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SYSTEMS OF APPELLATION
AMONG THE KENYAH DAYAK OF BORNEO

by

Patricia Ruth Whittier

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Nfichigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Anthropology

1981

ABSTRACT

SYSTEMS OF APPELLATION
AMONG THE KENYAH DAYAK OF BORNEO

By

Patricia Ruth Whittier

This study presents one aspect, the naming system, of
the culture of the Kenyah Dayak people of central Borneo.
The Kenyah are swidden rice agriculturists occupying long~
house villages in the Borneo highlands in both the Indo-
nesian province of Kalimantan Timur and the Malaysian state
of Sarawak. Field research among the Kenyahwvas carried
out in 1970-71 (Kalimantan Timur) and in 1973-75 (Sarawak);
a one-month visit to the Sarawak research site was made in
March-April 1980. One chapter contains an ethnographic
summary as background to the specific discussion of Kenyah
names and other forms of address. Comparative material is
drawn from other Southeast Asian societies where appropriate.
The focus here is on names and other forms of address as
social and cultural, rather than linguistic, phenomena.

There are several sub-systems that comprise the Kenyah
system of appellation. These include kin terms; autonyms,
teknonyms, necronyms, and gerontonyms. Some of these

catagories provide alternate forms available to a given

Patricia Ruth Whittier
individual (e.g., a kin term or an autonym); others are
mutually exclusive (e.g., teknonyms and necronyms),13ut
taken as a whole they form a coherent system.

A Kenyah in his/her lifetime bears a series of
appellations that changexwith changes in the closest
interpersonal relationships. The arrival of children and
grandchildren and the deaths of certain relatives are all
occasions for changes in forms of appellation. For small
children, persistent illness may also result in name
changes. The name sequence in both biographical and social.
It underscores not only the stage of a person's life and the
major events of that life, but also his/her social context.
An individual's name shows where he/she fits into the
geneological layers of children, adults, and elders that
cut across Kenyah society as'vell as his/her membership in
the primary social units: conjugal pair, household, and
longhouse.

In summary, this study attempts to show not only how
the sub-systems of Kenyah appellation are related to each
other to form a coherent cultural segment, but also hov this

cultural segment is articulated with.Kenyah social structure.

Copyright by
PATRICIA RUTH WHITTIER
1981

To my mother,

Ruth Preston Jenks

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

ry research was aided by a number of institutions and
individuals who deserve credit and thanks for their help.
Financial support was provided by a Fulbright-lays Disser-
tation Research Abroad Fellowship through the United States
Office of Education and by a grant from the Smithsonian
Institution's Urgent Anthropology Program. Research in
Indonesiatvas sponsored by the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan
Indonesia in Jakarta, and research in Sarawakxwas sponsored
by The Sarawak Museum in Kuching. Mr. Peter Kedit and
IE; Lucas Chin of the latter institution were particularly
helpful not only in arranging official sponsorship, but also
in providing many kinds of logistic support.

This dissertation is the result of a long period of
training and not just the immediate research.onnwhich it is
based. It would be impossible to acknowledge and thank all
'who have had a part in the product, but, at the risk of
slighting some, I would like to mention a few of these
people b y name.

Dr. A.B. Hudsonvvas one of my first teachers and ini-
tially directed my interests toward Borneo. Both he and
Judith M. Hudson encouraged these interests through a

supportive academic and personal relationship.

iii

mebers of my dissertation committee performed
gallantly under pressing conditions. Dr. Bernard Gallin,
as chairperson of the Department of Anthropology, committee
member, and teacher, has offered an unfailing faith in my
abilities that has been more important than he knows.

Dr. RObert McKinley , as my committee chairperson, teacher,
and long-time friend, has been a constant source of stimu-
lation. His willingness to listen, discuss, and argue and
his committment to the understanding of "humanness" have
greatly shaped my perspective on the anthropological
enterprise. Dr. Allen Batteau kindly took time, at short
notice, to serve on my committee and made many useful
suggestions. Dr. Sue Scheiner also came to my committee
late in the process and gave generously of her time in
reading and discussion. I very much appreciate her contrir
bution in bringing to bear points of view I had not considered
and taking time to discuss them thoroughly.

I would also like to thank Dr. Joseph Spielberg, teacher
and friend for many years, whose consistent support has never
been dimmed by our frequent disagreements.

The late Bishop A.D. Galvin of Niri and Father Jacdb and
Father Emile of the Long San Roman Catholic Mission generously
shared their enormous knowledge and understanding of Kenyah
life and helped make life in the field easier.

The late Tom Harrisson, former Curator of The Sarawak
Museum, kindly shared his first-hand knowledge of interior
Borneo and his notes on the Kenyah. Ittvas he*who first

iv

encouraged me to do research among the Kenyah of Long Nawang.
I owean enormous ddat to the Kenyah people of Longlqoh,
Long Nawang, Mara Satu, and Tanjungselor. They were initially
hospitable to the strangersxwho tried awkwardly to be part
of their lives and, ultimately, became an indelible part of
my life.
Such an enterprise as graduate school and the writing
of a dissertation is greatly aided by the encouragement and
support, direct and indirect, of friends and fellow students.
Their contributions are various, unique. and individual;
they know what they are. Thanks especially to Judy, John,
Peggy Barb, Alice, John, Jimmy, Caren, Pam, Maggie, Bill,
Idbby, Mary, Denise, Cynthia, and Marge.
My hquand Herb read, typed. and nagged, and, for all
of this, he deserves thanks, but his far greater contributions

are not matters for public record.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

II THE KENYAH: ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND. . . . . . 7

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Making a Living. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Units of Organization. . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Social Stratification. . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Kinsmen. . . . . . . . . . . . 34

Religion and Modernization . . . . . . . . . 47

Formal Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

III. KENYAH SYSTEMS OF APPELLATION. . . . . . . . . 57

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

Autonyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Kin Terms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7O

Teknonyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Necronyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

IV. COMPARATIVE DATA ON APPELLATIONS . . . . . . . 103

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Autonyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

Teknonyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

Necronyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

Gerontonyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

V. SUMMARY, ANALYSIS, AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . 142

GLOSSARY OF FOREIGN TERMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

REFERENCES CITED. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure
1. Research Sites in Borneo
2 Consanguinal Kin Terms
3 Teknonyms and Gerontonyms.
4. Necronyms.
5 Locations of Southeast Asian Ethnic
Groups Discussed
6. Changes in Appellation .
7. Generational Layers and Appellations

vii

page

75

. 92
.101

.105
.143
.147

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

When a child is named, he is both individualized
and incorporated into society (\hn Chnnep 1960 62)

Every society has forms by which its members address
and refer to one another and to themselves. Exactly what
are these names; "what's in a name?" One of the earliest
extant debates on the nature of names is in Plato's
Cratylus in which Cratylus begins an argument about the
connections between words and things by jesting at the
dullewitted Hermogenes about his name. Hermogenes cannot
be the man's true name suggests Cratylus because Hermogenes
means "born of Hermes", god of good fortune, money, and
cleverness and this so—called Hermogenes is not only dull
but also impecunious and generally wretched. Hermogenes
replies that he is indeed stating his true name because
people call him Hermogenes and what a person is called is,
after all, what a name is.

This argument has continued to the present in the
fields of philosophy and linguistics with technical debates
about the nature of names (or "proper names") and how, if

at all, they are to be distinguished from the rest of

language.1

There are many studies of names as historical phenomena,
usually related to the tracing of geneologies, of the etymol-
ogical bases of names, and of names as linguistic phenomena.
These commonly attempt to distinguish between ”true prOper
names” and other forms of address and reference. There are,
however, very few studies of names as social and cultural
phenomena and as but one aspect of a larger system of ad-
dressing and referring to others. The question to be dis-
cussed here is the total system of personal address and
reference in a particular society.

In the title of this study, I have used the term
"appellation" because I believe that the study of names as
social and cultural phenomena must include not only what
are commonly referred to as "names" but also the variety of
other forms used to address and refer to individuals. An
attempt to distinguish too rigidly between "true names" and
other forms produces ambiguity and disregards the fact that
the forms of appellation, taken as a whole, constitute a
coherent system. Because the word "name" is usually
associated with what are often called "proper names" or
"personal names," I have chosen the term "appellation" to

encompass the greater range of forms.2

 

1A fairly recent summary of this debate can be found in
John Algeo's QB Defining the Proper Name (1973).

 

2The word "appellation" is from the Latin appellare,
meaning "to address," "to accost," ”to call," or "to appeal."

 

At face value, appellation are just what the term
implies: 'what people call each other. But they also have
social and cultural application. There are appropriate
forms of appellation which make statements about individuals
(i.e., biographical statements) and statements about
relationships between or among individuals and, thus, about
society. This is then a study of the statements made by
the system of appellations of a particular people -- the
Kenyah Dayak of Central Borneo.

During the initial phases of my research among the
Kenyah, I shared a experience common to many investigators
in unfamiliar societies of being confused by a variety of
responses to my requests for names. This confusion*was
increased by listening to the usage of people around me as
they addressed and referred to one another. Once I had
established a name to apply to each person, however, I
did not pursue the matter further. Itxvas after I returned
from the field and began to reexamine my data that I began
to take a deeper look at names and to view them as more
than trivial pieces of cultural baggage. I had the outlines
of a system, or rather of several sUb-systems, of appellation.
These sub-systems could be articulated into a coherent
cultural pattern, in Geertz's term a "fragment of culture"
that was "saying" something.

During the course of a second, year-and-a—half period

of field research, I focussed more specifically on the

4

system of appellation. Another primary research topicxvas
ritual language and the single most common ritual in*which

I participated was the infant naming ceremony, including

the naming of my own infant. This research period provided
the majority of the detailed data that went into my analysis
of the Kenyah system of appellation.

The mold in which my particular view of social
anthropology is cast owes a great deal to thexwork of
Geertz and Berger and Luckman (1966). Geertz says,

Believing, with Max weber, that man is an animal

suspended in webs of significance he himself has

spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the
analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental
science in search of law but an interpretive one

in search of meaning (1973:5).

The question I am interested in here is the meaning
of appellations not in the etymological sense but as Wwebs
of significance." Hon does the system of appellation as
a fragment of culture, as a protion of a totalvvda,
relate to the network of relationship that is society?
Society is a collection of individuals tied to each other
in certain ways. How are these ties reflected in and
created by the system of appellation. What aspects of
social reality are both ordered and constructed by
the "knowledge”, the system of meanings and understandings
of the system of appellation.

In the case of the Kenyah, the system of appellation
is a window into society. It is a system of symbols that

talks about the nature of human beings and their most

significant relations with each other; thus, it talks

about the nature of society as well. The analysis of the
system of appellation is a way of discovering important
social realtions. It is not the only way because in any
society these statements about the nature of persons and
their relationships are made many times over in various
ways, but it is one that is often overlooked or passed
over.

The literature on appellations in anthropology is
varied in that certain types of appellations have received
far more attention than others. Kinship terms, of course,
have their own vast body of literature. Many ethnographies
incorporate references to other forms such as personal names,
birth-order names, or teknonyms but rarely is there an
analysis of an entire system of appellation. Works that
analyze in detail one or another aspect of appellations
include Geertz and Geertz (1964 and 1975), Levi—Strauss
(1966), Needham (1954a, 1954b, 1965, and 1971) and Benjamin
(1966). Their insights and comparative data have been
particularly useful inxworking out the relationships among
the several sub-systems of Kenyah appellation.

Because the Kenyah are not a well known group, I have
given in Chapter II a brief survey of the ethnography as
background for the discussion of appellations among the
Kenyah. This survey presents only the general economic
situation and the major organizational features of Kenyah
life plus some data on the relatively new forces of formal

education and Christianity.

Chapter III presents the Kenyah system of appellation
in detail in both its formal, paradigmatic aspect and in
its daily use. It is a description of how the system should
and does work. The Kenyah sUbsystems of appellation include
kinship terms, autonyms, teknonyms, necronyms, and geron-
tonyms, each of which is defined and discussed in detail.

Chapter VI contains comparative material and contrasts
elements of the Kenyah appellation systemivith elements
of those found in other societies, particularly in Southeast
Asia. This comparative data highlights some of the
prominent features of the Kenyah system.

The final chapter, Chapter V, draws from the preceeding
chapter in a summary analysis and shows how the Kenyah
system of appellation is a cultural paradigmtwhich both
reflects and models social reality. This fragment of
culture, as a coherent set of ideas, contributes to the
persistence and maintence of social structure. It does not
merely rationalize and reflect social structure, but, as
a set of ideas in terms of which people pattern their

behavior, shapes it.

CHAPTER II

THE KENYAH: ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND

Introduction

 

I have been fortunate in having had the opportunity for
two periods of extended research among the Kenyah Dayak1 of
central Borneo. In 1970-71 I worked in East Kalimantan,
Indonesia, and in 1973-75 (18 months) in Sarawak, Malaysia
(see Figure 1). My main bases were the villages of Long
Nawang (population 1000) and Mara Satu (population 250) in
Kalimantan and the village of Long th (population 750) in

2

Sarawak. In addition to these two periods of extended

research, I revisited Long th in Narch/April of 1980.

 

1The term "Dayak" is used in the Dutch and Indonesian
literature to mean the indigenous, non-Fhslim peOples of
Borneo. Recently, it has come into greater use among these
peoples themselves as they perceive a common political
interest. In the British and Rhlaysian literature, the
term "Dayak” is restricted to the so—called Sea Dayak (Iban)
and Land Dayak (Bidayuh). I will follow the Indonesian
usage for convenience since it serves to distinguish the
indigenous population from the other two major groups in
Borneo, the Malays (includes indigenous peoples who have
become Nhslims) and the Chinese.

2Mara Satu is a composite emigre village; population
figures are for its Kenyah component. By 1974, when I
returned briefly to Mara Satu, its Kenyah population had
increased to about 750 and by 1980 it has surpassed 1000.
Long Nawang by 1980 had declined to about 750 because of a
government resettlement program focused on Fara Satu. The
population of Long th in 1980 remained unchanged.

7

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2:332

cameo 2:qu

may. .1...

The two villages of Long Nawang and Long thxvere one
about two hundred years ago. At that time, the single
village, located on the Iwan River in Kalimantan, split.
The people who eventually founded Long Nawang (and part
of whom subsequently moved to Mara Satu) moved onto the
high plateau known as the Apo Kayan in Kalimantan, The
people who eventually founded Long th moved into the Baram
River area of Sarawak's Fourth Division. Nhra Satu is a
recent (1970) village of migrants from Long Nawang; it
is a short distance (1 hour) upriver from the coastal town
and government center of Tanjungselor.

The following is a brief ethnographic sketch of the
Kenyah as background for the discussion of personal
appellation to follow.3

The Kenyah are swidden rice agriculturalists inhabiting
the highlands of central Borneo in.both Sarawak, Malaysia,
and East Kalimantan, Indonesia. The Kenyah divide themselves
into about 40 named sub-groups in over 110 communities; their
total population is about 40,000. Although the Kenyah
recognize and name themselves as a distinct group, there is
no single, unifying political office. The Kenyah's nearest
neighbors, both geographically and culturally, are the Kayan,
who are also swidden rice agriculturalists, and the Punan,

former hunting and gathering nomads whom the governments

 

3For a more detailed ethnographic picture of the Kenyah
Dayak, see Whittier (1973 and 1978a) and Conley (1976).

10

are encouraging toa more settled existence. The Kenyah
consider themselves quite distinct from both of these groups
on the bases of both language and adat.4

0f the forty named sub-groups of Kenyah, the Lepo Tau
is one of the largest (about 4000 people in 10 villages).
The villages of Long Nawang, Fhra Satu, and Long Mbh,xvhere
my research was conducted, are all Lepo Tau villages. There
are minor linguistic differences among the sub—groups and
minor differences in agatn'but the general principles of
social organization are much the same. Thus, I have used
the term "Kenyah" throughout this work although I certainly
do not claim the Lepo Tau to be the quintessential Kenyah.
Specifically, I am certain that the comparison of the
system of appellation discussed here with that of other
Kenyah groups would reveal some differences in terminology,

‘but I think the principles of usage would be much the same.

Making A Living

 

Swidden rice agriculture is central to Kenyah life.
Even in the hereafter where the fields till themselve51with
no human labor, rice is still the basic food. It is basic
not only for humans but also for dogs, chickens, and other
domestic and pet animals. Daily activities, as well as a

major portion of the annual ritual cycle, revolve around

 

4For purposes here, adat may be defined as simply

"custom" or "customary law.” For a more detailed analysis

of the concept of adat among the Kenyah, see Whittier (1978)).

11

the cultivation, processing, and preparation of rice.
The rice cycle is punctuated by rituals at every stage.
These rituals are performed on behalf of the entire village

by a specialist, the laki malan. The laki malan is selected

 

 

anew each year unless there has been an exceptionally good

harvest in which case the laki malan may be asked to serve

 

a second consecutive year'but never a third. Informants
said that any adult male could be selected to serve as laki
malan, but whenI solicited a list of the last several _l__a_k_i_
malan (fourteen individuals), I noted that all had been
'widowers. This may be a holdover from the pastivhen the

duties of the laki malan ere more arduous, involving a

 

number of food taboos, celibacy, and isolation.
The annual rice cycle begins in Nhrch/April with the

ritual called nyat tana ("to ask for land"). Each individual

 

or conjugal pair selects its field location(s), negotiating
xvith the heads of the households in which it has land rights
for the use of certain fields or selecting tracts of primary
forest. The hard work begins in April with the cutting of
the forest. Mbn do the heavy labor of felling the large
trees andnwomen clear away smaller trees and brush. The
clearing of the fields is a time for exchange labor groups.
bhmbership in these groups, usually from 6 to as many as

20 people, is based on friendship and field location.
Teenagers often form their own groups to work on either
their own or their parents' fields. For those of marriage—

able age, it is a good opportunity to demonstrate to members

12

of the opposite sex how hardworking one is. These exchange
labor groups are strictly reciprocal; they put in one day's
labor on the field of each group member. After the cycle is
complete, they may make another round or the group may
dissolve and its members join or form other groups. The
person whose field is being worked that day provides the
noon meal, preferably with meat as well as rice. The
exchange labor system incorporates a sort of welfare system
to aid widows, the elderly, or other households suffering
an acute shortage of labor. Such people are consciously
included in labor groups in which they will receive the
greatest return on their own labor (e.g., groups composed
largely of strong, young men). When the group works the
field of one of the "welfare" recipients, the workers expect
less for the noon meal and may even bring their own rice.
Another form of group labor is the obligatory labor

owed to the village headman and to the laki malan. Each

 

of these people is entitled to four days of labor from the
village per year: one day each for clearing, planting,
weeding, and harvesting. Each household must send a
representative on each of these obligatory labor days. The
yield from the field on which villagers contribute labor

for the laki malan is considered to belong to the laki malan.

 

 

It is a form of payment in return for the heavy responsi—
bilities he carries. The labor for the headman, however,
is done on an "official" field, apart from his personal one.

The yield from this official field is to aid the.headman

13

in discharging his Obligations of hospitality to visitors
to the village.
In some Christian villages, the obligatory labor that

formerly went to the laki malan has been transferred to the

 

local pendeta (”pastor") or guru injil (”gospel teacher").

 

There is some difference in intent here: the work of the

laki malan is absolutely necessary for the success of the

 

rice crop, and labor on his field is due because of this;
the labor for the Christian specialist, on the other hand,
is seen as more of a gesture of good will and participation

is often less than 100 percent. Also, the laki malan may

 

levy fines on households‘who do not participate while the
Christian specialist has no such sanction.

After the clearing is completed, the brush and timber
in the fields are allowed to dry for up to two months. This
is a period of relative leisure when men (and occasionally
‘women) may travel downriver to the bazaars or to other
villages to visit friends and relatives. Many people engage
in work around the village such as building canoes and repair
or rebuilding of houses.

As mid-July approaches, everyone scans the skys
anxiously for rain clouds. A rain can delay the burn and
thus, the planting and, ultimately, the harvest. This could
move the harvest into another rainy period with the danger
of the crop being destroyed by a storm or being too wet to

harvest. The laki malan chooses the day to begin the burn.

 

People whose fields are contiguous burn on the same day.

14

If the burn is not good, people re-pile the remaining brush
and reaburn'within a couple of days. The larger trees do
not burn and are left where they have fallen. They provide
walkways through the fields, are a source of firewood and,
on steep slopes, help prevent erosion.

The day for planting to begin is selected by the laki

malan based on the angle of the sun. The laki malan plants

 

first and then others in a strict rotation of days based on
social class. On a given day, only the fields of those
designated for that day may be planted. Planting is a time
of fun and the work is always done in exchange labor groups.
In the evenings these groups may gather at the lamin of a
group member to drink bggak (rice or cassava beer), sing

and tell stories. It is also a time for courtship as the
labor groups of teenagers gather and wander around the village
from house to house. Teenagers may dress in costumes with
elaborate masks representing spirits that will protect the
newly planted rice. They go to each longhouse begging

food and bgrak. The spirits are pleased with these offerings
and will do their job with enthusiasm.

Planting is done with a dibble stick, the men going
ahead in a line and making the holes and the women following
along dropping the seeds. The whole process may take as long
as a month, but after two circuits of the social class hier-
archy, planting days are no longer restricted. Anyone can
plant on any day.

Several weeks after the planting is completed begins the

15

most arduous and despised task, the weeding. The majority
of the weeding is done by women. There is no prohibition
against men weeding, but many find it another convenient
time for traveling.5 Women faced with weeding usually get
together in small exchange labor groups ( 3 or 4 women);
the gossip opportunity is excellent since no one is near to
overhear. Late September and 0ctdber are the height of the
weeding season. After this, the growing rice is large
enough not to be threatened by any new WGEdS that spring up.
Harvest may begin from mid-December to early January

with the first day's harvest on the field of the laki malan.

 

After this, the work proceeds in a rotation identical to
that of the planting days. The harvest is the high point of
the year. After several months of last year's rice, or
cassava if last year's harvest was bad, the taste of new
rice is welcome. (keat jars of bgrak are brewed to enliven
the evenings as the exchange labor groups gather to enjoy
the hospitality of the recipient of the day's efforts. The
harvest may take two months or even more depending on

whether the laki malan has done well and the harvest is good.

 

After the completion of the harvest, the laki malan performs

 

his final task, the ritual pelepuk Bungan (lit., "to turn

 

Bungan") which informs the goddess Bungan that the harvest

 

5In the days of inter-tribal warfare, this was also
the peak season for headhunting forays. Women weeding were
frequent victims since they were out and away from the
village unprotected.

16

is finished and the year is ended.
The mamat or adat ayau6 ceremony, a four-day (some say
formerly eight days) ritual involving the bringing of fresh

heads into the village, is held after pelepuk Bungan. These

 

days the heads are old ones, relics of the past, but mama;
is still the high point of the ritual calendar. It is a
'warrior's ritual with no role for women other than the
preparing of food and bgrak. Two of the evenings of mamat
are the one time in Kenyah life when women are secluded
with ritual sanction. During these evenings all females
with the exception of young children must be inside their
houses.

The Kenyah insist that the year ends with pelepuk

Bungan and.begins again with nyat tana. The mamat falls

 

between these and so is, in a sense, outside of time, a
truly liminal period. A few days after mamat, the new laki
malan is chosed. With the performance of his first task,

nyat tana, the new year begins.

 

Although rice is undoubtedly central to Kenyah life,
other food crops are also important but without the ritual
attention lavished on rice. The most important secondary
crop is cassava. The leaves are a popular vegetable and the
starchy roots become a staple in the event of a poor rice

harvest. Other minor crops include corn, Job's tears,

 

6To the best of my knowledge, in 1980, Long th is the
only Kenyah village that still performs the mamat and other
ceremonies mentioned.above. The others have Become Chris-
tians.

l7

cucumbers and squashes, sweet potatoes, taro, coconut,
‘bananas, and sugar cane. Tdbacco is also important, espe—
cially in Long Navang with its relative inaccessibility to
markets. The ingredients for the betel chew are essential.

A few domestic pigs are kept but these are saved for
special occasions such as a death or marriage or an aristo-
crat's naming ceremony. Chickens are scrawny, tough, and
reluctant egg producers. The chickens are also saved for
special occasions such as rituals or important guests from
other villages. The few eggs are used for rituals and
occasionally for the sick; they cannot be said to form any
real part of the diet. The other Uwo domestic animals are
the dog and the cat. Cats are kept primarily as protection
against rats and are rarely seen; they spend nights prowl-
ing in the rafters and days well out of reach of dogs and
children. Dogs are kept for hunting; they are valuable and
the pups of a well-known hunting dog fetch a good price.
When past their prime, they are permitted to retire, and
every village has its quota of ancient and mangey retired
bounds.

The Kenyah are agriculturalists and it is thus that
they differentiate themselves from their neighbors, the
hunting and gathering, semi-nomadic Punan whom they regard
as uncivilized savages. But, nonetheless, it would be a
mistake to underestimate the reliance of the Kenyah them-
selves on hunting and gathering. I would estimate that

daout half of the vegetable products other than rice in the

18

daily diet are gathered from the jungle. Most of the fruit
consumed is Wild. The vast majority of the animal protein

in the diet is from hunting and fishing. The primary object
of the hunt is the wild pig since it provides animal fat for
cooking and seasoning as well as meat, but deer, birds, and
monkeys and other small animals are also taken. Other jungle
products, such as rattan, are used in hundreds of ways in

the village and traded downriver.

The Kenyah are still primarily subsistence agricul-
turalists although they do produce some cash crops in some
areas. The extent of participation in the market economy
depends to some degree on location. Long Nawang is too far
from markets to make such cash cropping feasible. Mara Satu,
being a short distance from a coastal town, is able to sell
vegetables and agricultural produce to town dwellers. In
Long th, rubber is the major cash crop, but in none of
these locations is there a regular and reliable source of
cash income. If a Long th man, for example, finds a press-
ing need for cash, such as to pay school fees for a child
downriver, he will tap rubber and sell it downriver. Most
people, however, do not tap their rubber and sell it on a
regular basis. It is there when needed just as are the
jungle products (e.g., rattan, sandalwood, etc.) that may
also be sold downriver.

Another common source of cash for market needs (e.g.,
kerosene, sugar,salt,cloth, etc.) is the sale of one's

labor. Mbn, and particularly younger men, travel downriver

19

in groups to do manual labor, especially in the timber
industry, for several weeks, months, or even years. Before
returning home, they spend all their wages to purchase the
goods mentioned above as well as trinkets for wives, sisters,
and children. Occasionally, the wages go for a major item
such as an outboard motor or a sewing machine.

In recent years, the villages have been supporting
small shops, or even co-operatives, to supply daily needs
such as salt, kerosene, and chewing tobacco on a small scale.
To get the cash for these purchases, people sell small
quantities of rice, rubber, or other products to the shop.
These shops have not, however, done away with the trips
downriver to labor for wages and purchase in the quantity

and variety unavailable in the village shops.

Units of Organization

 

In both Kalimantan and Sarawak, there are high chiefs,
recognized and.supported by the governments, with authority
over several villages to arbitrate when necessary in matters
of adat law and to bring government directives to the
attention of village headmen. These positions are only
partly traditional ones. Before the colonial period, there
were leaders whose influence extended beyond their villages,
but their constituencies were fluid, depending on the for-
mation and dissolution of alliances as well as on the per-
sonality of the individual leader. British and Dutch
colonial authorities formalized and solidified these posi-

tions, alloting each a specific territory. The present

20

governments have continued these positions. They are filled
partly on the basis of heredity subject to government veto.
Occasionally, these chiefs may call meetings of their village
headman to discuss common prdblems or to explain new gove
ernment edicts, but the organizational units headed by these
chiefs are significant largely in the eyes of the governments
not in the view of the Kenyah. For the Kenyah, it is the
village that is the largest significant organizational unit.
The typical Kenyah village consists of several long—
houses located at the confluence of a stream with a main
river, and it is from these locations that the villages
characteristically take their names. The word 192g means
"confluence"; thus, Long Moh is the confluence of the th
River with the larger Baram River. Long Nawang is the
confluence of the Nawang River with the Kayan River.

Under both traditional Kenyah religion (adat po'on)

 

and adat Bungan (a reform system that eliminates some aspects

 

of adat po'on such as bird augury), the village is a ritual

 

unit. Periodic rituals protect the village as a whole from
disease or other adversity. Certain acts by individuals
can place the entire village in jeopardy and necessitate
ritual protection for the village. On the days of such
villagedwide rituals, the village proper is closed. No one
may leave, even to go to the fields, and no stranger may
enter. On the death of a villager, the village is likewise
closed. On these occasions, the village is in a state

of malan (”ritual prohibition"). Lack of co-operation

21

from one individual places the entire village at risk.
The village also acts in concert in the timing of the

events of the agricultural cycle. The laki malan performs

 

the essential rice cycle rituals on behalf of the whole
village. Fbr each of the major rituals, a representative

of each household must attend. This situation still Obtains
in Long P h where a large majority of the population follows

adat Bungan. There are a few Roman Catholic families in

 

Long Mbh, but there is a great deal of tolerance between
the two groups. The Catholics hold their own agricultural
rituals but time them to coincide with those of the adag
Bungan people. They also Observe the prohibitions on
leaving the village on malan days.

The Kenyah of Long Nawang and Phra Satu are funda-
mentalist Protestants and have no agricultural rituals or
other supernaturally sanctioned occasions for acting in
concert. Each household can set its own timing of agri-
cultural tasks. Considerations of the weather and the
desirability of being able to work in exchange labor groups
mean that people do, in fact, time their agricultural work
to coincide with that of their neighbors, but there are no
supernatural sanctions against not doing so. In Long Nawang
and Mara Satu there is a general feeling that everyone
should be present in the case of a death, but should someone
choose not to do so, the act would bring social disapproval
on that individual alone. In Long Mbh it would place the

entire village in danger. In other words, in the Christian

22

villages, the village is a social unit but not the ritual

unit it is under adat Bungan and adat po'on.

 

 

Each village has a headman called, in Kenyah, EEEEE
1329 (lit., "village leader”) or pengabio dalem lepo (lit.,
"big one of the village"). These offices are now more
frequently referred to by their Malaysian or Indonesian

terms: tua kampong or kepala kampong. The tua kampong

 

 

 

generally come from the higher aristocratic families
although not necessarily in direct patrilineal succession.
Present day tua kampong often experience a conflict between
their traditional style of leadership by consensus and ex-
pectations of villagers and the demands placed on them by
the government. thy complain of the difficult position
they are in by being responsible to the government for the

carrying out of possibly unpopular directives. A tua kampong

 

“was traditionally expected to hold his post for life and
'would likely be replaced by his son on his death. This is
no longer necessarily true. The prOblems generated by
conflicting expectations of villagers and the government

from the tua kampong have caused some tua kampong to request

 

 

replacement and some qualified candidates to refuse to serve.

One of the primary qualities desired in a tua kampong

 

is the ability to speak well; skill in public speaking is

exhibited at village meetingL The tua kampong may call a

 

village meeting to discuss any matters of general concern.
Anyone may attend and speak but the important voices are

those of the elders, and especially the aristocratic elders.

23

The tua kampong presents the matter to be discussed at the

 

outset, but he usually does not speak again until the end
of the meeting. After everyone has spoken -- sometimes for
hours —- and a general feeling of consensus is reached, the

tua kampong presents his view. Since his view is an elegant

 

restatement of the consensus, there is usually no disagree—
ment at this point and the matter is settled.

The extent of each village's lands is clearly defined,
and inter-village land disputes are rare. People from other
villages may ask permission to use land within the village
territory. If no villager has claimed the land for that
year, permission is usually granted. Land is "owned" by
the village in the sense that all villagers have a common
interest in it. Every household has established rights
to use certain areas of the village land, initially gained
by cutting primary forest.

The longhouse is a characteristic feature of central
Borneo. Mbst Kenyah villages contain several longhouses
in contrast to other Borneo groups where each village
consists of only one longhouse. Kenyah longhouses average
10 to 14 apartments although there is a story about a long-
house in the old days of 100 apartments. The individual
apartments are called léfiiEWVhiCh might also be translated
as "household" since it means not only the physical struc-
ture but also its inhabitants. Each 12212.15 a single room
with separate areas for cooking and eating and for sitting

and sleeping. The lamin open on to a common veranda, and

24

the entire structure is elevated several feet off the ground.
Access to the house is a notched log at either end of the
veranda. The veranda is both an informal and a formal
meeting place. During the day, people sit on the veranda
to do sedentary work such as sewing or repairing of fishing
nets in the company of their neighbors. At the same time,
they can easily watch the small children playing on the
veranda and on the ground below. At night the veranda
provides a cool place to sit and discuss the events of the
day or gossip. It may also be a sleeping area for young
boys and visitors. A formal meeting called by the Egg
kampong is usually held on the veranda in front of his
lamip; often this area of the veranda is built especially
wide just for this purpose.

Each longhouse has its own leader (paran uma' or

 

pengabio dalem uma'), who usually occupies the central

 

lamin, but the longhouse rarely acts as a unit apart from
the other longhouses in the village. The exceptions are
in the rebuilding of the house and in parts of the annual
mamat rituals. For the mamat ritual, each house has its
own ritual paraphrenalia and its own heads. For parts of
the ritual, the warriors of the village act together, but

for other parts, they gather at their own houses.

 

7Since the main occasion on which the longhouse acts
as a formal ritual unit is mamat, it may be that the
significance of the longhouse as an organizational unit
was greater during the days of headhunting.

25

Longhouse neighbors are expected to participate and help
in the life crisis rituals of one of the component lamin
and should receive shares from a good hunt. An individual
lamig_may move and join another longhouse only with the

permission of the paran uma' of both houses and the payment

 

of a fine to the house being left. New lamin_may be added
to either end of a longhouse at any time, but it is more
usual to wait for the longhouse to be rebuilt to add new
lamin to it.

The household or lamip is the basic organizational
unit in daily life. Mast Kenyah state as an ideal a large
lamin full of children and grandchildren but the prOblems
and practicalities of interpersonal relations intervene,
and at least 75 percent of the lamin in all three villages
contain nuclear families or stem families. Joint families
form one stage in the domestic cycle. A young couple may
live with the parents of either spouse; it is a matter to
be decided before the marriage. At this stage, when the
parents are still living and the children are just beginning
their marriages, there may be two or more married siblings,
their spouses, and their young children together in the
lamip. It is very rare, however, for adult siblings to
remain together permanently, especially after the death of
the parents. In the few cases where it has occurred, the
siblings are two sisters or a brother and a sister but
never two brothers.

The lamin is a unit of production and consumption and

26

is also a ritual unit. Each married couple and each single
adult in the lamin makes one or more rice fields, but the
yield goes into a common store and cooking is done in
common. The appearance of separate storage and cooking

facilities (cha paman, dua apui = ”one door, Owo fires")

 

signals the imminent breakup of the lamip.
At villagedwide rituals marking steps in the rice
cycle or any other occasion, a representative of each
lamip (usually the head) must attend. He does so on behalf
of the entire lamin. Some rituals are conducted at the
lamin level. On such occasions, the lamin is malan; all
of its members should be present and no outsiders may enter.
At each stage of the rice cycle, the lamin head conducts
rituals in his own field. These rituals act on behalf
of the entire lamig. Other members of the lamin do not need
to repeat the rituals in their own fields even though these
may be widely separated from the field of the lamin head.
The lamin is the locus of rights to land and to the
use of heirloom property. Primary land-use rights are gained
by the cutting of primary forest. These rights are vested
not in the cutter but in the lamin inxvhich he resides at
the time of cutting. People who move out of their natal
lamin retain secondary rights to that lamin's land. Heir-
loom property likewise remains in the natal lamin; those
who leave their lamin retain rights in the property. The
various claims on both land rights and rights in heirloom

property are mediated by the head of the lamin.

27

Thus, the lamin is the center of the individual's life.
It is through lamin membership that rights to land and heir-
loom property are Obtained. It iS'With one's fellow lamin
meub ers that one works to produce the rice crop and with
them that the rice is prepared and consumed. The head of
one's lamig attends all necessary village rituals on one's
'behalf. If an individual is ill, it is the members of the
laminjwho provide care and participate in any rituals and
prohflaitions necessary for curing. They will sponsor all
of the necessary life crisis rituals for one of their
metrb ers. Should an individual grow up in a mwith
cousins or step-siblings, he cannot marry them even though
their relationship might permit marriage were they not of
the same lamin. Having grown up in the same lamig is
enough to create a bond that would make such a marriage

incestous.

Social Stratification

 

Social stratification among the indigenous peoples of
Borneo reaches its fullest expression among the Kenyah and

related groups (Leach 1950:76). Under adat po‘on there*were

 

five strata distinguished: deta'u bio ("major aristocrats”);

 

deta'u dumit ("minor aristocrats"); an in ti a (” ood
9,.y 81 8

 

 

commoners"); panyin ja'at (Waad commoners"); and panyin

 

lamin ("household commoners" or slaves). These distinctions
were given recognition in ritual, in adat, and in marriage

rules. Certain symbols, such as tiger teeth, could be used

28

only by deta'u. In some villages, the roofs of deta'u lamin

 

were raised above those of their panyin neighbors, and the
portions of the veranda in front of their laminfiwerevvider.
In villagewwide rituals, each stratavvas mentioned by name
and separate offerings made on the behalf of each. Lamin
rituals varied in form depending on the strata of the lamip.
During the planting season, different days were devoted to
the fields of each strata in rotation.

Under adat Bungan and national government laws, the

 

system is somewhat simplified. Government laws have outlawed

the panyin lamin or slave classification. It is theoretically

 

a fineable offense to refer to a person as a slave or the
descendent of slaves. Of course, everyone knows who such
people are and they still tend to occupy the lowest rungs
of the social ladder, but, for ritual purposes, they have
become merged into the panyin category. For ritual purposes,

adat Bungan makes only two divisions, deta'u8 and panyin,

 

with the exception of the planting days. For planting days,

the adat po'on distinctions remain.

 

Aristocrats are presumed to have superior knowledge
of adat; it is they who control the ritual and who preside
over prOblems concerned with.breaches of adat. They should
behave like aristocrats and be models for the community.

An aristocrat who does not will be censured by others

 

8Another term sometimes used is aran which is more
closely ”leader" but the categories over ap to a great
extent since most leaders are aristocrats.

29

of his class. People speak of class distinctions as matters
of ”blood," I‘we and they," "our kind."

On one occasion, I went with a woman of the highest
aristocratic strata to a festive meal at another longhouse.
We arrived early and people were sitting in small groups
on the veranda visiting. My escort paused for a moment at
the top of the steps and surveyed the scene. Then she

said quietly to me, "Kini; kini kelunan me'” ("Over here

 

 

are our people"), meaning that here was the appropriate
group for us to sit with.

Deta'u believe that panyin are generally coarser in
speech and manner than deta'u; they do not speak well in
public, that ability being one of the attributes of Kenyah
aristocracy and leadership. Indeed, in the presence of
deta'u in a formal situation, panyin often do not speak at
all.9 The deta'u tend to have a greater knowledge, in'both
depth and breadth, of geneologies, but this is not invariable.
They also feel, of course, that only deta'u geneologies are
worth knowing.

For ritual purposes, a lgmip is unambiguously either
deta'u or panyin; it uses one or the other form of adag.

This does not mean that the system is totally rigid. There

is room for social mObility, at least‘within the middle

 

9This may present a difficulty for the short-term
investigator; as long as he remains a visitor, he will be
monopolized by the aristocrats. Thus, Leach says, ". . .
almost all published records -- as well as my own notes --
are based on information supplied by memaers of the
aristocracy" (1950:77).

3O

ranges of the system. The primary mechanism for mdaility
is intermarriage coupled with the personal characteristics
of individuals. Class endogamy is the norm and interclass
marriage is discouraged, but the course of true love does
not ahvays follow the wishes of parents. Should a deta'u
girl, for example, marry a panyin boy, the girl's parents
would almost certainly insist that postmarital residence be
in their lamin. They are thinking of the grandchildren be—
cause a child follows the adag of the lamin into which it is
born. The marrying-in boy also follows the adat of his new
lamin although he is not "really" a deta'u and any attempt
by him to presume such would be met with ridicule or maflae
even pa£fl1.lo His children, born of a deta'u mother into a

deta'u lamin come closer but people still remember that their

 

father was only a panyin. Personal characteristics come into
play here. If, as the young man grows older, he proves to
be a man of wise judgement and a good speaker, he will gain
status. Perhaps hi§_son will, in turn, marry a deta'u girl.
His grandchildren may then be deta'u, not, perhaps, of the
highest levels but certainly deta'u. If they accord them-
selves well, behave as deta'u, and play their part in village

affairs, geneological amnesia sets in. In tracing the

 

1OParib is a state of ritual impurity resulting from
presuming 550ve oneself generally or from specific offences
such as using symbols reserved to those of higher class or
adat of higher class. The state of parib can result in ill—
ness or even death for the offender. In Christian villages,
of course, fear of arib no longer Obtains, and even under
adat Bungan, it has lost much of its force.

 

31

straight line geneologies up to the apical ancestors, the
panyin grandfather will be forgotten and the deta'u grand—
mother link will be used. In speaking of these cross-class
marriages, Leach says, "Individuals of strong personality
will use their aristocratic lineage to elevate themselves
into the ruling clique but others quickly sink into commoner
status" (1950 76). The first part of this statement is not
quite true; such strong individuals will not elevate them—
selves but rather their descendants sometimes to the point
where, ironically, they themselves are quite forgotten. In

the rare case of the deta'u spouse moving to the panyin lamin,

 

the reverse occurs; even though the children are panyin, and
if they marry panyin, their grandchildren are unambiguously

panyin, every attempt is made to preserve the deta'u ances-

tor.

In Christian villages, the official church ideology has
it that social class is no longer operative or relevant, but
this kind of social change is not made by fiat. Even though
Christian ritual does not distinquish different ritual forms
for different classes and such things as different planting
days are eliminated, people remain quite conscious of social
class. A glance into the church on a Sunday morning demon-
strates this; the seating arrangements are what theyxvould
be for any gathering with deta'u elders given pride of place.
Class endogamy is still encouraged. In the first generation
of Christians, there was a strong tendency for church leaders

to be deta'u but this has declined somewhat as it has become

32

abundantly clear that the rewards of church leadership are
strictly spiritual. Sometimes in these Christian villages,
one finds people using synbols (such as tiger teeth or other
decorations) inappropriate to their class. They no longer
fear BEEgl nor are they subject to fines, but they may be
subject to subtle ridicule. But even among these Christians
'who say they no longer fear EEKQl: Whittier (1973) notes that
on the events of danger involving the attachment and detach-
ment of souls ( i.e., birth and early infancy and death),

the correct and appropriate class symbols are used.

In adoption, too, the influence of social class is clear.
Adoption is a common solution to a childless marriage and an
adopted child has identical rights of inheritance with
his/her adoptive parents' biological offspring. The adopted
child also shares unambiguously the adoptive parents' social
class. This could present a prOblem because social class
is generally thought of as a matter of "blood” and "the
right stuff." It would be difficult to consider a child of
panyin "blood" to be a deta'u. Thus, adoptions across class
lines are very rare. The majority of adopted children are
the children of siblings or first cousins of the adoptive
parents so the child's adoptive and biological parents are

ipso facto of the same class. Even in those adoptions from

 

people other than close relatives, the biological and adop-
tive parents are generally of the same class. There are
only three cases in my records where this is not so. Two

cases occurred in the Catholic longhouse of Lepo Jingan

33

Kenyah attached to Long bbh. This longhouse was trying to
increase its numbers so that it could separate from Long

Moh.11

When a panyin woman died leaving several children,
the Odo youngest, both still very small, were adopted by
childless deta'u couples in the house. There were panyin
couples in other Long Mbh houses who would have adopted the
children, but in their attempts to increase the size of the
population, the deta'u of Lepo Jingan preferred to adopt the
children themselves rather than have them lost to the long-
house. The third case involved a couple who were very low
on the social scale. The man had worked for several months
at a stone quarry downriver. His wife had accompanied him,

and, while downriver, they had adopted a Kayan child.

Despite changes brought about by adat Bungan and by

 

Christianity, social class is an ever visible and pervasive
force in Kenyah society. A force that will bring changes in
social class in the future is education. The number of
young Kenyah who receive secondary schooling is still small

and the number who pass the government exams is smaller

 

11A government regulation specifies a minimum of ten
households to constitute a separate village. Lepo Jingan
had been depleted by epidemics and fallen below this. They
had been forced to join Long MOh temporarily. Their house,
‘with its own headman,'was separated from Long MOh proper by
a small stream (evil spirits cannot cross water). As Catho-
lics, they maintained their own ritual calendar and festiv-
ities. They were part of Long Mbh in the eyes of the govern-
ment only. In every marriage between Lepo Jingan and Long
P h during my stay, the spouse from Long th joined the Lepo
Jingan house. This is another indication of Lepo Jingan's
determination to increase its numbers.

34

yet'but it is increasing. Successful completion of secondary
school brings with it the possibility of employment in the
civil service or in private business. Both of these possi-
bilities carry not only a good, steady income and increased
standard of living, but also status and prestige. Many young
girls stated that they would rather marry a boy with educa-
tion and a jOb than an uneducated boy of higher class.
Educated boys also prefer wives with at least some secondary
schooling. Their parents might not agree, but they do not
always have the final word. There have already been cases

of deta'u girls refusing what were in their parents' eyes
appropriate matches in favor of educated panyin boys and

the promise of a future in the "modern" world.

Kinsmen

In a village of only a few hundred souls in which
village endogamy is the norm, in a sense almost everyone
is a kinsmen. But the Kenyah view is not quite so broad,
and, as do most people, the Kenyah single out some for
special regard. Geddes says, " With any people, geneologies
are mainly of concern only for those who have a vested in-
terest in them " (1957:33). For the Kenyah this means that
the most devoted geneologists are the deta'u. They are in-
terested in two types of geneologies. One is a straight
line geneology or a sort of pedigree tracing an individual
back to a founding ancestor/culture hero. The second type,

at which women are especially proficient, traces out broader

35

connections of collaterals and demonstrates clearly who are
"our kind” not only in the village but in other villages as
well. A deta'u woman laid out for me one night, using bits
of leaf as counters, a chart of over three hundred kinsmen

12 This sort of chart, of course,

without pausing for breath.
also displays clearly possible appropriate matches for one's
children.

Another use of geneological knowledge is in the estab-
lishing of rights to land and heirloom property. But for
this neither great breadth nor depth of geneological know-
ledge is required. It is enough to know the rights held by
one's parents; the degree of one's own rights in that same
land and property then depends on whether one remains in
their lamin_or not.

In constructing both of the sorts of geneologies men-
tioned, one may use either male or female links, for the
Kenyah give almost equal emphasis to maternal and paternal
kin. The straight line geneologies generally use male links13

but where necessary to keep the line moving straight and true

to its Object female links are used without hesitation.

 

12Although she was illiterate, she quickly understood
the symbols I was using in constructing my chart and asked
for a copy "for the grandchildren". When I returned to the
village five years later, she opened her treasury of valu-
able goods and retrived my chart. Tracing my lines with a
finger, she then supplied all the names without an error,
adding in the marriages, births, and deaths of the inter-
vening years.

13Since the naming system uses patronyms, male links
are easier to remember.

36

The broader geneologies include males and females equally
although, in the case of deta'u they tend to exclude those

who have made 'unfortunate" marriages or otherwise fallen
from grace, especially after two or three generations have
elapsed.

The term chenganak has two meanings, a restricted one

 

of "sibling” and a broader one of "relative" or "kinsman",
‘which, depending on context, may include affines. As noted,
deta'u generally recognize a wider range of kinsmen including

collaterals to the fourth degree as chenganak. Chenganak

 

 

form the sort of grouping that Freeman (1961) and Leach
(1950), among others, refer to as a personal kindred. A
person can usually define what would be an ideal relation-
ship between himself and a member of a particular category
of kinsman, but people are individuals and one's actual
relationship with this mother's brother may be quite differ-
ent from that with another mother's brother although both
fall within the same category. One generally expects help

and cooperation from one's chenganak in the ceremonies and

 

rituals attendant on life crises but these are very general
expectations. One also expects help from one's longhouse
neighbors. Kinship is a powerful force but it is not the
be all and end all of social organization. Kinship is but
one of the webs of Kenyah society; social class, age, prox-
imity, and the mutual tie of friendship also supply social
glue.

Narriage is the proper state for an adult and, with

37

few exceptions, all adult Kenyah are or have been married.
The choice of a marriage partner is constrained by social
class, kinship and proximity. Class endogamy is the pre-
ference and the norm. The attractions of young love some—
times leap class boundries; parents try to prevent it but
there are, as discussed previously, interclass marriages.
Fhrriage is always permitted with second cousins and beyond.
Deta'u, in the interests of class endogamy, may marry first
cousins with payment of a fine. First cousin marriage is,
for unspecified reasons, dangerous and "hot" and is not pre-
ferred, but the fine helps to "cool" the situation and it
is still better than marrying a panyin. Marriage outside
of one's structural generation is also "hot" but may be

14

permitted on payment of a fine. Another ideally prohib~

ited form, for which I was unable to Obtain an explanation,
is brother-sister exchange (£;if===i;2)); again it is possi-
ble on payment of a fine.

Children who have grown up in the same lamin may not
marry regardless of their relationship or lack thereof; they
are ”like siblings". Thus, step-siblings who are small when
their parents marry may not themselves marry. If the parents

marry when the children are grown, it would be theoretically

 

14The two cases of this sort of marriage that I know
well cause all sorts of joking because, in the generational
system of kin terms, they raise ambiguities about proper
forms of address and reference. In both of these cases,
although the partners are of different structural generations,
they are close in age. Kenyah girls laughed hysterically
when I described the marriage patterns of the Tiwi of
Australia.

38

possible for the children to marry although there was no
case of this during my research period. The opposite case,
however, did occur. A woman's elderly widower father married
her hquand's elderly widow mother, making the woman and her
husband step-siblings. This situation brought about some
joking but no serious concern. The lack of concern here
brings up another point about marriage rules and interest
in post-marital residence. These rules and constraints
apply primarily to first marriages and to subsequent
marriages only if there is the possibility of children.
Except for unions prohibited as incestuous, the constraints
do not apply to the "companionship” marriages of older people.
Some informants maintained that patrilateral parallel
cousins are, in some unspecified way, "closer" than other
types of cousins and should not marry. This was puzzling
until I realized that the people who held this view were
high aristocrats. Their contention was based on ideas about
post-marital residence and lamin composition rather than
convictions about geneology. These highest deta'u also
maintain that post-marital residence should be virilocal
and, for them, it is often the case. This is because the
highest deta'u are more likely to contract inter-village
marriages. A young man who will probably succeed to a posi-
tion of power and leadership in his natal village will stay
there after marriage and his wife join him. His sisters,
in turn, are likely to marry high deta'u of other villages

and move out. This pattern, in conjunction with the stated

39

'but seldom realized ideal of several siblings remaining
together in the natal lamip, would produce a lamin of
brothers, their wives, and their children. The children,
of course, would be patrilateral parallel cousins, but that
is not the operative factor in forbidding their marriage.
Any cousins who grow up in the same lamin are under the
same restrictions. What my informants were stating were
ideals about post-marital residence and lamin composition
for a particular social strata.

Girls usually marry at about 16 to 18 years of age,
rarely younger. The older teenager period is one of hard
work but also a great deal of fun and companionship with
one's agemates. As strongly as they desire marriage and
children, most girls are not willing to give up their
freedom too soon. Boys usually marry a couple of years
later than girls, at about 18 to 20, or even later if they
have the opportunity for secondary education.15 Early
courtship is a group enterprize with young people of mar-
riageable age and both sexes frequently joining together
for work parties, to assist in the preparation and serving
of food for feasts, or other projects. On any festive
occasion, a ritual or the welcoming of a visitor, they

organize the dancing that is the customary evening

 

15Kenyah children often start primary school a year or
Uwo later than the standard age of six and, with the other
delays they are likely to experience along the way, may be
in their early 20's before they finish secondary school.

4O

entertainment. On ordinary evenings they wander around the
village in small groups, gathering to chat, sing, and joke
on the longhouse verandas. Any special relationship between
a boy and a girl remains circumspect until formal arrange-
ments have been made. The first move is up to the boy, but,
of course, a girl will do all in her power to attract a

16 If a boy is attracted to a particular

particular eye.
girl, he sends a group of his friends to find out whether
his feelings are reciprocated. If they are, the boy tells
his parents and, if they approve, they seek a go-between.
If the boy's parents do not approve, they will try to
direct his attentions to more suitable candidates. All my
informants said they would not want to marry without the
approval of their parents; after all, the couple will have
to live with one set of parents. But most parents said
that if all efforts to change a boy's mind failed, they
would prObably give in eventually. Parriages arranged
entirely by parents occur only at the highest levels of

the aristocracy where they are used to build a wide network
of political alliance. Even at this level, however, the
couple has to consent. A great deal of pressure is brought

to bear to encourage them to do so but, if they withstand

it and absolutely refuse, the marriage cannot take place.

 

16Part of her poWer, in addition to physical attrac-
tiveness, is in demonstrating a capacity for hardtvork. This
is also true for boys in attracting girls. For this reason,
a lamin with teenagers is blessed in terms of its labor
force. Not only do its own teenagers work hard, but they
also bring others in exchange labor groups.

41

If the boy has his parents' blessings, the go-between,
an older person but not necessarily a relative, approaches
the girl's parents. It is a subtle and delicate matter and
the go-between should be skilled in diplomatic speech. The
go-between does not set out the matter straightaway but
engages in polite conversation working gradually around to
the subject of the visit. In the context of the conversation,
the go-between asks whether the girl has already been spoken
for. The reply should be negative since the boy has already
ascertained that the girl is interested in him. The
go-between then brings up the name of the boy, presenting
his merits very diplomatically. If the girl's parents are
unfavorable, the go-between reports back to the boy's
parents, leaving the girl to fight it out with her own
parents. Something may be worked out eventually. If the
girl's parents agree to the match, the gombetween arranges
a meeting between the two sets of parents and acts as
mediator. Agreement on the desirability of the match
already having been Obtained, the important issue of this
meeting is the question of post-marital residence; the
amount of bridewealth is another important, but secondary,
question. Potential unions may falter at this point. As
noted previously, the Kenyah generally value large lamin,
and both sets of parents are likely to want postumarital

residence to be in their lamin. There are many factors to

 

be considered and the discussions may run through long

valleys of controversy and irrelevance. They will be

42

replete with exemplification and will include such matters
as the relative resources of the two lamig, the relative
ages of the parents, the presence or absence of other
siblings, and the needs for labor as well as questions of
interpersonal relations. Should one of the potential spouses
be of a higher social strata, the matter becomes difficult.
No one wants to see his/her grandchildren born into a lower
class lamin. Should one of the partners be an only child,
the matter is practically closed; no child could be expected
to leave his/her parents alone. When aggreement is reached,
an approximate time for the wedding is decided (usually
after the next harvest) and the boy can begin to spend the
night with the girl at her lgmig_(nyadap).17

Even during the nyadap period, the couple should be
somewhat circumspect. The boy may give the girl small
personal gifts, but he should not spend the daylight hours
at her house or take meals with her family. He should
confine his visits to hours after dark and should be back
at his own house by morning.

The actual wedding ritual, tebuku tali ("to knot the

 

string"), usually takes place after the harvest. The size

of the event and the scope of the guest list depends on the

 

l7The cognate Iban term nyayap refers to any premarital
sexual involvement. This is not to imply that sexual activity
without prior parental approval of a union does not occur
among the Kenyah, but only that the Kenyah are much less
permissive about it than the Iban are reported to be. This
is prObably due in part to the Kenyah concern with preventing
inter-class marriage. Pregnancy would force a marriage
regardless of the social class of the partners.

43

social class of the couple. For the wedding of high deta'u
from two different villages, the event would involve hundreds
of guests. For people at the lower reaches of panyin, it
might involve only close realtives and longhouse neighbors.
The value of the gifts to the bride and her family also
depends on social class. At the upper levels, the most
valuable heirloom beads, gongs, brassware, and swords are
used. In the event of a divorce with no children, these
gifts are returned. If there are children who stay with

the mother (as they normally do), the gifts are retained.
Personal equipment such as clothing and work implements

is supplied to the young couple by their respective parents.

After the tebuku tali, the couple takes up residence

 

in the lamin decided in the premarital negotiations. The
first few months, they may actually move back and forth
several times, but, by the time the first child comes, they
should be settled in the agreed-on lamig.

In both Long Nawang and Long th, all informants state
that post-marital residence may be either uxorilocal (ngiban

leto) or virilocal (ngiban laki); there is no preference

 

except among the very highest aristocrats in cases of
inter-village marriages. In Long Nawang, the statement of
no preference is borne out in actuality; with the post-
marital residence in 131 cases almost equally divided
between uxorical and virilocal. Long Mbh, however, shows
a very different pattern with almost 75 percent uxorilo-

cality. In neither case, is there a significant difference

44

between deta'u and panyin in post-marital residence patterns.
Whittier (1978a) offers the possible explanation that the
Long th people have closer relations with the Kayan. than
do the Long Nawang people; the Kayan express a preference
for at least initial uxorilocality.

Farriage is the proper state for adults, and the
proper result of marriage is children. Should there be
no children, the marriage is incomplete and, in fact, there
are no couples who remain childless. There are two solutions
to the problem. The first is adoption; the vast majority
of adoptions are by couples who have no children. The other
possible solution is divorce. Divorce in such a case is not
difficult but the marriage gifts must be returned. Divorce
is not especially frequent but there is a difference between
Long Nawang and Long MOh that is not readily explained.
Even though the Long Nawang people are Christians of a
fundamentalist sect that theoretically forbids divorce,
the divorce rate there is about twice that in "pagan" Long
th.where people consider divorce a step not to be encouraged
but nonetheless a rational solution to a childless marriage
or insoluable incompatability.

Children complete a marriage and, in a sense, make
their parents adults. Children are generally indulged, and
at least during infancy a child is the Object of a great
deal of parental attention and affection. Part of this
attention consists of all the steps necessary to ward off

or cure the all-too-frequent ailments of infants and young

45

children. The infant is never alone; the idea of an infant
sleeping apart from its mother is met with horror. The child
sleeps with the parents until it is weaned (about 2 years)
and joins a grandparent or the pile of older children. As
the child grows older, it is less the companion of its mother
and spends more time with grandparents and older siblings
and, finally, by the age of 5 or 6, with agemates. By this
time, a child should be polite and respectful to parents
and other adults and accept their advice and counsel, at
least in theory. What the child does out of their sight
can often be ignored. Parents should instruct their children
in adag and proper behavior and discipline them, but they
are not ultimately responsible for how the children turn
out. Should a child destroy someone else's property, no
one would hold the parent responsible. If a child should
turn out badly, it is not the parents' fault; they may be
disappointed but their self-esteem need not suffer. Like-
wise, if the child turns out well, the parents are due no
special credit; they may be pleased but pride would be out
of place.

As the child grows up, he/she should rely on the
parents' guidance; they are experts in all matters. Even
in the choice of a spouse, grown children are reluctant
to go against the wishes of their parents. Throughout
adult life, one should at least listen to the advice of
one's parents.

The prime of adulthood extends from the arrival of

46

children through the much desired arrival of grandchildren.
In many societies, the relationship between alternate
generations are especially warm, and the Kenyah are no ex-
ception. Grandchildren are indulged thoroughly. During
infancy, most of a child's care falls to the mother, but
after this period, a great deal of the child's care may be
turned over to a grandparent. There may be a younger
sibling occupying the mother's attention or, if not, her
labor is needed in the fields. It would be wrong to say
that the love and attention lavished on grandchildren is
less than totally unselfish, but people do say that it is
desirable to establish especially close relations with at
least one grandchild because, when one is really old, it
is a grandchild who can be expected to provide care. One's
own children, in the prime of their adulthood, will have
other responsibilities. They will, of course, provide
food, shelter, and other necessities, but a nearly grown
grandchild, as yet free of responsibilities for his/her
own family, will provide those little extras of personal
service that make for a comfortable old age. Great-grand-
children and great-great-grandchildren, should one be so
blessed, are no less indulged but, by this time, the elder's
role is more likely to be one of passive admiration than
active, physical care.

Age brings increasing respect; even those no longer
physically active may still be quite influential in the

sphere of religion and politics. They are the authorities

47

on gdag and ESEE law. They are provided for by their
children and waited on by their grandchildren. An aged
person who is senile becomes, the Kenyah say, "like a child"
and is treated with a mixture of indulgence and respect.
He/she is never made fun of or addressed improperly. The
ideal end of life is a comfortable old age surrounded by
all of one's children, their spouses, and grandchildren
gathered into a single, harmonious lamig. This ideal is
seldom realized, but it is a reasonable expectation and
the norm to come into old age in a lgmigxwith a child,
his/her spouse, and grandchildren. As long as he/she
remains mentally alert and active, the old one is the
head of that lgmig.

The scope of a funeral, like that of any other life
crisis event, depends to a large extent on the social class
of the deceased. A high point of the ceremony is the
gidag, a long chant directing the soul of the dead to its
final resting place. In this 21922» the deceased is placed
in social context; the singer recites a geneology, enumer-
ating ancestors and descendants.

The terms Kenyah use to address and refer to kinsmen
are part of the system of appellation and will be discussed
in Chapter III rather than here to save the reader from

turning back.

Religion and Nbdernization

 

There is no Kenyah term for religion. Understandings

about the cosmos and how it came into being, about man's

48

relations with it and with the hundreds of invisible beings
‘who share it with him, and about good and evil and how the
former may be Obtained and the latter avoided are all sub-

sumed under the term adat.18

Adag could, perhaps, be defined
as "the way things ought to be." According to Whittier
(1978b), the pre-missionary, pre-colonial Kenyah did not

see "religion" as a separate aspect of life, although some

do so now. Christians try to retain the term adgg in the

sense of "custom” or "customary law" while stripping it of

its supernatural content. They use the terms adat lama

 

("old adat" ) and adat po'on ("original adat") to mean

 

Kenyah pre-Christian beliefs. Their own beliefs they refer

to as agama Kristen. The reform cult centered on the
19

 

goddess Bungan Phlan is referred to as adat Bungan.

 

Adat po'on or adat lama no longer exists as a viable

 

 

system. The last man who was an avowed believer and

practitioner of adat po'on died in Long th in 1976. Long

 

Nawang is entirely a Christian village. The majority of
villagers belong to a fundamentalist Protestant sect
acronymed KINGMI; a few belong to the slightly less funda-
mentalist GPBI; and, a very few are Roman Catholic. Long Moh
is the only Kenyah village that is not now Christian. The

majority at Long th follow adat Bungan; there are a few

 

 

18See Whittier (1978b) for a more complete discussion
of the Kenyah concept of adat.

19See Whittier (1973) for a discussion of the history

of adat Bun an; several other sources include Aichner (1956),
Prattis (19%33, and White (1956).

49

families of Roman Catholics and, recently, a very few members
of the Protestant SIB sect. The Lepo Jingan house at Long
th is entirely Roman Catholic but, as noted previously, it
is part of Long Mbh only in the eyes of the government.
Details of the beliefs about ball (spirits), their

activities, and their rituals in adat po'on are available
20

 

elsewhere as is information about adat Bungan. I mention

 

them only in passing here before moving on to consider
the force of Christianity in Kenyah life.

Adat Bungan has eliminated from adat po'on some of the

 

 

more onerous taboos and prohibitions. Its founder was a
Christian and this influence is clear. Bird and animal

augury is eliminated except for a few specific occasions
where signs are specifically sought. The rituals of the

rice cycle remain and the task of the laki malan is still

 

time-consuming but the office is no longer surrounded by

food prohibitions and isolation. The supreme dieties
PeSalong Luhan and Bungan Malan remain although in most
matters we need be concerned only with Bungan Nalan; PeSalong
Luhan has retired. There are still numerous bgli who can
bring good fortune or cause illness, poor harvest, or other
bad luck. To keep the ball happy, they must be invited to
feasts and routinely mentioned in chants. Periodic rituals

cleanse the village of those bali who bring only harm and

 

20Whittier (1973 and 1978a); Elshout (1923 and 1926);
Niewenhuis (1900 and 1904); Calvin (1966, 1968, and 1970);
Harrisson (1966); Hose and FbDougall (1912); Madang and
Galvin (1966); Mbjberg (1927); and Rudes (1972).

50

spiritually fence them away.

Christianity, according to some of the missionaries
and stronger adherents, has done away with the world of
invisible spirits and the need to propitiate them. But
many people who are quite sincere in their profession of
Christianity nonetheless take precautions. At times of
real crisis, such as the illness of a child, Christianity
may not offer quite enough, and most people see no harm in
using all the help available. Some missionaries maintain
that Christianity represents little change in Kenyah life
in that Christianity substitutes new rituals for "pagan"
ones. Christianity provides rituals for the life crisis
events, such as naming, marriage, and death. Some Catholic
missionaries have even tried to evolve rice cycle rituals.
Some say that Easter, coming like mama; after the harvest,
is a satisfying substitute for the formerly paramount mamaa
ritual. Christianity also provides curing rituals in the
form of prayers for the sick. Toxvhat extent Christianity

fills the same emotional and spiritual space as adat po'on

 

or adat Bungan is a moot question. But, certainly,

 

Christianity and all that comes with.it have brought changes
in more than beliefs about the supernatural.

Christians retain the belief that all should be present
in the village at the time of a funeral or a major village
ritual (e.g., Christmas or Easter) but their reasons are
social rather than spiritual. The absence of a villager

does not endanger others and sanctions against him/her are

51

in the form of social disapproval rather than spiritual
danger.

Christians retain the aaaa belief that one should be
humble and not presumptuous; this is in accord with Christian
ethics. In aaaa, however, the belief is supported by a
strong class system and transgression may bring supernatural
sanction in the form of illness or even death. Fbr Chris-
tians, the sanctions against one who is arrogant or does
not give proper respect to a deta'u are social.

Matters of aaaa prescription such as, for example, the
sharing of the fruits of the hunt, are not delineated by
Christianity and some are unsure whether, as Christians,
they are bound by such prescriptions. Should Christians
for example, give marriage gifts? If heirloom property
has no spiritual component, can it be sold? Spiritually,
Christianity is a more individualistic matter than aaaa.
One's sins are one's own and a matter between the sinner
and God or, at most, the sinner, God, and the priest. At
any rate, they do not endanger the community.

This is not to imply that Christianity promotes a
disregard of one's fellows. The ethics of all varieties
of Christianity encourage one to "do unto others.” But in
the case of the Kenyah, Christianity does break the back of
the ritual community. The delicts of one's fellows are of
social interest only; they are not generally a threat to
one's own spiritual or physical well-being.

On the part of Christians, ideas about being Christian

52

are inextricably bound with ideas about being modern and
progressive as these concepts are perceived by the Kenyah.

Even though in fact adat Bungan entered the Kenyah world

 

after Christianity, Christians think of adat Bungan adherents

 

as being old-fashioned and out—of-date. It is not a matter
of timing but of the source of the beliefs; Christianity
comes from the outside, from the modern world.

Christianity, brought as it is by outsiders, carries
with it the baggage of the morals and values of the cultures
of its carriers. Thus, in Protestant areas, festive days
and relaxing evenings around the jars of EEEEE are gone.
Hymns replace Kenyah songs and Bible stories take over
some of the place of the myths of culture heros. Women
and girls cut off their stretched ear lobes because, in
some eyes, they look "pagan" and "primitive." The Catholic
missionaries, at least in Sarawak, have tried to encourage
the retention of aspects of Kenyah culture that are not,
in their view, directly tied to religion, but there are
still questions. If divorce is prohibited and no children
are available for adoption, what is the solution to a
childless marriage?

It would be wrong to suggest that all change is brought
about by missionaries and Christianity and that, without
them, the Kenyah would exist in some mythical pristine
splendor. There are many other outside influences on Kenyah
life. There are colonial and national governments,

education, mass media, tourists, and the travels of the

53

Kenyah themselves. In a general sense, however, for most
Christian Kenyah, being a Christian is itself a symbol of

modernity and of a progressive up-to-date outlook on life.

Formal Education

 

Education is one of the many sources of new ideas and
different views of the world for the Kenyah in their rela-
tively isolated upriver villages.

In the mid-1920's, the Dutch established a three-year
primary school in Long Nawang. The medium of instruction
was Nhlay (now Indonesian). It was attended largely by
children of deta'u, and in 1970 there were several older
men who were literate as a result of this schooling. But
the majority of the people over 40 are illiterate. School-
ing was interrupted by World War II and again by Confronta-
tion with Malaysia but most men in their mid-30's or younger
are literate; about half the women in this age-range are
literate. Schooling was increased to six years in 1950.
Continuing one's education beyond the primary level is dif-
ficult. Secondary schools are downriver -- a canoe and
foot journey of two weeks or more -- and the combined costs
of transportation and tuition are high. Parents are unlike-
ly to see the child more than once a year, if that. The
difficulties are mitigated slightly by the fact that many
people have relatives in Tandjungselor (the coastal town)
or the nearby emigre and resettlement village of Mara Satu

and can be assured that their child is well cared for and

54

is not set among strangers.

Long th opened its primary school in 1950. Thus,
people older than their mid-30's (in 1975) are, with a few
exceptions, illiterate. The medium of instruction in this
school has always been English with Malay taught as a sub-
ject. This is somewhat misleading though; the vast major-
ity of the teachers are themselves Kenyah and tend to use
a great deal of Kenyah in the classroom. The few older
literate people are men (in all cases) who were sent to the
school of the Catholic mission one-half day downriver or
otherwise had opportunity to go downriver. Again, secondary
schooling involves going downriver to the larger settlements
of Long Lama (mvo to three days travel) or Phrudi or Ffiri
(three to four days travel) and the expenses of transporta-
tion and tuition. A relatively large number (about 75 per-
cent) of the students who successfully complete the six
years of primary school begin secondary school, but very
few finish. Kenyah girls almost never go beyond Form Three
(the third year); I know of but two in the entire Baram
River area. A few more boys continue but the hurdle of
the state examination at the end of Form Five is almost
insurmountable. I was in Long th in 1975 when the exam
results were announced; two Kenyah boys from the Baram (one
a Long P h boy) passed; the boy from Long P h was the first
from that village to have ever passed the exam. In 1980,
three Kenyah boys and one Kenyah girl passed the exam. The

Kenyah and other upriver children generally have much lower

55

success rates on these exams than their more urban class—
mates.

In both Long Nawang and Long th, parents who have
themselves led lives in the upriver villages as swidden
farmers are in many ways anbivalent about their children's
desire for a secondary education. A primary education is
unquestionably good; one should know how to read and write
to avoid being swindled at the bazaar. But a secondary
education is something else. The loss of a teenager's
labor is significant and parents know that such a child is
unlikely to return to the village to live as a swidden
farmer; this must be weighed against the unquestionable
benefits of having a child with a secure white collar
employment.

But parents' attitudes are changing too. One family
who very reluctantly sent their oldest son to secondary
school (he says that at every vacation he was in doubt
‘whether he would be able to return to school) is now so
encouraged by his success and his position as a secondary
school teacher that they are sending his younger sisters
with his financial assistance. A village headman with three
sons at good jObs with the government and with business was
asked if he had any regrets about having sent them to school.
"None" he replied, " by only regret is that it took me so
long to learn. Their older brother was the smartest of them
all but I took him out of school at 13 to help with the farm-

ing. Who knows how far he might have gone?"

56

Although the numbers are still small, young Kenyah are,
through education, moving out of the village and into the
outside world of government officials, school teachers, and
private business. They, in turn, are becoming major brokers

for cultural and social change within their natal villages.

Conclusion

 

This brief summary gives a general view of the Kenyah
in the mid 1970's. I have concentrated here on the context
of village life and interpersonal relations trying to show
the significant webs of relationships that are the locus of
everyday life. It is by no means a complete picture, but
is intended only as a backdrop against which to view the
material of the following chapter, the data on Kenyah systems

of appellation.

CHAPTER III

KENYAH SYSTENS OF APPELLATION

Introduction

 

This chapter presents a description of the several
systems of appellation used by the Kenyah. Kenyah appel-
lations may be divided into two general classes: relational
and oppositional. Oppositional appellations are those that
define an individual as opposed to other individuals. These

include "personal names" or autonyms and designations.

 

Designations are one variety of what are usually referred
to as "nicknames”; they are frequently conferred on an
individual as a result of some personal or physical char-
acteristic. English examples are such forms as "Minnesota
Fats" or ”Richard-the-Lionhearted."

The other classes of appellations are relational
rather than oppositional. They define the individual in
reference to other individuals or in terms of a relationship
to others. Kenyah oppositional appellations include aim

terms, teknonyms, necronyms, and gerontonyms.

 

 

 

Kin terms are, of course, those terms by which relatives

address and refer to one another although they may, in some

57

58

circumstances, be used by and for non-relatives as well.
Teknonyms appear frequently in the anthropological litera—
ture; they are terms that show that the individual is the
parent of a child and usually incorporate the child's
autonym, as in Tamam Apoi (Kenyah: ”Father of Apoi"). In
some cases, they are carried another generation to indicate
grandparenthood, as in gag Loh (Balinese: "Ckandfather of
Loh”). The term necronym1 refers to appellations acquired
by an individual on the deaths of certain relatives; they
express a relationship to the deceased or make a lasting
reference to the fact of berevement. G’erontonyms2 are appel-
lations that designate a particular stage of life.
Patronyms are forms incorporating the autonym of one's
father. As used by the Kenyah, they are both relational
and oppositional. Because they use autonyms in their
formation, they will be discussed below in the section

on autonyms.

Autonyms

Autonyms are what are usually called "personal names"
or "proper names." Levi-Strauss uses the term autonym to
differentiate these forms from other appellations such as
teknonyms and necronyms (1966:192). It also accords with
the Kenyah view that the autonym is no more or less "proper”

than any other appellation form.

 

lLevi-Strauss (1966) coined the term necronym but the
form has been described by others.

2The term gerontonym was coined by Rousseau (1978).

59

The autonym is the second form of appellation applied
to a Kenyah infant. A newborn, unnamed infant is referred
to and addressed as Wamg (if a male) or apamg (if a female).
These forms behave linguistically as autonyms; they are not
merely sex designations. The answer to an enquiry as to the
sex of a new infant is "aha laki" ("a male") or "Ema laaa"

("a female"), not "cha weng"* or "cha apeng"*; the forms

 

do not take the indefinite article. Even after they have
autonyms, small children may continue to be addressed and
referred to as Wamg and apamg until they are two or three
years old.

In the Kenyah autonym system, the autonym-givers are
usually the parents of the child who make their choice in
consultation with grandparents and other relatives. They
have a more-or-less standard list to choose from but their
choice is governed by several factors, including the sex
of the child, social class, and potential namesakes.

All Kenyah autonyms are sex specific; there is no
case of an individual bearing an autonym considered appro-
priate to the opposite sex. There are no autonyms that
can be used for both sexes. Some autonyms are restricted
in that they may be used only by deta'u. For males, Kuleh
and Lenjau are so restricted and, for females, Aren.

The Kenyah child must be "named after" someone; that is,
the autonym chosen must be borne by someone of a higher
generation, usually, but not necessarily, a relative. The

person whose name is chosen may be living or dead but should

60

not be someone who has died recently. For reasons that will
be clear in the discussion of patronyms, children are never
given the autonyms of their parents. Siblings, of course,
never bear the same autonym but cousins may, commonly by
having taken the autonym of the same grandparent. Grand-
parents are commonly the first choices as sources of autonyms
for the eldest children.

The individual whose autonym is chosen for the child
is honored and expresses quiet pride in the distinction.
He/she will point out to strangers that the child has ala
ngadanku (”taken my name"). This does not, however, imply
any special relationship between the two individuals as
is the case, for example, among the Ikung (Marshall 1957).
A case that occurred during my research will illustrate the
seriousness of the conviction that a child should be the
namesake of a particular individual. Jalong was a young
man who had joined the army and had lived for several years
in a coastal town with his wife. Both of their children
had been born on the coast and had had no Kenyah naming
ceremonies. When they came to the village for their first
visit in several years, the families decided to hold the
ceremonies for the two children despite the fact that they
were by now four and two years old. The educated and
sophisticated Jalong did not particularly care but went
along with the plans to please his relatives. All went well
up to the point in the ceremony when the father is asked

what the child's autonym is to be. The autonym of the

61

grandmother had been selcted for the four-year-old girl;
this was quite appropriate and met with approval. For the
two-year-old boy, Jalong announced that Lenjau (Tiger) had
been selected. Given he was an aristocrat, it was an
appropriate choice. But, "who," inquired the attendant
old women, "is the child being named for?" Jalong replied
that he and his wife had selected the autonym "Lenjau"
because the child had been born in the Chinese Year of the
Tiger. This announcement was met variously by stunned
silences and sharp intakes of breath. Then the geneologists
in the group rummaged around in the child's geneology until
they found an appropriate "Lenjau" to supply an autonym
for the child. They announced their findings and the
ceremony continued. Jalong's choice of an autonym for his
son had been fine, but his reason had been at fault and
was corrected for him.

The autonym is bestowed at a ceremony called petakau

anak or chut tana ("free the child" or "touch earth").3 It

 

serves purposes for both mother and infant. The ceremony
takes place from two to four weeks after the birth, the
exact day depending on the appropriate phase of the moon.
For the mother, the petakau frees her from the prohibitions

on certain foods, on bathing, and on leaving the lamin

 

3This ceremony is sometimes referred to as nutong pusa
("to burn the pusa"); the pusa is a slice of bamboo bent into
a horseshoe curve. At one point in the ceremony, the pusa
is burned as a predictor of the baby's future. If the two
ends burn evenly,it is a good sign. If they burn unevenly,
future misfortune is indicated.

 

62

that have been in effect since the birth. The infant
receives an autonym and is formally introduced to the com-
munity and to the spirits. It is taken from the lamim

for the first time carried on the mother's back in a carrier
(gal) especially prepared for the occasion. It is brought
down from the house to the earth and introduced to the
implements it will use in later life. A boy is taken on

a symbolic hunt where he kills a pig (made from a banana
with twig legs); a girl goes fishing and brings back a dried
fish in her net. These foods are brought back to the lEEEE
where everyone tastes a tiny bite and praises the infant's
skill at providing for the family and guests. The infant

is now a member of the community of Kenyah. Should it die
after the petakau, it would receive a funeral and the body
would be taken to the village cemetary. Had it died previous
to the petakau, there would be no funeral and the body would
simply be disposed of.

The scale of the petakau ceremony and the number of
people in attendance depend on the social class of the child.
At a minimum, the lamim co-residents, the members of the
miaam parent's natal léflifl» and immediate longhouse neighbors
attend. For a high deta'u child, virtually the entire
village assembles.

Unless the child is seriously ill or other unforeseen
circumstances intervene, the child will bear and use this
autonym at various times and in various forms throughout

his/her life.

63

There are few examples in Kenyah of what we usually
call nicknames, forms used in addition to or as alternatives
to the autonym bestowed at the petakau. One type of nick-
name is the hypocorism; an example in English would be the
use of the form "Willie" for a person with the autonym
William. There is only one such form in Kenyah; a child with

the autonym Jalong may be addressed as "Dong.' It is a
form of address only and does not appear in teknonymic use.
There is no Tama Dong; the boy's father is Tama Jalong.

Even as a form of address, "Dong disappears after childhood;
it does not appear in patronymic form.

The other form of nickname is one bestowed because of
some circumstance surrounding the birth or the early weeks
of a child's life. These forms are fairly uncommon; I have
recorded only four examples. In the first two cases, a
specific event prescribed specific forms. If the people
who go to the fields to collect the special plants needed
for the petakau ceremony see a pelaki (a species of hawk
considered to be a messenger of the gods), then the child
must be called ”Li'" (if a boy) or "Sulau" (if a girl).
Another autonym is bestowed in the usual manner at the
petakau but it is not used during childhood. Sulau and
Li' are common Kenyah autonyms and may be used for any child,
but, in the circumstances cited, they must be used. When
they are given under these circumstances, they are used in
the parents' teknonyms but are not passed on as patronyms.

It is the petakau autonym that will be used as a patronym.

64

In the third case, the child (a boy) was born during
the EEEEE ceremony just as the returning warriors began the
chant called lemalo'. The boy received his petakau autonym
Sigau (taken from his maternal grandfather) but is called
Lalo' because of the significant event that occurred at the
time of his birth. The nickname Lalo' is used in his
parents' teknonyms but it will not appear in his children's
patronyms. When Lalo' is an adult, he will be called Sigau.

In the fourth case, a small weasel-like animal called
a ”gamma” appeared in the house during an infant boy's
petakau. This indicated that the animal wanted to give
his name to the child. The child was given the autonym
Apoi but was always called Bunin. He is now an adult with
children of his own; their patronym is Apoi, not Bunin.

In a non-Christian village, Kenyah children may receive
a second autonym at a villageawide ceremony called ngalang

anak. This is a large, four-day ceremony requiring the

 

slaughter of large numbers of pigs and chickens. Chests
are invited from other villages for the festivities. The

ngalang anak is not held regularly but when village resources

 

permit and there are enough children participating to make

the outlay worthwhile. I have never seen a mgalang anak,

 

but they seem to occur about every eight to ten years. At
each ngalang, all children who have received their first
autonyms at the petakau but have not yet participated in

a ngalang anak, receive a second autonym or ngadan ngalang.

 

 

This ngadan ngalang ("ngalang name”) is viewed as a sort

 

65

of spare or extra autonym. There is no evidence that the

children who receive their ngadan ngalang at the same time

 

form any sort of formal age grade. They do not think of
themselves as a group or act as a group again.

The autonyms discussed thus far apply to non-Christian
Kenyah. Among Christians, there is some variation depending
on denomination and location. In Long MOh most Christians
are Roman Catholic. Fbr Roman Catholic children, baptism
replaces the petakau in its function of bestowing an autonym.
The child is given a Christian name at baptism; parents
may already know a Christian name they would like to use.
If they do not or if their choice is inappropriate,4 the
priest may make suggestions or present a list of approved
choices. The infant receives a traditional Kenyah name
at baptism as well as the Christian one.5 Thus, a child
may be baptised, for example, "Thomas Balan” or "Fhrgaret
Bungan."

The use of the Christian names is fairly restricted.
Among adults, they are generally known only to their bearers

and the Christian names of young children are usually known

 

4As noted previously, the distinction between "Chris-
tian," "modern," and "Western" is not always clear, and
parents sometimes select forms that they regard as Christian
names but the church and the priest do not.

5The late Bishop of Firi and the priests of the Baram
River have always been particularly sensitive to Kenyah cul-
ture and, in this instance, they insist that a child be
baptized with a Kenyah autonym as well as a Christian one.
Fbr adults being baptized, this, of course, is unnecessary
since they already have Kenyah autonyms.

66

only to their parents. In Long Mbh the most widespread
use of Christian names is among teenagers but, again, there

is a lack of distinction among "Christian, modern," and
”Western." An alternative term for all of these is "school
name.” Particularly if they go downriver to school, even
teenagers who are not Christian almost aways adopt for
themselves ”Christian names" or ”school names." Thus, there
are autonyms such as Harrisson and Diamond that certainly

do not appear on the priest's list but are regarded by their
bearers as Christian names. Teenagers may use these names
among themselves, at school, and with outsiders, but they
remain generally unknown by others in the village. A teen-
ager may inform an outsider that his name is Paul but, upon
asking for Paul at the longhouse in the village, the stranger
is likely to get nowhere unless there happens to be another
teenager around.who will know that Paul is Epoi. The Chris—
tian name/school name generally appears on school records
along with the Kenyah autonym and the patronym. At school,
Epoi's son Sigau, for example, is listed as Davis Sigau
Epoi. He is called Davis by his teachers and classmates.
His peers in the village may call him Davis and refer to
hifixas Davis among themselves but to everyone else he is
Sigau. These Christian names seem to be dropped, even

among peers, at adulthood. They do not appear as patronyms.
Davis Sigau Epoi's daughter is Bungan Sigau, not Bungan
Davis.

In Long Nawang, a fundamentalist Protestant village,

67

the use of Christian names is somewhat different from that
in Long MOh. The church does not specify appropriate
autonyms for children. One may use Kenyah autonyms, Biblical
autonyms, or any other forms. The difference is that,
unlike in Long MOh, children are christened with one form
or another so that there are some children (and a few adults)
with no Kenyah autonym at all. Biblical names are in their
Indonesian forms rather than the English forms used in Long
th (e.g., Daud rather than David). Old Testament names
are much more common in Long Nawang than in Long MOh; one
family has Sadrakh, Pbsakh, and Abednego (Shadrack, Pashak,
and Abednego).

These remarks also hold true for the Long Nawang people
who have moved to Mara Satu near the coast. Especially

in Phra Satu, one finds other "modern forms as well.

"Calendar" names (e.g., Juli, Augustus, Septipanus), for

example, are popular. The most unusual modern" name I
encountered was a girl called Olri. She is named in honor
of the holiday dedicated to the veterans of the struggle
for Indonesian independence; Olri is an acronym for
thOber Lima Republik Indonesia (OctOber Fifth, Republic
of Indonesia).

All of these forms differ from the Christian/school
names at Long Moh in that they are the only autonyms their
bearers possess and are used in all forms including their

parents' teknonyms and in patronyms. In Long Mbh, the

Christian/school names function more as temporary nicknames,

68

used for a short time during the teenage years among peers,
at school, and outside the village but abandoned in adult
life.

Patronyms have been referred to in passing, but the
form should be described more fully. The Kenyah do not
use surnames or "family” names but they do use true patro-
nyms. A reply to the question, "What is your name?" might
well be the individual's autonym followed by his/her father's
autonym. Kuleh Sigau. for example, is Kuleh whose father's
autonym is Sigau. If the respondant supplies only his/her
own autonym, Kuleh, for example, further enquiry of the

6 The

form, ”Kuleh what?" will elict the father's autonym.
patronyms are used frequently in reference. Since a number
of people may bear the same autonym, the addition of the
patronym serves to further specify the referent. Thus, the
patronym is both relational and oppositional. It is rela-
tional in that it identifies one as the offspring of a par-
ticular individual, but it is also oppositional in that it

specifies which Sigau among several possibilities is intended.7

 

6Children are often taught the straight-line geneologies
referred to in Chapter II with a game of this form. The
questioner begins with, "What is your name?" and the child
replies with an autonym, "Sigau," for example. "Sigau what?“
"Sigau Apoi." "Apoi what?" "Apoi Jalong.‘ Question and
answer follow in a rhythmic chant, preferably ending with
a famous culture hero. To this end, matronyms may sometimes
be used instead of patronyms.

7We use surnames in a similar way. In one respect, the
surname identifies a person as a member of a group, as a
Smith, for example. But more commonly, we use it to distin-
guish a particular person from others with the same autonym.
"John who?" "John Smith, not John Harrison."

69

The autonym in one of its several forms (e.g., teknonym
of one's parents, necronym, gerontonym, patronym of one's
children) is generally with one for life, but there are
circumstances under which an autonym can and should be
changed. These changes take place only in childhood. I
know of no case of an adult's autonnym having been changed
with the partial exception of the somewhat different changes
sometimes used by elderly persons; they are discussed below
under the section "Gerontonyms."

The most common reason for changing a child's autonym
is persistent ill health or general fretfulness. If the
child cries too much or has a lingering fever, the most
likely cause is evil spirits. If the child's autonym is
changed, the evil spirits will be confused and turn their
attention elsewhere. If the child has a ngalang autonym,
it may simply replace the first (petakau) autonym. A second
way of finding a new autonym is through a dream by a parent
or other relative. A woman related to me a dream in which
a man she did not recognize appeared and told her that her
three-year-old son's autonym should be changed from Epoi
to Lian in order to get rid of the fever that had been
plaguing him. She discussed the dream with her parents
and other elders, and all agreed that she should follow
the advice. A third source of a new autonym is the spirit
medium. A spirit medium called upon to cure a sick child
seeks the advice of the spirits, and part of this advice

is frequently to change the autonym to one specified. In

70

all of these cases, the new autonym totally replaces the
old one.

There is another category of forms that, for young
children, may replace the autonym, but these replacements

are temporary. They are called in Kenyah ngadan ja'at

 

(lit., "bad names") and are given to young children when
a close relative, almost always a member of the 13212: dies.
Very young children are particularly vulnerable because
their souls are not well attached to their bodies and can
be easily attracted away by evil spirits, resulting in
illness or death. If a death occurs in the lamim, it is
well to direct the spirits away from these vulnerable ones

by the use of mgadan ja'at. Examples of ngadan ja'at for

 

 

boys include Su'ok (”hidden"), Seli' ("to look around and
see no one"), and lot ("small, insignificant"). For girls,
there are, among others, Ape' ("rags"), Jamung ("dirty"),
and Lum ("hidden"). These forms replace the autonym for
several years and are used in the parents' teknonymslaut
are gradually discarded in later childhood. The ngadan
iELEE tends to stick on a few years past the period of
vulnerability, and it is often the child him/herself who

makes the first move towards getting rid of it.

Kin Terms

 

Forms for addressing and referring to kinsmen are
relational terms; they define a person in terms of a rela-
tionship to others. Because kin terms are Ego-centered and

Kenyah terms are generational, the simplest approach is to

71

discuss kin terms by their generational distance from Ego.

Consanguinal Terms

 

The term chenganak can be used in a broad sense of

 

"relatives," but its narrower meaning is ”sibling,' extended
to include cousins to the third degree. "Sibling” can be

distinguished from "cousin" by the terms chenganak sa'

 

or chenganak cha liwe ("first cousin"), chenganak dua liwe

 

 

(”second cousin"), and chenganak telu lflwe ("third cousin");

 

these terms are, however, rarely used and are never used

in address. Chenganak is sometimes used in individual

 

address, but it is more commonly heard in public speaking

as chenganak-chenganak, something like "brethern." By far

 

the most common terms for addressing and referring to siblings
and cousins are aaaam ("Older sibling") and Eééifl ("younger
sibling"). When an attempt is being made to generate warm,
friendly relations, these terms may even be used with non-
kinsmen of Ego's generation.

Lineals in the generation above Ego are ama ("father")
and Ema; ("mother"); currently these are terms of'both refer-
rence and address.8 Parents' siblings are referred to as

ame mpe' (for males) and uwe' mpe' (for females) with no

 

distinction between mother's siblings and father's siblings
or between parents' older siblings and parents' younger

siblings. These forms are not used in address. Parents'

 

8Some of the older literature, e.g., Pollard and Banks
(1937), give these as forms of address only with taman/tama
and tinan/sinan/tina as forms of reference.

 

 

72

siblings are usually addressed simply as ama_(males) or
213: (females) unless one's own parent is dead. In that
case, the siblings of both parents who are of the same sex
as the deceased parent are addressed as mpaL.

In the second generation above Ego, there is a differ-
ence in terms between Long Nawang and Long Mbh. In Long
Nawang, the second generation above Ego is pa; ("grand-
parent") and the third generation is aka; ("great-
grandparent"). In Long MOh, 2E2; is used for the second
generation and above.9 These are terms of both reference
and address.

Ego's own children are referred to and addressed as
amaa ("child"), often in the form anake' ("my child”). A

specific term of reference for the children of siblings

or cousins (chenganak) is anak a'ong (or, in Long Nawang,
10

 

 

anak ahong), but it is never a term of address. The

 

affectionate term of address for these children is anake'.
Ego's grandchildren and the grandchildren of siblings
and cousins, insofar as they are still recognized as aaamgg
amaa, are referred to and addressed as 5am. The children
of Eaa may be referred to as 3am amaa (lit., "elbow grand-
children") and the children of mam £152 as 3am lap (lit.,

knee grandchildren"). These are terms of reference only.

 

9In Long Mbh, the term poi is a kind of necronym and
is discussed in that section.

10In other contexts, the term a'on (ahon ) means
"stored" or "put away." Thus, the chiléren o chenganak are
"stored" children; most adoptions are the children of chenganak.

 

 

73

It is a matter of some pride to have tsu siku and, especially,

 

tsu lup. To indicate that a person has attained a ripe old
age, rather than stating the fact baldly, one says that the

person has tsu siku or, more rarely, tsu lup.

Affinal Terms

 

There are very few kinship terms applied specifically
to affines, and my informants were in disagreement as to
whether there is a term that applies to affines in general.
The term aaaam, heard very rarely and only in reference,
is said by some people to apply to affines in general.
Others say that it applies only to affines of Ego's own
generation (i.e., SbSp;CoSp;Spr;SprSp).

Husband and wife refer to each other as lakike' (”my

man") or letoke' ("my woman") or pesaitke' (lit., ”my sexual

 

partner"). These are all technically possible but rare
forms of address.

Ego's spouse's parents may be referred to as ame niban

 

and uwe' niban for specificity but they are more usually

 

referred to and always addressed as ame and uwe'. Likewise,

a child's spouse may be referred to as anak niban but anake'

 

is the more usual term of address and reference where a kin
term is used.

In general, Ego refers to and addresses his/her spouse's
relatives by the same term the spouse would use, modified
by relative age in Ego's generation. For example, if Ego's

spouse refers to an individual as sekun ("elder sibling")

74

Ego would do the same as long as the individual is actually
older than Ego. If the individual is younger, then Ego would
use the term aaaim (”younger sibling”). For ascending and
descending generations, Ego uses the terms that his/her
spouse would use. This generally produces no conflicts
because spouses are almost always of the same structural
generation; as noted previously, marriage across generations
is strongly discouraged.

The rare case of spouses not of the same generation
demonstrates the primacy of generation in kin terms. If a
male, for example, is a generation higher than his wife,
he uses the term agama ("elder sibling”) in addressing her
father, rather than the term ama ("father") which he would
use to a male of higher generation. Such a situation makes
people uncomfortable and makes for a great deal of joking

11 This confusion is often cited as a

and awkwardness.
secondary reason for avoiding cross-generation marriage.
Figure 2 summarizes consanguinal kin terms of reference.
As noted, affinal terms are, in most cases, identical to
consanguinal terms. Long Nawang terms are in parentheses.
This outline is a paradigm; it shows what kin terms may be
used for referring to one's relatives. Address terms are,
in most cases, identical to reference terms. If one were to

use a kin term, these would be the appropriate terms to use,

but the kin terms are only one alternative. How this set of

 

11As described to me, this awkwardness is similar to
that produced in our own society by the question of how to
address one's parents-in-law.

75

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76

appellations articulates with other sets will be discussed

later.

Extension of Kin Terms

 

As forms of address, kin terms are widely extended to
non-relatives, especially across generations. It is proper
to address anyone the age of one's parents as ama or HEEL
or anyone the age of one's grandparents as mag; (in Long
Mbh) or pa; (in Long Nawang). It is possible to use the
forms Efléifl and ESEEE for non-relatives of one's own gener-
ation, but it is fairly rare and used only if a particular
attempt is being made to establish a warm, friendly relation-
ship. Any child may be addressed as amaa, but when a special
closeness is being evoked, the common form is anake' ("my
child"). The term Eaa is very widely used to address child-
ren of the generation of one's own grandchildren or below.
Informants said that, in many cases, they did not know the
autonyms of young children and, in any case, it was emo-
tionally gratifying to use the term because it was a

reminder of one's age and, thus, prestige.

Teknonyms

 

Teknonymy, the practice of designating adults
according to the names of their children, is not
often examined for its functional significance,
but more frequently assumed to be a mere ethno-
logical detail, or a minor nomenclatural usage
(Geertz and Geertz 1964:94).

The teknonym is one of the most common Kenyah forms of
appellation. As soon as their first child is born, parents

assume teknonymic forms, even before the infant itself is

77

given an autonym. If the infant is a male, the father

12

becomes Tama Weng and the mother Uwe' Weng. If the infant

 

 

is a female, the father becomes Tamapeng and the mother

Uwe' Apeng. The forms Tama and Uwe' are those currently

 

 

used to form teknonyms in Long Mbh. In Long Nawang, the
form ama has almost entirely replaced Tama so that the
father of a male infant, for example, is éEE.EEEE- ama
has the general meaning of "father" and is the kinship term.
It is used as a form of reference and address as well as
in teknonymic form. Tama, on the other hand, is used only
as a teknonymic form. People in Long Nawang knew the Tama
form and generally felt it was more "respectful" than the
ama form. They were aware that Tama was still used in other
villages but could offer no explanation for its having fallen
into disuse in Long Nawang. In both Long Nawang and Long
Moh, the kinship term mmai_has replaced a previous form in
teknonymic usage. The equivalent form to Tama is 1122» but
it is very rarely heard in either Long Nawang or Long Moh
although people in both villages can supply it. Again, there
is no explanation for the fomm to have fallen out of use.

As soon as an infant receives an autonym, about a month
after birth, the parents may be addressed and referred to
by teknonyms that incorporate the infant‘s autonym: Tama

(child's autonym) and UWe' (child's autonym).

 

2T . . . .

ama 18 used before an autonym beg1nn1ng w1th a con-
sonant and Taman before an autonym beginning with a vowel.

An exception is the ”father of a girl child" form which is

Tamapeng rather than Taman Apeng*.

 

78

People in the child's household, close relatives, and others
who know the child's autonym begin using the new teknonyms
immediately, but it may take several months or longer before
they gain villagedwide currency. The parents may continue

to be Tama Weng/Tamapeng and UWe' Weng/UWe' Apeng to more

 

 

distant villagers. Elderly people especially may not know
the autonyms of young children (and, thus, their parents'
teknonyms) unless the child is a close kinsman or a high
aristocrat. But, with the Weng and Apeng forms available,
it is not necessary to actually know a child's autonym in
order to address its parents in proper teknonymic form.

The teknonyms incorporating the autonym of the first-
born child remain with the parents. They do not change
teknonyms with the births of subsequent children unless
one of their children dies (any child, not just the tek-
nonymous one). In that case, they change from teknonyms
altogether and use necronyms until another child is born.
Then they again return to teknonyms, this time incorporating
the autonym of the latest child. That teknonym, in turn,
remains unchanged despite subsequent births unless there is
another death.

One function of teknonyms is that they mark their
bearers as adults, i.e., members of the community who have
produced children and are occupying adult roles. In his
discussion of Penan teknonyms, Needham (1954) says that
for the Penan the teknonym is not an honorific. If one

has no children (and, thus, no teknonym), the situation is

79

sad, . but you are not ashamed. Why should you be?"
It is not the individual at fault (417). The Kenyah express
much the same sentiment, and yet, at the same time, the
teknonym is clearly a mark of adult status. This is demon-
strated by the tendency of those few Kenyah who are not
parents and not technically entitled to teknonyms to acquire
them. Since married couples who are childless always adopt
children or divorce and try new partners, the situation of
being truly childless is confined to those very few Kenyah
adults who remain unmarried. I have data on but four cases
of unmarried adults. One is a man who was elderly but still
very active. He was a hunchback and had never married. He
lived in a household with his sister, who had been widowed
many years previously, two of her grown children, their
spouses, and several of their children. He was considered
the head of the household and was treated as such by its
other occupants and by the rest of the village. By the

time I knew him. he was generally known by a gerontonymic
prefix attached to his autonym, but I was told that he had

previously been known as Taman Along; Along was his widowed

 

sister's youngest child. This man had actually acted for
many years as the ”father" of his sister's children -- in

all respects except as their mother's husband. The child
whose autonym was used in the teknonym had been very young
when his father had died and had known no "father" other than
his mother's brother. In this case, although he was not

actually a parent, the man's teknonym went along with the

8O

role he had played for many years.

The other three cases of unmarried adults all involved
adults who were somewhat younger than the man mentioned above
but past the normal marriage age and generally considered
no longer "in the running." In all three cases, the unmarried
individual resided in a household with a married sibling, the
sibling's spouse, and the sibling's children. These unmarried
individuals each had a teknonym incorporating the autonym
of one of the sibling's children resident in the household.
In no case is the child whose autonym is used the same child
as that whose autonym is used in the parents' teknonyms.

For example, male X lived with his married sister Y and

her husband Z as well as the children A, B, C, and D of Y
and Z. Y and 2 were known as gma; a and Tama a. X, however,
was known as Tama D. The other two cases, both unmarried
females, were similar. In all three cases, the unmarried
adult took a special interest in the child from whom his/her
teknonym was derived, but there were no formal adoptions.
Often these teknonyms were used almost jokingly, as though
in acknowledgement that they were somehow different from
normal teknonyms, but they were used and used rather consis-
tently. In all three cases, the teknonym was said to have
come into use as a result of the adult's special relationship
with the child. It would be misleading to say that an
unmarried adult cultivated a special relationship with a
sibling's child in order to acquire a teknonym as a badge

of adult status, but this is the result. A teknonym is

81

certainly not the only badge of adulthood, but in the normal
course of events, all adults do acquire teknonyms.

An unmarried adult is in an anomalous position, partic-
ularly the latter three cases described. The position of the
man in the first case is less anomalous since he is recog-
nized as a household head and carries out adult responsibil-
ities on behalf of that household. A teknonym, despite its
having been acquired from a sibling's child and its being
used almost jokingly sometimes, is part of the proper baggage

of an adult. To have a teknonym is not to be, ipso facto,

 

an adult but it helps to reduce the anomaly of the position
of the unmarried adult, as does having a special child to
take an interest in and care for.

In an article on the Kajang peoples of Sarawak,
De Fartinoir (1974) notes a practice he refers to as "meto-
nymic teknonymy" which he defines as "the transfer of the
teknonym from the individual normally designated by it to
one of his relatives or friends (for instance, the person
called 'Father of X1' may be in fact a brother, an uncle,
or a far relative of X)" (271). In this brief mention of
the practice, De Nbrtinoir does not make it clear whether
the teknonym is actually "transferred" or is shared. Nor
does he detail the circumstances under which such a transfer
or sharing, as the case may be, takes place. Are there two
people referred to by the same teknonym taken from the same
child or does a relative derive a teknonym from a child whose

autonym does not otherwise appear in teknonymic usage? If

82

the latter is the case, the practice would seem similar
to what I have described.above although I would not call
it "transfer" since the teknonym does not switch from one
person to another. The childless relative is merely using
a form that would be otherwise unoccupied.

It is clear that the teknonym can designate not only
a tie of biological or adoptive parenthood but an affective

tie as well. Matcalf's discussion of Berawan13

adoption
practices supports this view (1974). Fbtcalf says that
among the Berawan, there is a wide variation in how closely
the adopted child is tied in to the adoptive family. This
ranges from not at all, as in the case of adoption on purely
formal grounds to avoid bad luck on a technicality,14 to
totally, as in the case of a childless couple arranging for
the adoption of an infant before it is even born. In all
instances, the adoptive parents are entitled to use the
child's autonym in forming teknonyms, but, in the cases that
thcalf mentions, it is the closeness of the tie that deter—
mines whether they do so. At one end of the range, where
the tie is entirely formal, the teknonym is not used. Only

when the relationship is an affective one is the child's

autonym used in forming teknonyms for the adoptive parents.

 

l3Berawan are classed by some as a Kenyah sub—group.

Whether they are or not is outside the scope of this dis-

cussion. At the least, they are closely related peoples.
14Among many Borneo groups, a common motive for parents'

having a child adopted by others is that the child has been

in poor health. It is hoped that the change will bring better
fortune.

83

In connection with the use of teknonyms by adoptive
parents, Needham (1954) notes that the Penan distinguish
between the teknonym of a biological father and an adoptive

15 The teknonym form for the former

(sociological) father.
is lama (autonym of child) while the form for the latter is
Tamam (autonym of child) (416). The Kenyah ignore this
distinction and quote proverbs such as, "He who raised me

is my father” or "He who fed me is my father." This lack of
interest in a terminological distinction between biological
and adoptive parenthood may be partially due to one of the
motives for adoption among the Kenyah. Kenyah are concerned
with the perpetuation of the descent line and with the per-
petuation of the household (13912) as a unit which is the
locus of rights in land and in heirloom property. Adoption
fills the need for an heir to perpetuate both the descent
line and the lEEEE; whether the heir is adopted or not is
irrelevant.

A secondary function of the use of teknonyms among the
Kenyah is the terminological identification of husband and
wife as a unit. Because husband and wife always take their
teknonyms from the same child, it is clear that, for example,
lama Lenjau Along and Eli Lenj au Along are husband and
wife. They will be identified by a common teknonym (or

necronym) throughout their childbearing period. The only

 

15Needham does not note a parallel distinction between
biological and sociological mother.

84

hquand and wife units not so identified.would.be: 1) young
couples who have not yet produced children and are, thus,
considered sub-adult; 2) couples who are past their active
years and have moved into other forms of appellation (i.e.,
gerontonyms); and 3) couples with previous marriages, dis-
solved by divorce or death, who have produced no children
of the current marriage.
Once an individual has acquired a teknonym, he/she
is almost always referred to by it, and it is a frequent
form of address. As a form of address, it is used commonly
by one's contemporaries and seniors. It can properly be
used by one's juniors as well, but kin terms are commonly
employed in address by juniors to seniors, particularly
by the most junior members of the community (i.e., children).
This common use of teknonyms is in contrast to the usage
reported by Rousseau for the Balui Kayan:
Teknonyms may be used both for reference and address
by everyone but an individual's children. However,
teknonyms are not in common use because they must
be abandoned definitely either as soon as any child
dies, or when one becomes a grandparent. Even if
none of these events occur [sic , most parents are
known by their personal name (I 78:89).

The implications of the wide-spread use of teknonyms among

the Kenyah will be discussed in the concluding chapter.

Extension af Teknonyms

 

 

The logical extension of the teknonym, which designates
parenthood, is a form designating grandparenthood. These

"grandparent" forms are of two types. The first is truly

85

an extension of the teknonym form and has the structure
"grandparent of (child's autonym)," designating an individual
as the grandparent of a particular child. This form is used
by, for example, the Fh'anyan of Borneo (Hudson 1972) and
the Balinese (Gaertz and.(hertz 1964). The second type is
not truly an extension of the teknonym since it does not
incorporate the autonym of a particular child but, rather,
adds a prefix to the individual's own autonym. In the minds
of its users, it is associated with having grandchildren,
but it does not designate one as the grandparent of a parti-
cular child. Rousseau, in describing the use of this form
among the Kayan, has coined the term "gerontonym" (1978:89).

Both of these forms, according to their formal rules,
function as markers of grandparenthood. The Kenyah use the
second form, a prefix Pa;16 attached to the individual's
autonym. Although the formal rule states that the form marks
grandparenthood, it is more exactly a marker of a stage of
life, old age with its accompanying status in the community,
that is normally coterminous with grandparenthood. In fact,
however, the possession of a grandchild is neither necessary
nor sufficient for the use of the gerontonym.

The Kenyah state that one is entitled to use the geron-
tonym after the birth of the first grandchild. If one listens

to its actual use, however, it is clear that the gerontonym

 

16Pe- is used before autonyms beginning with consonants;
P;_before those beginning with vowels. Thus, Jalong becomes
PeJalong, but Apoi becomes Papoi.

86

is never adopted immediately and unanimously upon the birth
of the first grandchild. Phny individuals who have not one
but several grandchildren are still addressed and referred
to by teknonyms or necronyms. If one asks explicitly why
so-and-so who has grandchildren does not use the gerontonym,
,the reply is usually something to the effect that perhaps
the person in question does not "feel like it" yet. This
contrasts with the parental teknonym in that everyone who
is entitled to the teknonym, this is, has children, uses
it (as do some who do not have children). What then are the
constraints limiting the use of the gerontonym?
There are two main constraints operating. The first
is that people who are still in the childbearing period,
even though they may have grandchildren, do not use geron-
tonyms. In this sense, the gerontonym marks the end of
childbearing.17
Another factor limiting the use of the gerontonym is
a general Kenyah value against presuming above oneself. The
possession of descendants, age, and the status those bring
is a highly desired and honorable state. On the other hand,
humility is greatly valued. In some instances, it is backed
by ritual sanction, but, in any case, a general reluctance

to take one's station for granted should be exhibited.

 

17Although there is no physiological end to the child-
bearing period for men as there is for women, there is a
sociological end in that the vast majority of men are married
to women who are approximately their own age. The case of
an older man marrying a much younger woman is extremely rare
and the reverse is unheard of.

87

A man entering a longhouse veranda for a meeting or ceremony,
for example, will not approach straightforwardly and take
his place. He will stand on the edge of the group or slip
into a place at the rear until he is urged forward into his
proper place. He knows, and everyone else knows, where he
should sit, but to go there directly and sit down would be
presumptuous. He waits each time for the social concensus,
the reaffirmation of his standing. The assumption of the
gerontonym is similar. There is no special moment on which
it is bestowed; it does not come automatically with the birth
of a grandchild. No one would presume to announce that
henceforth he/she should be addressed by a gerontonym. It
is a gradual process whereas the acquisition of the teknonym
is immediate and automatic.

Another distinction between the teknonym and the geron-
tonym is that, in the event of the death of a child, the
teknonym is replaced by a necronym whereas the gerontonym,
once acquired, is permanent. Should the individual become
entitled to a necronym, it is prefixed to the gerontonym.
Thus, PeBungan, on the death of her husband, becomes Balm
PeBungan, not Balm Bungan.

Although the formal expression is that the gerontonym
follows the birth of grandchildren, there are individuals
who are known by gerontonyms but, in fact, have no direct
lineal descendants. These cases are all people who are of
advanced age and "should," in the eyes of the Kenyah, have

grandchildren.

88

The Kenyah do not formally recognize any change in the
individual's life, other than the acquiring of grandchildren,
as a factor in the use of the gerontonym, but most people
who are known by gerontonyms are beginning to "retire."
Kenyah never really retire from public life unless they are
incapacitated mentally as well as physically; the advice and
views of the elders are actively sought by the community.
Nonetheless, the gerontonym does mark the lessening of at
least economic activity. The individual gradually ceases
going to the fields daily and begins to perform more tasks
III or near the village; men cease hunting. Some may con-
tinue to make fields close to the village but are included
in cooperative work groups where it is clear that they will
receive more labor return than they contribute. This
lessening of activity in the economic sphere does not mean
a lessening of activity in the political and ritual spheres;
in fact, the opposite is often true.

These observations on the actual use of the gerontonym,
as opposed to the formal statement of its use, all indicate
that the gerontonym is a marker of a respected stage of life
when it is apprOpriate and expected to have grandchildren,
but the actual possession of them is coincidental to the
use of the gerontonym. The gerontonym as a status marker
is perhaps indicated by its differential frequency of use
between Long Nawang and Long Moh; the use of the gerontonym
is more frequent in Long Nawang. The Kenyah of Long Nawang

gained a reputation, beginning about the turn of the century,

89

of representing the apex of Kenyah culture, the height of
Kenyah refinement. Or, at least, this is the view that

emerges from the writings of European Observers;18

how widely
this view was shared by other Kenyah is unclear, but the
Long Nawang people themselves share it. Other groups some-

times remark that the Long Nawang people lack kemut luba'

 

("humility"). And even a Long Nawang man once remarked to

me that he thought Long Nawang had "kado' paren, kediot

 

panyin,‘ a phrase which loosely translates "too many chiefs
and no Indians." Perhaps people who regard themselves, as

a group, as having higher status than other groups are
inclined to be freer with the use of status markers.

The period of old age in which gerontonyms are used
is one period, the other being childhood, in which autonyms
are occasionally changed, but the situation is unlike the
childhood change situation. In childhood autonyms may be

changed permanently or temporarily (ngadan ja'at) for quite

 

serious reasons of current or potential illness or misfortune.
The old age changes more often take the form of jokes. They
are nicknames or designations that last for the lifetimes of
their bearers only. They do not appear in the patronyms of
their bearers' children nor in geneologies. These designa-
tions are usually invented by their bearers and are prefixed
by the Pa; form.

Several examples will illustrate the sorts of jokes

 

18See Whittier (1973) for a detailed account of the
history of Long Nawang including the reports of early
European administrators and travelers.

90

used in these old age designations. One man of the senior
generation had no grandchildren. He was beginning to feel
that his advanced age and status qualified him for the
gerontonym; all of his contempories used it. He began
calling himself PeTurut (EEEEE = "to follow" or "to join in”)
because, he said, his siblings all had grandchildren and

he was following them. Another old man in a similar situ-
ation called himself PeSukat (EEEEE = "can" or "is willing
to") because, he explained, he had done all he could; it
was not his fault that his children had not yet presented
him with grandchildren. PeLigun (ligam = "to rock back and
forth") also had no grandchildren but those of her siblings
were numerous and she said she felt herself ”rocking'back
and forth" among them. PeLampit (kelampit = "to have many
connections”) had an unusual daughter, promiscuous to an
extent rare among the Kenyah. She had four children whose
four fathers had been traders, soldiers, etc. Thus,
PeLampit's grandchildren had been Obtained by "many connec-
tions.

A few of these designations have been taken from physi-
cal or personal characteristics. Paga' (aga; = ”to shake")
Vvas a very old woman whose head shook and nodded. PeLibu
(1192.: "thousand") was known for his always excellent rice
harvests. One old man had been absent from the village for
long periods under medical care and had never married, had
children, or even taken up a significant role in the house-

hold of a sibling. He was known as Pasa (asa = "a dead

91

branch"). Paga' and Pasa in particular may seem cruel jokes
'but they, like all the examples cited with the exception of
PeLibu, were invented by their bearers.

These few available examples of old age designations
illustrate three things. First, such designations are
relatively rare; the vast majority of Kenyah use the
gerontonym prefixed to their original autonyms. Second,
the designations frequently make reference to the lack of
grandchildren, or, in one case, to unusual ways of Obtaining
them. Third, of the seven cases cited, not one is a high
deta'u. The individuals mentioned Gwith the exception of
PeLibu) have, by the invention of these jokes, themselves
instituted the use of their own gerontonyms. Normally it
would be considered presumptuous to do this. Possibly the
force of what could be presumption is mitigated in these
cases by attaching the gerontonym to a joking reference to
one's deficiencies.

A Kenyah enters the community of Kenyah and becomes a
person upon being given an autonym. This autonym (or another
if a change is necessary) may be used to address and refer
to the individual until he/she becomes a parent. A teknonym
is then appropriate and, if the individual is a male, his
autonym becomes his child's patronym. When the individual
is elderly, his/her autonym returns with the addition of a

gerontonym. Figure 3 illustrates these changes.

92

1. Examples of autonyms and patronyms

.A = O
Apoi Bungan
Ingan Tuloi
o = = A
Lire Ingan Aren Dudong
Tangit Apoi Apoi Ding
- + + -
Ubong Apoi Bungan Aing
Ingan Ingan Dudong Dudong

2. Examples of teknonyms and gerontonyms for the
persons in 1 above

 

 

 
 
 
 

 
   
    

.A = <3
Papoi PeBungan
Ingan Tuloi
O=A,d=a
Uwe' Apoi Taman Ap01 Uwe' Tama
Ingan Ingan Bungan Bungan

Dudong Dudong

+

Ubong Apoi Bungan Aing
Ingan Ingan Dudong Dudong

3. Examples of changes with the elimination of the
highest generation in l and 2 above and the
addition of a new generation

 

 

.[ 33:13
PeLire Pingan Paren PeDudong
Tangit Apoi Apoi Ding
A: = A: ‘0
Tama Uwe' Tama Uwe' Tama Uwe' Tama Uwe'
Kuleh Kuleh Lire Lire Sigau Sigau Bawai Bawai
Ipoi Ipoi Apoi Apoi Ange Ange Aing Aing
K eh Lire Sigau Bawai
Ipoi Apoi Ange Aing

FIGURE 3: Teknonyms and Gerontonyms

93

Necronyms

 

The Kenyah system of necronyms,19

terms by which
individuals become known on the death of a relative, is
complex and interwoven with the teknonymic system described
previously. When an individual acquires a necronym, as he
does immediately and automatically on the death of a rela-
tive in the appropriate category, the necronym is prefixed
to his autonym in reference; in address, the necronym alone
is most commonly used.

The categories of relatives whose death requires the
use of a necronym vary according to the age of the survivor.
Children and young adults (either unmarried or married but
as yet without children) acquire necronyms on the death of
a grandparent, a parent, or a sibling. Upon the death of
a grandparent, a child receives the necronym Upm which is
normally used alone in address but prefixed to the autonym
in reference. The use of Upa continues until another death
requires a change of necronym, another sibling is born, or
the individual acquires a child of his own. In the first
instance, the necronym flag is replaced by another referring

to the new death; in the second instance the necronym

 

19Elshout(l926:157) calls these "mourning terms" but
their usage does not correspond with the formal mourning
period (lumo). Needham (1954;1965) uses the term "death
names”. I agree with Benjamin (1968 102) that this is
ambiguous and following his usage and that of Levi-Strauss
(1966:191) use the term "necronym." Pollard and Banks (1937)
class these forms with teknonyms and do not give them a
separate term.

94

is dropped and the autonym used; and in the third instance,
the necronym is replaced by a teknonym. Although all inform-
ants could readily supply the term gpm and describe its use,
it is not used consistently. It seems, on my Observation,
to be used more readily when the deceased grandparent is a
member of the child's household.

The death of a parent always results in a necronym.
Upon the death of the father, a male child becomes Exam and
a female Uaam. As with other necronyms, these terms are
used alone in address or affixed to the autonym in reference.
A male child whose father dies while he is still an infant
may be called gyam 12E ("imm"- small) indicating that he did
not really know his father but there is no similar usage for
a female child whose father dies while she is still an infant.
A child of either sex whose mother dies is 11mm. None of
these terms have any other meaning in the Kenyah language;
in English they would be translated "orphan." There is one
further necronym used on a parents' death; a child who is
born after its father's death is called Tapa which is a
Kenyah word meaning "left behind; abandoned." There is no
special term for a child whose mother dies at its birth; it
is simply llmm as would be the case should the mother die in
any other circumstances.

Unlike the necronym for a grandparent's death, the
necronyms for parents' deaths are always used. In the case
of an adopted child living with his adoptive parents, the

necronyms apply on their deaths, not those of the biological

95

parents. I do not know what the situation would be in the
cases described in the section on teknonyms where an unmar-
ried adult had adopted a teknonym using the autonym of a
sibling's child. Would the child use a necronym indicating
the death of a parent should the person employing his autonym
in a teknonym die? I suspect not but no one could recall
such a situation actually happening and Kenyah are generally
not very clear on hypothetical situations.

There is a series of necronyms to be used on the death
of a sibling. Theoretically, these apply to all sub-adults
(i.e., those who do not have children of their own). These
necronyms generally apply only on the deaths of true siblings
but they may occasionally be used on the deaths of cousins
if they are members of the same household. On the death of
an elder sibling, a child of either sex is known as ama_g.
The terms for the death of a younger sibling vary depending
on whether there are other younger siblings still living.

If a child's only younger sibling dies, he/she becomes Lubet.

 

If a younger sibling dies but there are still other younger

siblings living, the child is known as Anta. These sibling

 

necronyms are used for varying periods, and the circumstances
that end their use are like those ending the use of the
grandparent necronyms, i.e., a new death requiring a differ-
ent necronym, the birth of a new sibling bringing the use

of the autonym alone, or the birth of one's own child bring-
ing about the use of a teknonym. As in the case of the

grandparent and parent necronyms the sibling necronyms are

96

most often used alone in address but in reference they may
be prefixed to the autonym. Thus, Jalong whose younger sib-
ling died is referred to as Bmmam Jalong.

It should be noted again that the terms discussed so
far apply only to children (or sociological children); adults
do not adopt necronyms on the deaths of their grandparents,
parents, or siblings.

For adults (i.e., people with teknonyms) there are two
other sets of necronyms: one for the death of a spouse and
another for the deaths of lineal descendants. On the death
of his wife, a man becomes ampam, and a woman whose hquand
dies becomes Balm. These terms are, again, often used alone
in address where there is little chance of ambiguity. In
reference, the necronym is prefixed to the autonym. These
spouse necronyms are among the most permanent. They are
usually abandoned only if the individual remarries ama has
more children. He/she then changes to a teknonym. Remarriage
alone is not sufficient; there are several cases in which a
widow or widower has been remarried for twenty years or more
but, having no children of the union, is still known as Balm
or ampam. Even the death of a child does not usually elim-
inate the spouse necronym. If the widow or widower is elderly
and uses a gerontonym, the necronym is prefixed to the geron-
tonym. For example, the elderly woman Bungan is addressed
and referred to as PeBungan; upon the death of her husband
she becomes Balm PeBungan.

The second type of necronym used by adults refers to

the deaths of lineal descendants;

grandchildren.

ular necronym used designates the birth order number of the

deceased child, not

necronym is prefixed to the autonym of the parent.

is a list

the number

97

For the deaths of one's children, the partic-

of child necronyms:

lst child dead = Uyong
2nd child dead = Mboi
3rd child dead = Mawa'
4th child dead = Sawang
5th child dead = Lara
6th child dead = saba'
7th child dead = Uka'
8th child dead = Luhut
9th child dead = Sade
10th child dead = Nja'
11th child dead = Nawe'

that is, children and

of children dead.

Following

Some informants gave an additional term for second child
dead; they specified BBaa_for male child and Bmym; for female
child but this was by no means consistent. Nor should it be
assumed that this list is by any means definitive. Virtually
all informants agree on the first four or so terms and, of
course, these are the ones one hears most frequently. For
the rest of the series, one gets varying answers and to ask
for these terms in a group results in prolonged discussion
and the dredging of memories for examples. If one asks why
an individual is called BaBaL, for example, the answer will
most likely not be a straight forward "because his sixth
child died",'but rather a recounting of the births and deaths
Upon

of Saba"s children until the answer is arrived at.

the death of Taman Apoi's fifth child, there was a discussion

98

generally dominated by older women to determine that Bama
'was the proper necronym for Tamam Apoi and Baa: Apoi. They
then became Bama Ingan and Bama Ubong, the necronym prefixed
to their autonyms. The list of child necronyms may vary
from one village to another and even from one informant to
another, especially after the first four or five terms but
the principles of their use are the same.

The child necronym is replaced by a teknonym on the
birth of another child (using the autonym of the new child)
or by another necronym. If the parents are already using a
child necronym and another child is born but dies shortly
after birth they may or may not change necronyms. Partic-
ularly if they are using a necronym that is into the fuzzier
reaches of the set (i.e., from number four or five on) they
are likely to stick with the same necronym. Bama Lanyau
and his wife, for example, are using the necronym they ac-
quired on the death of their fifth child although another
infant was born and died after the fifth.

There are some exceptions to the standard list. The
necronym for parents whose child has died far away from home
is Tukuang. In some instances, bereaved parents have made
up individual necronyms. When a chief's eldest son (who
would have become chief) died shortly after the death of the
chief's wife, the man adopted the term Bapa ("collapsed,
destroyed") prefixed to his autonym; he was thus known for
the rest of his life. Another couple who had lost all their

children were known as Tubang (also "to collapse" or "to fall

99

as a tree falls).

After a parent's children are fully adult (i.e., married
and have children of their own), the parent no longer uses
necronyms on their deaths.

There is one necronym for a grandchild's death, Biam,
but informants disagree on whether it is used for the death
of one grandchild or only if all grandchildren have died.

In one instance in which I heard it used regularly, all of

the individual's grandchildren had died, but some people
maintained that it could be used in the event of the death

of any grandchild and that this would be most likely if the
grandchild were a resident of the same household as the grand-
parent. The term is definitely not used if the grandparent

is still in the childbearing period. Thus, the grandchild
teknonym is confined to relatively elderly people.

The Long Ebb and Long Nawang Kenyah do not use necronyms
on the deaths of siblings' children, parents' siblings,
grandparents' siblings or other collaterals. The only ex-
ception is the case of a first cousin (PaSbCh) who resides
in the same household; in this case, a child may use a sib-
ling necronym on the death of a cousin.20 There are also no
necronyms used on the deaths of affines with the exception
of spouses.

An additional necronym, Poi, is used in Long th but

 

20First cousins who reside in the same household are
also not permitted to marry although first cousin marriage
is permitted under other circumstances.

100

not in Long Nawang.21 In Long th, this form is used to
address and refer to a parent who is bereaved, i.e., a parent
who is addressed and referred to by people other than his/her
own children with a necronym. A child does not use the

usual necronym form to his/her parents. Normally, he/she
would use a kin term but, in this case, the term 221 is used.
Linguistically, Bma_behaves like a kin term in that it can
take the possessive pronoun (e.g., pmiym "your bereaved
parent"; 22112 "my bereaved parent”). In direct discourse
with the child, other people say paiym rather than amaam

(”your father") or uwe'ko ("your mother”).

Figure 4 illustrates the use of necronyms for kinsmen.

Summary

In this chapter I have delineated the various forms of
appellation available to the Kenyah. The subsystems of kin
terms, autonyms, teknonyms, necronyms, and gerontonyms over—
lap and there may be several alternatives that one individual
may use in relation to another at any given,time. The choices
are restricted by the biographical status of the individuals,
by their geneological relationship, by their residence, and
by the circumstances of the particular interaction.

Some forms, as previously noted, are what might be
termed oppositional; that is, they define the individual as

a separate person in opposition to other persons. Autonyms

 

21In Long Nawang Poi is the kin term for grandparent.

101

l. A child (Ego) always uses necronyms on the deaths
of those marked * and may do so on the deaths of
those marked @, regardless of the sex of either
Ego or the deceased.

As= C) zs-=<)
@@ @@

AEHA

=0
*Eg0*@@

2. An adult (Ego) always uses necronyms on the deaths
of those marked * , regardless of the sex of either
Ego or the deceased.

ab

1.
E o

12.1}.

3. An elder (Ego) always uses a necronym on the death
of the person marked * and may do so on the deaths
of those marked @, regardless of the sex of either
Ego or the deceased.

00

 

I

§"

A

>90—
eD~“-l

A; =- ‘0
Ego 7?

C)
u
u
9’

FIGURE 4: Necronyms

102

and other similar forms such as designations and ngadan
jaLam are of this type. Patronyms are an intermediate form.
They define an individual oppositionally and also in relation
to others, specifically as the child of a particular individ-

22 Kin terms,

ual and as a member of a group of siblings.
teknonyms, and necronyms are relational in that they define

an individual in relation to others. Relational terms are

of two types which I call ego-focused and diffuse. Kin terms
are ego-focused in that they define a relationship of which
the speaker is a part. The kin term individual A applies to
individual B implies its reciprocal, the term B applies to

A. Teknonyms, and necronyms are diffuse in that they define

a relationship of which the speaker is not a part. To address
someone as Tama Kuleh defines him as the father of Kuleh but

the speaker is neither the father nor Kuleh nor does the form

imply a reciprocal form.

 

22Or, rather as a member of a group sharing a father.

In Kenyah terms, half-siblings related through the mother
share the same status as those related through the father.

CHAPTER IV

CONPARATIVE DATA ON APPELLATIONS

Introduction

 

In this chapter I will present some comparative data
from other societies, the majority of them insular Southeast
Asian ones, because I found this data critical to my analysis
of Kenyah appellation systems. No one society, of course,
presents a system precisely like that of the Kenyah, and I
have not yet come across an analysis of a total system of
appellation. I have, however, found discussions of parts of
systems which are particularly illuminating and, to my think-
ing, crucial in that what eventually emerge as the salient
aspects of the Kenyah system are thrown into relief by com-
parison.

The most detailed discussions of aspects of appellation
systems in insular Southeast Asia are on the Temiar (Benjamin
1968), the Penan (Needham 1954a; 1954b; 1959; 1965; and 1971
and Nicolaisen 1978), and the Balinese (Geertz 1964; 1973;
and 1975) and I have drawn heavily on these sources. I have
also used, in more abbreviated fashion, material from other

Borneo groups such as the Fh'anyan (Hudson 1972; 1978), the
103

104

Kayan (Rousseau 1978), the Kajang (De Fartinoir 1974), and
the Land Dayak (Geddes 1957) and from the Fhong Gar
(Condominas 1977) and the Javanese (Jay 1969; Geertz 1960)
as well as the inevitable comparisons with my own American
society. The only other non-Southeast Asian society referred
to here is the Ikung (Nhrshall 1957) of South Africa which
I have included because Nhrshall's excellent description of
the practice of institutionalized name-sharing illustrates
so well the connections between two sub-systems of appella-
tion.

The locations of the groups referred to, with the excep-

tions of the latter two, are shown on Figure 5.

Autonyms

Every society, insofar as I know, gives its members
autonyms of one sort or another. Levi-Strauss (1966) dis-
tinguishes polar types of autonyms. At one extreme are
those expressing on the part of the bestower of the autonym

only a transitory and subjective state of his own
by means of the person he names " (181). These we might
call "made up" autonyms. At the most extreme, they might be
arbitrary nonsense syllables and, indeed, this is the case
for the Balinese (Gaertz l973b 369). The Temiar also may
use any unoccupied forms of the shape CVC (Consonant-Vowel-
Consonant) within the normal restrictions of Temiar phonol-

ogy (Benjamin 1968:105).

At the other extreme are autonyms that are automatic

105

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106

as is the case of some kinds of clan-owned autonyms or those

that exist " . . . before the individuals who bear them

and are assigned to them on account of the
position which is objectively theirs but in which other in-
dividuals may equally find themselves" (Levi-Strauss 1966:
180). This form is represented by, for example, birth-order
names as used by the Temiar (Benjamin 1968) and the Balinese
(Gaertz and Geertz 1964; 1975) among others. Other types
are the "day-names" common in West Africa and the special
names prescribed for twins or other infants born under un-
usual but specified circumstances in many societies.

Fbst autonyms fall between these extremes. In some
cases, the name-giver may express a ”transitory and subjec-
tive state” by choosing not nonsense syllables but any pre-
existing forms (i.e., words) in the language. Or, with more
restriction, the name-giver may choose some event surround-
ing the child's birth or some personal characteristic of
the child. These autonyms, as well as those at the second
extreme above, may be said to have "meaning" in the sense
that they are words used in ordinary language and.were be-
stowed as autonyms because of those meanings.

I am frequently asked what Kenyah autonyms "mean” and,
in the sense these inquirers are using, in many cases the
answer is ”nothing?” Kenyah autonyms may have etymological
"meanings" in the same sense that English ones do. These
are the kinds of "meanings" given in books entitled "1000

Names for Baby and Their FEanings.‘ The autonym "Kuleh,”

107

for example, in this sense means "clouded leopard" but
Kenyah approach these "meanings" in the same way that
English speakers approach the etymological meanings of their
autonyms; that is, autonyms are not chosen on the basis of
these meanings. My Kenyah neighbor did not Choose the auto-
nym "Lenjau” for his son because it means "tiger" any more
than I chose RObert for mine because it means "bright fame.”
Nor did my neighbor hope that his son would manifest tigerly
traits. We both chose our children's autonyms for reasons
that were both personal and social, but not on the basis of
etymological meanings. Some Kenyah autonyms do have etymol-
ogical meanings; others do not, or, at least my informants
could not supply them.

For non-Christian Kenyah, there is a standard list of
acceptable autonyms. Some are much more common in one area
or one village than another, but all are recognized as Kenyah
autonyms. Sometimes when I enquired about a certain form,

I would be told, "Oh, yes, that's a common name in such-and-
such a village but we don't use it much here." "Could you
use it here?" ”Yes." In other words, the form was recog-
nized and acknowledged as a proper Kenyah autonym but one
that did not happen to be currently in fashion in the area.

The autonyms Sulau and Li', prescribed for children
with specific circumstances (the sighting of a hawk) sur-
rounding their naming ceremonies are similar to the sort of
prescribed autonyms noted.above, but, in this case the auto-

nyms are temporary. They are replaced in usage by the one

108

given at the naming ceremony once childhood is past. In
addition, while they are prescribed in the conditions noted,
they are not proscribed in other cases. The case of an auto-
nym given because of a particular animal appearing at the
naming ceremony is also marginal. According to my informants,
it was imperative to use the animal's name; there was no
element of choice. This was, however, an odd chance. There
is very little likelihood of any animal appearing in the
house other than cats and dogs and they "belong" there.

Like Sulau and Li', this autonym is transitory.

Nbst Kenyah autonyms are selected from pre-existing
forms commonly recognized as autonyms with the considerations
of sex, kinship, and social class as well as personal pref-
erence. They are in no sense, free creations of the name-
giver. The choice is also limited by the restriction that
a child must be named after someone of a higher generation.
The only exceptions to these limitations are the designations
or nicknames sometimes taken with the gerontonym in old age.
These are "free creations" insomueh as they express a sub-
jective state of the name giver (the person himself), but
even these are Kenyah words. They are not, as Benjamin

describes for the Temiar "unoccupied forms.‘ And, by virtue
of the circumstances under which these designations are ac-
quired, they tend to class their bearers as peopletho are
out of step with the normal progress of human life.

These various ways of choosing autonyms have different

implications. In the case of the Balinese with their

109

"nonsense syllables" and the Temiar with "unoccupied forms"
it is possible for every individual to bear a unique auto-

nym or, at least, locally unique. This is explicitly

sought; " the duplication of personal names within a
single community -- that is, a politically unified, nucleated
settlement -- is strenuously avoided" (Chertz 1973bz369).

It is unclear how explicit this is among the Temiar, but

Benjamin says, each autonym is, in practice, borne
by a single individual" (1968 106).

The Kenyah, by contrast, not only choose autonyms from
a standard list of acceptable forms, but also require a
namesake. This means that at any time there are likely to
be several persons bearing the same autonym.

The situation of two or more persons sharing an autonym
is not an uncommon one. It occurs in any society where auto-
nyms are more-or-less standardized, and, in some societies,
name-sharing establishes a special relationship between the
individuals involved. In some cases, this relationship is
limited to the name-sharers themselves, but it may be
further reaching.

Nbrshall (1957) describes a situation among the Ikung
in which the autonym is a factor in kinship terminology.

The kin term system is constant but the terms are applied
in two different ways. In the first instance, they are

applied in the usual way to individuals in specified con-
sanguinal and affinal categories. In the second instance,

the kin terms are applied to individuals who are classified

110

in certain ways because of the sharing of an autonym. This
latter case Marshall refers to as the "homonymous" method
of classifying persons for appropriate use of kinship terms.
This practice carries the common belief that the autonym is
in some way an intrinsic part of personhood to a logical
extreme. The Ikung'believe that " . . . when one is named
for a person one partakes of that person's entity in some
way and in some degree" (1957:22). Thus, the lkung have a
very complex set of rules specifying kinship terms to be
used between name-giver and namesake and the relatives of
each. Only within the immediate nuclear family (i.e.,
parents, siblings, and offspring) and primary affines do
the terms specified by geneological relationships take
preference over those specified by the "homonymous" method
of classifying individuals.

This use of autonyms to classify persons for the appli-
cation of kin terms can also be extended beyond the realm of
relatives. When a Ikung meets a stranger, he must find out
the person's autonym. If he has a relative of the same auto-
nym (very likely, given a limited number of autonyms), he
then applies the appropriate kin term which is reciprocated
and a relationship is established; the status of stranger
is done away with. In these instances, it is the perogativc
of the senior person to apply the term which is reciprocated
by the junior.

In most cases, this use of reciprocal kin terms between

strangers ends with the two individuals who establish the

111

relationship. If however, a person should meet someone with
whom he shares his own autonym, terms are extended to the
parents, offspring, siblings, and spouse of that person as
well. The Ikung must know people's autonyms in order to
apply kin terms. The application of kin terms Obliterates
the dangerous stranger. There are, however, limits.

at Nuragas, about 200 miles away from the

Nyae Nyae region, there are Ikung Bushmen. Although

none of the Nyae Nyae people have been there, the

people of the Nyae Nyae speak the same language.

The people of Nyae Nyae say that they hear that the

people of Nuragas put a strange poison in the pipes

they give you to smoke which makes you become as

thin as a stick and then die. The people of Nyae

Nyae do not know the names of the people at

Nuragas (Marshall 1957:24).

It might seem on the surface as though there should be
some common difference between those societies in which
autonyms are totally unique and those in which autonyms may
be borne by several individuals at once, but the idea springs
from a confusion about the autonym as a unique reference and
is related to the long standing logical and linguistic prOb-
lem of the definition of an autonym ( more usually called
in these discussions a "proper name"). The traditional view
is that a proper name is one with a unique referent but this
has posed complex problems since in societies like the
Kenyah, the Xkung, or our own, it is clear that in fact each
autonym (proper name) has more than one referent. One answer
is to approach the prOblem from the point of view of the ref-

eree. In any given discourse, a speaker uses an autonym

with the intention of identifying a particular individual.

112

The speaker further assumes that the autonym will indeed
identify a particular individual to his listener. He takes
into account verbal and situational context. This is what
we commonsensically mean by saying that an autonym identi-
fies an individual in opposition to other individuals. It
is interesting that in the two societies noted above (Temiar
and Balinese) in which there is actual, Objective unique
differentiation by autonym, these autonyms are rarely used.

The custom of, by one means or another, giving autonyms
to members is probably found in all societies. But how
these autonyms are used is an entirely different question.
The idea that autonyms are an intrinsically private posses-
sion and not to be used or even divulged is commonly found
in anthropological literature. In the case of the Temiar,
the use of the autonym may bring disaster. According to
Benjamin, the Temiar is reluctant to reveal his own or any-
one else's autonym, and it is particularly dangerous to
address an adult by his autonym. Autonyms are used unguard-
edly only for young children.

to address a person of higher generation

by name is a heinous act, and a foolish one insofar

as it tempts fate in some undefined way. Such fate-

tempting acts are generally believed to bring danger

upon the offended party rather than on the person

who offends (Benjamin 1968:103).
Thus, the Temiar is well-advised to take care about divulging
his autonym. Benjamin reports that he failed entirely to
elict informants' autonyms in some cases and, in addition,

sometimes could not even elict them from other people.

Temiar theory is inconsistent on why this should be so, but

113

there is an association of the autonymxwith the soul (in
itself a vague concept) which is vulnerable and likely to
become separated from the body causing illness or, if it
does not return, death. This vulnerability is exacerbated
by the indiscriminate use of the autonym.1

The autonym represents, even ”is", the true self:

the other classes of names represent the person

in society, posing less of a threat to the autonomy

and integrity of the individual (Benjamin 1968:104-5).

Perhaps the other extreme is American societyxwhere
autonyms are used with a frequency startling to even Euro—
peans. But even here there are rules and restrictions.
There are many exceptions, but generally children do not
address adults by autonyms unless prefaced by a kin term or
a title. Nor do we generally address people considerably
older by autonyms unless invited to do so. These general
age provisions may be overridden by considerations of rela-
tive status, actual or perceived. An older person would not
normally be addressed by an autonym but if he is a definite
social inferior, the autonym may commonly be used. Thus,
Mrs. Richperson addresses the doorman of her apartment build-
ing as "Joe” while he addresses her as "hrs. Richperson."
In some cases of conflict between the principles of age and

social status, as in the case in which the addressee is both

a child (and, thus, to be addressed by an autonym) and a

 

1It is not clear why this theory should not hold for
children. Among the Kenyah, the souls of children are, in
fact, the most vulnerable and loosely attached.

114

definite social superior (title and surname used), there
may be a compromise of the form as in "Ffiss Fhry" or
”Master George."

The mutual use of autonyms implies social equity, an
egalitarianism which most Americans publicly espouse even
if they are privately uncomfortable with specific instances
of it. It represents what most Americans regard as the
admirable "openness" and "friendliness" of themselves and

their countrymen. The extreme expression is bonhommie

 

”civic" organizations and conventions where members wear
nametags declaring, " Hi, I'm Bill."

Even though they are much more free in the use of their
autonyms than are the Temiar and do not guard them jealously,
there remains for Americans a sense in which autonyms some-
how represent the individual. MOst people are fairly rigid
in insisting on correct spelling and pronounciation of their
autonyms. A not-uncommon sign of an emerging sense of indi-
viduality and adulthood among adolescents is for "Judy" to
‘become ”Judi" or "Bobby" to become "BOb" or even "RObert",
or the adolescent may change altogether and move from his
"first" name to his "middle" name. An appropriate autonym
represents the person he is becoming or would like to become
or in more popular parlance, the "image" he sees of himself.
The case of show business people is similar. "John" (Wayne)

is certainly a more appropriate autonym for a cowboy than

115

Marion.2 Although, unlike members of some societies,
Americans may legally give their children any autonym they
wish (e.g., Grace Slick's child, "god")3, there is a ten-
dency to avoid very unusual autonyms, particularly for boys,
for fear they will prove embarrassing or detrimental to a
career. This remains true despite the recurrent appearance
in magazines and Sunday supplements of lists of ”weird"
names with the classic Ima Hogg always leading the list.
Autonyms certainly pass in and out of fashion but parents
usually select ones that are, if not currently fashionable,
at least generally accepted aa autonyms in their cultural
milieu.

Both Americans and Temiar view the autonym as an inte-
gral part of personhood, but the former use the autonym
openly whereas the latter guard it closely and avoid its
use except for with children. For the Temiar, not only are
the chances or occasions for misuse of the autonym greater
but the consequences of such misuse are far more severe.
For the American, misuse of an autonym constitutes a viola-
ion of the canons of proper social behavior, a breach of

etiquette. Indeed, the misuse may be purposeful with insult

in mind. In any case, there is no spiritual danger involved

 

2Partly because ”lhrion" is one of a few sexually ambig-
uous autonyms in English which are generally disliked by men.
Others include: Francis/Frances; Sydney/Sidney; Leslie, etc.

3Holland, for example, has a list of "legal" names:
France proscribes the use of certain names, etc.

116

and the "social danger” accrues to the addressor not to the
addressee. For the Temiar, on the other hand, the misuse

of an antonym (e.g., use of a senior's autonym by a junior)
is not merely a breach of etiquette but brings danger not
only to the offender but also to the one whose autonym is

so used. Thus, the prudent individual, for fear that his
autonym might be used improperly, placing him in supernatural
danger, is reluctant to divulge it.

In most societies, the use of autonyms falls between
these extremes. Among the Balinese, autonyms are used freely
only for children and, even for them, other, alternate forms
(i.e., birth order names) are more common. To use an indi-
vidual's autonym after childhood is a breach of etiquette,
but it is not clear whether it is more than that. Geertz

and Geertz report, It becomes extremely discourteous to
use a person's childhood name instead of his teknonymous
name, for to do so is to imply that he is still immature

." (1964:95; 1975:86), an indication that it is proper
social form that is involved. But in another article Geertz
says, "As the virtually religious avoidance of its direct
use indicates, a personal name is an intensely private
matter" (l973b:370). This would imply that something more
than a breach of etiquette is involved, but what it might be
is not explicit. The autonym is private; it is not used,
but there is no indication that its owner fears himself in

some danger from its use.

Among the Ma'anyan of Borneo usage of autonyms is

117

somewhat broader. After adulthood is reached and a teknonym
acquired, the autonym falls into disuse especially as a form
of address although it may continue to be used in reference.
The use in either reference or address of the autonym of

one's parents-in—law is definitely avoided, but there
is no actual amam prohibition on the use of birth names i.e.,
autonyms " (Hudson 1972 65). That is to say, there is no
sanction against the use of autonyms, no ritual danger but,
for adults, they are generally inappropriate as forms of
address. "The only adults who were consistently known by
their personal names were people who had disabilities making
them unfit for marriage" (Hudson 1972:65). These individuals
” . were still called by their personal names, assigning
them more or less to the status of children ” (Hudson 1972:65).
Autonyms are not consciously guarded or Obliterated; people
know each other's autonyms but they are not used.

Land Dayak usage of autonyms is broader yet; after a
person receives a teknonym it is bad form to use his/her
autonym; juniors especially, should not use autonyms to
seniors. The autonym may, however, still be used by "
close friends of one's own age or older relatives speaking
to younger" (Geddes 1957:37). It is, in addition, bad form
to speak one's own or one's parents' autonyms. Where the
autonym is demanded, as by a government official or an
anthropologist, another person present may supply it, but

the individual himself would be "embarrassed" to do so

(Geddes 1957:35-36). To speak one's dead parent's autonym

118

may be dangerous but Geddes does not specify how.

The use of autonyms among the Kenyah is similar to
that of both Ma'anyan and the Land Dayak with.its own pecu-
liarities. Children under the age of two or three (i.e.,
when they still spend most of their time in the company of
a caretaker -- parent, grandparent, or elder sibling --
and have not yet joined a peer group) are often addressed
and referred to as Wamg or apa_g. After this, the autonym
is used and continues to be until they have children of their
own and, thus, teknonyms. In address, it is rude to use the
autonym of an adult although how rude varies with the rela-
tive social status of the addressor and the addressee.
Autonyms are possible between equals (in both generation,
age, and social class) who are close and unthinkable by

child to adult or panyin ja'at to deta'u. Such an act

 

falls under the general category of presuming above oneself
and may result in gamma. This applies only to address; auto-
nyms may be used in reference but it is uncommon in normal
conversation; they are used freely in geneological discus-
sions. Children will freely reveal the autonyms of their
elders insofar as they know them. A child always knows his/
her father's autonym as it is his/her own patronym and also
the mother's and, usually, the grandparents' autonyms but
he/she may be unsure of those of, for example, grandparent's
siblings. Children would never use autonyms in address to
senior relatives but they are not forbidden to know or

reveal them.

119

Although the autonym falls into a period of relative
disuse for address during adulthood, it is never permanently
submerged or forgotten. Men's autonyms are always at hand
in their children's patronyms; matronyms are also possible
though uncommon. One's autonym may resurface periodically
in adulthood as a component of a necronym, and in old age
it returns permanently as a component of the gerontonym.

A class of names that Benjamin calls designations brings
to mind those substitute autonyms that the Kenyah call
"Christian", "school”, or "modern" names. The Temiar recog-
nize these forms as specifically for use with outsiders or
outside the Temiar world. Benjamin was warned by his inform-
ants that he should use these forms when enquiring about
them from outsiders; he would not be understood if he used
their Temiar autonyms. The Temiar regard the designations
and their Temiar autonyms as belonging to two separate sets.
Both are equally autonyms but their appropriate situations
are different. This is similar to the Kenyah attitudes
about "Christian” names, at least in the Baram River area
where they are used in addition to, not in replacement of,
Kenyah autonyms. Each has its appropriate context. The
forms of these "outside" names for the Temiar are different
from the forms of indigenous Temiar names. They may be
Temiar versions of Nhlay names or simply Phlay words or,
since the involvement with the British military during the
Emergency, English names or words. But, in any case, they

serve the same purpose of delineating inside and outside

120

and showing that their bearers move, or have at one time

moved, between two worlds.

Teknonyms

 

Tylor coined the term teknonymy and defined it as
” the practice of naming the parent from the child"
(196l:4).4 Tylor's definition corresponds more or less to
the standard dictionary and athropology textbook definitions.
A Random House dictionary (1971) uses Tylor's definition and
adds the etymology: from the Greek tekn(on) "child" and
onym(a) "name".

The term teknonym is often considered in anthropological
literature to be so widely understood that it requires no
definition. Or, the definition, if offered, is a very
minimal one. In the opening sentence of their article on
teknonymy in Bali, Geertz and Geertz say, "Teknonymy, the
practice of designating adults by the names of their children,

."(1964 94). Needham is even less specific. ” By a
teknonym I mean a name which indicates that the person desig-
nated by it is the parent of a child” (1954:416). In an
article on Korean terminology, Lee and Harvey define teknonymy
as " . . . the practice of addressing an adult not by his or

her own name, but by the name of a child, adding the relation-

ship between the adult and the child" (1973:38). There are

 

4Tylor theorized that the practice originated from matri-
local residence and was associated with son-in—law avoidance.
Lowie (1921) criticized Tylor's theory and conculded that each
instance of teknonymy had to be accounted for individually.

121

many other examples, but these will serve the point. These
definitions are loose; they presume a great deal of knowledge
on the part of the reader and often that the reader and the
author treat these forms as more or less trivial cultural

tidbits.5

Furthermore, the authors themselves, having given
these definitions, proceed to pay little attention to them;
they go on to say what they mean without further reference

to their introductory definitions. Geertz and Geertz in the
article referred to above, go on to discuss how Balinese are
referred to not only by the names of their children (or
rather, a particular child) but also, later, by the names of
their grandchildren and their great-grandchildren. This is
extending the definition to another generation or more of
lineal descendents, a not uncommon practice. The Needham
and Lee and Harvey definitions begin to stretch beyond this.
The question of definition turns out to be all the more com-
plex because "teknonymy" is such an accepted part of the
anthropological vocabulary that we often feel it requires no
definition at all or only a very loose one. These loose def-
initions work if one is talking about a specific case. One
can say, then, this is what teknonymy in Xiis and this is how
it works. But when one tries to make comparisons, difficulty
arises. What is referred to as teknonymy in Xlis not at all

what is referred to as teknonymy in Y. This is only to point

out that, despite the use of a fairly standard definition of

 

5
cited.

This latter is not the case with the three articles

122

teknonymy in the anthropological literature, the practices
that are so labelled are various.

I will describe the usage labelled teknonymy in several
studies and compare these with that described for the Kenyah
in Chapter III.

Teknonymic usage among the Ma'anyan is straightforward.
As soon as a couple has a child, they adopt teknonyms from
the autonym of the child (Ba;_B; "father of X” and Ineh X
or TmL_B, ”mother of X?) regardless of its sex. These forms
are used in both reference and address and are the preferred
forms. The autonym should be avoided especially in address,
although it may be used occasionally in reference. The
Nh'anyan extend the teknonymic form one generation. After
people have grandchildren, they become known as grandfather
and grandmother of the eponymous grandchild. The forms, in-
sofar as I know, are permanent; that is, a person in the
parent teknonym stage is known by the same teknonym, regard-
less of the birth of further children, until he moves into
the grandparent teknonym (Hudson 1972:64-6).

The Land Dayak practice is similar to the Ma'anyan in
that with parenthood, the parents become known as "father of"
and "mother of" a particular child. Likewise, upon attaining

grandparenthood, they change to "grandfather of" and grand-
mother of" a child of a lower generation than the first.

But the Land Dayak give the system their own particular
twist. The eponymous child need not be the offspring of

those who use its autonym in their teknonyms; it need not

123

even be a relative. In a few cases, the "child” is not even
a human one but a pet animal. And, the "parents" may not be
parents but have only reached the age of parenthood or grand-
parenthood (Geddes 1957:35-37).

The Kayan also have teknonymic forms; after the birth
of the first child the parents may be known as ”father of"
and "mother of" (child's autonym). According to Rousseau
(1978), however, the teknonyms are not in common use. For
adults, there are other forms -- necronyms, and for older
adults, gerontonyms brought into use by the deaths of rela-
tives and the appearance of grandchildren. "Even if none of
these events occur, mmam parents are known by their personal
names"(l978:89; emphasis added).

Teknonymic usage among the Penan incorporates an un-
common feature, the differentiation between the presumed
biological father of a child (Tama X) and an adoptive father

(Tamen X). The mother, in either case, is Tinen X.

 

Teknonyms are the most common forms of address and reference
for an adult none of whose children has died. Autonyms and
kin terms are also available, but the teknonym is preferred
(Needham 1954az4l6-l7).

For the Javanese, the teknonym in its parental form is
possible, but the extent of its usage is very situational.
No one would reply to the question, "What is your name?" by
supplying a teknonym. The form is much more common among
rural people and among the urban lower class than among the

middle and upper classes. But even among these classes it

124

may be used in the context of the family. A wife may refer

to her husband among the other family members as Bapak X"
(Father of XD'but such usage is not standardized to a par-
ticular child. If being the parent of a particular child

is the salient fact, as far as the speaker is concerned,

about a person, then the speaker is likely to use a teknonym.

Jay describes the case of an older childless couple who took
in and raised an abandoned child. In recognition of their
achievement, however roundabout, of the much-desired status
of parenthood, the neighborhood addressed them by teknonyms
(1969:75).

The use of teknonyms in the village is by no means uni-
form. The teknonymic forms are "Baa" (father) and "Baa” or
”Bm” (mother) prefixed to a child's autonym. "EEK" is short

for the more formal Bapak", ”Bok" is short for "Nbok" and

6

"Bm"7 for "Ibu" (of these two, the latter is more respectful).

These terms alone are appropriate forms of address for any

adult regardless of marital status or children. A very com-
mon form of reference and address for a man is to use "BEE"
prefixed to his autonym;8 his wife is called "Bm" (hquand's
autonym) or "Baa” (hquand"s autonym); in this sense, "Bag"

and "Bm" are more correctly translated as "Mr." and "Mrs.".

 

6Thus, in Java I am referred to by my neighbors whose
children are playmates of my child and by the servants of
other foreigners as "Ibu Kuleh".

7This may all be complicated further by the fact that
"Bm" is also used as an abbreviated form of address or ref-
erence for a female servant ("Babu").

8

Javanese do not have surnames or patronyms.

125

Since the forms are the same, one would have to know a man's
autonym or that of his child to know whether he was being
addressed/referred to by a teknonym or not.

The teknonyms described by Benjamin (1968) for the
Temiar are somewhat unusual. They are of two types. In the
first type, a married couple called each other Balaa ("parent
of a daughter" or Bimam (”parent of a son"), normally depend-
ing on the sex of the eldest surviving child. These forms
of address may also be used by other people. The second
kind of teknonym is simply the autonym of the child which
may be used for either parent. In either case, the parents
may bear precisely the same teknonym. But, in practice, the
mother is much more likely to be addressed and referred to

by the teknonym whereas the husband's teknonym alter-
nates freely with any other of his names that he does not
Object to” (Benjamin 1968:112).

An interesting variant of the identification of spouses
under one term is the Mnong Gar practice of taking the con-
joined autonyms of the pair. A man whose autonym is Krong
married to a woman, Joong, is Krong-Joong. The wife is
Joong-Krong (Condominas 1977:16). Condominas also mentions
a teknonym using the autonym of the eldest child but he men-
tions it specifically only in connection with the father.
"If a man has children, he is very often referred to by the
name of his eldest child preceded by the term Baap ("father

of ") . . ." (1977:16). He does not mention the mother, and

in the text there are instances of a man being referred to

 

126

by a teknonym and his wife by a nickname or designation.

The implication of the text (Condominas 1977) is that various
forms of address and reference exist simultaneously but the
data is not available to know how they are used or how one

of several alternatives is chosen.

The use of teknonymy in Bali is pervasive, at least
among the ninety percent of the population who are commoners.
The teknonym is the most common form of address and reference.
Even children address and refer to their own parents by
teknonyms. The teknonym is generally taken from the first
child, male or female. Even if this child should die, the
teknonym is retained if it has become firmly attached to the
parents. When the couple become grandparents, their tekno-
nymic focus shifts downward and they become "grandfather of”
and "grandmother of” the first grandchild. This teknonym
remains until there is a great-grandchild; the teknonymic
focus then shifts down one more generation to produce
"great-grandparent of". Autonyms are used only for child-
ren.9 Kinship terms are rarely used. Teknonymy is the
overwhelming preference (Geertz and (hertz 1964; 1975;
Geertz 1973b) .

Teknonyms, in their most rudimentary form, may have
several effects. First, and most obvious, they identify
their bearers as parents and, thus, in many societies, as

full adults. They are marked as people who are actively

 

9Autonyms are sometimes not even used for children;
birth-order names are used frequently in address for children.

127

contributing to the continuity of the community, as opposed
to children. Where their use is standard and widespread,
they identify a strata of adults. Where they are extended
into the next generation as grandparental teknonyms, they
divide a community into the immature (children), active
adults, and "retiring" adults or elders.

Second, where both parents (or both members of a con-
jugal pair) take their teknonyms from the same child, they
are terminologically identified as a unit.

Third, extensive use of teknonyms, to the exclusion of
other forms, may act to suppress the keeping of deep and
elaborate geneologies.

In most of the cases mentioned, the practice of teknon-
ymy produces at least the first two effects to some extent.

Among the Ma'anyan, the Land Dayak, the Penan, and the
Balinese, the use of the teknonym in delineating the entire
community into the immature, active adults, and elders

10 In these

(children, parents, grandparents) is unambiguous.
cases, teknonyms are in common use and the preferred, though
not the only possible, forms of reference and address. The
stricture on the use of autonyms varies but it is generally
considered, at least, rude and inappropriate.

For the Kayan, the case is not so clear. Rousseau says

that teknonyms may be used for adults by everyone except

their children but that autonyms are used for most people

 

10In Bali the process extends a step further.

128

in the active adult (parent) stage, thus, it would seem,

not differentiating them from the immature. But he also says,
"Teknonyms, necronyms, and gerontonyms thus give a rough in-
dication of an individual's position in the life cycle, and
of his familial situation" (1978 89). How teknonyms play
their part in this system when they are not used is unclear.

The Temiar teknonyms are more restricted. The first
type, which translates as "parent of a son" and "parent of
a daughter" certainly set off parents as a distinct strata.
The other type, in which parents are simply addressed by the
autonym of their child does not; there is no way to distin-
guish this form from any other autonym. In any case, in
practice only a portion of the adult community is terminolo-
gically identified since the teknonym is highly preferred
only by women. For men it is not necessarily the preferred
choice of alternative forms. In addition, these teknonymic
forms seem to apply largely in address.

A teknonym is possible for Mhong-Gar but, apparently,
only for males. Condominas (1977) says that a man is "often"
referred to as "father of" his eldest child but, of the
hundreds of individuals mentioned in the text, only two are
thus referred to.11 If the names by which individuals are

known in the text are indeed commonly used forms, then the

 

1Because of the way this book is written, as a chrono-
logical narrative of events unfolding with very few general
statements and no direct dialogue, it is difficult to know
whether the names by which individuals are referred to are
the most commonly used forms, are used also as terms of
address, etc.

129

use of teknonyms is very occasional and in no way under-
scores a strata of adults distinguished from children.

Likewise for the Javanese, the teknonym is a possible
form of address and reference but it is restricted to some
individuals, and it is restricted by context. Thus, it does
not mark out adults from children in any regular way.

Teknonyms in the first four cases also clearly under-
score the unity of the conjugal pair. In all the groups,
the conjugal pair form or are the basis of one or more of
the primary economic, social or ritual units.

Among the Kayan, teknonyms, in so much as they are
used at all, also delineate the conjugal pair, as do their
alternative, parental necronyms.

The case is different for the Temiar since teknonyms
are preferred only for females. Parents address each other
by teknonyms but this does not designate them as a couple
in terms of the community.

The very restricted Mnong-Gar teknonymic usage does
not differentiate a conjugal pair but the Nbong-Gar accomplish
this identification in another way. The couple's autonyms
are linked with the autonym of the one being addressed or
referred to first, i.e., Krong—Aang is the husband of
Aang-Krong.

The Javanese teknonym may identify a conjugal pair but
its use is so variable that it does not regularly do so.

If the teknonym is combined with the other common form of

reference and address, however, conjugal pairs are regularly

130

identified. An adult man is regularly addressed and referred
to as "EEK" followed either by his or his child's autonym.
His wife is "Bm" followed by the same autonym. Thus, Baa
Tandyo's wife is Bm Tandyo.

The third possible result of extensive use of teknonyms
is clear in the Balinese case where it produces geneological
ignorance. "The average man knows virtually nothing about
any of his forebearers whose lives did not happen to overlap
with his" (Geertz and (hertz 1964:101). This average Balinese
also has difficulty constructing with any precision collateral
kinship ties. This may seem, on the surface, to be not un-
like the American situation; Americans generally have what
would seem to many people an abyssmal ignorance of relatives.
But, according to Geertz and Geertz, there is a difference.
The American's ignorance is mostly due to neglect, lack of
concern, a passive process. "In Bali, the process is an
active one, a regularly enforced amnesia, one which starts
cutting of kinship information even at the parental genera-
tion" (1964:101). And the major force in accomplishing this
is teknonymy. Autonyms are totally replaced by teknonyms;
even a man's children address him by his teknonym. Autonyms
are used for neither the living nor the dead except for a
brief period in childhood. Even in childhood, there are
alternatives to autonyms. Thus, autonyms are forgotten by
all but one's contemporaries and are not used even by them.
People do not know the autonyms of their seniors to say

nothing of those of deceased ancestors.

131

There is in fact no way older people can commun-

icate to younger people about a dead individual

whom the older knew as a man but the younger did

not in more than general terms so far as social

identity is concerned.((bertz and Geertz 1964 101).

The foregoing data serves, by contrast and analogy, to
underscore some features of Kenyah teknonyms. Kenyah tekno-
nyms are used extensively. If an individual has a teknonym,
it is available to all except his own children and grand-
children as a form of address and reference.12 Not only is
it available, it is widely used, even by kinsmen. It is
also used in self-reference, e.g., in reply to a request for
one's name.

This wide usage means that, for Kenyah, teknonyms do
terminologically discriminate between strata of children and
adults. They do not extend into the grandparent generation
as is the case with the Ph'anyan, Land Dayak, and Balinese
systems. However, the same sort of three generational dis-
tinction is accomplished by the addition of gerontonyms.

The significance of these generational strata is illustrated
by the exceptions: the cases of individuals who are not tech-
nically entitled to teknonyms finding ways to acquire them
and, thUS, fit into the appropriate strata.

The Kenyah teknonyms also identify the conjugal unit

since both parents acquire their teknonyms from the same

child. For the Kenyah the conjugal pair is the primary

 

12Even his own children/grandchildren may use it
occasionally in reference, depending on the context.

132

production unit in both senses. For ritual purposes, the
primary unit is the household (léflifl) as it is for consump-
tion, but within the household, each conjugal unit makes its
own rice fields. The teknonyms identifying this unit begin
to fade when both types of production cease, i.e., when
childbearing ends and economic activity slows.13 This iden-
tity of the conjugal pair by teknonym, it should be noted,
underscores the fact of parenthood not simply of marriage

as is the case with the forms mentioned for the Mhong-Gar
(linking of autonyms) and the Javanese ("EEEH and "Bm" pre-
fixed to the husband's autonym).

This rather extensive use of teknonyms by the Kenyah
does not, however, serve to diminish or eliminate knowledge
of autonyms as it does for the Balinese. Several usages keep
autonyms in evidence. First, patronyms are common in refer-
ence. Thus, a certain child may be referred to not just as
Kuleh but as Kuleh Sigau. His father, then, for specificity,
may be referred to as Tamam Kuleh Sigau. Second, at the end
of the teknonymic stage (i.e., the stage of active adulthood),
the individual returns to his autonym which is then prefixed

by a gerontonym.

Necronyms

 

Necronyms, names taken by the living on the deaths of

certain relatives, seem to be a limited phenomenon. They

 

13It should be noted here that teknonyms may undergo
changes on the deaths and births of the eponymous or subse-
quent children but the same change applies to both parents.

133

appear in a very restricted form in English and some European
languages in expressions such as "Widow Smith" and ”Orphan
Annie." Of the societies discussed here, the Javanese,
Balinese, and the Ma'anyan seem to use no necronyms. Land
Dayak and Phong-(hr have forms designating ”widow" and
”widower."

Fbre extensive systems of necronyms are reported for
the Temiar, the Kayan, and the Penan. Of these, the Temiar
system seems to be the most limited in the sense of having
the fewest terms as well as in the extent of their use.
Benjamin reports a list of necronyms but says, "Necronyms
are not very frequently employed. Altogether I came across
only three of them in actual use (i.e., without specifically
elicting them) . . . " (1968 113). The Temiar system of
necronyms makes reference to deaths only in the nuclear family
and there only to the deaths of one's spouse, children, and

parents. Furthermore, it does not seem as if a per-
son with surviving children is ever called by a necronym"
(1968 115). Necronyms among the Temiar seem to cluster
around the idea that the individual so identified is without
issue. The necronym applied to one whose parent(s) have died
is used only by children. Those obtaining in the case of
deaths of one's children are used when there are no surviving
children and, further, there are no grandchildren. The term
for death of one's spouse indicates not just spouse but

"spouse and all children " (1968:112). Thus, people desig-

nated by necronyms are those who have either not yet produced

134

children (i.e., are themselves children) or those whose
reproductive efforts have failed.

The Kayan necronym system is slightly more complex than
that of the Temiar in that it includes siblings among those
whose deaths require the use of necronyms. In the Kayan
system, a child receives a necronym on the death of a parent.
The term is the same regardless of whether it is the father
of the mother who is deceased, but the survivor is differen-
tiated by sex. There are three terms for the deaths of sib-
lings: one term, used by both males and females, for siblings
of the same sex as the deceased; and two terms, one for males
and one for females, for siblings of the opposite sex. It
is not clear whether these terms are used only by children
or also apply to adults whose siblings die. An interesting
feature of this system is that the necronyms that apply on
the death of a spouse are exactly those used for siblings

14 O O
The rema1n1ng necronyms are used on

of the opposite sex.
the deaths of one's children. There are five terms here:
one that applies to both parents on the death of their first-
born child; one for the father and another for the mother

on the death of any subsequent child; one that applies to

 

14In a brief article on the Kajang, a relatively small
group in the Balui River area of Sarawak, De Fhrtinoir (1974)
notes a similar but more restricted practice. According to
De Martinoir there is a ”. . very particular link, marked
with affectivity, between a man and the sister born immedi-
ately after him " (270). Upon her death, the man is called
Avan , the same term that would apply on the death of his
wife; on his death, she (the sister) is called Balou, again
the term she would also use on the death of her fiusEand.

 

 

135

both parents if several children have died; and one that
applies to both parents if all their children have died
(Rousseau 1978). It is not clear whether or not it makes
a difference if these children have produced children of
their own.

Undoubtedly, the best described system of necronyms
available is that of the Penan. The works of Needham (1954a;
1954b; 1959; 1965) and Nicolaisen (1978) provide extensive
data on necronyms and analysis of their use. The sheer
number of possible necronyms recorded is staggering.

Needham lists 13 terms for the Eastern Penan and 26 for the
Western Penan (1954bz4l9); Nicolaisen lists 43 terms for the
Penan of the 7th Division, Sarawak (1978:31-2). Needham"s
Western Penan list includes terms used on the deaths of one's
spouse, one's parents, one's grandparents, one's siblings,
and, one's children and grandchildren as well as terms used
on the deaths of collaterals (parents' siblings and cousins)
and affines (spouse's parents; spouse's siblings; sibling's
spouses). Nicolaisen adds to this list terms for parents'
deaths under various circumstances (e.g., child not present;
father died before child's birth, etc.) and refinements of
various terms depending on such factors as the sex of the
speaker, whether the deceased spouse was the first or the
second, etc.

According to Needham, these necronyms apply to what
Penan call as ”true" as opposed to "distant” kinsmen.

Although mother's brother and mother's cousin are classified

136

together by the kin terminology (i.e., the same term applies
to both) one would use the necronym "parent's male sibling
deceased" on the death of the former but not the latter.

The necronymic term alone may be used as a form of
address; in reference it is more commonly prefixed to the
autonym (Needham 1954b 420). Here Nicolaisen's report dis-
agrees with Neddham's if I interpret Nicolaisen correctly.
He does not say so directly but the implication of his anal-
ysis is that the necronymic terms are always used alone in

15 This must be so because, in

both reference and address.
his analysis, the purpose of the necronyms is to avoid the
use of the autonyms of those who were especially close to
the deceased for fear that hearing them will cause the spirit
of the decased to want to return; this frustrated desire
could cause unrest in the spirit world which, in turn, might
have adverse consequences for Penan subsistence activities.
The relatives on whose deaths necronyms are used vary
according to the age of the survivor. If the survivor is a
child, he receives a necronym on the death of any "true"

16 If he is a

kinsman, i.e., Pa, paSb, GrPa, Sb, SbSp.
married person but does not yet have children, he uses necro-
nyms on the deaths of those already listed plus Sp,Spr, and

SpPa. People who have or have had children use necronyms

 

15This is conjecture on my part, Nicolaisen does not
distinguish between referential and addressive usage.

16Eastern Penan include PaSbCh; Western Penan do not.

137

only on the deaths of spouse and children (Needham 1954b:
421).17

For the first group (children), the necronym is retain-
ed until it is changed by the death of another relative
except in the case of a sibling necronym; if a child is
using a sibling necronym when a new sibling is born, it
discards the necronym and resumes its autonym. For young
married people, all necronyms are discarded on the birth of
the first child and the parents begin to use teknonyms.

They will acquire necronyms should a child die; the birth

of another child will give them teknonyms again. The necro-
nym acquired on the death of a spouse remains unless changed
by the subsequent death of a child or the individual remarries
ama has another child (Needham 1954b).

It should be no surprise that the Kenyah system of
necronyms is similar to that of the Penan since they are
linguistically related peoples. The Kenyah system is, how-
ever, somewhat more restricted in the number of terms it
contains. Furthermore, not all of the terms are used reg-
ularly and with equal frequency; in some there appears to
be an element of choice.

Children always use necronyms on the deaths of their
parents and almost always on the deaths of siblings. If the
sibling is married and living elsewhere, the necronym may

not be used. Whether or not a child uses a necronym on the

 

171 would assume also on the deaths of grandchildren
but Needham does not so specify in this context.‘

138

death of a grandparent seems to be optional and depend
primarily on co-residence. Likewise, the sibling necronyms
may extend to cousins if they are co-resident. Phrried
adults who do not yet have children also use necronyms on
the deaths of parents and siblings and, in addition, on the
death of the spouse. Adults with children or who have had
children no longer use necronyms on the deaths of their
parents or siblings but only on the death of a spouse or
child. These necronyms are always used although the parti-
cular one to be used on the death of a particular child is
not always clear. Older adults, i.e., those who have passed
the child-bearing years and have grandchildren, do not
usually adopt necronyms on the deaths of their children but
there are exceptions. An older adult may adopt a necronym
on the death of a grandchild but not all do. Like its
reciprocal, co-residence seems to be a factor in the choice.
The necronym is commonly used if all of one's grandchildren
have died. The one occasion on which older adults always
use necronyms is the death of a spouse.

Like the Penan necronyms, the Kenyah necronyms apply
only to "true" kin. That is, the term that applies to a
male child on the death of his mother, 11mm , is used only

18 not on the deaths

on the death of the sociological mother
of parents' sisters even though the child addresses them by

the same kin term used for the mother. Likewise, the term

 

18If the child is adopted, he uses the necronym on the
death of his adopted mother, not his biological mother.

139

for "grandchild dead" is used only for one's lineal descen-
dents's death although the kin term. EEE» is applied to the
lineal descendents of one's siblings as well.

Kenyah necronyms, unlike Penan ones, tend to emphasize
the residence pattern. Necronyms are used on the deaths of
people who normally share the same lamim with the exception
of parents' siblings. In the cases in which the use of a
necronym is not regular, co-residence with the deceased
seems to be a primary factor for its use.

As Needham has demonstrated for the Penan (1965), when
the Kenyah move into situations in which their interactions
are no longer restricted largely to other Kenyah but involve
a wider range of others, i.e., in a situation of culture
change, the use of necronyms becomes more restricted.

The primary factor around which the Temiar system of
necronyms seems to revolve -- being without issue -- is of
minor importance in the Kenyah system. And, in fact, as
noted previously, such a situation is rare. Adoption is
almost always available to fill nature's gaps. Only one
term, the grandchild term, can be used to signify that an
individual is without descendents. One can adopt children

but not grandchildren.

Gerontonyms

 

Gerontonyms, terms applied to elderly persons usually
denoting honor and respect, are found among the Javanese,
Kayan, and Penan. In all these cases, they are forms affixed

to the individual's autonym. For the Javanese, this is

 

 

140

simply the kin term "grandparent.” Jay says, "The change
seems to be connected with the emergence of a couple's
grandchildren into social maturity within the comunity"
(1969:42). This coincides with a lessening of participation
in the economic sphere and a gradual withdrawal from social
responsibility and reciprocity in food and labor exchange.

For the Kayan, Rousseau reports: " As soon as someone
becomes a grandparent, he abandons any teknonym or necronym
he may have, to prefix his personal name by what we might

call a gerontonym " (1978:84). These gerontonyms are: Lake'

 

(for a male) and B9B (for a female) which are also the ordi-
nary Kayan.words for ”male" and "female." Very old people
replace BaBaL and BBB With BBm (from mmam = "old") (1978 91).

Needham refers in passing to honorifics relating to age
and experience used by the Penan (l954a:425) but he gives
no detail.

The Kenyah gerontonym is similar to the Javanese in
that, rather than being used automatically on the birth of
grandchildren, as Rousseau describes for the Kayan, it tends
to coincide with a gradual retirement from economic (although
not political or ritual) participation.

In my limited personal experience, the Penan do have
gerontonym forms similar to those I have described for the
Kenyah. I have heard them used only very rarely but this
may be because my main association with Penan has been in
their visits to Kenyah villages, a situation in which they

are extremely shy and self-effacing.

141

Whether or not these gerontonyms are actually acquired
with the possession of grandchildren, they do have the gen-
eral effect of delineating a strata of economically less
active community members and a strata of people who, in
these societies are due a measure of honor and respect and
whose accumulated experiences and wisdom are valued. In
this, it is similar to the extended teknonym usage found

among the Ma'anyan, Land Dayak and Balinese.

Summary

In this chapter I have surveyed briefly several sub-
systems of appellation as they are represented in various
societies. The purpose of this was not a comparative study
as such but to look at these practices for the light they
might shed on similar practices among the Kenyah. As (hertz

has remarked in another context, a way of seeing is also

a way of not seeing,‘ and, from my point of view trying on
other ways of seeing systems of appellation has made what
now appear to me as salient features of the Kenyah system

stand out.

CHAPTER V
SUTOHRY, ANALYSIS, AND CONCLUSIONS

Thus far, the various subsystems of Kenyah appellation
have been discussed separately but, of course, they are not
so separated in use. This has been apparent in the discus-
sion since mention of several articulation points has been
unavoidable. It remains here to demonstrate how the sub-
systems fit together into an integrated framework.

From the perspective of the individual biography, one
progresses through life with various significant events
marked by changes in form of appellation, from autonym
to gerontonym. Figure 6 illustrates these changes for one
hypothetical male, Jalong, son of Apoi and Bungan. For
purposes of illustration, Jalong's family exhibits a fairly
high mortality rate.

The forms listed in the last column in Figure 6 are
those forms that would be the reply to the question, "What
is your name?" In address, shorter forms might be used, as
they might in reference also, depending on context, the
knowledge that can be assumed on the part of the listener,
and the relationship of the speaker to Jalong.

The alternatives to these forms are kin terms. In their

142

 

 

 

 

 

 

143

Event Form of Appellation Example

Petakau autonym/patronym Jalong Apoi

Ngalang autonym Sigau

Death of younger necronym/ngadan ja'at Lubet Su'ok
sibling,

Birth of new autonym Jalong Apoi
sibling

Death of grand- necronym Upu Jalong Apoi
parent-

Death of father necronym Uyau Jalong Apoi

 

Marriage

no change

 

Uyau Jalong Apoi

 

Birth of first
child - Bulan

Birth of second
child - Apoi

teknonym

Tama Bulan Jalong

 

.’ - ‘O 0

no change

Tama Bulan Jalong

 

Death of second necronym Mboi Jalong Apoi
child
Birth of third teknonym Taman Ubong Jalong

child - Uhnmgfi

Birth of first
,grandnhild

Death of grand-
child

no change

necronym

Gradual "retirement" gerontonym
more grandnhildrpn

Death of wife

necronym

Taman Ubong Jalong

Piat Jalong Apoi

PeJalong Apoi

Ampan Pejalong

 

 

FIGURE 6:

Changes in Appellation Form

 

144

restricted use in reference, kin terms outline, from the
point of view of Ego, a bilateral group of persons who are
relatives, the kindred, as opposed to non-kinsmen. This
grouping is centered on an individual perspective; the
entire society is not objectively divided into non-over-
lapping groups on the basis of kinship. The kindred
establishes only potential rights and Obligations between
individuals, not between groups. Two individuals may both
be kinsmen of Ego, but they are not thereby necessarily
kinsmen of each other. Some of the relationships between
kinsmen are "potential" in that they may be active or
inactive. A third cousin, for example, is technically a
kinsman, but the content of the relationship depends very
much on the personal inclinations of the persons involved.
If the relationship is an active, "kinship" one, the two
individuals will know precisely their geneological rela-
tionship. If it is not, they may know only rather vaguely
that they are "related."

It is theoretically possible for any Kenyah to address
any other by a kin term; that is, what is usually called
the "extension" of kin terms is possible and quite common.
The extension of kin terms is often pictured graphically
as a set of concentric circles. Ego, at the center,
”extends" these terms from his primary kin out to the
further reaches of kinsmen and, finally, to non-relatives.
ama, for example, extends from one's own genitor to the

genitor's brothers and cousins, to Ego's own affinal kin,

 

145

and, finally, to non-kin. The pattern that the Kenyah ex-
hibit in the choice of kin terms as alternate forms of ad-
dress, however, looks more like a doughnut. There is a
circle in the center of people for whom kin terms are used
(primary kin), a circle around that of people for whom other
forms (autonyms, teknonyms, necronyms, gerontonyms) are more
commonly used, and a further surrounding group of people for
whom kin terms are used again. Kin terms are used first for
very close kinsmen. People in the second ring but still
close (kinsmen, longhouse neighbors, peers who work together,
friends) are more likely to be addressed by other forms.

Kin terms are returned to for people who are distant in
generation or in age and persons who are not well-known to
the speaker, who are physically and/or emotionally distant.
Thus, kin terms can express both emotional closeness and
distance or anonimity. The term itself may be extended but
not the content of the relationship it implies. This is in
contrast to the common experience of the English speaker
which is that the extension of the kin term implies an
analogy; it means that, to some extent, the relationship

in which the extended kin term is used is analogous to the
kin relationship that is the locus of the term. For example,
kin terms commonly extended by American English speakers

are "uncle" and "aunt, used by a child to close friends of
its parents. The implication is that the relationship
between the child and the parent's friend is similar to

that which would (ideally) Obtain between the child and the

146

kinsman addressed as "uncle.” By the same token "Father”
as a form of address to a priest implies a relationship
analogous in some respects to that between a father and

his child; the character of the relationship is indicated
by the formal term "Father" rather than its more informal
alternatives. The use of the term "sister" in the women's
movement implies what participants conceive of as the ideal
character of the relationship among women working for a
common cause. It is tempting to view the extension of kin
terms in other societies in the same way. Among the Kenyah,
kin terms are used in the closest relationships, but they
are also used in the most distant, most anonymous ones. It
would be misleading to assume that in all cases the use of
kin terms implies relationship that are but paler versions
of the primary kin relationships.

The effect of the wide extension of kin terms in Kenyah
society is not to extend the content of kin relationships
but to produce, from the point of view of the individual,

a model of society as divided into generational layers.
There are children, immature members of society; adults,
those members of society who are the most economically
productive and who are engaged in producing the next
generation; and elders, those people who are no longer
engaged in productive efforts of either variety but whose
wisdom and advice are sought.

The other forms of appellation (autonyms, teknonyms,

necronyms, gerontonyms) repeat the generational layer model

147

in that certain forms are appropriate to each generation.
The child generation, for example, comprises those people
‘who may be addressed by autonyms and certain necronyms.
Adults are addressed by teknonyms or necronyms that differ
from those borne by children. Elders are addressed by
gerontonyms or necronyms. Figure 7 illustrates the
articulation of forms of appellation with the generational

layers.

Generation Appellation

 

Child Autonym or
Necronym on death of: Sb; Pa; GrPa

Adult Teknonym or
Necronym on death of: Sp; Ch

Elder Gerontonym or
Necronym on death of: Sp; GrCh

 

FIGURE 7: Generational Layers and Appellations

These appellations -- what could collectively be called
names -- not only repeat the generational layer model of the
kin terms, but they also relate the generations to one
another. An individual's autonym is taken from a person of
a higher generation, often a grandparent, and it appears
in a higher generation in the teknonyms of his parents. In
the descending generations, a man's autonym appears in the
patronyms of his children (and sometimes a woman's autonym
appears as a matronym). One's autonym will most likely
appear again as the autonym of a grandchild. An elder's

autonym, perhaps not used for a number of years, will

148

reappear in his gerontonym. Thus, the generations are
linked together as the individual is tied into the on-going
progression of the generations.

For the Kenyah, the appellation system is a cultural
pattern that embodies important notions about personal and
social identity. It is an apparatus in terms of which
people think about themselves and others as people and about
relationships among people. In order to make sense of events,
it is necessary to characterize people both as individuals
and as they relate to one another and form groups. The
system of appellation -- what people ”call" each other --
provides the meaning to do this. People perceive each
other not merely as representatives of a species but as
specific sorts of individuals. To name or "call" is to
perceive individuality as well as to categorize and socialize.

Wild animals are not individuals but representatives
of their species. Those who study wild animals in the field
often confer names on particular animals as they are selected
or emerge from the group as individuals. And the same holds
true for domestic and "pet” animals. Among animals that are
kept in groups, those few who seem to emerge from the group
as individuals are often named. This is likely to be those
that are singular, such as the rooster in a flock of chickens,
or that exhibit unusual behavior that sets them apart, such
as the duck who hates water. When certain animals are seen
as individuals, we "name" them. We "anthropomorphize" them,

that is, make them human. These creatures appear to us as

 

 

149

individual "personalities" and the concomitant of individ-
uality is a name.

To be a human, or even drawn metaphorically into the
human group, one must first be individualized by being
named and, by being individualized, is socialized or brought
into society. "Names . . . express individuality at the
social level and social being at the individual level"
(thinley 1976:118). Society is a collection of individuals
interacting. Cultural patterns such as the system of appel-
lation provide a context of meaning for those interactions
and, at the same time, shape and define them.

The first significant event in a Kenyah's life is when
he is given an autonym, named and individualized, given his
own identity. He is, for example, Jalong, a unique combi-
nation of a body (maaL), a soul (Bamma), and a name (ngadan).
If the child's soul wanders, causing illness, someone close
to the child may be able to entice it back by calling the
name repeatedly. In a small child, the component parts of
the person are not well connected; it takes time for their
unity to gel. A child's soul that often wanders may be being
called by evil spirits. If the name is changed, the spirits
are confused and can no longer call the soul.

The Kenyah clearly conceive of each combination of body,
soul, and name as a singular unity; they are individualists
but not in the sense of devaluing the social. They also
recognize that man is nothing if not a social being. Under

traditional adat, the most severe judgement that can be

 

 

150

meted out to a person is not death but ostracism from the
ESEE community, which amounts to pretty much the same thing.
They are individualists in that they view each person as

a particular character. Individual personality is taken

into account, for example, in making decisions about post-
marital residence. Food taboos for pregnant women are
private, individual matters. The truly singular, the insane,
unless they are physically dangerous to others, are generally
dealt with politely and on their own terms. No one is
responsible for another's behavior; the sins of the fathers

are not visited on the children nor vice versa.1 If an

 

individual incurs a heavy fine for a breach of amam, his
kinsmen will gather the goods to help pay it but not because
they are responsible for their kinsman's behavior. People
help those from whom they, in turn, can expect help.

Even though forms such as teknonyms and necronyms
define people in terms of their relationships to others,
the identity of the individual is never really submerged.
Teknonyms and necronyms do not obscure the autonym; they
add to it and what they add are social facts.

Having noted individuality, the appellation system
proceeds immediately to social identity. Jalong is not
just Jalong; he is Jalong Apoi ("Jalong, son of Apoi").

He is Jalong whose sibling or grandparent or father has

 

lTh . . .

ere are occa31onal except1ons 1n the cases of of-
fences resulting in parib. Parib incurred by an individual
may sometimes have consequences for his descendants
(Whittier 1973:140-44).

 

 

 

151

died. He is not just a parent or a father; he is Tama Bulan
Jalong ("father of Bulan Jalong"). He is Jalong whose second
child has died, Jalong whose grandchild has died, Jalong

the widower and Jalong the elder. He is identified both

as an individual and in terms of his significant relation-
ships to others.

Appellations define basic social relationships. The
conjugal pair is the fundamental unit for the maintenance
of society. The link between husband and.wife is expressed
in terms of a common link to their children, their common
necronym and the common teknonym they bear in the event of
the death of one of those children. The death of a spouse
results in a necronym for the survivor, the only member of
the deceased's own generation to bear a necronym for him.
The necronym symbolizes the absolute dissolution of the
procreative unit. Even entering into another such unit
does not remove the necronym unless the new union is in
fact productive, that is, unless another child is born.

The essential unity of the conjugal pair is expressed
also by the highest deities, PeSalong Luhan (male) and
Bungan Phlan (female), a conjugal pair somewhat reminiscent
of the Hindu Shiva and Shakti in that the deity comprises
a male and a female principle. In ritual invocation, their
names are not linked with "and" (mgam) but are given as
one: Bungan Malan PeSalong Luhan. Even though they are the
ultimate conjugal pair, they do not bear teknonyms empha-

sizing their joint progeny. Some say that this is because

152

they are not the parents of anyone in particular but are
the metaphorical parents of all Kenyah. Their names are
significant; Bungan is a common Kenyah female autonym, but
the word "malamfi means "taboo" or ”prohibited." PeSalong
Luhan's name contains the words "salong" and "luhan" both
of which have the meaning of "holder" or "container."
These names distinguish their respective functions. PeSalong
was the creator and among his creations is the human body
which is but a container. Bungan Malan directs the contents,
the active principles of life. It is Bungan Malan who is
concerned.with the day-to-day activities of the world and
may intervene in them. These differing funtions are con-
gruent with another aspect of their names. For humans, a
man and his wife would normally assume the gerontonym at
about the same time. In the case of the deities, PeSalong's
gerontonym indicates that he is "retired," no longer directly
concerned with the day-to-day activities of the world.
Bungan, lacking the gerontonym, is still active and very
concerned, especially with the economic sphere and the
growing of rice. Although PeSalong is "retired," the deities
are considered as a unit.

The human conjugal pair is likewise a unit. It is the
unit that produces society's two most valued items: rice
and children. In terms of kinship obligations, the conjugal
pair is inseparable. If, by virtue of a kinship link, a
man must help a relative build a new field house, his wife

is also Obligated in the associated women's tasks.

153

Contributions of rice for a kinsman's ritual come out of
their joint production. A child given to a childless kins-
man is, of course, their joint progeny. For kin Obligations,
they may be interchangable. Should a woman's kinsman die
and she be unable to attend the funeral (pregnant women and
mothers of very small children should not do so), her hus-
band will replace her. An older woman may even attend a
village meeting in place of a sick husband. If her hus-
band is a lamim head and dies, she, not her son, becomes
lamim head. This idea of the essential unity of the con-
jugal pair is one reason that Kenyah discourage and laugh
at cross-generation marriage or even marriage within a
generation where there is a.wide age gap. Nhrital partners
should be colleagues and equals. The shared teknonyms and
necronyms linking them to their joint progeny and the
teknonym one bears for the death of the other indicate

the collectivity of the couple.

The reciprocal potential of the necronyms marks other
units in addition to the conjugal pair. A parent and an
immature child, an older sibling and a younger sibling, a
grandparent and a grandchild all bear necronyms on the death
of the other.

The breach of the parent-child bond results in a necronym
for the survivor. Either death leaves the survivor vul-
nerable. The parent who has lost a child has seen the
failure of reproductive efforts. The child who has lost

a parent is under direct threat in that he has lost a provider

 

 

154

and the producer of and for his sibling group.

Only in childhood do siblings (and co-resident cousins)
use necronyms on each other's deaths. These necronyms mark
a break, a vulnerable spot in the sibling group. The birth
of a new sibling heals the breach and eliminates the
necronym. These are the only members of one's own gener-
ation on whose deaths one uses necronyms. They are the
people with whom one will share rights in land and in heir-
loom property and with whom sexual relations are absolutely
proscribed.

The other pair that use reciprocal teknonyms is the
grandparent-grandchild dyad (who may also share an autonym).
The grandchild and grandparent are linked by their mutual
caring for one another and the resulting affective relation-
ship. They do not provide for one another economically;
active adults do that for both. But when a child is weaned
but still in need of affectionate care from adults, it is
often the grandparent who provides that care. It is the
grandchild, in turn, who privides care, personal services,
and affectionate companionship to the aging grandparent.

The people who are connected by teknonyms, patronyms,

and necronyms are the members of the lamin. The use of

 

necronyms by the survivors on the death of one of the lamin
members expresses a threat to the essential unity, soli-

darity, and continuity of the lamin. The lamin is the

 

center of the individual's life. The lamin into which he

is born gives him his social class, his rights to land,

155

and his rights to heirloom property. There is a special

term for the lamin of one's birth; it is one's lamin po'on

 

(po'on means "beginning, origin, basis”). One's lamin po'on

 

must never be allowed to die out. One child always remains
in the lamin po'on not only to look after the aging parents

but also to ensure the continuity of the lamin po'on.

 

The lamin is a primary economic and ritual unit. The
head of the lamin performs and attends rituals on behalf
of the entire lamin. Lamig members are interchangeable in
cooperative labor groups. Land rights gained by cutting
virgin forest for a field are vested in the lamin of the
cutter not in the individual himself. Should he ever move
from that lamin, he retains only secondary rights in the
land.

The persons with whom one shares a lamin are those on

whose deaths one will adopt necronyms and vice versa.

 

Children always adopt necronyms on the deaths of their
parents and siblings, members of their lamin. They may
use necronyms on the deaths of cousins and grandparents
but are likely to do so only if these people are members
of their lamin. Adults always adopt necronyms on the deaths
of spouses and immature children, members of their lamin.
Elders adopt necronyms on the deaths of spouses and
co-resident grandchildren.

Necronyms mark vulnerable spots in society -- the
widow and the orphan, those whose reproductive efforts have

failed, those whose productive partners are lost, those

156

whose sibling groups are threatened, the loss of the grand-
parent and the grandchild who care for each other at the

extreme ends of their lives, the lamin whose solidarity

 

and continuity is threatened.

The interplay of appellation forms expresses an
elementary concern with the perpetuation of society.
Appellations tie the generations together in their on-going
progression. Those persons immediately responsible for
the production of succeeding generations, active adults,
alternate teknonyms -- terms embodying a positive tie
to the next generation -- with necronyms marking a failure
of that tie or of the conjugal bond ("mother-father" tie)
entirely. An adult does not use a necronym for the deaths
of children who have themselves produced children; contin-
uity is guaranteed. Should that grandchild die in childhood,
however, a necronym is used; continuity is threatened.

The set of appellations serves to identify, individually
and socially, persons within the village and in nearby
villages. To outsiders Kenyah further identify themselves
and others by sub-group and village. At school downriver,
for example, Jalong Apoi may identify himself and be iden-
tified by others as Jalong Apoi Long Moh or Jalong Apoi
Lepo Tau Long Moh. Or, depending on the needs of the inter-
action, he may identify himself simply as a Kenyah. A new,
more encompassing category of social identity, brought about
by the increasing participation of Kenyah and other indi—

genous peoples in the affairs of town, state, and nation,

 

 

157

is found in the use of the terms "Dayak" and "Orang Ulu."
The former term is used in Kalimantan to include all of
the indigenous, non-lhslim peoples of Kalimantan. The
latter term is used in Sarawak to include the Kenyah, Kayan,
and other indigenous, upriver peoples with the exceptions
of the Iban and the Bidayuh. "Orang Ulu" was originally
a census category, but it is now being used, like the term
"Dayak” in Kalimantan, by its referents themselves to
express a political unity and a commonality of interest
that become more salient as they are increasingly involved
in electing representatives to regional and national
government bodies and participating in national development.
The Kenyah appellation system provides its users with
a system of meanings with which to consider the most
important social relationships. It is a vehicle of models
that provide a meaning basis for social action. What people
call each other tells them who they are and how they are
what they are only in terms of each other. They are indi-
viduals in the sense of being unique persons but they are
persons only by being social, by being engaged in society.
The system of appellation is but one of the cultural
patterns that embodies notions about personhood, and it
is not claimed that appellations are equally significant
in this regard in every society. Other vehicles may be
more salient and compelling in other societies. But, to
some extent, what people call each other always expresses

ideas about personal and social identity. Only comparative

158

material analyzing complete appellation systems can tell
us how and to what extent it does so in other societies.
In the case of the Kenyah, what is now a close con-
gruence between a cultural framework of meaning and the
pattern of social action will undergo change. The Kenyah
are beginning to move from a way of life not so much
isolated from the outside world as independent of it
into the economics and ways of life of a larger world.
As they participate in new forms of social action and
new systems of meaning, ideas about the nature of persons,
what their relationships are, and what binds them together
will change. What these new meanings will be and what
symbols will embody them cannot be predicted. Only future
research will show whether the appellation system in
changed conditions can continue to be a primary locus
of notions about personal and social identity and, if so,

how.

GLOSSARY OF FOREIGN TERMS

GLOSSARY OF FOREIGN TERMS

Unless otherwise stated, all terms are Lepo Tau

Kenyah.
marked (M);

Abeng

adat

adat ayau

adat Bungan

adat po'on
aga'

agama (I)

ame

ame mpe'
ame ngiban
Ampan

anak

Indonesian terms are marked (I);

Nalay terms are

and Javanese terms are marked (J).

(necronym) child whose older sibling has died.

custom, tradition, customary law; in a larger
sense, proper and appropriate behavior.

warrior adat; the annual ceremony incorporating
new heads into the village.

the reform cult centered on the goddess Bungan
Malan.

also adat lama; traditional Kenyah custom and
belief, as opposed to adat Bungan or Christian-
ity.

to shake.

religion, usually implies a "world" religion
as opposed to kepercayaan ("beliefs").

 

father; a form of address to any male of the
next higher generation; in Long Nawang, a
component of the teknonym as in Ame Kuleh
(”Father of Kuleh").

parent's male sibling.

father-in-law; spouse's father.

(necronym) widower; man whose wife has died.

child; form of address to person of the next
lower generation.

159

anake'

anak a'ong

Anta

Apeng

asa
bali
Balu

Bapak(I/PD

berua
borak
bunin

Bungan Phlan

Buyo

chenganak

chenganak
cha liwe

chenganak

dua liwe

chenganak
telu liwe

deta'u
deta'u bio

deta'u dumit

160

my child; affectionate form of address to a
person of the next lower generation.

sibling's child; in Long Nawang, anak ahong.

 

(necronym) child whose younger sibling has
died but who has other younger siblings still
living.

female child; used like an autonym before the
autonym is given.

a dead branch.
spirit
(necronym) widow; woman whose hquand has died.

father; in short form, Pak, a form of address
to an older man.

soul of a human.
rice beer
a small, weasel-like animal

the supreme Kenyah goddess who is concerned
with the day-to-day affairs of humans.

(necronym) parent whose second-born child has
died.

sibling; in a larger sense, relatives.

first cousin; parent's sibling's child.

second cousin; grandparent's sibling's grand-
child.

third cousin; great-grandparent's sibling's
great-grandchild.

aristocrat
higher aristocrat

lower aristocrat; of mixed aristocrat/commoner

heritage.

161

guru injil(I) teacher of the Christian gospel.

Ilun

iot
kelampit
kemut luba'

Kepala
Kampong(I)

lakike'

laki malan

lamin

lamin po'on

Lara
lemalo
letoke'
libu
ligun
long

Lubet

luhan
Luhut
lumo

malan

mamat
lhwa'

mape

(necronym) child whose mother has died.
small; tiny.
to have many connections.

proud; arrogant.

village headman.
my man; my husband.

the practioner in charge of all ritual
involved in the rice cycle.

household; longhouse apartment; means the
inhabitants as well as the physical structure.

lit., original household; one's natal house-
hold.

(necronym) parent whose fifth child has died.
a kind of chant.

my woman; my wife.

thousand.

to rock.

the confluence of two rivers.

(necronym) child whose only younger sibling
has died.

container
(necronym) parent whose eighth child has died.
mourning

forbidden; taboo; in a state of ritual
prohibition.

see adat ayau.
(necronym) parent whose third child has died.

collapsed; used in one case as a necronym.

Mboi
Mbok(J)

Nawe'

ngadan

ngadan ja'at

ngadan
ngalang

ngiban

ngiban laki

ngiban leto

nutong pusa

nyadap

nyat tana

Nja'
panyin

panyin

panyin lamin

panyin tiga

162

(necronym) parent whose second child has died.

mother; in a short form, Bok, a form of address

to an older woman.

(necronym) parent whose eleventh child has
died.

name; appellation.

lit., bad name; a word, usually with unplea-
sant meaning, that temporarily replaces the
autonym for a small child when there has been
a death in the lamin.

a second autonym given in a ceremony held
every few years for all children who have
not yet participated.

to move to the natal lamin of one's spouse.

for a female to move to the natal lamin of her
hquand.

for a male to move to the natal lamin of his
wife.

lit., to burn the bamboo; a part of the infant
naming ceremony in which a piece of bamboo is
bent double and the ends burned to predict

the baby's future.

for a boy to spend the night with a girl to
‘whom he will be married before the actual
wedding takes place.

to ask for land; the first ritual of the new
agricultural year.

(necronym) parent whose tenth child has died.
a commoner.

lit., a bad commoner; a lower commoner in the
adat po'on five part system of stratification.

 

lit., a household commoner, i.e., a slave.
lit., a good commoner; a higher commoner in
the adat po'on five part system of stratifica-
tion.

 

 

 

paran
paran lepo
paran uma

parib

Pe-

pelaki
pelupuk
Bungan
pendita(I)
pengabio

dalem lepo

pengabio
dalem uma

pesaitke'
PeSalong

Luhan

petakau anak

Piat

poi

po'on

163

a leader.
village leader
longhouse leader.

a state of individual ritual impurity usually
resulting in illness. A person may become

arib by breaking specific taboos or simply
Ey presuming above himself.

(gerontonym) prefixed to the autonym indicates
advancing age and partial retirement from
economic affairs.

the hawk; messenger of the gods.

lit., to turn Bungan; the ceremony ending
the agricultural year.

a Christian pastor

lit., the big one in the village; village
headman.

lit., the big one in the house; longhouse
headman.

my sexual partner, i.e., my spouse.

the supreme god who created the world and
retired.

lit., to free the child; the first naming
ceremony for an infant in.which it receives
an autonym and is introduced to the community
and to the spirits.

(necronym) grandparent whose grandchild(ren)
has(have) died.

in Long Mbh, a form of address by children
to parents who are using necronyms. In Long
Nawang, a kinship term: grandparent.

origin, basis, stem; e.g., po'on kayu (tree
trunk).

 

saba'

sabai

Sade
sadin
salong
Sawang
sekun
sukat

Tama(n)

Tamapeng
tana

Tapa

tebuku tali

Tina(n)

tsu

tsu lup
tsu siku

Tua

164

(necronym) parent whose sixth child has died.

affines in general or affines of Ego's
generation.

(necronym) parent whose ninth child has died.
younger sibling or cousin.

container

(necronym) parent whose fourth child has died.
older sibling or cousin.

want to; be willing to

father in teknonym form; i.e., Tama Kuleh
("Father of Kuleh").

teknonym for father of unnamed female child.
land; earth.

(necronym) child whose father died before
its birth.

lit., to knot the string; the wedding ritual.

mother in teknonym form; i.e., Tina Kuleh
("Mother of Kuleh").

grandchild; form of address to people two
generations lower than Ego.

great-great-grandchild.

great-grandchild.

Kampong (M)village headman.

tubang

turut
Uka'

uko

Upu

to fall over, as a tree; used in one case

as a necronym.
to follow, to go along.
(necronym) parent whose seventh child has died.

in Long Moh, grandparent and above; in Long

Nawang, great-grandparent.

(necronym) child whose grandparent has died.

usa
Utan

uwe

uwe mpe'
uwe ngiban
Uyang

Weng

165

human body; also used as a counter for people.
(necronym) female child whose father has died.
mother; form of address to any female of the
next higher generation; in Long Nawang, a
component of the teknonym, e.g., UWe' Kuleh
(”lbther of Kuleh").

parent's female sibling.

mother-in-law; spouse's mother.

(necronym) parent whose first child has died.

male child; used like an autonym before the
autonym is given.

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