therefore have been turned frtmlthe religious revival to religious education. BEEEiiQfl and Depression Back in the depths of the depression, however, some churchmen did look hopefully for a return of the Old-time revivalism. Such a revival Of revivalism, in fact, had been predicted by historians as well as by church- men, However, some church leaders regarded the prOSpect with great dismay. \- 18Ibid., p. 459. 19Ibid., pp. 462, 463. ZOIbid., p. 462. 210 "If there are Signs Of its return, such signs are tO be regarded not with gladness but with foreboding," said an editor Of the Christian Century, which had come to be the voice Of liberal Protestantism. The journal de- precated the ”spiritually devastating, high-pressure, blatant, mercenary, sensation-seeking” revivalism Of bygone days. A real ”religious revival," the Christian Century maintained, was to be measured in terms Of the pro- gress Of the social gospel, an increasing awareness Of "the essentially religious nature of the social problem." What was needed, it said, was "social repentance."21 Why did the depression fail to inSpire a return Of Old-fashioned revivalism? The Christian Century supplied one answer: "The idea pre- ‘wails that our economic system is a man-made system and being man-made it: can be remade." The depression was seen not SO much as an act Of God as a failure Of human intelligence. Therefore, there was no reason to becnome religious when peOple only needed to become intelligent.22 Thus, "tile depression did not drive men to God," as predicted.23 Yet, the needs were still there. Many peOple had been disastrously affected by the depression. There were deep emotional needs that the educational approach, the ”social salvation" concept, apparently could not fill. Thus, "the revival tradition continued to some extent among unsophisticated rural folk and among the country-bred evangelical urban dwellers of the 1930's."24 There were still hundreds of professional 21Editorial, "Why NO Revival?” Christian Century, LII (September 8» 1935). pp. 1168-1170. 221616. 138 . weet, 92. c1t., p. 422. 2 4Tchoughlin, Billy Graham, p. 20. 211 evangelists ”booked" into tents and tabernacles in rural county seats, or neighborhood churches, but influencing only a few dozen metrOpolitan blocks.25 To some extent the same kind of personal religion attracted some Of the intellectual and the prOSperous through such a group as the Buchmanites (later known as Moral Rearmament) meeting in hotels and pri- vate houses; a movement within the churches but ministering in a way the 26 churches, for the most part, were not. Reorganization gf Fundamentalism One segment of Protestantism that profited greatly by the depres- sion was the group Of churches Often referred to as the "sectS”--Pente- costal, Nazarene, Assemblies Of GOd--that stressed emotional conversion 27 Serving Spiritual needs apparently of the sinner and a new, holy life. (not being met by the larger churches, these groups grew at a rapid rate through the 1920's and eSpecially, the 1930's. The Assemblies of God, formed in 1914, had 48,000 members by 1926, and 175,000 by 1937. Between 1926 and 1937, the Nazarenes doubled their membership.28 In other areas Of fundamentalist growth, many pastors and congregations--formerly Bap- tist, Methodist, or Disciples Of Christ, among others--separated from denominations now under liberal control and became independent churches or took up a holiness title of their own invention. Thus, at a time when many Protestant leaders thought fundamentalism had died, in reality it 25Weisberger, 22: cit., p. 267. 26Sweet, 22' cit., p. 423. 7Brauer, _o_p. cit., p. 266. 28Sweet, 22' cit., p. 423. 212 had gone "underground”; and was continuing to grow, more rapidly in fact than were the established denominations.29 By the mid-1930's, according to McLoughlin, there Were really two national Protestant religions: the liberal and the pietistic fundamen- talist.30 The differences between these two religious streams were not only theological, but also social, economic, and intellectual. It thus became necessary for the fundamentalists to develOp a new institutional framework as a means of perpetuating an "ideological separateness."31 Some of the evangelists who found themselves without institutional support when the fundamentalists lost control Of the churches proceeded to "institutionalize" themselves, settling down in one community, build- ing up a gOSpel church or tabernacle. Aimee Semple McPherson was one Of these evangelists. Another was Bob Jones, who founded not only a church but also a college, one Of the scores Of "nondenominational" Bible insti- tutes "founded on a shoestring by pious preachers in the 1920's and 1930's." Jones' college, incidentally, had the endorsement of Billy Sun- day, whose wife was On its board of trustees.32 These independent churches and institutions, including such big- name establishments as the Chicago Tabernacle, Angelus Temple, and the Detroit Metropolitan Tabernacle, provided a circuit Of support for itin- erant fundamentalist evangelists throughout the 1930's and 1940's. Most Of the larger institutions had radio stations, a summer camp, some kind 29McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism, pp. 465, 466. 3OIbid. 311bid. 32McLoughlin, Billngraham, pp. 30, 31. 213 of home and foreign missions--and usually a large and devoted following. ”Among these peOple the tradition Of modern revivalism was perpetuated."33 The fundamentalist colleges, including the BOb Jones College, Moody Bible Institute, Fuller Theological Seminary, and Wheaton College, became new centers Of theological, social, and ecclesiastical reorganiza- tion for the fundamentalists.34 They were instrumental in developing a "culture within a culture." Their periodicals, publishing houses, radio programs, youth movements, and missionary organizations (Christian Busi- nessmen's Association is an example) "kept alive a pietistic fervor . which was bound to break forth once the climate was right."35 This is not to say that during this period public preaching had been entirely eliminated from the evangelical efforts of the leading de- nominations. Some leaders among the denominations, eSpecially the Metho- dist and Baptist groups, felt that they had reduced their appeal to the lower classes by the abandonment Of revivals, ”who have therefore been drawn toward the holiness sects."36 Thus, in a reappraisal Of revival oratory, the Federal Council Of Churches convened a Conference on Evange- lism in 1931, where committees of co-Operating denominations adopted a plan providing for ”holding Special evangelistic meetings or preaching 37 missions" in addition to the visitation procedures --the first reference 33McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism, pp. 469, 470. 34McLoughlin, Billy Graham, pp. 22, 23. 35Ibid. 36J. Milton Yinger, Religion, Society, and the Individual (New York: The Macmillan CO., 1957), p. 283. 37Federal Council Bulletin, September, 1931, p. 14, cited in Quimby and Billigmeier, gp. cit., p. 224. 214 to Special preaching services since it was omitted by the Conference on Evangelism in 1924. There were some efforts to combine the best elements Of evangelism and visitation evangelism, notably by Bishop Adna E. Leonard of the Meth- odist EpiSCOpal Church, who claimed to have develOped the technique Of the "preaching mission" about 1926. The bishOp Suggested four steps that characterized the "preaching mission": (1) an advance canvass of the church members in order tO explain the revival program and solicit sup- port; (2) daily preaching services during the revival period, featuring a reasonably well-known visiting minister, who also made himself avail- able at a "fellowship hour" for counseling; (3) visitation of prospects; (4) a continuing program Of preaching and counseling organized in the local church in order to preserve the gains made during the mission.38 In 1935 the Federal Council of Churches adOpted the idea and an- nounced the first ”National Preaching Mission," which was conducted from September to December, 1936, with much success. So numerous were appli- cations from cities asking to participate in the mission that the appli- cations had tO be screened, and twenty-eight large cities across the nation were finally selected. E. Stanley Jones headed the campaign team, mobilizing the efforts of eighty Of the best preachers and laymen that Could be assembled, including Lynn Harold Hough, Ivan Lee Holt, T. Z. KOO, Muriel Lester, Merton Rice, Francis B. Sayre, Rodger Babson, and others. Taking a leaf from Billy Sunday's book, the preaching mission team \— 38Quimby and Billigmeier, 22. cit., p. 224. 215 in each city appointed local committees which arranged special meetings for women's groups, business clubs, high schools, and colleges, with an average of 104 Such appointments made in each city. Attendance was gOOd in each case with ”crowds . . . large enough in each city to fill the largest available halls and cause press comment."3 The National Preaching Mission was a "showcase" demonstration Of what could be done, and served to inSpire new interest in revivalistic techniques among Protestant denominations. Many formerly neglected com- mittees on evangelism were revived and in years immediately following 1936, evangelistic staffs in denominational headquarters were enlarged. However, the difference between the preaching mission and the Old revival, as eXplained by Gerald Kennedy, Methodist bishOp for the LOS Angeles area, was in an institutional selection and control of Speakers with insistence that "the officially sanctioned evangelists be able preachers who are well educated and thoroughly experienced in ecclesias- tical matters.“+0 This reawakening Of an interest in evangelistic oratory within the major denominations went a long way toward preparing them for joint action with fundamentalist groups in the new surge Of religious interest that ushered in the Billy Graham era Of modern revivalism. Revival g; Revialism There were other factors that helped to develOp a climate in which an institutionally-strengthened fundamentalism could regain a certain 39Ibid., p. 225. 4OQuimby and Billigmeier, ER- cit., p. 26. 216 initiative in revivalism. First was a general theological reorientation in America. In the 1930's, Paul Tillich, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Harry Em- erson Fosdick, among others, were leaders in a searching re-examination of the modernist theological position. Fosdick, for example, said as early as 1935 that modernism, Of which he had been a leading advocate, had "left souls standing like the ancient Athenians before an altar to an unknown God."41 Second, the ”sobering effect Of fifteen years Of world turmoil" was a weakening Of the liberal faith in such ideas as "progress, the in- nate goodness and perfectability of man, and the manifest destiny Of Anglo-Saxon democracy to triumph peacefully and easily throughout the world."42 AS liberal Protestantism was undermined by the neo-ortho- dox movement and by the inadequacy of its Optimistic message in the midst of the dire calamities Of the years from 1930 tO 1950, the neo-fundamentalists began to take the Offensive. Youth for Christ rallies, beginning in 1941, provided a training ground for a brand new crOp of revivalists, including Billy Graham. By 1942, the recently organized National Association Of Evangelicals had united the forces Of some thirty fundamentalist groups claiming a member- ship Of some ten million persons. The NAE and the Youth for Christ movement together stimulated a new religious revivalism which, Supported by newly-interested denominations, came to national prominence in the 1950's.44 41McLoughlin, Billy Graham, p. 23. 42Ibid., p. 24. 43Ibid., p. 39. 44McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism, pp. 474, 476. 217 During the postwar years, dozens Of inter-denominational, funda- mentalist revivals were being held throughout the nation by the new pro- fessional evangelists: Jack Shuler, Bob Jones, Jr., Merv Rosell, Hyman Appelbaum, Charles Templeton, Oral Roberts, Alan Redpath, Tom Rees, Bryan Green.45 But it was Billy Graham, supported by the National Association of Evangelicals, as well as the Youth for Christ organization, who broke through to national prominence in 1950. Himself "a product of the re- alignment in Protestantism,”46 Graham reassembled some of the Old cher— ished symbols of faith and gave new assurance to those who still held to the time-honored tenets Of the American, the Christian, way of life.”47 As the nation's general outlook changed momentarily from liberalism to conservatism in the 1950's, many liberal churchmen "turned to give a llelping hand to those who Spoke with such assurance of their orthodoxy eund divine authority.”48 Revivalism, dying in the 1930's, came vigor- OLisly to life. Because the Adventist church combined a strong institutionalism Vaith a strong evangelical commitment, its evangelistic activities after lJorld War I reflect the reappraisal seen in the established denominations EiS well as the persistent use of evangelistic oratory seen in the funda- Inentalist movements. In the evangelical history Of this one denomination may be traced the surging of evangelism in times conducive to its Suc- cess; then its ebbing when public interest wanes and institutional forces seek its more effective control. 451bid., p. 489. 46Ibid. , p. 482. 4L7McLaughlin, Billy Graham, p. 24. 48113141., Modern Revivalism, p. 482. — CHAPTER XIII POSTWAR ADVENTIST EVANGELISM: NEW WAYS FOR A CONTINUED MARCH While revivalism in general diminished during the 1920's, Seventh- day Adventist public evangelism, chastened and institutionalized, con- tinued as a major preoccupation Of the church. This was true despite the fact that some Adventist evangelists had recently received strong inter- nal criticism for practices considered inconsistent with denominational ideals and interests; and even though Adventist evangelism tended to pro- duce less during the 1920's than had been the case during World War I-- baptisms between 1920 and 1930 averaged 6.5 per cent Of church member- ships, compared with an average Of 9.5 per cent during the war years, 1914 - 1918. (See Figure 4.) A Continued March The continued march Of Adventist evangelism during the "sunset years” Of revivalism probably can best be explained by continuing organi- zational support, the continuing presence Of an interested audience, and stimulating examples of success presented by leading Adventist evange- lists. Organizational support. Most independent evangelists Of the Billy Sunday "school" joined the ranks Of the unemployed when they could not muster organizational support for city-wide multi-church campaigns or did not receive invitations from individual revival-minded congregations. AS the larger denominations in the 1920's came under the control of clergy not entirely sympathetic toward fundamentalist revivalists, the machinery -150 -140 -120 ~100‘ -DBD - 080 ~D$D ~080 ~DDD FIGURE 4 ANNUAL ADMESSIONS TO THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH THROUGH BAPTISM; EXPRESSED AS A PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL MEMBERSHIP (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) 219 NAM . 1920 1930 1930 1950 1960 1970 220 Of these denominations was progressively less available to them. The Adventist evangelists were, however, in an altogether different situation. Not dependent on the will Of a single congregation or on the wishes Of a group of denominations, they worked under the direction Of conference organizations. While they frequently were sent to conduct cam- paigns at the request Of individual congregations, just as Often they were dispatched by the conference organization to a place Of evangelical need for the purpose Of raising up a new congregation. In this mission their task was to attract an audience from among the general public, persuade a number to accept Adventist beliefs, induct them into church membership, and form a new church. Thus, Adventist evangelical activity was not so much the result of local, congregational interest as it was the studied policy of a central church organization; although, Of course, congrega- tional interest was important to the success Of a campaign and Often in- fluenced conference officers in making evangelistic assignments. While there had been some adjustments in the organizational context of Adventist evangelism when A. G. Daniells stepped down from the presi- dency of the General Conference in 1922, with more autonomy given to the local fields, the General Conference nevertheless continued its active encouragement of public evangelism thnaugh the influence Of the newly- created Ministerial Commission, with Daniells in charge. One of Daniells' first moves was to organize a new round of mini— sterial institutes for the United States and Canada through the years 1923, 1924, and 1925. This was the first such series Of institutes on a division-wide basis under the direct auSpices Of the General Conference Since those Daniells conducted in 1911 and 1912 in order more adequately to prepare Adventist ministers to begin the task Of city evangelism. Ilflf 3 221 The Ministerial Commission also provided organizational support in the form Of Special evangelistic councils from time to time. One Of the more important Of these was held in Milwaukee in 1926 in connection with the General Conference Session. In addition, the General Conference Com- mittee itself made various pronouncements in Support of public evange- lism; and the Ministerial Commission provided an exchange Of views and experiences among evangelists by means Of a series of mimeographed re- ports. In 1928, the Commission launched a new periodical eSpecially for ”the evangelical workers" of the denomination-~The Ministry. A continuing audience. Of equal importance with organizational support as a factor in the continued momentum in Adventist evangelism during the 1920's was the continuing presence Of an interested audience. Despite the relatively greater SOphistication of many Americans during the first postwar decade, fundamentalism vs. liberalism was a conflict not as yet entirely resolved by any means. The celebrated Scope's ”monkey trial" of 1925, while viewed by men Of the liberal school as a triumph over unenlightened fundamentalism, nevertheless illustrated the great level of public interest in the question. Many conservative Pro- testants were Openly looking for new church homes where Old, familiar ways were to some extent preserved. AS Outlined in Chapter XII, they found such church homes among the sects, including Holiness groups, the Jehovah's Witnesses, and many newly formed independent churches Of Bap- tist, Presbyterian, and other denominational derivation. Many persons of this sort were also attracted to the Seventh-day Adventist church. While it held certain views quite different from those of the established Protestant denominations--Observance Of the seventh “19'- 222 day as the Sabbath, for example--it nevertheless proclaimed an adherence to the Bible as the rule of life and maintained Old-time standards of personal conduct. At the same time the Adventist church presented a fea- ture doubtless appealing to some disaffected members of other well organ- ized denominations-~a highly developed organizational structure of its own, mellowed by time since its inception in 1863. Moreover, despite an adherence tO Biblical conservatism, Adventists projected a contemporary image in their persistent preaching on current world develOpments, their emphasis on world missions, together with a cer- tain educational and institutional SOphistication characteristic of their denomination. All these appeals Offered to the disaffected religious con- servative a reasonably congenial alternative to his former church home. Also attractive to many peOple, both within and outside other re— ligious communions, was the seeming certainty continuing among Adventists as to the ultimate outcome Of world affairs. Despite the relative in- dustrial prOSperity Of the 1920's, this era nevertheless was a period of considerable disorder and disorientation. Insecurity was generated by many fears, as seen in the Great Red Scare Of the early 1920's (and the protracted Sacco-Vanzetti trial), fierce power struggles in Russia, the failure Of efforts toward enduring peace as in the Kellogg-Briand pact, and a rise Of anti-Catholicism in connection with the 1928 campaign Of Al Smith. These and many other sources of tension and uncertainty provided a setting within which the "prophetic voice" Of the Adventist evangelist continued to find an audience. Examples pf success. Not the least factor in the continuation Of Adventist evangelism during the postwar decade was the influence Of n1: 223 successful evangelists themselves, although none, perhaps with the excep- tion Of Charles T. Everson, enjoyed success at the World War I level. The numbers Of these men multiplied during the years following World War I when many new men rose to prominence while Old-timers continued their work and even reached their zenith during the 1920's. Among the leading evan- gelists active during this period were Everson, A. S. Booth, Taylor G. Bunch, J. W. McComas, H. M. S. Richards, Carlyle B. Haynes, J. S. Wash- burn, B. G. Wilkinson, Louis K. Dickson, John G. Mitchell, Phillip Knox, J. H. N. Tindall, O. O. Bernstein, J. L. Shuler, E. L. Cardey, O. D. Car- dey, A. R. Ogden, W. H. Bradley, H. A. Vandeman, G. E. Peters, and J. K. Humphries. These were men with more than a local reputation--men who achieved some renown, at least among Adventists, as regional or national evangelists. While most of these evangelists maintained the support of the church organization, they were not without adverse criticism. From the outside, some of them drew the fire of clergymen in other denominations on charges Of proselytism or ”Sheep-stealing"--attracting members to the Adventist church from other Protestant denominations. Some Adventist evangelists continued to challenge the ministry Of other denominations, either Openly or by virtue of a provocative approach, and debates were common.1 Within the denomination, evangelists continued to receive some unfavorable criticism for bringing in persons not prOperly screened or conditioned for membership. This internal criticism had some support in fact as apostasies from the church continued at a relatively high level all through the 1920's, reaching a peak in 1928 of Sixty-seven per cent 1Letter, L. E. Froom, June 18, 1963. I“.- 224 Of all accessions to the church in that year--a ratio not corrected until the early 1930's. However, deSpite these continuing clouds in the picture Of Advent- ist evangelism, the evangelists retained substantial and even insistent support from the church. Criticism of membership losses was Often deflec- ted from the evangelist tO the local church, where Often there was a con- tinuing lack Of adequate pastoral care. Large evangelistic campaigns, after all, did produce new members, even though at a rate reduced from that Of the war years; and Of equal importance, perhaps, brought to the relatively small Adventist congregations a brief period Of community prominence with widespread advertising, saturation door-to-door contacts, and audiences sometimes outnumbering the local church membership a hun- dredfold. Content and Technique The content and technique of Adventist public evangelism during the 1920's was influenced by the doctrinal discussions Of church leaders, and also by successful techniques developed by evangelists in the field. Doctrinal discussion. A notable example of doctrinal discussion and its impact on the content of Adventist evangelism is the encourage- ment by A. G. Daniells in the early 1920's Of a renewed emphasis in evan- gelistic preaching on Christian conversion and "righteousness by faith," rather than merely through mental assent tO a set of abstract doctrinal tenets as explained by the evangelist. Even after the notable ministerial institutes Of 1911 and 1912, with a remarkable conversion experience by Adventist ministers, their evangelistic approach, generally Speaking, had been marked by ”legalistic, *‘ 225 "2 debative, and doctrinarian . . . emphasis. L. E. Froom, who became head Of the renamed Adventist Ministerial Association in 1941 and was an associate with A. G. Daniells from 1925, has described his personal under- standing of the Adventist message and the transformation that came to his own thinking as a result Of Daniells' influence: I had always been an ardent Adventist, unswerving in loyalty to our doctrines, fascinated with Bible prophecy, and always seeking to present dhe best possible case for Adventism before the world. I worked hard, and profoundly believed in the tri- umph Of the Advent message and movement. But to me Adventism was to a large degree allegiance tO a system of doctrinal truth, fidelity to a message from God and the Word. My Christianity was primarily a devoted mental assent to a beautiful, logical, heaven-sent framework of truth to which proclamation I had given myself without reservation. But I was impressed with a certain sense Of futility. Some- thing seemed tO be lacking and hindering. The overtures of Ad- ventists to the public, at that time, were not too successful. [In the early 1920's.] Our approach did not seem to have the appeal that it Should, and was Often gravely misunderstood. It was the approach and the appeal--and the substance of this message and emphasis--that apparently was at fault. That was my personal predicament when A. G. Daniells came to Nashville in the fall Of 1925 for one of his soul-searching institutes, held in the chapel of the Southern Publishing Association. . I was one of those deeply stirred and devoutly moved by Elder Daniells' meetings. . . . It was the turning point in my life and ministry. Christianity, I clearly saw, was basically a personal relationship Ep'g Person--Jesus Christ. I had been believing and trusting in a Message rather than a Person. I had prOpagated a message rather than truly preaching a gospel. . . . It was a revolutionary concept, a startling but blessed awakening. This was just the awakening which Daniells endeavored tO stimulate among Adventist ministers after his assignment to the leadership Of the 2Letter, L. E. Froom to Howard B. Weeks, October 27, 1964. 3Document, "'Righteousness by Faith' Sparked the Ministerial Asso- ciation," by L. E. Froom. 226 Ministerial Commission in 1922. He had diligently studied the earlier counsels Of Ellen G. White and discovered in them a strong emphasis on the need for more attention in evangelistic presentations tO personal commitment to Christ, as the basis for Specific doctrinal beliefs. As has been pointed out, it was on this very point that Adventists and others so Often reproached the popular revivalists, charging super- ficiality in their calls for conversion without providing a firm doctrinal basis for intellectual commitment. What Daniells now thought necessary in Adventist evangelism was a blending Of both considerations: retaining a strong didactic and doctrinal context while infusing it with the per- sonal experience Of Christian conversion--a point on which some Adventist evangelists previously had been notably weak. A colorful example Of this weakness was revealed by W. H. Branson, then a vice president of the General Conference, in a series Of articles on public evangelism prepared in 1941. He recounted an experience Of K. C. Russell, a leading evangelist Of the World War I era: Elder Russell and his associates were conducting meetings every night during the week and were bearing down on the pro- phecies of Christ's return, the binding Obligations to keep God's law and Sabbath, etc. They were giving the message trumpet "a certain sound" and were faithfully warning the peOple. Their Special attention was called to three men who were coming regularly every night and who always sat together near the front of the tent. They appeared to be deeply interested, and the evangelists thought that surely they would be among the very first to take their stand for the message. But one night all three Of these men were missing. Some concern was expressed by the workers, but it was thought that perhaps Sickness, or possibly business, had kept them away. Surely they would return the next evening. A whole week passed and no more was seen of these persons. The workers were very sad. They had entertained high hOpeS for these individuals but they had drOpped out as suddenly as they had at first appeared and now they were gone; they probably would not re- turn. 227 But they did return. At the end Of a week they appeared again and occupied their usual seats near the front. They seemed more interested than ever. There was a new life in their eyes. It was evident that something had happened to them during their absence to deepen, rather than lessen, their interest. At the close Of the meeting that night, Elder Russell approached these men and said, "We are truly glad to see you back with us tonight; we have missed you for a week." "Yes," one Of them replied, "3 Salvation Army meet- ing was in progress in the city this past week and we went there to get salvation. We felt the need Of conversion. Now that we have found the way to Christ over there, we have returned here to learn more about the doctrines.” Elder Russell, feeling condemned and ashamed, said to him- self, "God being my helper, no man will ever again have to leave my meetings and go somewhere else to find salvation." The emphasis of Adventist evangelists on distinctive doctrines was understandable, inasmuch as in the denomination's early years they were Speaking almost exclusively to former colleagues within the various denominations they had left to form the Adventist movement. The neces- sity Of emphasizing special truths in order to justify the existence Of the movement came to be a guiding Objective down through the years. According to F. G. Ashbaugh at the 1926 Milwaukee evangelistic council: There was a time when I had the idea that "preaching Christ" and "preaching the message" were two things over against each other. I have said, the Baptists, Presbyterians, and Method- ists preach Christ, but the Seventh-day Adventists have a mes- sage tO give tO the world; and SO we let the other peOple "preach Christ" while we "preach the message." . . . How Often do peOple say to us, "You do not preach Christ. All you preach is law!!"5 At the same session Taylor G. Bunch, then an evangelist in Oregon, related the lack Of gOSpel preaching to the large number Of apostasies 4Manuscript, "Larger Evangelism: Getting People Saved” [1941]. 5Mimeographed document, "The Field's Answer Box on Successful Methods--No. 16", published by the Ministerial Association Of Seventh- day Adventists, Takoma Park, D. C. [1927]. 228 from the Adventist church (in that year, 1926, equaling sixty-two per cent of the total accessions to the church). He declared: We all deplore the Situation which we face today as a de- nomination,--a large number coming in through the front door, and at the same time many going out by the back door. I be- lieve that we have found the remedy for this situation and that remedy is--Preach Christ; make Him the center of all preaching, of every doctrine. This is the remedy;--the im- portant thing is to learn how to apply it. In the early days . . . the majority of those who accepted the message were already converted, men and women living con- sistent Christian lives. The preacher's work was chiefly to present the doctrine of the Sabbath and the law, those who reSponded to the teaching would become genuine Seventh-day Adventists. But a great change has come in. We have been using the same method as the pioneers . . . and as a result we find our churches being filled up with thousands of men and women who have been intellectually and legally converted tO the doctrines but they have not been converted to the Lord Jesus Christ.6 The question of righteousness by faith vs. Obedience to doctrinal requirements had, Of course, been vigorously discussed among Adventists since before the memorable Minneapolis Conference Of 1888, mentioned earlier. Individual Adventist ministers and leaders had from time to time sought to point their evangelists toward a more gospel-like approach. A. T. Jones, it will be recalled, declared at the General Conference Ses- sion Of 1899, "We are so tO preach Christ that we Shall preach nothing t."7 but doctrine; and so to preach doctrine that it is nothing but Chris W. W. Prescott stimulated a rebirth Of emphasis on righteousness by faith and doubtless influenced Daniells himself, with his notable book, Doctrine pf Christ, published in 1920, and also Standard Lessons for the Adventist Sabbath School for the year 1921. Other persons Such as Oliver Montgomery 6Ibid. 7Review and Herald, July 11, 1899, p. 448. 1411 229 and Worthy Harris Holden also were among those encouraging a new Adventist 8 The effect of Prescott's book, according tO approach in the 1920's. Froom, was to give Adventists ”the concept that Christianity is a Person; it is Christ Himself, and a relationship to that Person, with all doctrine centering in that Person. . . ." But, says Froom, ”that concept . 9 had a stormy time, a slow acceptance." Froom further points out that ”many in their public evangelism pre- sented Christ as a subordinate being; . . . some actually as a Sinner, who not only bore our sins, but became Sinful. . . . All these unfortu- nate impressions have had to be dissipated." However, emphasis on the righteousness by faith view was seen in the work Of some evangelists of the period, notably Charles T. Everson, Carlyle B. Haynes, Taylor G. Bunch, and H. M. S. Richards, to mention a few. Among subsequent develOpments intensifying Adventist commitment to this doctrine was the publication in 1926 of the volume, Christ Our Right- eousness, by A. G. Daniells, and his emphasis on this theme at the mini- sterial institute held in that year in Milwaukee; and the publication in 1931 of a statement Of "Fundamental Beliefs,” by F. M. Wilcox, as a pre- face to the Adventist Yearbook of that date-~a statement that crystalized previous trends and Officially committed the denomination to what Froom calls the "Christian verities." Other develOpments included the publication in 1941 Of a uniform baptismal certificate spelling out the view that belief in Christ is an 8Leroy Edwin Froom, ”'Righteousness by Faith' Sparked the Mini- sterial Association," The Ministry, May, 1965, p. 5. 9Letter, L. E. Froom to Howard B. Weeks, June 18, 1963. 230 all-sufficient means to salvation; and revision in 1944 Of two historical Adventist volumes of discussion on the books Of Daniel and Revelation by Uriah Smith, this revision omitting Arian views Of Christ as a Subordinate being. Also, in 1946, the book Evangelism, a compilation Of writings by Ellen G. White, was published, which among other aSpects of evangelism emphasized Mrs. White's views Of the nature Of Christ. Still other steps have been the publication of the Adventist Bible Commentary during the years 1953 to 1957, and the notable book, Questions pp Doctrine, published in 1958, a volume read for publication by 250 world leaders of Adventism and approved by the General Conference Officers. The general result of all these and other measures was, in Froom's terms, "less argument--more Christ." Successful techniques. Adventist evangelism in the 1920's was greatly influenced by successful techniques introduced by individual evan- gelists. Tabernacle Evangelism. One Of the most evident new approaches in the postwar decade was the introduction among Adventist evangelists of the Specially constructed wooden tabernacle. Before World War I, most Advent- ist evangelists had conducted their major efforts in tents during the sum- mer months, moving into Small public halls with the coming Of winter. During the war, with a great increase Of public interest in Adventist preaching, major evangelists in the large cities booked the most prominent theaters and public auditoriums they could secure--and easily filled them to overflowing. Although Billy Sunday had made the large wooden taber- nacle something of a personal trademark since about 1910, no Adventist evangelist used one of these rather ungainly structures until near the 231 end Of the war. The first Adventist evangelistic tabernacle was Opened to the public on January 5, 1919, for a five-week campaign in Charleston, West Virginia; the Opening having been delayed a few months by the influenza epidemic. The campaign featured B. G. Wilkinson as the Speaker, in as- sociation with T. M. French, T. B. Westbrook, U. D. Pickard, W. L. Atkins; and Miss Jessie Welsh as the Bible worker. Wilkinson was suc- ceeded for another six-week campaign by T. B. Westbrook and J. 8. Wash- burn. The tabernacle approach, according tO Wilkinson, was "something new in the Seventh-day Adventist denomination."10 It should not be assumed that the wooden tabernacle, unSOphisti- cated as it may seem today, was designed to attract only persons from the lower social and economic classes. On the contrary, Billy Sunday had SO popularized these ungainly wood structures that even the Advent- ists attracted to them numbers of more affluent citizens-~just as they had to great theaters and public halls during the war. In Charleston, for example, B. G. Wilkinson reported that "an ex-governor Of the state, an ex-senator Of the United States, and many business men, lawyers, and doctors . . . attended, . . . some Of whom [are] thinking seriously Of accepting the truth.”11 Substantial efforts were made in Charleston to attract such audi- ences with "an unusually liberal mount Of money" Spent in advertising the meetings and placing reports Of sermons in the papers. In addition, the president of the conference sent out a letter Of condolence and loReview and Herald, March 13, 1919, p. 23. 11Ibid. 232 sympathy to persons who had lost relatives in the influenza epidemic, with the result that some members Of the audience and even converts came from among that group. According to J. S. Washburn: God has blessed the tabernacle experiment, and [we believe] that this means Of promulgating the message can be followed out in many cities of the world, and practically mark a new era in our work. Thus with tents in the summer time, and tab- ernacles inthe winter time, our ministers may be continually at work every day in the year.12 The Charleston campaign closed on May 11, 1919, with 110 persons Signing a ”covenant” to "keep the commandments Of God, and the faith of Jesus" (from Revelation 14:22), including a physician, with members of his family, and two ministers Of other churches. Even Charles T. Everson, who had pioneered the large-scale long- term theater campaign in New York City during the war, turned in 1921 to the tabernacle. Because Of his extensive use of this kind Of struc- ture during the succeeding decade, Everson came to be more closely iden- tified with it than any other Adventist evangelist. (See Figure 5.) After a series Of meetings in Kansas City's Convention Hall and Masonic Hall during the winter Of 1919-1920, Everson held a summer campaign in a large tent, 80 by 120 feet, with overflow crowds. However, following the summer campaign, he built a tabernacle "after the Billy Sunday type,‘ and paid for it by pOpular subscription; that is, through the solicita- tion of gifts for this purpose--in much the same manner as Billy Sunday financed his tabernacles. According to Everson, "Most Of the funds for the erection and support of the tabernacle were contributed by those not of our faith."13 \— 12Review and Herald, May 8, 1919, pp. 21, 22. 13Review and Herald, February 10, 1921. 233 FIGURE 5 VIEWS OF "BILLY—SUNDAY-TYPE" TABERNACLES USED BY CHARLES T. EVERSON IN THE 1920‘s AND 1930's 234 Everson's tabernacle meetings, as had those of Wilkinson and Wash- burn in Charleston, attracted leading peOple Of the community. At a special Sunday evening guest presentation by A. G. Daniells on March 6, 1921, Everson reported: Leading men of various professions in Kansas City, together with members of the Board Of Trade and the Chamber of Commerce, listened with marked attention to [the] array Of facts, welded together in such a masterful way as to produce a profound im- pression of the seriousness of the times to which we have come. 14 This first tabernacle campaign conducted by Everson from January to May, 1921, produced approximately one hundred new members for the Ad- ventist church.15 During his entire two years in Kansas City, Everson baptized nearly three hundred persons into the church. Quick to point out the institutional benefits of this evangelical enterprise, Everson emphasized that besides the $15,000 raised for the tabernacle and for church building purposes, tithe payments Of the Kansas City church in- creased during the two-year period from $6,067 to $13,000, with an ac- companying increase of $2,000 in mission funds-—all this in a time Of business recession when the Adventist churches generally were taking drastic cuts in revenue.16 From Kansas City, Everson moved to the North Pacific Union, where with John Ford as his most prominent assistant, he conducted his best known evangelistic work in Spokane, Portland, Seattle, and other cities Of the Northwest, using tabernacles almost exclusively-~many of them large enough tO seat three thousand or more persons. 14Review and Herald, April 21, 1921. 15Review and Herald, July 14, 1921, p. 16. 16Review and Herald, March 30, 1922, p. 28. 235 Another Adventist evangelist prominent in the early use of taber- nacles was Taylor G. Bunch. In a 1,800-seat structure erected "on the most prominent avenue of New Orleans," Bunch and his assistant, A. J. Meiklejohn, and a corps Of Bible workers conducted a campaign that in- ducted some thirty-five persons into the church, necessitating the build- ing of a sanctuary. Bunch, like Everson, stressed that city evangelism was worth the money invested, pointing out that a total of $1,700 was contributed in Offerings during the campaign. Moreover, he said, ”The new members have begun paying tithe, and within a few months it will be again demonstrated that a city effort, though expensive, is a paying investment financially, to say nothing Of the untold value Of the souls saved."l7 Another tabernacle campaign conducted by Bunch in Shreveport, Louisiana, produced more than thirty additions to the local church and a small surplus in offerings beyond the campaign's expenses of $3,500. At the close Of the campaign the tabernacle was sold for its lumber at 0.18 Bunch subsequently moved to the North Pacific Union a price Of $60 and promptly enlarged the size Of his tabernacles. Although not as am- bitiously designed as those Of Everson, Bunch's tabernacle for an initial campaign in Seattle's downtown area measured 56 by 96 feet, seated twelve hundred persons, and was well filled at each meeting. J. W. McComas, assisted by H. P. Gray, also preceded Everson in the use of evangelistic tabernacles, with a structure erected in Nash- ville, Tennessee, during the winter Of 1919 and 1920. According tO 17Review and Herald, July 8, 1920, p. 22. 18Review and Herald, April 21, 1921, pp. 18, 19. 236 church Officials: As a conference we have been more than pleased with this experiment, and the coming fall we are planning to put up more such buildings, as we feel the tabernacle has solved one Of the problems connected with city work in the winter. Many times in the past we have pulled down the tents with the ad- vent Of cold weather and thus allowed an interest to die out. But erection Of a cheap tabernacle would have meant the or- ganization of a church. In many instances the lumber can be used later in a permanent church building.19 McComas continued his tabernacle campaigns, moving to Detroit for an extended effort from the fall Of 1920 to the spring of 1921.20 While theaters and public halls continued in use to a certain ex- tent during the 1920's and 1930's, they were likely to be small lodge balls or Small neighborhood theaters rather than the prominent buildings formerly utilized. Tabernacles quickly became the primary accommodation for the large-scale Adventist evangelistic campaigns throughout this period, with tents continuing as the first choice for lesser efforts. "Educational Evangelism." In a postwar era Of declining interest in revivalism, increasing mistrust Of Biblical infallibility, and growing faith in science, the Adventist evangelist in the 1920's tended to assume the role of "lecturer." In this adaptation he was catering to changing public interest and capitalizing on a trend of the times. By about 1900 the commercial lecture platform had progressed be- yond the Old lyceum; and "the trend was toward the Chautauqua, the free public-lecture system, the forum, and the University Extension movement," 19Review and Herald, June 3, 1920, p. 20. 20Review and Herald, December 1, 1921, p. 18. 237 with the forum coming into a position of prominence after 1900.21 For example, the Town Hall was established in New York in 1921, and the Chi- cago Forum in 1925. Although the lecture platform diminished in influence in the 1930's, with the pervasiveness of radio, motion picture theaters, and national magazines and neWSpapers, it served as . an important medium Of public address in America from 1865 to 1930; and it contributed much to the life of the na- tion. From lecturing came the main stimulus to American adult education, reading courses, book clubs, correSpondence schools, the immense business-book publishing business .22 In the postwar decade emphasis on public lectures and other forms of "continuing education" was seen in the work of various Christian de- nominations. According tO Quimby and Billigmeier, "During the 1920's many congregations hired professional directors to develOp educational programs of various kinds."23 Relating their work tO this trend in public interest, many Advent- ist evangelists--like William H. Bradley in San Diego, California, in 1927; and William W. Ellis in Portsmouth, Ohio, in l933--designated their evangelistic campaigns as a "Bible Chautauqua.” Others, like George E. Peters in Charlotte, North Carolina, in 1921, utilized the name, ”Bible Institute." F. W. Johnston, in a 1924 campaign in San Diego, announced 21Kenneth G. Hance, Homer 0. Hendrickson, and Edlvin W. Schoenber- ger, "The Later National Period: 1860 to 1930," in William Norwood Bri- gance, A_History and Criticism pf American Public Address (New York: Russell and Russell, 1960), p. 127. 22Hance, g£‘_l, pp. ., p. 129, citing Upton Close, "The Lecture Business," Saturday Review f Literature, 21 (1940); 15. 230 cit O cit., p. 221. 238 ' in an allusion his meetings as a "PrOphetic Conference Lecture Course,' not only to the lecture platform but also to a widely publicized prophetic conference recently held by certain fundamentalist church groups. To accommodate Johnston's ”lecture course” format, the Adventist church was given a new name: the Broadway Auditorium.24 In general, an impression Often was given that Adventist evange- listic meetings were not so much the thrust Of a Specific denomination as a public service event featuring certain aspects Of adult education. This concept was stressed in one "Bible Chautauqua," held in Chicago in 1920, to the extent that an admission price was charged. The "Chautauqua" was presented in Orhestra Hall, "where fashionable peOple Of Chicago enjoy musical treats and lectures by leading men," for ten weekly meetings, with ten leading men Of the denomination Speaking at successive meetings. Local conference Officials believed that "some standing with which to attract hearers would be given to the meetings if admission was charged."25 They'were pleased when approximately fifteen hundred persons paid the price to hear A. G. Daniells, who had been prevailed upon to Speak at the first meeting. The lecture approach was seen not only in the advertising but also in the subject matter Of Adventist evangelistic campaigns during this period--particularly in tOpics chosen for the early part Of the campaign. In order to attract an audience in an age increasingly Skeptical Of the authenticity of the Bible, scientific tOpics frequently were presented at the beginning Of a series. When an audience was attracted and had become 24Advertising pamphlet, F. W. Johnston. 25Review and Herald, April 22, 1920, p. 23. 239 interested in the evangelist, he moved on to more typical evangelical Biblical expositions. A good example Of this approach is seen in 1927 in the work Of William H. Bradley of San Diego, California. In his initial advertising, which featured pictures of himself peering through a large teleSCOpe, he was identified as "Astronomer-Evangelist W. H. Bradley." At his "Bible Lecture Auditorium" (if he were using a wooden tabernacle) or his ”Bible Chautauqua" tent, he Opened his lectures with the tOpic, "The Wonders Of Astronomy", featuring such sub-titles as, "A Trip Through the Solar Sys- tem," "The Power in the Heavens," "Are Other Worlds Inhabited?" and "The Science Of the Bible and the Science of the Stars." Some of Bradley's other early lectures were entitled, "The Miracle Of Light," and "The Beginnings of Geography." Only later in his series did the evangelist move to familiar Adventist crowd-getters Of the past, like "The Battle of Armageddon." Another such evangelist, making even more extensive use of astron- omy in an effort to attract audiences and to authenticate the Bible, was Phillip L. Knox. Knox had been active in the LOS Angeles area since 1910 and by the late 1920's had become perhaps the best known Adventist evan- gelist in California. InSpiring many imitators, Knox nevertheless made the astronomy approach "his own," developing a large collection of screen slides as well as a reputation for a remarkably good lay knowledge Of the science. His lectures attracted consistently good audiences throughout the Pacific Union area and in occasional appearances elsewhere. His weekly series in the Biltmore Theater in LOS Angeles, presented through eleven years, was perhaps the longest sequence Of meetings ever conducted by an Adventist evangelist from a single platform. 240 Astronomy was not an eSpecially Odd tOpic for these and other Ad- ventist evangelists to choose for their "lecture programs" in the 1920's. With the publication Of Einstein's theories of gravitation in 1915, as- tronomy, and science in general, entered a new era of exploration which stimulated much public interest. Although important studies of Mars in 1924 stirred new Speculation as to whether or not that planet was inhabi- ted, the interest Of astronomers during the period from 1910 to 1926 shifted from the study of the solar system to the stars and nebulae.26 Many time-honored theories Of stellar astronomy were brought into ques- tion by their findings. Thus, the tOpic had the evangelistic virtue Of promising additional information in an area already attracting widespread interest. Medical Evangelism. The traditional Adventist emphasis on health was another appeal attractive to the public in a time Of declining en- thusiasm for conventional revival or evangelistic campaigns. Ellen G. White's counsel, beginning the 1870's, concerning ”medical missionary work" as an inseparable part of the Christian gospel had been implemented in various forms throughout subsequent Adventist evangelistic history, as has been pointed out in previous chapters.27 However, new point was given the "health message” during the 1920's with increasing public in- terest stimulated by the rapid strides in the develOpment Of community public health programs and the discovery of new nutritional principles, 26Arthur Stanley Eddington, "Astronomy," EncyclOpedia Britannica (13th ed.), XXIX, 244. 27See for example Testimonies for the Church, Vol. 6, p. 379, and pp. 265, 266. 241 including the use Of vitamins. In addition, the Seventh-day Adventist medical college at LOma Linda was at this time well established and pro- ducing some scientific Support for Adventist health practices as well as added numbers Of medical personnel to assist evangelists in this aSpect of their work. One example Of the extent to which "medical missionary work” came to the fore in the 1920's is seen in a report by Dr. E. F. Otis that medi- cal personnel of the New England Sanitarium and Hospital in Melrose, Massa- chusetts, and evangelistic workers in the area had co-Operated in a series of efforts throughout the New England states. In theater campaigns in Boston and adjoining cities, medical workers had conducted demonstrations and given brief health talks. In smaller hall meetings, evangelistic lec- tures had been preceded by short health talks and demonstrations, health motion pictures, and stereopticon Slides. In tent meetings, medical workers had conducted rather extensive health classes and home nursing courses. In addition, public service medical presentations at chautau- quas, granges, and clubs served to bring publicity tO the evangelistic Campaigns.28 Among other Adventist medical personnel participating with evange- lists in "medical missionary campaigns" during the 1920's was Dr. A. W. Truman, serving in his role as medical secretary of the General Confer- ence. Dr. Truman described his plan in colorful detail: Our usual plan was to erect an attractive health booth at one side near the front of the tent in which the evangelistic services were held. . . . The booth was equipped with a gas range, kitchen cabinet, and a work table. . . . At least two evenings per week were devoted to the health work. We used 28"The Field's Answer Box," June 8, 1926. 242 a stereOpticon outfit and a good assortment of colored slides to good advantage. One evening each week was devoted to the study Of some phase of the diet question, followed by a practical demonstration of better ways of preparing and serving foods. Portions Of the foods demonstrated were daintily served, cafeteria style, from tiny paper cups on small trays covered with sandwich paper. Another evening each week was devoted to a health lecture on some phase Of hygiene and preventive medicine, or the dis- cussion Of some common ailment and best methods of home treat- ment of the same. The lecture was followed by a practical demonstration of simple treatments which could be effectively administered in any home, the demonstration being in charge Of a trained nurse.29 Dr. Mary C. McReynolds, in California, declared, "This kind Of work Opens doors into the best class Of homes and wins its way into the 30 hearts of the peOple. Entire families are brought into the truth." Dr. McReynolds' methods included: two series Of lectures through the greater part of each campaign--taking up the subject of diet on Tuesday evenings, and disease and rational remedies on Thursday evenings. A well trained cook and her assistants prepared and served sim- ple health foods. At the close of the lecture on diet the audience was directed to a daintily Spread table and fOOd ap- propriate to the evening's presentation was served, cafeteria style. As the line halted at the head Of the table, the evangelist said grace. Uniformed nurses went with the evan- gelist and the physician to the platform when lectures on rational remedies for disease were given. Other physicians doing Similar work included Drs. W. W. Worster, A. J. Kistler, E. H. Risley, George W. Thomason, Newton Evans, 0. S. Parrett, and Lillis Wood Starr of the Seventh-day Adventist medical col- lege in Loma Linda. In addition, many ministers with some training func- tioned as ”medical evangelists,” presenting their own health lectures 29Ibid. 30"The Field's Answer Box," June 28, 1926. 31Ibid. 243 interspersed with evangelistic messages. Among such men were J. G. White, L. B. Schick, W. E. Barr, 1. D. Richardson; and, perhaps the best known of this period, J. H. N. Tindall. Tindall began his "medical missionary” evangelism in 1910, in San Bernardino, California, under the direct urging Of John Burden, one Of the founders of the Adventist medical college. Soon he was transferred to Indianapolis, where he held one combination health education and evange- listic campaign in Hartford City, and two in Indianapolis. Later he held large campaigns in Milwaukee, Tulsa, Oklahoma City, and Dallas, with a combined total of 680 adult baptisms. Tindall's Milwaukee meetings, from January to June, 1918, were the 32 At some Of largest ever held by Wisconsin Adventists up to that time. the weekly lectures hundreds Of persons were turned away, with a steady attendance Of about one thousand. During July and August Tindall con- ducted an "evangelistic and health Chautauqua," in which, according to Conference President H. H. Hicks, "government and city Officials were much pleased with the food demonstrations and the work carried forward in this line." As a result Of Tindall's nine-month campaign in Milwau- kee, 132 persons accepted the Adventist message.33 After a 1919 campaign in Tulsa, Oklahoma, with 110 converts, Tin- dall moved on to Oklahoma City, where his attendance ranged from six hundred to eight hundred persons on week nights and from one thousand to to three thousand on Sunday nights.34 Converts numbered 165.35 32 Review and Herald, May 30, 1918, p. 13 33Review and Herald, November 21, 1918, pp. 13, 14. 34Review and Herald, April 29, 1920, p. 27. 35Review and Herald, July 8, 1920, p. 22. 244 A field training school with fifty students was conducted in con- nection with Tindall's Dallas campaign; in co-Operation with his associ- ates, W. E. Barr, E. R. Potter, and Dr. Mary McReynolds. According to Tindall: The forenoon was used for classwork, and in the afternoon practical missionary work, such as selling magazines, books, giving treatments, and holding Bible readings was carried on. Although it was thought that time Spent by the workers in the school diminished their number Of converts, approximately one hundred per- sons were baptized. One outstanding feature Of Tindall's campaigns was their financial success. It was said Of his Dallas campaign, for example, that "from a financial viewpoint, this campaign has been the most successful ever con- ducted in the North Texas Conference." Tindall urged new members to begin paying tithe on their income and also on the total amount Of their present possessions. Apparently many Of them did so. One new member in Dallas came to the pastor's Office and "placed $6,000 tithe and Liberty Bonds upon the table--not under any excitement, but after having given the matter careful study for several weeks."37 From Dallas, Tindall returned to California, and after conducting campaigns in Redlands and several other cities, turned his energies in 1923 to establishing in San Francisco a more or less institutionalized field school for medical evangelism. Here evangelists, nurses, and phy- sicians met together under the guidance Of six teachers, including medi- cal personnel from the medical college in Loma Linda, for one year Of ”Maxim. July 7. 1921. p. 17. 37Ibid. 245 intensive training which included courses in physiology, dietetics, health cookery, home treatments, as well as theology. This school con- tinued in Operation for the better part Of a decade, or until about 1937. Evangelists and the Mass Media The decline Of pOpular revivalism "caused a void in the practices Of religious communication," according to Quimby and Billigmeier, with the result that during and after World War I there was "a period Of ex- perimentation in which churchmen explored the use Of radio, motion pic- tures, and other mass communication media which were then develOping."38 It will be recalled that the Seventh-day Adventist church had es- tablished a press bureau in 1912 and that Similar agencies were created by Lutheran and Catholic groups, as well as by the Federal Council Of Chur- ches, in 1918.39 Following World War 1, screens and movie projectors were installed in many parish houses; and some seminaries even began to Offer courses in religious drama. America's first regular radio station, KDKA, began broadcasting in Pittsburgh in 1921, with services from the Calvary Baptist Church listed as one Of its first Sunday features.40 Adventist evangelists were alert tO this new emphasis on mass com- munication in the service of the church. Louis K. Dickson, at the 1926 Adventist evangelistic council in Milwaukee, declared: 38Rollin W. Quimby and Robert H. Billigmeier, "The Varying Role Of Revivalistic Preaching in American Protestant Evangelism,” Speech Mono- graphs, XXVI (August, 1959), p. 221. 39Federal Council Bulletin, January, 1918, p. 12; February, 1918, p. 10. 4OQuimby and Billigmeier, loc. cit. 246 I am one who firmly believes that the great facilities, such as the neWSpaper, the radio, the motion picture, and other means Of publicity in creating an interest, are placed at our diSposal by God because of the necessity of getting the message before the masses Of peOple quickly and most ef- fectively . There was a time when a tent could be pitched on a cross- roads, and the mere sight of a tent would draw a crowd. That day has gone by, especially in the cities. I believe we must use methods that are dignified, and yet sufficiently Spectacular to get the attention of the peOple. Dickson's early prominence as an Adventist evangelist was based in part on his outstanding Success in publicizing his evangelistic sermons. Assisted by Walter L. Burgan of the General Conference Press Bureau, Dick- son secured the publication Of some fifty sermons during a 1918 campaign in Portland, Oregon. In fact, he diSpensed entirely with handbill and announcement cards and relied for publicity on newspaper coverage Of his sermons, each Of which was given about two columns in the Portland Oregon- ian. This publicity inspired wideSpread interest and inquiries from hun- dreds of persons throughout the state. According to Dickson: One man told us that on an inbound Northern Pacific train he walked through and personally counted fifty persons reading a sermon article in the Oregonian and the Journal, the twO dailies in which our meetings were reported. Evangelists were urged to relate their presentations tO the public interest in order tO secure Space in the newspapers. Taylor G. Bunch, for example, urged that "advantage Should be taken of every issue Of im- portance before the public that can be discussed from the vieWpOint Of the 43 message." 41"The Field's Answer BOX,” May 11, 1927. 42Review and Herald, August 27, 1919, p. 26. 43Ibid., p. 2. 247 The extent to which Adventist evangelists were aided in making such adaptations is revealed in a booklet produced in 1926 by the General Conference Press Bureau: Report Your Sermons ip the NewSpaper. Suggested sermon reports were included, complete with headlines indicating something Of the range Of tOpics employed. Some Of these headlines were: "Society's Collapse Due to Neglect of Parents" "War, Famine, Pestilence, Labor Disturbances, Moral Degeneracy, and Spiritual Decadence to be Wiped Out when Christ Comes” "Increased Suicides Due to Discard Of Bibles” "Confusion and Disorder Foretell Christ's Return'I In addition to their use Of newspapers, Seventh-day Adventists also moved promptly to utilize radio as an evangelistic medium. One Of the earliest such uses was related tO the "medical missionary" concept, and consisted of four series of health lectures delivered in 1923 over Cana- dian stations in British Columbia. The speaker, Dr. 0. S. Parrett, medi- cal superintendent Of the Resthaven Sanitarium in Sidney, reported letters of response from California, Idaho, and other states, as well as from throughout Canada.44 By 1927 the Seventh-day Adventist Emmanuel Missionary College, at Berrien Springs, Michigan, was Operating a station with the call letters, WEMC, over which many evangelistic messages were presented; and in the same year W. W. Prescott, president Of Union College and former editor of the Review and Herald, reported giving weekly talks on public service time over a station in Lincoln, Nebraska. However, Adventist evangelists were usually obliged to ”rent" time from commercial stations. 44"The Field's Answer Box," June 1, 1926. 248 S. A. Ruskjer, president of the Western Canadian Union, reported continuing success in the evangelistic use of commercial radio in that area; and other Officials made similar reports. However, the most exten- sive early effort in radio evangelism was made by H. A. Vandeman (father of George Vandeman, a present-day Adventist evangelist) over WCBA in Allentown, Pennsylvania. Vandeman had been inspired by the possibilities of broadcasting when B. G. Wilkinson came to Allentown in 1924 to deliver a series of lec- tures on the Adventist view Of a local Sunday law proposal. After de- livering his lectures each evening in a local theater, Wilkinson broadcast them from a home-based station Operated commercially by C. W. Heinbach. Later, in the summer of 1924, the station was moved temporarily to the Adventist camp ground, from which daily camp meeting services were broadcast. Following the camp meeting, Vandeman held a tent meeting in Allentown and was urged by an eager layman to broadcast his evangelistic messages. He did not reSpond at once, but hearing later that the laymen himself had begun Speaking on the radio, Vandeman was stirred to take hold of it because, he said, "As I listened to some Of his talks I feared the work would be bungled and result in more harm than good.”45 Vandeman discussed the possibilities with Mr. Heinbach, and with his assurances, began regular broadcasts; not evangelistic at first but rather in the form Of a Sunday afternoon veSper service, including sing- ing and piano solos. Later, he added a Sunday evening lecture in which he presented the Adventist message; still, taking care to avoid Offense. According to Vandeman: 4Swine Field's Answer Box," NO. 35, 1927. 249 We deal with every phase Of the message--change of the Sabbath, the apostasy of Protestantism, the Bible truth about Catholicism-~we try to present these things without the hiss Of the serpent but with the love Of Christ. Many Catholics are following our services. Vandeman's use Of the radio for evangelistic work was something of a novelty in that part Of the country (despite the early religious broad- casting, previously mentioned, On KDKA in Pittsburgh); and his venture was regarded as feature material by the Philadelphia Record, which headed a lengthy article, "Preaches by Radio--His Church Smallest--Congregation Largest." Vandeman estimated his Sunday evening audience at about 50,000 listeners. Motion pictures. The 1920's were the "golden age” Of the movies, and Adventist ministers and evangelists, along with their colleagues in other denominations, began using apprOpriate motion pictures as an attrac- tion in their public campaigns. There was some variation Of Opinion as to the prOpriety of this approach, and as late as 1927 the Adventist Mini- sterial Association refused to take an official position for or against it. However, in circulating letters from evangelists describing their successful experiences in the use Of films in evangelism, the Association conveyed the impression that films could be a worthwhile attraction, al- though prudently omitting the names Of evangelists who had written the 46Ibid. 47A glimpse Of the rather precarious state Of the broadcasting art Of the day is revealed in Vandeman's description Of how he came to the aid Of the Allentown "station." "Mr. Heinbach was compelled to pay a license fee of $500 to the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, and so we undertook to carry this for him. This, of course, paid for our broadcasting for some time. Then later we paid him regularly $5.00 a week. In addition to this we purchased an occasional tube for him." 250 letters--"lest any be diverted from the study of principles to favorable or unfavorable criticism of the men who have written thus."48 However, there was some dissatisfaction even among favorable evan- gelists with the quality Of motion pictures available, including those from the government and other nontheatrical sources, and they Often found it necessary to censor films by the deletion of Objectionable material. One evangelist cautioned his colleagues to avoid censoring by "hand- hiding" an Objectionable part of the reel: I have seen other workers watch the picture, and if a scene comes on that is not prOper, place the hand in front Of the machine, to cut out the Objectionable part, but that leaves the peOple in darkness, and causes them to wonder what is wrong. At other times I have Observed the very worst part of the ob- jectionable feature flashed on the screen with the Operator removing his hand from the front of the screen just a little tOO soon; and this makes the whole thing ridiculous. Evangelists were advised, instead, to preview films and delete the Objectionable parts, replacing them when the films were returned. On balance, however, Adventist evangelists saw value in motion pictures as an evangelistic attraction. The prevailing attitude toward films was expressed by one "anonymous" evangelist who said, "A picture is not wrong inherently because it moves, nor is it wrong because the pioneers did not use it. Neither did they use autos or radios; even the stereopticon was once frowned upon." Films were not seen as being particularly helpful in presenting the Adventist message, but rather "in Obtaining larger audi- ences."50 48"The Field's Answer Box,” June 8, 1927. 49lbid. 50Ibid. 251 As public evangelism declined in other churches during the 1920's, Seventh-day Adventist evangelists continued to receive institutional support and encouragement, along with some correction from time to time. Many new techniques and media, employed in some Of the other churches as an alternative to public evangelism, were utilized by Adventist evange- lists in its service. Their capitalization of public interest in adult education, science, and health was not an end in itself but a means Of leading the public to an appreciation of Adventist doctrine. Their uti- lization Of the press, radio, and motion pictures was primarily as a supplement, not as a substitute, for evangelistic oratory and public meetings. Perhaps the most important reason why Adventist evangelists were able to use these techniques and media in their service rather than find themselves supplanted by them in the postwar decade, even with diminish- ing results, was the continuing Official emphasis on public evangelism from the general church headquarters. This was eSpecially felt through the influence Of the Ministerial Association led by A. G. Daniells, who had fully convinced the Adventist denomination Of the importance Of Ellen G. White's urgent advice that public evangelism should be its major busi- HESS. CHAPTER XIV THE GREAT DEPRESSION: AN EVANGELISTIC BOOM Discouragement pp Decade's End Despite wide-ranging Adventist evangelistic activity during the 1920's and the notable success of a number Of outstanding men, the re- sults in general were discouraging; and membership growth barely kept l pace with the country's pOpulation growth. As America was plunged into the Great Depression, the spirit Of church leaders seemed to take on the nation's general mood. At the end of 1930 C. H. Watson, the new presi- dent Of the General Conference, reviewed the rather discouraging outlook: The fact that with more men, more money, and more and better facilities, we are not now as fruitful in soul win- ning as we once were, should startle us. Notwithstanding the fact that we are now better equipped for success and more effectively organized for service, and Operating with greatly increased facilities, we yet are less fruitful Of soul winning per church member, or indeed per capita Of workers than we were in former years. There is a very real sense of disappointment in the hearts Of those of our peOple who understand the comparative fruit- lessness Of some of the things we do, and more and more is the conviction growing that the work would be more fruitful if its leadership were more spiritual and its Operation less mechanical.2 There were exceptional fields, Of course, but many shared the 1The rapid decline in the membership growth rate following World War I was a particularly North American phenomenon. The rate Of Advent- ist world membership growth declined slightly but remained at relatively high levels, ranging between five and eight per cent per year until about 1925. At that time, however, the world growth rate also fell, continuing through 1930 at about 4 1/2 per cent per year. The rate in North America at this time averaged less than half as much, or about two per cent. 2Review and Herald, February 5, 1931, p. 2. 253 experience Of the Ontario Conference. There, Maynard V. Campbell re- ported, a survey had been made in 1929, revealing that during the preced- ing ten years the conference had suffered a net loss Of 133 members. "The churches were almost devoid Of young peOple," Campbell revealed, "and with one exception the church schools, which once flourished in the larger churches, had been closed."3 The momentum of wartime success and a historic commitment had kept the Adventist denomination diligently at work in public evangelism through all the postwar years when many other denominations laid it aside. Now the Adventists, too, were beginning tO question its effectiveness. As in the early years Of declining gains after the World War, evangelism and evangelists were given a searching reappraisal. 5 search for cause and correction. Some leaders saw the cause Of their present difficulty in the pastimes Of the age and a proliferation Of gadgets and distractions. W. C. Moffitt, for instance, Suggested that ”the automobile, the radio, the lure Of amusements, and the growing indif- ference to things religious, make it increasingly difficult to reach the masses in our congested centers of pOpulation already satiated with sen- 4 sationalism.” Others, like Louis K. Dickson, saw the problem in too much dependence on the use Of "paraphernalia" in evangelism and a corres- ponding "lack Of Spirituality."S For example, there was much criticism Of the use Of stereOpticon 3The Ministry, December, 1932, p. 15. 4The Ministry, May, 1928, p. 15. 5The Ministry, June, 1929, p. 9. 254 and motion pictures. L. E. Folkenberg declared, "I believe that the use of such things weakens our cause, and that in making use Of them we are placing dependence upon the wrong source." G. R. West declared, in Spe- cific reference to use Of the screen, "We are depending altogether tOO much on paraphernalia, and altogether tOO little upon God." Taylor G. Bunch thought that the "paraphernalia" were poor in any case: I think the stereOpticon lecture is fifty years out of date. It may be that pictures draw our own Seventh-day Ad- ventist peOple fairly well, because we are not supposed to attend motion picture shows, but when it comes to attracting the public by that method, I think we are making a mistake in attempting to compete with the world. Many Of the people who attend our services consider that the pictures we Show are cheap, or we would not seek resort to so many methods for getting hold Of the peOple.6 Others, like H. A. Meiklejohn, J. A. Schultz, and J. W. Rich, made a case for visual and other supplements to the Spoken word, but in general these devices had come to be blamed by many Adventist churchmen for an apparently declining public evangelistic work, or at least as an evidence Of failing Spiritual power.7 Another adverse influence on Adventist evangelistm was seen by Carlyle B. Haynes in what he considered a general drift toward institu- 6The Ministgy, December, 1930, pp. 6-9. As to motion pictures, the issue of their acceptability was not resolved adequately until 1937, when the General Conference Committee, "after months Of wide consultation and painstaking study," issued a state- ment of principles and standards in the use Of motion pictures. The com- mittee presented two broad categories, acceptable films and unacceptable films. The basic line Of demarcation was drawn between "natural pictures or pictures of real life," and "pictures of dramatized theatrical plots." Listed in the acceptable category for viewing by Adventist members or for use in Adventist meetings were industrial pictures, scenics, travelogs, nature and wild life, art and archeology (excluding films that portray indecent and corrupt art), newsreels and current history, educational films, and films of denominational work and activitieS.--The Ministry, May, 1937, pp. 1, 3. 255 tionalism: We are today at the same point Of crisis [as other reli- gious movements have experienced]. During the early years when this movement began, the thing Of chief importance was evangelism. . . . The pioneers in this work were soul win- ners; they were an evangelizing agency for the gospel Of Christ and that Spirit Of evangelism attending the giving of this message has borne remarkable fruitage, and has ex- tended the message into every part of the world. Indeed this very success, this very enlargement, is where our pre- sent danger lieS. More and more workers have been called into service, not for direct soul-winning endeavor, but to take care of the . . . churches.8 Still others traced the blame tO the evangelists themselves and their supposed transformation from "teachers" to orators. Edward J. Urquhart declared: General Observation forces us to the conclusion that teaching, the method so largely used in the early days of giving the gospel, is greatly neglected today. The present trend is toward the belief that it is more in keeping with the gospel ministry to deliver polished sermons, in which oratorical ability is diSplayed, and where well-chosen simile and metaphore enhance the lofty themes portrayed by demagogues of learned ability and the peOple like it! Jesus Christ was a great preacher. He understood the force of simile and metaphore. He could speak with stirring eloquence . . . but he seldom did SO. He revealed the great principle in successful preaching--that there is something more forceful more convincing, and more uplifting, in sim- ple teaching.9 These and other expressions suggest a rather general reaction at this time against the Adventist "professional evangelists," particularly those who seemed to have develOped rather glamorous reputations as plat- form orators, and who at times may have over-publicized themselves. Carlyle B. Haynes leveled an eSpecially heavy charge against the latter: 8The Ministry, October, 1930, p. 7. 9The Ministry, August, 1929, pp. 4, 5. 256 An examination Of this past Summer's evangelistic adver- tising discloses that in the majority of cases it is the preacher who Obtains largest place in his own advertising. . . He does not use the message as the great drawing fea- ture, but himself. A very large amount of sacred money is being used to exalt the human rather than the divine; to magnify human ability rather than the Bible; to create reputations for men instead Of directing attention tO the message for today.10 Haynes eSpecially objected to the unsupported titles employed by some evangelists: One element in this tendency to exalt the human, to call attention to self, is apparent in the eagerness to acquire and use some title or degree or to use them without acquir- ing them. The impression seems to prevail that just the Simple, unadorned name of the preacher is not enough. It must be embellished by some important-looking, high-sounding title. In the past we leaned pretty hard in the direction Of "Evangelist” fearful that we Should never be recognized as such unless we so tagged ourselves. Then the fashion changed, and "Professor” came in and before long we had a considerable number of self-appointed "Professors." 11 Others, observing that it was merely a matter Of appro- priating a title, reached out for "Doctor," and drew that to themselves. It cost no more than "Professor," and somehow seemed to increase the importance of the misguided individ- ual who tOOk it, even though he must have looked at himself shamefacedly in the glass. When Shall we learn . . . that these things . . . add exactly nothing at all to our advertising. . . . All they do is minister to human pride.12 Haynes also complained Of the practice Of evangelists in advertising 10The Ministry, June, 1932, pp. 12, 13. 11The evangelist best known for the use Of "professor" as a title was Charles T. Everson, who assumed this appellation during his service in Italy and continued its use during his subsequent evangelistic career. 12The Ministry, loc. cit. 257 intricate, clever subject titles. ”It will be profitable for us,” he said, "to study how to make Our Subject announcements clear and illumi- nating rather than confusing.” In his role as a critic Of certain evan- gelistic methods that had come into use during the 1920's, Haynes lamented: . a tendency among us to flaunt, in our advertising, the snappy, catch phrases Of high-pressure salesmanship. The smart, nonchalant, blase reparte which may be heard on the college athletic field; the taudry, cheap claptrap Of the theater and the circus. There is a feverish endeavor to dress our subjects up in the vernacular Of the street, even descending sometimes to the use of slang. This not only Of- fends good taste, but disgraces our God-given work and dis- credits our ministry. The themes which Adventist evangelists have to present to the world are of the most exalted character, the most serious import, and the most profound concern to our hearers. They Should be announced in such a way as to create an impression of their seriousness and importance. In 1931 the general leadership of the church became so concerned about such evangelistic practices that formal action was taken calling for their correction. "The time has come to take a decided stand," J. L. McElhany, vice president Of the General Conference, declared, "against certain tendencies that are creeping into the work and methods Of some of our ministers.” McElhany denounced those evangelists who ”advertise themselves in a Spectacular and sometimes grotesque manner," and who suggest that "they are men Of great renown, with national or international reputations."14 The church leader also decried other undesirable practices, citing samples Of advertising he deemed not "strictly honest.” Among these was 13The Ministry, January, 1932, p. 13. 14The Ministry, July, 1931, p. 6. 258 the designation of Adventist meetings as ”inter-denominational," or "evangelical," a term in use by certain specific bodies of Christians. One minister, he said, presented his meetings under the auSpices Of "The GOSpel Medical Society.” McElhany declared, "It is a very ques- tionable practice for a preacher, even in his zeal to present the health phases of our work, to present a medical society as a background for his effort."15 Amid such criticism, the General Conference Committee adopted a resolution asserting institutional jurisdiction over evangelistic prac- tices, reminding ministers that they were indeed instruments of an or- ganization and not free lance evangelists. "The standing of this movement is involved in the public work Of its representatives," the action de- clared, calling upon ministers to: (1) Avoid all effort to enlarge their own prestige by use Of titles such as "Reverend," "BishOp," ”Doctor," and "Profes- sor," to which they are not entitled . . .; (2) Eliminate from their advertisements . . . all blatant and supported claims, all unfair and unfortunate reflections upon other organizations . ; (3) Discard all sensationalism and theatrical methods in preaching this gospel . . . ; (4) Seek to keep within the message itself in the selection Of tOpics, not wasting time with things foreign tO this. 16 Of equal concern to the denominational leadership was the continu- ing reduction of church gains because of apostasy. Some leaders renewed the charge that such losses were attributable in part to evangelists who neglected to inform new converts Of certain "unpOpular" aSpects Of Advent- ist teaching and practice. Carlyle B. Haynes, and many others in a simi- lar vein, expressed the Opinion that: 15Ibid. 16 Ibid. , p. 7. 259 one reason why we are losing SO many members [is] that in preaching the message and receiving members into the church, there [has] not been exercised a sufficient amount of care to make peOple acquainted with the doctrinal teachings Of the church. . . . They ought not to have concealed from them, either inadvertently or intentionally, that with this message are blended some very unpOpular teachings.l7 There was eSpecially sharp criticism Of those evangelists who brought members into the church "under pressure Of excitement due to sen- sational methods Of preaching, without experiencing a genuine conversion of heart."18 A. S. Booth, the veteran evangelist, said Of some Of his newer colleagues: It Often happens that some minister is so anxious to bap- tize a large number of peOple that he overurges. AS a con- sequence, peOple are taken into the church before they are prepared, and when they find we believe some things which they had never heard Of, they consider this as an excuse for drOpping out.19 Also blamed for losses was inadequate shepherding of new converts, another persistent problem. According to A. J. Meiklejohn, "Aside from actual apostasy there is a laxity in maintaining actual contact with the church members, which results in unwarrantable loss."20 Continued institutional Support. As in the past, however, solu- tions to church problems with evangelists were seen not in reducing their number but increasing it; not in curtailing their work, but in refining and controling it. Among many reasons cited for the problems at hand, one was a continuing shortage of Adventist ministers which limited both 17The Ministry, August, 1930, p. 12. 18The Ministpy, April, 1929, p. 10. 19The Ministry, October, 1928, pp. 19, 20. 2OThe Ministry, March, 1930, p. 6. 260 evangelism and pastoral work. According to some Observers, the ranks were depleted because many Of the North American conferences "have given to the point of exhaustion to our world mission fields."21 Others stressed the financial inability Of many conferences to employ adequate numbers of ministers. W. E. Howell, secretary of the General Conference educational department, said: Our colleges have increased their output in a remarkable way since the World War, and year by year the number is grow- ing . . . but in connection with this gratifying increase in the output Of our schools, there has been an apparent restric- tion which seemed largely prohibitive of our ypung peOple entering upon the ministry or the Bible work. With no guarantee Of their employment by the conferences, 0. Mont- gomery explained, "Many of our young men find their hearts turning toward the ministry but are entering other lines Of service because they see no Opportunity provided for enlarging and developing the ministerial forces."23 The solution adOpted in 1929 for this problem was the creation Of a ministerial internship plan, which remains in Operation today, with subsequent modifications. The plan provided that the General Conference pay two-thirds Of the salary for young men entering the ministry and young women entering the Bible work during a period Of internship limited to twelve months (later for a time extended tO two years). The purpose Of this internship was to encourage the placement Of persons who had com- pleted the necessary work in Adventist colleges, and also to give such 21The Ministry, July, 1929, p. 6. 22TheMinistry, July, 1929, p. 10. 23The Ministry, July, 1929, p. 8. 261 young peOple an Opportunity Of "proving the divine call” before being 24 It was emphasized that interns taken into full conference employment. should be associated with evangelists of experience or assigned to devel- Op work in new places, rather than being utilized in the care Of estab- lished churches. At the very time church leaders were chiding those evangelists who seemed to be Operating in disregard of Adventist mores, they moved at the General Conference Session and the Autumn Council Of 1930 to stimulate a "prOper" evangelistic work. At the latter meeting, under the leadership Of C. H. Watson, a lengthy statement to the church was adOpted, warning that amid many institutional preoccupations ”evangelism may be overshad- owed and neglected . . . The energies of our working forces may be ab- sorbed to such a degree in building up our organization as to leave nO time or place for evangelism."25 The General Conference appealed to field organizations and to the churches to forego the advantages Of having individual pastors in the churches so that more men, eSpecially the younger workers, could be free for active evangelism in new places. Also called for was the deployment of administrative, departmental, and pastoral workers "so that some time every year may be spent in direct evangelistic effort." The same appeal was made to institutions--to utilize their personnel in conducting "ag- 26 gressive field work in evangelistic lines." With this Official call to the church for renewed emphasis on 24Ibid., pp. 6, 7. 25Review and Herald, January 1, 1931, p. 11. 26Ibid., p. 21. 262 appropriate public evangelism, A. G. Daniells, who had served since 1922 as secretary of the Ministerial Association, accepted a call to become chairman of the board of the College of Medical Evangelists, the Seventh- day Adventist medical educational center in LOma Linda, California (now Loma Linda University), and relinquished leadership of the Ministerial Association to I. H. Evans, who also continued to serve as a vice presi- dent Of the General Conference. Leroy Edwin Froom continued as a leading influence in the Ministerial Association.27 The Great Depression Booms Evangelism As in the remarkable breakthrough during World War I, events Of the early 1930's conSpired with organizational preparation to stimulate another great wave Of Adventist evangelistic success. The great crash Of 1929 had signaled a monstrous chain of economic calamities that by 1933 had resulted in unemployment for twelve to fifteen million Americans. More than five thousand banks had closed, businesses were going under at the rate Of more than thirty thousand a year, and national income had been reduced by two-thirds.28 Millions of Americans were overcome by a "dreadful fear Of inadequacy," which, according to Frederick Lewis Allen, ”was one Of the Depression's commonest psycho-pathological reactions.”29 By 1931, as the enormity Of the Depression became clear, Advent- ists in North America and around the world Suddenly found attendance 27The Ministry, June, 1931, p. 3. 28Samuel Eliot Morison and Henry Steele Commager, The Growth pf the American Republic, II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942), pp. 543-546. 29Frederick Lewis Allen, Since Yesterday (New York: Bantam Books, 1961), p. 49. 263 booming at their evangelistic meetings. As F. D. Nichol explained, "SO far as the peOple to whom we preach are concerned, they may be even more likely to lend an ear tO our message in times Of adversity than in days Of prOSperity."30 In 1931, more than 10,600 new converts were baptized into the Seventh-day Adventist church in America, a remarkable increase of forty per cent over the number baptized in 1930. With apostasies decreasing, this unusual upsurge Of baptisms produced a new gain in membership Of nearly Six per cent, far higher than the average net gain during the postwar years of only 2.6 per cent; and nearly as great as during the war years, 1914 to 1913, Of seven per cent. Moreover, this new rate Of growth was well sustained through the next four years, 1931 to 1935. Watson pointed up the difference in Adventist evangelistic results during times of prOSperity and times Of adversity: In North America, during the four years from 1925 to 1928, when times generally were at their peak Of prosperity and money was flowing liberally into our treasury, the average increase in membership was 1,200 a year. The returns for the first half of 1932, with the depres- sion at its lowest ebb yet, and with our funds SO severely shrunken that we were obliged to cut budgets and salaries Of workers two or three times within a twelve-month period3 our returns in souls won mounted up to a net gain Of 6,498. 1 Laymen involved. One major difference between the Depression era and the World War I era was that laymen, whose training had been encour- aged since the evangelistic reappraisal Of the early 1930's, played a Significantly larger role in Adventist evangelism. According to J. A. 30Review and Herald, August 27, 1931, p. 4. 31Review and Herald, October 27, 1932, p. 2. 264 Stevens, more than half Of the net gain Of 7,227 in the membership of the North American Division during 1931, ”was made possible by the humble soul-winning efforts Of our church membership." While evangelists in- creased their own efforts, aided by laymen, the laymen themselves were solely involved in activities including the actual conduct of public meetings in halls or in some cases in the Open air, small group meetings in private homes, and Bible readings, for a total in 1931 Of 374,889 separate services conducted by laymen.32 The General Conference president, impressed by the effectiveness of the evangelistic work Of both ministers and laymen and by the dramatic change in public attitudes, declared: An Opportunity without parallel in the past lies before Seventh-day Adventists today. It is the Opportunity Of winning souls under favoring conditions and with a largeness of fruitage that is unsur- passed in our history as a people. . . . We have much or- ganization . . . we have a large, well-trained force of laborers . . . we have a marvelous system of financing. The prolonged depression has tried men's souls, and humbled their Spirits, to the point where they are willing to listen to the message Of hOpe and comfort and joy that we have to give to them. Our halls and tents are filled beyond capacity, and with a sustained attendance, as these peOple drink in the truth for these stirring times. ,In cottages and schoolhouses, laymen are winning souls on a scale that compares favorably with the work Of ministers. The remarkable role Of laymen in boosting Adventist growth was fortunate because, with the worsening financial crisis, the denomination, which so recently had taken steps to increase the number Of ministerial workers, was by 1932 forced for a time tO reduce it, a develOpment which 32Review and Herald, May 19, 1932, p. 18. 33Review and Herald, October 27, 1932, p. 2. 265 Watson viewed as "calamitous, considering . . . Such unusual interest on ,,34,35 the part of the public. Salaries Of the General Conference Office staff had been cut twenty per cent by mid-1932, and it was recommended that all the organizations do the same.36 Administrative cutbacks aid evangelism. The General Conference and the field organizations also moved to divert administrative and depart- mental personnel tO more active evangelistic work. Measures to this end included the merging Of certain fields, reducing the number of union and local conference Offices, and limiting the tenure of Office.37 W. H. Branson, vice president for the North American Division, urged administrative workers to gain a firsthand knowledge of evangelism: Our work has Spread SO rapidly over the world, and SO many men have been required for field leadership, that a number Of those who have been pressed into this service have never had actual experience in evangelistic efforts. Of course, they are in no way to blame for this; nevertheless, this lack is a distinct handicap in their executive duties. We would urge that such lose no time in gaining this experience. 34Review and Herald, December 10, 1931, p. 3. 35The total number Of full-time Adventist workers at this time, both evangelistic and institutional, was 21,607, stationed in 141 coun- tries. 36Review and Herald, July 14, 1932, p. 24. 37Territory formerly occupied by twelve union conferences was con- solidated to form eight such conferences in the belief that "the saving thus effected in the expense of administration and in releasing men from official duties to take up evangelistic work, would far more than compen- sate for any inconvenience occasioned." The most notable changes were the merging of two union conferences in the South and Southeastern states to form one as it is presently constituted, the consolidation of two Canadian union conferences, a merger of the Columbia and Atlantic Union Conferences--relinquishing Ohio to the Lake Union Conference; and the merger Of the Northern and Central Union Conferences. The last two ac- tions were later rescinded.--Review and Herald, January 14, 1932, p. 3. 38The Minisgry, March, 1932, p. 4. 266 Apocalyptic Spirit Spurs effort. AS they had been at the outbreak Of World War I, Adventists were inspired anew in the early years of De- pression with the conviction that earthly affairs were nearing a termi- nation in preparation for the Second Coming. "The end of all things is at hand," E. E. Andross advised church members; "a fact that is daily be- coming more apparent to everyone who is acquainted with and who believes 39 in the prOphetic word.” F. M. Wilcox, editor of the Review and Herald, felt certain ”that the great day of Armageddon is not far Off."40 However, Adventist publications and ministers usually stopped short of the prognostication in detail that had caused some embarrassment after World War I, and there was censure for those who continually Spoke Of the end as being only a few years away--frequently suggesting some Specific number of years. C. S. Longacre, a religious liberty Spokesman, was among those who urged caution in this matter. He cited a letter from a constituent in support Of his position: For years we have been hearing that the end is only four or five years away, or that the next General Conference will be the last. When we united with the Seventh-day Adventist Church, we were assured that it could not be over five years before the end. We have grown weary of sensationalism.41 Longacre declared emphatically: When a preacher makes bold to predict that the Lord's coming will take place within the next five years or ten years he is a time-setter. Both the Bible and the Spirit of prophecy [Ellen White's writings] condemn’time-setting. Nevertheless, in the 1930's the conviction was strong among Advent- 39Review and Herald, September 29, 1932, p. 6. 40Review and Herald, April 9, 1931, p. 4. 41The Ministry, July, 1934, p._9. 267 ists that the end was at least relatively near, this conviction being strengthened by certain events other than the Depression itself. One of these was a renewal Of pressure for Sunday closing laws, and the actual passage in 1932 (but only by the Senate) Of the so-called "Barber Bill," providing that barber ShOps in the District of Columbia be closed on Sunday--although it included an exemption for Saturday keepers. Early in 1932, three separate Sunday Observance bills were pending in Congress. Such prospects had alarming apocalyptic meaning in the context of the Seventh-day Adventist interpretation Of Biblical prophecies.42 Also encouraging a crisis psychology among Adventists was the seem- ing confirmation of their prOphetic belief Of growing world disorder in the successive collapse Of various peace negotiations. At Geneva, for example, it was reported that "the great World Disarmament Conference that was to have saved mankind from all fear Of future war . . . has ended in complete and utter failure."43 In addition, Adventists saw signs Of a coming climax in the strong pressure applied on the League Of Nations for its support of world calen- dar reform, a procedure that, by virtue Of a blank day provision, would have sent the seventh-day Sabbath wandering through the calendar from year to year. Adventists mobilized their forces and secured the privi— lege of sending delegates to a League-sponsored conference on the subject in late 1931. The session was attended by 111 such delegates, Observers, and experts from forty-two nations, including eleven Adventist representa- 42Review and Herald, March 5, 1931, p. 24. 43Review and Herald, August 25, 1932, p. 2. 268 tives. The issue seemed at first to be going against the church, but was saved in a moment Of splendid oratory by Dr. Jean Nussbaum, a physician serving as the Adventist delegate from Paris. According to Arthur S. Maxwell, editor Of the Adventist Signs pf the Times, who was present along with R. Allan Anderson, then a successful evangelist in England, Dr. Nussbaum arose magnificently to the occasion: This was the crisis hour. The burden was placed upon Dr. Nussbaum, of Paris. God stood by him and clothed him with a power that for twenty minutes held the assembly enthralled. Distinguished gentlemen referred afterward to the exquisite eloquence of his masterly address. One ambassador said that he had never heard such beautiful French before From this moment the tide was turned. After Dr. Nussbaum sat down, there was a tense silence . . . After that almost every speech seemed in our favor . . . the victory was com- plete.4 Heightened criticism pfi "established” churches. Belief that theirs was the message of the hour was also strengthened for Adventists by the questions in other quarters regarding the relevance Of other church organizations tO the crisis. For example, Roger W. Babson, the noted statistician, rated prominent space in the Adventist church paper when he asked: Preachers wonder why they do not have better church atten- dance. IS it not because they are failing to give a message which will truly help the bewildered peOple Of the present day?45 Even the irascible and irreverent H. L. Mencken lent ironic support tO the Adventist drive with an American Mercury editorial in which he scored leading churchmen for what he described as a ”curious" and "in- 44Review and Herald, November 19, 1931, p. 24. 45Review and Herald, August 4, 1932, p. 18. 269 credible" phenomenon Of the depression--"the silence of the theologians." There was one exception, Mencken asserted: The Seventh-day Adventist brethren, alone among the divines Of the country, have something to say Officially about the de- pression, and what they have to say is singularly clear and simple. They laugh at all the current diagnoses . . . and re- ject every projected cure as vain and preposterous. It is not Hoover who must be blamed, they say, nor is it the tariff war, nor is it the French or the Japanese, nor is it over- production, nor is it the foreign bond swindle, nor is it the war debts, nor is it sun Spots or witchcraft or marital and Spiritual infidelity or any Of the other things that have been accused. It is Simply the fact that the world is coming to an end. Mencken quoted at length the "premonitory symptoms" Of Luke, James, and other Biblical passages as cited by the Seventh-day Adventists and declared: What I would like to know today iS how either faction, the Fundamentalists or the Modernists, contrive to get around the implacable and irrefutable proofs of the Adventists I suspect that the theologians are on a hot spot and I suSpect that they will be on an even hotter Spot if the Seventh- day Adventists turn out to be right. However, Adventists deflected frequent charges Of "calamity howl- ing" by pointing out that most Of their published predictions of catas- trOphe were actually quotations from "some well known authority in the political, social, religious, educationa, or economic world." Thus F. D. Nichol pointed out, ”The 'calamity howlers' [prove] to be quite eminent "47 men Evaluation of the role of other church organizations was another matter. Here, Adventists did not hesitate to fire their own guns, 46American Mercury, xxv (April, 1932), pp. 385-390. 47Review and Herald, December 22, 1932, p. 3. 270 particularly in times Of crisis, like the Depression, when the philosophy Of evolutionary world betterment sometimes seemed incongruous with the actual world situation. The Adventist church paper, noting that the Methodist Church, after one hundred years of publication, had abandoned a magazine devoted to theology, insisted: Today the majority in the Protestant churches, leaders and laity alike, would scarcely recognize a clearly formu- lated doctrine if they met it in broad daylight.48 While Seventh-day Adventists tOOk exception tO being classed with "the cults" (a term Often applied by established Christian denominations tO groups deemed sub-Christian), they nevertheless agreed when churchmen occasionally attributed the success Of the cults to the failure of the larger churches to emphasize such doctrines as the second coming. "Our existence and success," the Review and Herald maintained, "are due to a failure on the part Of . . . other Protestant churches to proclaim the whole counsel Of God."49 Aggressive Adventist evangelism, combined with a seemingly cavalier attitude diSplayed by some Adventists toward other churches, together with undeniable success in winning converts, inspired frequent charges Of "proselytism.” To these, Adventists freely conceded, defining ”to prose- lyte" as "to win over to a different Opinion, belief, sect, or party." F. D. Nichol declared, "That is our work." He emphasized: If we remain true to God, we must use every means possible to turn men from . . . wrong beliefs--to proselyte them. . ‘Where would the world be today if Luther and Calvin and others of the reformers had not gone about preaching to men to turn from their former views on religion-~proselyting to them. Our 43Review and Herald, June 11, 1931, p. 10. 49Review and Herald, December 17, 1931, p. 5. 271 task is to complete the work of these Reformers, and we are happy to follow their example and adOpt their methods.50 The striking gains made by Adventists during the Depression as well as those of such other less institutionalized and more recently or- ganized groups as the Nazarenes, Jehovah's Witness, and certain Holiness movements (Chapter XII), stimulated a renewal of evangelistic interest among some leaders in the major churches. In fact, in 1931 the Federal Council of Churches convened a Special conference on evangelism in which the co-Operating denominations were urged to hold "Special evangelistic meetings or preaching missions" in addition to the then prevalent visi- tation evangelism.51 However, no major evangelistic thrust was attempted by the larger churches until about 1936 with the beginning Of the National Preaching Missions. Strongpr institutional support. The Depression-fed upsurge Of Adventist membership gains quickly reached a peak in 1932. While these gains declined gradually thereafter, the extent Of this decline was not yet apparent; and, in 1934, the church prepared to move forward toward even greater success than it had enjoyed during the preceding three years. Accordingly, at the Spring Council Of the General Conference Committee a series of comprehensive actions was taken looking forward toward a wide ranging public evangelism. Among the recommendations adOpted was one urging the local confer- ences tO set aside ten to thirty per cent Of their annual gross increase 50Review and Herald, December 15, 1932, p. 4. 51Rollin W. Quimby and Robert H. Billigmeier, "The Varying Role Of Revivalistic Preaching in American Protestant Evangelism," Speech Mono- graphs, XXVI (August, 1959), p. 224. A 272 in tithe receipts for more liberal support of their evangelists. Another called for more extensive use by evangelists of radio and the public press. Still another resolution authorized a series Of three regional councils on evangelism to be held in the latter part Of 1934 and early 1935. The schedule included meetings in St. Louis, Missouri, December 17 to 23, l934--for the Central, Lake, Southern and Southwestern unions; Philadelphia, December 31, 1934 to January 7, 1935--for the Columbia, Atlantic, and the eastern part Of the Canadian unions; and a third in San Francisco, January 10 to 17, 1935--for the Pacific and North Pacific un- ions and the western part Of the Canadian Union Conference. The attendance was to include full-time evangelists, pastor-evan- gelists, conference presidents, editors Of major periodicals, and mini- sterial interns. In announcing the Spring Council action, W. H. Branson declared that despite the important work of departments and other auxil- iary Operations Of the church, "the evangelist must lead the way." He insisted: Before the work can be finished and Jesus Shall come, these cities must be worked. The masses Of humanity surging through their streets and thronging their market places must have their attention attracted and must be brought face to face with God's message of truth. This work must be done by the living teacher. In hall, theater, tent, and on the busy street, he must go and proclaim the message to the multitudes. Our colporteurs, doctors, nur- ses, leaders of departments, and every church member, young and Old, must help; but the evangelist must lead the way.52 The councils were well attended. Three hundred evangelists and pastors were present at the first, held in the St. Louis Municipal 521m Ministg, July, 1934, pp. 3, 4. 273 Auditorium; and approximately 250 evangelists and pastors attended the Philadelphia council, in the WitherSpoon Auditorium. These councils, which were termed the dawn Of ”a new era for evangelism," indeed served to stimulate an interest in public evangelism on the part of many mini- sters who had not previously been involved. It was said: Men left for their homes determined to begin evangelistic efforts at once, if not in some great auditorium or theater, then at least in some church or smaller hall. Our message must pg preached £p_the world, was the reSponsive cry. It is our profound conviction that these two councils mark a turning point in our movement, the beginning Of a new epoch. With W. H. Branson chairing all the sessions, two leading evange- lists, H. M. S. Richards and J. L. Shuler, Offered instruction in methods Of evangelism; with supplementary instruction by other Successful evan- gelists. Walter L. Burgan Of the General Conference Press Bureau was on hand to advise delegates on the evangelistic use Of the public press. Field cleared for "big time” evapgelists. While at the time of recent denominational discouragement, headline Adventist evangelists had stimulated internal complaints, W. H. Branson at these councils effec- tively cleared the field for them, inhibiting adverse criticism Of their methods of recruiting converts: Now I hear someone say, "Oh, I don't believe in this 'high- powered' evangelism." I tell you brethren, I believe in it, and I believe in it tremendously. . . . Are we not promised that in these last days God will pour out His Spirit? . . . Who am I, then, to set myself up as a criterion and a judge, to say that, because a man brings in a hundred or two hundred converts a year, he is working along lines that are not approved. I know some say that these evangelists who report so many con- verts do not bring them in very solidly. . . . Those who make such statements base them on a false premise, and that false premise is that because a man is bringing in a large number, he 53The Ministry, March, 1935, p. l. 274 must be doing shoddy work. Brethren, I do not admit that. . We need to get behind these men who are bringing in large numbers, and make them examples to those who are not doing very much.5[+ Branson enthusiastically endorsed the work of the assembled evan- gelists and pastor-evangelists: You are the men Of the hour. We depend upon the evan- gelists--the ministry of this denomination--for the building up of the church. Our departments are a help, they are auxiliaries. The laymen are a help, but we must depend largely upon the ministry to go out and bring in new con- verts and establish men and women in the faith. Branson urged conference presidents to share his enthusiasm and to provide financial support for the evangelists. "Some seem to have money for everything else, nearly," he said, ”except for the preacher to hire a hall and get started in evangelism." Denominational recommitment. Among the important resolutions com- ing from the councils was one adOpted jointly by the St. Louis and Phila- delphia gatherings, outlining a comprehensive program for a more thor- ough-going denominational recommitment to the primacy of evangelism. Said Branson: We have been drifting away as other denominations have drifted away before us--away from the public platform and evangelistic appeal, and into the churches--until we have come to the place where many Of our most able men, our most talented and Godly ministers, are giving virtually their full attention to the care Of the churches, and have little time to go out and engage in public efforts for the masses still unsaved. The resolutions placed great emphasis on the necessity of training 54The Ministry, February, 1935, p. 7. 551bid., p. 31. 55Tbe Ministry, March, 1935, pp. 14, 15. 275 laymen to take over many routine responsibilities Of Operating the church program-~the chairmanship Of committees, the leadership of fund raising drives, and at times even the management of the services them- selves, "thus releasing the minister for ever-advancing evangelistic endeavor in new and unentered fields."57 This resolution Of the evangelistic councils later was supported by the General Conference Committee, calling on union and local confer- ences to hold training meetings for church Officers so that they might be prepared tO carry more responsibility in the details of administra- tion of the local church work . . . making it possible for the ministers and pastors, while giving general supervision Of the work of the church, to carry on aggressive public effort throughout the year.58 In 1937 institutes Of a smaller SCOpe were conducted throughout North America in connection with constituency meetings Of each of the union conference sessions. These institutes were patterned after the three large councils Of 1934-1935, and were intended to carry some of the same instruction and inspiration to a larger number Of men. In summary, it may be said that the role Of public evangelism be- fore and during the Depression illustrates again a by-now-familiar pat- tern. Faced with waning success near the end of the first postwar decade, the Adventist church subjected its evangelists and their work to a searching criticism and reappraisal. Having asserted its corrective jurisdiction, the denomination reasserted its commitment to public evan- gelism and its support Of acceptable evangelistic practices. 571bid., p. 17. 58Ibid. 276 With the coming Of world depression, Adventist evangelists found large numbers of disillusioned peOple coming through their ministry into the church. In this flush of new success, the apocalyptic zeal familiar in World War I rose again. The church rallied tO encourage its evange- lists and to support them with a more Open hand. The result was a flour- ishing of evangelistic activity, a refinement of evangelistic technique, and a multiplicity of successful evangelists. CHAPTER XV MEN AND METHODS OF THE 1930's While many Adventist evangelists were moderately Successful during the 1920's, Charles T. Everson was virtually the only one who continued the high-level Of success attained during World War I. His large taber- nacle campaigns throughout the Northwest, and later in Colorado and else- where, provided something Of a model for others to emulate; and his sermons were widely utilized, sometimes almost verbatim, by many lesser evangelists in a usually unavailing effort to duplicate his success. With the onset of the Depression, however, larger audiences again began flocking to Adventist banners; and the new leadership of the Gen- eral Conference and the North American Division (in the persons Of C. H. ‘Watson and W. H. Branson) gave strong endorsement to the public evange- list as the man Of the hour. Consequently, the 1930's produced an impressive array of outstand- iru; evangelistic personalities. This fourth decade Of the twentieth cenntury saw the ascendancy of such persons as H. M. S. Richards, John L. EHHJler, R. Allan Anderson, Robert L. Boothby, John E. Ford, and many others.1 How vigorously the new generation Of evangelists pursued their worflc is revealed in a report Of evangelistic campaigns in progress during 1Whose names might include Phillip L. Knox, B. R. Spear, M. L. and 1), EL ‘Venden, Miles R. Coon, C. J. Coon, Frederick Schwindt, Allan Walker, IMOn Ii. Spillman, A. A. Cone, W. W. White, A. W. Staples, W. Maudsley, II. A” ILukenS, E. L. Branson, and many more--including previously mentioned veterans still in the field, and hundreds of "pastor-evangelists." 278 merely the summer Of 1934. In that brief season 346 separate public campaigns were conducted, or an average of more than six for each of the fifty-four conferences reporting. For the North American Division as a whole, seventy-one per cent Of the entire ministerial force was engaged in public evangelistic work. The theaters, tents, tabernacles, halls, and other accommodations in which these campaigns were conducted had a total seating capacity of 84,000 persons; and the actual adult converts numbered 5,559, with the prOSpect Of 2,000 more with adequate follow-up.2 Perhaps the most Spectacular of the "new evangelists” was John Ford. As Everson's singing assistant and organizer during the 1920's, Ford had helped tO develOp that great evangelist's campaign methods and he perpetuated them in his own work. Ford's meteoric career as an evan- gelist in his own right began when he was only twenty-nine years Of age with a 1928 campaign in San Diego, California, producing 109 converts. Another, in 1929 in Fullerton, brought in 200 converts. Still another, in Santa Ana in 1930, resulted in 250 baptisms. In the fall of 1930, a campaign in San Bernardino attracted audiences Of as many as 4,000 per- sons, with 250 baptisms--109 converts coming forward on the last Friday night Of the campaign. More than 300 persons were converted in a 1932 campaign at the Phoenix, Arizona, armory. A shift to the Southern New England area in 1933 demonstrated that Ford's evangelistic message and methods produced the same results in New Ekugland as in the Southwest. For example, a tabernacle campaign in New Bedford, Massachusetts, brought in 300 new converts; and thereafter, Ford realized.200 to 300 and more converts in each of a series Of campaigns 2The Ministry, December, 1934, pp. 12, 13. 279 along the eastern seaboard, including one campaign in Boston's Symphony Hall in 1934. Ford's prominence as an evangelist led tO his appointment in 1935 as the first radio Speaker Sponsored by the Seventh-day Adventist General Conference. In fact, the first Radio Commission Of the Adventist church was established in the same year (with Warren E. Howell as director), with the primary function Of arranging for Ford's "chain broadcasting.”3 The first broadcast, entitled "What and Where is Heaven?" was pre- sented on Sunday, March 8, over WOL in Washington, D. C., with a trans- cription previously relayed to WBAL in Baltimore for release at the same time. (The programming subsequently was extended to Wilmington, Phila- delphia, New York City, Waterbury, Connecticut, Providence, Boston, and Laconia, New Hampshire.) In the first four days after the first broad- cast, one thousand letters were received requesting further literature. In connection with this broadcasting ministry, Ford Offered a series Of correspondence lessons in what he called the ”Bible School of the Air." The evangelist's career in platform evangelism continued Simul- taneously with his broadcasting, and included several additional notable campaigns. It came to an untimely end in 1940, however, when personal difficulties led to his departure from the Adventist ministry. Theaters, Tents, and Tabernacles Among the many evangelists at work in the 1930's, one of the domi- nant questions of procedure concerned the locale Of the evangelistic 3However, the commission also aided local broadcasters, providing transcriptions of Ford's broadcasts, and also relaying suggestions from successful local broadcasters to the field.--The Ministry, March, 1938, pp. l3, 14, 15. 280 campaign. Leading men had always taken a dim view Of the church as an evangelistic location, contending that public evangelism should be public in every way--completely removed from the church, held on neutral ground. That this view continued tO prevail is evident in the fact that among the 346 previously cited meetings conducted in the summer Of 1934, only 55 were conducted within Adventist churches. H. M. S. Richards represented the majority Of evangelists when he declared at the 1935 evangelistic council, "The day of the church as a place for evangelistic meetings is largely over. The peOple have lost confidence in the great churches with their Spires."4 Theaters and tabernacles. However, evangelists took many varying views as to the best kind Of public location for evangelism. Richards advocated a certain adaptability in the selection Of meeting places, but emphasized the desirability Of prominent public halls or well constructed tabernacles. "The tent can still be used," he suggested--if the tent were large enough and relatively new and clean. John Ford favored the taber- nacle, even though he had in 1934 conducted meetings in Boston's finest auditorium, Symphony Hall. With that structure available only on Sunday evenings, however, Ford felt that he would rather have a smaller audience with more exposure to his message throughout the week than a vast audi- ence one night a week in a pOpular auditorium. M. R. Coon advocated the use of theaters, a practice into which he had been ”forced" by an inabil- ity to secure suitable halls. "I have always tried to get a high-class place that caters to the better class Of clientele," Coon explained. ”We 4The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 10. 281 find that the better the auditorium we can secure, the better class 5 audience we shall have." Good results in hotel convention rooms were reported by M. R. Bailey, who secured a six hundred-seat assembly room in Chicago's Edge- water Beach Hotel. "Some Of the nicest peOple in the hotel and from the North Side--judges, lawyers, doctors, and the 1ike--have been attending the lectures regularly," said Bailey, who had previously conducted simi- lar hotel meetings in Rochester, New York.6 Phillip L. Knox's hotel evangelism in LOS Angeles during this period has already been described. Tents and variations. Much Of the discussion on evangelistic meeting placed concerned the continuing apprOpriateness of the frontier- style tent. R. S. Lindsay, who had been working in Erie, Pennsylvania, felt that the day of the tent was over for acceptable public evangelism, contending that attractive public auditoriums brought out a class Of people whose Offerings would more than pay the bill for these public places. However, in actual practice, while the tent's day may have been over, its use certainly was not; for, of the 346 summer campaigns in 1934, the largest number were tent campaigns. Whereas eight campaigns were held in theaters, 22 in tabernacles, 71 in halls, 55 in churches, and 69 in assorted other places, 121 were held in tents. R. Allan Anderson pioneered in the use Of a combination Of accom- modations, including a prominent theater on Sunday nights, then hall meetings in other parts of the city throughout the week-—after the manner 5The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 12. 6The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 13. 282 Of Chapman's "stimultaneous evangelistic crusades." Anderson conducted large campaigns of this sort in Brisbane, Australia, from 1926 through 1928; and in various parts Of London into the mid 1930's. One major ad- vantage Of such meetings, Anderson believed, was the possibility Of developing several new churches in a metrOpolitan area during a single campaign.7 W. H. Holden, of Berrien Springs, Michigan, was among those evan- gelists defending the tent meeting. "Let us not become prejudiced against the tent," he suggested. "The tent effort is still a success the same as the hall effort is a success." Holden reported that most Of the campaigns held in the Lake Union Conference were being conducted in tents--between twenty and thirty during the summer Of 1935.8 J. L. Shuler also defended the tent but suggested that public audi- toriums be utilized conjointly, with an eye to economy. Audiences could first be attracted to a fine auditorium or theater, he pointed out; then when they had become interested, transferred to the more economical tent. Shuler related how he had done just that in the city Of Raleigh, North Carolina. There he had used the outstanding State Theater for just two meetings--then transferred to less expensive accommodations for the re- mainder of the effort. This was more or less the reverse of a system used in Adventist efforts at city evangelism at the turn Of the century, ‘when it was a common practice to attract an audience to a large tent for a summer campaign, then transfer to a small hall for a continuation of evangelistic lectures during the winter. However, it will be remembered 7Personal interview. 8The Ministry, April, 1935. 283 that W. W. Simpson in Southern California in 1904 to 1906 employed the auditorium-tent sequence. John Ford, who as much as any man stimulated the develOpment Of large-scale hall and tabernacle campaigns, nevertheless took the more flexible approach of Shuler. Liking the tabernacle best Of all, he maintained that if he could not have one, he would take a church, a thea- ter, or a tent. Furthermore, he asserted, if he could not do any better he would go right out tO the street and preach in a dignified manner. W. H. Branson, the North American Division vice president, calmed the discussion by suggesting that evangelists should not make an issue Of the kind Of place in which the meetings should be held. He seconded Ford's contention that deSpite the desire Of the "pro-auditorium evange- list" to give greater standing to Adventist work, none should hesitate to use the crudest place if it happened to be the only place available in which to deliver an evangelistic message. Outdoor evangelism. A number Of evangelists were, in fact, work- ing in the out-Of-doors. R. S. Fries was one of these; and another was L. E. Niermeyer who Specialized in the use of what he called the "air- dome." This was a roofless structure usually utilizing the Side walls Of tents, with a stylized cellotex front to lend "reSpectability." The Speaker's platform had a small, overhead canOpy, much in the manner Of Oldtime camp meeting rostrums. Here, "under the stars," Niermeyer preached to audiences of four to five hundred persons, in locations as far north as Minneapolis. He felt that somehow the airdome avoided an association of Adventists with Pentecostal and "Four-Square Gospel" 284 groups, which he considered to be identified with the tent.9 Other Adventist evangelists, working without any enclosure at all, made something Of a science Of street meetings. B. M. Heald cited as ample precedent for such meetings the examples of Moody and Wesley, who gathered audiences Of five thousand to fifty thousand in the out-Of- doors. Heald employed the talents Of articulate laymen in conducting multiple street meetings throughout New York City in 1931 and 1932 in what was called the "Forty-Corner Campaign." In this plan, meetings for a time were held regularly on forty street corners, with the Speaker and musicians sometimes performing from a platform built on an automobile, sometimes also Showing brief films. During the musical portion of the program and the brief address, workers scattered throughout the crowd and secured names and addresses of inter- ested persons for follow-up work through personal visits or literature.10 Audiences at Heald's meetings numbered from three hundred to five hundred persons with meetings continuing for as long as two hours, and attracting, he maintained, "a very fine class of peOple."11 Similar meetings had been conducted more or less regularly in New York City for many years by Seventh-day Adventist speakers, with a fifteen-year record on one particular corner where over the years more than one hundred con- verts had been gathered into the Washington Avenue church. Heald laid down some Operating principles for such meetings: 9The Ministry, April, 1935, pp. 14, 15. 10The Minisrry, March, 1937, p. 5. 11The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 15. 285 The leader must be a smiling, cheerful, consecrated Christian, one with vision and a good speaking voice, one who is alert and able to c0pe with any emergency that may arise. He makes all the announcements, introduces the Speakers, leads out, and keeps the meeting well in hand and organized. If he is a singer, so much the better for leading out in the hymns. Someone who is more or less an artist may print the main sub- ject of the evening in some attractive form, on the pavement, in a conspicuous place in front of the line of workers. An automo- bile backed up within about thirty feet of the intersection of the streets makes a good background. A large United States flag unfurled across the rear of the car gives the meeting a setting of good citizenship. Have as many instruments as possible and plenty Of good community singing. Be sure to keep on the key, and try to make the music an attraction.12 Heald indicated that the program shOuld continue with prayer by "one accustomed to talking with God,” then a number of testimonies, some vocal selections, and then the principal Speaker. Heald insisted: Whatever doctrinal talks may be presented, have Christ be the center Of attraction. The Speaker must first Of all be on fire with the Holy Ghost. He should not theorize at great length, but should be logical, forceful, and Speak to the point in his presentation. J. E. Schultz, with a number Of assistants, was conducting Similar meetings on Boston Common during the 1930's. A three-hour service was scheduled each Sunday afternoon, and it was not unusual to attract an at- tendance of five hundred tO six hundred persons, a number increased, Schultz Speculated, "by the unemployed who swell the ranks of those who [crowd] about the stand." Schultz believed that these Open-air meetings attracted Jewish, Catholic, and "persons of atheistic tendencies" more readily than would a more formal session in a regular auditorium, taber- nacle, or tent.14 lzggyrgy and Herald, September 3, 1931, p. 16. 131bid. 14Review and Herald, November 12, 1931, p. 18. 286 Special Open air sessions were held for Jewish listeners in New York City by Samuel Kaplan, who built a platform on an Open truck--com- plete with piano, lecturn, and backdrOp--and moved right into "the’very heart Of the Jewish Ghetto." Kaplan's plan was so successful that in 1934 it was enlarged, with Six separate meetings held simultaneously in Jewish sections, reaching an estimated total audience Of twelve hundred to fifteen hundred persons every week.15 R. Allan Anderson was prominent as an Open-air-evangelism enthu- siast in London, and to some extent in America after his transfer to this country. Perhaps more than others, Anderson approached such evangelism as an art; and in 1931 and 1932, with the co-Operation Of his brother, Clifford Anderson, trained many younger men, including Eric Simes, Leslie Hardinge, C. A. Reeves, and George Freeman, in its principles. Anderson's street meetings were conducted not only to reach an immediate audience, but also to attract persons to large meetings in a nearby theater. In vigorous, fast-moving presentations, Anderson employed a number of Speakers in relays, on the premise that,"You can make a man a dynamo for ten minutes." The first Speaker endeavored to "dissolve" with as little break as possible to the next Speaker, perhaps referring to him a question from the audience; this routine continuing through perhaps eight or ten consecutive Speakers in one evening. The "Show," aided by co- Operative policemen who cleared the traffic, readily attracted audiences of four hundred to Six hundred Londoners, who, of course, were always urged tO the "main event"--Anderson's theater meeting.16 15The Minisrry, January, 1934, p. 7. 16Personal interview. 287 Audience Attractions In an age Of radio, motion pictures, and other dazzling attrac- tions, it was not enough for Adventist evangelists Of the 1930's to be ' and the largest audiences good preachers; they also had to be "showmen,' rallied to hear the most colorful evangelists. The methods of advertis- ing used by these men, their Special features and Supplementary audience- attracting activities were closely Observed and widely imitated. Titles. As in the 1920's, Adventist evangelists of the 1930's employed a variety of appellations to describe their campaigns. Services neither associated with nor held in the church nevertheless required some kind Of designation, and the campaign titles in common use included ”The Bible Tabernacle," perhaps the most frequently used; "Community Bible Chautauqua," "Big Tabernacle," "PrOphetic Lecture Tabernacle," "Adventist Tabernacle,” "Free Bible Lectures," "Dynamic Bible Lecture," "Mass Meet- ings," ”Evangelist Bible Lectures," and "Free PrOphetic Conference."17 However, Of even greater importance than campaign titles, accord- ing to Shuler, was the title Of the first sermon. He emphasized: We need a title that is particularly timely; that has the widest possible appeal to the peOple we wish to interest. That is why we must vary the title according to the time and circumstances. The purpose Of a startling first title, of course, was to attract an initial crowd; following which, presumably, the speaker's force Of personality and presentation could keep the audience returning night after night. John Ford and virtually all other Adventist evangelists shared the 17The Ministry, August, 1936, p. 18. 18The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 17. 288 conviction that sermon titles were the important thing in attracting an audience,19 and even the leading men Of the day avidly traded good Speci- mens. For example, H. M. S. Richards confessed, "I am a regular title 'thief.' I 'steal' whenever I find something that I like; and I find some others taking the same liberty with me."20 Selections for a typical list of tOpics presented by H. M. S. Richards during an eighteen-week campaign in 1935 reveal the creative ef- fort Of Adventist evangelists tO devise intriguing, audience-compelling sermons and sermon titles: "The Coming World War," "The Second Coming Of Christ," "A Startling Astronomical Prediction Fulfilled," "A Question That God Can't Answer," "Jonah and the Whale," "Where and What Is Heaven?" ”Five Hundred Years Of PrOphecy Fulfilled in Twenty-four Hours," ”Solo- mon's Temple EXplored by Lantern Light," "Why Live Animals Are Not Used in Jewish Temple Service," "Who Put on White Robes?" "Why Does Not God Destroy the Devil?" "Will the East and West Meet in Armed Conflict?” "Spiritualism--DO the Dead Actually Appear?" "Will Russia Fight?” "What and Where Is Hell?" "Mussolini and the Turk," "United States Of EurOpe in the Light Of Bible PrOphecy," ”Who Claims To Have Changed the Sabbath from Saturday to Sunday?" "The Mark Of the Beast,” "Is the United States in the Bible?" ”The President of the United States of the World: Is the Superman About to Appear?"21 Because timeliness and audience adaptation were SO important to 19According to Ford, "It is absolutely fundamental."--Personal interview. 20The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 20. 21The Ministry, April, 1934, pp. 15, 16. 289 the selection of tOpics for a given campaign, Richards discouraged younger evangelists from seeking a standard list that could be used in any campaign: The political and social world is changing very rapidly, and we change our subjects both in order and in name to fit these changing conditions. We take advantage Of what happens to be the big news event Of the hour or some condition of great public concern. For another thing, we must remember local conditions, the churches which may be in the neighborhood, the Opposition or lack Of Opposition on the part Of other religious movements We must take note of public feeling, Of local prejudice and cus- tom, and Of the canons Of good taste.22 A detailed study of typical series Of lecture tOpics as presented by Richards and other evangelists Shows in some cases an impressive ar- ray Of as many as 100 to 125 separate lectures in one campaign, covering a wide variety Of subjects. These include some tOpics like "The Coming World Dictator," which related to public concern about world affairs in order to present a sermon on the doctrine of the second coming for ex- ample; and others designed to attract persons merely curious about some new thing. Among the latter were such tOpics as "my Visit to the Mys- tery House at San Jose," and "Are Other Planets Inhabited?", complete with apprOpriate screen pictures. Still other tOpics were directed Spe- cifically to those initiated in the esoteric aspects Of Biblical doctrine (p,g,, "Was the Old Covenant Made With the Gentiles?" or, "When the Seventh Trumpet Sounds.”)23 Some evangelists continued the more predictive approach that had been so successful during World War I. In a 1933 campaign in Pontiac, Michigan, Carlyle B. Haynes--president of the conference but still active 22The Ministry, August, 1937, pp. 14, 15. 231bid. 290 in evangelism--featured titles oddly reminiscent Of headlines in a Rus- sian newSpaper: "The Coming World Revolution Which Will Wreck Civiliza- tion," "Unmistakable Evidences Of the Impending Violent Overturning of the Present World Order," "The Present Generation Is DestinedTRJ Witness the End Of Modern Civilization," "The Essential Weakness of the NRA Which Must Bring It TO Inevitable Failure," "The Millennial Reign Of Christ About TO Begin," "The Precise Manner By Which the Coming World Dictator- ship Will Be Established," and another, perhaps more grimly accurate in 1935 than perhaps even Haynes intended, "The Nations Marshalling For the Greatest War Of All Time, Compared With Which the World War Was Insigni- ficant. The Collapse Of Civilization and the DepOpulation Of the Globe.”24 In marked contrast, tOpics advertised by Adventist evangelists in EurOpe were much less flamboyant and predictive. E. Ney, working in Esthonia, presented such tOpics as: ”IS There a God?" "God Revealed in His Created Works," "Who Has Created Sin and Misery?" "Redemption Through an Inestimable Sacrifice," "Christ Our Righteousness," "What Does Death Mean?" and "God's Call to Conversion."25 The contrasting American tOpics clearly indicate the influence of the lecture concept Of the 1920's, cited earlier, as well as the showman- ship which Billy Sunday brought to American revialism. Special programs and features. The lecture approach and Showman- ship were seen not only in sermon titles but also in auxiliary programs 24The Ministry, December, 1935, p. 7. 25The Ministry, March, 1936, pp. 6, 7. 291 previously mentioned, such as cooking schools and health lectures, as well as in Special features. One such feature was the "jury trial," first used by E. L. Cardey in a Lincoln, Nebraska, campaign in the Spring Of 1935, as an attention- getting and conviction-stimulating feature of his presentation on Sabbath versus Sunday Observance. In this Special procedure, Cardey invited twelve persons from the audience to serve as a "jury” to hear himself as the "prosecuting attorney" make his case against "the greatest criminal," the Papacy, who had committed "the greatest crime," changing the Sabbath from the seventh day to Sunday. The "case" was a recital Of various statements by Catholic Spokesmen attesting tO what they believed tO be the authority Of the church to make such a change.26 The point, Of course, was to establish before a largely Protestant audience that Sunday Observance derived from the authority Of the Catholic church rather than frOm the Bible itself. Another well publicized feature, which has Since become relatively common in Adventist evangelistic practice, was the scheduling of double sessions on Sunday evenings "to accommodate the crowds." An actual ne- cessity in many places during the early 1930's, particularly when smaller halls were booked, such double headers-~together with reserved seat tic- kets--were also important as a publicity feature. According to J. L. Shuler, ”The news Spreads all over town that so many peOple want to hear the subjects presented at your hall that two sessions on the same subject are necessary on Sunday nights." This procedure was used so successfully by Shuler in Raleigh, North Carolina, in November, 1932, that his audi- 26The Ministry, April, 1935, pp. l8, l9. 292 torium was filled to capacity at every session. By campaign's end, some two hundred new members had been brought into the Adventist denomination --which previously had not even had a congregation in Raleigh. Exclaimed Shuler: ”If we had a thousand men doing this kind Of work, we could stir the entire country."27 Evangelists used a variety Of visual devices for "holding the in- terest." These included the traditional charts and muslin banners that had been used in Adventist meetings Since the 1840's. Painted with water- colors Or Oils, usually on a cloth background, these charts portrayed scenes from Biblical prOphecies or historical events, as well as outlines Of prOphetic time periods, or simply key words for emphasis during a ser- mon. Models sometimes were used to illustrate the prOphetic beasts and images from the Biblical books of Daniel and the Revelation. These were usually one-dimensional models, cut from wallboard or plywood-~not as impressive as the three-dimensional papier-mache models used thirty years earlier by W. W. Simpson. Chalk talks frequently were used to illustrate sermons and hymns.28 Advertising and promotion. In publicizing their campaigns, Advent- ist evangelists were also greatly concerned about the most effective means of advertising. While there was general agreement that the program itself, the location, testimonials by prominent persons, and other fac- tors had a bearing on the success Of a campaign, extensive paid advertis- ing was considered vital. Some evangelists went so far as to Spend 27The Ministry, January, 1933, pp. 4, 5. 28The Ministry, August, 1936, pp. 15, 18. 293 virtually their entire advertising budget in promoting the very first meeting, on the theory that a good crowd on the Opening night assured continuing attendance and that Offerings thereafter would sustain ade- quate advertising. Others felt that putting every egg in one basket was risky. John Ford, for example, expended no more than half his advertis- ing budget on the first night, fearing that adverse weather or some other circumstance might mean the loss of his entire campaign. Newspaper advertisements, posters, handbills, and large billboards were all used by most leading evangelists, with the weight Of the adver- tising going to newSpapers.29 One evangelist secured the privilege Of taking over an entire issue of the local newsPaper, soliciting advertise- ments and statements Of greeting from the mayor and other Officials, and devoting most Of the issue's editorial Space to descriptions Of the meetings.30 Occasionally, other media were employed. For instance, M. V. Campbell, then president Of the New York Conference, advocated a campaign Of telephone promotion with the local directory divided among church mem- 31 bers for complete coverage. Richards utilized "whispering campaigns," 29A display Of the advertising of prominent evangelists was pre- sented at the General Conference Session of 1936, and a "preference" contest was conducted; with handbill announcements judged on impressive- ness of appearance, apprOpriateness Of title, power Of attraction, neat- ness, balance, dignity, modesty, clarity, style, and technical details. The winning handbills were those presented by C. A. Reeves, R. Allan Anderson (both of London, England); H. M. S. Richards (California); D. E. Venden, M. L. Venden (in Oregon); and O. O. Denslow (in Indiana). IE3 Ministry, October, 1936, pp. 12, 13. 30The Ministry, August, 1936, p. 15. 31The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 22. 294 tO stimulate public interest in his meetings. He reported: In advertising one Of our meetings we got two young women to ride the elevators of the big hotels and department stores throughout the day, talking to each other in an interesting way about the meetings. . . . PeOple can ride the street cars and talk to their neighbors about these things. I believe there is a great field that we have scarcely entered here.32 Boothby was one evangelist who placed considerable emphasis on heightening the prestige Of his lectures by inviting the mayor or some other community Official to give the evangelist an Opening night intro- duction. In TOpeka, Kansas, the mayor presented a Speech Of welcome; and in San Francisco, the mayor sent a representative to introduce Boothby to his audience. Other evangelists in the past, Of course, had followed a similar plan. Charles T. Everson, for example, through the good Offices Of influential local Adventists in Portland, was introduced by the mayor Of the city, who made an outstanding speech Of welcome to the evangelist.33 As the 1930's advanced, radio came to be an increasingly important means Of promoting public meetings--as well as an evangelistic instrument in its own right. Richards, early in 1934, launched what he called the Adventist Hour and Tabernacle of the Air. His first broadcasts were on stations KGER in Long Beach and KTN in LOS Angeles, using what was called "Open time," which the evangelist was obliged tO vacate if an advertiser willing to pay for the time should appear. Richards, directly from his tabernacle, was on the air with his regular evangelistic lectures, Monday through Friday nights from 8 to 9 p.m.; then from the studio with a Spe- cial broadcast late on Sunday evening}!+ 32The Ministry, April, 1935, p. 20. 33The Ministry, March, 1937, p. 5. 34 The Ministry, June, 1934, pp. 6, 7. 295 Richards' radio Success, and later that Of John Ford as a national broadcaster under the auspices of the General Conference, encouraged ad- ditional evangelists and pastors to begin broadcasting as, of course, others had been doing since the early 1920's. Whereas in 1934 twenty Ad- ventist evangelists were broadcasting,35 by 1936 the number had doubled with more than forty on the air.36 Getting "Decisions" During the 1930's, Adventist evangelists began making systematic progress toward solution of a problem that had beset their colleagues from the very beginning Of the denomination's twentieth century city evangelism. This was the problem Of bringing interested persons to a definite decision to become members of the Adventist church. While pOpu- lar revivalists with relative ease could call peOple down the sawdust trail, appealing simply for faith in Christ and acceptance Of salvation, Adventist evangelists had to appeal additionally for acceptance of a body Of more Specific doctrinal beliefs. In their early years Of city evangelism, most Adventist evangelis- tic Speakers went through the list of doctrines in a more or less didac- tic style, calling at the end Of a series Of lectures for a response Of acceptance and Obedience to "the truth"--frequently indicated by Signing a "covenant" card. The results were comparatively limited. For example, in 1913, John L. Shuler led an audience in Knoxville, Tennessee, through a series Of forty-four evangelistic sermons; and 35The Ministry, August, 1934, pp. 12, 13. 36The Ministry, August, 1936, p. 7. 296 though an average Of some 350 persons attended every night, there was not a single convert. Shuler's "decision technique" Of the time helps to ex- plain why. Not until the last night did Shuler invite the audience tO respond, and he went about it in the following fashion. At the conclusion Of his final sermon, the evangelist Spoke Of the interest with which the audience had listened each night, then said, "As many as believe these things you have heard are the truth, please stand up." Immediately, as if on Springs, the entire audience arose. Thus encouraged, Shuler went on, seeking a more Specific commitment. "It is fine to know what is true," he admonished his listeners, "but it is better tO Obey. Now, as many of you as are determined to Obey these truths, please remain standing," Instantly every person sat down! Shuler was nonplused, and he could do nothing but dismiss the meeting with a fervent prayer. However, he resolved on the Spot to revise his methods Of persuasion, keenly aware Of the need for conditioning an audience to reSpond from the very begin- ning Of a campaign. Everson in the 1920's was more adept than other evangelists in getting decisions, putting conversion, in the revival tradition, before indoctrination. This, more than any other reason, according to John Ford, accounts for the fact that Everson was making large numbers Of con- verts during the 1920's when others, possibly attracting large audiences, were having more limited results. In the mid-1930's, decisions were still a great problem for many Adventist evangelists; but a systematic approach was rapidly being 37Personal interview. 297 develOped by Shuler, who explained, "Many times workers have large audi- ences, but in the end get very little fruitage. That indicates that there is sometime wrong in the method of getting decisions." Systematic decision making. Shuler's solution, as mentioned, was to begin calling on the audiences for easy-to-make decisions from the start, leading progressively through increasingly Specific affirmations until many persons found it easy to accept the Adventist church as their own. For example, at the close of an Opening night lecture on prOphetic indications Of the coming Of Christ, Shuler asked peOple to raise their hands for prayer that they might personally be prepared "to meet their coming King." According to Shuler, ”That turns the tide in the beginning. I think we should direct matters toward the ultimate decision the very first night."38 TO facilitate this process, Shuler devised a series Of cards Simi— lar in format to the familiar "covenant cards," but for use throughout the campaign rather than only at the end. The apprOpriate card was given persons raising their hands in reSponse to a given appeal; then the next for a subsequent appeal, and so on. For example, one card indicated the individual's intention to "follow Christ”; the next his resolve to keep the seventh day as the Sabbath; a later card, his determination actually to become a member of the Adventist church. These successive cards, per- haps a dozen in all, enabled Shuler's campaign associates to visit in— terested persons with some prior knowledge Of their present state of readiness to accept the evangelistic message. 38The Ministry, August, 1935, p. 11. 298 Of course, as Shuler pointed out, the card "system" alone was not enough. More fundamental influences included inSpired preaching and per- sonal work with individuals in their homes, preparing them to reSpond to the evangelist's appeal at a subsequent meeting.39 Of equal importance were "altar calls," so well identified with the pOpular revivalist. All leading evangelists of the Adventist church made altar calls, the basic differences on the question being merely how early in a series of meet- ings the calls Should be made, how general or specific they should be, and what kind Of follow-up work should be done with those coming to the "altar.” Altar calls and after meetings. Some men questioned the prOpriety Of a structured pattern Of altar calls, feeling that somehow the Speaker would be supernaturally impressed when the audience was under the influ- ence Of the Holy Spirit. Of course, all evangelists agreed that some- thing Of the supernatural was involved in the reSponse Of persons to an evangelistic call; yet it was conceded that definite planning and even a timetable of calls throughout a series seemed to be producing results for 40 some men. Of more concern that the mechanics was the substance Of the altar calls--to what were prOSpective converts being called? Evangelists like Everson and Ford, as has been pointed out, stressed the ”call to Christ," in the revival pattern, leaving some aSpects of indoctrination to the experience Of the convert once he was within the church. Others insisted 39The Ministry, August, 1935, pp. 11, 12. 40The Ministry, June, 1935, p. 10. 299 on thorough-going indoctrination, calling for acceptance Of "the truth," the entire complex Of Adventist belief and practice before admission to the baptismal rite. This conflict had been resolved to some extent through the empha- sis On righteousness by faith as urged by A. G. Daniells throughout the 1920's and by others following him. As Adventist evangelists struggled to reach a synthesis, the most frequent result was a combination of both approaches: an effort to ”get peOple really converted to Jesus Christ," as Shuler put it,41 while at the same time leading ”converted" persons to a definite acceptance of the Adventist doctrinal Structure. This was usually accomplished through a series of appeals as just mentioned. Thus, the typical Adventist evangelist of the 1930's called on his audience first Of all to accept Christ; then, night after night, to accept one doctrine, then another, leading progressively to altar calls in which a person indicated his decision to accept the entire Adventist mes- sage. Important in this process, in addition to altar calls, was the "prayer room" service, following the sermon, when reSpondentS were asked to declare themselves further as to spiritual needs and interests; and, possibly, to make further commitments as to their willingness to enter fully into the Adventist church. A later refinement of this procedure for Adventist evangelists was the "after meeting," in which, after the manner of Dwight L. Moody, the evangelist Spoke more intimately with pro- Spective converts in a Special meeting following the main lecture. Shuler was one of the first Adventist evangelists to employ this method, a procedure that made possible a pointed presentation Of some of the more 41The Ministry, February, 1937, p. 4. 300 controversial elements Of the faith to those seriously interested in church membership while avoiding the presentation Of provocative subjects to the general public. Efforts Toward Systematic Evapgelism With Adventist ministers of the 1930's officially being urged into evangelism, increasing emphasis was placed on the distillation and "dis- tribution” Of the evangelistic methods proving successful for leaders like Ford, Shuler, and Richards. The previously described evangelistic councils of 1934 and 1935 were one effort in this direction; the publica- tion of evangelistic "principles”'was another. In almost every issue Th3 Ministry magazine, for example, carried some explanation Of philosophy or technique. A sampling Of such articles include, "Operative Principles in Evangelism," by Allan Walker;42 "English Evangelism and Six Guiding Prin- 43 ciples," by W. Maudsley; or "Evangelism's Basic Principles," by A. W. 44 Staples. In addition, for aspiring broadcasters, Richards produced a manual Outlining methodology and suggesting actual program formats; and also warning against pitfalls for the amateur. The impulse toward evangelistic "system" led in 1937 to the or- ganization in the Southern Union Conference Of the first formally desig- nated "Field School of Evangelism.” Of course, since the earliest days of Adventist city evangelism, conferences Sponsoring large evangelistic campaigns had been urged to bring younger ministers into the program in 421m NAIR—‘12): May. 1932. p. 13. 43The Ministry, November, 1932, p. 15. 44The Ministry, July, 1938, p. 19. 301 order to educate them for evangelistic success Of their own. There also had been some efforts at practical training for ministers in most Of the colleges. In 1932, for example, small scale "student efforts" were being conducted as a part Of the ministerial curriculum at Washington Missionary College in Washington, D. C., under the guidance Of B. G. Wilkinson, dean of theology; and at Walla Walla College in Washington state, led by F. B. Jensen, instructor in Bible. The same pattern prevailed in most of the schools, but in the eyes of Shuler and others the SCOpe and realism Of these efforts was not calculated to prepare students adequately for large- scale success in major cities. Moreover, students did not always have the 45 As advantage Of Observing tOp-flight evangelistic Speakers in action. J. K. Jones, president Of the Southern Union Conference, put it: . In many cases our young men continue on, untrained in their work, and finally become just ordinary public Speakers; whereas, if they had had the prOper training in the field, they might have become outstanding evangelists, capable of entering the very largest cities.4 Shuler emphasized what many regarded to be an inadequacy in the college training Of ministers when he Spoke Of the "unbridged gap existing at the present time between the training received in school and actual, successful evangelism."47 Accordingly, the Southern Union Conference, with the encouragement of the General Conference leaders, launched its field school, Opening in September, 1937, with a campaign in a new tabernacle erected in the city Of Greensboro, North Carolina. Shuler was chosen as the director Of this 45Review and Herald, December 8, 1932, p. 20. 46 The Ministry, June, 1937, p. 13. 47The Ministry, October, 1937, p. 3. 302 new "school,” and also appointed as a general field secretary Of the Union Conference. In consideration of Shuler's experience as the union evangelist and his service in conference administration (called, in fact, from the presidency Of the Carolina Conference), Jones described him as ”a very practical and successful evangelist, with conSpicuous teaching and organizing gifts."48 The field school's Operational plan called for local conferences within the Union to send younger workers to participate in designated evangelistic campaigns, where they were given definite responsibility for a specific territory within the area. There they were to contact inter- ested persons and conduct "Community Bible Schools” in private homes, along the lines developed a few years earlier by A. A. Cone.49 At the same time they were to go through a series Of lessons with Shuler in Bible study and evangelistic methods. At the close of the field school the "trainees" were given an examination, to which letter grades were assigned, these grades to be "taken into account by the conference com- mittee in planning future work."50 Shuler's experience in the Field School of Evangelism led to several important additional measures in the develOpment of evangelistic methodology in the Adventist church. One of these was the stimulation Of greater attention to practical evangelistic training in ministerial cour- ses offered at Adventist colleges, with more men Of evangelistic experi- 48The Ministry, June, 1937, p. 13. 49And for that matter, reminiscent of the community schools con- ducted in 1906 by W. H. Granger in Columbus, Ohio. See pageIML 50 The Ministry, October, 1937, p. 4. 303 ence added to the faculty. One Of the most notable Of these, R. Allan Anderson, was appointed in 1938 tO the Bible Department of La Sierra College, Arlington, California. In addition, the colleges began enlarg- ing the sc0pe of their own field schools, with one outstanding example seen in the work of George E. Vandeman at Emmanuel Missionary College, Berrien Springs, Michigan. Another important result of Shuler's field school experience was the publication in 1939 Of his important book, Public Evangelism,51 in which he outlined the methods Of evangelism he had develOped over the years and taught to students in the field school program. Aspiring evan- gelists were tOld how to organize an evangelistic company and campaign, how to secure the names Of interested persons, how to present certain subjects in the most effective order, how to choose a good location, how to use the best advertising methods, how to develOp a financial program, hOw to secure decisions, how to conduct a baptism, and how to keep new converts in the church. The importance of Shuler's book is that it became a standard text for ministerial students in all Adventist colleges, helping to develOp many of the evangelists who came into view in the 1940's. These men, tu- tored in Shuler's methods, were remarkably similar in approach, bringing about a certain standardization Of Adventist evangelism throughout the 1940's. Another example Of the analytical effort at this time toward the crystallization Of a workable "system,” transferable from one evangelist 51Washington, D. C., Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1939. tO another, appears in the experience Of in the Missouri Conference, he was asked president, to go to Philadelphia for ten Ford, before launching a campaign Of his After only four Of Ford's nightly secure an extended interview in order tO 304 Fordyce W. Detamore. At work in 1938 by E. L. Branson, his days to observe the work Of John own in St. Louis. meetings, Detamore endeavored tO probe the evangelist's philoso- phy and methods in depth; but Ford, at the zenith Of his career, was some- what reluctant to grant such an interview. According to Detamore, "he was somewhat suSpicious Of my motives," because of a recent build-up Of criticism from persons not in sympathy with his philosophy Of evangelism. However, when Ford discovered that Detamore was sincere in his desire to learn, he warmly invited the young evangelist to ride with him by car to Washington, D. C., and conduct the interview along the way. Detamore prepared carefully for this conversation, which he later described as the turning point Of his evangelistic career. Before the trip to Washington he wrote out three full pages of questions; and as he asked these questions Of Ford during their trip to Washington, "light began tO dawn.” Detamore exclaimed: A picture Of an evangelistic system came into focus. Here was a man who knew where he was going and what he was doing. He had a detailed plan for every aspect of his evangelistic campaign.52 Detamore recalls that he was "greatly thrilled," clearly seeing how ”even an ordinary preacher" he himself could do Such a work by fol- lowing the Outline Ford suggested. For example, Ford admonished Deta- more tO be ready for a baptism by a Specified week Of the campaign. "How 52Personal interview. 305 do you know you will have peOple ready for a baptism by that time?" Detamore queried. "What if no one comes forward?" Ford replied, in a figure, that when one plants corn and tends it, he knows when to expect the harvest. It is the same in evangelism, he maintained, if the evan- gelist follows a definite system, he will know exactly when to plan for baptisms and how many converts to plan for. Detamore made careful notes on everything Ford Suggested and, as he said later, "followed it slavish- 1y" for the first few years of his own evangelistic experience. Ford later produced a manual of evangelistic methods but it was not published until recent times when a mimeographed version was pro- duced by the Australasian Division for use by evangelists in that field. By the mid-1940's Detamore himself had produced an influential handbook Of evangelist methods, in mimeographed form, as well as several similar volumes of transcribed evangelistic sermons. Evangelistic methodology achieved a certain institutional status with its incorporation into the curriculum Of the Seventh—day Adventist Theological Seminary in 1939. The Seminary itself had been formally or- ganized only in 1936 (having been preceded in 1933 by a graduate program in Bible and religious history under the auSpices of the General Con- ference). Despite general approval of the new seminary structure, some voices of criticism were raised suggesting that the institution would cause Adventist ministers to lose their evangelistic zeal in preference to scholarly pursuits. According to Shuler, one move made by the Semi- nary tc1counter this criticism was an invitation to him to join the Seminary'faculty in order to create a Special course Of studies in evan- 306 gelistic philOSOphy and methods.54 Accordingly, during the second term of the school year, January 4, to February 14, 1939, Shuler launched a six-weeks' class in evangelistic principles. The program was later extended and came to include practical experience for students through participation in field schools Of evange- lism. Field schools, as originally develOped by Shuler, were organized around large-scale public campaigns held in various parts of the country, and eventually overseas, with the Sponsorship of local conference organi- zations. The Seminary leaders were pleased and looked to an increasing involvement of the institution in the evangelistic interests Of the de- nomination: This is the first time such a systematic, well-organized study has been offered for our mature workers, and we trust it is but the earnest Of ever greater and more comprehensive cour- ses in this supreme field Of ministerial privilege and reSpon- sibility.55 This formalization of evangelistic methodology as a Seminary course was something of a climax in the strong drive of the 1930's for an in- creasingly systematic evangelism; and there was great significance for the subsequent history of Seventh-day Adventist evangelism in the implied assumption that the art Of evangelism is not exclusively a supernatural "gift," bestowed on a few eSpecially equipped individuals, but rather re- sides to some extent in an organization, which through systematic educa- tional procedures can produce effective evangelistic Spokesmen. A fur- ther assumption in the formalized training Of evangelists by an organi- 54Personal interview. 55The Ministry, January, 1939, p. 2. 307 zation is their utility in serving the organization's institutional interests--in sharp antithesis to the ”classical” concept of ”prophetic evangelism" in which charismatic personalities dO not serve organiza- tions so much as they create and use them. CHAPTER XVI WORLD WAR II: A MORE INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH Post-Crisis Slump and Re-evaluation In the first shocking years of the Great Depression, the Adventist membership growth rate rose to its highest point since the record peaks of World War I. But just as the rate plummeted after the initial crisis Of the Great War had passed, so it did in the late-middle 1930's with a semblance Of recovery from the Depression. By 1937 the annual rate Of growth in North America sank to less than two per cent. Diminishing conversions. Although some leading evangelists Of the denomination continued to attract sizeable audiences and to make large numbers of converts, the total number of accessions to the church de- clined, from a "Depression-peak" in 1933 Of 12,711 baptisms, to only 9,830 in l937--a drOp from nine to Six per cent of current membership. At the same time apostasies climbed from thirty-four per cent Of total accessions to the church in 1931, tO fifty-five per cent in 1937.1 This evident repetition Of the pattern Of World War I--a high growth rate during the crisis and a high drOp-Out rate following it-- seemingly confirmed the Adventist evangelistic appeal as primarily a crisis appeal, a fact clearly recognized by denominational leaders. Ac- cording tO Francis D. Nichol: Our message is made for troublous times. It is not a fair- weather doctrine. It is a robust teaching which concerns 1These and other data throughout chapter from: Statistical Secre- tary, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Washington, D. C. 309 calamities and their meaning, a warning to men to flee from the wrath to come. Our message finds its most emphatic sup- port from the presence of earthquakes and amid the roar Of battle.2 A new reappraisal. It will be recalled that in the flush Of De- pression-fed success, Adventist evangelists were given a clear-track and Open-handed denominational support. AS their success subsided, however, there was new adverse criticism of their methods and denominational con- cern over the quality Of their converts. H. T. Elliott, associate sec- retary Of the General Conference, was one who Spoke Of the "undue losses in church membership” and appealed for "action in stOpping the gaps.” He urged evangelists tO be more careful in the kind Of persons brought into church membership: It is not fair to converts to baptize and receive them into church fellowship before they have a full and comprehensive knowledge Of what the church stands for. Nor is it fair to the church to leave it to struggle over a group of newly received members who are really not in fellowship with our faith. There was continued adverse criticism Of the practice Of baptizing persons, then leaving much Of the detailed instruction in church belief to the local pastor, a method which, as previously noted, was Often at- tributed to Everson and Ford. However, many evangelists freely accepted the "denominational” point of view and themselves Spoke disapprovingly Of their more ”free-wheeling” colleagues. E. L. Cardey, for example, main- tained: Our call is tO make disciples Of all nations. We are con- sequently to instruct new converts in all the vital truths of 2Review and Herald, November 23, 1939, p. 9. 3The Ministry, January, 1938, p. 5. 310 this message . . . so that when they are baptized they may become fully one with us in belief and practice upon entering the church. We cannot therefore rightfully baptize anyone unless we baptize him into church membership.4 Those evangelists who, like Everson, believed they were following the New Testament pattern in baptizing persons as soon as they indicated an acceptance Of Christ and a general belief in the Adventist message, laid some Of the blame for losses at the door of pastors who were "indif- ferent to the converts of other men." Everson himself declared: One of our leaders once told me that he held an evangelistic meeting which he was not able to carry on to completion, and left some fifty names of interested peOple to be followed up by his successor. He related with much regret how that worker paid no attention to these interested peOple, and they were lost to the message for lack of prOper attention. I believe that the converts Of other preachers ought to be as precious to us as our own. . . . When we are called upon tO look afger new converts we should redouble our efforts in their behalf. H. T. Elliott, tOO, deflected some of the adverse criticism of evangelists by pointing out a cause Of losses entirely outside the con- text Of public evangelism: In my Opinion, the largest losses . . . are from among those youth who are really never won to membership in the church. Those of our young people who are taken into membership . are Oftimes not thoroughly indoctrinated or converted when bap- tized.6 Elliott cited a denominational study Of 8,963 young peOple from Six to twenty-five years Of age, which revealed that Of those over fifteen years of age, sixty-three per cent were not even baptized--a circumstance 4The Ministry, April, 1938, pp. 13, 14. 5The Ministry, December, 1937, p. 8. 6The Ministry, January, 1938, p. 5. 311 he deemed "a shock to our sense Of the fitness of things.” Nevertheless, evangelists were the main target of unfavorable criticism; and Specific recommendations were made in the mid-1930's to reassert the authority of local church leadership in the admission of new converts. The key suggestion was for the appointment Of a baptismal com- mittee to function in connection with large evangelistic campaigns, this group to be composed Of the local pastor and other persons who would re- main after the close Of the campaign, such as locally employed Bible workers, lay elders, deacons, deaconesses, and the church clerk. According to G. A. Roberts, General Conference Vice president for the Inter-American Division, the purpose of this committee would be "to examine all candidates who desire baptism, using perhaps a list of ques- tions agreed upon by the committee and the evangelist in charge Of the effort." Roberts believed that "such an arrangement as this will relieve the evangelist from charges now placed upon some of our most successful men-~that they rush peOple into baptism prematurely, in order to make a big showing."7 Everson acceded to this arrangement when it was invoked in some of his later campaigns. Ford, while co-Operating, was personally Opposed to the plan and even today declares that "nothing could be devised to stifle evangelism more effectively."8 War-Crisis Advance Scarcely had the low point Of Adventist church growth been reached 7The Ministry, December, 1936, pp. 3, 4. Personal interview. 312 in 1937 when the world was drawn into new strife. The League of Nations had died in EthiOpia. There was war in Spain, war in China, and Open aggression in EurOpe. Adventist membership again began to climb. (See Figure 6.) However, the rate Of growth was not what it had been in earlier crises. At the height Of the new "upsurge," in 1940, total accessions were little more than eight per cent Of current membership; more than in 1937, but still far short Of the peaks Of the Depression and World War I. A calmer approach. One factor possibly contributing to this di- minished apex was the relatively calmer approach Of Adventist evangelists and writers to World War II than to World War I. In the World War I era, it will be recalled, evangelists frequently took a very positive and pre- dictive approach tO current and future events. There was very much less Of this as World War II approached. While many evangelists raised the broad question, "Is this war Armageddon?" they came far short Of predict- ing an imminent end. As they ultimately had during World War I, leaders Of the church pointedly advised against such Speculation. The General Conference president, J. L. McElhany,9 declared soon after the outbreak Of hostilities in EurOpe: There will doubtless be those who will venture to forecast the whole course of events, and attempt to define the outcomes. Such a course we regard as unwise and attended with much peril. This is a grave and serious hour, a time when our words should be few, thoughtful, and well chosen.10 Frederick Lee, associate editor of the Review and Herald, sounded 9Elected at the General Conference Session Of 1936. 10Review and Herald, September 14, 1939, p. 24. -150 o185 -100 .075 -050 -085 -000 313 FIGURE 6 ANNUAL COMBINED ACCESSIONS (BAPTISMS AND "PROFESSION OF FAITH") TO THE SEVENTH-DAY.ADVENTIST CHURCH; EXPRESSED AS A PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL MEMBERSHIP (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) U VOA/MA 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 314 a Similar note Of caution: May all . . . avoid being led astray into vain Specula- tions and give attention to that which is most important-- the preparation Of a character that will daily witness to the converting power of the truth Of God.11 With the embarrassing experiences Of World War I still in view, this advice had a more telling effect in 1939 than in 1917. According to Francis D. Nichol: There were those during the great World War . . . who fell before the temptation to pose as possessors Of great foresight and understanding as to the details of the destiny that God had in store for the nations. . . . It did not . aid our cause in the eyes of those in the world who had heard these predictions and whose memories were long enough to note that the predictions rather generally did not come true.12 This experience, Nichol hOped, would serve "to put a curb on a tendency that is present in almost all of us to Offer a few predictions as to how events will turn at the present time." Church authorities moved resolutely to control the occasional evan- gelist whose desire for sensation momentarily overcame his good judgment. For example, in the Southeastern California Conference, only a few days after Pearl Harbor, one evangelist printed a striking, outsize handbill proclaiming: "THE UNITED STATES SOON TO BE CONQUERED AND OVERRUN BY AN ALIEN POWER!" (His subject was the second coming of Christ.) Before he could circulate these sensational and dangerous advertisements, however, local conference Officials ordered their immediate destruction. ‘A reminder pr_re§ponsibility. Just as in World War I, the entry Of the United States into the conflict and the attending concerns Of 11Review and Herald, August 10, 1939, p. 7. 12Review and Herald, November 2, 1939, pp. 10, 11. 315 patriotism and duty tended to soften the combative element in Adventist evangelism that earlier may have attracted certain kinds of persons. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, American Adventists were instructed in their reSponsibilities as constructive citizens: As citizens in this country, those Of us who live in the United States, we must be loyal to our government in this time of national emergency. . . . We are to support the government under which we live in every measure and undertaking that does not violate the relationship which we sustain to God.13 The Official church paper reminded members of their duty to ease the ills Of their fellow men; that Adventists were, in fact, believers in a kind Of "social gOSpel." In the words of Frederick Lee: Yes, the earth is about to perish; prOphecy foretells it. The history of man is nearing its end; the Bible Signs all point to it. But we are not called to lay down our tools and instruments, close our shOps and business places, leave our fields untilled, these means by which the life Of the commu- nity continues to exist. If there was ever a time when the world needed the steadying influence Of men and women who have strong confidence in God, today is such a time. The ministrations of the consecrated Seventh-day Adventist physician and nurse are appreciated as never before. Our missionaries scattered on a wide front have unprecedented Opportunities for serving suffering humanity, and are ready to do their part. Yes, Seventh-day Adventists believe in the social gospel, and are practicing it throughout the world.14 Continued Official Support Despite this Official emphasis on caution and co-Operation, the General Conference in war time continued to give attention and encourage- ment to public evangelism. For instance, an action of the 1938 Autumn 13Review and Herald, December 18, 1941, p. 24, 14Review and Herald, November 27, 1941, pp. 12-14. 316 Council declared that "the Spirit Of evangelism" in certain sections of the country needed to be revived; and urged all conference organizations to mobilize their forces "for aggressive evangelistic advance." This call was directly related to the atmosphere of world crisis, because of which it was said, "We must not hesitate longer to press all ministers and lay forces into this all-important line of service."15 Evangelistic institutes and councils. This resolution was followed by an important evangelistic council in the Columbia Union Conference, held in January, 1939; and attended by several hundred evangelists, in- cluding many from nearby territories. Principal Speakers were Shuler; R. L. Boothby, the Columbia Union Conference evangelist; M. R. Coon, Ohio Conference evangelist; and Lindsay Semmens, dean Of the School of Theology Of Washington Missionary College; in addition to world leaders Of the church. M. N. Campbell, General Conference vice president for the North American Division, declared the meeting of great importance, and en- couraged other union conferences in the ivision to Sponsor similar sessions.16 Such institutes were conducted in most Of the unions between 1939 and 1941, at all Of which Shuler served as one Of the principal instruc- tors--by then acting in his new role as instructor in evangelism at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary. The momentum of these institutes was continued at the 1941 Session of the General Conference, in a pre-conference evangelistic council after 15The Ministry, January, 1939, pp. 6, 25. 16The Ministry, April, 1939, pp. 3, 4. 317 the manner Of those held in 1930 and 1936. At this council, active evan- gelists Of the denomination intensively studied prevalent methods Of evangelism; exchanged experiences in such matters as advertising, visual aids, broadcasting, and tabernacle construction; and viewed a panorama Of exhibits and Special diSplayS revealing the large array Of SOphisti- cated visual and sound equipment, addressing and filing systems, and other aids that had come to be a part Of Adventist armament. A stronger Bible work. Notable at the council was the renewed 18 with several special sessions for attention given the Bible workers, their benefit. Mary Walsh from New Jersey, served as chairman; with presentations made by Rose Boose, Mrs. B. R. Spear, Mrs. B. M. Heald, Lona Brosi, Mrs. Howard Curran, Oleta Butcher, Pearl Stafford, Elizabeth Beck, Mrs. D. B. Darst, and others.19 A more evangelistic Ministerial Association. Interest in "the Bible work" was also evident in new appointments made by the General Con- ference Session to the Ministerial Association. Included as an assistant secretary was Louise C. Kleuser, whose responsibility was the continued development of this aSpect of evangelism. Her appointment reflected a general strengthening of the Ministerial Association; and this was most evident perhaps in the election Of R. Allan Anderson as associate secre- tary. Anderson's selection was specifically designed to bring into the association the influence of an experienced, successful evangelist. 17The Ministry, July, 1941, p. 9. 18Renamed "Bible Instructor" in 1943. 19Tbe Ministry, August, 1941, pp. l3, l4. 318 "Distribution" pr Evangelistic ReSponSibility Throughout the 1930's, although a large number of evangelists were in the field, Adventist attention was primarily on the "stars," like Ford, Richards, and Shuler. However, with increasing emphasis on evange- lism as a denominational, not individual activity, as well as a more widely available ”methodology" (outlined in Chapter XV), renewed impore tance came to be attached to a multiplicity of smaller efforts. Accord- ing to Shuler, perhaps the leading ”tutor” Of the "small evangelist”: Two mistaken concepts are reacting unfavorably against the holding of small evangelistic efforts. First, there is a grow- ing tendency to regard evangelism as work for a few Specialists, who apparently have been endowed with a Special gift for winning souls to the Lord. This is a wrong concept. Second, there is an ever—increasing trend toward the holding of big efforts. . . . If we cannot preach the message in Symphony Hall20 or some other mammoth auditorium, we can preach it in a school house. . . . I hold that the young intern evangelist who can go into a new town where there are no members and raise up a new church of twenty to twenty-five, is holding an effort which is just as successful in its Sphere as that of the city evange- list who brings in seventy-five or one hundred from a city effort where there is a large church. . . . Let us hold more small ef— forts. A few may hold large efforts, but let all the rest be holding what efforts they can wherever they may be.21 Increasing manpower. The men were at hand to take up Shuler's challenge, for with an increasingly effective ministerial internship pro- gram, together with what was undoubtedly SOme stimulation from the rising clouds of war, ministerial classes in Seventh-day Adventist colleges were growing. For example, in 1941, more than one hundred students were en- rolled in theology at Pacific Union College in Angwin, California. As these men and those in other colleges were graduated, the ranks Of in- 20In Boston, the scene of one Of John Ford's major triumphs. 21The Ministry, April, 1939, pp. 7, 8. 319 terning ministers greatly increased. Whereas in 1938 there were only 364 licensed, unordained Adventist ministers, by 1941 the figure had risen to 495, an increase Of more than thirty-five per cent; and by 1942, the number had soared to 782--an additional Sixty per cent in one year. By 1945 the number had grown to 910, nearly three times as many as in 1938. (See Figure 7.) More systematic training. These ministerial recruits were well adapted to enter evangelism, for in their studies they had enjoyed the advantage Of Shuler's recent book, Public Evangelism, which outlined a comprehensive system which most aspiring evangelists could put into prac- tice without the necessity of all the trial-and—error characteristic of the methods of his evangelistic forebears. There was also a book by Carlyle B. Haynes, Living Evangelism, published two years earlier in 1937; not so detailed in technique, but rather devoted to an exposition of evangelical philOSOphy. In addition, Detamore's handbook was avail- able to the later graduates. Also, some of the young ministers were able to attend the Seminary and Observe Shuler in person teaching his classes in Methods of Evange- lism. Others develOped the grasp of evangelism in field schools conducted by Shuler; and, later, by R. Allan Anderson, Fordyce Detamore, George Vandeman, and other leading men. As an example, one such school in Atlanta, in the Spring of 1939, involved eight pastors and evangelists, and nine lay workers. All of these Spent three forenoons each week under Shuler's instruction; and in addition, were assigned to Specific districts to conduct personal work with interested persons. This follow-up work included not only visits in the homes, but also the direction of community Bible schools, nineteen of 1000 900 500 400 200 FIGURE 7 320 LICENSED MINISTERS (PRE-ORDINATION) EMPLOYED BY THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) V,£__- 4% \m 1910 1920 1990 1940 1950 1960 1970 321 which were in Operation throughout the Atlanta area, with small neighbor- hood audiences Of thirty to forty persons. Also contributing to the preparedness of the large number of war- time evangelistic recruits was the increased experience they were receiv- ing in field evangelism during their academic training, as mentioned previously. Adventist colleges had reSponded to the challenge of Shuler's field schools and were doing much more along this line than formerly. At Pacific Union College, for example, it was declared: . We are enlarging our plans for field work, so that on graduation our young men can go out with a tent and engage in active evangelism as they enter their first year of internship. This means that each one must learn to preach and conduct a well Organized effort before he receives his diploma. The students were prepared for this career by participation in tabernacle efforts conducted by Fred B. Jensen, field director for Pacific Union College, and other experienced evangelists. Walla Walla College, under the leadership of V. E. Hendershot of the School of Theology, was giving its ministerial students experience in conducting hall meetings. In Southwestern Junior College, under the direction Of H. B. Lundquist, a two and a half month campaign was undertaken by a student evangelistic company.24 In addition, at La Sierra College, R. Allan Anderson, as head Of the Bible Department, organized a large segment of the student body in an organization entitled, "The King's Crusaders." Within this structure, ministerial and premedical students, as well as others, participated in 22Review and Herald, May 25, 1939, p. 20. 23The Ministry, October, 1942, p. 19. 24Ibid., p. 20. 322 holding public campaigns on a six-night-a-week basis, with students Speaking in rotation.25 Although the church was rapidly widening its evangelistic ranks, not all of the men in the bumper crOps of ministerial students during the early war years were deployed for long in evangelistic work. Many were diverted after brief field service to the Seminary as the church moved to upgrade ministerial training. At the Autumn Council of the General Con- ference Committee in 1941, it was voted that ministerial interns who had Spent at least a year and a half in active service, be allowed to take advanced studies at the Seminary for up to eighteen weeks.26 By early 1944, Denton E. Rebok, president of the Theological Seminary, was urging a full year of graduate study, following completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree and a period of field service. The Autumn Council of that year inaugurated just such a plan, with later amendments providing that men selected by the local fields be enrolled in a program leading to the Master of Arts in religion, with an additional year leading to the Bache- lor of Divinity for those who "can continue on."27 The Evangelist £5.52 "Organization Man” The "new" Adventist evangelists emerging from Adventist schools in the late 1930's and early 1940's were likely tO be more conditioned and disciplined to denominational ways than were some Of the individualistic Adventist "evangels" of the past. They regarded their work in terms of 25The Ministry, March, 1941, pp. 5-7. 26Review and Herald, December 4, 1941, p. 11. 27The Ministry, January, 1944, p. 35; January, 1945, pp. 3, 4; May, 1945, p. 13. 323 "system," "principles," and ”methods"--a framework of reference conducive, perhaps, to a Subordination Of self to the needs of a systematic church organization. For example, Melvin K. Eckenroth, in Florida, said that, in his view: Evangelism today is definitely a science requiring the most exacting qualifications. Modern evangelism cannot be measured by the standards and methods of yesterday, any more than we can measure tranSportation in the terms and methods Of a few years ago. It is basic to study your effort, plan every detail of it before your first sermon is preached. . . . Modern evangelism demands skillful organization. DO not shun details, with the idea that they will work out by themselves.28 Particularly in a war-time setting of centralized authority and national mobilization, it was only a step from this prevalent view of the necessity of order and organization in the practice of evangelism to an acceptance of the necessity of its control within the larger denomina- tional organization. Assertion pr organizational authoriry. This necessity frequently was stated during the war years, with perhaps its best expression by Leroy Edwin Froom, then the secretary of the Ministerial Association: Be it never forgotten that the Seventh-day Adventist evange- list is not like the independent evangelist of the popular churches about, who goes where he pleases, says what he likes, and is supported by the free-will offerings he is able to raise. On the contrary, the Seventh-day Adventist evangelist is not a free-lance, but is bound by the mutual ties of the brotherhood of the ministry of this movement. In such a union, he knowing- ly and voluntarily surrenders certain independent rights. He becomes an appointed representative of the entire movement, and is amenable to counsel and subject to the direction and disci- pline of the church.29 28The Ministry, June, 1943, p. 7. 29The Ministry, January, 1939, pp. 2, 39. 324 Specification pr the evangplist's organizational duties. The re- sponsibility of the evangelist as an "organization-man" was maintained not only in reference to his recruitment Of new members but also to his duty to give these new members an institutional conditioning. Froom, in an article entitled, "Bounden Obligations in Evangelism," emphasized the responsibility of the evangelist . to separate the remnant peOple Of God from the customs, practices, philOSOphies, and entanglements of the world, and, from the apostate churches of the world. . . . Our ministers and Bible workers, in public and personal evangelism, are bound before God to teach their new converts the principles of Christian education, and to lead them to place their children in our own church schools, academies, and colleges.30 In addition to supporting the Adventist educational interests, the evangelists also were instructed carefully to indoctrinate members in de- nominational health standards, being certain that new members were suit- ably informed and committed. Froom said: The practices of the world . . . [make] it incumbent upon our workers in their public and personal evangelism to teach healthful living and to help new recruits to our faith to adOpt a balanced and wholesome dietary.31 Another "bounden obligation" Of the evangelist lay in the temper- ance aspect Of Adventist work. Froom maintained: Strong, clear exposure of the iniquity of drink, scientific exposure of its harmfulness, a host of Signatures to the tem- perance pledge, and the casting of our influence behind the ballot to curtail and prohibit, are all Within our poSsibili- ties and Obligations.32 There were still other vital organizational considerations, such 30The Ministry, October, 1942, p. 21. 311bid. 321bid. 325 as the Adventist religious liberty program, pressed upon the denomina- tion's evangelistic orators. They were indeed not merely "voices crying in the wilderness,” but were in fact spokesmen for a complex organization --as well as recruiters of new members to its ranks. AS might have been expected, there was polite resistance by some evangelistic workers to the strong emphasis on membership recruitment and organizational indoctrination. For example, Dorothy Whitney Conklin, a Bible instructor in the Southern New England Conference, possibly Spoke for a number of other individuals when she wrote: Can it be that we have been seeking to make Seventh-day Ad- ventists more than to make Christians? Are we mere pedagogues, to be content with the accolade, "My, he certainly knows the Bible”? Or do we know the Author of the Book sufficiently well to introduce peOple to Him? "How many church members do you think we will get out of this effort?" I am challenged by zealous brothers and sisters time and time again. "How many are going to take their stand?" they query week after week. . . . Finally, in desperation, I state flatly, "I don't have any idea!" I am not here simply to re- cruit new members for the church. My commission is to teach peOple to know Jesus. . . . If I have done my work aright He leads them to seek church membership. Having resolved to steer a course away from the "sawdust trail" type of evangelism, are we perhaps veering tOO sharply to the right and missing the heart of the matter? Henceforth, I am resolved to show the peOple first the Way, the Truth, and the Life, believing that once they have seen Him as He is, they cannot help loving Him and desiring to follow Him wherever He leads. Fellow workers, if this be heresy, then make the most of it!33 iMutual evangelistic-organizationa1 pppport. In general, however, evangelistic workers, deSpite occasional expressions of exasperation with the strictures Of organizational necessity, loyally supported de— 33The Ministry, December, 1944, pp. 7, 8. 326 nominational interests. In turn, organizational Spokesmen, even those most vocal in reminding evangelists Of their role as representatives Of a highly institutionalized church, came readily to their defense. Thus, we find such a person as Froom, who stressed the organizational "bounden Obligations” of evangelists, also vigorously castigating their captious critics. Froom spoke understandingly of the active evangelists who faced the exigencies Of work in the field versus the ”theorists" in college classrooms, pastoral studies, or administrative Offices. These theorists, Froom said, frequently charged the evangelist . with sensationalism in his publicity, lack Of dignity in his presentation, superficiality in his discussion, carelessness in his citation, and with a lack of the staid, worshipful atmos- phere of the church in his temporary auditorium or tent. As a matter of fact, Froom pointed out, the active evangelist was faced with a very practical necessity of arresting the attention Of large audiences of peOple . who are indifferent, hostile, hurried, or curious in at- titude. These he must Succeed in gathering together, and he must continue to bring them back, in order to give them the advent message, persuade their minds, win their hearts, answer their Objections, revolutionize their concepts, change their habits, and transform them into substantial Seventh-day Ad- ventists.3S Froom declared that the leadership of the Ministerial Association ' and against StOOd.SOlidly behind "sound evangelism,‘ that regrettably constant barrage of criticism laid down by some who have teaching, pastoral, or other gifts, but who probably could not gather and hold a large outside audience through a single meeting, much less bring back 500, 1,000, or 1,500 night after night for 12 or 15 weeks--until 100 to 200 3L'The Ministry, August, 1942, pp. 21, 46. 35Ibid. 327 have broken with the ties that held them, and have joined the church.36 Froom's enumeration of the evangelist's multitude Of critics pro- vides a pathetically humorous picture of his plight in a strongly insti- tutional denomination. The [Adventist] scientist comes along with a heavy criticism Of the evangelist's handling of evolution and creation, or as- tronomy and the Bible. The archaeologist tears apart the allu- sions to the testimony of the monuments and other witnesses from antiquity. The physician takes issue with the form and content of his health and temperance presentations, the historian challenges his historical evidences concerning the fulfillment of prOphecy. The teacher of Biblical languages criticizes his allusions to the original text, or his employment of other translations or versions. The English teacher deplores his vigorous diction and free style. The speech teacher is distressed by his tonal qualities and his gestures. The music instructor deprecates his lack of musical training and appreciation. The editor registers dis- tress over his lack of finesse in writing his sermon reports and articles. The printer expresses disgust over the layout Of his publicity materials--the crowded COpy and lack of white Space. The scholarly research worker is annoyed by his loose citations and credits, and his failure to distinguish between authorities. And so on, Ag infinitum. Poor evangelist--or what is left Of him! . . . It is doubt- ful that an angel from heaven could satisfy all the professional critics encountered. . . . If the sundry counsels and varied criticisms were all borne in mind during his public presenta- tions, the evangelist's message would become so self-conscious, hampered, and stilted that all the evangelistic fire would be well-nigh extinguished. His message would be so trimmed and guarded that it would lose its force and drive and appeal. He would become the same, inarticulate type of Speaker as are most of his critics, who are devoid of the evangelistic gift. On the other hand, foolish is he who disdains constructive criticism, and suicidal is that attitude which is not constantly striving to improve in content, form, and method of delivery. But doubly foolish is he who tries to please everybody and thereby loses the force and personality and appeal Of the gift of God that is in him.37 351bid. 37lbid. 328 At the same time, Froom asserted the traditional Adventist effort toward balance between evangelistic and institutional interests by main- taining that the evangelist and the critic ”if rightly related serve as a wholesome check upon each other." There was no question, considering the many official Adventist declarations previously cited, that the denomination stood "staunchly behind capable and well-trained men, as they enter the great cities of "38 The "capable and well- earth to hold aloft the banner of evangelism. trained" evangelist had this support, of course, as long as he recognized the need for thorough instruction Of converts and their integration into the church. This meant induction into the Adventist ”Sabbath school," the involvement of children in activities of the young peOple's depart- ment, the introduction of parents to various programs Of the laymen's department, and promotion in the homes Of new converts Of Adventist pe- riodicals and books. In brief, it was said: Our converts should be integrated into the Spirit, life, and vital activities of the church. They must become full-fledged participants in God's organized movement, not mere members of the church, as are most adherents of popular Protestant denomi- nations. Renewed Emphasis pp L ijvapgelism In the aftermath of the emphasis on stellar evangelistic person- alities Of the mid-1930's, as evangelism again became more an organiza- tional enterprise than an individual one, laymen again became more in- volved--as they had been in similar circumstances in 1930. This 38The Ministry, September, 1941, p. 19. 39The Ministry, January, 1944, p. 22. 329 involvement was not only a means of enlarging the evangelistic range of the church, but also of bringing laymen into contact with prOSpective converts so that the laymen might serve as a continuing personal influ- ence on the converts after the evangelist's departure. Laymen were Supplied with standard Bible lessons prepared by John L. Shuler (similar to those previously develOped by A. A. Gone for use in Community Bible Schools), together with accompanying film strips de- velOped by the Mayse Studio in San Diego, California. With these film strips and standard lessons, laymen could readily conduct small evange- listic meetings in individual homes or even in small halls.4O This and other plans for mobilizing laymen in evangelistic service met with considerable success. For example, Arthur L. Bietz, pastor of the Auditorium Church of North Minneapolis, Minnesota, reported an en- thusiastic group of 105 laymen enrolled in a class for the study of evangelistic methods. Some members of the class were Spending as many as nine hours a week, Bietz said, "in order to prepare themselves to win others." Bietz utilized this group of trained laymen in a successful evangelistic campaign.41 Entire conferences put laymen to work in a similar manner. One Of these was the Southern New England Conference, which furnished its ministers and church Officers with detailed instructions for develOping a ministerial-laymen evangelistic campaign; and reported that thirty- eight Of its sixty-three churches had organized their members for action. At the sane time in Southern California, lay evangelists were conducting 40The Ministry, September, 1941, pp. 9-11. 41Review and Herald, March 23, 1939, pp. 20, 21. 330 public meetings in Colton, San Diego, and many other communities. In 1941 the North American Division conducted a series of "lay preachers" councils. By February, fifteen such councils and institutes had been conducted under the leadership of Steen Rasmussen, secretary of the General Conference Home Missionary Department, and his associates; and a total of 695 laymen had attended these meetings "seeking prepara- tion for lay evangelism through the holding of public meetings, cottage meetings, or Bible studies."42 Radio Evangelism pp Organizational Enterprise Local churches were supported in their evangelistic efforts by an increasingly effective use Of radio, particularly network programing which brought high quality Adventist broadcasts into many communities where small Adventist churches otherwise could not make a comparable pub- lic presentation. Chain broadcasting had been inaugurated in 1936 with John Ford as the radio Speaker. By 1940, however, that program had come to an un- timely end when Ford departed the ministry, leaving as the only major "chain" broadcast, the ”Voice of Prophecy," conducted by H. M. S. Rich- ards. With an initial list of nine California stations in 1936, Richards by 1941 had expanded to seventeen Mutual Network stations throughout California and Arizona, and had in 1940 received the designation of "best religious broadcast in North America” from the Radio Listeners Associa- 43 tion Of America. 42Review and Herald, May 25, 1939, p. 16; February 13, 1941, pp. 20, 21. 43Review and Herald, June 1, 1941, p. 89. —_r 331 Richards' success encouraged the church, at the General Conference Session of 1941, to support a truly national broadcasting campaign. At first, efforts were made to secure time on one of the two large networks, but it was discovered that neither the National Broadcasting Company nor the Columbia Broadcasting System could make any additional time available for religious broadcasts; and, moreover, all religious programing by Protestant groups was in the hands of the Federal Council of Churches, which the Adventist church was not a member. However, the Mutual Broad- casting System Offered a weekly half hour for the'VOice of PrOphecy" on a network of eighty-nine stations. This offer was accepted at the Autumn Council Of 1941, and broadcasting was begun on January 4, 1942. Persons in the various union and local conferences were designated as radio secretaries to promote the program, and members of the church everywhere were urged to build up its listening audience by inviting their friends to tune in. To co-ordinate these activities, the General Conference Radio Commission was revived, and the entire program was de- clared by J. L. McElhany, president of the General Conference, "one of the most important and far-reaching moves to Spread the proclamation Of the third angel's message that we have ever undertaken in the homeland."44 One of the major ways through which the national broadcast aided the evangelistic work Of the local churches was the addition at this time to tflie"Voice of Prophecy"program of a Bible "correspondence school,” in vfliich listeners could enroll for a series of religious studies by mail, hornafully leading to eventual commitment to enter the Adventist church. 1k) inaugurate this new feature, Fordyce W. Detamore, who had been active 44Review and Herald, December 25, 1941, p. 32. 332 in radio and evangelistic work in the Midwest and who had adapted Shuler's series of standard Bible lessons as a correspondence course, was added to the "Voice Of PrOphecy” staff, serving as director Of the "school” and associate speakerf'5 Success came quickly to Richards' national broadcast. Having be- gun with 89 stations, the "Voice of PrOphecy" expanded after only five months to 114 stations. By 1944 (with W. Paul Bradley then serving as secretary Of the Radio Commission), the program was being released on 363 stations in North America and on 105 overseas in English, Portuguese, and Spanish; lessons of the Bible correSpondence course were being Offered not only in English, but also in Italian, German, Chinese, and in Braille; and a series of "Voice of Prophecy" newspaper "columns," with questions and answers on Biblical tOpics, had been published in 725 newspapers. By early 1945, more than one million letters of reSponse had been received in the offices Of the "Voice Of PrOphecy."4 As Adventist evangelism continued through the war years, the or- ganizational interests Of the church were more uniformly observed in the field than they had been for many years. While evangelists inevitably expressed individualism in one way or another--in advertising, program format, or auditorium setting, for example, sometimes to the discomfiture of more "institutional" church members--they rarely insisted on their own way 111 the induction Of new members into the church as had been the case with sxxne of the celebrated Adventist evangelists of preceding years. 45Personal interview . ‘46The Ministry, October, 1945, p. 35. 333 The post-Depression decline in evangelistic success had provided an Opportunity for reassertion of the denomination's paramount interest in the procedures of every evangelist; a more systematic plan of evange- listic training had made possible a closer organizational indoctrination of evangelists before they entered the field; the crisis of World War II had prompted church leaders to move, more quickly than they had in World War I, to curb sensationalism; and a substantial increase in numbers of ministerial workers during the War, together with the develOpment of standardized evangelistic materials for use by laymen, had made it desir- able and possible to ”distribute" the evangelistic commission to more individuals--stimulating a multiplicity of smaller campaigns rather than a more limited number Of "stellar” performances as in the immediate past. Equally important in maintaining evangelical-organizational equi- librium during the war years was the influence of leading evangelists like Anderson, Shuler, Richards, Detamore, and Boothby. Having accepted the organizational responsibilities of evangelism, they had as their principal concern in the field the effective develOpment of younger men as much as the success Of their own personal efforts. CHAPTER XVII EARLY WORLD WAR II EVANGELISTIC ACTION A New Era Of Success In contrast to its decline after the Depression, Adventist public evangelism seemed to prOSper greatly in the early years Of World War 11. W. G. Turner, vice president of the General Conference, reported in late 1941 that there was a "growing interest of the general public" in the evangelistic meetings Sponsored by the denomination. W. A. Spicer Spoke of a resurgence Of evangelistic interest throughout the world. In South- ern EurOpe, for example, after two wartime years, the net membership increase per year was reported at approximately seven per cent. In South America, 1940 was said to have been the best year in the history of that division in accessions of new members. With the same results being re- ported from the Far East, from China, and from the British Union, Spicer declared: "In perhaps the most wartorn year in human history, the prog- ress of the cause in one feature after another has broken all previous records."2 According to F. M. Wilcox: The success which is attending our evangelistic efforts in all parts of the world is surely phenomenal. Auditoriums and halls which usually rent for large sums have been placed at the diSposal of our workers for very small rentals. In many places duplicate services are conducted, particularly on Sunday evenings, because of the large overflow from the first meeting. 1Review and Herald, October 30, 1941, p. 3. 2Review and Herald, December 11, 1941, p. 8. 3Review and Herald, November 13, 1941, p. 24. rt 335 Generalized on a world basis, these glowing reports suggest seem- ingly excessive Optimism when compared with the actual net gain in world membership in each of the years 1940 and 194l--scarcely more than three . per cent. In America the rate of net increase was only a little greater --approximately four per cent in 1940, and somewhat less in 1941.4 How- ever, gross accessions before deductions for apostasies and deaths had increased in North America from less than seven per cent at the post- Depression low in 1937 to nearly nine per cent in 1939; and this, togeth- er with suddenly larger evangelistic audiences, was the basis for a new feeling of success. Conference enterprises. Conference organizations turned their resources to the support of a large number Of evangelistic workers. For example, Lemuel Esteb, president of the Upper Columbia Conference, re- ported twelve campaigns simultaneously under way in that field during the fall Of 1941; with "most Of our workers actively engaged in evangelistic work." Tabernacles were erected in Spokane and Colfax, Washington; and Pendleton, Oregon; a large auditorium had been rented in TOppenish, Wash- ington; a theater in Lewiston, Idaho; Grange halls had been secured in Leavenworth and Twisp, Washington; as well as the Apple Show Auditorium in Freewater, Oregon.5 In the Columbia Union Conference, seventy-four campaigns were con- ducted during 1938 in a wide variety of halls, tents, churches, theaters, 4The only period of the twentieth century when the Adventist growth rate in America has exceeded that of the world field as a whole. Membership data in this chapter are from: Statistical Secretary, Gen- eral (hanference of Seventh-day Adventists, Washington, D. C. 5Review and Herald, October 30, 1941, p. 3. [In 1 336 and tabernacles, with the baptism of 1,756 persons. Successful ppp. Individual evangelists in the field were report- ing large baptisms--with 350 in one campaign, 325 in another; and in others, 185 and 165. Many workers who were conducting small campaigns with very small budgets were each reporting 35 to 60 converts.7’8 In the Pacific Union Conference, H. M. S. Richards was conducting large-scale campaigns in 1940, in connection with his west coast Don Lee Mutual System radio broadcast. Each local conference supporting the broadcast financially was entitled tO an evangelistic campaign; and Rich- ards' radio staff, using the name, "Big Tent Studio: Voice of Prophecy Radio Group," made the rounds of the conferences within the Pacific Union. Richards usually used two tents, pitched side by side; one enti- tled "Studio A," and the other, somewhat smaller, "Studio B." The tents 6Review and Herald, June 8, 1939, p. 18. 7Review and Herald, February 16, 1939, p. 21. 8Younger evangelists were assisted in preparing their presenta- tions by the publication, in 1940 and 1942, of volumes of "typical evan- gelistic sermons” by leading evangelistic Speakers of the denomination. Among the evangelists whose sermons were included in these publications were H. M. S. Richards, Alden Owen Sage, Paul Omar Campbell, Phillip Knox, Don Hiatt Spillman, Louis K. Dickson, Charles T. Everson, Melvin L. Venden, Henry G. Stoehr, R. Allan Anderson, George E. Peters, Beve- ridge R. Spear, Frederick F. Schwindt, Samuel C. Joyce, Daniel E. Venden, John C. Mitchell, Carlyle B. Haynes, Clifford A. Reeves, Francis D. Nichol, and John L. Shuler--a roster of many of the leading lights in Adventist evangelism during the early 1940's. In addition, of course, previously published sermons of Charles T. Everson, John Ford, Fordyce Detamore, and others had provided the "grist" for countless other evan- gelistic sermons delivered by men either more Sparingly endowed or too pressed for time in the heat of an evangelistic campaign to prepare original sermons. In the later 1940's, the actual delivery of evangelistic sermons by Richards, Anderson, George E. Vandeman, and E. Toral Seat was filmed by Seat with films made available for small campaigns. .1. "‘ 337 were attractively decorated and "tied" together by a large, colorful false front. In Studio B, preceding the regular nightly lecture, there was conducted an illustrated Bible class entitled, "Pictured Truth." The director of this feature was Mrs. Howard Curran, a Bible worker, who em- ployed films and pictures projected on a twelve-foot screen to cover for audiences of two to three hundred persons, more or less the same material Richards had presented one week earlier in the main meetings. While at- tracting audiences to Richards' ”main event," the ”Pictured Truth" series also served to reinforce his previously delivered evangelistic message.9 Among Richards' larger campaigns was one in Phoenix, Arizona, from January to May, 1939, in which 140 persons were baptized. Another, out- side the Pacific Union Conference, was conducted in Portland, Oregon, in 1941, with audiences in the City Auditorium numbering between two and three thousand persons. The meetings later were transferred to the Wood- men Of the World Hall, which seated about one thousand persons.10 A prominent feature of Richards' radio and evangelistic work was his use of the King's Heralds male quartet, this group performing nightly in each campaign as well as in the regular broadcasts. In addition, these men had other duties: one member painted signs for the campaign, another was in charge Of the tent and its equipment, a third aided in correspondence and advertising, and still another was in charge of the quartet's musical program itself. Furthermore, they visited homes of in- terested persons and sang in nearby churches to sustain support of the 9The Ministry, September, 1940, pp. 24, 25. 10Review and Herald, December 25, 1941, p. 22; October 30, 1941, 338 campaign.11 Richards also maintained a ”reading room" in Los Angeles in affil- iation with B. R. Spears and his "PrOphecy Speaks" broadcast; and with A. H. Johns, who produced a program entitled, "Beyond Tomorrow." John L. Shuler during the early war years conducted campaigns in Jackson, Mississippi, with nearly fifty baptisms (1938),12 in Atlanta, Georgia, where his audiences numbered up to 1,500 persons (1939); in San Bernardino, California, with 135 converts (1940); and in Silver Spring, Maryland, near Washington, D. C., with audiences numbering about 1,200 (1941). During this same period, Robert L. Boothby conducted some of his largest campaigns. In Pittsburgh, in early 1939, his tabernacle meetings attracted as many as 3,000 persons; and 350 new members were baptized during the campaign. In Charleston, West Virginia, later in the year, Boothby's tabernacle was filled to overflowing at the Opening meeting and an estimated 1,000 persons were turned away. Both the mayor and the city manager were present with Speeches Of welcome to the evangelist.13 Mov- ing on to the small mountain city of Bluefield, West Virginia, with a pOpulation of only 25,000, Boothby erected a tabernacle designed to ac- commodate 1,000 persons. He found his first meetings SO crowded that double sessions were conducted on Sunday nights thereafter, with capacity 14 audiences and, on occasion, hundreds turned away. Here again, the 11The Ministry, April, 1941, p. 27. 12From which Shuler was called to his new position on the faculty of the Adventist Theological Seminary in Washington, D. C. 13Review and Herald, April 27, 1939, p. 24. 14Review and Herald, October 30, 1941, p. 3. 339‘ mayor of the city gave Boothby an introduction, "stating that the city management was backing this evangelistic program in every possible way."15 The editor of the Bluefield Daily Telegraph declared, "The Boothby-Mansell tabernacle is handling the biggest crowds since the great Billy Sunday was in town." Boothby's 1940 campaign in Cincinnati was perhaps the most Spec- tacular of his career. To the Emery Auditorium in the heart of downtown Cincinnati (with a seating capacity Of 2,300 persons), the evangelist at- tracted overflow crowds; and, ultimately, some 500 persons were baptized --possibly the largest number ever converted to the Adventist faith as the result of a single campaign in North America.16 The editor of the Ilppp-grpr exclaimed, "The Boothby-Mansell campaign is the biggest campaign ever to come to Cincinnati or ever will come here."17 In 1942, Boothby conducted a campaign in Washington, D. C., at Constitution Hall; attracting many notable persons in Washington life and at length bringing 264 new converts into the church.18 R. Allan Anderson, who was called to the General Conference Mini- sterial Association in 1941, concentrated during the following year or two on assisting leaders of college ministerial training programs with their field schools; himself conducting a notable field-school campaign 15Review and Herald, October 9, 1941, p. 17. 16Review and Herald, February 6, 1941, pp. 20, 21; statement in questionnaire. 17Statement in questionnaire. 18Ibid. ...‘ 340 in Cleveland in 1943. There he brought into the program a number of young men later to come into denominational prominence, most of whom were previously at the Theological Seminary in preparation for a renewal of 19 Adventist work in EurOpe after the war. Nearly one hundred persons were baptized in this campaign, which set something of a pattern for a nation-wide series of evangelistic field schools, and stimulated discus- sions leading to publication in 1946 of the book, Evangelism, which em- phasized the counsels of Ellen G. White on that subject. Among others of the panOply Of Adventist evangelists pressing their cause during the early years Of World War II was James W. McComas. His campaigns included one in a "Bible Auditorium” in Pendleton, Oregon, late in 1941, which attracted capacity audiences to hear the evangelistic "20 messages which he reported to be ”stirring the entire city. McComas had previously held campaigns in Kansas City and TOpeka, Kansas, with converts in each place numbering forty to fifty.21 During this time Don Hiatt Spillman conducted tabernacle campaigns throughout the Northwest, where he was regularly compelled to hold double sessons on Sunday nights with standing-room-only audiences in what he described as a new "streamlined tabernacle" without the familiar interior supporting posts. Also in the Northwest, Frederick F. Schwindt spoke to audiences numbering up to two thousand persons in a Portland, Oregon, tabernacle campaign in 1939, with more than four hundred persons baptized 19Among the group were Neal C. Wilson, Robert Spangler, George Liscombe, Gordon Zytkoskey, John Hamrick, and Fenton Froom.--Personal interview. misuse are m. December 11. 1941. pp. 18. 19. 21Review and Herald, May 18, 1939, p. 20; May 25, 1939, p. 21. 341 during an eight month period.22 Phillip L. Knox continued his use of astronomy and geology as drawing cards in numerous meetings throughout the Pacific Union Confer- ence. In one notable series of campaigns in six Hawaiian communities during 1941, Knox conducted four campaigns in churches, one series Of tent meetings, and another large campaign in a high school auditorium, where the evangelist attracted audiences as large as 2,500 persons. The Special features employed in Knox's campaigns (in addition to his illustrated lectures) included a five to ten minute interlude Of piano music, during which pictures of sunset scenes were thrown on the screen; a "scientific Question Box" period when questions concerning as- tronomy were answered by the evangelist; half-hour Bible classes for es- pecially interested persons; and a side-program similar to the "Pictured Truth" presentation mentioned in connection with H. M. S. Richards' meetings.23 Fordyce Detamore had conducted his first major evangelistic cam- paign in St. Louis in 1938 (where he applied John Ford's methods with substantial success) and launched another series of meetings there in the fall of 1939. He later moved to Kansas City, where his broadcast, "Bible Auditorium of the Air," attracted national attention among Adventists be- cause Of the success of his "correspondence Bible school." During two years in Kansas City, Detamore's almost continuous public evangelism more than doubled the membership Of the Adventist church in that city. A single campaign in the Spring Of 1940 yielded 170 bap- 22Review and Herald, September 14, 1939, p. 21; July 27, 1939, p. 23. 23Review and Herald, October 30, 1941, p. 21. 342 tisms. Another, later in the same year, produced 136, with similar re- sults in subsequent campaigns.24 In California, the Sage Brothers (Clyde and Alden) were conducting meetings in an eight hundred-seat "streamlined tabernacle," and substan- tially increasing the membership of supporting churches.25 Also active in California was Beveridge R. Spear, conducting campaigns under the name, "Prophecy Speaks," throughout the LOS Angeles area. Andrew Fearing was conducting successful meetings in the Columbia Union Conference, and B. L. Hassenpflug in the Southwest. Active in Florida was E. C. Banks, who conducted several campaigns in the West Palm Beach area, each of which produced thirty to sixty converts. Among the leading Negro evangelists was W. W. Fordham, who held major campaigns in Pennsylvania in 1939, and in Florida in 1943. A. A. Leiske was conducting meetings in Colorado; and Wayne W. White, in the Southern Union Conference (also later in the North Pacific Union Conference and in Southern California). Among many campaigns conducted during these years by the Venden Brothers (D. E. and M. L.) was a Special meeting which filled New York's Carnegie Hall in the climax of a series of evangelistic services and an intensive program of radio evangelism under the title, "PrOphetic Search- light."26 In Grand Rapids, Michigan, in 1941, the Venden Brothers greatly under-estimated their audience appeal and began a campaign in a hall 24Personal interview. 25Review and Herald, February 20, 1941, p. 19. 26Review and Herald, July 27, 1939, pp. 20, 21. 343 seating only one thousand persons. After a Spectacular Opening night when thousands of persons were turned away, the evangelists moved to a larger auditorium seating five thousand, where they attracted audiences of approximately four thousand persons.27 In Canada, Clifford A. Reeves, who had been a prominent Adventist evangelist in London, was handed a ready-made congregation of three thousand persons in Vancouver, when Glen Davies, a minister Of another denomination, was called for a time to LOS Angeles. Davies had been speaking regularly in a large auditorium, and wondered what he might do to insure the continuance of his work. Hearing of Reeves' arrival in Vancouver, Davies promptly asked him to take charge of his meetings for a period of five weeks. This Reeves did, presenting his usual Adventist evangelistic message. At the close Of the five-week period, Reeves began meetings of his own at the Capitol Theater; where, according to newSpaper accounts, twenty-two hundred persons were present on the first night-- and an additional one thousand persons unable to gain entrance to the theater. On the second Sunday night, attendance was so great that Reeves addressed an overflow meeting of several hundred persons in another hall, and thereafter arranged double meetings, sometimes even for week night sessions. Also in Canada, W. C. Jensen held evangelistic meetings in Toronto in January, 1941, at the 900-seat York Theater, where audiences crowded the building to the doors, with hundreds turned away.29 27Review and Herald, October 30, 1941, p. 3. 28Review and Herald, June 1, 1941, p. 91; April 17, 1941, p. 19. 29Review and Herald, February, 1941, p. 22. ‘- 344 As mentioned previously, evangelists in many overseas areas were also enjoying large audiences during the early war years. E. L. Cardey had journeyed to South Africa and was speaking to as many as two thou- sand persons in a series of meetings in the Seventh-day Adventist church --which he had renamed the "Bible Auditorium Church" for the occasion. Attracting even more attention than his public meetings was Cardey's cam- paign Of newSpaper advertising, in which he encouraged enrollments in a free Bible correspondence course. In the initial period of two years after he began this campaign in 1942, approximately twenty thousand per- sons enrolled. Cardey refined his "Bible School" throughout the war years; and after his return to the United States in 1950, launched a simi- lar program for the Southern Union Conference, which he believes to have been the primary factor in some eight thousand conversions to the Advent- ist faith over the next twelve years.30 In Rangoon, Burma, a tabernacle campaign was conducted by W. W. 31 and Christensen with audiences Of approximately three hundred persons; in Montevideo, Uruguay, D. A. Hamerly conducted meetings in a large thea- ter with an audience numbering up to twenty-three hundred. Concerning this theater, the best-known auditorium in the country, ”authorities said they had not seen so large an audience since the days of the famous Sing- er, Caruso.” Hamerly's lectures were broadcast, and inSpired favorable comments, even from a number of Catholic priests.32 30The Ministry, April, 19411, p. 14; September, 1940, p. 22; statement in questionnaire. 31Review and Herald, June 26, 1941, p. 12. 32Review and Herald, August 16, 1945, p. 24. 345 Ap Early Decline Paradoxically, deSpite the large number of evangelists in the field and the outstanding success (Himany of them, the early wartime surge of Adventist membership growth quickly faded, steadily declining during the years from 1940 to 1943. At its low ebb in 1943, the gain was less than two per cent over the preceding year. At the same time, as might have been eXpected, the rate of apostasies reached a new peak--the highest, in fact, since the late 1920's, with apostasies in 1943 equaling 57 per cent of the total accessions to the church in that year. (This was an amazing repetition Of the crisis pattern previously noted, with the church experiencing a drastic decline in growth rate in the second half of World War I; again with the beginning Of recovery from the Great Depressions; and still again at mid-point in World War II--even though peak growth periods had coincided with the beginning of each of these crises.) Another reappraisal. This mid-World War II reversal in Adventist membership statistics precipitated another interlude of soul-searching and re-evaluation of evangelistic procedures. Again, evangelists were admonished to be more careful in admitting people into the church. It was also suggested that evangelists, or at the least, Bible instructors, should remain longer in the field after a campaign to give converts a continuing indoctrination and encouragement.33 Also mentioned as a contributing factor in the heavy losses was the fact that in Adventist church services it was necessary, according to 33The Ministry, August, 1943, p. 15. 346 J. F. Wright, a General Conference vice president, "to give so much time to pushing [institutional] activities that Spiritual and devotional life is to a marked degree neglected."34 Because evangelistic services stres- sed the necessity of Spiritual conversion, Often in a deeply emotional context, the new converts must Often of necessity have found rather pro- saic the regular Adventist church services, frequently laden with the promotion of departmental programs, various campaigns, and other insti- tutional interests. Perhaps even more fundamental was a declining interest of people generally in Spiritual matters as the crisis period progressed, a tendency that had also been noted during World War I and again during the Depres- sion. According to leaders of the Ministerial Association: The United States, like some other countries, has been passing through a period of prOSperity brought on through the tragedy of war. And history reveals that periods of prOSperity have never been fruitful seasons for soul-winning evangelism. Other inter- ests, important and urgent, have been claiming the minds of men and women. A careless and indifferent attitude to Spiritual things has been evident.35,36 Declining public interest was noticeable to many Adventist evange- lists in reduced attendance at their meetings. L. E. Froom, in March, 1943, described their plight and their perplexity: Some are inclined to censure our peOple for lack of support and loyalty, and to blame the public for apathy and worldly indifference. A few blame themselves for loss or lack of power 34The Ministry, April, 1943, pp. 5, 6. 35The Ministry, February, 1945, p. 3. 36These ministerial leaders, however, felt that conditions were rapidly going to change for the worse in the economy and for the better in evangelism; for, it was said, "national prosperity will doubtless be followed by some form of depression."--The Ministry, February, 1945, p. 3. 347 to draw and to hold the crowds as of past years, especially on week nights.37 Changed tactics. Some evangelists charged the reduction in atten- dance to the fact that they had continued to conduct meetings five or Six nights every week, at a time when rubber shortages, reduced gasoline ra- tions, longer work hours, and congested public transportation made it difficult for the public to attend so frequently. Therefore, it was sug- gested by some that evangelists should reduce the number of their weekly presentations to three or, in some cases, only one on Sunday night. Fordyce W. Detamore was one evangelist who found his week night audiences numbering perhaps only 125 to 150 persons, in comparison with 1,000 or more on Sunday nights; and H. M. S. Richards had noted the same difficulty in his campaign in Portland as early as 1941.38 Some evangelists were impressed with these Observations and noticed good results when they were applied to the evangelistic schedule. Andrew Fearing, for example, reduced his meetings in Pittsburgh in 1943 from five nights a week to three--Sunday, Tuesday, and Friday--with an addi- tional meeting on Saturday afternoon. "The result," he said, "was worth- while and gratifying. The audience was larger, the people happier."39 John L. Shuler, conceding in 1944 that "public evangelism is be- coming increasingly difficult," nevertheless believed that the problems would give way to thoughtful analysis; "Let none conclude from this that the day Of large efforts with large results is over," he warned. "On the 37The Ministry, March, 1943, p. 21. 38Personal interview. 39The Ministry, December, 1943, pp. 8, 9. 348 contrary this may be a call to us to restudy all our methods."40 Shuler concurred in the view that the public itself had changed markedly during the preceding years, and that evangelists now found it necessary to meet a generation "that has almost forgotten the God of the Bible."41 It was a time, he said, when people were much less concerned with Biblical doctrine and prOphetic interpretation than they had been in a former era; and it was also a time of diminished church attendance and diminishing church influence. Shuler saw another factor in what he believed to be a public sa- tiation with advertising. He declared: Twenty-five years ago, a plain black-and-white printed an- nouncement was quite effective in drawing an audience. But today effective advertising has become a science in itself. . These are intensely competitive times for getting peo- ple's attention.42 One approach which Adventist evangelists used in order to capture attention was one that had been eSpecially emphasized in the 1920's, another era in which interest in revivalism, doctrinal interpretations, and such matters among the public was limited--"health evangelism." J. Wayne McFarland, M.D., medical secretary of the Southern California Conference, was in the forefront of a new generation of "medical evange- lists." "We feel certain," he said, ”that ppy_is one of the most Op- portune times to present our health message. PeOple are eager to know What to do in the present emergency."43 40The Ministry, October, 1944, pp. l3, l4. 41Ibid. 42Ibid. 43The Ministry, August, 1943, p. 27. 349 Paul 0. Campbell, in Northern California, declared, "The war is raising the health question to its proper importance. For Seventh-day Adventist evangelists, this circumstance presents a great Opportunity." He further asserted, ”The medical and health work is still the right arm Of the . . . message. There is no better entering wedge. PeOple may be uninterested in religion and yet be health minded."44 Campbell reported good public interest in a combination of doc- trinal and health subjects presented in his campaigns in Seattle, Oak- land, and in Santa Rosa, where he reported, "One of our largest crowds came out to a health lecture and food demonstration. . . . The crowd was enthusiastic."45 The Autumn Council of 1943 gave organizational emphasis to the re- newed "medical missionary” efforts by calling for Special "health evange- lism courses for gospel workers." One of these was already under way at the College Of Medical Evangelists, the Adventist medical educational center in Loma Linda, California. It was voted that this course be ex- tended under the joint auSpiceS of the Medical and Educational depart- ments Of the General Conference, and the Ministerial Association, with an additional section taught at the Theological Seminary in Washington, D. 0.46 Active in develOping this program was Dr. H. W. Vollmer, sup- ported by H. M. Walton, medical secretary Of the General Conference. Ministers and their wives who were prepared in these courses soon fanned out over the country, conducting campaigns under titles like 44The Ministry, March, 1943, pp. 30, 31. 45Ibid. 46The Ministry, January, 1944, p. 8. 350 "Bible and Health Auditorium," and featuring "cooking schools" along with evangelistic sermons. For example, Mrs. D. E. Jacobs with her husband in Salt Lake City, conducted a "Home Builders' Health Kitchen," with demon- strations presented in a complete kitchen constructed on the platform. The Jacobs' handbills featured (in lieu of the familiar references to crises and a coming climax) such topics as "Wartime Foods To Be Demonstra- ted."47 Organizational stimulation. At the same time, the Autumn Council of 1943 called for urgent renewal of emphasis on all kinds of evangelism. Paradoxically, in view of declining gains, it was "a time of unprece- dented increase Of conference funds, and of potential worker power in the number of ministerial and Bible instructor students in training." There- fore, a summons was given to "all evangelistic workers to a continuous evangelistic crusade which will compass the world field with increasing power until our commissioned task of evangelism is finished."l'8 Union and local conference committees were urged to lay ever-broadening plans to compass their respective territories with evangelistic efforts in tent, hall, tabernacle, church, and Open air, as well as through the radio; remembering eSpecially the still-unentered rural sections and towns, while placing strong emphasis upon the cities and metropolitan areas; puttipg all possible funds and personnel into direct evange- lism. These efforts seemingly paid dividends, inasmuch as the sharp de- cline in the Adventist growth rate in 1943 did not become an extended 47The Ministry, August, 1944, pp. 29, 30. 48The Ministry, January, 1944, p. 7. 49Ibid. '1 351 depression, but rather immediately began a gradual increase so that by 1946 the prOportion of baptisms to membership had again reached a level of 6 1/2 per cent. With apostasies declining to a new low in 1946 (see Figure 8), the net membership growth rate tOpped the 3 per cent mark. However, besides the renewed efforts of the evangelists them- selves, other factors were involved, resulting not only in the late war- time increase in the North American growth rate, but also in its gradual stabilization and slow decline. Together these factors will help, in following chapters, to explain the course of Adventist evangelism in the postwar era. -060 -050 ~040 .030 .020 -010 .000 MEMBERS MISSING AND APOSTATIZED FRCM THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH; EXPRESSED AS A PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL MEMBERSHIP (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) FIGURE 8 352 m 1920 1330 1940 1950 1960 1970 CHAPTER XVIII ADVENTIST EVANGELISM IN AMERICA'S POSTWAR REVIVAL A.EEE.E§XE.2£ Success Although Adventist evangelism and membership growth had reached a discouragingly low point as World War II progressed, by war's end it was riding a wave of renewed public interest in evangelical activity;1 and-- amid reverberations of the atomic bomb--a renewed interest on the part of many peOple in the Adventist apocalyptic message in particular. Renewed evangelical interest. The evangelical renewal had begun in some denominations as early as 1941. The Methodist church, for exam- ple, in that year had launched a campaign "to mobilize one million Metho- dists for spiritual service; reclaim one million more members; secure one million new members." R. Allan Anderson, associate secretary of the Ad- ventist Ministerial Association, declared: This urge for a new evangelistic awakening in Methodism is surely heartening, and is an indication that among certain sec- tions of the Christian church, which for years has been wither- ing under the blight of an arrogant Modernism, there is a definite movement back to the "altar call." . . . Not only are Methodists on the march, but thousands of Christians representing all creeds are vitally concerned for their Spiritual condition. Such words as "evangelism" and "revival" have, in recent decades, been almost discarded by large sections of the Christian church but today there is a distinct change. By the end of the war the Methodist Board of Evangelism was con- ducting experimental preaching missions which progressed until, in 1950 alone, they gained 45,339 new members for the church in eight series of 1See Chapter XII for a review of the "revival of revivalism." 2The Ministry, January, 1942, p. 22. 354 meetings. Even the Protestant Episc0pa1 church, little concerned with public evangelism throughout most of its history, began conducting preaching missions after World War II. As another example, the combina- tion of preaching and visitation programs conducted by the Lutheran Church Board for Missions in North and South America were credited with an upward trend in Lutheran membership after 1940.3 The National Preaching Mission which had been launched in 1936 by the Federal Council of Churches under the leadership of E. Stanley Jones continued thereafter to build support--despite comparatively limited activity during the war--and by 1951 had been so successful that the National Council of Churches (succeeding the Federal Council) employed Charles B. Templeton to direct it on a full time basis. A resurgent fundamentalism, led by the National Association of Evangelicals (formed in 1942) and the Youth for Christ International (started in 1943), was also promoting a new era of revivalism. By the early l950's--Spearheaded by Billy Graham--it had taken the lead in a coalition of fundamentalists--now called evangelicals--and "liberals” in supporting public evangelistic crusades.4 Among the important steps in a postwar mobilization of evangelical forces was a series of conferences in which a basis for unified action was hammered out. One of these was a meeting in 1945 at Winona Lake, Indiana, of some five hundred ministers and evangelists of various evan- gelical denominations, including such leading men as Bob Jones ("dean of American evangelists"), J. H. Hankins, John R. Rice, Hyman Appelman 3Quimby and Billigmeier, 22' cit., pp. 226, 227. 4McLoughlin, Op. cit., p. 475. 355 ("America's foremost evangelist"), Jesse Handley, Robert Wells, and Sam Morris. Adventist representatives present were John L. Shuler, of the Theological Seminar; and Clifford A. Reeves, then the Atlantic Union Con- ference evangelist. Both were deeply impressed, Reeves reported, with the sincerity of the other evangelical representatives. Reeves empha- sized the appreciation felt by many Adventist evangelists for their col- leagues of other evangelical groups: Long shall we remember the closing day of the conference when hundreds were at the altar, their faces wet with tears, seeking the assurance of personal victory over sin. It was a most moving scene as, without any trace of fanaticism or emotionalism, these Christian workers claimed the Spirit's power and placed themselves at His disposal and renewed con- secration. May God forgive us for our cold, formal, mechanical service. May the atomic energy of the Holy Spirit's power blast us out of our lethargy and set us ablaze for Him. Nuclear stimulation. Adventist evangelism was stimulated not only by the general increase of public interest in conservative evangelistic activities at the close of the war, but also by public reaction to the atom bomb. As for the Adventists themselves, they saw in the latter a fulfillment of certain of their prOphetic views; for they had long Spoken of the "day of the Lord" as a time of vast destruction when "the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”6 Moreover, in the past, Ellen G. White, as the prOphetic voice of the church, had spoken of visions of future "terrible conflagrations," in one of which: great balls of fire were falling upon houses, and from from these balls fiery arrows were flying in every direction. 5The Ministry, November, 1945, pp. 9, 10. 6From The Bible, II Peter 3:10. 356 It was impossible to check the fires that were kindled, and many places were being destroyed. The terror of the peOple was indescribable. Man On another occasion Mrs. White spoke of having seen in vision immense ball of fire fall among some beautiful mansions, causing their instant destruction."8 Again, she had declared: The judgments of God are in the land. The wars and rumors of wars, the destruction by fire and flood, say clearly that the time of trouble, which is to increase until the end, is very near at hand. We have no time to lose.9 Because of these prOphetic statements, in which Adventists had believed for many years, and which emboldened them in their emphasis on the atom bomb as an apocalyptic omen, they fervently believed, "We have not been left in darkness as to the meaning of the startling events now taking place."10 As in previous times of great crisis, a multiplicity of alarmed comments by statesmen and journalists seemingly confirmed the Seventh-day Adventists in such a belief.11 In fact, church spokesmen noted "a veritable torrent of gloomy comment by statesmen, churchmen, and world observers [following] the terrifying explosions of two atomic bombs."12 Denominational editors declared: 7Ellen G. White Letter 278, August 27, 1906. 8Ellen G. White, Testimonies £3 the Church, IX, p. 28. 9Ellen G. White, Review and Herald, November 24, 1904. This and two preceding statements cited in Review and Herald, August 23, 1945, p. 2. 10Review and Herald, August 23, 1945, p. 2. 11For example, the Manchester Guardian declared, "Man is at last on the way to the mastery of the means of destroying himself utterly." Cited in Review and Herald, loc. cit. 12Review and Herald, August 23, 1945, p. 2. 357 Surely the time has come when every believer in the advent hope should be awake to the crisis hour of human history that is so rapidly approaching. If men of the world who profess to know little of the mind of God believe we should think soberly in this hour of over- whelming events, how seriously should those who profess to know of God's plans as to the future of mankind be thinking and laboring.l A Continued Organization Approach While this crisis psychology, together with the more general sup- port of evangelists in other church groups, stimulated Adventists to more aggressive evangelistic activity, it was not with the same single-minded attention given to the individual public evangelist in the crises of World War I and the Depression. The relatively more institutional ap- proach in vogue at the beginning of World War II continued into the atomic age with an emphasis on the role of the evangelist as a denominational Spokesman, and the involvement in his work of the departmental interests of the church. During the war years the Seventh-day Adventist church had further developed and disseminated throughout its ministerial ranks patterns of systematic evangelism that made it possible for ministers of even modest public ability to conduct some kind of public evangelistic campaign with prospects of a reasonable Success. No longer was public evangelism the province of the charismatic evangelistic figure but rather of an organ- ized denomination--with the evangelist's success measured not so much in terms of the number of persons addressed as of new converts indoctrinated thoroughly enough to become productive members of the group. Signifi- 13Review and Herald, August 23, 1945, p. 2. 358 cantly, when the 1946 General Conference Session was convened, the first since 1941, it was not considered necessary to conduct a pre-Session evangelistic council, as had been the custom--even though the Ministerial Association had planned and announced such a council. However, the General Conference did support, in 1945, the publi- cation of a Special edition of the official church paper, the Review and Herald, devoted entirely to evangelism, and prepared by a special com- mittee under the direction of R. Allan Anderson, Associate Secretary of the Ministerial Association. This special edition featured the public ministry of the evangelist; yet, in order to emphasize the involvement of the entire organization in the work of evangelism, departmental interests --medica1, educational, and publishing--were also stressed. According to the editors: That conference grows healthfully which combines every phase of our work in its evangelistic endeavors. Let us move forward as a unit and pray that the Spirit of soul winning evangelism will permeate every department of our work.14 Official evangelistic backing. In 1947, the Autumn Council of the General Conference Committee placed renewed emphasis on the role of every minister as an evangelist, . calling upon everyone who is supported by the tithe, and eSpecially on our ministry, including secretaries of depart- ments and institutional workers . . . to actively engage in public evangelism for as much time as possible each year. This action was followed by a round of local ministerial insti- tutes held in connection with each of the quadrennial sessions of the 14Review and Herald, July 19, 1945, p. 2. 15The Ministry, January, 1947, p. 3. 359 ten North American union conferences, in which emphasis was given to city evangelism, singing evangelism, and the work of Bible instructors, as well as to pastoral interests.16 Of even greater importance to the course of Adventist public evan- gelism during the postwar decade was the enlargement of the Ministerial Association of the General Conference by the addition of two new men, both successful evangelists: Melvin K. Eckenroth, formerly an evange- list in Minnesota and Florida; and George E. Vandeman, field training instructor at Emmanuel Missionary College, Berrien Springs, Michigan. The prime significance of these two appointments lay in the fact that Eckenroth was added to the Association staff Specifically "to foster av- erage town and average city evangelism"; and Vandeman, "to aid our col- lege theological departments in their develOpment of a stronger mini- sterial field training."17 The new appointments met with instantaneous approval in the field. Even before they had assumed their new responsibilities, Ecken- roth and Vandeman were confronted with a "long waiting list of invita- tions . . . for many months to come."18 R. Allan Anderson was freed to respond further to requests from overseas divisions for evangelistic guidance, already since the war having conducted ministerial institutes in Australasia, Northern EurOpe, Southern EurOpe, and Inter-America. At the 1950 General Conference Session in San Francisco, Anderson succeeded Froom as secretary of the Ministerial Association; the first 16The Ministry, July, 1947, p. 5. 17The Ministry, April, 1948, p. 19. 18Ibid. 360 "professional" evangelist to occupy this position. This appointment, backed by William H. Branson, who was elected at this Session to the presidency of the General Conference, helped to make public evangelism a t0p priority, world-wide activity for the denomination during the next few years. Branson himself had been a successful city evangelist; and throughout his administrative career in the Adventist church, particular- ly as vice president for the North American Division from 1937 to 1946, had consistently championed the work of public evangelists. This per- sonal commitment he carried into his work as President of the General Conference from 1950 to 1954. A ministerial and evangelistic council preceding the 1950 General Conference Session, provided an arena for an intensified evangelistic interest to be impressed on the denomination's ministerial personnel. This institute, organized and directed by the Ministerial Association, featured "highly practical demonstrations, discussions, panels, and ad- dresses on needs, objectives, techniques." Significantly, in keeping with the concept of evangelization as every minister's responsibility, instruction at the council was "keyed to the average worker's needs."19 A multitude gf evangelists. With new church leadership giving stronger official backing to enter the evangelistic program, there was a proliferation of campaigns during the entire postwar decade. While a number of veterans in city evangelism continued their activities, many of them were now fading from the scene; and many new faces appeared. Some of these were to gain wideSpread denominational recognition; others 19The Ministry, July, 1950, p. 3. 361 to be noted briefly on the evangelistic scene, before going on to full- time pastoral or administrative reSponsibilities. Among the many postwar evangelistic workers was Fordyce W. Deta- more, who in 1944 left the"Voice of PrOphecy"radio enterprise to re-enter full-time public evangelism in the Southwest. He particularly wanted to train younger men in evangelistic methods; and through a long series of campaigns between 1944 and l948--in Dallas, Fort Worth, Amarillo, Tulsa, New Orleans, and Baton Rouge--he conducted field-school campaigns with groups of young ministers sent by many conferences. The basic handbooks in these field schools were mimeographed volumes of Detamore's own ser- mons, and his outlines of pastoral and evangelistic methods, all of which have been influential to this day. In 1948, Detamore returned to the Far East for a second tour of duty. Shuler, still representing the Theological Seminary, also conducted large campaigns designed to serve as field schools for apprentice evan- gelists. Among the more prominent of these after the war were a four- month effort in Des Moines, Iowa, in 1946 (the published sermons from which provided ready-made scripts for many other Adventist evangelists across the country); another in Detroit, in 1947; and still another in Oakland, in 1949. In 1950 Shuler, in his last extended campaign, con- ducted Seminary field schools and demonstrations in England, Fiji, New Zealand, and Australia.20 201m 1944, Shuler conducted a campaign that, in a way, was a pre- cursor of a methodology destined to dominate Adventist evangelism in the second postwar decade. Impressed that evangelistic audiences increasing- ly would have to be develOped in advance rather than attracted "cold" through massive advertising, Shuler gave unusual emphasis to preparatory work preceding his campaign in Houston, Texas, in the fall of 1944. Through the distribution of enrollment blanks for a Bible correspondence 362 R. Allan Anderson, as had been mentioned, Spent the early postwar years in travel abroad, encouraging the overseas evangelistic advance of the church; but in 1951 and 1952, he conducted a large-scale campaign in New York's Carnegie Hall, attracting audiences of as many as four thou— sand persons. Other campaigns were conducted by Anderson in Portland (1953-54), and in London (1954-55). George E. Vandeman, as an instructor at Emmanuel Missionary Col- lege before his election to the Ministerial Association, held a major campaign in Jackson, Michigan, in 1945. In his new role he conducted another in Pittsburgh in 1949; and in 1951, his most important campaign to that time in the Sligo Adventist church in Washington, D. C. In 1952 he journeyed to London, where he held a highly successful campaign in the London Coliseum, attracting peak audiences estimated at more than seven thousand persons; and, later, evangelistic meetings in- augurating the New Gallery Centre, a permanent Adventist evangelistic facility near Picadilly Circus. Robert L. Boothby after the war combined pastoral and evangelistic reSponsibilities in Washington, D. C.; and from 1948 to 1952 experimented with the evangelistic use of television--thus becoming one of the first Adventists tO use television in evangelism. After a major campaign in course, by means of articles in the neWSpapers, and personal contacts by members, the names Of approximately three thousand interested persons were accumulated during a three-week period just prior to the Opening Of the campaign on Sunday, September 10. The fifteen hundred non-Adventists who requested reserved seats for the Opening lecture gave the effort the initial "big push" Shuler had been seeking. The fact that more than 2,000 persons regularly attended these meetings and that 123 were con- verted, was regarded by Shuler as evidence that adequate preparatory work could make public campaigns successful even at a time when peOple gener- ally were preoccupied with the war.--Review and Herald, March 1, 1945, pp. 8, 9. 363 Kingston, Jamaica, in 1952, he was transferred to Michigan, where he served as a pastor; and, later, as conference evangelist. Melvin K. Eckenroth, before his election to the Ministerial Asso- ciation in 1947, was the evangelist for the Northern Union Conference, where he conducted a major campaign in the Lyceum Theater in Minneapolis during 1946 and 1947. Here he publicly identified the Seventh-day Ad- ventist Sponsorship of his campaign, something few evangelists before him had done; thereby precipitating a Significant and far-reaching discussion among Adventist evangelists on the matter of denominational identifica- tion. Also in Minneapolis, Eckenroth began a plan Of systematic Bible marking by the congregation, distributing identical Bibles to the congre- gation for their use in following the evangelist's use Of Scriptural re- ferences. Following his election to the Ministerial Association, Ecken- roth conducted a major campaign and field school in 1948, in Atlanta, Georgia. In 1951, he was called to the Theological Seminary, succeeding John L. Shuler as an instructor in evangelism. Beveridge R. Spear continued his radio broadcasting and tabernacle meetings in Southern California. One of his more notable campaigns was conducted in Long Beach in 1951, featuring Spear's Special emphasis on nutrition schools. Also in Southern California, Phillip Knox, the "as- tronomer-evangelist,” continued his marathon campaign at the Biltmore Theater in Los Angeles--with an occasional additional campaign elsewhere. Another prominent Southern California evangelist after the war was Frederick Schwindt. Andrew Fearing, after an aggressive career in evangelism in the Columbia Union Conference, had become a pastor in Glendale, California; but simultaneously carried on continuous evangelism during the postwar 364 years prior to becoming president Of the Nevada-Utah Conference. G. A. Coon in 1945 conducted two series Of evangelistic meetings in the Masonic Civic Center Auditorium in Rochester, New York, converting approximately ninety persons in each campaign. At the same time E. F. Koch was in service as the Potomac Conference evangelist, and Roland K. Cemer was active in the Lake Union Conference. Robert M. Whitsett came to national attention as an evangelist during his work in St. Louis, Missouri, where in 1949 he christened a new church building an "evangelistic center," and inaugurated a continuous evangelistic program. He later conducted large campaigns in various pla- ces, including one in Chicago at the Lyric Theater in 1951. Subsequently, he was elected to the General Conference Ministerial Association, suc- ceeding Melvin K. Eckenroth, and serving until 1954. By the early 1950's, under the evangelistic impetus supplied by Branson, as the General Conference president, and the evangelically ori- ented Ministerial Association, there was a continued multiplication of evangelistic campaigns, utilizing many ministers from a more plentiful supply--as those who had become licensed ministers during the early war years were in due course accepted for full ordination.21 During the winter and Spring of 1950-1951, more than one hundred separate Adventist campaigns were under way in North America; and it was estimated that on one evening-~Sunday, February 18--more than Sixteen thousand persons in various communities were listening Simultaneously to Adventist evange- 21The number of ordained Adventist ministers in North America increased from 1,508 in 1946, to 1,647 in 1947; a gain Of 139, which may be compared with a gain Of only 61 the year before, and of only 20 be- tween 1944 and 1945. 365 lists.22 During the early 1950's the Ministerial Association published a special evangelistic newsletter recognizing active evangelists and pastor- evangelists, as reported by their reSpective conferences. The roster of men listed as conducting public campaigns during 1951 through 1953 reveals the extent to which the Adventist ministry was involved in public evange- lism: In_the Atlantic Union Conference-~W. J. Hackett, Roland K. Cemer (later Southern Union), Richard A. Mitchell, Richard Lesher, T. S. Hill, W. A. Fagal, Leon Robbins, A. E. Wade, Edmund Robinson, 0. D. Wright, Charles Keymer, V. A. Lidner, Gunna Nelson, L. H. Cox, L. E. Tucker. In the Canadian Union Conference--G. S. Remick, D. E. Tinkler, M. E. Erickson, C. A. Reeves, S. G. Joyce, G. D. O'Brien, N. R. Johnson, W. B. Streifling, R. E. Lange. In the Central Union Conference--C1yde Kerby, J. J. Williamson, Arthur R. Lickey, L. J. Ehrhardt, D. H. Miller, Llewellyn L. Smith, J. A. Buckwalter, W. S. Jesske, B. J. Furst, J. G. Thomas, Leroy J. Leiske, R. A. Bata, George M. MacLean, John Herr, R. J. Roy, J. N. Matthews, W. P. Ortner, Warren Zork. In the Columbia Union Conference--Walter G. Gibson, R. A. Bata (later Central), W. P. Lockwood, E. F. Koch, J. E. Hoffman, J. A. Wasen- miller, Donald Mackintosh, W. R. Robinson. In the Lake Union Conference--A. K. Phillips, 0. J. Mills, C. G. Edwards, Robert M. Whitsett, H. N. Williams, J. W. McComas, W. D. Bresee, Steven Vitrano, W. L. Massengill, Charles Mattingly, N. M. Harlan, C. M. 22The Ministry, April, 1951, pp. 31-34. 366 Bee, 1. E. Abelson, Arthur Kiesz, Robert Link, 0. J. Ritz. In the Northern Union Conference--Russell Hagen, W. K. Chapman, H. H. Schwindt, Arnold Kurtz (later Southern), Norman Johnson, A. A. Leiske, O. L. Johnston. In the North Pacific Union Conference--L. L. Grand Pre, William Loveless, Roland Hegstad, DeWitt Osgood, J. G. Ziegler, R. J. Winders, E. K. Walter, Frank T. Munsey, F. H. Wagner, Dean Dudley, Harold E. Met- calf, R. J. Thomas, Don Doleman, Eldon Stratton, John D. Trude, Calvin V. Hartnell, Don Hiatt Spillman, Lewis Lyman, R. W. Engstrom. In the Pacific Union Conference--Charles Hall, Orley Berg, Dan R. Guild, Gordon Collier, Gerald Hardy, Roger Coon, Roberg Greiner, Jerry Lien, J. W. McComas, B. R. Spear, Phillip Knox, Frederick Schwindt, Don Reynolds, John Rhodes, David Voth, Stanley E. West, John Osborn, Paul 0. Campbell, Sydney Allen, Glen Goffar, E. J. Folkenberg, Darrell Kenney, Royal Reid, C. L. Duffield, W. O. Reynolds, Don Duncan, G. H. Friedrich, R. E. Odell, John Du Nesme, L. W. Hallstead, Clyde Bradley, Morris Ven- den, J. E. Cox, C. A. Heitman, A. W. Millard, H. A. Crawford, Wellesley Muir, S. W. Hiten. In the Southern Union Conference--L. R. Holley, C. R. Lickey, J. R. Young, J. R. Spangler, H. R. Veach, E. E. Cleveland, M. B. Elliston, E. L. Marley, E. M. Chambers, C. B. Rock, G. A. Coon, C. L. White, C. C. Kress, Roland K. Cemer, Arnold Kurtz, E. C. Ward, H. V. Read, Jerome James, E. J. Humphrey, G. H. Rainey, F. B. Slater, C. E. Dudley, J. N. Richardson, Ned Lindsay, E. T. Mimms, Horace Jones, B. W. Abner, Sr., G. R. Graham. In the Southwestern Union Conference--Stanley Harris, R. L. Win- ders, L. P. Webb, Frank Sherrill, G. I. Gantz, L. E. Rogers, W. W. 367 Fordham, R. R. Patzer, L. G. Cox, J. E. Cox, S. C. Beck, R. E. Lunt, C. J. Domburg, Richard Barron, E. D. Nelson, M. C. Shain, Perry Green, John McIntosh, W. R. May, L. G. Newton, Robert G. Wearner, H. M. S. Richards, Jr. Though Spurred by the crisis psychology prevalent during the first decade Of the atomic age, these Adventist evangelists for the most part were not as provocative and predictive as many Of their predecessors had been in previous crisis periods. While some men, in order to arouse curiosity, hinted broadly in their advertising at the promise of forth- right and specific explanations and predictions in their evangelistic ad- dresses, they usually stOpped far short of the ringing declarations that were still in use in the 1930's. '(See Chapter XV.) A review Of advertised lecture titles used by some of the leading Adventist evangelists in the early 1950's reveals that, with the excep- tions noted, they were relatively moderate in tone--even more so than during the early years Of World War II. In 1951, George E. Vandeman, in his campaign at the Sligo Seventh- day Adventist church (advertised as "Sligo Auditorium"), used such titles as: World Peace or Atomic Pieces? The Destiny of Russia, EurOpe, the World, Predictions Of Future Events, What and Where is Hell? The Judgment Day, What Is the Unpardonable Sin? Christendom's Most Puzzling Question, Peace Of Mind, The Emblem Of Liberty, Loyalty, and Love, The Nations March Toward Armageddon, The Mystery of Modern Spiritism, If I Had But One Sermon to Preach. Among the titles used by Robert M. Whitsett, in his 1951 campaign in Chicago's Lyric Theater were: Facing Judgment Day, The Missing Text, The United States in Bible PrOphecy, Protestants' Greatest Mistake. 368 The Sunday evening lectures presented by R. Allan Anderson in his 1951 New York campaign in Carnegie Hall were entitled: Is Peace Pos- sible? Will Russia Rule the World? The Coming Man Of Destiny, The March Of Beasts, Armageddon--Is It Near? Palestine--Will It Be the Permanent Home of Israel? Who IS the Anti-Christ? Spiritualism--Is It the Real Thing? Time Running Out, The Other Side of Death, Before the Judgment Seat Of Christ, The Emblem Of Liberty, Loyalty, and Love, God's Answer tO Evolution, The Greatest Sign that Christ Will Return in Our Day, The Com- ing of Elijah the PrOphet, The Prince Of Peace, The American Home Break- ing Up--Why? Stanley Harris in San Antonio, Texas, in 1950, used such titles as: Will Russia Rule the World? Armageddon, When Heaven Splits Wide Open, The Seven Seals Of Revelation, Signs of the End, The Bible Millenium, The Great Judgment Day-~How Near Is It? The Beast and His Mark, The Anti- Christ, Baptized Paganism. Don Hiatt Spillman during this same time was using such titles as The Hell Bomb and the End, The Strife Between Capital and Labor, Heaven Defied by Man-GOd--the Beast and the Anti—Christ. Evident during these years Of crisis is a comparative minimizing of "extra-curricular" lectures on essentially non-religious tOpics used by such evangelists as Richards and Spear in the 1920's and 1930's in order to "draw crowds." The emphasis in the early 1950's was almost ex- clusively on prOphetic and doctrinal themes; and, with a public favorably prediSposed to conservative theology and apocalyptic Biblical interpre- tations, such tOpics seemed adequate to the task Of attracting evange- listic audiences. 369 Overseas Success The postwar Adventist evangelistic drive overseas produced far better results numerically than did Similar efforts in North America. While in 1943 both the world growth rate and the North American Division growth rate were at exactly the same low ebb of less than two per cent; by 1948 the overseas growth rate had risen to seven per cent, whereas the rate in North America was hovering at about three per cent. (See Figure 9.) After a brief decline to about six per cent between 1950 and 1952, the overseas growth rate rose again, to approximately eight per cent, in 1953, nearly equalling the World War I record Of approximately ten per cent. By 1955, however, the overseas growth rate had plummeted to ap- proximately three per cent, thereafter rising tO the vicinity Of five per cent where it is at the present time. The remarkable Adventist gains overseas during the postwar decade may be attributed partially to the strong emphasis by the Ministerial As- sociation on evangelistic institutes. While these had become standard practice in America, they were comparatively new in foreign lands; and therefore, perhaps, had a more noticeable effect in levels Of activity. Another factor may have been the high levels of prOSperity in America in relation to most overseas lands during the postwar decade; a phenomenon with a reverse relationship to evangelistic success, as has previously been Shown. A round-up Of information on overseas campaigns in 195023 showed that since 1946, large city efforts producing a total of more than fif- teen hundred converts had been conducted in all Of the capital cities of 23The Ministry, April, 1951, pp. 31-34. 370 FIGURE 9 ANNUAL PERCENTAGE INCREASE IN SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST WORLD MEMBERSHIP, AS COMPARED WITH UNITED STATES AND CANADIAN MEMBERSHIP: 1943-1963 .10 ll 4 .09 -—4.__...- l I .08... -. g l 4 .07 .1---.1 I .06 \\ )’/) ‘\ .05 . / .04 ’ .03 . _02 "/ fur - 1m ".1. .01 -. J. F" J . .00 1 - - . 1943 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 S6 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 \ L +\ 3'. 4 i I I I I I 4‘ l r V \ 7K 1 \ I I I . \ \ \ \ l I \ \ I I \ \ I I World United States and Canada --------- 371 Australia including Brisbane, Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, and Free- mantle; as well as Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch in New Zealand. George Burnside, and, later, C. A. Reeves, were leaders in this evange- listic drive which in each campaign utilized evangelistic teams contain- ing from five to twelve workers. In addition to the large city campaigns more than a score Of smaller towns had been ”publicly evangelized" during 1950, with con- verts in various efforts ranging in number from fifteen to thirty-five. Evangelistic broadcasting was being conducted on fifty-nine stations in Australia with a large staff of follow-up workers maintained by the local conferences. In contrast, evangelism in the Central EurOpean Division [Germany] proceeded on a very small scale after the war, due largely to a lack of public halls. However, some evangelistic campaigns were conducted in rented rooms; and, where permission had been secured to rebuild, in churches. A report from the China Division revealed a different picture, xvith 118 evangelistic campaigns conducted during 1950 alone--bringing in 3,394 new converts. Plans were laid in the Winter Council of 1950 to (nonduct 156 evangelistic campaigns in China during 1951, with a goal of 5,170 converts. Plans were laid in the Far Eastern Division to conduct 350 full Length evangelistic campaigns during the two years, 1951 and 1952, in ad- entrenChe' as the en chant be list, and Cleve] The li word. Th come sain this tren The so: privileges ty. While Hence, he word, but 1 the evangeJ stymied in J. R. Sp Association, ca competitive rnan bpangler declar \l 4_\ 5? (D .2. H "5 I, L. Li! H :3“ (D {3 H 1 I: . [all 491 4 soul-saving, being out in the firing line for God." Cleveland viewed with alarm an increasing tendency toward the cre- ation of pastorates in which the occupant was somewhat insulated from public evangelism: To be sure, as the church has grown, the sc0pe of its mini- stry has broadened. There are the medical, educational, finan- cial, temperance, communications, lay activities, Sabbath School, ministerial, war service, youth divisions of the church, directing it in its many and varied activities. [Yet,] this idea that the pastor can be pastor without evan- gelizing, if seriously countenanced, could only result in an entrenched, privileged pastorate, with evangelism scoffed at as the enterprise of the unlearned. . . . Let this fervent chant be heard throughout the land, ”Every pastor an evange- list, and every church an evangelistic center!"5 Cleveland further commented: The living man must confront the living lost with the living word. The hardest job in the world is persuading sinners to be- come saints. Men are constantly being "promoted" out of it. If this trend continues, the laborers will always be few. The solution here is to accord to the soul-winner all the privileges and status granted any other branch of church activi- ty. While the evangelist is not a status seeker, he is human. Hence, he finds it amazing that his profession is extolled in word, but treated as a side line ig_fact. Be it remembered that the evangelistic thrust of the major Protestant bodies has been stymied in this same ditch.6 J. R. Spangler, still another associate secretary of the Ministerial Association, called for a return to militant evangelism in an aggressive, competitive manner similar to the sales approach of great corporations. Spangler declared: 4The Ministry, August, 1959, pp. 30, 31. 5 . The Minlstry, November, 1962, p. 48. 6The Ministry, December, 1965, p. 48. They fi program Orr mination a live propt of the thr tongue, an| proxy, pow Spangle izing Oi the c own ranks? The AdV« and for th Spent. . . ent. . families ti In cont] 'bld‘SCh001" 8‘ ViEOIOOS publi. evangelism in I am no ministers Our Church I fEar the reSU1[ ls graSp 492 They fight to sell. Every weapon possible is used in their program of competition. . . . Can we exist with any less deter- mination and competition? Never! We must fight the battle to live prOperly. We have a cause to fight for which is the placing of the three angels' messages before every nation, kindred, tongue, and peOple. Once that goal is lost, or attempted by proxy, power disintegrates.7 Spangler saw an alarming danger in the increasing institutional- izing of the church with emphasis on the stimulation of growth from its own ranks? The Adventist church appears to be prOSpering in many ways, and for this we thank God. Its original momentum is not yet Spent. . . . Yet the great danger of membership anemia is pres- ent. . . . To depend on the baptism of children of Adventist families to reach our baptismal goals is to Spell disaster. In contrast to the Optimism expressed by many younger men, these ”old-school" evangelists, with a strong desire for the return to a more vigorous public approach, viewed with foreboding the future of public evangelism in the Adventist church. Spangler, for example, declared: I am not a prOphet, but unless our church changes its direc- tion in its attitude toward public evangelism, and unless our ministers . . . Spend more time in preaching God's word publicly, our church will never grow as it ought. I fear that most of our increases are biological rather than the result of storming the fort of Satan and wresting souls from his graSp by an active campaign. Don Spillman suggested a weakness in the education of ministers when he said: The future of public evangelism looks rather bleak to me with the present outlook our educational institutions have on the sub- ject. . . . We need scores of young men trained by someone who 7The Ministry, March, 1965, p. 7. 8Ibid., p. 6. Statement in questionnaire. has been Stanle evangelistic view: I'm nO education so-called be succes Raymonr dmrch the dar nominations: There 1 shall dim gies. We ' who have p' Will too u} AS the c ordiscontenr a evangeh’stic be c..- amnigns desig] Fragram, Rici ~;£E.EVanee11c “— m . ccess In large 'n gellsm, “'7 S . .BEEEEE g; l \ 10’ 11, 1: 493 has been successful and sent out to conduct hundreds of efforts.10 Stanley Harris, one of the few men continuing to conduct long evangelistic campaigns throughout the 1950's and 1960's, shared Spillman's view: I'm not a pessimist, but I do have fears for the future. Our educational program in this reSpect has much to be desired. Many so-called teachers of evangglism have never proved themselves to be successful evangelists. Raymond H. Libby saw in the evangelistic history of the Adventist church the danger of a repetition of the history of the ”established" de- nominations: There is a great danger that materialism and institutionalism shall dim the vision of the church and sap its evangelistic ener- gies. We walk but a century behind other great Protestant bodies who have preceded uS in evangelism. Their fervor has died. Ours will too unless new emphasis is placed by church administrators on this work. As the church reached the mid-1960's, there was clearly a ferment of discontent among evangelists who had won their Spurs in front-line evangelistic battle, rather than in the more church-like setting of Short campaigns designed primarily to ”reap" the results of an institutional program. Risigg Evangelistic Gains And, interestingly, with random evidences in the 1960's of new success in large-scale, extended public campaigns, a renewal of this kind of evangelism, while still far from the mainstream of Adventist effort, was at least conceivable. Success abroad. While some of this new success was in America, 10’ 11’ 12Statement in questionnaire. 494 most of it was overseas; but nevertheless inSpiring to men in America who longed for the return to a dominant evangelistic emphasis in the Adventist church. The annual Adventist world growth rate had plunged after 1954 from eight per cent to little more than three per cent. However, it steadily rose through the next decade, until by 1954, it exceeded five per cent, or nearly twice the rate in North America. In fact, in 1963, the overseas divisions accounted for eighty per cent of the denomination's total accessions of 114,156 persons.13 In South Africa, where Adventist evangelism for many years had been centered largely in educational work, the church found changed conditions. According to S. J. Maxwell, the division Ministerial Association secre- tary, a greater mobility of pOpulation and swelling city pOpulations had, by 1961, stimulated a large increase in public evangelism, with many suc- cessful meetings; not only in halls, tents, and tabernacles, but also in Adventist church buildings.14 By 1964, public evangelism had reached new levels in the division (newly named the Trans-Africa Division), with the report that for the preceding three years, between two and three thousand evangelistic efforts had been held annually. Many of these, of course, had been conducted by lay preachers in very small villages and communi- ties; but others had been conducted in the metropolitan areas, attracting thousands of interested persons night after night. Among the more promi- nent metrOpolitan evangelists was John Van Der Merwe, who found that modern public halls were becoming increasingly available in African towns. 13Statistical Secretary, General Conference of Seventh-day Advent- ists; Review and Herald, May 21, 1964, p. l7. l4 The Ministry, May, 1961, pp. 19-22. 495 During 1964, from all sources, some 29,100 persons were added to the membership rolls of the Trans-Africa Division, a number equal to fourteen per cent of the 1963 membership. In South America, under the direction of Enoch Oliveira, Ministe- rial Association secretary, large-scale public evangelism was also on the increase. The climate of Opinion was ripe for evangelism, according to Oliveira; for, in 1965, fifty-five per cent of South America's total pOpulation was under twenty-five years of age; and, Oliveira explained, "These young peOple, fighting against the old and antiquated methods, rise up, searching for new doctrines and ideals." This rebellion of young peOple against old traditions, the evangelistic leader declared, was responsible for an apostasy of the masses from the ancient faith. He cited the influential newspaper, El_§3£i§ of Montevideo, which revealed that ”thousands of Catholics in Latin America apostatize each day and en- ter the lines of Protestantism."15 AS one evidence of the truth of this View, it was reported that during a five-year period, from 1959 to 1964, Adventist membership in the South American Division increased from approximately 103,000 to nearly 154,000, or a net increase of nearly ten per cent per year. In 1965, in only three among the many large campaigns conducted, a total of some 500 converts were brought into the church under the ministry of Evangelists 16 Carlos E. Aeschlimann, Salim Japas, and Oliveira. Aeschlimann, on loan to the Mexican Union, later conducted a crusade in Mexico City, from the latter part of 1964 to early 1965. Scheduled in two phases, the campaign 15The Ministry, September, 1965, pp. 11-12. 16The Ministry, September, 1965, pp. 19, 21. 496 produced 435 new converts, filling the churches of the area to over- flowing.17 In Australia, New Zealand, and the South Pacific islands, George Burnside, Australasian Division Ministerial Association secretary, was pursuing an aggressive program, conducting demonstration campaigns and stimulating younger ministers, particularly in the islands. John F. Coltheart, in a program of continuous evangelism in Auckland, New Zea- land, over a period of thirteen months, brought 175 new converts into the church.18 In 1960, a total of 5,832 converts were won, nearly 1,500 more than the number inducted in 1959; which, in itself, was an all-time re- cord. In Melbourne, Victoria, A. G. Radcliffe and a team of associates conducted a long campaign in 1961, with more than 100 converts at the end of the first thirty weeks. In Perth, A. P. Cook in March, 1960, began a forty-week campaign with audiences ranging from 3,400 to 4,300 on the first three Sunday nights. Audiences of 1,000 and more were attracted by L. J. Cherry at the beginning of a twenty-four-week campaign in Sydney, and evangelism continued at this level during the ensuing years. In 1965, Cherry had moved to New Zealand; where, in the town of New Plymouth, with a pOpulation of only 33,000, some 2,200 persons attended his opening meetings in the community Opera House.20 In Korea, where the Adventist church had eXperienced large postwar membership gains after 1952, a successful campaign was held in Seoul, in 17The Ministry, October, 1965, pp. 14, 15. 18The Ministry, August, 1961, pp. 28—30. 191bid. 20 The Ministry, December, 1965, pp. 20, 21. -- .k 1965, With 11' verts.21 Ever 7:965, With an week campaign sion, particul larger success mong sixty-5e 100 new conver vidence Of ne in North Arneri lists among Ne Ras stimulatec PTEViOusly not Success. AmOr 'ltlanta’ CEorp Raine - . i \Y I r, I ‘ . n tact, 1n Ev 497 1965, with 1,800 persons crowding a public hall; of whom 170 became con- 21 verts. Even in Rome, larger-than-usual public meetings were held in 1965, with an average of 400 persons attending each meeting in a seven- 22 In the Inter-American Divi— week campaign led by Domenico Visagalli. sion, particularly in the Caribbean area, public evangelists also reported larger Success. The General Conference Ministerial Association noted that among sixty-seven evangelists in the world field who reported more than 100 new converts in 1964, forty-two were in the Inter-American Division.23 North American increases. Although admittedly more sparse, Similar evidence of new success with large-scale public evangelism was also seen in North America; with prOportionately greater Success realized by evange- lists among Negro groups than among Caucasian. This condition possibly was stimulated by a striking rural—urban Shift in Negro population--as previously noted, an historical concomitant of "conservative” evangelistic success. Among the leading Negro evangelists were H. L. Cleveland, in Atlanta, Georgia, who in 1960 reported nearly 300 baptisms; C. D. Brooks, in Cleveland, Ohio, with 163; and J. M. Phipps, North Carolina; G. H. Rainey in Virginia; and E. C. Ward in Texas, each reporting more than 100. In fact, in every case the average number of baptisms per Negro evangelist was uniformly higher, throughout the North American division, than for Caucasian. 21The Ministry, September, 1965, pp. 2-6. 22The Ministry, March, 1965, pp. 19, 20. 23Bulletin, ESE,2£ the Century, March, 1964, published by the Mini- sterial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. 24 The Ministry, July, 1961, p. 33. 498 In 1962, E. C. Ward, as a Southern Union Conference evangelist, conducted a long campaign in Miami, extending from April through Septem- ber, with nightly audiences averaging 1,200 to 1,300 persons; and more than 300 converts.25 Also in 1962, E. E. Cleveland, associate secretary of the General Conference Ministerial Association, was featured in an evangelistic campaign and field school in Los Angeles, where, after four months, 319 new converts were added to the church rolls.26 Also in Los Angeles, Evangelist Salim Japas, on loan from the South American Divi- sion, conducted a campaign for Spanish-Speaking peOple, with the acces- 27 Sion of 128 converts. Among the American evangelists reporting more than 200 converts for the year 1963, two were Negro evangelists, Phipps and Ward--exceeded only by Fordyce Detamore (in short campaigns) with 233.28 In 1964, C. D. Brooks, then a Columbia Union Conference evangelist, conducted a long campaign through the summer and early fall, in which 279 new converts came into the church; and which, it was said, "left continu- ing waves of Spiritual revival among the multitudes in the city of Phila- 29 delphia." In the same year, W. J. Cleveland conducted an eight-week campaign in New Orleans with 119 persons inducted into the church.30 In 1965, E. E. Cleveland, in association with thirteen pastors and 25The Ministgy, June, 1962, pp. 24, 25, 40. 26The Ministry, January, 1962, pp. 24-26. 27The Ministgy, December, 1963, p. 25. 28Bulletin, Men gf the Centugy, 1964. 29Columbia Union Visitor, December 31, 1964, p. l. 30 The Ministry, March, 1965, p. 44. 499 an equal number of Bible instructors, conducted a four-month campaign in two adjoined tents on Long Island, with nightly attendance ranging from 1,400 to 3,200; and converts totaling 458, possibly the largest number in one campaign Since Boothby's Cincinnati effort of 1940. To divert a part of this influx from already crowded Negro churches in New York, a new congregation was organized in Jamaica, Long Island, with some 200 charter members.31 A Similar burst of new Success in 1965 was also seen in long-for- mat, hard-hitting campaigns conducted for primarily Caucasian audiences by Stanley Harris. After a number of earlier moderately successful cam- paigns in the North Pacific Union Conference, and central California, Harris conducted two consecutive campaigns in Bakersfield, California, with the combined total of more than 350 converts.32 Another example of larger-than-usual success in 1965, but with the short format, was seen in a campaign conducted by Bruce Johnston, head of the Department of Religion at Southern Missionary College. This campaign, in Worcester, Massachusetts, began with a "double-header" meeting in an "airatorium"; but the attendance was so great that the meetings soon were transferred to the city auditorium. The high percentage of non-Adventists present at these meetings led J. R. Spangler to declare them an indication that "our message still has power to grip the souls of the masses and has given encouragement to our ministers to preach the gospel publicly."33 31Review and Herald, December 23, 1965, p. 15. 32Personal interview, campaign associates. 33Review and Herald, September 2, 1965, p. 32. 500 Historical Corollaries However, if recent success in extended public campaigns represents an upturn in Adventist public evangelism and membership growth, the his- torical record Suggests that more is involved than the "power" of the Ad- ventist message alone. In the twentieth century, there have been four significant periods of evangelistic resurgence for the Adventist church; and in each case growth peaks have coincided with times of acute crisis and social dislocation--two world wars, the Depression, and the beginning of the "atomic age"--in which Adventist evangelism seemed to offer ”the answer" to many persons Shaken from familiar frameworks of reference, and in which events lent added credibility to the Adventist apocalyptic mes- sage of chaos preceding the Second Coming and earthly renewal. There are also indications, as have been reviewed, of a correlation with Adventist success of: (l) a ”fall-out" of conservative Protestants from the established churches, on theological grounds--particularly during the World War I era; (2) a migration to the cities of rural Protestant peOple, as seen in both World Wars; (3) a general resurgence of conserva- tive revivalism, as seen in the Billy Sunday era prior to and during World War I, and in the early Billy Graham era at the end of World War II. In addition, while in the absence of such factors the internal "promotion" of public evangelism by Adventist ministerial leaders appar- ently has had little direct bearing on its level of success, the "readi- ness" of the church and its leadership to capitalize evangelistically on external events--through the preparation and support of evangelistic per- sonnel--does appear to have such a bearing, as particularly illustrated during the early years of both World Wars. Furthermore, the ”balance of power" between institutional and 501 evangelical interests in the church seems not only to affect the readiness of the church to respond in times of evangelistic opportunity, but in it- self to be affected by ensuing events. In such times, attention and re- sources seem to be Shifted to evangelism, only to be withdrawn when evan- gelistic success begins to wane, or when the incompatibility of many "crisis-converts" begins to disturb the institutional equilibrium of the church. When the demands imposed on a well-established church or conference by extensive public evangelism are considered, its reluctant support ex- cept in times of crisis and heightened public reSponse may readily be understood. First, the extended campaign period required to make con- verts from among persons not already introduced to Adventist beliefs and folkways requires almost complete pre-emption of organizational energies for three to six months or longer. This means that institutional inter- ests of the church largely must be put aside, or turned from their usual course to serve the interests of the campaign. This, in turn, means that the pastor usually must become subordinate to the evangelist, or at least give him the limelight for an extended period of time--while the congre- gational programs which the pastor has attempted to develOp frequently languish. Moreover, church members must be willing to support the fairly dog- matic and divisive evangelistic posture seemingly necessary to attract from other social settings new converts who are comparatively uncondi- tioned by prior Adventist influences. Church members secure in a socially "accepted" institutional setting, with productive social or professional relations in the community, and probably themselves moving upward in the social and economic structure, seem unlikely to lend willing support to a 502 program that must in effect downgrade the religious authority of other groups and disturb community relations--unless conditions of crisis pro- portions have already created division, sharply defined issues, and brought ”competing” organizations under fire from other sources as well. Such conditions in the past have included catastrophic intimations of an "imminent end," or the inability of traditional leadership to pro- vide meaningful explanations of extreme dislocations, and to protect "the faith" from a disruptive I'1ibera1izing." Omggg'gf Evangelical Resurgence In the mid-1960's, there were a number of portentious religious de- velOpmentS conceivably capable of creating a climate favorable to a re- surgence of Adventist public evangelism; in fact, conservative evangelism in general. Ecumenical acceleration and Catholic renewal. One of these was the flowering ecumenical movement which Adventist observers believe to be in confirmation of certain of their prOphetic views. As will be recalled, Adventists for many years, and eSpecially Since the formation of the old Federal Council of Churches in 1908, have been particularly alert to church mergers and federations; and to increasing rapprochement between Protestants and Catholics. Within Adventist theology, there is ”meaning" in these events and trends, because of their interpretation of certain Biblical prOphecies and early statements made by Ellen G. White, which predict an ultimate union of ”fallen" Protestant denominations and the Catholic church in Opposition to "the truth"--the ”final apostasy.” Whatever the correlation of this interpretation with reality, there seems little doubt of the present ”striking indications of acceleration in 503 the ecumenical movement, as reported by Eugene L. Smith, executive sec- 34 These events include wide- retary of the World Council of Churches. ranging moves toward Protestant union, and increasing Catholic-Protestant fellowship and dialog--eSpecia11y in the wake of Vatican Council II. To- gether with increasingly radical departures from traditional Christian theology within Protestant ranks, these develOpmentS convince many Ad- ventist officials that the fulfillment of these prOphecieS is in view. Marvin E. Loewen, secretary of the General Conference Religious Liberty Department, declared in December, 1965, that "a dozen prOphecies [are] in the process of fulfillment." Foremost among these, he said, are those centered in the ecumenical movement. Loewen cited the 1888 predic- tion of Ellen G. White that, the Protestants of the United States will be foremost in stretching their hands . . . over the abyss to claSp hands with the Roman power; and . . . this country will follow in the steps of Rome.35 Pointing toward "fulfillment" of this prophecy, Loewen suggested, were the many current declarations by advocates of ecumenicalism. For example, Methodist Bishop James K. Mathews said: There is now with an increasingly clear voice being heard across what might have been termed an abyss of separation . the cry, "Brother," and that's a cry that has been directed from both Sides, and we find that abyss perhaps isn't as broad or as deep as was supposed.36 The actions of leading Protestants as observers at the Vatican 4Year-end report, World Council of Churches, New York Office, January 1, 1966. 35Ellen G. White, The Great Controversy (Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1953 printing), p. 588; cited in Review and Herald, December 30, 1965, p. 3. 36Cited in Review and Herald, loc.cit. 504 Councils, and moves by Roman Catholics to break down barriers to fellow- ship and even to common worship were seen by Loewen as an "implementation" of "the inspired words." He cited a United Press International diSpatch from Castel Gandolfo: One by one the religious leaders in the Protestant world connected with the World Council of Churches and the ecumeni- cal movement are making their way to Rome. First, the broad inclusivism accepted by modern Protestan- tism makes possible the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church. Second, the Subordination of Scripture to the will of the church has moved liberal Protestantism over onto the same plat- form as Roman Catholicism so far as the doctrine of the church is concerned.37 The notable visit to New York of POpe Paul VI, was, to many Seventh-day Adventists, a Startling occurrence. R. Allan Anderson, sec- retary of the General Conference Ministerial Association, explained: From our very beginnings, Adventist preachers, through the study of prOphecy, have declared that Roman Catholicism will rise to the place where she will ultimately become the voice of the religious world. For many decades there was no indica- tion that such a thing would or even could ever happen. The study of prOphecy also convinced us that the United States be- for our Lord's return will increase in prestige until She becomes the most influential nation in the world. AS such She will play a leading role in bringing about the full and final exaltation of the Papacy. The Shaping of events leading to these conditions is very clear. . . . We have not followed cunningly devised fables. 38 One "bloc” of prOSpective converts in any new Adventist evangelis- tic offensive may well be persons of conservative Protestant backgrounds who find such trends either objectionable or alarming, or both. In addi- tion, there is some evidence that former or marginal Adventists see in 37Ibid., p. 4. 38The Ministry, December, 1965, p. 27. 505 present trends Sufficient reason for returning to the fold. Among the large number of converts in the previously mentioned, long evangelistic campaign held in Bakersfield, California, by Stanley Harris, were found a number of former Adventists who explained their return to the church as a result of the ”shock" of witnessing the arrival of the POpe on American soil.39 Conceivably, there may be here an omen of evangelistic things to come for the Adventists. Division 33 Protestantism. Of even greater promise to future Ad- ventist evangelistic gains, in view of the historical record, is the sim- mering revolt in large segments of Protestantism against traditional views of Christ, God, and the church. Flowing from the teachings of Tillich, the Niebuhrs, Barth, Bultmann, and Brunner, "a passion for a radical transformation of Protestant Christianity in all its forms and formulas is currently sweeping U. S. churches,” according to Kenneth L. Woodward, 40 Newsweek religion editor. Citing numerous Protestant leaders, Woodward maintains that "U. S. Protestants today diSplay no clear sense of identity or purpose,” and that "less than half of the total of American Christendom really believes In41 [the truth of] 'Christ crucified, risen, and coming again. According to Paul Moore, Jr., EpiSCOpal BishOp of Washington, Jarred by the Negro renewal and Catholic renewal, the Protestant church has been doing some very radical thinking. Wherever you 39Personal interview, campaign associates. 4ONewsweek, LXVII (January 3, 1966), p. 33. 411pm, p. 34. look"in ' ecumeniCal ”opening U Woodwal‘ the direct in’x‘ religion 111531 to the “revolu tured is alrea tant theologial ruthlessness, liever and Chr The res larger Protest Chicago City M church-in-the- up the middle 3f schism, WOO church level, Rebinsonian, H Phi" 0f Altizer Professors," W E :LL‘EStiOns S 506 look--in the church's increasing social involvement, in the ecumenical movement and in the new theology--there is this "Opening up.”42 Woodward declares, significantly, ”To conservative Protestants, the direct involvement of clergymen in secular problems is a betrayal of religion itself." He stresses, however, that this could not matter less to the "revolutionaries”; for, to them, "the church as it now is struc- 43 According to Robert McAfee Brown, a Protes- tured is already doomed.” tant theologian at Stanford University, ”We have to act with a certain ruthlessness, today. When a structure stands in the way between the be- liever and Christ, it must be axed."44 The result seems likely to be division in at least some of the larger Protestant churches. According to Don Benedict, director of the Chicago City Missionary Society, "We will get real schisms over the church-in-the-world issue. Some congregations are going to be Split right up the middle in the next ten years."45 Contributing to this possibility of schism, Woodward believes, is a "theological vacuum” at the local church level, where "a heretofore lethargic" laity have been stirred by Robinsonian, Honest-To-God demytholigizing and the "God Is Dead” philoso- phy of Altizer and other "new theologians." "Pastors and even seminary professors," Woodward says, "[are] . . . being pressed with fundamental n46 questions, . . . [the answers to which are] Slow in coming. 42Ibid. 43Ibid., p. 33. 44Ibid., p. 35. 45Ibid., p. 36. 46Ibid., p. 37. 507 Another journalist, I. George Harris, senior editor of Look, reports religious restlessness everywhere you go. The big denomi- nations, long placid, are suddenly possessed by turmoil. POpe Paul needs all his authority to control, or try to, the revolu- tion in Roman Catholicism. But Protestantism, with no central machinery, is rocked even more violently by the same historic disturbance. Harris further reports that radical young theologians want to abandon the word "God" because church-going millions use it as a nickname for super- stition. Conservatives, Shocked, fear that the "new theology” degrades Christ to a "myth." Result: a full-scale battle of the Bible over the purpose of the church and the living test of truth.48 According to Rodney Stark and Charles Y. Glock, diSparities of belief in some of the larger Protestant churches are so great as to re- present "cleavages . . . that may well hold a greater potential for fac- tionalism than did the old diSputes [that produced the historic schisms in Christianity]. Stark and Glock maintain that Although earlier disagreements that accompanied the fragmen- tation of Christianity were bitter, nevertheless they took place Vamong men who, for the most part, Shared commitment to such basic components of Christian theology as the existence of a personal and sentient God, the Saviourhood of Christ, and the promise of life-everlasting. But today . . . the fissures . . . fragment the very core of the Christian perSpectives. The new cleavages are not over such matters as how to prOperly worship God, but over whether or not there is a God of the sort it makes any sense to worship.49 47Look, July 27, 1965, p. 17. 48Ibid. 49Rodney Stark and Charles Y. Glock, "The 'New Denominationalism,'" Review 2f Religious Research, VII (Fall, 1965), p. 14. 508 Stirring 13 the evangelical camp. If, in eXpectation of a larger prOphetic role for themselves amid these trends, Adventists should gird up their evangelistic loins, they would find themselves in step with other evangelicals who share their concern--although perhaps without the frame- work of Specific prophetic predictions maintained by the Adventists. The "voice" of conservative Protestantism, Christianigy Today, recently editorialized: Old landmarks are being destroyed, old sanctities overthrown. What is the responsibility of those who believe in the validity of revealed religion? . . . We reply in the words of the prOphet Isaiah: "To the Law and to the testimony: if they Speak not according to this Word, it is because there is no light in them." . Never has the burden of presenting historic Christian theism fallen so heavily upon the Shoulders of a vanguard of evangelical theologians. That the living supernatural God has revealed himself; that he has made his ways known in objective historical and in objective truths about himself and his pur- poses; that the Bible is the authoritative norm of Christian faith and practice-—these were elemental truths that the early Christians proclaimed to the pagan world. The evangelical witness was never more needed than now.50 Billy Graham, the nation's best-known evangelical, sees Protestant turmoil as "a growing rebellion against the institutional life of the church, which has become bogged down in its own machinery."51 There is some reflection of such a revolt in the statistics of church attendance, as cited by George Gallup, Jr., who reports that the percentage of the adult pOpulation attending church in a typical week reached its peak in 1958, having risen by that year to 49 per cent, from only 37 per cent in the 1930's. However, since 1958, it has been gradually declining, 5Ocnristianity Today, x (December 17, 1965), pp. 22-24. 51Newsletter, PR Reporter, September 13, 1965, p. 2. [H luv 1:13. - 509 . . 52 drOpping to 45 per cent In 1964. With this background, there is perhaps more significance than might ordinarily be seen in the scheduling by evangelical forces of a World Congress on Evangelism in West Berlin, during parts of October and November, 1966, with Carl F. Henry, editor of the Christianity Today as chairman; and Billy Graham as the honorary chairman. Among the objectives of this Congress, which will be attended by 1,200 delegates, guests and observers, are: "To define Biblical evange- lism; to stress the urgency of evangelistic proclamation throughout the world in this generation; and to summon the church to recognize the pri- ority of its evangelistic task."53 Adventist Preparedness The Adventist church today is better prepared to make common cause with these other evangelicals than at any previous time in its history; and to benefit more, evangelistically, from any fall-out of disaffected conservatives from other denominations. Well-develOped techniques. First, it has a number of effective "tools” for evangelism which have been in develOpment Since the early 1950's; techniques centering in the blending of mass media, personal con- tact, and the public platform. Perhaps the most significant general technique is that of ”preparing the ground” before launching public meet- ings, with the meetings themselves the climax rather than the beginning 52Statement in public lecture, Atlantic City, May 3, 1965 (also, see Time, 87 [January 14, 1966], p. 51). 53The Ministry, March, 1965, p. 22. .’~ _‘_ ‘ ofanevanselis Broader -dn the wake thelate 1940 "itis more 4 cmmepts of Ct Froom: Today t} the things past, defir positive, . . . Let ‘ We are to : alds Of Ch' Froom r‘ tmic Christie. This is ments Of P Virgin bir the litera Advent. I tion. We - . . H '-or chief With rh lnlarge measn ave,evangeli [Mus They s t“? Crossiir \ Shim for Publicat 55U h 510 of an evangelistic ”effort,” as of old. Broader doctrinal emphasis. Moreover, in its theological emphasis --in the wake of the "Christ-centered evangelism" movement beginning in the late 1940's, and the Adventist-evangelical dialogs of the late 1950's --it is more definitely oriented than ever to the traditional evangelical concepts of Christ, the atonement, and salvation. According to L. E. Froom: Today the old, largely negative approach--emphasizing chiefly the things wherein we differ from all other religious groups--is past, definitely past. . . . The hour has come to accentuate the positive, and to stress the Everlasting GOSpel before the world. Let us be done with a 10p-sided, inadequate emphasis. We are to move into our rightful place as today's foremost her— alds of Christ. 4 Froom relates this appeal to the accelerating "departure” from his- toric Christian concepts in Protestant churches: This is now more imperative than ever before, as tragic seg- ments of Protestantism increasingly deny the incarnation, the virgin birth, the actual deity of Christ, the blood atonement, the literal resurrection, and the literal, pre-millennial Second Advent. This is our day of Opportunity and of bounden obliga- tion. We are to stand conSpicuously in the breach. . We are to present a positive, saving gOSpel, not merely --or chiefly--to proclaim a negative warning.5 With this approach to evangelism, the Seventh-day Adventists will in large measure be participants in a common crusade with other conserva- tive, evangelical groups in Opposing "apostasy" within the large denomina- tions. They Should thus suffer less under the disadvantage of conserva- tive crossfire than in previous times of conservative-liberal controversy. 54Manuscript, ”New Approaches Imperative for a New Day," prepared for publication in The Ministry. 551bid. 511 The heavy, sometimes bellicose, emphasis of many Adventist evangelists on the ”law” and the Sabbath in times past undoubtedly struck more raw nerves among conservative, Sunday-keeping peOple than among the liberals. The Adventists were thus left Open to charges, by their "competitors" for the Protestant "fall out," that they were not truly Christians, but rather ”legalists," denying "grace" in favor of "law.” With defectors from larger denominations flowing to ”the sects," as previously mentioned, this charge possibly deflected many persons from the Adventist church as a place of Spiritual refuge in favor of other sectarian groups. Institutional and Social Appeal In contrast today, with a clear assertion of the denomination's evangelical heritage to establish its Christian "acceptability," the Ad- ventist church has other advantages that could greatly enhance the effec- tiveness of large-scale public evangelism. These advantages may be ap- parent not only to discontented members of other churches but also, perhaps, to unchurched persons of conservative mind, previously unat- tracted to any other denomination. The extensive Adventist institutional develOpment, with medical, educational, publishing, and other establishments; together with a strongly "denominational" church structure, effective conference organizations, and a high level of ministerial training, could be attractive to persons who prefer the denominational to the more typical relatively unstructured sec- tarian environment. Moreover, while Adventists disavow a "creed,H their church does have a reasonably well-defined body of doctrine which, deSpite the changes of public emphasis that have been noted, has remained reason- ably consistent through many years--largely because of the interpretative role of the writings of Ellen G. White. —_l 512 Along with this institutional, church-like structure, the Adventist denomination also provides a program of social service, possibly appealing to persons who, though conservative, are not entirely alien to the church- in-the-world concept. DeSpite its "other-worldliness," the Adventist church promotes welfare, medical, educational, and other "social programs" with important emphasis on the pursuit of good health as a Christian duty, and a stated denominational objective ”to make man whole." 'I‘L Also affording the Adventist church a "competitive" advantage over some other evangelical groups is its upward socio-economic mobility, men- tioned earlier, and the values of educational and professional attainment U‘ ~ 11"-(4— .. Hm‘; im’ 0" sign; advocated within the group. Its educational institutions range from ele- mentary to the graduate and professional levels; and the denominational philOSOphy, particularly in writings of Ellen G. White previously cited, encourages young peOple within the denomination toward advanced attain- ments. The results are seen in denominational statistics, which suggest that within the Adventist church, professional and technical occupations may be twice as prevalent as among the general population;56 and a college education, approximately three times as prevalent.57 Thus, there are in the Adventist church possibilities of social and economic benefit as well as a conservative religious satisfaction; possibilities that may, as has been intimated, be apparent to many prOSpective converts.58 56Pacific Union Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, A Study _f Seventh-day Adventist Church Membership, 1961-1962, Report No. 2. Glen- dale, California: Pacific Union Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. 57Seventh—day Adventist Youth g5 the Mid-Century (Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association), 1951. 58Howard B. Weeks, "Religious Television Programming as an Evange- listic Medium” (unpublished research report, Michigan State University, January, 1964). DeSP in the nest gelistiC 5' a factor 0 or economi catastrOph' couched in vantages’ ‘ Ever settling, a persons the listic orat‘ amples 0f m thus prove t emphasis and tutional will If, a1 tion, with at an increasing ministration, evangelistic \_ 99It A Adventist eve equalling the prosperous p\ Adventist eve 513 Potential for Renewal gf Evangelistic Dominance Despite the emphasis that has been placed here on radical change in the "established” churches as a contributing factor to Adventist evan- gelistic success, it should be repeated that in the past, this has been a factor coincidental with, or even subordinate in importance to, military or economic crisis. If to disaffection in other churches is added such catastrOphe, the Adventists, with their eschatological message--now l if couched in more fundamental Christian terms--and their institutional ad- vantages, could experience substantial evangelistic success. r. Even short of catastrOphe, the times well may be sufficiently un- settling, and once-secure religious moorings so tenuous, that many more persons than in the recent past will be attracted to the voice of evange- listic orators who Speak with assurance and authority.59 The recent ex- amples of new Adventist success with large-scale public evangelism may thus prove to be the harbingers of a new era of dominant evangelistic emphasis and membership growth in the Adventist church, with some insti- tutional interests momentarily subordinated to the evangelical thrust. If, after more than a century as a formally organized denomina- tion, with an increasingly heavy commitment to institutions, as well as an increasingly SOphisticated constituency, clergy, and conference ad- ministration, the Adventist church can also continue or increase its evangelistic commitment, it possibly will have produced a new chapter in 5glt has been noted that Charles T. Everson, virtually the only Adventist evangelist of the 1920's who maintained a level of success equalling the World War I peak, appealed to a religiously unsettled but prQSperouS public in the fundamental Christian terms which a majority of Adventist evangelicals are now prepared to employ. [he SOClOlOgY mute Whose a atlatgea C0“ 514 the sociology of religion-~the chief author of which may well be Ellen G. White whose admonitions so long ago to A. G. Daniells, and to the church at large, continue to be a touchstone of Adventist action. . B}! CHAPTER XXIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS M): At the turn of the century the Seventh-day Adventist church adOpted a more centralized form of organization and moved its world headquarters to Washington, D. C. In the ensuing preoccupation with organizational and institutional develOpment, leaders of the church allowed its historical evangelistic thrust to diminish, failing particularly to develOp evange- listic forms and personnel adequate to meet the demands of attracting the rapidly growing city pOpulations. As a result, the membership growth rate declined rapidly in North America and by 1910 Showed an actual loss. In that year, under the unremitting entreaties of Ellen G. White, who was regarded as the "prophetic voice" of Adventism, church leaders abruptly shifted the attention of the rapidly institutionalizing denomina- tion to an evangelical mission. The world president, Arthur G. Daniells, himself laid aside his administrative reSponsibilities, and personally as- sumed the responsibility of evangelistic advance in the cities. The primary instrument of this advance was the public platform, with evangelistic orators of the denomination attracting audiences to tents or halls, there eXplaining Adventist views of ”the truth," and en- couraging listeners to unite with the Adventist church. This effort at once began to pay some dividends in an increased growth rate. However, only moderate Success was realized until the out- break of World War I, when the rather Specific Adventist emphasis on es- chatological prOphecieS suddenly began attracting much larger audiences and prOportionately larger numbers of converts. This influx was enlarged 516 by a substantial ”fall-out" at this time of "conservative" members of increasingly "liberal" Protestant churches. However, with the entry of the United States into the conflict, church officials began to urge caution in evangelistic utterances; and, as the initial crisis passed, the influx ebbed as rapidly as it had be- gun, with virtually no membership gain in 1920. H Throughout the 1920's, deSpite denominational pressure for a con- I tinued evangelistic drive and a substantial number of men in the field, membership growth was uneven at best and at a generally low level. In the social climate of "normalcy” and prOSperity, many wartime converts fl drifted away from the denomination, which at the time had limited church building facilities and--with a Strong program of ministerial recruitment for overseas missions, under the presidency of A. W. Spicer--comparatively limited pastoral supervision. Nevertheless, deSpite the lack of major success, much effort was expended in public evangelism during the 1920's, with many innovations in technique; particularly in the develOpment of the "public lecture” format, which capitalized on a growing public interest in programs of an educa— tional character. Yet, among all the evangelists, Charles T. Everson was virtually the only one who maintained the World War I level of conver- sions, although many men endeavored to imitate his methods. With the onset of the Depression, there was a marked resurgence of Adventist success in public evangelism, Spearheaded by a new generation of Adventist evangelistic "celebrities,” including Such men as John E. Ford, H. M. S. Richards, and John L. Shuler. These evangelistic "stars" were given strong official support by a new General Conference administra- tion including C. H. Watson, president; and William H. Branson, a veteran 517 evangelist himself, as vice president for the North American Division. However, in a repetition of the World War I pattern, no sooner had Adventist evangelistic gains reached a new peak than, as the Depression receded, they began a precipitous decline--although not to as low a level as in the post-World War I decline. Again, defections from the church, which had rapidly diminished during the crisis, began to rise; with a cor- reSponding institutional concern over the quality of evangelistic converts. Adventist reSponse in the situation was a greater emphasis on mass media, and a shifting of the evangelical mantle from the "star" to the "pastor-evangelist." In order to make this feasible, techniques develOped by leading evangelists were increasingly systematized and "distributed" by an expansion of ”field schools" of evangelism, the publication of manuals of evangelistic technique, and the incorporation of courses in public evangelism in the newly organized Seventh-day Adventist Theological Semi- nary. These measures resulted in a more wideSpread pattern of smaller evangelistic campaigns. From a low point in 1937, Adventist evangelistic gains rose again with the outbreak of World War II. In exactly the same pattern seen in previous crises (World War I and the Depression), these gains peaked early in the critical period, then rapidly declined as the initial shock faded. By 1943, evangelistic audiences were harder to attract, apostasies were again on the increase, with the growth rate once more at a low level. By war's end, however, both Adventist public evangelism and the rate of membership growth in North America were again rising, stimulated by a general resurgence of other evangelical groups and by wideSpread public fears of ”atomic annihilation.” However, these fears did not bring as great a renewal of ”big-time" Adventist evangelism as had pre- 518 vious periods of crisis, and the increase in membership growth rate in the postwar period was only moderate. While in the first postwar decade there was a proliferation of evangelists, a great majority of these were of the pastor-evangelist order, whose campaigns were generally small in sc0pe; and by the early 1950's the large-scale, extended public campaign had virtually disappeared as an Adventist evangelistic format. Trends possibly associated with the more moderate, but fairly even, rate of growth after World War II; and de-emphasis of the strong, public evangelistic thrust, may include: strong institutional develOpment of the church, with a greatly increased investment in congregational, school, and medical facilities; a rising Adventist socio-economic status; greater em- phasis on community relations and service; a moderating of the prophetic and sectarian approach in evangelism, and emphasis on what was called "Christ-centered” evangelism; and a Shift from the previous practice of identifying campaigns as part of an "inter-denominational movement," to a candid use of the denominational name. During the second postwar decade, 1955-1965, these trends have been strengthened with increasing emphasis on a "congregational” approach to evangelism. The public phase of evangelism has become more a "reaping" of the results of various institutional programs than a public "crusade" as of old, wherein the Adventist faith was introduced to previously un- conditioned "masses.” This shift of emphasis has correlated with other develOpments, in- cluding a relatively stable and prOSperous religious era in the society at large Since 1950, with a high rate of church attendance. The Adventist evangelistic programs which have develOped in this 519 setting have included a ”pastor-laymen movement," the creation of metro- politan evangelistic centers, the perfecting of evangelistic techniques in mass communications--including "Bible correSpondence schoolS"--all tending toward a more institutional approach. Two dominant evangelistic forms by 1965 were the "Short campaign," introduced in 1953 by Fordyce W. Detamore, primarily a "reaping" effort; and "It IS Written," introduced in 1956 by George E. Vandeman, an effort to unify with mass communications the diverse indirect and institutional evangelistic approaches of the Adventist church. Vandeman's plan centers in a series of television film presentations; co-ordinated with the per- sonal contacts of laymen, and climaxed by Short "reaping" meetings. A 1964 survey of contemporary attitudes among Adventist ministers toward public evangelism Suggests that younger ministers do not think of public evangelism in a combative, sectarian "crusading" mold often seen in the past. Rather, they tend to view it as a secondary influence in membership growth, serving primarily to crystallize an interest aroused through Adventist schools, contacts by laymen, the mass media, and other institutional extensions of the church. Ordinarily, with its extensive and increasing institutional de- velOpment, the Adventist church might be expected to "settle down" at this point to a more "church-like" evangelism. However, younger mini- sters, even more than older ministers, tend to emphasize a belief in the historical, "prOphetic” evangelical mission of the church--although seeing its fulfillment in "church—like” ways. Moreover, portentious, even radi- cal developments in both Catholicism and Protestantism, during the mid- 1960'S, together with random Signs of renewed success in aggressive pub- lic evangelism, suggest that, given a major world crisis, there is at least the P ist evang€1 Conclusion The instrument depended c terests W: lism was '. of her 10' evident b tinued as periodica SuPport i only agg] ment. S dominanc Other 30 Success Port by rapid Ac volumeI of Publ: religiot column I 520 least the possibility of a resurgence of the vigorous "prOphetic" Advent- ist evangelism of former days. Conclusions The historical role and character of evangelistic oratory as an instrument of Seventh-day Adventist denominational policy have largely depended on the relative dominance of "prOphetic" vs. institutional in- terests within the church. The modern era of large-scale public evange- lism was launched under the direct urging of Ellen G. White, near the end of her long career as Adventism's "prophetic" voice. The tension then evident between prOphetic insistence and institutional reserve has con- tinued as a primary condition, with the balance of policy control Shifting periodically from one side to the other; each, of course, able to command support from the writings of Mrs. White who, at various times, urged not only aggressive public evangelism but also strong institutional develOp- ment. Secondary conditions affecting relative prOphetic-institutional dominance have included political, military, economic, religious, and other social develOpmentS. In timasof social stability and prOSperity, success in public evangelism has diminished; and, consequently, its sup- port by the denomination. Such times usually have been characterized by rapid Adventist institutional development and by increasing social in- volvement. There has been a correSponding "softening" of the character of public evangelism, an increasing posture of friendliness toward other religious groups; less emphasis on divisive doctrines, and more on a common "Christianity.” On the other hand, in times of social crisis, particularly when I II 521 accompanied by instability in other religious groups, the eschatological focus of Adventist belief has become clearer, its public evangelism has been more Successful, and denominational emphasis has become more ”pro- phetic” than institutional. In fact, it may be concluded that the catastrOphic occurrences of the twentieth century, including war and depression, have largely been responsible for the continuance of public evangelism as a major expression of the Adventist mission. These events have confirmed in Adventist minds the imperfectibility of human society by evolutionary means and the truth of Adventist pre-millenial views--inc1uding world catastrOphe preceding an "imminent" Second Coming and an ultimate, supernatural earthly renewal. These convictions, supported by the prophetic writings of Ellen G. White and historical Scriptural interpretations, have provided a basis for the resurgence of Adventist evangelistic ardor in times of great crisis. However, denominational support of aggressive evangelistic action depends ultimately on its level of productivity. This has been high dur- ing the initial Shock of world crisis, but has faded rapidly with public adjustment to, and management of crisis. As the influx of new converts at such times has diminished, Adventist administrators and pastors have paused to consider the cost, and also what has been regarded as a relative lack of permanent "conviction" on the part of many "crisis-converts"-- with Subsequent high rates of apostasy. Moreover, evangelistic action even in the initial period of a crisis is institutionally restrained when aggressive, divisive evangelistic appeals seem threatening to essential societal relationships of the church--as in the United States at the time of American entry into world conflict. It may also be concluded that when a period of social stability is 522 Sustained, the Adventist church will become stronger institutionally, more involved in the social and economic patterns of society, and more concerned with social acceptance and support. While such a period con- tinues, institutional pressures will cause evangelism to become more ”church-like" and less challenging to other religious groups, utilizing indirect forms of witness that minimize abrasive personal conflict with leaders of those groups. In this context, evangelistic oratory is largely relegated to the catechetical role of preparing and motivating toward church membership those persons already "conditioned" by Adventist schools and families, the mass media, or the social relationships of laymen. Thus, the "priest- ly” setting--the pastor, the congregation, the school--becomes dominant, with less interest in a large influx of possibly incompatible persons of the lower social and economic class; and the "prOphetic" setting--the dy- namic evangelist warning and entreating the general pOpulace-—becomes recessive, with progressively less capability of reSponse to crisis. The "end product" of this process may well be an increasingly inflexible pos- ture of the Adventist church as a bearer of prevailing societal values, with the possible defection of more sectarian members to new Adventist- 1ike "movements" of the future. Alternatively, the continuing "prOphetic" presence of Ellen G. White, in the form of her writings, makes possible the renewed dominance of evangelical forces of the church in the event of a crisis of sufficient prOportions to shift denominational attention from "the building up of the church" to a proSpective "imminent fulfillment" of its apocalyptic mission. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY A. PRIMARY SOURCES l. Collected Documents, Letters and Manuscripts "The Field's Answer Box on Successful Methods." Washington, D. C.: Ministerial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Advent- ists, 1926, 1927, in the Seventh-day Adventist Historical Collec- ' tion of C. Burton Clark, Cattaraugus, New York. White, Ellen G. Collected manuscripts and letters, in the vaults of Ellen G. White Publications, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Washington, D. C.; and Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michi- gan. Collection includes relevant correspondence of A. G. Daniells, W. C. White, W. W. Simpson, and others. 2. Books Anderson, R. Allan. The Shepherd-Evangelist. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1950. Andross, Matilda Erickson. Story pf the Advent Message. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1926. Bradley, W. H. Bradlgy's Bible Lectures. Privately published, 1927. Cotton, Archer V. Sermons py_Evangelist Archer V. Cotton. Privately published, 1918. Daniells, A. G. The Abiding Gift pf PrOphecy. Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1936. The Church and the Ministry: Addresses Before the Los Angeles, California, Ministerial Institute. Riversdale, Jamaica: The Watchman Press, 1912. Detamore, Fordyce W. Evangelistic Methods Step py Step. Keene, Texas: College Press, 1957. World-Wide Bible Lectures. Keene, Texas: College Press, [1957]. Everson, Charles T. Bible Lecture Series. Angwin, California: Pacific Union College Press, 1928. Froom, LeRoy Edwin. The PrOphetic Faith pf Our Fathers. 4 vols. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1950-1954. 525 Haynes, Carlyle B. Livipg Evangelism. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1937. Howell, Emma E. The Great Advent Movement. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1935. Kleuser, Louise C. The Bible Instructor. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1949. Lickey, Arthur E. The Minister-Laymen Movement. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1949. Olsen, M. Ellsworth. A_History pf the Origin and Progress pf Seventh-day Adventists. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1925. Shuler, John L. Evangelistic Lectures. Privately published, 1946. Public Evangelism. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Pub- lishing Association, 1939. Spalding, Arthur W. Captains pf the Host. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1949. Christ's Last Legion. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1949. White, Ellen G. Counsels £2 Writers and Editors. Nashville, Tennessee: Southern Publishing Association, 1946. Evangelism. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1946. The Great Controversy. Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1953. Selected Messages. 2 vols. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1958. Testimonies £2 the Church. 9 vols. Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1948. Aflame for God. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Associa- tion, 1951. Questions pp Doctrine. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1957. Report pf the Evangelistic Council. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1941. Seventh-day Adventist Youth 35 Mid-Century. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1951. 526 Thine B3 the Glory. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1955. Typical Evangelistic Sermons. 2 vols. Washington, D. C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1940, 1942. 3. Publications p£_0rganizations Attracting pp Audience. Washington, D. C.: The Press Bureau, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, [1914]. Burgan, Walter L., and Carlyle B. Haynes. A_Series pf Lessons 33 NeWSpaper Reporting, Np. 1. Washington, D. C.: The Press Bureau, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, 1912. Men pf_the Century. Washington, D. C.: Ministerial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, March, 1964. (Mimeographed.) lOlst Annual Statistical Report pf Seventh-day Adventists, 1963. Washing- ton, D. C.: General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, 1963. Pastors' Bulletin. New York: Faith for Today, May-June, 1965, 3. ,A Study pf Seventh-day Adventist Church Membership. Report No. 2, 1961- 1962. Glendale, California: Pacific Union Conference of Seventh- day Adventists. Tele-Notes. New York: Faith for Today, November, 1965. '4. Periodicals The Review and Herald, official church paper of the Seventh-day Adventist denomination. Volumes consulted, with numerous citations: 1890 to 1965. The Ministry, official organ of the Ministerial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. Volumes consulted, with numerous citations: 1928 to 1965. 5. Unpublished Materials Cleveland, E. E. "Evangelistic Sermons." Washington, D. C.: Ministerial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. (Mimeographed.) Detamore, Fordyce W. "Bible Auditorium Lectures." 4 vols. [1938]. (Mimeographed.) "Evangelistic Methods Step by Step." 1940. (Mimeographed.) 527 Eckenroth, Melvin K. "Eckenroth Lyceum Bible Lectures." 2 vols. [1946]. (Mimeographed.) "A Syllabus Study of Evangelistic Procedures." Washington, D. C.: Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, [1955]. (Mimeographed.) Ford, John E. "Evangelism.” Reproduced by the Ministerial Association, Australasian Division of Seventh-day Adventists. (Mimeographed.) Froom, LeRoy E. "New Approaches Imperative for a New Day.” 1965. (Mimeographed.) Johnston, Bruce. "Principles and Practice of Evangelism." Privately published. (Mimeographed.) Metcalfe, R. E. "PrOphecy Speaks Bible Lectures." 2 vols. (Mimeographed.) Schubert, Walter. ”Syllabus for Evangelism." Washington, D. C.: Mini— sterial Association, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. (Mimeographed.) Vandeman, George E. "Techniques in Public and Personal Evangelism." Berrien Springs, Michigan: Emmanuel Missionary College, 1946. (Mimeographed.) Weeks, Howard B. "Changing Attitudes Toward Evangelism in the Seventh- day Adventist Church.” Unpublished research report, Michigan State University, May, 1964. "Religious Television Programming as an Evangelistic Medium." Unpublished research report, Michigan State University, January, 1964. 6, Other Materials Questionnaires, miscellaneous papers, advertising materials, and personal correSpondence, along with much other material used in this study, has been organized as the "Seventh-day Adventist Evangelistic Source Collection," and may be consulted at Andrews University Library, Berrien Springs, Michigan. B. SECONDARY SOURCES 1. Books Allen, Frederick Lewis. Onleresterday. New York: Bantam Books, 1959. Since Yesterday. New York: Bantam Books, 1961. 528 Berelson, Bernard, and Gary A. Steiner. Human Behavior. New York: HarCOurt, Brace, and World, 1964. Brauer, Jerald C. Protestantism 3p America. Philadelphia: The West- minster Press, 1953. Clark, Walter Houston. The Psychology pf Religion. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1958. i Cutlip, Scott M., and Allen H. Center. Effective Public Relations. ‘ Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1958. Emery, Edwin. The Press and America. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, New f4 Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1962. I. E Hoffer, Eric. The True Believer. New York: Mentor Books, 1951. McLoughlin, William G., Jr. Billy Graham: Revivalist l_.2 Secular Age. New York: The Ronald Press, 1960. unwarrr" “;J §.. 1 I- q .A‘ Modern Revivalism. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1959. Morison, Samuel Eliot, and Henry Steele Commager. The Growth pf the American Republic. 2 vols. New York: Oxford University Press, 1942. Niebuhr, H. Richard. The Social Sources p£_Denominationalism. Cleveland, Ohio: The World Publishing; Meridian Books, 1957. POpe, Liston, Millhands and Preachers. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942. Sweet, William Warren. The Story pf Religion 13 America. 2nd rev. ed. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. Truman, David B. The Governmental Process. New York: Alfred A. KnOpf, 1960. Weisberger, Bernard A. They Gathered pp the River. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1958. Yinger, J. Milton. Religion, Society, and the Individual. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957. ‘2. Publications p£_the Government and Organizations Annual Report. World Council of Churches, New York office, January 1, 1966. Statistical Abstract p£_the United States: 1962. (Eighty-third edition.) Washington, D. C.: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1962. 529 3. Periodicals Baird, Jesse Hays. ”How Resolve the Quarrel Over Evangelism?” Christianity Today, VIII (October 25, 1963), 61-63. Clear, Val. "The Church of God: A Study in Social Adaptation," Review pi Religious Research, II (Winter, 1961), 131, 132. "Ferment In Protestantism," Christianty Today, X (December 17, 1965), 24; Graybeal, David M. "Churches in a Changing Culture," Review pi Religious Research, II (Winter, 1961), 121-128. Klausner, Samuel U. "The Religo-Psychiatric Movement," Review pf Religious Research, V (Winter, 1964), 63-74. ‘15 fl .. . Quimby, Rollin W., and Robert H. Billigmeier. "The Varying Role of Revi- valistic Preaching in American Protestant Churches," Speech Mono- graphs, XXVI (August, 1959), 217. ”car—y cos—V‘s. t.- ; _w.:;m '1 .- Stark, Rodney, and Charles Y. Clock. "The New Denominationalism." Review pf Religious Research, VII (Fall, 1965), 8-17. Walters, Orville S. "Have Psychiatry and Religion Reached a Truce?" Christianipy Today, X (October 8, 1965), 20. Ward, John William. "An Epitaph for Success," The Reporter, XXXII (April 8, 1965), 58. ”Whither Theology," Christianity Today, X (December 17, 1965), 22. ”Why No Revival?" Christian Century, LII (September 8, 1935), 1168-1170. [Woodward, Kenneth L.] "The Protesting Protestants," Newsweek, LXVII (January 3, 1966), 33-37. 4, Essay Hance, Kenneth G., Homer 0. Hendrickson, and Edwin W. Schoenberger. "The Later National Period: 1860 to 1930," A Histogy and Criticism.p£ American Public Address, Norwood Brigance, editor. 2 vols. New York: Russell and Russell, 1960. '5. EncyclOpediaS and General Reference Works Eddington, Arthur Stanley. "Astronomy," EncyclOpedia Britannica (13th ed.), XXIX, 244. The World Almanac, 1965. Harry Hansen, ed. New York: New York World- Telegram, 1965. 530 p. Unpublished Materials Lacour, Lawrence Leland. "A Study of the Revival Method in America, 1920-1955, With Special Reference to Billy Sunday, Aimee Semple McPherson, and Billy Graham.” Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University, 1956. A Research Study pp Expectations Regarding the Church and Reasons for Membership. Austin, Texas: Millard Research Associates, for The Division of Evangelism, United Presbyterian Church in the USA, 1963. E“ 1. Newspapers [" Cornell, George W. "Religion Today." Associated Press diSpatch in the 3 [Phoenix] Arizona Daily Star, July 31, 1959. j I, K Detroit Free Press, November 10, 12, 19; December 3, 1917. February 16, L? 20, 1918. ’ APPENDIX 400000 350000 300000 850000 200000 150000 100000 50000 FIGURE 17 SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH MEMBERSHIP (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) 532 / / / 1 W ~1910 1920 1830 19*0 1950 .1950 1970 533 FIGURE 18 ORGANIZED SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CONGRDSATIONS (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) 3$00 3200 3000 t . 1.] 2900 '16 2500 a r 2%00 ///r ~5 2200 2000 1800* 1600 1400 1810 1820 1880 18W0 1850 1860 1870 25000 22500 20000 17500 15000 12500 10000 7500 S000 534 FIGURE 19 ANNUAL AMISSIONS TO THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH THROUGH BAPTISM (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) _ A V 7 W V ' 1910 1820 1830 18*0 1950 1950 1970 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 ORDAINED MINISTERS OF THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH FIGURE 20 (UNITED STATES AND CANADA) 535 //V M/ /J 7r 1810 1820 1930 1840 1850 1860 1870