MSU LIBRARIES m RETURNING MATERIALS: P1ace in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION IN ONTARIO, CANADA: SUCCESS OR FAILURE? By Constance Elaine Jayne Williams A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Administration and Curriculum 1982 ABSTRACT INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION IN ONTARIO, CANADA: SUCCESS OR FAILURE? By Constance Elaine Jayne Williams An examination of present-day "Indian Control of Indian Education" throughout the province of Ontario is predicated on the success or failure of a study conducted among the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island, the Chippewa and Muncey-of-the-Thames, and the Ojibway of Serpent River. The study attempts to documenttflmaproblems that arise when two cultures characterized by divergent philosophies interact with each other in the educational arena. Historical and cultural factors are treated as major components influencing the ideology of local control. It appears that solutions to local control necessitate action and participation from within theIndian communities as a viable option. This entails active grass-root participation and an awareness of the abuses by those who are in control of the present educational system. "Indian Control of Indian Education" was given official recogni- tion by the Minister of the Department of Indian Affairs in February, 1973. It contains a statement of philosophy, goals, principles, and directions which the writer has used as indicators to discuss and evaluate the success or failure of the Bands under study. The Constance Elaine Jayne Williams dissertation is an attempt to increase our understanding of what "Indian Control of Indian Education" is all about, viewed in a background of extraordinary "diversity," and complexity of issues. Such problems as fiscal control, inappropriateness of central management procedures, the lack of a sophisticated accountability system, the need to define Indian education in terms of relevancy and parity, all render impotent the concept of "Indian Control of Indian Education," making necessary common ground-rules for all Bands. Copyright by CONSTANCE ELAINE JAYNE WILLIAMS 1982 DEDICATION TO MY PARENTS, MR. AND MRS. DeVERE DeLOSS FULLER JAYNE, WHO WERE THE FIRST TO INSTILL IN ME THE LOVE OF LEARNING, A SPIRIT OF COMPASSION, AND THE FIRM BELIEF IN THE DIGNITY OF MAN AND THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM, TO PEACE, AND TO EQUALITY. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writer wishes to express her appreciation for the guidance and sustained interests of the thesis committee. Dr. James G. Moore and Dr. Kenneth L. Neff functioned as chairmen of the committee and provided valuable criticism and encouragement. I am indebted for similar ser- vices to Dr. Stanley P. Wronski, Dr. Eugene de Benko, and Dr. John W. Hanson who throughout the course of this study provided a continuous source of motivation. Dr. Martin Brodhead of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development in Toronto assisted and instructed me, and his efforts and patience extended far beyond the formal role. Thanks are extended to Mr. Gordon A. Mullin, Mr. N. K. Lickers, and the Honourable John Munro for their sustained services. Special recognition goes to Mr. Earl Commanda, Development Officer of the Serpent River Indian Reserve,for the laborious hours spent in formulating answers to my endless questions, and to Mary Lou Fox Fadulavich of the Ojibway Cultural Foundation on the West Bay Reserve. During the conceptual, the developmental and completing stages of this dissertation, teachers, administrators, Chiefs, Band Council members and numerous individuals of the native communities assisted and participated in many ways. Through the kindness and influence of Dr. Douglas Ray, I was able to use the facilities and resources of the University of Western Ontario. And again, through the interest of the Honourable John Munro, I was permitted to use the Library on Parliament Hill in Ottawa for my research. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . DEFINITION OF TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . Preface to the Study The Research Task . . . . . . Organizational Model The Fieldwork . . . . . . Methodology . . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study . . . II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . Federal Legislation . . . . . . The British North America Act The Indian Act of 1876 . . . The 1969 White Paper . . . . of 1867 Indian Control of Indian Education . Administrative Reports . . . Indian Conditions: A Survey OECD: Reviews of National Policies For Education, Canada . . . iv 0 O O 0 PAGE ix xi 10 ll 11 11 13 16 22 25 25 26 CHAPTER III Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1978-1979 Annual Report . . . . . . . . . Native Teacher Education: A Survey of Native Indian Teacher Education Projects In Canada . Discussion Paper For Indian Act Revision . . Third Session of the Thirtieth Parliament, House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1977-78 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada, Part I and II (The Hawthorn Report) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Educational Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Schotte Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . INDIAN EDUCATION AND THE EDUCATION FERMENT . . A Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . First European School For Indian People in Ontario, 1639 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chief Joseph Brant, 1785 . . . . . . . . . . . Primary Schools on the Six Nation Reserve, 1831 Boarding Schools, 1847 . . . . . . . . . . . . British North America Act, 1867 . . . . . . . . Indian Act, 1876 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Residential Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indian Day Schools on Reserves, 1945-1950'3 . PAGE 29 29 29 33 35 36 36 4O 40 42 43 44 46 47 47 48 48 vi CHAPTER Kindergarten in Reserve Schools, 1962 . . . . Indian Students in Provincial Schools . . . . Indian Control of Indian Education, 1973 . Integration and Aberation . . . . . . . . . . Transfer of Education to the Provinces . . . School Facilities on the Reserve . . . . . . The Ottawa Bureaucrats . . . . . . . . . . . The Role of Indian Organizations . . . . . . The Case of Alberta . . . . . . . . . . . . . The American Case Study . . . . . . . . . . . The Blue Quills School: An Apparent Victory The Strike and The Red Paper of 1970 . . . Canada and the Political Scene of 1969-1973 . IV INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION . . . Confederation Lament . . . . . . . . . . . Summary of the Indian Position Over Education V ETHNOGRAPHIC FIELDWORK . . . . . . . . . . . The Prelude The Ojibway of Manitoulin The West Bay Band . Responsibility Programs Teachers Facilities PAGE 50 52 53 53 56 57 58 58 60 63 65 67 69 76 76 79 88 88 89 89 90 91 99 102 vii CHAPTER The Chippewas and Muncey-of-the-Thames . . . Responsibility . . . . . . Programs . . . . . . . . Teachers . . . . . . . . . Facilities . . . . . . . . The Ojibway of Serpent River Responsibility . . . . . . Programs . . . . . . . . . Teachers . . . . . . . . . Facilities . . . . . . . . The West Bay Transfer Model of Local Control Indian Conditions Among the Three Bands Under Where Does Indian Control of Indian Stand For the 80's? . . . . VI SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS . . Summaries . . . . . . . . . Review of the Study . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . Indian Control of Indian Education Education National Dimensions of Indian Control of Indian Education . . . . Recommendations . . . . . . . The Need For Research . . The Need to Define Indian Education . . . . The Need For A Relevant System of Indian Education The Need For Parity . . . . PAGE 103 104 112 117 119 121 122 124 128 130 131 132 156 160 160 160 161 161 171 174 174 175 176 178 viii APPENDIX PAGE A QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 B TEXT OF "INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION" . . . . . 184 C AGREEMENT: THE MANITOULIN BOARD OF EDUCATION AND INDIAN BANDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 D A COMPARISON OF ACHIEVEMENT TEST RESULTS AND ABSENCES AT MOUNT ELGIN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 228 E A TRAINING PROGRAM FOR THE EDUCATION COMMITTEE PRIOR To THE TAKE-OVER o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 229 F MR. NOEL STARBLANKET, PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL INDIAN BROTHERHOOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 BIBLIOGRAPHY .'. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 TABLE LIST OF TABLES PAGE 1980-81 Manitoulin Secondary School Enrollment By Year and Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 West Bay Transfer Model By Learning Objectives . . . . . 132 Financial Planning Cycle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 ix LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1 Manitoulin Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 2 Sudbury Region, Showing Serpent River . . . . . . . . . ' 86 3 Southwest Ontario, Showing Muncey-of-the-Thames . . . . 87 4 Organization Chart of the Proposed Reorganization School Committee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 5 The Relationship of the Supervision Subcommittee to the Whole School Committee . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 DEFINITION OF TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT OF 1867: Cave exclusive legislative authority to the Federal Government of Canada with regard to native people and lands reserved for them under section 91 of the Act. THE INDIAN ACT OF 1876: The Indian Act was an attempt on the part of the Federal Government of Canada to bring together and articulate the responsibilities it inherited from the British Colonial Government through its treaties with the native people and through sub—section 24 of section 91 of the British North America Act. The Indian Act was first passed in 1876 and revised extensively in 1880. A few more re- visions were made in 1951. In the past six years there has been con- siderable discussion between the federal government, native bands, and native associations regarding further revisions to the Act. lluafederal government is committed to involving the native people in all decisions pertaining to further changes to the Act. INDIAN: A person who, pursuant to the Indian Act, is registered as an Indian or is entitled to be registered as an Indian. REGISTERED: Refers to a person registered as an Indian in the Indian Register. INDIAN REGISTER: Consists of band lists and general lists in which the name of every person who is entitled to be registered as an Indian is recorded. This RegiSter is maintained by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. BAND LIST: The name of every person who is a member of a band and is entitled to be registered is entered in the band list for that band. GENERAL LIST: The name of every person who is not a member of a band but is entitled to be registered, is entered in a general list. BAND: A band comprises the native people of a specific group who are officially registered as members of that group. Although a band is usually identified with specific reserve land, a significant percentage of band members in Ontario do not live on the land reserved for their band. STATUS OF REGISTERED INDIANS: In Ontario, the two terms-—"status In- dian" and "registered Indian"-—are used almost interchangeably. How- ever, the term "status" should only be used to designate a native per- son who has treaty status. It is possible for an Indian person to be considered a status Indian but not registered when he/she resides on a reserve but is not registered on a band list. xi xii NON-STATUS INDIANS: Refers to Indians who are native by birth and heritage but who are not classified as "Indian" under the terms of the Indian Act. During the treaty negotiations of this century, many fami— lies and individuals could not be located and consequently were not reg- istered as members of specific bands. Thus, some non-status people are descendants of those native people who were missed in the confusion or who boycotted the negotiations as a matter of principle. Many non-status Indian people are Indians or descendants of Indians who once possessed Indian status. Some native people elected to forego their Indian status and become enfranchised. Some non-status Indians lost their Indian status through marriage. As status is determined through male descendancy, as stipulated in the Indian Act, many native women have lost their Indian status and potential Indian status for their children through marriage to a man without Indian status. At the present time, many anomalies exist because of the complexities involved in legally determining who is and who is not an Indian. A per- son may be a status Indian through his paternal grandfather even though he has never been a part of a native community or culture. On the other hand, many native people in Ontario who speak a native language as their first language and have only lived within a native culture do not have Indian status. METIS: The word was originally used to mean a person of mixed Indian and French blood. Today it is used to refer to a person of mixed Indian and non-Indian blood through interracial marriage of either parents or ancestors. It is estimated that there are 100,000 people in Ontario today who iden— tify themselves as Metis or non—status Indians. They are not under the jurisdiction of the federal government. The Ontario Metis and Non- Status Indian Association was formed in 1971. Similar associations have sprung up in other provinces. The Native Council of Canada is a volun- tary federation of most of these provincial associations. RESERVES: Reserves are tracts of land set aside through agreements or treaties for the exclusive use of specific bands of native people. Re- serve land is Crown land held in trust for the band. Individual band members can never have a clear title to their property on the reserve but can obtain "exclusive user rights" through a "location ticket." Location tickets can only be sold or given to registered members of the band that owns the reserve. These complexities of land title were felt to be necessary to guarantee native ownership in perpetuity. Unfortunately, they create major hur- dles for band councils and individual band members, especially in cases involving building projects that require financing through mortgages. INUIT: The Arctic Eskimo as distinguished from the Aleuts. xiii IAB: Indian Affairs Branch. NIB: National Indian Brotherhood. DIAND: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, or cited as Indian Affairs. BCR: Band Council Ruling. IEC: Indian Education Center. OECD: Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development. NTEP: Native Teacher Education Program. CITEP: Canadian Indian Teacher Education Projects. CEIC: Canada Employment and Immigration Commission. TESL: Teaching English as a Second Language. AIDS: Alberta Indian Development System. ECE: Early Childhood Education. Chapter I INTRODUCTION Preface To The Study The purpose of this study is to describe, analyze, and evaluate Indian education in the province of Ontario on the basis of the degree of success or failure of attaining Indian Control of Indian Education. a policy that was given official recognition by the Minister of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development in February, 1973. It is a policy of the National Indian Brotherhood which is made up of provincial/territorial Indian organizations containing a statement of philosophy, goals, principles, and directions. It is also a policy that recognizes that Indian people through their elected band councils have the right to make decisions about the education of their children. The Research Task The ensuing research strives to contribute to a more comprehensive awareness of the "Indian Problem" in its many facets. The research is limited to a study of bands located in contrasting geographical and eco- nomic areas of the province, which seem to have had for diverse reasons a good bit, a moderate, or little or no success in the implementation of the policy. Prior to Indian Control of Indian Education, Indians had not been given the opportunity to involve themselves in the development of school programs and policies. Nor had they been consulted over 2 proposed developments in education for their area, but had been expected to adapt to those changes which had occurred. Of the one hundred nineteen bands contacted, the following were selected for the study: the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island; the Chippewa and Muncy-of-the-Thames; and the Ojibway of the Serpent River Indian Reserve. They were selected on the basis of contrast, ease of ethno- graphic fieldwork, and cooperation on the part of those involved. Organizational Model This dissertation has been divided, for practical purposes, into six chapters. The first chapter presents a framework which sets the stage for the research task, the fieldwork and methodology. Chapter II deals with a review of the literature and includes many sources that are vital to an understanding of the policy, Indian Control of Indian Education. Chapter III provides historic and present-day insights into the education of Indians in Canada. Chapter IV analyzes the content of the Policy Paper, particularly those sections which are used as cate- gories to describe the success or failure of Indian authority over edu- cation. Chapter V presents a brief micro picture of each band with specific references to geographic, social and economic factors in order to conceptionalize the cultural continuity of the issues involved in the study and describes the actual field research among the three bands. Many of the problems discussed are nation-wide common denominators in Canadian Indian societies and their relevance is applicable to commu- nities far beyond those in the case studies. The final chapter, Chapter VI, is based on the research findings and conclusions and provides some suggestions and directions for Indian education. 3 This dissertation is an attempt to increase our understanding of what Indian control of Indian education is all about. Who are the people involved? With whom do they interact? What are the objectives of Indian control and how successful is it? The degree of success or failure of the actual implementation of the Policy Paper among the three bands under study, will be assessed with reference to the actual Document, Indian Control of Indian Education, which will serve as the "model" in the case studies. The categories used as success criteria will be those incorporated in the Policy Paper, namely, Responsibility, Programs, Teachers, and Facilities. Social, economic, and political influences usually originate from centers in the urbanized regions of the province. 'The political factor constitutes a reality which has implications far beyond other aspects of present-day educational prac- tices. Without an understanding of control and power, and without acquisition of these by the native people, educational progress and intervention will not bring about any meaningful changes but will largely be a combination of past and present practices. Therefore, these considerations are of importance in defense of the focus of the research. The Fieldwork This thesis is the result of a number of integrated research me- thods. Personal involvement with the bands over a two-year span, pro- vided due opportunity to collect and examine data pertaining to the educational practices of the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island, the Chippewa and Muncey-of-the-Thames, and the Ojibway of the Serpent River Indian Reserve. The researcher interviewed superintendents, teachers, adults, 1, children, chiefs, councillors, and administrators. The retention of close contacts with personnel at the Regional, Provincial and Federal Offices, facilitated access to documentary materials. There was at no time difficulty in acquiring verbal information, due in part to the fact that the informants were not always aware of the information processing procedure. Some interviews were conducted on a continuous and informal basis, while the writer later recorded in writing, new and pertinent information that resulted from such inter- actions. On the other hand, documentary evidence on schools such as attendance records, student records, and financial affairs were not made available upon request. It was claimed that these were either: 1. confidential; 2. of no interest to the researcher; and/or 3. no longer existent since there was no need for the Department of Education to keep such data. Records in the schools under study were frequently poorly kept and often incomplete. Administrators stressed the need for informality and flexibility in record keeping. If there was any hesitancy to release information during formal interviews, the discrepancies could be readily assessed during the many informal contacts the writer had with the teachers and Indians. Sensitive topics and details could be pursued during individual conversations in the privacy of the informant's home, or when the atmosphere was relaxed and informal. Conflicting data and inconsistent statements could be clarified, and private opinions and value orientations could be probed. Such situations were increasingly used to add, test, and verify data, to solidify or nullify impressions, 5 and to become familiar with changes and new developments. Teachers responded to my informal inquiries and recognized my need to use them as informants for data collection and insight into the many facets involved. The many informal visits to communities often coincided with special community events to which the teachers or representatives at the regional, provincial, and federal levels invited me. This allowed for introductions to and acquaintance with many Indians of the villages and reserves. The casual familiarization with neighboring communities and tentative perceptions were supplemented with more specific and detailed information when teachers, administrators, and band officials met during holidays and conferences. The teachers often functioned as middle men to relay information, in the event that the Indians did not respond to direct questioning. At times structured interviewing yielded incomplete answers or no answers at all. Frequently, if the informants were friends or young children, they would provide the response that they thought would please the researcher. The data collection was a cumulative process. Reflections and analysis motivated further pursuits and directions of investigation. Gradually a more systematic pattern to acquire the field data was delin- eated. The specifics crystallized and this permitted articulation of questions to specific respondents on issues about which they were knowledgeable. Discrepancies in the data could be identified and attended to. The empirical sample of the study was taken from those bands pre- viously cited, where extensive observations were made of school and com- munity. A total of forty teachers were interviewed, of whom thirty-one 6 were actively employed in the systems when interviewed. The remainder held teaching positions with various Ontario school boards. The writer used field experiences, suggestions from the literature, and educators involved with Indian education. In presenting the final written account, a traditional and standard thesis format was elected. This was not merely to conform to convention, but even more to ensure clear and concise presentation. Preliminary field orientation and actual field participation preceded data collection. Methodology The nature of the study could not be realized through a uniform method. Gathering statistical data, participant observation, archival research, reviewing literature, and formal as well as informal inter- viewing were all needed to approximate the whole. The end result was achieved by combining and integrating the separate parts of a complex mosaic. A participation and observation paradigm was used to permit detailed insights into the social, economic, and political processes related to Indian control of Indian education. The interview method allowed for the collecting of both hard data and qualitative narrative information that was to be interpreted. This similarly applied to the documentary research which consisted of the interpretation of scholarly literature and written records of the Ontario Department of Education, and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Obser— vation and interviewing accommodated pursuit of issues appropriate to specific situations and unique cases and circumstances. It became possible to build the inquiry upon concrete data and this flexibility 7 in methods allowed for specific probing, which was dependent on the responses received. The data collected included analysis of interviews, notes, and documents; unrecorded recollections of the researcher; and insights and interpretations resulting from lengthy communication with other parties. Reliance on a variety of types of data appeared necessary to present a responsible and insightful research product representative of the reality of the Indian educational system in the province of Ontario or, at least, of those aspects focused upon in this particular study. The two years over which the inquiry was conducted permitted experience to dictate the how, where, what, when, why, and from whom, of the information gathering. Doubt, uncertainty, and the relative weak- nesses and strengths prescribed whether certain approaches had to be abandoned, or additional methods had to be employed. Facts, field im— pressions, and explanations of informants were categorized and studied. Doubts about the validity of perceptions constantly arose; alternative explanations were then pursued and complementary or verifying informa- tion was sought. The research entailed a continuous process of attempt- ing tx> select from the wealth of information and to fit the concern of the study into specific categories. The best teachers of methodology and conceptualization were time, experience, and above all, the cross-section of informants who provided the data for the study. The research conducted, the format, and other methods were con- ceptualized, adapted, and modified to fit the limitations of needs; the situation; and the ability of the researcher to see, to interpret, and to record. Therefore, the results of the research are not a priori, but are indeed the product of a very definite research process which 8 required a number of ways of gathering data. The approach to the research, and specifically the interactionist perspective used in dealing with the inhabitants of the Ojibway and Chippewa Bands, will become more pronounced when explicitly recording and examining the data and the model Indian Control of Indian Education in subsequent chapters. It appeared necessary to take a historical perspective for a fuller understanding of the events. The educational reality of the present as documented in this study, and the analysis of the data collected, are infinitely associated with the past. Useful factual and evaluative information can be obtained through interviews and questionnaires with people who are involved in Indian education in roles of student, parent, teacher, and community leaders. This is the method that the writer used as a means of seeing Indian Control of Indian Education through the eyes of the people most con- cerned. The writer took a neutral stance, expressing interest in any aspect of the Policy Paper that appeared to be of importance to the respondent. At the same time, the writer used either an interview guide or a questionnaire which systematically explored those aspects of Indian Control of Indian Education that were considered important from the point of view of research, namely those categories found in the body of the Policy Paper: Responsibility; Programs; Teachers; and Facilities. The samples were drawn to be representative; there were few refusals; the interviews were carefully recorded; and the writer strove for objectivity. The questionnaire consisted of questions derived from the contents of the Policy Paper. Because the writer was dealing with adults and youth who, on the average, had little formal education, an open-ended 9 interview was used. That is, the respondents were asked a series of predesigned questions which he/she might answer either briefly, with a n n 1 "yes, no," "I do not know,’ or with a long statement. If the answer was unclear, further questions were asked. Therefore, the interview was an important element of the "method." The writer's job was to ask the questions, and assist the respondent in making full answers; to record the answers in writing; and to encourage the respondents to speak freely. This kind of interview clearly did not give many clear-cut yes-no responses to such questions as "do you think that Indian teachers are doing an adequate job?" Rather, the respondent was encouraged to discuss what was either good or bad about Indian teachers. Each question was designed and asked in a consistent manner among the respondents of the three bands under study, to get information on the respondent's attitude, knowledge, topic or problem of the various aspects of Indian control of Indian education. The writer then read, and re—read, interpreted and evaluated the results of the interviews. The results were then compared with the data collected by means of participant observation which included school visitations, informal and formal gatherings, conferences, access to documentary materials and records, and the review of existing literature. An effort was made to apply objectively and consistently the same criteria to each of the bands under study, to ask the same questions of the respondents, and to draw conclusions based upon the available evidence.1 10 Footnotes 1See Appendix A. Chapter II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Many historical studies of the Indians of Canada, both general and particular, have been written. A review of the literature indicates that most are directed toward various aspects of the original Indian culture, the conflicts with the European immigrants, or problems related to land tenure. Many virtually ignore the matter of Indian education, and few treat the historical and political role of the Federal Govern— ment in native education. None were devoted exclusively to Indian control of Indian education. Federal Legislation The British North American Act of 18671 Fundamental to the present study are the legislative enactments of the Federal Government of Canada affecting Indian education. A basic source of data is the British North America Act, which gave exclusive legislative authority to the Federal Government of Canada with regard to Indian people and lands reserved for them under section 91 of the act. As a result, Indian affairs have always been considered the responsibil— ity of' the federal government. However, provincial laws also apply to Indians in areas not affected by a particular legislation. This exclu- sive right of the federal government to legislate in Indian matters creates difficulties when it comes to drawing up joint federal—provin- cial agreements on education or the economic and social welfare of the 11 12 native people. In fact, until recently, the federal government had always considered itself as bearing the sole responsibility for Indian affairs. But since the Government of Canada has wished to share this responsibility with the provinces, by virtue of the principle that Indians are also citizens of the provinces, it has been experiencing difficulty in having this change in policy accepted by the provinces. Because, although prepared to share responsibilities, the federal government continues to claim exclusive legal jurisdiction over Indian affairs. When Confederation was achieved in 1867, the federal government was entrusted with the administration of treaties concluded formerly between the Imperial Government and the Indians. By such treaties the majority of Indians surrendered their exclusive interests in the land to the Crown and, in return, the latter set aside a part of this territory for their use and provided them with "additional benefits such as cash pay- ments, annuities, educational facilities and other considerations."2 These treaties are considered by some to be the source of the paternalistic attitude which for a long time influenced federal admini- strators in their dealings with native people. A former senior official described this attitude in the following manner: In their eagerness to protect Indians from becoming victims of modern society, early governments in Canada set up protective legis- lation and administration which has been partly responsible for the fact that Indian communities generally still remain outside of the mainstream of Canadian economic, social and cultural events. With the earlier policy, the Indian was expected to be born, to live, and to die on the reserve. There was no question of his leaving. The reserve was his refuge and his salvation. Underthesecflrcumstances, 13 the little education extended to him was felt to be adequate to assure his economic and social welfare within the confines of the reserve. To be able to read, to write, and to count, to know how to utilize and pre— serve the environment, to possess some notion of hygiene, was felt sufficient for life on the reserve. The Indian Act of 18764 The Indian Act was an attempt on the part of the Federal Government of Canada to bring together and to articulate the reSponsibilities in- herited from the British Colonial Government through its treaties with the Indian people and through sub-section 24 of section 91 of the British North America Act. The Indian Act was first passed in 1876 and revised extensively in 1880. Further revisions were made in 1951. In the past six years there has been considerable discussion between the federal government, Indian bands, and Indian associations regarding further revisions to the Act. The federal government is committed to involving the Indian people in all decisions pertaining to further changes to the Act. According to sections 4(13) and 113 to 122 of the Indian Act, all "Indians ordinarily resident on reserves or on Crown Lands" may take advantage of the government's educational services.5 Section 113 states that the government may enter into agreements with provincial govern- ments, school boards and religious organizations, for the education of Indian children. Under the terms of section 115, Indians between the ages of seven and seventeen are required to attend school and the Minister may oblige any Indian to attend school until the age of eighteen. Mbreover, the Minister is also authorized to designate the school which an Indian child will attend, on the condition that he 14 respect the child's religious beliefs and assign him to a school of the proper denomination. For instance, no Protestant chid shall be re- quired to attend a Catholic school and vice versa.6 The Minister may also appoint truant officers to enforce the attendance at school of school-age Indian children.7 Section 120 provides that "where the majority of the members of a band belong to one religious denomination, the school established on the reserve that has been set apart for the use and benefit of that band shall be taught by a teacher of that deno- mination." However, a religious minority may, with the approval of the Minister, have separate education for its children, on condition that their numbers warrant separate facilities.8 The three basic principles of the law as regards Indian schools then are the following: 1. the federal government's right to delegate to non—federal bodies the responsibility of educating Indian children or of administering the schools attended by such children; 2. the parents' right to have their children educated in the religion of their choice; and 3. the requirement that children attend school between the ages of seven and seventeen, and the provision for coer- cive measures to ensure this. These are broad principles and the law is vague as to its imple- mentation. Officials thus have a substantial degree of latitude in determining the aims to be achieved and the means or methods to be used in achieving them. The Indian Act is the basic legal document determing the respective jurisdictions of federal, provincial, and municipal governments in the 15 field of Indian education. This is a very important document, since it enables the federal government to define government responsibilities towards the education of young Indians, on the one hand, and eligibility to benefit from these services, on the other. Considering the federal government's very strong legal position and its custom of interpreting each case which arises in the light of the Act, it becomes necessary to summarize its essential points. (a) (b) (C) (d) (e) (f) The federal government may establish, operate, and maintain schools for Indian children, or enter into agreements for the education of Indian children with provincial governments, local school boards and various churches (Section 113). The federal government may take the initiative in establishing regulations, concerning all stages of the education program; provide for the transportation of children to and from school; enter into agreements with religious institutions for the support and main- tenance of children attending these institutions (Section 114). Except in cases where school attendance is specifically not required (Section 116), all children between the ages of seven and seventeen are obliged to attend school. The Minister can even lengthen this period of school attendance from six to eighteen years of age (Section 115).' Without parental permission, children belonging to a Protestant church cannot attend a school directed by Roman Catholics, and the reverse holds true: Roman Catholic children cannot attend a school which is under the auspices of a Protestant church (Section 117). The government may appoint truant officers whose main duty is to compel young Indian children to attend school (Section 118). When the majority of the members of a band belong to one religious denomination, teaching in the day school must be carried on by a teacher of the same denomina- tion. When the members belong to several churches, they may decide to hire a teacher belonging to a par- ticular church, by a majority vote at a special meeting. Finally, a Protestant or Roman Catholic Indian minority may, with the approval of the Minister, have a separate school or special separate class (Sections 120 and 121).9 16 The Indian Act has defined the essential field of the federal government's responsibilities. Nursery schools and permanent education have been maintained under the authority conferred by this Act. The Indian Act also confers authority to encourage provincial governments to take on more educational responsibilities. There is a decided tendency toward a progressive transfer of jurisdiction in Indian education from the federal to the provincial governments. Joint agree- ments require the federal government to pay directly to the local school boards or provincial governments the cost of education incurred by the participation of Indian children in the public school system already established for White children. The 1969 White Paper10 In June 1969 Jean Chretien, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, presented to the first session of the twenty-eighth Par- liament a proposed "new" Indian Policy on behalf of the Liberal govern- ment. Essentially, the new policy was to provide Indians with "the right to full and equal participation in the cultural, social, economic and political life of Canada." The framework within which this goal could be achieved required: (1) that the legislative and constitutional bases of discrimination be removed; (2) that there be positive recognition by everyone of the unique contribution of Indian culture to Canadian life; (3) that services come through the same channels and from the same government agencies for all Canadians; (4) that those who are furthest behind be helped most; (5) that lawful obligations be recognized; and (6) 17 that control of Indian land be transferred to the Indian people.11 To create this necesary framework, the government was prepared to take the following steps: (1) (2) (3) (4) Propose to Parliament that the Indian Act be repealed and take such legislative steps as be necessary to enable Indians to control Indian Lands and to acquire title to them; Propose to the Governments of the Provinces that they take over the same responsibility for Indians that they have for other citizens in their provinces. The take—over would be accomplished by the transfer to the provinces of federal funds normally provided for Indian programs, augmented as necessary; Make substantial funds available for Indian economic development as an interim measure; Wind up that part of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development which deals with Indian Affairs. The residual responsibilities would be transferred to other appropriate federal departments. In addition, the Govern— ment will appoint a Commissioner to consult with the Indians and to study and recommend acceptable procedures for the adjudication of claims. Contrary to the Minister's suggestion that his "new" policy would "change longstanding policies" which did not "serve the interest of either the Indian people or their fellow Canadians, "13 an examination the history of Indian policy in Canada shows that the same policy has long been in effect. John Tobias has researched the roots of Canada's Indian policy and states that it is based on the colonial goal "to remove all legal distinctions between Indians and other Canadians, and integrate them fully into Canadian society."14 The policy of "assimi- lation" was reflected in the intention of the ligislation of 1857 when the united colonies of Upper and Lower Canada passed an Act to encourage the gradual "Civilization" of the Indians in the Province. Following Confederation, the policy of "assimilation" was officially sanctioned in 1869 by the government of Sir John A. Macdonald through 18 the passage of an Act for the gradual enfranchisement of Indians. When this did not result in immediate attempts by many Indians to enfran- chise, the government passed legislation authorizing "enforced" enfranchisement in 1920.15 Hence a review of the literature indicates that two very different courses are open to Canadian Indians today. On the one hand, the Indian is under strong pressure to aspire after goals which are cur— rently held by the dominant White society. This is reflected in the 1969 White Paper. The opposing course concerns the issue of "control of one's own destiny and the right to maintain one‘s ethnic identity." Critics of the White Paper, feel that Indians should remain a legal separate group, socially and administratively. By some, the White Paper is seen as a disguised program of extermination.16 Indians have submitted three major briefs in response to the 1969 White Paper: the Brown Paper of British Columbia; the Red Paper of Alberta; and the Wahbung of the Manitoba Indians.17 Critics of the White Paper say that its proposals do not match the desires of the Indians themselves. They argue that when the Minister of Indian Affairs suggests that the White Paper is a response to "Indian recommendations," he had an entirely different interpretation of what was said at those few meetings between Indians and Whites. Indians claim that they were not consulted for the drafting of the White Paper. The Red Paper of the Alberta Indian Brotherhood argues that the Indian Act must be reviewed and amended, but not repealed. This recom- mendation is echoed by the other briefs. Wahbung of the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood is most explicit in its recommendations for changes to the Act. It covers topics such as wills, health, and the election of chiefs 19 and councils. The briefs also argue for immediate recognition of the treaties and aboriginal rights and the establishment of a commission to study the meaning of the treaties and the government's obligations. The Brown Paper of the British Columbia Indian Brotherhood and Wahbung do not make specific recommendations on Indian claims. They recommend a claims commission be established by consultation with Indians and em- powered to make binding judgments. The Red Paper is quite explicit in its rejection of a claims commissioner. It argues for a full time Minister of Indian Affairs and the creation of a permanent standing committee of the House of Commons and Senate which would deal "only" with registered Indians.18 Wahbung recommends that a joint committee of the brotherhood and the Department of Indian Affairs (regional office) be established with equal representation between Indians and Whites to handleelndian affairs. From this, several boards and commissions covering local government, economic development, welfare, education and police would be established. These boards would assume representation of both the department and Indians. Wahbung also recommends that a cabinet committee be estab- lished consisting of Indian leaders. When policy decisions were made by cabinet, the committee could provide more and better information for more realistic and meaningful policies concerning Indians.19 The IAB20 is discussed in all the briefs. They reject the proposal to abolish it, arguing that it should change to a "smaller structure" attuned to Indians' local and regional needs. However, only the nggp Papeg states that the IAB personnel should be exclusively Indian. If the IAB is to become smaller and more locally oriented, this obviously implies a need for more "local control." Again,eflJ.three argue that 20 local tribal councils must be given more decision-making powers so that they can take the initiative in social, political, and economic develop- ment. All the briefs agree that while potential resources abound on the reserve, few have been tapped. The Brown Paper concentrates on the land issues. Since treaties have never been negotiated with British Columbia Indians, this is still the paramount issue for them. The other two briefs allude to the issue, but they do not discuss it in detail. The last two issues in the briefs deal with economic and educa— tional development. The Brown Paper is the least comprehensive in its treatment of these topics, while the Red Paper is very explicit. The Red Paper deals with two major areas. On the economic issue, it proposes the Alberta Indian Development System (AIDS), a program to bring about changes in socio-economic status through community economic development. This would be achieved by arranging for Indians to do work needed in the community and by developing jobs related to industries. The AIDS would be controlled by a dual corporate structure of Indian and White leaders. Indians would be responsible for setting the goals and priorities of all projects and non-Indians would advise and assist in the development. A capital fund of $50 million would be needed,$30 million of which would come from the federal government, $10 million from the provincial government and $8.7 million from private industry. Alberta Indians would begin with an initial investment of $1.3 million.22 The second major proposal in the Red Paper centers on education and discusses an Indian Education Center (IEC) which has now been approved in principle by the federal government. Finance is now being directed toward the construction and staffing of the center. The IEC was 21 proposed in conjunction with the AIDS and was also introduced to ensure the survival of Indian culture and the future development of Indian communities. The center was proposed for the heart of Alberta so that all bands could have equal access to it. The program will allow Indian children to learn how to develop ways of successfully applying Indian culture to the larger Canadian society. It should also enable them to use modern skills and behavior for vocational success. In essence, the IEC proposal argues that it should be run for Indians, by Indians, to assure them a secure place in the larger Canadian society.23 These reports were basically deveIOped independently. But all agree on most major issues such as economic development, education and the act itself. Where do most Canadians stand on the question? The majority of White Canadians seem to favor the White Paper proposals, while Indians obviously are against them. In a 1972 survey, Frideres found that over a third of White university students argued that In- dians should have control over their own affairs if they were ever to edge into the mainstream of Canadian life.24 The presentation to the federal government in 1970 of the Red Paper was a singular historical moment. That date was the "first" time in Canadian history that Indians developed and presented their own state- ment to Canada, including a statement on Indian education.25 The preceding paragraphs summarize the policies and guidelines put forth in the 1969 White Paper and the content of the three major briefs developed in response to the White Paper, namely, the Brown Paper, Wahbung, and the Red Paper. 22 Indian Control of Indian Education26 A body of literature reveals that the "White Man's Educational System" has been a failure for the Indians of Ontario. Evidence is cited based on the high dropout rate among secondary and even elemen- tary school students. It is the belief of the Indians that any educational system will continue to be unsatisfactory, until the res— ponsibility for education and the potential for improvement in that education is in the hands of the Indian people. Therefore, a Task Force on the educational needs of the Indians of Ontario was appointed and agreed upon the following resolutions. Be it resolved that: (1) (A) GOVERNMENTS (BOTH FEDERAL AND PROVINCIAL) ADJUST THEIR POLICIES AND PRACTICES SO THAT INDIAN PEOPLE ARE INVOLVED IN ALL PHASES OF THE EDUCATION OF THEIR CHILDREN AND ARE INA POSITION TO ASSUME MORE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PRO- VISION OF THAT EDUCATION. (B) BAND COUNCILS, METIS AND NON- STATUS INDIAN ASSOCIATION LOCALS, AND REGIONAL INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS BE INVOLVED IN ANY FUTURE DEVELOP- MENTS IN EDUCATION PLANNED FOR THEIR AREA. (2) METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN PEOPLES BE CONSULTED IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOL CURRICULUM, WORKSHOPS, AND SEMINARS, TRAINING PROGRAMS, AND IN THE HIRING OF ANY TEACHING STAFF PRACTICING IN THE SCHOOLS SERVING THEIR CHILDREN. (3) TREATY INDIAN PEOPLES OBTAIN LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVE CONTROL OF THE EDUCA- TIONAL SYSTEM THROUGH THE ESTABLISH- MENT OF LOCAL EDUCATIONAL AUTHORITIES AT BAND COUNCIL LEVELS, AS STATED IN INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION, I.E. THEY WOULD FULLY RUN THE LOCAL EDUCATIONAL AUTHORITY; DEVELOP CURRI- CULUM ACCORDING TO THEIR PARTICULAR NEEDS AND ENVIRONMENT; OVERSEE THE Be it resolved that: (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) 23 HIRING AND FIRING OF STAFF; ACQUIRE NEEDED FACILITIES; DECIDE SCHOOL PO- LICY; ESTABLISH FLEXIBLE SCHOOL YEARS; AND OWN AND OPERATE STUDENT RESIDENCES. BAND COUNCILS, METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN ASSOCIATION LOCALS, AND INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS, RECEIVE ALL INFORMATION AFFECTING INDIAN EDUCATION, SO THAT THEY MAY BENEFIT FROM PRESENT PROGRAMS AND COMMENT ON THE ACCEPTABILITY OF PRO- POSED POLICIES AND LEGISLATION. ANY INFORMATION REGARDING EDUCATIONAL NEEDS OR INDIAN PEOPLES SHOULD COME FROM THE METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN ASSOCIATION LOCALS, BAND COUNCILS, AND INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS, AND THEY IN TURN MUST BE PROVIDED THE RESOURCES TO MEET THESE NEEDS WITH THEIR OWN SERVICES. INDIAN PARENTS AND STUDENTS CHOOSE THE LOCATION AND TYPE OF SECONDARY SCHOOL THEY WISH TO ATTEND, I.E. THAT THEY RECEIVE ASSISTANCE TO ENABLE THEM TO ATTEND THE SCHOOL WHICH BEST MEETS THE REQUIREMENTS OF THEIR EDUCATIONAL GOALS, E.G. TECHNICAL, VOCATIONAL, ART COLLEGE, ETC. AND THAT THEY BE INVOLVED IN THE SETTING OF GUIDELINES FOR BOARDING HOME SELECTION. ALL EDUCATION MONIES ALLOTTED BY THE PROVINCIAL AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENTS FOR THE EDUCATION OF INDIAN PEOPLES BE HAN- DLED BY BAND COUNCILS AND METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN ASSOCIATION LOCALS, SO THAT INDIVIDUAL COMMUNITIES CAN ALLOCATE THE AVAILABLE RESOURCES ACCORDING TO THE PRIORITIES OF THEIR OWN COMMUNITY, E.G. HIRING OF SOCIAL COUNSELLORS; PAYMENT OF SCHOOL COMMITTEE MEMBERS; LOCAL CURRI- CULUM DEVELOPMENT, ETC. FUNDS BE ALLOCATED TO BANDS AND METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN ASSOCIATION LOCALS, SO THAT THEY CAN MEET WITH EACH OTHER AND ASSIST IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF EACH OTHER'S COMMUNITY THROUGH THE SHARING OF INFORMATION AND EXPERIENCE. 24 (9) PROVINCIAL AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AGENCIES OFFER PERSONNEL AND RE- SOURCES TO THOSE BANDS EMBARKING ON INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION. Be it resolved that: (10) (A) ALL AGREEMENTS DRAWN UP BETWEEN THE FEDERAL AND PROVINCIAL GO- VERNMENTS THROUGH LOCAL SCHOOL BOARDS BE RE-EVALUATED BY THE INDIAN PEOPLES TO ENSURE THAT THEIR CONCERNS ARE SATISFIED; (B) BAND COUNCILS BE FULLY RECOG? NIZED AS LEGAL ENTITIES TO NE- GOTIATE JOINT-SCHOOL AGREEMENTS WITH LOCAL SCHOOL BOARDS; (C) BAND MEMBERS FULLY UNDERSTAND AND BE IN AGREEMENT WITH ANY PROPOSED JOINT-SCHOOL AGREEMENT BEFORE IT IS FINALIZED; Be it resOlved that: (11) (A) INDIAN REPRESENTATION ON SCHOOL BOARDS BE GUARANTEED THROUGH LEGISLATION, NOT LEFT TO THE DISCRETION OF PRESENTLY-ELECTED SCHOOL BOARD MEMBERS; (B) THE NUMBER OF INDIAN REPRESENTA- TIVES BE INCREASED ON EACH SCHOOL BOARD SERVING INDIAN PEOPLES; (C) SECTION 162 (4 - 9) OF THE ON- TARIO EDUCATION ACT 1974 BE RE- VISED so THAT METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN STUDENTS ARE INCLUDED IN THE TABULATION OF THE NUMBER OF INDIAN STUDENTS UNDER THE JURIS- DICTION OF A PARTICULAR SCHOOL BOARD AND NATIVE REPRESENTATION CAN THEREFORE BE BASED ON THE TOTAL SUM OF BOTH TREATY INDIANS AND METIS AND NON-STATUS INDIAN STUDENTS.27 Education, the process of learning, the acquisition of those skills and of that knowledge which improves man's ability to live in harmony with himself, his fellow man, and his environment has been a major quest of the Indian people since time immemorial. This is not a new concern. Indeed, so important an. issue :is this that the Chief of 25 Lac Seulle was moved to single it out as an issue in the signing of Treaty No. 3 when he said: . . . if you give what I ask, the time may come when I will ask you to lend me one of your daughters and one of your sons to live with us; and in return I will lend you one of my daughters and one of my sons for you to teach what is good, and after they have learned, to teach us. If you grant us what I ask, although I do not know you, I will shake hands with you. This is all I have to say. Administrative Reports Indian Conditions: A Survey29 This report was prepared by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development to document changes in Indian social, economic, and political conditions during the last ten to twenty years. It is in- tended to provide a consolidation of information and a perspective that will be of interest to Indians, the general public and government. The information in the report has been collected from available government sources and displayed in a way that shows trends and com- parisons with conditions experienced by Canadians generally. Because the sources are government agencies, the report deals primarily with the quantifiable aspects of living and describes mainly material con- ditions. It is an "overview" which provides quantitative information about Indian conditions that can be augmented by the testimony of Indians themselves. The report includes the following: 1. a summary of available information on changes in Indian conditions since the 1950's; 26 2. comparisons of Indian and national situations; and 3. a perspective on changes in government policies, programs, and services to Indians. The report is intended to support discussions leading to: 1. revisions on the Indian Act; 2. adjustments to the management and delivery of social and educational programs; and 3. definition of an Indian socio-economic strategy. The data in the report tells most of the story of Indian condi- tions. Commentary has been included to aid in interpretation of infor— mation by providing facts about program and policy environments and by inter-relating the data. Information contained in the report has been collected from available sources rather than through original research, although some special studies were done: interviews of fifty Indian leaders and officials (most with over twenty years working experience in Indian matters or within government), a survey of public opinion, and analysis of voting patterns and reserve resources. Financial information was provided from 1970-71 to 1978-79, using the activity structure in place in 1978-79. The report is designed as a comprehen- sive reference source for Indians, government officials and others engaged in policy analysis in Indian Affairs. OECD: Reviews of National Policies For Education, Canada30 This report concluded that a special case of continuing "under- privilege" is presented in Canada by the children of Indian people, and those of mixed blood (Metis). A sharp distinction is made between so-called Registered and Non-Status Indians. The former are organized 27 in over 500 Indian bands and have retained a special relationship under the Indian Act with the federal government. The latter enjoy no special protection and support. There are, in addition, 17,000 Inuit who are Canadian citizens, but who dp_receive educational support from the federal government. Educational provision for non-status Indians and Metis is treated as teh sole responsiblity of the provinces and their local school, boards. It is not possible to say how many non—status Indian and Metis children are attending schools, nor is it possible to cite data on their retention and success in school, for, in Canada, children are identified by race only in schools operated by the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. The Western Provinces estimated that in 1976 about 50,000 non-status Indian and Metis children were enrolled in the schools of the four Western Provinces (compared with 43,000 registered Indian children).31 Some current efforts are being made to adapt the standard Provin- cial curricula to the special needs of Indian and Metis children, and there are welcome signs of a much greater appreciation of the need to consult with Indian groups before taking action. Today there are few exact data on educational conditions. Estimates of illiteracy do not exist, but it is probably quite high, especially among the older popu- lation, many of whom cannot read or write English or French. In 1976 the dropout rates before the end of high school were somewhere between 70 and 95 per cent. One Registered Indian child in six completed twelve grades of school; about two in five completed Grade 9.32 28 In 1976 there were few Indian teachers, (about 15 per cent), and only nineteen schools were Indian-controlled. Official statistics reported that only 53 full-time and 48 part-time employees of the central office of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development were Indians' including all regional and local offices, the number was 1,200.33 Band councils, which are federally—created governing authorities, administer the affairs of each local reserve. Many educated Indians find an opportunity to serve their people via work for the band councils. Ninety per cent of all band employees are Indian, or some 2,600 persons, though the examiners of this report were not able to ascertain the extent to which Indians occupied top administrative positions.34 Indian children suffer, from the splintering of responsibility for their education among several sectors of government. The examiners concluded that much more cooperation among federal, provincial, Indian and local school board groups is needed, in the interests of the chil- dren and their futures. A final point seems inescapable. The schools for Indian children administered by the federal government represent in both their struc- tures and their instruction much the same model as the regular schools for Canadians. The examiners found it hard to understand why the federal government had not taken the opportunity to develop here strik- ing new models of school reform, demonstrating "best practice" pedagogy in difficult conditions. Moreover, such a project could provide an excellent locale for developing the arts of cooperation among federal, provincial, municipal and Indian authorities. 29 Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1978-79 Annual Report35 Helping to give Canadians, particularly Indian people and nor— therners, more opportunity to determine their future was the focus of attention for the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development during the 1978-79 fiscal year. As in other years, Indian people continued to press for control of their own affairs and to seek redress for longstanding grievances. Pre- paratory work on amendments to the Indian Act, unaltered since the early 1950's, also highlighted the year. The department continued to relin- quish control and direction in favor of support for Indian and Inuit initiatives and encouraged Indian participation in decisions, especially concerning eduCation, economic development, and housing. The main objective of the department's education program in the immediate future is to improve the rate of retention of Indian students at the secondary level.36 Native Teacher Education: A Survey of Native Indian Teacher Education Projects in Canada37 The concept of a survey of the Indian Teacher Education Programs was initiated at the March, 1979 Canadian Indian Teacher Education Projects Conference, (CITEP).38 The purpose of the survey was primarily to provide for better understanding and exchange of ideas among the projects. It also was designed as a source of information to new projects, Indian organizations, government officials, funding agencies, and researchers. Discussion Paper For Indian Act Revision39 The purpose of this paper was to present for further consideration a number of proposed revisions to the Indian Act. The presentation 30 reinforced the concept of the primary involvement of the Indian people in the reshaping of the Act. The major emphasis in the paper was de- rived from proposals received from Indian representatives, and was written to incorporate essential elements contained in Indian ideas. They were designed to advance the major expressed desire of Indian people to exercise Indian control over Indian government, Indian lands, Indian education and other aspects of Indian socio-economic development. The section that deals with education was a major concern of the Indian people in this discussion paper. This had been emphasized on numerous occasions, using many different forums. Of particular signi- ficance had been the presentations of the NIB policy paper, Indian Control of Indian Education (December, 1972), and the proposals for revisions to the Indian Act of October, 1974 (Indian Act Study Commit- tee,_ Indian Association of Alberta) and September, 1976 (Education Sub-Committee, NIB). The philosophies represented, together with the essence of the basic proposals, were reflected and incorporated in the proposed changes outlined in the section of suggested revisions to the present Act. IT IS PROPOSED THAT: I. General (a) The provisions under these sections of the Act be entitled "Education" rather than "Schools." (b) Definitions relating to the educational provisions of the Act be updated to cover such topics as "con— tinuing education, special education, language of instruction," etc. 31 II. Responsibility for Educational Services (a) (b) The Minister shall assume responsibility for the provision of educational services to Indian chil- dren, including the establishing, operating and maintaining of schools on reserves. The Minister may make regulations to provide for the support of Indians in continuing education programs. III. Educational Agreements and Charters (a) (b) (e) In addition to the present provisions of s. 114, the Minister be authorized to enter into agree- ments for the delivery of educational services to Indians with: i) an Indian Band or Bands, ii) private as well as public or separate school board, iii) universities, colleges, and technical or vocational institutes, iv) other Federal Government departments. All such agreements entered into (except those with an Indian Band or Bands), should require the approval of the appropriate level of tribal government (Band, District or Regional); In order to facilitate the entering into of such agreements with Indian Bands, provisions relating specifically to the granting of EDUCATION CHARTERS be written into a revised Indian Act. IV. Quality of Education (a) In order to make the provisions of the present 5. 115 more effective, the Minister be authorized as required, to make regulations concerning specific factors affecting the quality of educational services for Indian children including: 1) teacher qualifications, ii) curriculum development, iii) program accreditation, iv) professional supervision. V. VI. VII. (b) 32 The Minister be authorized to enter into agreements, as required, for the support and maintenance of In— dian children attending special schools (e.g. for the physically handicapped, etc.). Compulsory School Attendance (a) (b) The age of compulsory school attendance for Indian children be lowered to six years from seven, as presently stated in s. 116. No compulsory school attendance should be required of Indian students over the age of sixteen. Excusable Absence from School (a) (b) The present term "husbandry" in s. 117(b) be replaced by "traditional hunting, trapping or other seasonal family support activities." The present wording in the same section "with the per— mission in writing of the superintendent" be replaced with "by prior arrangement with the appropriate Edu- cation authority." Truancy (a) (b) In order to emphasize the positive encouragement of good school attendance behavior, s. 119 be amended in the following manner: 1) references to the appointment and powers of truant officers be deleted and instead the Minister be authorized as required, to make regulations to ensure the attendance of Indian children at school; ii) there be no authority for any person involved in attendance supervision to enter an Indian home without the consent of the residents (8.119(2)(a)); iii) if parents (guardians) are found guilty of a school nonattendance offence (s. 119(3)), no double penalty (i.e. fine and imprisonment) be imposed; iv) the present sections 119(4), 119(5), and 119(6) be repealed. Section 120 of the present Indian Act be repealed. 33 VIII. Religious Instruction A sub-section be added to s. 121 of the present Act which would establish that, where Indian Bands so desire, instruc- tion in traditional Indian religious beliefs can be given by Band-approved Elders as part of the provisions normally made in this part of the school program. IX. Use of Indian Languages in Schools (a) Indian languages be recognized as approved languages of instruction in the instructional program at the kindergarten and elementary school level; (b) Band approval be sought prior to the adoption of an Indian language as a language of instruction in any Indian kindergarten or elementary school; (c) Certain standards be required by the Band (e.g. avail- ability of instructional materials and teachers; the role of English or French as second language subjects; etc.) in the giving Of this approval; (d) Indian languages also be recognized as approved languages of study and enrichment at both the elementary and secon- dary school level. 0 Third Session of the Thirtieth Parliament, House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings andEvidence of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1977-7841 The text of the actual minutes of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs has proven an invaluable source of reference in assessing the commonly called "Indian Problem." The personalities disclosed in these records, augmented by the lively debates, lend themselves to a more com- prehensive understanding of the socio-economic, political and educa- tional issues surrounding the native people. The "Indian Problem" is a recurring theme throughout the yearly Minutes of the House of Commons, and the yearly reports of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. It is no single problem, but manyfold in nature, related to land, to law, to education. A review of the Minutes suggests that education may be the real crux of the problem. The Indian problem, 34 which began as a clash of culture, has ramified and acquired many different and complex features throughout the intervening generations. In Canadian national history, it has been successively, and sometimes concurrently, a military problem, an economic problem, a land problem, a religious or sectarian problem, a legal problem, a status problem, and now above all, an educational problem. Hence, the Minutes, as revealed in the personages and issues therein, attest to the fact that the "Indian problem" denotes any or all of the difficulties already encountered, or which may yet be encountered, in the effort to assimilate Indian peoples into the dominant culture, or permit them to retain their own cultural identity. The following passage lends testimony to the fact that the Minutes were not lacking in local color. The author shall remain anonymous. The Department of Indian and Northern Affairs is a large and bloated bureaucracy consisting of around 8,000 civil servants, many of whom earn more in one year than most Indians do in ten. An estimated 80 per cent of its allocation for Indians goes to pay the salaries of this staff and to pay for programs which do little but sustain Indian people in poverty; that is, hospitalization, welfare, corrections, and an edu- cational system which does not work. Little is avail- able from the budget for economic development of job creation and even less filters down to the Indians in the community in the form of purchasing power, aside from social assistance and other forms of transfer payments. In periods of economic constraint, the Department of Indian Affairs shows little serious interest in effecting savings by certain measures. Some of these measures are eliminating duplication or overlapping of staff functions; -all you have to do is walk through the halls of that ivory tower and see Indian Affairs employees reading newspapers or clipping their fingernails-—doing away with unnecessary and pointless administrative operations; seeking greater efficiency or economy through decentrali- zation of operations and administration to Indian bands. To protect their own jobs and incomes, departmental officials traditionally have attacked the most vulnerable factor in their cost equation, the Indian community. In 35 doing so, the rationalization that is often used is that program gaps resulting from cutbacks will be filled either by other federal departments or, more preferably, by the provinces.42 A Survey Of The Contemporary Indians of Canada, Part I and II (The Hawthorn Report)437 In 1964 the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration asked the Uni- versity of British Columbia to undertake, in conjunction with scholars in other universities, a study of the social, educational, and economic situation of the Indians of Canada, and to offer recommendations. Much that is set out in the first volume concerning matters such as employment, income, resources, economic outlook and opportunities, the administration of reserves and the political conditions and prospects of Indian life is basic to a full understanding of the chapters thatfollow. The second section of the survey addresses itself to two sets of issues, the first related to the provision and the adequacy of schooling for the Indian child and adult, and the second to leadership, organiza- tion and the direction of reserves. The two issues are linked in a number of ways. The prime assump- tion of the Hawthorn Report is that it is imperative that: (1) Indians be enabled to make meaningful choices between desirable alternatives; and (2) that this should not happen at some time in the future as wisdom grows or the situation improves, but operatetunvand continue with in- creasing range. But many of the desirable alternatives potentially open to Indians, and even more that will be open in the future, are open only to those educated for them. Consequently Indian children, and those adults who have the drive to attend classes, must find schools and proper programs ready to receive them. 36 The background of the stress on schooling and its results is interwoven with needs for better employment, better health and live- lihood, more capital for enterprise and a greater share in the govern- mental and political life of Canada. The fuller achievement of goals in many of these areas is ordinarily and obviously dependent on a certain level of schooling. But schooling that is not accompanied or even preceded by some improvement in adult achievement is likely to be ineffective according to the conclusions of the Report.44 Educational Studies The Schotte Study While there are "numerous" studies of Indian education restricted to bands or to areas, only one comprehensive research study on this subject has been discovered by the writer in which Indian control of Indian education is vaguely mentioned. In 1977 Fritz Schotte completed a study of Indian education in Northwestern Ontario which he presented as a doctoral dissertation, under the title, The Ontario Northern Corps and Formal Schooling In Isolated Ojibway Communities. This dissertation makes a significant contribution to the new role of the educator as a resource specialist to native communities. While this provides a most helpful perspective on Indian education, it does not, however, focus on Indian control of Indian educationf'5 37 Footnotes 1Canada, Constitution, British North America Acts and Selected Statutes, Ottawa, 1962. 2Indian Affairs Branch, Administration of Indian Affairs pre- pared for the Federal-Provincial Conference on Indian Affairs, 1964, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Ottawa, p. 4. 3R. F. Battle, "Address to the Fifth Inter-American Indian Conference," October 19-25, 1964, p. 8. 4Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc. The Indian Act, Ottawa, 1940. 5Administration of Indian Affairs, p. 44. 6The Indian Act, Section 117. 7Ibid., Section 118. 8Ibid., Section 121. 9H. B. Hawthorn, A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada, p. 64. 10Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, Jean Chretien, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, 1969, presented to the twenty-eighth Par- liament, June 1969, Ottawa (hereafter cited as White Paper 1969), p. 6. 11Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, The White Paper, Ottawa, 1969. 12Ibid., p. 6. 13Ibid., p. 5. 14John Tobias, "Protection, Civilization, Assimilation: An Outline of Canada's Indian Policy," Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1976. 151b1d., p. 22. 16Marie Smallface Marule, "The Canadian Government's Termina- tion Policy: From 1969 to the Present Day," as appears in One Century Later, p. 103. 38 17James S. Frideres, Canada's Indians: Contemporary Conflicts, p. 122. 18Ibid. 191b1d., p. 123. 20Indian Affairs Branch. 21James S. Frideres, op. cit., p. 123. 22Ibid., p. 124. 23Ibid. 24Ibid. 25Joseph E. Couture, "Philosophy and Psychology of Native Education," as appears in One Century Later, p. 126. 26National Indian Brotherhood, Indian Control of Indian Education, 1972. 27Summary Report of the Task Force on the Educational Needs of Native Peoples of Ontario, Toronto, 1976, p. 21-22. 28Ibid., "Introduction." 29Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Indian Conditions: A Survey, Ottawa, 1980. 30Organization For Economic Co-Operation and Development, Reviews of National Policies For Education, Canada, Paris, 1976. 311bid., p. 57. 321bid., p. 58. 33Ib1d. 341b1d., p. 59. 35Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1978-79 Annual Report, Ottawa, 1979. 39 36Ibid., p. 27-23. 37Arthur J. More, Native Teacher Education: A Survey of Native Indian Teacher Education Projects In Canada, Vancouver, British Columbia, 1979. 38Canadian Indian Teacher Education Projects. 39Indian News, Discussion Paper for Indian Act Revision, Ottawa, November, 1978. 40Ibid. 41Third Session of the Thirtieth Parliament, House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Ottawa, 1978. 42Ibid., Thursday, May 4, 1978. 43H. W. Hawthorn, A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada, Part I, 1966, Part II, Ottawa, 1967. 44Ibid. 45Fritz Schotte, "Native Education In Northwestern Ontario: The Ontario Northern Corps and Formal Schooling In Isolated Ojibway Communities," 1977, a dissertation. Chapter III INDIAN EDUCATION AND THE EDUCATION FERMENT A Historical Perspective In Ontario today, education is generally equated with formal school- ing. A person's educational status is still largely measured by the quantity of time he has spent in school. The Indian cultures, as they existed prior to the arrival of the Europeans, provide an interesting contrast to many of our current perceptions. In none of the cultures were there provisions for education through a formal structure; yet everyone received all the preparation he needed to assume adult respon- sibilities within the culture. Once a child could walk he was given an amazing degree of personal freedom. The first occasion upon which an Ojibway child walked out of the wigwam under his own power was a sym— bolic event: he then became a person. He was free to create his own routines for eating, sleeping, playing; there were no specified meal— times, no bedtimes, so that it was impossible to be late. He was free to listen, to observe, to experiment. No attempt was made to correct his mistakes, as these were regarded as a necessary part of learning. The parents rarely intervened in the child's life; interventions that were necessary for the child's personal safety usually came from a grandparent or an older brother or sister. Wilfred Pelletier says it rather well in the following passage. I imagine that in the old tribal days everyone must have sensed that people are born knowing how to be 40 41 human, just as beavers are born knowing how to be beavers, and that learning is an aspect of normal human behaviour-—built in. So there would not have been any more concern about children learning than there would have been about them breathing or eating. There may have been times when children were instructed, individually and informally and in circumstances that seemed to justify adult interference. But I am sure when that occurred, it was always associated with a skill or a technique-—with doing, never with being. To those people, teaching behaviour to a child would have been as stupid as teaching a beaver to build dams.1 A girl learned all the skills and concepts required of her as an adult by observing her mother, attempting to do things on her own, and listening to her grandmother and older sisters. Similarly, boys learned the skills required of them as hunters and trappers by observing their fathers, experimenting, and listening to grandfathers, and older bro- thers. When the processes were complete, the young people were accepted into society as adults. Lots of stories have come out of the north . . . about native people taking apart a complicated machine like a bulldozer or maybe a truck engine and putting it together again, without first being taught how to do that. Now, I don't claim to understand that, but there's one thing I'm damn sure about: they learn from just watching, watching a guy running the machine, observing. And all the time they're learning. They incorporate everything they see into themselves, make it their own. And I'm not sure I can explain what I mean by that. You see, there's no word in English for that kind of observation. People who are condi- tioned to get their information from books, con- ditioned to learn by submitting to instruction, don't know how to look and see, don't know how to observe. That's part of the price they pay for formal education. But those illiterate native people . . . there's a totalness to their learning. And often their very lives depend on that kind of observation. All of a sudden a thing like a snowmobile comes into their lives, or an outboard motor . . . So when a thing like a chain saw comes along they don't have to be taught a safety program.é 42 The traditions of education in the Indian cultures began to change with the Indian people's initial contact with the Europeans. The ex- posure to these different cultures created demands upon the Indian people that could not be met in the traditional ways. Some of the skills and concepts required in the new circumstances were held by the Europeans. It is not surprising, therefore, that the transition should have followed the European rather than the native pattern, especially in view of the European commitment to a program of evangelism for the Indian people. First European School For Indian People In Ontario, 1639 The first European school for Indian people in Ontario was estab— lished by Jesuit missionaries in 1639 in Huronia.3 Classes were con- ducted by the missionaries in French and in an Indian dialect. By the time New France became a part of the British Empire in 1763, the Roman Catholic Church was widely involved in Indian education.4 In 1793, a Moravian missionary opened a school for the Delaware at Fairfield on the Thames River.5 This school added agriculture to the curriculum for Indian students, a concept that gained considerable favor among those responsible for the education of Indian people. The main objective for teaching agriculture was to encourage the Indian people to practice farming and cultivation rather than to follow the tradi— tional hunting, fishing, and trapping. In time, many more missionaries from various denominations became involved in the education of Indian people. According to James S. Frideres, four churches-—the Roman Catholic, Anglican, United and Presbyterian-—have always expressed in- terest in "educating" the Indians in their denominational or residential 43 schools . . .6 The Catholics and Anglicans have had the greatest his— torical impact on the Indians in Canada and they still have the greatest impact today. Their interest in "educating" the Indians has overtones of paternalism and moral salvation and they tend to indoctrinate the Indians with conservative attitudes. For example, a basic tenet in many religions is that poverty is not necessarily bad and that people should not attempt to produce social change in society to upgrade their posi— tion. By enduring their poverty, they will be showing humility and making penance for their sins as an appeasement to God. The "after life" is of more concern than what happens on earth. This is summed up in the proverb used by Catholics to place the "after life" in proper perspective: the first shall be last and the last shall be first. Acceptance of this ideology precludes using "force" to bring about social change. It even precludes desiring change. Once can see why the government was willing to allow the churches to manage the education of the Indians. Church-Operated schools were given land, per capita grants and other material rewards for their efforts.7 Some evidence seems to indicate that education for the Indians meant moral admonishments, cul— tural genocide, and material exploitation by the churches.8 Chief Joseph Brant, 1785 A few Indian leaders became involved in promoting formal education for their people. One of the most famous of these leaders was a British army captain, Chief Joseph Brant. In 1785, Chief Brant was instrumental in establishing a school for the Iroquois Loyalists settled in the Grand River Valley.9 The schoolmaster was paid by the British government. In a few other instances, small grants of money were provided by the 44 Imperial government or colonial administration for Indian education. It is perhaps not surprising that so little was done to develop educational programs, during the time that the military authorities held responsi- bility, for their primary concern was the security of Upper Canada. Primary Schools On The Six Nation Reserve, 1831 The New England Company, a philanthropic organization with head- quarters in England, established primary schools on the Six Nations Reserve in the Grand River Valley in 1831.10 According to the Back- ground Paper II, a document published by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development,in 1830 Indian administration was placed in the hands of the civil authority, whose job would be, not merely to preserve the alliances as previously, but to "civilize and settle" the Indians.11 The Indians were to become self-sufficient farmers in the British Yeoman mold. Presents were to be replaced by implements, seed, live- stock, and instruction in their use. The successful settlement of the Six Nations in the Grand Valley seemed to indicate the potential of such a policy. However, the new policy soon created a paradox. Its evident and was to make the Indians just like all other residents of the pro- vinces: Yet, the humanitarian impulse behind the policy ran a major danger to the "civilization" of the Indian in his exposure to the less desirable aspects of that very non-Indian culture to which he was to become assimilated. One answer which suggested itself was the removal of Indian people to some place free from the baleful influences of White society in order to inculcate in them the ways of civilization, and in 1835-1836, 45 an attempt was made to create such a haven on Manitoulin Island. Thus it appears that a tension had been created in Indian Affairs which is to this day still present. The Indian was to be made a part of the larger society, but to do so, he had to be protected from that very society. At about the same time, the New England Company also estab- lished tflu: Mohawk Institute, a boarding school for Indian youth, who had reached a certain level of proficiency in education. The curriculum of the schools included instruction in academic subjects and religion, as well as training in technical skills. In 1830, the responsibility for "Indian Affairs" was transferred from the military to the government of Upper Canada.12 It should be noted that up to that time, the government had been mainly concerned with abating the hostility of the Indians and developing more friendly relations with them. Gradually, an understanding was reached with several bands and an agreement made to lay aside some of the money, previously used for gifts and provisions for the purpose of erecting school buildings and hiring teachers. By 1848, a fund for the purpose of Indian education had been established, mainly, by diverting funds formerly allocated to gifts and gunpowder.l3 Sir George Murray, British Secretary of State for the Colonies, hoped that the change signalled a new phase in the colonizers' relations with the Indian people and that "the Indians could be introduced to the industrious and peaceful habits of civilized life."14 The policy of trying to help the Indian develop in isolation was abandoned in favor of creating Indian enclaves in the midst of White settlement, which could act as an example and a potential home for the Indian. However, the records indicate that the belief that a protective function had to be exercised continued.15 The Indian 46 people would however be given the opportunity to learn useful skills like carpentry, cabinet-making, and crop cultivation. Boarding Schools, 1847 A government report of 1845 recommended that industrial boarding schools be adopted, and in 1847, Dr. Egerton Ryerson suggested that boarding schools should be established.16 The purpose of the schools was to give a plain English education adapted to the working farmer and mechanic. It was felt that a boarding school with a curriculum that provided for domestic and religious training as well as training in practical skills would be best suited to this Objective. In keeping with the stress on spiritual guidance, Dr. Ryerson suggested that the operation of the industrial schools should be a joint effort of govern- ment and church. The government would provide some funding, draw up regulations, and accept the responsibility for inspection; different churches would manage the schools, contribute part of the Operating cost, and provide spiritual guidance for the pupils. In accordance with these principles, industrial schools were erected in Alderville in 1848 and at Muncey Town in 1851.17 According to Estelle Fuchs, the government entered the school business with a vigor that caused consternation among the Indians, paying little attention to the multitude of linguistic and other cul- tural differences among the bands, and the varied traditions of child- rearing in preparation for adulthood in the tribal communities. The package deal that accompanied literacy included continuing efforts to "civilize" the Indians. Children were removed, sometimes forcibly, long distances from their homes. The use of Indian languages by children was 47 was forbidden under threat of corporal punishment. And students were boarded out to White families during vacation times. Indian religions were totally suppressed .18 British North America Act In the years up to 1867, legislation provided for the establishment of Indian schools or permitted Indian children to attend schools that had been established for non-Indian children. Also, in Canada East and Canada West, Indian reserves could be included in established school sections. Indian education could be financed through government funds or from Indian funds. After 1867, the British North America Act was interpreted to mean that the education of Indian people was the respon- sibility of the federal government.19 In addition to legislation affecting Indian education, most treaties signed after 1871 contained a commitment: To maintain schools for instruction on the reserve and whenever the Indian of the reserve shall desire it or to make such provision as may from time to time be deemed advisable for the education of the Indian children.20 Indian Act, 1876 Following the cycle of treaty negotiations from 1871 to 1921 and the passing of the first Indian Act in 1876, the federal government assumed more financial responsibility for Indian education. However, the operation of schools continued to be the responsibility of the different religious denominations.21 48 Residential Schools Residential schools controlled by the churches comprised the basis of Indian education for over a hundred years. The belief that the In- dian person had to be protected from evil and that he had to follow a more "civilized" way of life was adopted as a basic educational prin- ciple. Indian children, removed from their homes and deprived of the influence and warmth of the parents, were taught skills intended for life in a non-Indian society. 'Generally, the school imposed an alien way of life. Under these circumstances, the Indian student's ability was restricted not only by the inappropriateness of much of what he learned at school, but also by his isolation from his home where he could acquire the skills and concepts necessary to his way of life. Most residential schools were built in the country, far from White settlements. This had the effect of reducing contact between children and their parents. The schools were regimented and showed little con- cern for the individual; the focus was on conformity. Since there were few adults, the children did not have normal adult-child relations, and the possibility of this was reduced further because most staff were non-Indian. Few of the teachers were well qualified or well educated. They neither stimulated the child nor acted as role models for their students to emulate. The average annual staff turnover until 1964 was never less than 21 per cent and in 1964 it was nearly 30 per cent.2 Indian Day Schools On Reserves, 1945-1950's In 1927, the federal government assumed full responsibility for the cost of education for status Indians living on reserves or on 49 crown lands; the churches continued to operate the schools and to deter- mine the curriculum. By 1939-1940, some of the reserves had their own schools, although many children continued to attend residential schools. In other instances, Indian children attended regular day schools with non-Indian children. From 1945 to the late 1950's, the government con- centrated on building Indian day schools on reserves. In 1950, a policy was adopted whereby the curriculum of a reserve school was to follow the curriculum of the province in which it was located.23 It was evident from the beginning that the curriculum was not "relevant" and that the philosophy was basically geared to integra- tion with the non-Indian society. Furthermore, due to the teacher shortage at the time, unqualified teachers were often hired for Indian schools. These people relied heavily on the provincial curriculum and on textbooks for the core of their program. Wilfred Pelletier, an Ojibway from Wikwemikong Reserve on Mani- toulin Island, was no stranger to such a situation. Fittingly enough, these are his words. There is no question that school is a very different experience for Indians than for Whites. For Whites, the school is really an extension of their own cul- ture. But for Indians, the school is culturally foreign, just as the language used in the classroom is a foreign language. In an Indian community people who speak out, for example, or who are aggressively competitive are regarded with silent disapproval . . . For Whites, school is the accepted passage from child- hood to adult status. For Indians, it's a big detour that takes you out of reality, out of life. Even in grade one I think we all knew we were going to cut wood and fish and trap and hunt and farm all our lives, and we'd already learned a whole lot about those things by "doing" them, working right along with our folks . . . Now I think that school was like a dam built across the natural flow of childhood. That river of youthful energy was forcibly channeled into the school, and what you "had" to learn, more than any 50 other thing, was submission-—to allow the energy that belonged only to you to be controlled and directed by someone else. When you stepped into the school you were confronted by a boss adult. You were also confronted with masses of depart- mentalized information about the world, about nature. You were trapped between the teacher and a wall of abstractions. Beyond the wall lay the real world, the material world, always waiting, beckoning to you, and there wasn't supposed to be any way of getting back to it except by working. You were supposed to attack the wall, subdue the information, master it by taking it all apart and putting it together again . . . I realize now that I was supposed to feel challenged; I only felt threatened. When the teacher talked about history, it was all from a book and all about strange places and strange people. Nothing to do with us . . . When she talked about science or reading or math, it all came from someplace else or somebody else. She was a real live person and I would have liked to get to know her, but that couldn't happen because she Saw herself as only an information center . . . The contrast between that classroom and the world outside was so great that when you stepped outside it took your breath away . . . The people of the community were aligned with the world they lived in, not against it. When the men went out to cut wook they didn't confront the trees; they weren't into subduing the forest. They were just a bunch of simple people putting up some cordwood. Now I've lived long enough to know that what those who go all the way through the school trip and graduate with a degree are supposed to achieve is objectivity. They pride themselves on their objectivity. Which means that, to them, all things are primarily objects. They themselves are objects. What differentiates them from other, less educated people is their ability to eliminate feeling from experience. Thousands of people have been conditioned in that way and I suppose it has been productive of unbelievable technological successes, but not without a price. Kindergarten In Reserve Schools, 1962 Kindergarten classes were not common in reserve schools until after 1962. Many Indian children still enter school speaking an Indian lan- guage as their first language. Until very recently, these children were 51 expected to start reading in English as early as the children whose first language was English. Around 1970, the first Indian classroom assistants were hired, usually in the Primary Division; since then, an Indian language has been the language of instruction for at least some of the time. How best to teach English has been of considerable interest and has resulted in growing interest in linguistic approaches. Currently, approaches to language instruction include: 1. Using linguistic techniques to teach English as a second language moving the children from their use of the native language to the use of English as the language of instruction. 2. Bilingual education, which employs two languages as the medium of instruction for a child in a given school in any or all of the school curriculum except the actual study of the languages themselves. 3. The teaching of the Indian language as a separate study. Teaching English as a second language assumes that a major cause of school failure is an inadequate grasp of the English language, and, therefore, concentrates on language training, pattern drills, pronun— ciation, and using aural-oral methods. Advocates of bilingual- bicultural education programs are somewhat critical of this approach. They argue that the methods of ESL are too mechanistic. Also accepting the hypothesis that school failure is related strongly to inadequate command of English, they go further in arguing that the teaching of literacy in English to those who do not have adequate command of the language is a major part of the educational problem faced by Indian youth. 52 They therefore, urge that instruction in reading first be given in the home language of the child. Proponents of bilingual education also argue that it is a more humane approach to instruction, avoiding the frightening, frustrating experiences of the non-English speaking child in an all-English environment. They argue further that there is evi- dence that bilingual instruction makes for improved intellectual func- tioning; that it indicates respect for the Indian culture and helps retain pride. Proponents also argue that bilingual programs provide employment for Indian speakers as teachers, consultants, and in cur- riculum development; and that community and parental involvement with the school is more likely to occur with a bilingual program.25 Indian Students In Provincial Schools About 1950, the practice of sending Indian students to nearby provincial schools became more common. In 1972 about 34 per cent of the status Indian children in Ontario attended provincial schools, and approximately another 22 per cent attended provincial secondary schools through agreements drawn up between the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development and local school boards in Ontario.26 In many cases, Indian children now attend schools that are located in the Indian community. The curriculum in these schools is usually built along traditional lines, but there are sOme instances where, in keeping with current policies, the Indian people are invited to participate in curriculum development. 53 Indian Control of Indian Education, 1973 The policy paper Indian Control of Indian Education, presented by the National Indian Brotherhood, was approved by the Minister of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development in 1973. Indian parents must have full responsibility and control of education. The federal government must adjust its policy and practices to make possible the full participation and partnership of Indian people in all discussions and activities connected with the education of Indian children. This re- quires determined and enlightened action on the part of the federal government and immediate reform, especially in the following areas of concern: 27 responsibility, programmes, teachers, facilities. This federal policy constitutes a significant landmark in the education of Indian people and is the turning point about which the writer's thesis is developed. Integration And Aberation By 1968, Canada was well into Indian Affairs' integration pro- gram.28 The process of closing down Indian residential schools operated by religious denominations was nearly complete. The government had offered to build day schools on some reserves. The rationale appeared to be that children attending such schools would be living at home and would not have far to travel to school. Other enticements offered to parents who agreed to take their children out of the resi- dential schools and put them into the federal schools included day care facilities, spending money, a clothing allowance, and a regular lunch program. There is evidence to show that all these promises were bro- ken within two or three years, but they were the initial bait.29 A number of day schools were built on reserves, but by then Indian Affairs had hit upon a new scheme-—"busing" Indian children to neighboring 54 White schools. At first, this only applied to high schools. The argument used with Indian parents was that the White high schools had better facilities and resources for Indian students. This, according to authorities, actually was the last step to the ultimate plan at Indian Affairs, which was to transfer the whole education problem to the provincial school system. In the eyes of many, that was a purely political plan and had little to do with the kind of education to be provided to Indians.30 Indian communities rapidly experienced the effects of Indian Affairs' integration programs, and were not impressed. The dropout rate, always high, climbed to more than 90 per cent of the students in high school, and in many areas, it was 100 per cent for post- secondary students.31 Another emerging problem which was acutely disconcerting to Indian parents was the rapidly widening generation gap between themselves and their children. The children were leaving their home communities and their parents at grade eight, in their for— mative teen years. The social consequences were great. Parents sent them Off, hopefully to receive the best education possible, and the next contact that they had with the children frequently was when they dropped out of school or, perhaps, when they got into trouble with the law. If there was any one factor which concerned Indian parents most in regard to their children's education, it was the increasing gap created between parents and children, and the unhappy social consequences that fol- lowed.32 Parents literally lost their children when school started. Indian Affairs told them where the children would be going; what arrange- ments had been made for them; where they would be staying; and so forth. Indian parents were informed about agreements with the local school 55 board after the fact. Always the inference was that the parents should be grateful to Indian Affairs for taking care of all these difficult matters on their behalf. Students who were bused into town for school frequently did not attend classes. They simply spent the day as best they could, met the bus at the end of the schoolday, and returned home. They were under constant, and often heavy, social pressure, simply because they were Indian. Most came from economically and culturally deprived back- grounds. They had little Spending money and could not afford to participate in school activities. There was little at these White schools with which Indians could identify. Wilfred Pelletier described his first impressions of a city school. This was an institution, my first experience of an institution. With all those hundreds of strangers hurrying here and there and bells ringing all over the place, it was like being in a big railroad sta- tion and running on schedule. Too much for me. And you know, students are second-class citizens. Well, I was a student and an Indian, so that made me third class, and that's pretty far down the social ladder. So I took to my old habit of playing hooky. I found it wasn't so easy to play hooky in the city as it had been in the country. Besides, it was the wrong time of year-—November, and cold. I'd start off for school with my lunch and my books, knowing I'd never get there. I'd go downtown and wander around looking in the store windows, trying to put in the time till three in the afternoon. Trying to find a place to get in out of the cold and keep warm. I found out that businesses-—stores and restaurants and places like that-—are very suspicious if you come in and don't buy something right away; they figure you're a thief or a bum or something. I guess that's how I discovered the pool hall . . . Well, after that I went to school every day-—pool school . . . What really attracted me to these places, especially the pool hall, was that I was accepted there. . . Nobody gave a damn if I was Indian or what I was. I was taken at face value, and later on I was 56 respected as a good player. That felt good. It gave me a little confidence, and I needed that . . . Well, that was the end of my schooling, and the beginning of my learning.33 Transfer Of Education To The Provinces Gradually a movement grew calling for the building of proper school facilities on reserves. Indian Affairs' initial reaction was that this was impossible. Such a program would cost millions upon millions of dollars, which they did not have, mainly because they were in the pro- cess of helping White communities build "integrated" schools. The old theory reappeared that if Indians went to their own schools on the reserves, they would, in effect, be segregated. This must not happen if these children were to grow up and fit into the mainstream of society. There appeared littLe examination of the negative results and effects of integration. Indian Affairs was largely guided in all its reasoning by its political goal of dumping the responsibility for Indian education, with its mounting costs, on provincial shoulders.34 As the education problem emerged, and the Indians were faced with the consequences of that problem, they were forced to re-examine the whole concept of education. Initially, in their request for schools on reserves, they wanted nothing more than just to have schools located on reserves. No one cared whether the schools were run by Indian Affairs, as long as the facilities were on the reserve. Basically, they came to believe that educational systems, to be worthwhile, should be set up to serve the needs of their people. They recognized that a good educational system should reinforce their identity as Indian people, and should meet the development needs of their communities. 57 School Facilities On The Reserve The Indian parents believed that if the federal government was not going to control Indian education, then control should be given to the Indians, not passed on to the provincial governments which lacked even the heritage of trusteeship held by Ottawa. Essentially, in 1968, their concept of an Indian educational system was that it should be separate from the existing provincial system, geared much more directly to meet- ing the needs of their communities. A key fault with the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development's integration policy was that it led no farther than getting the children of two races together. It cared neither about the immediate effects, nor about the after effects. The researcher was told by a member of the Ministry of Edu- cation at the provincial level that the political basis for this policy, aside from the ultimate goal of giving control of responsibility for education to the provinces, was the greed of the White communities in- volved. According to the informant, Indian Affairs had sufficient funds to spend and could well afford to be generous. They would choose a community where educational facilities were second-rate or outdated, and make an offer that the community could not refuse. "You take so many Indian kids and we will build you a splendid new school facility. And we will go on paying you tuition for each Indian you educate."35 Many White communities which desperately wanted new facilities and could not afford them saw this as a godsend. They wanted the Indian Affairs dollars for their educational systems. Once the facilities were built, Indian students began to drop out. The White communities had their new schools without the Indian students, and best of all, the de- partment kept paying the number of tuitions that they had agreed to pay.36 58 The Ottawa Bureaucrats The primary concern of the Ottawa bureaucrats was negotiating master agreements with the provincial governments. The bureaucrats assigned to the local offices were picked, according to informants, for the ability to expedite such agreements, not for their knowledge of education, and not for their ability to implement a workable policy for Indian children. The main criterion was not whether they had the abil— ity :nui the desire to see that Indian children, once in the system, were given the resources and help that they needed to succeed in the system; it was their commitment to the department's integration policy. No matter how devious they had to be, nor how many direct lies they had to tell the Indian people, their job was one thing and one thing only- to get Indian students into White schools, so that agreements could be negotiated with provincial governments to take over responsibility for Indian education.37 The Role of Indian Organizations Essentially, there were two factors in the education picture. First was the mounting concern of Indian parents over their deterio- rating relationships with their children. And the second factor was the role played by Indian organizations in Indian education. There was a peripheral factor in the posturing and public stances taken by Ottawa and by the Indian organizations, but it appeared to be mainly public relations efforts to try to win sympathy and understanding for one side or the other. The real battlefields were at the grassroots level. This was so for the Indians; the parents; the students; the local chiefs and councils; and for the Indian Affairs fieldworkers. 59 In the main, in a battle involving human beings, someone is going to get hurt. Some individuals in the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, the writer was told, were genuinely interested in the whole question of what Indian education should be. Many of them, over the period covered by this battle, were forced out of the department. There were still others, hired not for their educational philosophy, ability, or interest, but purely for their commitment to carrying out departmental policy without regard to the effect, good or Otherwise, of that policy.38 Nothing is black or white. Any movement has its alliances and counter alliances for one reason or another. Therefore, the battle over education was by no means a fight entirely between Indians on the one side and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development on the other. Indian Affairs sought and found allies within Indian ranks. Underground political factions existed on most reserves, even in Indian organizations, and were a factor in the education battle with Indian Affairs. The writer was told on many occasions that Indian people like to establish a relationship with the power structure within Indian Affairs, as those with a good working relationship will be the first to benefit from whatever resources that department possesses. There is a vital and dangerous difference too, in the economic security of the person involved. With secure financial resources, an individual can well afford to play games, and to take a philosophical stance. However, for a person living next to the bone, it is a dif- ferent matter. This appears to be the big difference when one talks about political movements involving poor people. And most Indians, whatever else they may be, are indeed poor. Hence, there are constantly 60 shifting power factions and alliances both within the department and within the Indian community. And in many instances, the alliances that came together to achieve a goal and to try to bring about a given change, degenerate into a pOwer struggle between factions on both sides. Unfortunately, a frequent by-product of an attempt to bring change to a system seems to be a reaction by dissidents who see a chance to use their alliances with the opposite camp to enhance their power or status. People lose sight of the original problem and spend a good bit of their energies battling to retain power. This takes place in communities, in the Indian organizations between various forces that want to control those organizations, and nationally, between provincial organizations and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. This appears to be the "State of the System-"39 The Case of Alberta As the 1960's drew to a close, education had become a major topic of discussion among Indian people across the country. It was a common concern that grew from grassroots discontent rather than from the agi- tations of any national organization. In most instances, small groups of people involved in the educational system kept the fires fanned. In Alberta, to keep the provincial Indian Association from becoming involved, Indian Affairs had set up a system of school committees, the theory being that if a special group of people were already delegated to handle education matters, there was no need for the Association to concern itself. That strategy did not fully succeed because of the close contact the Indian Association had established on most reserves 61 through regular visits by Association officers and executives. At such visits, education always was the chief topic for discussion. At the Cold Lake Reserve in Alberta, the school buildings had been constructed in 1920. There was neither water supply, nor a road leading to the school. Indian affairs had built a reservoir back-up system, but the water had been condemned by local health authorities. The school was forced to use that water. Rain commonly seeped through the roofs and into the classrooms. For nearly forty years, Cold Lake had been promised a new school. When parents asked about the new school, they were reminded that the department had an agreement with the local school district and that the children could attend schools off the reserve."0 On the Kehewin Reserve in Alberta, much the same situation existed. The reserve school had been built during the days of the "little red schoolhouse." There was no water-not even a condemned supply-— and there were no indoor toilet facilities. Elementary children went there; older students were sent to a town about twenty miles from the reserve. First, the Kehewin people asked for full school facilities. Indian Affairs said they could not supply them; it would cost too much and that would be a reversal of the integration policy. The reserve cut its request down to a building for the first three or four grades, again, with the same results."1 About that time, the federal government came out with a commitment for full consultation and involvement of Indian people in the decision-making process. For years, Indian Affairs had followed the old divide and conquer rule, generously helping one re- serve, completely ignoring another. The department had succeeded in creating intense divisions between some reserves with these tactics. By 1968, many communities began to realize just how much they did have in 62 common. This encouraged district meetings and discussions of problems and fairly cohesive units began to develop within the districts. Out of these meetings some consistent, common demands began to emerge. Foremost was parental control of Indian education. The key objective in the minds of the parents was the right to make the decision about where their children went to school: on the reserve, in neigh- boring towns, or in cities 200 or 300 miles away. Secondly, they wanted an end to the practice of busing children, seven and eight year olds, to outside schools. They saw no reason why the early grades could not be taught on the reserve. Furthermore, they wanted to regain control of their teenagers. Young people were being sent to junior or senior high schools in towns twenty or more miles from the reserve. They were required to live there under boarding arrangements made by the local Indian agent. Parents were demanding at least junior high schools on reserves, so that they could maintain closer super- vision Of their children at this crucial period of adolescent adjust- ment. More and more, the demand for on-reserve facilities became a common link between all reserves. But the reaction of Indian Affairs remained constant. When the reserves asked for better schools, the department always countered with two arguments-—the cost factor and integration. These arguments strengthened the determination of people at the community level. Harold Cardinal points out that it became such a political red herring that the simple, primary need for facilities often was overlooked.43 Curiously, the issue of curriculum in the Alberta case had not been discussed during all this furor. There were the usual complaints: 63 not enough Indian content in history studies; history is always White-oriented; there is not enough Indian culture taught; there is no mention of Indian values in the educational system. These were the general accusations in vogue at the time. The focus was very narrow, and it was squarely on the need for facilities on the reserves. Accordingly, toward the end of 1968 and into 1969, a series of study trips were undertaken to New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, New Mexico, California, and to the Navajo reservation in Arizona.44 The American Case Study While the main concern politically had been to prevent massive transfer of edUcational responsibility from federal to provincial shoulders, contacts had been maintained within the system and there was great concern as to the general directions being taken by Indian Affairs. It was reported that Ottawa was negotiating with some Amer- ican firms to take over and to operate industrial vocational schools for Indians just north of Edmonton.45 A trip was made to Chicago to study some workshop programs for the Indian youth movement, and a friendship center project. There seemed little there that they could adapt. In New Mexico, the representatives from Alberta visited a training school for Indians being run by the Thiokel Corporation. It is reported that they must have been the most rude, most inquisitive, and most agressive visitors that the company had ever received." Enroute to California to take a look at Philco-Ford's Indian pro- grams, they stopped off at the Navajo reservation. The Navajo had what was being billed as the first Indian-controlled educational programs in existence."7 They returned from the trip convinced that none of what __.._._._.._--_4 Ari—W 64 they had seen provided adequate programs for the people of the province of Alberta. However, the need that had long been felt, namely, the need for educational experts working with Indian people to build their own programs, was reinforced. The next trip was in search of broader information. They wanted to see how the educational process was being handled by groups of poor people within their own terms and in their own settings. This took them to Philadelphia and to Brooklyn to have a look at adult training pro- grams being operated for Black people in urban poverty centers. At the same time, they had a chance to look at some of the economic development projects that the poor had going. The reaction was one of complete shock. In the words of one informant: "I found the type of poverty we were shown in those urban settings shocking. I had never been exposed to anything like it. Psychologically, the one thing that hit me hardest was seeing chairs and desks in offices literally chained to the floor so they would not be carted off and sold."l'8 At the time that they were there, adult-training programs were in the process of putting together an economic development project that involved buying-out slum owners. Organized on a block basis, they were cleaning up the streets, rebuilding houses, and doing a good bit of community work. The Alberta representatives were taken to the central office, shown the new facilities, and explained the priorities. The information acquired was immensely valuable from an educational point of view and invaluable later in the economic development planning. The partnership of poor people with the business community had considerable impact on Indian thinking and reinforced the decision as to the direc- tion that they elected to take, namely, Indian control."9 65 In Philadelphia, they viewed a religious group's adult education program operated by, and for, Black people at the poverty level. The key to its success was "flexibility." In Canada, an adult who wishes to get into a training program, is always forced to conform to the schedule of the training institution. He is put on a waiting list, and Often as not, by the time his turn arrives, interest is lost. In Philadelphia, anyone who showed an interest could come off the streets, enroll, and get into a course at his own level.50 Another intriguing and highly relevant project involved management training. Such programs were being vaguely talked about in Canada. They were obviously needed as more and more Indian people moved into management of their own reserve communities. In Philadelphia, such a program was in operation for people basically in the same position as the Indian.51 However, the American programs were not designed to meet the needs of the Indians of Alberta. The Blue Quills School: An Apparent Victory On a local level the education ferment continued and, in fact intensified. The Department of Indian Affairs and a religious order operating a school known as the Blue Quills School in northeastern Alberta, concluded an agreement without any consultation whatsoever with the Indian people. The Indian people affected heard about it after the agreement was signed, sealed, and delivered.52 The writer was informed that monies allocated to departments such as Indian Affairs often were handled on a local basis by comparatively low-level department¢1fficials. This has an inevitable effect on the White communities, as Indian Affairs' hirelings almost always live in non-Indian communities. Their 66 relationship to the communities in which they live, their loyalties, and their responsibilities to those towns, set up certain alliances and interactions which can be inimical to the best interests of the nearby Indian communities for which these agents are responsible.53 The Indians in the area were upset by the sale of Blue Quills and held a number of meetings with Indian Affairs to try to persuade them to change their minds. The district staff of the regional office re- mained adamant. After numerous meetings, the Indians decidedtx>"occupy" the school.54 It was not a sudden, emotional, rash act by a minority element in the community. The people who organized the occupation had the support of the young and the old alike.55 Indian Affairs finally decided that this occupation called for the presence of high-level administrators from Ottawa. The Director of In- dian Education flew out, and was forced to sit in the center of a circle of Indian people, listening to their complaints. The result was capi- tulation. After further meetings, a decision was made to turn Blue Quills over to the Indian people. It became the first school in Canada to be controlled by an Indian board.56 This was an apparent victory. However, inherent in that political success were the seeds of later failures. The people involved in the strike, and the Indian Association, both became overconfident. This led to a later, more general school strike, undertaken without full realiza- tion of the implications of such action, or of the problems it would create. Managing a single small school was one thing, an expanded strike was something else. Part of the later failure was the general lack of unity among Indians in the province of Alberta.57 The Indian 67 Association of Alberta was unable to pull them all together in a solid province-wide approach. The success at Blue Quills had immediate implications for the alliances and counter-alliances, both within the community and within the department. Spurred on by that success, other reserves in the area took a more serious look at school conditions in their communities. The Association also began examining ways to force positive reactions from Indian Affairs. The arrow spun around and came to point at the miserable facilities available. To give added weight to the petition for better schools, the Indians decided to examine the returns brought by Indian Affairs' enormous investment in off-reserve schools, returns to the community, to the family life, and particularly to the students going through the White school system. As they began to document the results, in those terms of reference, the parents were shocked to realize the effects that the off-reserve, integrated system was having on their children. Their findings intensified their belief that they must have control over the education of their children. A decision was reached by Alberta, just before the start Of the 1971 fall term, to initiate a general school strike by pulling Indian students out of the off-reserve schools. This was another first for Canada.58 The Strike And The Red Paper of 1970 The decision to strike was made in haste with little understanding. Time was not taken to assess what counter reaction might be expected. Based on the rapid victory at Blue Quills, it was felt that the department would be brought to bay quickly. They were in no way prepared for a drawn-out, prolonged strike, neither in stockpiling of 68 resources, nor in personal determination. When no easy victory was apparent, the district and regional offices of Indian Affairs were occupied. An important factor affecting the success of the strike was the presentation Of the Red Paper in 1970. This dealt with the kind Of education that the Indians wanted, and the flexibility that they ex- pected from Indian Affairs.59 The strike dragged on through the fall months and into the winter. In order for the strike to work as a political weapon, there had to be 100 per cent compliance, and many of the Indians were only peripherally involved. There were those who wanted their children to attend school and hence, many hard feelings were engendered. Some band councils decided to enforce the strike de- cision In! blockading the reserve roadways, thus preventing the school buses from getting through.60 Mediation efforts resulted in a number of offers, and there was great hope that John Ciaccia, a newly appointed deputy minister, might be able to bring the two sides together. He had to contend, however, not only with angry and determined Indian people but also with the "old guard" in the Department of Indian Affairs. Ottawa came to realize that the regional and district offices had lost control of the situation. Support for the strike came from both Manitoba and Saskatechewan. There were divisions within the ranks of the Indian alliances. The Kehewin leaders made their own agreement with the Department of Indian Affairs in Ottawa and development funds were suddenly poured into the Kehewin community.61 One by one other reserves yielded. Shortly before the federal election in 1972, which resulted in the Trudeau minority government, Cold Lake reached an agreement with Ottawa and gained everything that they had demanded from 69 the beginning. With this came the joint announcement from the Depart- ment of Indian Affairs and the National Indian Brotherhood, agreeing in principle to Indian Control of Indian Education. Hence, a major factor in the reversal of the integration policy of 1968, was the stance taken by the Cold Lake Band, and with this came a landmark for Indian education. Canada And The Political Scene of 1969-1973 Under the government of Pierre Elliott Trudeau in 1968, "protest" was the order of the day. The above events should be viewed against a background of protest against established values and established insti- tutions. In Canada, the protest movement was conceived as an operation to liberate the Indian people from their white imperialist oppressors. There were grievances aplenty that the Canadian Indian had nurtured for decades. It was not difficult for the professional agitator to exploit them. The cry for independence from Ottawa and from the bureaucratic policies of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development had its appeal. Attacks upon the "White power structure," while they meant very little to most Indians, did find receptive ears among some of the power-oriented and ambitious Indian and Metis spokes- men. The vocabulary of the Black power struggle in the United States was translated into an alleged Red power struggle in Canada. Speeches demanding the emancipation of the Red man from the restrictions placed upon him by the Indian Act were reported across the country; officials of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development were criticized for their callous disregard of the rights of Indians in many ways. It was said that Indians were exploited by sugar-beet farmers 70 in the Lethbridge district of Alberta, their children forced to work twelve hours a day on threat by the Indian Affairs officials of being cut off welfare if they refused. There was talk of lower wages being paid Indians for fire—fighting in the North than were paid White men. The demand was that Ottawa should let the Indian go: free him from his disabilities and let him become a man equal to other citizens in Canada.62 In the face of heavy criticisms of its policies by Indian spokesmen and others, the federal government announced a new policy in June 1969, setting what it described as a new goal for the Indian people and pre- sented to Parliament by Jean Chretien, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. The policy paper stated this goal to be that "the Indian's role of dependence be replaced by a role of equal status, opportunity, and responsibility, a role they can share with other Canadians." It described a new policy that the Canadian government hoped would be a decided break with the past. It frankly stated that the separate legal status of Indians had had the effect of keeping the Indian apart from and behind other Canadians. The new policies were to be premised upon an "open society,‘ one from which the Indian might not be shut out by a buckskin curtain or a buckskin psychology. New Opportunities for growth and development should be shared by the Indian and the White man alike. Rather than spending more money on education, on improving the physical conditions in which Indians live on their reserves, in enlarging Indian hospitals or special Indian health services, the new policy was to begin with the concept of breaking down barriers and 71 ending the "separation of Canadians."63 The protests against the White Paper of 1969 and the ensuing events that followed set the stage for many of the events written about in Chapter III and typified the "political climate" of the times. 72 Footnotes 1Wilfred Pelletier, NO Foreign Land: The Biography of a North American Indian, p. 54. 2Ibid., p. 163. 3PONA, People of Native Ancestry (A Resource Guide for Primary and Junior Divisions), Ontario Ministry of Education, Toronto, 1975, p. 34. 4Ibid. SIbid., p. 35. 6Schools founded and operated by a particular religious group. 7Religious schools receive a fixed amount proportional to the number of pupils for the administration, maintenance and repair of buildings. 8James S. Frideres, Canada's Indians: Contemporary Conflicts, p. 33. 1Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, History of Indian Policy, Background Paper II, Ottawa, 1975. 12PONA, op. cit., p. 35. 13Ibid. 1"Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, op. cit. 15Ibid. 16 PONA, op. cit. 171b1d. 18 Estelle Fuchs, "Time to Redeem an Old Promise," Saturday Review, January 24, 1970: 53-58. 73 19BNA Act, The British North America Act of 1867, Queens Printers, Ottawa. 20James S. Frideres, op. cit., p. 32. 21PONA, op. cit. 22 James S. Frideres, op. cit., p. 34. 23 PONA, Op. cit. 24 Wilfred Pelletier, Op. cit., p. 41-43. 25Estelle Fuchs, To Live On This Earth, p. 208-209. 26PONA, op. cit., p. 36. 27Indian Control of Indian Education (Policy Paper), National Indian Brotherhood, Ottawa, 1972. 28Harold Cardinal viewed integration in its practical applica- tion to mean that Indian students sat beside White students in school lavatories, The Rebirth of Canada's Indians, p. 193. 291bid., p. 194. 30 See the White Paper of 1969. 31Harold Cardinal, The Rebirth of Canada's Indians, p. 194. 321bid. 33 Wilfred Pelletier, op. cit. p. 81-83. 34Two very different courses are open to Canadian Indians today. On the one hand, the Indian is under strong pressure to aspire after goals which are currently held by White Canadians. Some want Indians to leave the reserve and take an active part in the larger Canadian society. The 1969 White Paper perhaps best indicated the government position and reflected the basic sentiments of the larger White population. It contended that if Canadian Indians were to become fully integrated into Canadian society, they must change radically—- notWhites. It argued that the separate legal status of Indians has kept them from fully participating in the larger society. James S. Frideres, op. cit., p. 121. 74 35Data taken from field notes. 36Harold Cardinal, op. cit., p. 196. 37Ibid., p. 197. 38Data collected from field notes. 39Harold Cardinal, Op. cit., p. 199. 40See H. B. Hawthorn, A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada, p. 42-44. "llbid. 4ZHaroId Cardinal, op. cit., p. 202. 431b1d., p. 203. 44Ibid., p. 204. fislbid. 46 in Alberta. One of the American companies bidding for the program "7Estelle Fuchs, op. cit., p. 316. 48Data collected from field notes. 49The role that the late Senator Robert Kennedy played in pulling the business community, bankers, and industrialists together in a partnership with the Black community, was the key to that project. SOHarold Cardinal, op. cit., p. 206. Sllbid. 52 Ibid., p. 207. 53Data collected from field notes. 75 54This was the first political occupation, by Indians, of any federal building in Canada. 55Harold Cardinal, op. cit., p. 208. 56Ibid. 57 They all had the same general concerns, but the priorities differed. The Indians of northeastern Alberta put education first; those in southern Alberta were more concerned with economic development. See Harold Cardinal, op. cit. 58Harold Cardinal, op. cit., p. 208. 59The second major proposal in the Red Paper centers on edu- cation and discusses an Indian Education Center which has now been approved in principle by the federal government. Finance is now being directed toward the construction and staffing of the center. The IEC was proposed in conjunction with the Alberta Indian Development System and was also introduced to ensure the survival of Indian culture and the future development of Indian communities. The center was proposed for the heart of Alberta so that all bands could have equal access to it. The program will allow Indian children to learn how to develop ways of successfully applying Indian culture to the larger Canadian society and to use modern skills and behavior for vocational success. It should be run for Indians by Indians to assure them a secure place in Canadian society. See James S. Frideres, Op. cit., p.124. 60This information came from an informant from Saddle Lake. 61Harold Cardinal tendered his resignation from the Indian Association of Alberta shortly after the Kehewin community went to' Ottawa. 62Morris C. Shumiatcher, Welfare: Hidden Backlash, p. 182. 63Ibid., p. 183. Chapter IV INDIAN CONTROL OF INDIAN EDUCATION Confederation Lament How long have I known you, Oh Canada? A hundred years? Yes, and many many many many more. And today, when you celebrate your hundred years, Oh Canada, I am sad for all the Indian people throughout the land. For I have known you when your forests were mine; when they gave me my meat and my clothing. I have known you in your streams and rivers where your fish flashed and danced in the sun, where the waters said come, come and eat of my abundance. I have known you in the freedom of your winds. And my spirit, like the winds, once roamed your gOod lands. But in the long hundred years since the White man came, I have seen my freedom disappear like the salmon going mysteriously out to sea. The White man's strange customs which I could not understand pressed down upon me until I could no longer breathe. When I fought to protect my land and my home, I was called a savage. When I neither understood nor wel- comed this way of life, I was called lazy. When I tried to rule my people, I was stripped of my authority. My nation was ignored in your history textbooks- they were little more important in the history of Canada than the buffalo that ranged the plains. I was ridi- culed in your plays and motion pictures, and when I drank your firewater I got drunk-—very, very drunk. And I forgot. Oh Canada, how can I celebrate with you this centenary, this hundred years? Shall I thank you for the reserves that are left to me of my beautiful forests? For the canned fish of my rivers? For the loss of my pride and authority, even among my own people? For the lack of my will to fight back? No! I must forget what's past and gone. Oh God in Heaven! Give me back the courage of the Older chiefs. Let me wrestle with my surroundings. Let me again, as in the days of old, dominate my environment. Let me humbly accept this new culture and through it rise up and go on. 76 77 Oh God! Like the Thunderbird Of old I shall rise again out of the sea; I shall grab the instruments of the White man's success-—his education, his skills, and with these new tools I shall build my race into the proudest segment of your society. Before I follow the great chiefs who have gone before us, Oh Canada, I shall see these things come to pass. I shall see our young braves and our chiefs sitting in the houses of law and government, ruling and being ruled by the knowledge and freedoms of our great land. SO shall we shatter the barriers of our isolation. So shall the next hundred years be the greatest in the proud history of our tribes and nations.1 The National Indian Brotherhood's 1973 paper Indian Control of Indian Education was very much a part of its times. A standing com- mittee of the Federal House of Commons on Indian Education had met subsequent to the publication of the White Paper and had made recommen- dations for changes in the administration of Indian Education which provided a reasonable starting point for the deliberations of Indian people across the country. This led to the publication of Indian Control of Indian Education. It is important to realize that the production of the paper was not a unilateral action. It is also important to examine the motivation of the Federal Government at that time. The 1969 White Paper which suggested that Indian people should join the mainstream of society as quickly as possible had been condemned by almost all the Indians across the country.2 But, the Government of the Day was exceedingly anxious to right the errors of the past and to do everything it could to help Indian people become self reliant. By encouraging the philosophy expressed in Indian Control of Indian Education the government was responding to the perennial problem of "why is Indian education not more successful" and they were responding 78 from the very firm democratic foundation of individual participation and equal rights for all. Too, Canada was very much aware of the upcoming examination of all Canadian education systems by the O.E.C.D.3 The Federal Government not only accepted the development of the National Indian Brotherhood paper, they actually encouraged it. The hope was that at last a viable solution would be found for the perennially insoluable problems of low Indian educational achievement and the extremely marginal role Indian people play in Canadian life. From the very beginning, however, there was a distinct difference between the fundamental intentions of the Government and that of the Indian people.‘ Statements made by Indian and Government leaders at the Indian Affairs Standing Committee in 1973 and 1974, made it abundantly clear that the Government wanted to give Indian people the same rights and powers as those enjoyed by other Canadians. The Indian leaders were equally clear in pronouncing that "all" costs of education must be born by the Federal Government and "all" decisions must be made by Indian parents. In any attempt to answer the question how does one describe the success or the failure of Indian Control of Indian Education among the three bands under study, one must bear in mind that there is no "univer- sal" application of the term "Indian control" at the school level across Canada. General direction is set in Ottawa and translated through the Regional offices. Variations occur in each region encouraged through different bases of resource allocation, and application of various formal and informal standards. These standards and resources relate in differing degrees to the particular provincial system of education. 79 The diversity among governments, nongovernmental organizations and private individuals involved in Indian education complicates the flow of communication. The implementation agencies differ in many characteristics among the three bands under study, from a narrow 3 R English curriculum to broad attention to community development. Political factors, in particular the relative strengths of provincially-based Indian organizations, condition many stages of educational development from goal-setting to resource allocation. Like- wise, the economic and social environment influences many aspects from attendance to employment Opportunities after graduation. Last, but not least, the human factor plays an important role. The ability and willingness to support central or local policies are most critical. Hence, such factors as performance levels, operational goals, community support, parental pressures, and teacher qualifications, differ markedly among the three bands. Given this complexity and the varying degrees of implementation, the writer has selected the following categories from the text of the document Indian Control of Indian Education to analyze those events that are supposed to represent the assumption of Indian authority over education: 1. Responsibility; 2. Programs; 3. Teachers; and 4. Facilities. Summary of the Indian Position over Education Indian parents must have full responsibility and control of education. The Federal Government must adjust its policy and practices 80 to make possible the full participation and partnership of Indian people in all decisions and activities connected with the education of Indian children. This requires determined and enlightened action on the part of the Federal Government and immediate reform, especially in the following areas of concern: responsibility, programs, teachers, and facilities. Band councils should be given total or partial authority for edu- cation on reserves, depending on local circumstances, and always with provisions for eventual complete autonomy, analogous to that of a pro- vincial school board vis-a-vis a provincial Department of Education. It is imperative that Indians have representation on provincial school boards.' Indian associations and the Federal Government must pressure the provinces to make laws which will effectively provide that Indian people have responsible representation and full participation on school boards. The transfer of educational jurisdiction from the Federal Govern- ment to provincial or territorial governments, without consultation and approval by Indian people is unacceptable. Future negotiations with provincial education departments for educational services must include representatives of the Indian people acting as the first party. The Federal Government has the responsibility of funding education of all types and at all levels for all Indian people. Those educators who have had authority in all that pertained to In— dian education have, over the years, tried various ways of providing education for Indian people. The answer to providing a successful 81 educational experience has not been found. There is one alternative which has not been tried before: in the future, let Indian people control Indian education. A wide range of programs is needed in the Indian community. The local Education Authority must take the initiative in identifying the needs for adult education, vocational training, remedial classes, kindergarten, alcohol and drug education, and so forth. The local Education Authority must also have the authority to implement these programs, either on a temporary or long-term basis. Indian children must have the opportunity to learn their language, history and culture in the classroom. Curricula will have to be revised in federal and provincial schools to recognize the contributions which the Indian people have made to Canadian history and life. Cultural Education Centers are needed. Considering the vital role that these centers could play in cultural, social, and economic develop- ment, it is imperative that all decisions concerning their evolution, (that is, goals, structure, location, operation, and so forth), be the sole prerogative of the Indian people. The Minister must insure that the Indian people will have representatives on any committees which will decide policy and control funds for the Cultural Education Centers and that enough funds are made available for capital expenditure and program operation. The Federal Government must take the initiative in providing opportunities in every part of the country for Indian people to train as teachers. The need for Indian teachers is critical. Indian parents are equally concerned about the training of counsellors who work so closely with the young people. Federal and provincial authorities are urged to 82 use the strongest measures necessary to improve the qualifications of teachers and counsellors of Indian children. This will include required courses in Indian history and culture. As far as possible, primary teachers in federal or provincial schools should have some knowledge of the maternal language of the children they teach. It should be the accepted practice that only the best qualified teachers are hired for Indian schools, and always in consultation with the local Education Authority. More Indian teacher-aides and more Indian counsellor-aides are urgently needed throughout the school systems where Indian children are taught. The importance of this work requires that the candidates receive proper training and be allowed to operate at their fullest potential. Education facilities must be provided which adequately meet the needs of the local population. These will vary from place to place. For this reason, there cannot be an "either-or" policy, which would limit the choices which Indian parents are able to make. In certain localities, several types of educational facilities may be needed, for example, residence, day school, integrated school. These must be made available according to the wishes of the parents. Substandard school facilities must be replaced and new buildings and equipment provided in order to bring reserve schools up to standard. Financing of such building and development programs must be dealt with realistically by the Federal Government. There is difficulty and danger in taking a position on Indian edu- cation because of the great diversity of problems encountered across the country. The National Indian Brotherhood is confident that it 83 expresses the will of the people it represents when it adopts a policy based on two fundamental principles of education in a democratic country, namely, parental responsibility, and local control.5 It is against the background of the above four categories, that is, Responsibility, Programs, Teachers, and Facilities that Indian control of Indian education among the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island, the Ojibway of Serpent River, and the Chippewa and Muncey-Of-the-Thames will be desoribed and examined. The above ideas are a summary of the Bro- therhood Paper, Indian Control of Indian Education. 84 Footnotes 1A speech by Chief Dan George of the Burrard Indian Reserve at the Centennial Birthday Party in Empire Stadium, Vancouver. 2James S. Frideres, Canada's Indians: Contemporary Conflicts, p. 121. 3Organization For Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris, 1976. 4House of Commons, Minutes of Proceeding and Evidence of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Ottaw, 1973. 5See Appendix B for complete text of Indian Control of Education. 85 vamHmH afiH=Oufiomz .H muowfim . monsoon: 3.23:0 magma £303de If 000 A m. w .1. .. m. .025! .143. . . .m. 52.53609 ... ....er .43 -. . person. a . . ’0 . .. 99:50 _ . m. u . d .. . . 1 a m. MW ...JU 9.. egg £25m. _0=:U£U £*Loz Au .0 . . . 9- Qt. 29.2.... 86 :- u LVN Slumn' 7 T ‘ Tm I am! Nut: Lu-nl . ‘ “..-" jun. . , . ,3, I.. ~.I- , . lmru.l as? Chlni- . I. aurh: "4' 9: r \‘ld'uspdl.’ N! I "~13. ‘0' ‘ I “'ulmznlv\ "WM as it . . u .u {on ,‘5 I. I .1. . mun"),- '\I.uk. . .Q ." A mug -A '"l: m '4 u. I... but" - L. ‘ I h: 1";‘4 [.m- _I \l a" C . '1: x _,- . .I . ‘ l’ f ‘lfsablu'a “H I‘Junn‘,‘ ‘~ ’.n' mun f. sf 1‘ lly '.. . Quul- 1"“:ch . a": L. 1'. I‘r. ,. , with; '2’" m , 4- .‘ ' (m: .. \\:£' {5' GREAT oucx ISLAND Figure 2. Sudbury Region, Showing Serpent River 87 ’ f”. ’ “I“ 1 , i r. . u. . m n "I 0pm. . L‘ '3 ‘ _ "in l: I ‘ g":- gidllfl a ‘3 ., m '4 9 Jacob - m- '. ' .. ‘0:- : K... I E) i S s f‘ ‘ w a..." ‘ ‘ ' “lb-n ‘ . k w 1"..." u .‘ :1 VOtL w. w ‘ ~— M I L" ’3 ‘I‘. ‘ .0 .. . ~ 3 o :!O ‘ ' :3" U “‘ h\\ I fi' ‘ "’ tun: ' \Q ‘ ‘\‘ M / 0"." o k“ . :1 . 5; /::.::... ' e ”HR-«'1' *- ‘x n '=‘ , ' ...... , as“: V: 3‘1 .. 0M ‘ “t ‘ 4 x) ‘UI‘ an ‘ a‘ M a. has”? I!“ e qfifib “ '“”2 ~ h" 1 ‘3“ ii 9. Q1, ...... sumo“ J, ,- 4 q" .‘ d. 010.900" -. In .... - .1-~ _. - 3 z ’ ”7 ""1 ..' _!"" ' . only”, 16’ ,, ° . ... . é ‘ .:T "I I r h! S, .2123. f ' “‘ ""'"' ”“m "- 'I" V I "" I I! t . . ' E .. . .. ~.- . ~- . .. ...»- , +2! page ,. , -....... fl TS wo nnocx j ...; _. .7,“ ' m. -. o .2. 43M: . ' :-~- . I": - mt': I M w u D N " ‘ /.' ' - 90 . ‘ 'q - u , . w 2 ‘ ...-u. 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Southwest Ontario, Showing Muncey-of-the-Thames Chapter V ETHNOGRAPHIC FIELDWORK The Prelude Despite the myth, fantasy, and romance which surround them, the more interesting reality about Indians is their extraordinary "diver- sity" in a rapidly growing population. Some Indiansumintaintraditional life styles; others represent various degrees of acculturation in relation to the White society; some live in isolated rural areas, others in or near, major industrial centers; some speak a native language as a home language, others have limited comprehension of an Indian language or none at all; some band members are "progressive" in that they lean toward institutions and political structures removed from traditional kinship and religious systems of political control; some bands have reservation lands and close ties to the federal government through the Department of Indian Affairs; others have no federal trust lands and have lost, through termination, claim to special federal services. In addition to differences in degree of Indian ancestry, the "diversity" of Indians is further compounded by a wide variety of ethnic differences among the bands, differences in historical experiences, differences in educational levels, as well as differences between generations. There- fore if schools are to assist in the education and socialization of Indian children and youth, they must recognize and respect the vast basic differences among the Indians. To view the Canadian Indian simply 88 89 as a single minority group, requiring uniform programs for development, is to oblivious to the "complexity" of the issues affecting them. The Ojibway of Manitoulin Island The Grand Manitoulin is a triangular island, 180 kilometers (110 miles) long and from 5 to 80 kilometers (3 to 50 miles) wide. Within its borders are more than 100 lakes, countless streams, and deep bays. The land is both rugged bush and timber country and rolling fertile farmland. The Indians of the Island are, by and large, employed by the White community in such endeavors as commercial fishing, cottage industries, subsistence agriculture and nickel mining in Sudbury. Within this geographical contrast are the Sheguiandah, Sheshegwaning, Sucker Creek, Wikwemikong, and West Bay Bands. Wikwemikong is North America's only Indian reserve which is unceded to the Crown, a 3,000 acre peninsula into Georgian Bay. The West Bay Band In the little Indian village of West Bay is Manitoulin's modern high school, the Manitoulin Secondary School with an enrollment of 661 students, of whom 128 are Indian. The West Bay Reserve has had control of their education for the past two years with the stipulation that native youth be offered the same opportunities as those which are extended to members of the White community. 90 Responsibility "Indian Band Councils shall appoint three Indian representatives to the Manitoulin Board of Education and the Board shall accept the appointment of three Indian representatives to the Board of Education subject to the approval of the Ministry of Education."1 The writer was informed that the Manitoulin Board of Education is a fourteen member board, of which three are Indian people. When queried as to the workability of so large a body, the writer was told that all issues were sent to committee, and were considered, debated, and hopefully resolved. "The Board agrees to make every reasonable effort to recruit members of the Manitoulin Indian Bands in filling future vacancies on the administrative, maintenance and custodial staff of the Manitoulin Board of Education, subject to existing union agreements. Every effort will be made to utilize the Department's Training-on-the-job Plan for this purpose."2 As near as the writer can ascertain, this agreement has been followed. There are several Indians employed in this capacity. A Parent-Teacher Council meets monthly for discussions on school affairs. This organization tries to inform the parents of their respon- sibilities to the school and to encourage parental involvement with school problems. Many different projects have been undertaken by the members, such as volunteering to help in the different programs of the school. Problems that the Council members wish brought to the attention of the Board of Education are reported through someone delegated to the group. At the time of this study current issues involved the improve— ment of educational achievement for West Bay Indian youth. 91 West Bay has an education committee which functions much as the Manitoulin Board of Education. The committee's responsibilities include the following: 1. the allocation of funds for school activities; 2. the cultural content of the school program; 3. student attendance; 4. the care and maintenance of school buildings and their use for community activities; 5. scholarships; 6. playgrounds and sports activities; 7. noon lunch programs; 8. bus routes, roads and services; and 9. the selection of local instructors for cultural courses. West Bay has recently implemented a curriculum advisory committee to advise on cultural enrichment of the school curriculum. It helps to develop a school program which is better suited to the Indian child, by: 1. identifying the special needs of Indian students; 2. by providing information on the history and legends of the reserve; 3. by recommending local peOple with special talent to teach native languages, traditional skills and handicrafts; and 4. by encouraging parent participation.4 Programs The agreement between the Manitoulin Board of Education and the Indians of the West Bay Band states that the "Board shall provide edu- cation facilities and programs of education suited to the educational and cultural needs of Indian pupils enrolled in its schools and 92 education officials representing Her Majesty/and/or the Band council may with the knowledge and approval of the Board, assist in planning, developing or improving an educational program culturally suited to the needs of Indian children."5 The curriculum contains three divisions: Basic, General, and Advanced. The Basic, 130 Curriculum, addresses itself to student needs in the areas of both special and vocational education. The General, 140 Curriculum, is designed for those students wishing to secure a grade 12 diploma and move out into the labor force. The Advanced, 150 Curriculum, is designed for the University-bound student. The following chart indicates the number of non-resident Indian students in each of the curriculums in grades 9 through 12, for the year 1980-1981. The writer was told by F. J. Soplet, Director of Education, that the "reten- tion rate" of Indian students has improved greatly since the Band takeover. It is, however, the principal who recommends a specific program for each Indian student based on the records and judgements of individual teachers. The Ojibway Cultural Foundation is a cultural, educational and resource center located on the West Bay Reserve. It is designed to meet the needs of the Indian people it serves. The Cultural Center receives support from all the reserves on Manitoulin Island, and from others on the mainland. The Center is involved in a variety of programs and activities dealing with the cultural heritage and traditions of the Ojibway. Arts and crafts are an integral component of the program, but only a part of the total involvement. There is a gallery displaying the art being done, depicting the legends and history of the Ojibway. Mary Lou Fox Radulovich, Director of the Ojibway Cultural Foundation, and 93 NeNammv omNe NNeaeaeuv oeNe Neooae>eav omNa Noe .- mm mm: mo mm musovsuw mo Honsoz HmOOH Nee em NN mN NN mN Ne am as as Ne eN ea em Nappy aNm om NN es en NN Nm Nm NN on Ne NN Ne Nm eaaeNaaN NNN e NN NN N eN oN N aN eN N NN NN m Neaoa new a N N N oNeaezo NN a oN N N N e N mN m N NN N ozoNszzeNz am N N m a N N N N m N Nam News oN N N N N N N sumac emeoam e N N N N uzNzasummmmmm N N mwa .ucwaaasvo cam mwcfivafisn mo Hmuaou .Hoccomuoa eta H «o o m < w c z um um z How momaomxm Hm>muu .unwwoum .Honm .moaufiaaua a a mum ucoaoouw< vo>ao>cw owanaa mufimaou Hoafia muouwamfl How mwaumHmm .eln umaooufio .o.m.< mo asvcmuoaoz mmmum m ou avennnm can mHHocsoo Comm >n moumosvou mm mooa> mum ucosmouw< Iuom umNHMHOOQm moan mafiumoovm mo mnumom hucooo .ela amasoufio .o.m.< mo EomcmuoEoz Bonn moou>uom coauomomca Hoonom wcwmmsouom aoNuooaacN u onN uaoa nmouw< .vm .mnm uaoaooum< vo>Ho>cN . I . . . .nowuwuumfiawapm Hoosom mam cowuoouumsfi w umasouao e a o m < «o Esocmuosoz wwoOm oz Eooummmao Hmuovom Mom muaoaouwsvmu um£uo a a Hawk Hoosom was ozonaoaou uaoaaazvo moaaaaom mHmHuouma unwfiouw .momcmaxm Hm>oaou can Ho>muu .moaumamm ucoamouw¢ mo wcuocwwon m co m mom Eooummm u so one ommu .m on o: H .mm .m:@ .mlm Ilucoaomuw< mo>Ho>aH u u H H v n H a H m w umHoouuo .qun .u.m.< mo Bowcmuoamz mwmum wu00nno mcacumoq hm Homo: umwmamua hem umo3 .N aNaaN 133 mum .mum mamasoufio ucoamwum< mo announced: .owmawcmH amfioaH Ono ca soauuouumcfi aooummmao pom mamauoums was mamuw Iona wowcfimuu QOHO>0v ou manmawm>m ma wcwcaam Hmaoauavv< .owmowomH omfich mam moavaum smaccH ON woumaou mamauouma mam mamuwoum moao>ov ou mmnwaqua ma can Hausa you oo.omm kH0umaonuaam unsoam on ad manmafim>m MHHmEuoa ma wawmaom ucoaso«ucm B=H=o«unso I oemN sue NeNaupNo mucouowom mmoooum .m.o.m mo>ouoa< .Emuwoua coaumoavm Ono wo muoommm msowum> uo>fiaov maamsuco>o Haas vow msoaooc o>fiu Imuumficfisvm onu oEoomn xaamouam>o Haws mafiocaoo omega umnu BOH> onu auqa mafioasoo coaumoavo mono now mumoo vouoauo>onm Ho>oo ou mammaam>m aN meNeaaN NmeoNaNee< .oo.ooo.Nm emmexe ou uo: wa«m:5m Eaawxmz .cONumaaaoa o>uommu so momma mam mmcflamwfiow momuuwaaoo coaumoovm Suds wocmvuooom SH .mowaomam mam maoauouma .mooa> luom Hmfiomam vow HocONmmomoua .:0flumuuoamcmuu namnu mo umoo onu uo>oo cu mmmuufiaaoo :ONumoomm How mcowuonfiuucoo oanmuanooom nwsousu mucmuw moouufisEoo Hoonom I oemm HowmcmHH mo vogue: AvooafiuOOOV .N eNeaN 134 ommnouoa oug>uom H“ uaoaoouw< wo>Ho>cfi masu ou vowumno Oman ma mamaowanuou Hoaaomcsoo mum sou .. . . o E: m 08 m o vomOHqu comm How mHONHOumE was economaou .HO> «In H Ho NH 0 m < m we u o: mm um z Imuu .mmfiumamm .aowumoacm mo muumom huaoou Eoum outflow wcwaammuaoo wawmmnousn How muaoEmoumm ma.“ ommnousa w omcaoo Ivcsm moan mooa>mmm .muoHHomcooo mo huo>aaov osu Nndu umo ou wcaumaou mafianasm oowmmo was mamauouma .mmoa> ovoo M acoaoouw< vo>ao>ca lumm Hmwooow mam HmOOHmmowouo .oaonaoaou .owmumom qua mumasouao lawn mafia mo Enocmuoaoz mmmum oaou mam Hoe/mu”. .moaumamm .muoaaomasoo .o.m.< oocmwfioo I oNeN .o>uomou 080: Ugo so oHanHm>m uoa ma :oauoouumaw oumga mHoosom ucosoouw< afloat/cum a.“ commumwwou mucovoum N823; mumvoooom «um mumasouwo .n.o.m.< mo azmcmuosoz szwmumanBOHo How mOHHQQSm Booummmao pom coauqsa mHoosom Homewomlcoz a“ coauoouumcH I oNqN Hm"; I“ mocmuomom mmoooum ummmcmua mo uosumz AvmscfiuaooV .N eName 135 can um umfizoufio .o.m.< ucoamouw< mo Envcmuoamz .nuaoa mom oo.omm mo oocmzoaam am How mfinfiwfiam mum Hoonom aw“: wofivcouum uo>o no mg vowm muaowzum :.Aommuv mmaom oum> Taum :fi mafiasm mo moomaoucamz: mo mauou Ono Homo: mHoonom Hmwocfi>oua ucmuum no mHoosom HOfioafi>oum ou Ouaasoo opa “NIqN wowm mucmwoum Hoonom Sm“: pow manmaam>m ma nucoa Hon oo.on mo mochOHHm n< OOaOBOHH< udOOOum I oqmm «In um umanoufio .O.m.< uaoaoouw< mo Encamuoaoz .Amufisomfin mam xHfiE .maoosom Hmumvmmv mucounum hummcooom mam humuc0EOHm monoaau mmnlvwz I ommm «19 um Rwanoufio OUOmO< unmammuw< mo asvcmuosoz .amuwoua manu ou vowumno omHm OH pagan ago woo «woo Ono How mHoosom wawvofloaw moow>umm HOHO Imam mo umoo may .aowumuuoamamuu maamv up macaw nmmoom hawomou uo: ma Hoonom Hafiocfi>ouo umoumoc mzu cam moauficoeaoo 08o: Hawau OH OHQOHHm>m uoc ma cowuoauumca 5053 How mucovoum %Hmucoaoao pow mam meson ufionu Eoum haamv Ousaaoo uocamo 0:3 muaovouw Hooaom swan :chOH on mocmumwmmm mOpH>oua haamsuoc Emuwoua mane .Howmamz uoguu Imam ozu ha vo>ounam ammo mm: museumfimmm HmOOHumo Isvo uow coaumowammw E053 MOM muaOOSum defivaH mau Imam How canon mam Boou ou wafiumaou monouaocoaxm mofiom Oum>Hum aw maammm mo monocouoamz I oumm wUfiwHUMGM mmoooum Nummamue mo wonuoz AcODGNOCOOV .N eNeaN 136 min .MIm n mamasuuwo .o.m.< uawammuw< mo ancmuoamz uomfioun vamm wanma> m mm Emuwoua coaumuuoamcmuu Hausa ozu wcaucmfiwamaw mum 0:3 mvamm mo “mass: m mum muons .Bmuwoua anewuanwuucou manmucaooum m£u swsounu Haucaoo vamm %A no uoauumfiv wnu hp Hwnuwm amuwumflcaavw up hue flaw coaumuuommamuu Hausa How mumvcmu mo uaammu m mm vmnauonuam mHHmE Inca mum An cam Am mwfluowmumu ca mmunuwvamaxm Au mmHoonum Hmfiuafi>oum ou zawmu wcfiunaaou mucmvsum humvcouwm vam >umuawamao you kuaasasou m>ummwm mac: mnu 809w coaumuuommamuu hawmn An "mafiaan amuummuwvawx How mafia mam: Imao .mucmvaum mumuamamam you mafia mco mo mmwuxm ca ma Hoonum mnu Cu 050: mnu Eoum vacuumww wsu mum£3 haze mm>ummmm co mHoonum Hmuwvmm wcfivcwuum mafimsn zuwucmamflm How cowumuuoamamuu haamn Am "we umoo um>ou ou vmvfi>oum ma wafivasm coaumuuommcmue magma I oomN «um um umaaoufio .U.m.< uamammuw< mo asvcmuoamz .xmmun mmaumwuso msu wawusv mmEo: Hausa ou mHoonom mnu aouw mucmvsum mumvcoumm cam humucmamfim mo coaumuuoa Imam: cucumu .umw» Hoonum 93 mo wcaaafiwmn 25 um mucmvaum humvsoomm cam mumuawawam now coauusuumafi mo mmomaa mnu ou mmaon Hausa Baum nOfiumuuonmcmue coauMuuommamuH Hmcommmm I ommm “fir mocmuwwwm mmwuoum ummmamua mo vosumz AvwacfiucOUV .N manma 137 .msmuwoua BumquuOSm How .mmfiaaasm Sooummmao .m.o.m aneuuauuwcfi Bum mmmfinmuu now mmufiwuwm Hmaumam cam «In .m vm>ouma< Hmcowmmmmoum .mmwumsu mconmmamu .mmmamnxm Hm>mu9 coaumosvm aflmmm uaav< I omem .umm» Hoonom‘ mo mafiacawmn um mocwaaou MIm .cla .U.m.< ou acmammuw< mo Escuwuofiwt quom nacho I owmm .wHAmHHm>m mum mmaufiaaomm coaumuuommamuu vam mafia mao amsu umummuw ma mmaon wcfiwumon ufimnu aoum moamumfiv mnu mumga mumucmu swan: ca cumon can Soon you mu:MumHmmm coaumoavw wafi>fiwumu muamuSum humvaoomm vcm mumuamawam HOM manmafiw>m ma .mmmmmm man no umJUHu was mo umou 0:» .:OfiuMuuonmcmuu hafimn Av .wamfiwaHIco: ma vm>fimo Imp wan amused m£u o>onm muamummmua Nofi m cm>Hw mp awe mamwuaH msumum hp vmuuHEnam mafia .mumvcoa vaHmu >Hamucwauumnmv pom .cOfiumoacm mo muumom huaaoo an wmnmwanmumm woumu mafiawm>mum Sufi: moan Ivuooum ca haamauoa ma mafia man uwa umoo msu cam Avmsafiucouv .N mHAMH 138 Nfium .m:m .qun .U.m.< uawEmmuw< mo ancmuosz .umucw ou mafiuMH=Ufiuuma Howcmm wafiuasvmu hHHmsms wan coaumuau m.umm> mac amnu uwumwum mo mmmusou :« mmmeHou zufiasaaou ca mucmvSum you mm HHm3 mm huowwumu Hmaowmmmmoum tam muamum>wcn mnu cw mucmvsum How mmwaaasm EooummmHu vcm aowufisa wawcamua Hmaoammmwoum was muamum>fiam I ounm .mumnama mMuufiEEoo van wmmhoamEm vcmm now maumuoaon .mGOfiumvoaaouum wafi>wa .mmmamaxm Hm>muu .mmHHamsm cam mamfiumuma .mmu«>umm Hm:0fimmmmoum .co«uH=H wzfiawmua manum vmcm I omom «In 0&000m vm>ouaa¢ .om.ow wcfiuanauucoo kuasoo vcmm may ou uomn Insm .muwnmu uma om.Nm um .m>ummmm wnu :o maom Iuma cmavcH mo amass: m£u co cummn ma ucsoam msH .Emuwona mwamm ou maowusnfiuucoo mSu umva: mucmuu mmofi>umm mumunfig I oqcm .m.o.m wm>ouaa< .mEmuwoua Bumuluuonm .mfioouwmmao pom mmfioaaam wcm mamaumums .uamsafidvm mo Hmucmu .Amuouosuum Iafiv mmofi>uwm Hafiumnm vcm HmaOHmmmwoua .unmfimuw .muouosuumaa vam mamafimuu new mmmcwnxm Hm>muH coaumusvm uaav< Hmfiuom I omou mocmummmm mmmooum ummmcmuH mo vogumz Awwsdfiucoov .N magma 139 .omnm muw>auomInam umvca vama ma coauasu mmons muawvaum How aoau . unmammuw< Iwuuonmamuu .mucwsoHHm Hmaomuwa .vumon vam Boom mIm «In .u.m.< mo asccmuoamz Hmc0fiumuo> I mafimsm we muamsmucamz I omnm .oNNN zUfl>fiuomIn=m umwaa vama ma coauwau wmons mucmvsum you GOfiu ucmsmmuw< Imuuoamcmuu .mocmsoHHw Haaomuma .vumon cam Boom m .mnm .QIQ .o.m.< mo Esvamuoamz Hmcowmmmmoum van mufimHm>fics I maamam mo madmamuafimz I_oqn~ .cowumuvv mama no nmmh . . . . o awcwWwwmw< mco mo mamuwoua mwmaaoo hufiasaaou Bumquuonm MIm «In 0 m < w v 2 ca mucwwSum How mwfiHaaam Sooummmao cam couufisH mafiafimuy coaumoo> I ommm muamumwmm mmmooum ummmcmua mo vosumz Awmscfiucoov .N maan 140 Key for Table 2 Process A. Band presents formal request by B.C.R. twelve months prior to target date. B.C.R. to district - Regional Office and Local Government. Formal Memorandum of Agreement to be signed seven months prior to target date. Third party agreement. Program Circulars E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 E6 E7 E9 E10 E12 D1 D2 D3 D4 - Education Policy Guidelines meaning and purpose - Staffing of teachers to teacher aides - Federal Schools - Conditions and Procedures for transfer Education Programs to Band Council Control - Department's Interpretation of Local Control of Education - Indian Language Program - Department of Education Staff and Band Council Control - Enrichment of School Curriculum - Daily Transport of Pupils - Education Studies Program - Post Secondary Education Assistance Program - Indian Local Government - District Council - Band Council Funding - Band Operated Local Services In addition, Program Circular Number E1 Education Policy 141 .. 8.5.5. .. 55...... ......8... .. 2...: ... 8.5.8.... ......8 8.8.... 88...... ...... 58...... 9.5.. 555.... 8.58 §.8 8.... 58...... ...... 85.2.... .5... 5.8.5.. .... 55...... ...... 8.... 5.8.5.. ...... 55.5.... n .3... .... 28.53.... 58... 8.5 a ......8... 52.5.. 55...... .588... m 8...... .... 8.5.2.88 ...... 5.8.58... -.....E8 82...... ... 89.2.... .588. 58...... 88.5.... .28.... 88...... 55...... 8...... ...........oo 8.88... .555... 88.58 8...... 2.5.... 8.8.3. 88.... x + o .68... 8.5... .88.... 8.2.... 82...... .5..8..o. 855... 88... 22.89....“ e .828 82...... ... .85.... 8.838.. .. ......8... ... 5.8.... ......o.8.. 8.2.5.. .. ... 85...... 5... 8.9.2.... 8.5... :58... ......o .288... ..o. 58.... .o .555... .88... 885... 82...... ...... 8.98.... ......u... 885.... ......8... .5888 .....>.8