A BIOGRAPHY OF DONALD M. DICKINSON

Thesis for Hue Degree of Ph. D.
MICHIGAN ST ATE UNA/5351'”
Robert 30!?

E963

   
     

  

LIB RA R Y
Michigan State

University

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

A Biography of Donald M. Dickinson

presented by

Robert Bolt

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in History

avian/Q4.

Major professor

/

Date April 12, 1963

ABSTRACT

A BIOGRAPhY OFstNALL M. DICKIKSON

by Robert Bolt

Donald M. Dickinson was born on January 17,
1846, in Port Ontario, New York, a small town located
on the eastern shore of Lake Ontario. Two years later

he moved with his family to Michigan, raduated as

5
Bachelor of Laws from the University of michigan in
March, 1867, and on May 2, 1867, was admitted to prac-
tice as Attorney and Counsellor at Law.

In 1872 bickinson began his political career by
serving as secretary of the Michiean Democratic State
Central Committee. When Horace Greeley was decisively
defeated at the November election, Dickinson resirned
his position, blaming some of his fellow Democrats for
Greeley's defeat because they had not wholeheartedly
supported the Democratic nominee. By 1876 Dickinson
had returned to the Democratic party as chairman of
the Democratic party in Michigan, and led the party
in procuring in four years the largest bemocratic
gain in any one state.

In 1880 Dickinson was chairman of the hichipan
delegation to the Democratic national convention. In
1884 he sought the nomination and election of Grover
Cleveland. Dickinson became a trusted advisor of

President Cleveland, especially concerninn patronage

in Michigan. Dickinson was confirmed as Postmaster-
General in January, 1888, and held this post until
the end of Cleveland's first term. As Postmaster-
General Dickinson was credited by Congressman William
L. Scott with "establishing the precedent that any
railroad havinc a contract with the Government for
the transportation of the mails is bound to trans-
port then and to afford the public proper mail facil-
ities in its line."

During these years Dickinson also rose to be a
nationally recornized lawyer. in 1885 Lickinson ap-
peared before the Supreme Court winning a favorable
decision in the Leroux v. hudson case--a case which
strengthened the position and jurisdiction of state
courts. In 189 pickinson county was created in the
Upper Peninsula largely because of Dickinscn's efforts
as an attorney in saving the homes of several hundred
homesteaders in northern hichiyan. It was during
these years after he had served as Postmaster-General
that Dickinson was mentioned as a possible nominee
to the Supreme Court.

hickinson labored diligently for the nomination
and election of Cleveland in 1892. At the Democratic
national convention he was floor leader of the Cleve-
land forces; and after the convention he was named
Chairman of the nemocratic iational Campaign Committee.

Although during Cleveland's second term, Dickinson was

not a member of the President's official family, he

did remain a close associate of Cleveland. Cleveland
appreciated Dickinson's efforts, once writinf, "I

wish there were about twenty Dickinsons in the country."
hhen the Democratic party split in 1896 on the money is-
sue, hickinson supported Cleveland. Dickinson's fail-
ure to support Bryan ended his career as an influen-
tial state and national political fipure.

Althouah 1896 saw the end of bickinson's in-
fluence in the bemocratic party, he was appointed Chief
Counsel for the bnited States before the Bering Sea
Claims Commission and served in this capacity until a
settlement was reached in 1897.

Dickinson continued corresponding with Cleve-
land until Cleveland's death in 1908. In 1912 flickin-
son's activities were severely curtailed by illness.

On October 15, 1917, he passed away at his home in

Trenton, Michigan.

A BIOGRAPHY OF DONALD M. DICKINSON

BY

Robert Bolt

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PhILOSOPHY

Department of History

1963

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PREFACE

The subject of this dissertation first came to
my mind after a visit that I made to the hichijan
historical Commission Archives. About the time that
I chose to beain my dissertation, a substantial col-
lection of Bickinson Papers that had never been pre-
viously used for historical research was loaned to
the Archives in Lansing by George hiskeman. Along
with this collection of letters, diaries, and memos
of the Dickinson family, the Archives also acquired
a series of twelve Dickinson Scrapbooks containing
mostly newspaper clippings concerning the public life
of Donald m. Dickinson.

After initially discovering this manuscript col-
lection, I found that no extensive research had been
done on the activities and contributions of.Dickinson.
Probably the most significant summaries of Dickinson's
career were two short biographical shetches--one by

Arthur Pound in the book Michigan and the Cleveland

 

Era and another by Everett Brown in the Dictionary p£_

 

American Biography.

 

Further research revealed that uickinson merited
more than had been done. he was one of the foremost
hichigan bemocratic leaders during the late nineteenth

iii

century. He became a national political fiaure
when Grover Cleveland was elected President in 1884.
Cleveland and Dickinson soon after Cleveland's election
became close associates. In 1887 Dickinson was ap-
pointed Postmaster-General by Cleveland. Dickinson
adroitly handled the problem that arose when railroad
strikes threatened to disrupt the flow of mail in
1888. After Cleveland was defeated in 1890, Dickin-
son continued to work for his nomination and election
in 1892. At the 1892 Democratic convention he was
the Democratic floor leader. After the convention he
was named Chairman of the Democratic National Campaign
Committee and saw his efforts rewarded with the elec-
tion of Cleveland. Although Dickinson did not serve
in any official capacity during Cleveland's second
term, he continued to correspond and visit the Presi-
dent. It was during his second Administration that
Cleveland paid Dickinson a high compliment when he
wrote, "I wish there were about twenty Dickinsons in
the country."

Dickinson also made significant contributions
in the field of law. As a lawyer, Dickinson also be-
came nationally known, appearina before the United
States Supreme Court on several occasions. Stephen
J. Field who was an associate Justice for over thirty
years strongly urged that Dickinson allow himself to
be nominated to the nation's highest court. Dickinson
never acceded to this.

iv

His efforts as an attorney on behalf of home-
steaders in the Upper Peninsula who were threatened
with the loss of their homes resulted in the creation
of Dickinson county in honor of Donald M. Dickinson.

Final conviction that Dickinson's life required
more research came after a visit that I had with Ar-
thur Pound in Ann Arbor and a letter that I received
from Allan Nevins. Both agreed that Dickinson was
worthy of lengthy research.

I must use this Opportunity to acknowledge the
labors and contributions of those who in a special
way have enabled me to complete this dissertation.

I owe much to Dr. Madison Kuhn. In directing the re-
search and writing of this dissertation, he has con-
tributed much time and energy in a sincere effort to
make this dissertation a success. I am grateful for
his counsel. I also much acknowledge the kindness

of Mr. George Wiskeman in allowing me to use the
Dickinson Papers which he owns. Without his generous
contribution, this dissertation would not have been
as complete as it now is. The State of Michiean's
Archivist Miss Geneva hebler has gone far beyond the
call of duty in her efforts to help me in telling the
story of Don Dickinson. Lastly, although it may seem
trite, I must sincerely recoanize the efforts of my
wife who has spent countless hours typing and reading
the manuscript. I express my appreciation for her
patient forbearance and assistance.

V

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
PEEFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
I. HEREBITY ANJ ENVIROEMENT . . . . . . . 1
II. REACHING Thh TOPhOST ROUND OF THE LAuhER 24
III. THE BEGINNING OF AN ENDURIEG FRIENDSHIP 78
IV. THE POSTMASTLR-GEHERAL . . . . . . . . 127
V. 'YEAAS OF TRIUhddl . . . . . . . . . . . 168
VI. LOSING OUT TO SILVER . . . . . . . . . 211
VII. THE LAST YEAhS . . . . . . . . . . . . 258

A SELECTEM BIBLIOGRAPIIY o o o o o o o o o o o 294

vi

CHAPTER I
HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT

Although Donald Dickinson was a resident of
Michigan most of his life, he was born in Port On-
tario, New York on January 17, 1846. The move of
the Dickinson family from their home along the
eastern shore of Lake Ontario to Michigan seems to
have been partially motivated by a favorable im-
pression that.Donald's father Asa C. Dickinson re-
ceived of the.Detroit area during the early 1820's.
It was during those years that Asa travelled about
the Great Lakes area as a young voyageur. These
were years when the fur trading business was still
one of the principal businesses inDetroit.1

When young.Donald Dickinson was two years old,
the Dickinson family left New York and established
a new home on a small island in the St. Clair River
delta approximately thirty miles north of Detroit.
This island lying northwest of the larger Harsen's
Island has ever since been known as Dickinson Island.

Although the fiickinson family appeared to enjoy life

1Fred C. Hamil, When Beaver Was King (Detroit,
1951), p. 19.

 

2
on an island, it was rather inaccessible so that
after living.four years on Dickinson Island, the
family moved to.DetrOit. One important factor
causing this move was the fact that public schools
for all children had been established in Detroit in
1842. Thus when young Don was six years old, his
parents felt they should move to a place where he
could be prOperly educated.

When the Dickinson family moved to Detroit,
they found Detroit to be a bustling cosmOpolitan city
of over twenty-one thousand.z; The introduction of
steam navigation on the Great Lakes and the Opening
of the Erie Canal had done much to change Detroit
from an outpost dependent on the fur trade to an ex-
panding industrial city. A city of this size pro-
vided entertainment and cultural Opportunities that
were unknown in many other communities. One visitor
to Detroit in 1842, Henry Barnard, declared that he
had never seen "more elaborate entertainments any-
where, and the standards of etiquette were also of
the highest.”3

Many Detroiters thought that amusements should
have some educational value. Thus, concerts, art gal-

leries and ”well-regulated" theaters were encouraged.

2Floyd R._Dain, Detroit and the Westward Move-
ment (Detroit, 1951), p.

3Kenneth N. Metcalf, Fun and Frolic in Early
Detroit (Detroit, 1951),p p. 9._

a.
‘Dickinson benefited from a community to which many
learned men had migrated.4 Evidence of the fact
that there were peOple interested in learning can be
seen by the number of literary societies that e-
rupted--societies such as the Detroit Lyceum and
Judge Woodward's society.

All evidence indicates that Asa.Dickinson was
one individual who was concerned with more than his
immediate environment or merely making a living for
himself and his family. When the Civil War broke
out in 1861, he was greatly interested in national
affairs. His correspondence and diaries reveal him
to be strongly Opposed to Abraham.Linooln and the
Republican party even though he did not seem opposed
to the war itself. He was perturbed because he felt
Lincoln had no fixed policy.

A letter written shortly before the outbreak of
the war to his son, Dewitt, illustrates this well.
The father explained that only God knew what the pol-
icy of Lincoln would be. "I begin to think Old Abe
an Old Humbug--without any fixed purpose of his own
in particular,” he commented. The older Dickinson
went on and charged that Lincoln could not decide
which is nearest right and of the most consequence,

the Constitution and Union, or the Chicago plat-

4K. Metcalf, Fun and Frolic in_Early Detroit,
p. 10.

 

form."5

When Donald Dickinson later became a leading
political figure, he often illustrated a point with
some anecdote that he had heard. He and his father
seemed to be alike in this. For instance, to illus-
trate Lincoln's indecision, Asa Dickinson wrote to
iDewitt that Lincoln was ”precisely in the predicament
of the drunken man who was holding on to the lamp post
when accosted by a policeman.” The inebriate ex-
plained that he was in a quandary. "If I let go, I
shall fall into the gutter and if I don't, I shall

in my breaches." Explained Asa Dickinson,

 

"Poor old Abe actually don't know whether to hold on
to the Chicago platform, or whether to let go. He is
in a quandary. "

Asa Dickinson seemed sincerely concerned that
the nation prosper and emerge from the Civil War, not
torn and broken, but united with both sides willing
to make every effort to heal the deep wounds which had
been inflicted by the Civil War.

Donald Dickinson's father was convinced that even
though the Republican administration had been success-
ful in guiding Northern forces to victory, it did not
have the leadership to effect a successful Reconstruc-

tion. The same anti-Republican spirit which pervaded

5Asa c. Dickinson to Dewitt Dickinson, May 23,
1861, Dickinson Papers, Michigan Historical Commission
Archives. Hereafter DPMHCA. Papers made available
through the courtesy of George Widkeman.

5
his writings during the Civil War was even more evi-
dent when hs spoke of the ”Black Republicans,” as he
invariably called them, after the war.

On October 1, 18 6, he wrote at length in his
diary concerning Republican Reconstruction policies.
He vigorously denounced the bill "to establish a mili-
tary despotism in ten states of the American Union."
He hoped that “every man of common sense and common
patriotism" would arouse himself "to the danger that
is impending over the length and breadth of our be-
loved Republic and its once fine institutions." He
charged that the majority in Congress and the leaders
of the Republican party "are traitors to the Consti-
tution and Union and enemies to the form and institu-
tions of our free republican government as founded by
our fathers and as administered from the beginning
through 3/4ths of a century of unprecedented success
and prosperity."

The father's thoughts and words affected the po-
litical thinking of his sons. A letter from.Jerome
Dickinson to his father illustrates that Jerome may
not have reasoned as logically as his younger brother
Don; but it does show that Jerome had learned from
his father that to be an honest, useful citizen, one
certainly had to be a Democrat. wrote Jerome in a
rather clipped style, "The Lieutenant Governor of
this state lives here. Is a fine man. Has been in

the office several times and talked with me! In

6

Operating we have to have a boy to turn a crank which
pumps the air. One day we was getting election news
and had no boy. He took hold and turned for an hour.
So you see he is a Democrat. He asked if my father
was not. Said knew he was. Told him was proud to
say he was and so was his son."6

Although war threatened and finally began when
IDon was fifteen years old and though his father was
vitally concerned with the affairs of the nation,
‘Dickinson's childhood and early school days seem to
have been spent much as any carefree, normal boy of
the day would have spent them. Years later Dickinson
recalled that he often took a "licking" from his
brother Wane, but was always delighted when his sis-
ter Martie "made Wane fly like a bumble bee stinger."
The first time he tried riding horseback he had just
been dressed by his mother for ”company." Jack, his
horse, pitched young.Don over its head ”into the soft
hog wallow down by the waterfence below the big pear
tree" which.made him appear quite unfit to meet the
”company." He had a similar experience the first time
he learned to milk as the cow "kicked me head over
heels down the hill."7

After attending the public schools in Detroit,

5Jerome Dickinson to Asa C. Dickinson, December
1, 1850, DPMHCA.

7Dickinson to his sister Martie, August 5, 1888,
DPMHCA.

7

Dickinson moved to Ann Arbor where he enrolled at the
University of Michigan. From a letter that Don wrote
home while a collegian on the Michigan campus, one
gains the impression that college students have changed
little. Like many students away from.home, he did not
always write home as soon or as often as he should
have. "I should have'written before and thanked you
and Martie for the large and complete assortment of
goodies sent in the satchel, but I haven't had any
time. . . .” Like most boys, he enjoyed eating. "The
raisins and nuts were very nice when my friend came in
with a hankerin' or I hankered myself.” {Dickinson
took pride in his dress throughout his entire life. As
a university student this characteristic was apparent
for he wrote to his mother that he was much obliged
for the extraordinarily immaculate shirt bosoms. ”If
snow were put by the side of them, it could melt out
of shame and confusion at its own audacity in attempting
to vie with their whiteness." He found that university
life was not all fun. "I am reciting forty pages of
tough book law and four lectures per day."8

For a time Dickinson pursued courses in the Lit-
erary.Department of the university. He seemed to en-
joy creative writing and composed one poem entitled

"The Hills of Washtenaw." After deciding that he

‘ 8Dickinson to his mother Minerva Holmes Dickinson,
n.d., DPMHCAe

8
wanted to make the law profession his life's work,
Dickinson changed his course and entered the Law De-
partment. He graduated as Bachelor of Laws in March,
1867, and on May 2, 1867, was admitted to practice as
Attorney and Counsellor at Law.

By the age of eighteen, young Dickinson had de-
velOped an interest in politics. He wrote to his
father concerning a Captain Ward whose big “grab" had
been exposed ruining his prospects for the guberna-
torial chair. ”Of course,” Don explained, "he dis—
gorged, but everybody, with but few exceptions, be-
lieve in the fraud, and the fact of his having
'shelled out‘ convicts him clearly beyond doubt."9

In the letter to his father, Dickinson predicted
that the Republican Party would "probably split on A.
Lincoln at the coming convention. It looks like it.
The name is to be changed again to the "True Union”
party.

While a student at the University of Michigan,
Dickinson wrote to his mother shortly before a Novem-
ber election that he would like the honor of putting
his shoulder beside his.father's "on Tuesday and of
proving at the polls that the Dickinson clan which
pulled so long and so gloriously in victory so un-

flinchingly, so unwaveringly in defeat, shall still

‘ 9Dickinson to Asa C. Dickinson, February 14,
1864,‘DPMHCA.

9
how to the will and vigor of Auld Lang Syne grown
young again: Time passes on but--

Years ne-er cool the Douglas blood."

This election seemed to stir.Dickinson's whole
soul for as he wrote he grew more impassioned for he
continued, "NO matter how I may waver and grow indif-
ferent in time of peace, no matter how tempted by
mincing sOphistry and the voice of favor, yet when I
hear the sound of blows dealt11pon the seamed and
sacred frontlets of the brave old guard, my blood will
boil! My heart will spring!”

'With all the enthusiasm and vigor of youth, he
vowed to go on fighting for the Democratic party.
"Here my Father fought . . . here will I fight. And
when Columbia calls the roll although some names may
be missing yet closing up firmly, when arms are
passed down the line, let the answer some strong and
brave, and undaunted as of yore-~Here! Staunch and
true!”

Dickinson's growing interest in political af-
fairs and the energy that he expended to prepare for
his life's work did not deter him from a serious
courtship. On June 15, 1869, he married Frances
Platt, daughter of Dr. Alonzo Platt, a prominent Grand
Rapids physician. In the years that lay ahead, Fannie,
for so Dickinson called his wife, proved helpful in

aiding her*husband in achieving a successful political

. 10
and legal career.10
From a letter written by Dickinson and from a

diary kept by his'bride, one gains a fairly accurate
picture of what things intrigued this young couple
for they have described in some detail the trip that
they took following the marriage. One of the first
spots visited by the two young lovers was the tradi-
tional haven of honeymooners, Niagara Falls. About
ten miles from the Falls, the.Dickinsons boarded the
"neat little steamer City 2f Toronto and sailed down
the river ”passing the ground of Queenstown where
Brock fell" in the War of 1812.11 They sailed across
Lake Ontario to Toronto. ”The bay is quite pretty,
but there is nothing remarkable to be observed about
the city." From Toronto, the journey continued on a
largercabin steamer "down the Lake for Kingston and
St. Lawrence." The Thousand Islands and the Rapids of
the St. Lawrence especially captivated the honeymooners.
Said.Dickinson concerning the Thousand Islands, "They
are very fine and are in number about 1500--some say

1900--and range in size from a few yards square up to

10For example, the Burton Historical Collection,
‘Detroit Public Library has a collection of letters
which Mrs. Grover Cleveland addressed to Mrs. Dickin-
son. They indicate that the two families had frequent
social contacts, and that each family esteemed the
other. Mrs. Dickinson seemed capable of moving gra-
ciously in Washington society.

11Dickinson to "My dear Saidie," June 23, 1869,
DPMHCA.

11
large Islands. They are all rocky and beautiful. . . .
Of course, the Rapids are the great excitement in
'going down the St. Lawrence'. They certainly are
worthy of all that has been said and written of them.
You know that they were formerly considered impassible
and canals were built around them all, but now pilots
guide any craft through them." He described the waves
as rolling as ”high as any I have ever seen in a storm
and in some places the course of the boat lies between
rocks between which there is barely room for her to
pass. The sensation is novel going down hill on the
water. The boat pitching down at more than an angle
of 40° and careening every way in a nervously unsteady
movement."

In.Dickinson's correspondence and oratory, bits
of humor frequently present themselves. On the tour
following the marriage of.Donald and Frances Dickinson,
the new bridegroom could not resist reporting that
”there are as many as half a dozen couples on the boat,
some of whom we had seen at Niagara who were in a con-
dition similar to our own in a higher degree." These
couples amused themselves by “watching every other
couple commenting on their wholly uninteresting ap-
pearance individually and collectively and in smiling
contemptuously at their perfectly flat behavior towards
each other as husbands and wives." Don, with sly wit,
commented that ”Frances was particularly severe on some

of them for looking at each other in such a sentimental

12
way and called my attention to it by taking my hand
and leaning on my shoulder as she spoke of it."12

If Asa C. Dickinson had created an interest in
politics and the Democratic party in the mind of his
young son, this interest was further nurtured by
Donald Dickinson's affiliation with the law firm of
Moore and Griffen which had its offices in Detroit.

The senior partner of this.firm was William A. Moore
who had been state chairman of the Democratic party

in Michigan during the Civil War and from 1868 until
1876 was national committeeman from Michigan. Dickin-
son followed in the footsteps of his senior partner
holding the same positions a few years later.

In 1872 Dickinson grasped the first Opportunity
to work on an Official basis for the Democratic party.
Chosen as a delegate from Wayne County, he attended
the Democratic state convention at Lansing which con-
vened on July 2. The chief purpose of the convention
was to select state delegates to the Democratic na-
tional convention. Dickinson was given a place on the
Committee on Credentials while William Moore, who also
was a delegate from Vayne county, was named to the Com-
15

mittee on Resolutions.

At the Wayne county convention both Moore and

12Dickinson to "My dear Saidie," June 25, 1869,
DPMHCA.

13Detroit Free Press, July 3, 1872.

15
Dickinson had supported the candidacy of Horace Gree-
ley as.Democratic Presidential nominee. Although in
the minority at this county convention, the Greeley
forces were definitely in the majority at the state
convention; and the state convention chose a delega-
tion which was pledged to support Greeley at the
Democratic national convention with William A. Moore
easily defeating William W. Wheaton in the contest
for first delegate-at-large.

With this turn Of events, Wheaton, Chairman of
the State Central Committee, resigned along with the
other members on the Committee. A new Committee was
then selected with Foster Pratt of Kalamazoo named
chairman and Donald M. Dickinson named secretary of
the State Central Committee.

At the Democratic convention in Baltimore,
Greeley was nominated by an overwhelming majority on
the first ballot. The Democratic platform left little
doubt that corruption in the Grant administration
would be one of the main issues of the campaign. One
plank read, "We therefore regard a thorough reform of
the civil service as one of the most pressing neces-
sities of the hour.” Other planks also intimated re-
form and the necessity of more integrity and honesty
in government.14

Fuel to feed the demand for reform had been fur-

1422££g£§.§ggg Press, July 11, 1872.

l4
nished on the state level in Michigan when a petition
was presented to the state house of representatives
requesting an investigation of the conduct of the Com-
missioner of the State Land Office Charles A. Edmonds.
After an exhausting investigation of the transactions
of the Land Office, the state house of representatives
resolved to impeach Edmonds by a vote of seventy-nine
to five.15 Eleven articles of impeachment were pre-
sented charging the Commissioner of the Land Office
with withholding large tracts of land for the benefit
Of land dealenaand for "private pecuniary considera-
tion to himself” at the expense of genuine settlers,
other dealers and the state. Other articles accused
him of such things as buying state land while he was
employed by the state, of employing dishonest clerks
who sold valuable information contained in the land
office, of drunkenness and adultery.

Although the state senate acquitted Edmonds af-
ter hearing the case for twenty-four days, the rever-
berations shook the state and made it evident to many
that there had to be a change in the administration of
the state.16

Ill feeling between the Republicans and Democrats
was not lessened when the issue of reapportionment

came before a special session of the legislature in

15
Detroit Free Press, March 29, 1872.

 

16Detroit Free Press, May 25, 1872.

 

15

1872. The task confronting this Special session was
that of carving out three new Congressional districts,
for the Michigan representation in the House of Repre-
sentatives had been increased from six to nine. The
Republicans seemed intent on creating districts in a
way that would preclude the probability of electing
any Democratic representative. One senator denounced
the Republican plan saying, "Let the senators bear in
mind one fact at least. At the last election the De-
mocracy of Michigan came within 15,000 as many votes
as the 'great' Republican party, yet it appears to be
the main purpose of the legislature to so district the
state as to deprive that large minority of the possi-
bility of electing a single representativefld'7

In the March 26 editorial the Detroit Free Press

 

made a similar charge saying that the districts were
“cut up without any regard to the contiguity of the
counties, and without the question of a harmony of
interest receiving more than a passing consideration.”
The Detroit newspaper cited the case of the counties
of Macomb, Oakland, Livingston, Washtenaw, Wayne, and
Monroe which seemed to be closely bound by "harmonious
interests yet with the exception of Wayne county were
placed in districts which usually went heavily Repub-
lican ”so that they, as far as Congressional represen-

tation from Michigan is concerned, might as well be in

17Detroit Free Press, March 25, 1872.

16
the state Of Wisconsin."

That there was need for drastic shake-up in
Michigan seemed to be vividly illustrated when Austin
Blair, the well-known Republican Civil War governor,
deserted the ranks of the Republicans and agreed to
run on the Democratic ticket for the same office.
Explained Blair, "I have been in Washington for five
years past, and I know that this administration is
the most corrupt one this country ever had."18

The Eggg.ggggg_in an August 25 editorial enthu-
siastically proclaimed, "As a representative of the
sentiment which animates all who are today in Opposi-
tion to the one-man power, Governor Blair has
scarcely an equal in the United States, certainly
none in Michigan."

With the state slate chosen and with Election
Day slightly more than two months away, the campaign
began to intensify. Blair campaigned vigorously de-
claring that "the Republican party has taken to it-
self some of the worst rascals in the country, and
instead of shaking them from it, cherishes them still
closer."19 In September Governor Horatio Seymour of
New York visited Michigan declaring in a speech at
Utica, Michigan, ”I ask our Republican friends if

things have been right in the Federal government.

18Detroit Free Press, August 23, 1872.

19Detroit Free Press, August 24, 1872.

 

 

17
Let us have a man in the Presidential chair who will
lay them bare. Then if they are correct you will
feel a pride and satisfaction in your party that you
can never gain in any other way. . . ." Seymour pro-
posed that nothing be left unexposed and "if these
things are laid bare, and as a result the public mind
be aroused, public morality be elevated, and both
parties brought to higher standards, I ask you if you
as well as we will not be benefited."20

Approximately three weeks prior to the election
the Democratic State Executive Committee of which
‘Dickinson was new secretary addressed all Democratic
and Republican liberals throughout the state of Michi-
gan. The statement was filled with hOpe. It pointed
out that during the first half Of October, elections
had been held in six states. "In four of these states
we have been victorious." The statement analyzed each
state and found reasons to be optimistic.

”Reform,” continued this address, "is the para-
mount issue of the hour. It swallows up other issues.
Its necessity is apparent. It must come and come
quickly.“

In ringing tones the Executive Committee called
for the support of the Democratic and Republican lib~
erals. "Liberals of Michigan," the Executive Commit-

tee pleaded, ”we cannot afford to be idle or indif-

2oDetroit Free Press, September 24, 1872.

l8

ferant Spectators Of a political movement so preg-
nant with important consequences to ourselves."
The Committee warned liberals to be alert for cor-
ruption even as the election neared. The charge was
made that there was abundant evidence of a Republican
attempt ”to colonize in Detroit and Wayne County,
Canadian negroes enough to overcome the majority of
that city, county and Congressional District."

The lengthy address closed, reaffirming "re-
form as the purpose of the party. It is inscribed
on our banners. Let us carry it gallantly to the
front." It expressed the desire that when the sun
went down on the fifth of November ”we may return to
our friends confident that the virtue and the intel-
ligence of a free peOple can never be aroused in
vain, and that our long distracted country is once
more returned to her old paths of purity and peace."21

.As the day of decision drew nearer, rallies
throughout the state of Michigan grew in number and
enthusiasm. One who helped to promote the cause of
Greeley and Blair by speaking on their behalf through-
out the state was William A. Moore.

With corruption seemingly an important issue
both on the national and state level and with lib-
eral Republicans joining with.Democrats because of

this issue, it seemed to many Democrats that some

21Detroit Free Press, OctOber 16, 1872.

 

l9
dent could and would be made in the majorities that
Republicans had been attaining since the Civil War.
The Detroit Free Press in an October 11 editorial

 

entitled "Now for Michigan" expressed this hOpe
saying, "It is almost impossible for us to lose any-
thing in this State, but, on the other hand, we have
much to gain, and we should and must gain it. Ear-
nest work from now until election day and the polling
of the united Liberal and Democratic strength will

cut down the administration's majority to a more frac-
tion of what it was four years ago, if not entirely
obliterate it."

In spite of this Optimism, there were factors
that also were working against the Democratic party--
factors that some Democrats like enthusiastic young
‘Donald Dickinson apparently did not deem as important
as the election later proved them to be. For example,
the fact that the Democrats had nominated Austin Blair
for governor was not graciously accepted by some old
time Democrats. Blair had been a Republican governor
at one time and these Democrats had not forgotten.

As far as Horace Greeley was concerned, many felt as
Freeman NOrvell did. Norvell was the editor of the
preefiemocratic Detroit E£22,§£2£E.When Greeley was
nominated for President on the Democratic ticket.
When this nomination was made, Norvell retired from
the editorship which he had held for several years

"rather than endorse or advocate the recent attempt

 

20

at Baltimore to transfer the Democratic party to the
support of avowed life-long enemies of that party,
who neither before nor since the nomination have even
pretended that they are or ever can be Democrats."22

Early in September a "Straight" Democratic con-
vention was held in Louisville, Kentucky. The con-
vention repudiated Greeley and.nominated Charles 0'
Conor for President.23 In Michigan the ”Straight"
IDemocratic movement culminated in a convention held
on September 27 at Jackson. This convention chose
Presidential electors plus a state control committee
and nominated a state ticket headed by William M.
Ferry of Grand Haven. The person presiding over the
convention was the man who formerly had been chair-
man of the Democratic State Central Committee William
W. Wheaton. He declared that a "Straight" Democratic
ticket was essential in order to get genuine Democrats
to rebuke ”the dishonest trickery, which has been at-
tempted to be forced upon the party by false-hearted
~and weak-minded wirepullers.”24

On the fifth of November'all.hOpes that the
'Democrats had were dashed when the Republicans won an

overwhelming victory. In Michigan Grant collected
nearly 60,000 more votes than Greeley and a total of

22Detroit Free Press, July 14, 1872.
23Detroit Free Press, September 6, 1872.

245Detroit Free Press, September 28, 1872.

21

62.66 per cent of all votes cast for President. In
the gubernatorial race the Republican nominee John J.
Bahley garnered 61.84 per cent of the 222,511 votes
cast for governor.25 Austin Blair received 56.58 per
cent, William.M. Ferry, the "Straight" Democratic
nominee got 1.18 per cent while the Temperance candi-
date Henry Fish obtained a scant .6 per cent. Only
one Democrat was elected to the state senate as a-
gainst thirty-one Republicans, and in the state house
of representatives the Republicans were in the ma-
jority by a ninety-four to six count. All nine Con-
gressional districts sent Republicans to Washington.

Being youthful, perhaps overly optimistic, and
not accustomed to disappointments and frustrations
that come to nearly every politician, Don Dickinson
accepted defeat bitterly. He placed much blame on
members of his own party who had refused to support
the ticket led by Horace Greeley. Although one can-
not ascertain of what importance this factor was, the
F533 ££2££.8av° some credence to Dickinson's belief
when it hinted before the election that some.Democrats
might stay home on Election Day because "the leaders
of the 'Straight' Democratic movement might urge a
stay-at-home policy as a means of concealing the real

weakness of the movement."26 Eight days after the

25Michigan Almanac (Detroit, 1875), p. 85.

 

26Detroit Free Press, October 25, 1872.

 

22

election the Free Press in recapitulating what had

 

occurred said, "But we need go no further than Michi-
gan to find an apt illustration of the fact that a
large number of voters abstained from voting and that
of this number a great number are Opposed to Grant
and the principals and of the party which supports
him.”27 The paper went on citing some statistics
which seemed to support this claim.

0n the twenty-ninth of November, Horace Gree-
ley diode-dead of a broken heart, Dickinson later
wrote. Already disillusioned by the Democratic set-
back earlier in November, Dickinson now was deter-
mined to forsake the party for which he had labored
diligently during the months prior to defeat. 0n the
last day of 1872, he expressed his feelings in a let-
ter to Dr. Foster Pratt, the chairman of the Demo-
cratic State Central Committee.

He began by saying that he had fully made up
his mind, ”the death of Greeley having confirmed me
in the determination, never to vote or act with the
Democratic party as an organization again." He
blamed the Democratic party for Greeley's defeat de-
claring that'the party passively or actively, as its
members may please to say," defeated Greeley. In so
doing, Dickinson felt that "any link which might still

have bound the progressive men of the old organiza-

27Detroit Free Press, November 15, 1872.

 

—. -.,_._

25
tion to it" was broken.

‘Dickinson professed great admiration for Gree-
ley. "Personally, I revered and loved him, and not
all the slanders and bitter things that were said of
him during the campaign swerved me a hair's breadth
from my regard for him." A conviction that Greeley
was made to pay for criticisms that he had made of
Democrats in early days was expressed by Dickinson.
Rather than support their candidate said he, "They
have chosen to bicker over the truths told of their
ignorance and corruption of other days, by Mr. Gree-
ley, and to revenge the telling of them on their
country." Caustically he expressed more hOpe in
thieves "than of the stolidly ignorant who sway about
the feet of truth, crying, 'Crucify him! Crucify
him!‘"

Dickinson concluded his letter by resigning
from the Democratic State Central Committee and prom-
ising to "await the new party, which shall take up
and carry forward the living principles of our dead
leader."28

At this juncture, it seemed that Donald M.

Dickinson's political career had ended scarcely be-

fore it had begun.

28New York Times, August 15, 1886.

 

CHAPTER II
REACHING THE TOPMOST ROUND OF THE LADDER

After resigning from the Democratic party,
Dickinson for a time gave undivided attention to his
labors as a lawyer. Even though he would shortly re-
turn tO the political wars, and although there is
little doubt that he enjoyed his endeavors in poli-
tics, the law profession always remained dear to his
heart. In fact, he once wrote that "all the events
that I consider noteworthy in my life have occurred
in my professional career."1

As has been demonstrated in his reaction to the
1872 Democratic defeat, Dickinson had an overwhelming
desire to succeed. .Driven on by this ever present
drive to excel, Dickinson at this point began to
climb rapidly towards a position which would make him
one of the leading lawyers in the nation. On Feb-
ruary 15, 1875, Richard Dixon, a close friend of the
Dickinson family, wrote to Donald.Dickinson's mother

commenting, "Don is going 'way beyond any of the

1Dickinson to Rossiter Johnson, March 14, 1888,
Donald M. Dickinson Papers, Library of Congress.
HereaftertDPLC.

24

25
name.‘ I rejoice continually the more I see and
hear of him, and if he retains his health, he will
reach the topmost round of the ladder."

Other comments gleaned from Richard Dixon's
letters indicate that the young lawyer was doing
well. Already in 1871 Dixon wrote, "I am rejoiced
to learn that your 'youngest' whom you always said
was 'very promising' has again won a great legal

”2 Early in 1875 Dixon wrote, "Judge Memy

victory.
. . . says 'a generation does not produce but ggg_
Don Dickinson.‘ Alfred Russell, the best lawyer in
Michigan, says he is the 'most formidable opponent
in Detroit.'"3

About a year later Richard Dixon apparently
felt that the topmost round of the ladder was closer
than ever for he stated, "I heard a very influential
gentleman say to a number of prominent lawyers-~his
name was Hatch of the firm of Hatch and Cohen-~that
'Don Dickinson of Detroit was the ablest lawyer of
his age in this country, and that he regarded his

counsel as valuable as that of any lawyer in the city

of New York.'”4

2R.‘Dixon to M. H. Dickinson, Dec. 27, 1871,
Dickinson Papers, Michigan Historical Commission Ar-
chives.

5R. Dixon to M. H. Dickinson, Feb. 15, 1875,
DPMHCA.

4R. Dixon to w. H. Dickinson, Mar. 9, 1874,
DPIVlHCA e

26

Although.Dickinson was proving to be a suc-
cessful lawyer, he found that the world of politics
was too fascinating to forsake forever. Thus, he
broke the vow that he had made after the 1872 cam-
paign to “never vote or act with the Democratic party
as an organization again.” By 1874 he again was ea-
ger to throw himself into the struggle to make the
Democratic party more competitive in the state of
Michigan. Perhaps realizing that there was much
truth in what Dickinson had charged concerning Demo-
cratic support of Greeley, the Democratic leaders in
Michigan were quite willing to welcome.Dickinson back
into their ranks. In 1874.Dickinson played an active
role in a campaign which resulted in a startling Demo-
cratic comeback.5

The Democrats were blessed in 1874 with a number
of issues that aroused nmny citizens. The platform
adopted at the Democratic state convention meeting in
Kalamazoo on September 10 outlined these issues. The
platform began by arraigning the Republican party for
its ”unexampled extravagance and corruption, and for
its unconstitutional and dangerous usurpations of
powers not delegated to the Federal government."

More specifically the Democrats demanded an end to

5The statement that Dickinson "virtually ran the
1874 campaign” is made by Arthur Pound, "Donald M.
,Ddckinson," Michi an and the Cleveland Era, eds. Earl
JD. Babst and Lewis G. Vander Velde (Ann Arbor, 1948),
p. 118.

27

"all efforts to rule the States for corrupt party
purposes by an infamous alliance of carpet baggers,
scalawags, and bayonets." The Salary Grab was de-
nounced with a demand for immediate repeal of the law
increasing salaries. Equally strong criticism was
levelled against ”wholesale appropriation of the pub-
lic domain to Credit Mobilier and other corrupt cor-
porations."6

Besides corruption in government, the Panic of
1875 was an issue. To prevent recurrences the Demo-
cratic party in Michigan recommended measures such as
the repeal of the Legal-tender Act, a tariff for rev-
enue only, and more equal and just distribution "of
the taxes and imposts required to raise the needed
revenues.”

0n the state level, the party in power was con-
demned for its management of state finances because it
failed to reduce the tax burden even though there was
a large surplus in the state treasury. At the same
time, money was loaned "to the pets of a political
ring, for which no adequate security is required."
The state Republican-controlled legislature also had
refused to compel a thorough examination of the "books
and accounts of the State Treasurer” to which the Dem-

ocrats felt the peOple of Michigan were entitled.7

5Detroit Free Press, Sept. 11, 1874.

 

7Detroit Free Press, Sept. 11, 1874.

28
During the weeks prior to election, the Detroit

Free Press maintained a steady stream of editorials

 

chiefly concerned with corruption or mismanagement in
government; at the same time, it called for the elec-

tion of.Democrats who, the Free Press believed, would

 

improve governmental operations.

Although the Detroit newspaper had been a pro-
Democratic organ prior to 1874, it seemed especially
concerned that the.Democratic party do well in 1874.
Evidence of this can be gathered from an editorial
”The Convention Today" published the day the.Democratic

convention convened in Kalamazoo. The Eyes Press ex-

 

pressed the Opinion that this convention in many re-
spects was ”the most important political gathering
which the Democratic party of the State has been
called upon to hold for years." The editorial ex-
plained by continuing, "With each year that has been
added to its roll, the party in power has grown more
arrogant in its assumptions, more ruthless in its en-
croachments upon the rights both of the states and of
the peOple, more reckless in its expenditure, and more
corrupt in its administration of the affairs of gov-
ernment." It seemed apparent that the peOple were be-
coming aware Of this and this belief appeared to spur

On the Free Press as election day neared.

 

Along with the Free Press, Democratic leaders

 

such as former.Democratic State Chairman William A.

'Moore, the Democratic candidate for governor Henry

 

29
Chamberlain, William B. Moran and Donald Dickinson
seized the iniative and throughout the campaign vig-
orously attacked the Republicans and their record all
along the line. This time these efforts were not un-
rewarded.

The Republicans suffered a sizable loss in the
state legislature. The final returns revealed that
the Republicans had lost thirteen seats in the state
senate, reducing the number of seats they held from
thirty-one to eighteen. The senate now was much more
equally balanced for fourteen Democrats were elected
state senators. In the lower house the Republican
membership declined by forty-one with the Republicans
electing fifty-three representatives whereas pre-
viously ninety-four had sat in the state house of rep-
resentatives. At the same election the.Democrats
carried the first, fourth and sixth Congressional dis-
tricts. This equalled the total number of Democrats
that had been elected to the House during the pre-
vious twenty years. The Republican candidate for
governor John J. Bagley narrowly edged Democrat Henry
Chamberlain garnering but 50.46 of all votes cast for
governor; in 1872 the Republican candidate had coasted
to an easy victory by receiving a comfortable 61.84

percentage.8

8Harriette M. Dilla, The Politics 2£_Michi an,
1865-1878, Studies in History, Economics an ub 0
Law edited by the Faculty of Political Science Of Co-
lumbia University, XLVII, No. 118 (New York, 1912),
p. 1710

 

 

30
Although there were several factors contrib-
uting to the Republican setback, most observers and
politicians agreed that the depression and the charge
of corruption had hurt the party in power. The Novem-

ber 4 issue of the Eveninngews claimed that the elec-

 

tion “is the pOpular judgment upon the past six years
of Grantism, and must be accepted as proof that the
people are so sick of the whole concern that they are
willing to seem to encourage a restoration of the
.Democrats to power.” Republican governor John J.
Eagley blamed "the late panic and the continued fi-
nancial depression” for the Republican showing.9
Zachariah Chandler put the finger on ”the usual char-
ges of malfeasance in office, corruption of officials
and so forth.“10 William A. Moore who had worked en-
ergetically for the Democrats blamed Republican Recon-
struction policies as well as a desire on the part of
the people for "honest currency, based on gold and sil-
ver; a revenue tariff in which the 'protective' idea
shall be only incidental, if it exists at all, local
self-government, and an honest administration."11
When in January, 1875, the Democrats combined
with anti-Chandler Republicans in the state legisla-

ture and were thus able to thwart Zachariah Chandler's

QDetroit Evening News, Nov. 6, 1874.

 

 

IQDetroit Evening News, Nov. 6, 1874.

11Detroit Evening News, Nov. 6, 1874.

31
bid for a fourth term in the United States Senate,
it seemed as though the Republican hegemony in Michi-
gan state politics was beginning to wane. In Chand-
ler's stead, Judge Isaac P. Christiancy was elected
to the Senate. He seemed to favor less centraliza-
tion of power in the federal government and leaned
towards a reduction of tariffs.12 The Free Press
was well pleased with the selection of Christiancy
for he was opposed to military interference with civil
governments except in the manner expressly proscribed
in the Constitution.

Dickinson's efforts and influence in the 1874
campaign were recognized when he was chosen chairman
of the Democratic State Central Committee in 1876.
The state chairman of a major political party in
Michigan was more powerful and influential in 1876
than he became after the direct primary law went into
effect in 1909. AdOption of the direct primary in
Michigan made a potential candidate for governor less
dependent on the state chairman for nomination since
a party convention no longer chose the nominee. The
party conventions often were controlled by a unified
party hierarchy headed by the state party chairman}:5

It had been expected that Dr. William Brodie

12Detroit Evening News, Jan. 22, 1875.

13Jenn w, Lederle and Rita Feiler Aid, "Michi-
gan State Party Chairmen: 1882-1956," Michigan His-
tory, XLI (September 1957), 258.

52

would be Dickinson's major Opponent in the contest
for state chairman.14 However, in spite of the fact
that Dickinson was only twenty-eight years old, a
real struggle never develOped for the large Wayne
county delegation supported him strongly and the sen-
timent seemed to prevail that the party needed vig-
orous, young blood to wage a successful campaign.
William P. wells acknowledged in nominating Dickinson
that.Dickinson was "a Democrat from the sole of his
foot to the tOpmost hair of his head.”15

The Detroit Free Press was pleased with the se-
lection commenting that ”the enthusiastic unanimity
with which Mr. Dickinson of this city was chosen chair-
man shows that no mistake was made in presenting his
name to the convention; and no one who knows him can
doubt for a moment that under his management the cam-
paign will be conducted with activity, earnestness,
sagacity, and efficiency."16

jDickinson wasted little time for almost immedi-
ately he called a meeting of the Democratic State Cen-
tral Committee which took place on June 7 in Dickin-
son's office. The majority of this committee, like
Dickinson, were young and ambitious. Under Dickin-

son's guidance the party leaders preposed to generate

14Detroit Evening News, May 24, 1876.
15Detroit Free Press, May 24, 1876.

16Detroit Free Press, May 25, 1876.

55
enthusiasm by organizing Democratic clubs in every
town and ward in the state no matter how few Demo-
cratic votes had been obtained in prior elections.

“The young and vigorous men to the front" was to
be the motto in the appointment of committees from the
Congressional districts down to the smallest election
precincts. A complete system of correspondence was to
be inaugurated and was to Operate incessantly until
the day of election. The State Central Committee a-
greed that there should be no townships where the Re-
publican candidate would run unopposed.

After Samuel J. Tilden had been nominated by the
Democrats to be their Presidential candidate in 1876,
Dickinson in personal consultation with him mapped the
Michigan campaign. Dickinson found that Tilden was an
able, intelligent political organizer with forty years of
experience in the world of politics. Tilden's biog-
rapher Alexander C. Flick claims that the Republicans
had more politicians in control of their cause than
did the Democrats, but none were as shrewd as Tilden.17
Tilden knew what methods to employ to generate public-
ity and understood the psychology of advertising. Til-
den fully realized the worth of newspapers, pamphlets,
and circular letters as effective publicity. That the

young politician Donald Dickinson took some of the ad-

lvhlexander C. Flick, Samuel Jones Tilden: A
Study £1. Political Sagacity (New York, 19597, p. 560.

 

 

 

l—
L»

54
vice from this veteran campaigner and put his ideas
into practice is evidenced by a report from the Au-
gust 20 Detroit Eggg_§£2§§ which said "no better in-
dication could be had of the hopefulness with which
the Democracy of Michigan have entered upon the work
of regenerating the state than the zeal shown in cir-
culating documents and literature."18

That Dickinson planned to make reform a prime
issue in the 1876 campaign became quite evident When
Dickinson as chairman of the State Central Committee
issued a statement announcing a Democratic state con-
vention for August 9. The purpose of this convention
was to select a slate of state officers as well as
electors for President and Vice President.

In calling county conventions Dickinson urged
that the local leaders "invite all citizens irrespec-
tive of past party affiliations, who are Opposed to
continuing the corrupt rule of the past four years
and to the control of bad men at the seat of govern-
ment, to unite with us in the primaries held to elect
delegates or nominate candidates."

Dickinson reminded Republicans who were inter-
ested in reforming the party from within that Benja-
min H. Bristow, "the candidate demanded of the late
Republican convention by nine-tenths of the honest

masses of the party--he who had made a well-defined

18Detroit Free Press, Aug. 20, 1876.

 

55

record as a fighting enemy of corruption--received
at no time but 126 out of 756 votes in that Conven-
tion." ‘Dickinson went on to challenge the Republi-
can leaders to deny convincingly the assertion that
"the governing element of that Convention wanted no
success for the party which would place at the head
of government a positive, uncompromising and active
foe of dishonest men.and.dishonest government."19

At the June 7 meeting of the Democratic State
Central Committee, the Democratic leaders had urged
the inauguration of political clubs throughout the
state of Michigan. This movement began to achieve
momentum in July when a group of prominent Democrats
including Dickinson.formed the Central Reform Club of
Detroit. One of the prominent Democrats who spoke at
this organizational meeting was an old associate of
’Donald Dickinson, William A. Moore. Moore recognized
that the Democratic party had been "kept in the back-
ground" since 1860. Moore placed most of the blame on
poor tickets that had been chosen by the Democrats.
This year was to see a change according to Moore.
"Thanks to the St. Louis convention we have no such
load to carry now, and with the universal desire of
the people for reform, for a change, for return of
prosperity, the 4th of next March will witness the
inauguration of Samuel J. Tilden as President of the

19Detroit Free Press, June 29, 1876.

56
United States. . . ."20
The organization of this club in Detroit seemed
to act as a stimulus for soon reports began filtering
in from all parts of the state describing the formation
of reform clubs.

The Free Press in an editorial July 7 affirmed

 

that organization for the campaign had already begun
in the more thickly pOpulated areas of the state. An
appeal was to be made to "let the same work be done
all over the state.” The editorial urged the forma-
tion Of clubs "for the circulation of documents, the
dissemination of sound doctrine and the arousing of
every individual voter to a full comprehension of his
responsibility.” As the weeks went by, this kind of
organization was effected in many parts of the state
as reports came from various areas describing the
formation of reform clubs.

That Dickinson was rapidly becoming an experi-
enced, poised, and polished politician was evidenced
by his words and behavior at the state convention
held August 9 in Detroit. Dickinson Opened the con-
vention by informing the delegates that Mr. Daney had
never allowed the Whitney Opera House to be used for
a political gathering prior to the Democratic state
convention. Dickinson, in good humor, related to

his audience that Mr. Daney had been told not to be

ZQDetrOit Free Press, July 2, 1876.

 

57
concerned for Democratic conventions behaved much
better as a rule than church congregations.2l

With introductions and formalities out of the
way, the convention went about the serious work of
selecting a slate of nominees for the state ticket.
William.L. Webber, who had been chairman of the Michi-
gan delegation at the national convention in St.
Louis, was chosen to head the ticket as gubernatorial
nominee.

Hoping to send each delegate home in good spir-
its, Dickinson arranged an elaborate reception at his
home the same evening that the slate was chosen. At
this reception the delegates met those who had been
nominated for state offices during the day's pro-
ceedings. That evening the guests passed through an
entrance surrounded by huge flags. Within, the
rooms were decorated with flags and flowers with a
large portrait of Tilden occupying a conspicuous place
in the library. The exterior of Dickinson's home had
been artistically trimmed with Chinese lanterns of red,
white, and blue. The garden glowed, being illuminated
by torches. To help relax those who perhaps had had
their nerves strained performing the business accom-
plished at the convention, the 22nd Infantry Band

played carefully selected pieces of classical music.22

21Detroit Free Press, Aug. 10, 1876.

 

22Detroit Free Press, Aug. 10, 1876.

 

58

With the coming of September, the campaign was
intensified as both parties strained fervently to Ob-
tain every available vote. As one reads the news-
papers Of the eight weeks prior to the November elec-
tion, the word "reform" recurs again and again. Re-
form clubs continued to be formed throughout Michi-
gan. Seeking to persuade readers to register for the
November election, the enthusiastically Democratic

Detroit Free Press urged, "Let Every Democrat and Re-

 

former Heed This Solemn Duty." Another headline a
few weeks later read, "The Reformers Organizing for
Victory All Along the Line." ‘Dickinson kept this
theme alive by lashing out at the Republicans saying,
”On account of these long-continued inequities the
peOple of the United States demand a change. Across
the length and breadth of Michigan, from Detroit to
Grand Haven, from the southern tier to Keweenaw Point,
comes the cry, 'We want a change.'"23
Specifically the Democrats charged that the
Grant administration had whitewashed wrongdoers such
as Belknap and Babcock. The Grant administration had
tried to usurp powers belonging to the state. Said
Alpheus S. Williams, Democratic Congressman from Wayne
county, in a speech Opening the Democratic headquar-
ters in Detroit, "Federal bayonets are sent by the

President into sovereign states to overthrow legis-

23Detroit Evening News, Sept. 11, 1876.

 

59

latures and place partisan favorites in supreme au-
thority, as was instanced in the state of Louisiana."24
In the same speech Williams charged that the federal
government had squandered money under the Republican
administration. Williams pointed out that net or-
dinary expenses of the government had risen from
slightly over sixty-nine million in 1860 to between
one hundred sixty and one hundred seventy million.
Eight hundred million dollars had been lost on the in-
ternal revenue tax on whiskey "divided between elec-
tion frauds, dishonest distillers and fraudulent
government officials."

Large, enthusiastic crowds turned out for Demo-
cratic rallies throughout the state. On October 51

a very large crowd estimated to be between twenty and

twenty-five thousand by the Kalamazoo Weekly Gazette

 

assembled in Kalamazoo.25 The Democratic candidate
for Vice President, Thomas Hendricks, was the chief
attraction which helped to account for this massive
gathering. In Detroit the final political rally of
the campaign assembled the evening'before Election
iDay at the Detroit Opera House. Dickinson called the

meeting to order. The Democrats seemed in high spirits

2?Detroit Free Press, Sept. 21, 1876.

 

25Detroit Free Press, Oct. 51, 1876. The De-
!groit Free Press claimed that it was the largest'“'
Imublic gathering ever assembled in western Michi-

gan.

 

 

40
and very confident. During the course Of the eve-
ning Dickinson read messages from Abram S. Hewitt,
Chairman Of the Democratic National Committee, and
Daniel Magone, Chairman of the New YOrk State Central
Committee, assuring Dickinson and Michigan Democrats
that New York would certainly place its electoral
votes in the Tilden column. Magone confidently pre-
dicted, ”I assure you that New York is as certain to
cast her electoral vote for Tilden and Hendricks as
the rising of tomorrow's sun."26

Although Michigan gave her electoral votes to
Hayes on Election Day, Dickinson and the state Demo-
cratic organization could take pride in the fact that
Michigan achieved the distinction of procuring the
largest Democratic gain in any one state in the Union.
In 1872 Grant had polled 65.86 per cent of the popular
vote in Michigan. The 1876 election gave Hayes a
little over 52 per cent with 166,901 votes to 141,595
for Tilden. The number accumulated by Tilden nearly
doubled the total that Greeley had been able to ob-
tain four years prior.

Said the Detroit Free Press in an editorial ex-
actly one week after the election, ”Nothing but the
hardest work upon the part of the Michigan Democracy,
a.well organized campaign, efficiently and energet-

ically conducted, and a chairman of the State Commit-

26Detroit Free Press, Nov. 7, 1876.

41
tee who threw his heart intotshe work as devotedly
and spent as freely of his time and money as Don M.
Dickinson did could have kept the Republican majority
down to what it is."
Perhaps better evidence that Dickinson had sub-

stantially contributed to the significant Democratic

r gains came from the Detroit Evening Eggg_which had
steered an independent course during the campaign
supporting neither Hayes nor Tilden. Although this
newspaper was not particularly fond of Dickinson and
at times was very critical of him, the August 10,
1876 issue complimented him.and the Democratic man-
agement of the campaign. "Their state canvas has thus
far been managed with a degree Of good judgment, thor-
oughness in work, and moderation in expression, as re-
markable in Democratic campaigning as it is creditable.”
After the campaign was over, the same Evenigngews
pointed out that although Dickinson was being criti-
cized by some in his own party because of the elec-
tion results, this sniping at Dickinson was not jus-
tified. "Never," said the Evening N235, &was a politi-
cal campaign in this state managed with more tact and
energy than the recent one by Don M. Dickinson, esq.,
of this city, chairman of the Democratic State Central
Committee. Had it resulted differently, and had the
state been carried for Tilden, Mr. Dickinson's politi—
<=al fortune would have been made. As it is, the un-

:fortunate chairman is only subjected to calumny and

 

b3

42

abuse. He was confident and sanguine, as every
chairman should be, and now all lost bets are laid
at his door.”27

Later the achievement of the Democratic organi-
zation in Michigan seemed even more impressive when
it became known that.Dickinson had not asked for a
dollar from the National Committee. The National
Committee had requests for money from every state ex-
cept Michigan. Dickinson explained that if the Demo-
crats could not win without capturing the Michigan
vote, the Democrats would lose so he advised that all
the money the National Committee could spare be used
in doubtful states.28

Dickinson remained chairman Of the Democratic
State Central Committee until July, 1878. Apparently
feeling that he had served long enough in this capac-
ity, he resigned from the post after the Democratic
state convention, which convened at Lansing on July
10, had selected a slate Of state candidates for the
election scheduled for November.

Prior to the state convention, Wayne county had
selected him as "at large" candidate to the state con-
vention.29 At the convention Alpheus S. Williams,

JDemocratic Congressman from Wayne county, complimented

27Detroit Evening News, Nov. 26, 1876.

28Detroit News, Oct. 17, 1917.

 

29Detroit Free Press, July 4, 1878.

 

45
Dickinson predicting that if the township organiza-
tions could be brought tO the same relative degree
Of efficiency as the state organization the.Democracy
would carry Michigan by a five to ten thousand ma-
jority. N. H. Stewart moved that the thanks of the
convention be tendered to Dickinson for his services.

The Detroit Free Press reported that “a unanimous

 

rising vote showed the appreciation in which the re-
tiring Chairman is held.“50 Loud calls for a speech
brought.Dickinson to the platform from where he
thanked the convention for manifesting such good will
towards him.

After Dickinson had briefly addressed his fel-

low Democrats, the Free Press reported "prolonged ap-

 

plause.” 'The compliment paid to Mr. Dickinson," con-
tinued the Free Press, "is almost unprecedented and
the convention acknowledged his services in the most

emphatic manner.“51

 

The day after the convention the Free Press pub-
lished an editorial simply entitled "Hon. Don M.
Dickinson." This editorial asserted that if all the
Democrats in Michigan had been assembled at Lansing
the day before "when the State Convention by a rising
vote, tendered its thanks to Hon. Don M. Dickinson,

the retiring Chairman Of the State Committee, for the

3°Detroit Free Press, July ll, 1878.

31Detroit Free Press, July 11, 1878.

44

zeal and efficiency with which he has acted in that
capacity, they would have risen as one man in indorse-
ment of the resolution Of their representatives."
The Detroit newspaper praised Dickinson saying that
no Democratic chairman "ever had worked harder, more
faithfully or accomplished more with the same means
at command than Mr..Dickinson has done."

[AlthoughiDickinson voluntarily resigned from
the.Democratic State Central Committee in 1878 seem-
ingly amidst much good will, early in 1880 Dickinson'a
leadership was being repudiated by Democrats in his
own Wayne county. The Evening News which had praised
Dickinson's effort in 1876 accused him "of a lack of
judgment and tact." His chief weak point, said the
Evening N315, "is his overwhelming ambition to 'run
things.'“ The newspaper elaborated, "He must have
his hands in every pie; his influence must be felt in
every convention; every office holder must owe to him
his place--and so the rank and file of the party who
dislikes of all things one man power are gradually ac-
quiring the habit Of sitting down on everything that
appears to originate with him."32

This may have been one reason for the nomination
by the Wayne county.Democrats Of Alexander W. Copland
.for delegate-at-large to the national Democratic con-

‘Vention rather than Dickinson. In 1880 the Democratic

3ZDetroit Evening News, May 51, 1880.

45
party in Michigan was allowed to send twenty-two
delegates to the national convention. Four were to
be chosen by the state convention as delegates-at-
large. Traditionally Wayne county had been given the
privilege Of nominating one and this nomination usu-
ally was tantamount to election. At the Wayne county
convention Dickinson's bid for endorsement by his
home county was beaten back as COpland received
twenty-one votes to fifteen forDickinsonfiS;5 This
endorsement Of Copland was repeated on the eve Of
the state convention by a caucus Of the Wayne county
delegation to the state convention.

On June 8 the Democratic state convention con-
vened at East Saginaw. The business of the conven—
tion was carried out in routine manner until it came
time for the nomination of delegates-at-large to the
national convention. When the floor was Opened for
nominations, W. W. Duffield Of Wayne county seized
the initiative. Roared Duffield:

I present for one Of the delegates-at-large

to the National Convention from the First Con-
gressional District a gentleman, a prominent
member of the Detroit Bar. He holds a position
as the equal of any of the Oldest and most ex-
perienced members of his profession. He labored
for the success of his party in 1876, holding

the important position of Chairman Of the State
Central Committee, and his power was clearly ex-
hibited on that occasion in the great work Which
was done. The Democracy of Michigan in that year

polled 5,000 more votes than ever before. He has
never sought office. When office was sought to

35Detroit Evening News, May 29, 1880.

 

46

be thrust upon him, he steadfastly refused it,
preferring to fight in the ranks rather than share
in the spoils of victory. We of the First Dis-
trict would now respectfully present his name

to the convention. We appreciate the great ser-
vice he has rendered, and we ask the.Democrats
Of the state to elect him as one of the dele-
gates of the Democratic party. We ask this

with confidence because we know that others rec-
ognize his great ability, his sound sense and
discretion. He is most eminently fitted to

take the position Of delegate-at-large; and in
return for the services which he has already
rendered, we ask you to place him in a position
where he can aid us more and help us with his
sound sense and wise discretion. For services
well rendered, I present for gour consideration
the name of Don M. Dickinson. 4

When Duffield had finished, R. A. Montgomery
and L. H. Salsbury both gave seconding speeches and
it seemed for a moment that the Dickinson tide would
roll without much difficulty.

However, at this point Fred A. Baker from Wayne
county gained the floor in an effort to rally the
COpland forces. Baker agreed that Dickinson had per-
formed distinguished services but that "it has been
customary for Wayne county to have one of the four
delegates-at-large, and I appeal to the justice of
this convention and ask that you give us the man we
want." Baker went on to describe the victories won
by Copland both in the Wayne county convention and
the pro-convention caucus. Concluded Baker, "We ask

that the man for whom a preference has been expressed

34Detroit Free Press, June 9, 1880.

 

47

shall be chosen.“55

Peter Yost of Manistee, who couldn't resist
informing the convention that his county was the
strongest Democratic county for its size in Michi-
gan, was undeterred by Baker's reasoning and strongly
backed Dickinson. C. P. Black in supporting Dickin-
son reminded Baker and his followers that the delegates-
at-large were chosen by the state convention to rep-
resent the whole state and not any single locality.
Black asserted that there seldom had been a Demo-
cratic state convention without some differences
from Wayne county. Making light of the present dif-
ference, he said that having a state convention with-
out a division in Wayne county would be comparable
to producing the play Hamlet with Hamlet left out.

Other speeches seconding COpland and Dickinson
followed with John Miner, Chairman of the Wayne
county delegation, explaining just before the choice
of the first delegate-at-large that at the pre-
convention caucus fifty-eight out of the sixty dele-
gates frOm Wayne county were present. Thirty-four
voted for COpland with the twenty-four not voting in-
sisting that they were not bound by the caucus.

The Democratic state convention in no way re-
peated Wayne county's repudiation Of Dickinson's bid

for delegate-at-large. Dickinson overwhelmed his Op-

35Detroit Free Press, June 9, 1880.

48

position by drawing four hundred and forty votes to
forty-eight for Copland with George LothrOp getting
forty-one votes.36

When the.Democratic delegation from Michigan
assembled at Cincinnati in late June, Dickinson was
chosen chairman of the Michigan delegation. On June
25, in a caucus to decide whom Michigan would support
for Presidential nominee, there was division amid the
Michigan delegation with Chairman Dickinson supporting
Supreme Court Justice Stephen J. Field, although most
of the Michigan delegates seemed inclined towards
Henry B. Payne. There still appeared to be some
feeling Of dissatisfaction witthickinson within the
Wayne county delegation, for Edwin F. Conely from
Dickinson's own district delivered a ringing endorse-
ment of Samuel Tilden, while at the same time blasting
Field for his anti-Negro Opinions.57

The fact that Dickinson backed Field's candidacy
caused some to say that Dickinson was not sincerely
interested in seeing Field nominated but merely wished
to block any chance that Tilden might have had. Cir-
cumstances give little credence to these motives as-
cribed to Dickinson--motives which Dickinson char-

acterized as ”absurd lies."

36Detroit Free Press, June 9, 1880. Both the
Detroit Free Pregg and Detroit Evening News contain
extensive accounts of the state conventibfi?’

 

 

 

37Detroit Evening News, June 23, 1880.

 

49

John Bigelow, a close associate of Tilden,
writes in his biography of Tilden that after 1876
Tilden's health failed steadily and that Tilden's
medical advisers only hOped to retard a disease that
they considered to be incurable.58

Bigelow relates that one day early in the spring
of 1880 he was assisting Tilden in one Of his "vex-
atious litigations." As they worked tOgether, Tilden
seemed to lack full command of his resources so he
suggested that they go for a ride. As they rode,
Tilden spoke Of his declining health and finally
said, ”If I am no longer fit to prepare a case for
trial, I am not fit to be President of the United
States."

Bigelow believed that from that day forward
Tilden "had satisfied himself that he did not wish to
be a candidate for the presidency, and was determined
not tO be a party to any proceedings designed to make
him President."

Tilden himself substantiated the fact that his
health was a factor that weighed heavily in his de-
cision not to seek nomination for the Presidency.

In a letter delivered by his brother Henry Tilden to
the New York Democratic delegation present for the

1880 national convention, Tilden wrote, ”Having now

38John Bi slow, The Life 92 Samuel Tilden
(New York, 1895 , II, 264.

 

50

borne faithfully my full share of labor and care in
the public service, and wearing the marks Of its
burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable
discharge. I wish to lay down the honors and toils
of even quasi party leadership, and to seek the re-
pose Of private life. . . . I have accorded as long
a reserve Of my decision as possible, but I cannot
overcome my repugnance to enter into a new engage-
ment which involves four years of ceaseless toil."39

Dickinson pointed out that Henry Tilden had as-
sured him that Samuel Tilden approved of his advocacy
of Field.40 Henry Tilden, who had been entrusted
with the letter in which Samuel Tilden renounced
any intention of again running for President, accom-
panied Dickinson to Detroit after the convention and
was a guest in the.Dickinson home for several days.
There were no strained feelings, apparently, between
Dickinson and the Tildens. iDickinson felt that the
cordial relations established between him and Tilden
during the 1876 campaign remained so until Tilden's
death in 1886. Tilden apparently reciprocated this
feeling for he spoke well of Dickinson to John Bigo-

low only a short time before his death.41

sgBigelow, Life g£_Tilden, II, 269-270.

4onetroit News, Oct. 17, 1917.

 

41After the death Of Tilden, Dickinson paid
tribute to him in a letter to William A. Furey dated

51
After the 1880 Democratic national convention,

the Detroit Free Press published an editorial entitled

 

”The Glorious Work in Michigan." It concluded with,
"On with the glorious work! Every Democratic heart

is in it.”42 This editorial created an impression

of solid Democratic support unified for the coming
campaign. Future developments, however, were to belie
this.

That there was still disharmony amongst Wayne
county.Democrats was revealed by an editorial which
the Detroit Free Press printed about three weeks
later. This editorial concluded by saying, "One
thing more that is especially needed in this dis-
trict is harmony. Without this, organization is im-
possible. If the county and the district are to be
carried for the Democratic candidates, there must be
an entire abandonment Of all real or fancied griev-
ances, and a complete subordination of individual
feelings and preferences to the common good of the
party.'43

Dickinson was "conspicuously absent" from the
Wayne county convention which nominated William C.
Maybury for the House Of Representatives. There was
January 25, 1888. Dickinson praised him as "one of
the greatest Of modern men, in an age which required

statesmen to deal with new needs, new dangers, and a
new future.“

42Detroit Free Press, June 50, 1880.

43Detroit Free Press, July 22, 1880.

 

52
friction between Maybury and Dickinson. Thus, Dickin-
son displayed little enthusiasm for Maybury. The in-

dependent Evening News explained that Dickinson's op-

 

position stemmed from the fact that if Maybury were
elected, he would probably be the only Democratic
Congressman from Michigan. If Winfield S. Hancock,
the Democratic Presidential nominee, also won, May-
bury would have a great deal to say concerning fed-
eral patronage in Michigan, and Dickinson hOped that
someone other than Maybury would be the one who would
help divide the ”spoils.”

In August Dickinson did attend the Democratic
state convention which chose the nominees for the
state ticket. He was placed on the Resolutions Com-
mittee and served as chairman. When the Resolutions
Committee was asked for its report, Dickinson obliged
by reading it to the convention. In the report, the
Resolutions Committee asked that the platform adopted
by the national convention be reaffirmed and approved
"especially on the subjects of centralization, sump-
tuary laws, home rule, honest money, a free ballot
and a.fair count." The Committee also denounced the
Republican state convention held the previous week,
which the Committee charged, sought "to transmit to
another generation a tradition of hate." Dickinson‘s
report attacked the "continued interference with the
administration of justice in the state court by Fed-

eral Officials.“ The Committee declared that the

55

House of Representatives should take steps to check
this evil. Also demanded was the reduction "to prOp-
er sums and percentages theexpenses of advertising
tax sales and legal notices, the interest charged
upon delinquent taxes, the sums paid for Official
salaries to those filling newly created offices and
the numbers employed therein." Finally Winfield S.
Hancock, "the Hero Of Gettysburg," was strongly on-
dorsed. "We pledge to Hancock and English our en-
thusiastic and earnest support, and will make any and
every sacrifice in an honest effort to secure for
them the electoral vote of the Peninsular State.“44

Dickinson's chairmanship of this committee con-
stituted his chief contribution during the 1880 cam-
paign for he played a less prominent role at this
time than he had in 1876. In November, the Republi-
cans again trounced the Democrats in Michigan. The
final Official count gave Hancock 151,501 votes which
was far short of Garfield's 185,556. Republican David
H. Jerome had a smaller majority in the race for gov-
ernor, but he also won easily gaining 178,944 votes
to 157,671 for Democrat Frederick M. Holloway.45
The.Democrats failed to elect a single Congressman.

Dickinson's reluctance to play a major role in

the state Democratic party continued during the 1882

44Detroit Free ggess, Aug. 13, 1880.

 

45Michigan Almanac, 1881, p. 55.

 

54
campaign. There were friends and supporters of
Dickinson who hoped that he would run for governor,
but he reacted very coolly to any such preposals.

At their state party conventions held in Au-
gust, 1882, the Democratic party and the Greenback
party decided to combine their efforts and set up a
Fusion ticket choosing Josiah W. Begole as candidate
for governor.

During the negotiations that eventually led to
an agreement between the Democrats and the Greenback
party,.Dickinson had little to say. Although he had
been active in previous campaigns, he seemed obliv-
ious to the contest that went on during the autumn
of 1882.

Even though Begole was successful in his bid for
the governorship, there is evidence that Dickinson
disapproved of the merger in this campaign. He later
said that he regretted the association with the But-
lerites, as he called them. In the spring of 1884
some Michigan Democrats spoke favorably of General
Benjamin F. Butler's candidacy for President. When
iDickinson was approached concerning his feeling, he
adamantly refused to support Butler. He bluntly ac-
claimed, "Put me down in these words. I do not fa-
vor General Butler's candidacy for the.Democratic
nomination." When asked to give reasons for his
stand, Dickinson said that "it would take too long a

time to tell them." When an inquiry was made re-

55
garding the likelihood of Butler's election,.Dickin-
son reflected upon the 1872 campaign and answered,
"He would probably make such a run as Greeley did--
considerable enthusiasm at first, which would die out
before the time for election came."46

Althougthickinson appeared to be relatively in-
active in politics during the early 1880's, he was
very active as a lawyer. Possibly the most signifi-
cant case in which he was involved during the late
1870's and early 1880's was one concerning the bank-
ruptcy law. .Dickinson, intrigued by the United
States Constitution, spent much time studying it care-
fully. He realized that this document protected per-
sonal and individual rights and thus admired it. He
also strongly felt that one should always be on guard
against it becoming so powerful that the rights and
powers of the states would be impinged. He conceived
of himself as a Jeffersonian Democrat and to him this
meant that any unnecessary infringements upon the au-
tonomy of the states should be checked.

‘Dickinson felt that such an infringement was
being effected by the federal government under the
bankruptcy law. Under this law all manner of con-
troversies concerning property seized as assets of a
bankrupt by United States marshals were drawn into

bankruptcy court. These federal courts prevented

46Detroit Eveninngews, May 5, 1884.

56
parties from using the state courts when it was felt
that the marshals might have erred in seizing prop-
erty.
Dickinson's philos0phy is illustrated in E5.

parts Schwab47 and Leroux v. Hudson.48 He became in-

 

volved in §§_pg§§g Schwab when certain creditors of
Schott and Feibish, a Detroit concern, initiated
bankruptcy proceedings against this company in the
”District Court of the United States for the Eastern
‘District of Michigan. At the same time these creditors
obtained a provisional order for the seizure of cer-
tain goods which were alleged to have been disposed of
in violation of the bankruptcy law. The order to
seize these goods was put into the hands of the mar-
shal of the district, Salmon S. Matthews, and he car-
ried out the seizure.

When Samuel Schwab filed suit in the Superior
Court of Detroit against the creditors, the marshal
and the appointed assignee in bankruptcy of Schott
and Feibish, Joseph L. Hudson, the defendants asked
that Schwab be enjoined "from further prosecution of
said suit so pending in the Superior Court of Detroit,
or from the prosecution of any other or further suit
in regard to the seizure of said goods, save in this

(the circuit) court or in the bankruptcy court.”

47g; parts Schwab, 93 U.S. 240 (1878).

 

48Leroux v. Hudson, 108 U.S. 468 (1885).

57

Such an injunction was granted by the judge of the
District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan.
When Dickinson argued for Schwab that a mandamus
should be issued which would force the judge to set
aside such an injunction, the Supreme Court ruled
that injunctions might be granted to prevent pro-
ceedings in the courts of a State "in cases where
such injunction may be authorized by any law relating
to proceedings in bankruptcy."49

This decision was contrary to Dickinson's phi-
losOphy ef the power of federal courts. Five years
later he found himself again before the supreme tri-
bunal in Leroux v. Hudson. This case also involved
the bankrupt firm of Schott and Feibish. Certain
goods had been transferred by this company to Joseph
P. Leroux and Max Schott. Other creditors of Schott
and Feibish claimed that this transfer violated the
bankruptcy law and the.District Court of the United
States of Michigan ordered Marshal Salmon S. Matthews
to seize the goods that Leroux and Schott had ob-
tained. When this seizure was accomplished, Leroux
filed suit against the marshal and his deputies in
the Circuit Court for Bay City to recover damages
for breaking into this store at Bay City, for seizing
the goods and preventing Leroux and Schott from car-

rying on business for three days. Matthews and his

49.835 parte Schwab, 98 U.S. 240 (1878).

 

58

deputies along with Joseph L. Hudson, who had been
appointed assignee in bankruptcy of Schott and Fei-
bish, filed a bill of equity petitioning that "Leroux
and Max Schott be enjoined from further prosecuting
their suit, or any other suit in a state court, for
damages in regard to the goods seized by the Marshal;
and that if they should c1aim.any interest therein,
they should proceed to establish their claim in the
Circuit Court of the United States or in the District
Court in Bankruptcy.” An injunction was granted a-
gainst Leroux and Schott just as it had been against
Schwab. Leroux appealed this ruling.

In this case, the Supreme Court ruled against
Marshal Matthews and his deputies "notwithstanding

what was said by this court in §§_parte Schwab."

 

Justice Blatchford in delivering the opinion of the
court elaborated saying, "The provisional warrant
being one merely commanding the Marshal to seize the
property of the debtors, it was for the Marshal to
determine for himself whether the goods seized were
legally liable to seizure under the warrant, and the
Circuit Court could afford him no protection against
the consequences of an erroneous exercise of his
judgment in that determination. He was liable to
suit in any court of competent jurisdiction for in-
juries growing out of his mistakes. The state court
in which the suit for trespass was brought was such

a court, and that suit was an appropriate suit. The

59

parties bringing it were entitled to proceed with
that suit in that forum."50

This decision was significant for it more
clearly defined the jurisdiction of state courts in
cases similar to Leroux v. Hudson. Dickinson was
pleased with the Supreme Court's decision in Leroux
v. Hudson for it strengthened the position and juris-
diction of the state courts. In a letter to Rossiter
Johnson summarizing his legal career, he especially
made mention of this case explaining that in a long
series of litigations this case "resulted in the
setting aside of the claim and exercise of jurisdic-
tion by the Federal courts under the Bankruptcy Laws
to enjoin proceeding in State courts. This was done
after ten years' general exercise of the jurisdiction
throughout the country on the only appeal ever taken
to the United States Supreme Court on the question.
."51

The year 1884 saw Donald Dickinson more active
than ever in the political arena. In New Yerk, Gov-
ernor Grover Cleveland was achieving prominence as
he sought to give the state of New York an honest
administration. When Cleveland crossed swords with
John Kelly and Tammany Hall by informing Kelly that

he, Grover Cleveland, objected to Senator Grady's

5°Leroux v. Hudson, 109 U.S. 468 (1885).

51Dickinson to R. Johnson, Mar. 14, 1888, DPLC.

60
bid for re-election to the United States Senate,
Democrats in several states began to see in Cleve-
land their nominee for the Presidency in 1884.52
Here was a man about whom not only Democrats of in-
tegrity could rally, but many independents and lib-
eral Republicans as well.

By 1884, the rift in the Wayne county Democratic
organization that Dickinson had felt keenly in 1880
had apparently healed for Dickinson was unanimously
chosen delegate-at-large to the state convention by
the Wayne county convention held approximately One
week prior to the state convention.53 At this time
Dickinson also would have had no trouble being nom-
inated by wayne county Democrats to be delegate-at-
large to the national convention. W. W. Wheaton was
eventually chosen, but indicated that he would not
have sought the honor had Dickinson desired it.54
”Dickinson was pleased that his nominee for the State
Central Committee, John J. Enright, was elected with
little difficulty.

Dickinson's star glittered as it never had be-

fore when the state convention convened. Immediately

52Allan Nevins, Grover Cleveland: A Study in

Coura s (New Yerk, 1952), p. 155. Nevins-says that
the letter to Kelly from Cleveland stating Cleveland's
Opposition to Grady "marked the beginning of Cleve-
land's marvelous career as a national leader."

53Detroit Evening News, June 12, 1884.

 

54Detroit Free Press, June 19, 1884.

 

61
he was named temporary chairman of the state conven-
tion. He was soon confirmed as permanent chairman
and in this position wielded a great deal of influ-
ence.

Upon assuming the chairmanship, Dickinson, at
his best on occasions such as this, warmly praised
Samuel Tilden by painting a picture of an old soldier
who had fought for right and had retired leaving the
righteous struggle to others. He described Tilden
in these glowing terms. "Pure and unselfish in his
life, a grand and noble figure in history, yielding
to years and bodily infirmity, he has laid down the
staff of leadership; and it is a sacred trust to us
to choose one worthy to carry the banner in the great
war of right against wrong, in which he has so often
led us to victory.“ Borrowing words from St. Paul,
Dickinson assured his fellow Democrats that Tilden
had finished his course. He has ”fought a good
fight.” He has ”kept the faith.”55

After beginning with these kind, complimentary
statements concerning Tilden, Dickinson launched an
all-out attack on Blaine and the Republicans. ”A
plumed knight! A plumed knight,” he sneered. "lb
remember when the feathers that he wore were plucked
from.a bird that was not white, a bird that is de-

fined by the naturalists as one that feeds upon cor-

55Detroit Free Press, June 19, 1884.

62
ruption and is called a vulture. We remember when
his plumes were somewhat bedraggled and he crawled at
the feet of Mulligan. We remember and have always re-
membered, that when this doughty champion of the nod-
ding plumes has been weighed in the balance against
hard cash, his manhood has always kicked the beam."56

‘Dickinson went on to criticize the Republicans
for picking a man like Blaine for their standard
bearer when the Republican party had other men who
“tower above James G. Blaine as Mount Washington
rises above a wart. . . . Yet over the heads of
these, ignoring all, this yelling concentration of
small men at Chicago have raised up this strutting
pigmy, a pigmy still.”

Dickinson pointed out that although the ma-
jority of Republicans had succumbed to nominating a
man like Blaine, he was confident that his party would
not do the same. ”Let us not be afraid at that con-
vention at Chicago to express Democratic principles.
The peOple are ready to receive them. Let us not
insult the intelligence of the laborers and the sol-
diers, and other men who vote by catch words and
clap-trap. Let us take a decided stand, Democratic
principles are the principles which must govern this
land; the greatest good to the greatest number; do-

mestic self-government and the striking down of John

55Detro1t Free Press, June 19, 1884.

65

Adams' theory that men are divided into two classes,
gentlemen and simple men. . . ."57

Secretly Dickinson must have been pleased with
results of this state convention. In the election
for delegates-at-large to the national convention
men who favored Cleveland's candidacy had been chosen.
With harmony prevailing once again it looked as though
1884 might be the year Michigan Democrats had been
seeking a long time.

Dickinson again was being recognized as a prom-
inent leader in Michigan politics. Although he did

not seek the position, his name again came to the

fore as possible state chairman. The Detroit Free

 

233 3 expressed the attitude of many Democrats.

"The feeling on the whole is to confer the honor upon
Mr. Dickinson in recognition of his splendid abilities
and as a testimonial to the excellent work which he
did for the Democracy when serving in that capacity

in the Tilden campaign.“58 However, in 1884, it ap-
pears that Dickinson desired the position of Nar
tional Committeeman from Michigan more than the chair-
manship of the state Democratic organization. With
Wayne county Democrats again solidly behind him, he
had little difficulty in being named to the National

Committee.

57Detroit Free Press, June 19, 1884.

58Detroit Free Press, June 18, 1884.

 

64

On October 25, a political gathering described
as the "greatest Democratic rally of the campaign"
was held at White's Opera House in Detroit. Such
prominent state Democrats as William P. Wells, Jerome
Eddy, John G. Parkhurst and William Maybury were
there. For the evening's festivities, Donald Dickin-
son had been chosen chairman. Bubbling with en-
thusiasm, he pictured the Democratic party as an
army fighting a crusade against a foe that stood for
evil and corruption. Introducing Senator George H.
Pendleton from Ohio, he remarked, "Three hundred and
eighty thousand of the men of Ohio send you a greet-
ing“! Dickinson realized that not the entire number
were Democrats, but that they were all "friends and
allies in the great contest we are waging against
James G. Blaine and in aiding the election of Grover
Cleveland." Continuing to portray the Democrats as
a "grand army," Dickinson pointed out that Republicans
had been attacked and that Blaine, a false knight, had
been driven “down the country roads and along the
highways" and that he had been penned up ”in the
'boodle' strongholds-~the cities of Ohio." From re-
ports that he had heard, Dickinson was very confi-
dent that Ohio would "assist in the triumphant elec-
tion of Grover Cleveland and Thomas A. Hendricks. .

.n59

59Detroit Free Press, Oct. 24, 1884.

 

65

When the Senator had finished speaking, Dickin-
son continued to whip up the crowd to a greater de-
gree of enthusiasm by calling for three cheers for
Senator Pendleton that could be heard all the way to
his home state of Ohio.

Also present at the rally was the father of
General George Custer. The old man arose to receive
a tremendous ovation from the crowd. When the aged
father of General Custer had again found his seat,
Dickinson could not resist throwing out this final
remark. "I have only to say that every drOp of blood
that flows from that heart and every beat of that
heart is for Grover Cleveland.”

Realizing the political worth of military
heroes, Dickinson next turned to General W. S. Rose-
crans. Reminding those present of Rosecrans' Civil
War record, he introduced the old soldier in this
manner. "‘Do you remember the first battle of the re-
bellion that we won--Rich Mountain--and who fought
it? Do you remember the great means to that great
end--the surrender of Lee? Do you remember the hero
of the great Tennessee campaign? Do you remember
Stone River"? By this time cries of ”Rosy, Rosy"
were being heard from all sides. Dickinson, by now
a very cLever politician, realized with the sounds
"Rosy, Rosy" ringing in his ears that he had per-
formed his task of arousing the Democrats present

to do battle eagerly during the last few days of the

66
campaign.60

On election eve, November 5, Dickinson, as
chairman of the final big Democratic rally of the
campaign in Detroit, again expended all his organi-
zational and oratorical talents as he made every ef-
fort to stir Democrats from all parts of Detroit for
the very significant struggle that the party faced
the following day. The election of Cleveland was
very dearly sought and desired especially by Dickinson
and reports indicated that.Democratic chances in 1884
were better than they had been for some time. Thus,
Dickinson looked forward to the evening's activities
with anticipation, ready to give his all for the
cause.

White's Opera House had been leased for the
evening and the stage from which.Dickinson and other
leading Democrats spoke that night had been appro-
priately decorated. At the back of the stage hung
a huge portrait of Grover Cleveland with American
flags draped on either side. Below the picture was
an unfurled banner which had this call to battle in-
scribed, "Tomorrow the battle is on. Democracy's
standards are all freighted with the party's pledges
to reform, retrenchment, and the right of rich and

poor to be protected alike, and millions will carry

6ODetroit Free Press, Oct. 24, 1884.

 

67

those standards on the morrow to certain victory."61
Dickinson, brimming with confidence, presided

after being presented by Judge Cornelius Reilly. Be-

fore introducing the speakers for the evening, Dickin-

son himself made a few remarks. He told his audience

that the.Detroit Post had carried a story a few days

 

prior, describing a reception which one thousand cler-
gymen had accorded Blaine upon his return to New York.
Actually, said Dickinson, only sixty-one of the thou-
sand were genuine clergyman for the servants had made
a mistake and admitted all those who wore chokers and
black coats. "As a result,” said Dickinson, "we had
there first and foremost the Reverend Jay Gould."
Dickinson mentioned other Democratic leaders that were
present prefacing each name with the title "Reverend."
Finally Reverend Burchard, truly a member of the
clergy, turned to Blaine and addressed him on behalf
of the clergymen present. Blaine was told by Bur-
chard, said Dickinson, that he "was the representative
of all virtues of this enlightened country, and that
the other candidate represented the party of rum,
Romanism and.rebellion.” ;Dickinson fully realized

the Republican blunder. Like a boxer striving to
knock out a staggering Opponent,.Dickinson threw this
challenge to the opponents. ”Well, the party of rum,

Romanism, and rebellion led by such men as Samuel

61Detroit Free Press, Nov. 4, 1884.

68
J. Tilden, Winfield Scott Hancock, George William
Curtis, John A. Andrew and coming nearer home, the
Honorable George V. N. Lothrop and Ashley Pond will
present its compliments tomorrow to the party of
Boodle, Blasphemy and Blaine led by such leaders as
Jay Gould, Brady, Elkins, Clayton and the rest of the
Boodle gang. ."62

Throughout the evening's festivities, Dickinson
was in tOp form and perfectly at ease before this
large throng. His introductions were witty and spiced
so that enthusiasm did.not lag during the program.

When introducing C. J. O'Flynn, Dickinson had a
story concerning Blaine and Roscoe Conkling. "Some
time ago," commented Dickinson, ”a distinguished
jurist undertook the defense of Blaine in this city.
When the great Roscoe Conkling was implored to make
just one speech in favor of Blaine, he answered that
he was not engaged in criminal practice."

Attending this meeting was a former mayor of De-
troit William G. Thompson. Thompson had supported
the Republican party most of his life, but had switched
his allegiance and vowed to vote for Cleveland in
1884. When the throng shouted for Thompson, Dickin-
son replied, "YOu shall have him, you shall have
him, but let me tell a story first.” The story that

followed related a tale of a gentleman who when

62Detroit Free Press, Nov. 4, 1884.

 

69
crossing a bridge fell into a morass. A servant ran
for help shouting, "My master has fallen in." "How
deep is he in?" came a reply. "Up to his ankles,”
retorted the servant. "What are you yelling for, you
fool?" questioned those who would help. "But he is
in head first.”

Dickinson proceeded to demonstrate that William
G. Thompson knowing the dishonesty of James G. Blaine
could not vote for him, and in coming over to us only
meant to come to the depth of his ankles, but he has
made a mistake and come over head first.

With finesse Dickinson varied his techniques
throughout the evening. At times he would rap his
Opponents vigorously causing the crowd to cheer
wildly. At other tills he would amuse his audience
with anecdotes which he sprung upon his hearers at
the apprOpriate moment.

He introduced Judge J. Reilly by telling an
anecdote of a lord who was told by his servant that
a friend was coming up the road. This friend was
such a bore that the lord did not wish to see him at
that time. "Shall I say you are out?” inquired the
servant. "Oh, no--give an evasive answer," instruc-
ted the lord. After a short time, the lord peered
down from his window and saw his supposed friend
leaving in great anger. He asked the servant, "What
did you say to him?" "Faith, sir, and I gave an e-

vasive answer. He asked if you were in, sir, and I

70
told him 'Go to hell, sir.'"

”Now," said Dickinson, "the gentleman who is
about to address you has been asked to support the
Republican candidate for Congress because he was an
Irishman, and returned an evasive answer. Cornelius
J. Reilly."65

For several days following the election, the
most significant contest, which would result in the
Presidential office for either the Republicans or
the Democrats hung in the balance. On Thursday,

November 6, the Detroit Free Press ran a caption

 

"We've Wen." Above this caption a strutting cock was
pictured while below a smaller headline proclaimed,
"The Tentacles of the Republican OctOpus Loosened
from the Ship of State." Actually on this Thursday
these statements were misleading for the election
hinged on returns being tabulated in the state of
New York. No one was certain which way New York
would go for the vote there was extremely close.
Dickinson was determined to see that New Ybrk
was not ”stolen” by the Republicans. Hastily a sum
of fifty thousand dollars was collected from Michigan
Democrats with.Dickinson contributing five thousand
dollars himself. With a draft of fifty thousand

dollars in his pocket, Dickinson hurriedly traveled
53Dotroit Free Press, Nov. 4, 1884. The Detroit

Free Press carried a very extensive account of this
pro-election day rally.

 

 

71

to New York. Realizing that Roscoe Conkling was an
implacable foe of Blaine, Dickinson immediately con-
tacted him and retained him. ‘With Conkling on the
alert and scrutinizing the election boards and ballot
boxes of districts which would determine whether
Blaine or Cleveland would win, there was little chance
for dishonesty»64 Cleveland squeezed out a narrow
margin in New York and with this victory in New York,
he had won the Presidency.

On Saturday night, November 8, the Democrats in
Detroit held what was termed ”a big jollification

meeting" by the Detroit Free Press. The joyous Demo-

 

crats in Detroit met at the'Detroit Opera House to
celebrate their victory. In Michigan, Democrats were
elated over the fact that only four of eleven Con-
gressional districts were sending Republicans to Wash-
ington as a result of the Tuesday election. Although
Michigan had not elected a Democratic governor, the
Republicans were to be the minority party in the state
legislature.

Presiding at the celebration of happy Democrats
was Donald Dickinson. jDemocrats in Michigan recog-
nized the role that he had played throughout the cam-
paign. Said Judge C. J. Reilly in presenting him as
chairman for the evening, ”On behalf of this meeting

I propose for its Chairman that Democrat whose match-

64Detro1t News, Oct. 17, 1917.

 

72

less energy and strict integrity is largely due our
victory in this district and state-~Don M..Dickinson."
Dickinson received a rousing welcome from those as-
sembled.

Dickinson had anticipated this moment for a
long time. He had been but ten years old when the
Democrats had last elected a president. Exuberantly
he reminded his listeners that on election eve he had
predicted “the party of rum, Romanism, and rebellion
would present its compliments next day to the party
of Boodle, Blasphemy, and Blaine." Said Dickinson
tersely, "We have so paid our compliments." With
sarcasm dripping from every word he continued, "Jay
Gould says he will concede Cleveland's election.
Good, kind Jay Gould. He is like the ancient king
who kindly granted his peOple the privilege of drawing
their breath. We do not need Jay Gould's concession."65

In his concluding comments,.Dickinson explained
what he felt the election to mean. They illustrate
well Dickinson's Jeffersonian approach to government.
”This great victory means, foremost, the final de-
cision of the sovereignty of the peOple. It means the
banishment of the hateful theory that all power not
especially given by the Constitution to public of-
ficials and bodies is inherent in the peOple. It

means that honesty is the best policy and condemnation

65Detroit Free Press, Nov. 9, 1884.

 

75
of Blaine's dishonest methods."

On a night like that night all animosities and
old rivalries were forgotten for the moment. An ex-
ample of this was the introduction accorded Repre-
sentative William Maybury elected from the First
Congressional District. Days had passed and days
would come again when these two.Democratic leaders
would not look.upon each other with favor. However,
on this occasion Dickinson wittily introduced May-
bury by informing the crowd that Maybury's name had
been changed. "We no longer call him 'Maybury', but
'Didbury.'“ It was obvious that victory tasted good

to all Democrats.66

The year 1884 was a significant year for the
United States and the Democratic party. After many
fruitless years the Democrats had proved that they
were still alive as a party and that they could still
muster enough strength to elect a President. The two
party system which Americans had long cherished still
existed and was given a formidable uplift through the
election of Cleveland.

The year was no less significant in the life of
Donald Dickinson. The election of Cleveland was to
alter his life considerably in the years that lay a-
head. By 1884 he became a leading figure in Michigan
politics and with the election of Cleveland he was

66Detroit Free Press, Nov. 9, 1884.

 

74
soon found.among the leaders in national politics.
There is little likelihood that he would have achieved
such prominence had Cleveland not been elected.

This important year reached its climax for
Dickinson personally shortly after the election. Ten
leading Michigan.Democrats including the editor of
the Detroit Free Press William E. Quinby recognized
the role that Dickinson had played in the recent cam-
paign. Wrote this committee to the men they wished
to honor. “When a free peOple has become victorious
after a life and death struggle to overthrow the vast
and dangerous power of a party of corruption and mo-
nopoly long in control of its government of affairs,
it is eminently apprOpriate that all good citizens
should rejoice over their conquest, and also that
fitting tribute should be rendered to the one of
their number who has been foremost in the fight;
whose appreciation of the imminent danger to free in-
stitutions if corrupt politicians retain their power
and whose devotion to the cause of the people has led
him to the unselfish performance of great labor

therein."67

The committee of ten which had been chosen by
"many of your fellow citizens, friends, and neighbors,
as well as co-workers in behalf of good government in

this country” wished to express "deep and sincere ap-

6'7Detroit Free Press, Nov. 18, 1884.

 

75
preciation" for the arduous service that Dickinson
had performed. These highly complimentary phrases
were followed with an invitation to a public recep-
tion at White's Opera House scheduled for November
20, where "more mutual and personal congratulations
may be given and received."

Dickinson was highly gratified by this show of
admiration. He reflected upon recent events and ex-
pressed the sentiment that "the journey of life is
by a road that does not all lie through a weary and
barren land.“ .Dickinson likened his and the Demo-
crats' recent good fortune to a toiling pilgrim who
comes to green meadows, sweet flowers, and bright
waters. He enjoys these thoroughly and "goes thence
refreshed and gladdened."

In spite of his pleasure over the kindness that
his friends and associates had rendered him, Dickinson
felt constrained graciously to decline this honor.

"I wish to impress upon you and upon them that my ap-
preciation of this evidence of the regard of my fel-
lows and of their belief in my honesty of purpose and
sincerity of conviction is most heartfelt. I am the
more anxious to make this impression because I feel
that I must decline the honor which has been tendered

me.”68

Life was not all rosy for Dickinson during these

68Detroit Free Press, Nov. 18, 1884.

 

76

years which saw this young lawyer advancing both in
politics and in the legal profession. Sudden tragedy
struck the.Dickinson family; five children were
taken by death in one year through the deadly disease
spinal meningitis contracted during a summer vacation
in Canada. Although the letters of Dickinson say
little concerning this stunning blow, those who knew .
him and his wife reveal that it burdened the souls
of both him and his wife a long time. Excerpts from
letters, written by H. L. Holmes to Dickinson's
mother after the deaths of these children reveal the
anguish of the parents. "Has Don yet become recon-
ciled? I trust that he feels by this time that his
darlings are 'not lost'--only gone before."69 A
few months later Holmes wrote concerning Mrs. Donald
,Dickinson, "Fannie writes me she does not feel well
these days and says it is hard work to compose her
thoughts and write a letter."'70

Three years later this sorrow had not been e-
rased for on February 12, 1882, a letter addressed to
"Mother and dear ones at home" made reference to this
tragedy and indicates that the Dickinsons were still
grieving. The writer promised to pray for.Don and

his wife and expressed the hepe that they soon would

69R. Dixon to M. H. Dickinson, June 15, 1879,
DPMHCA.

7OR. Dixon to M. H. Dickinson, Nov. 27, 1879,
DPMHCA.

77
find "sweet peace in resting on the strong arm of
Jesus.” The sympathizer was confident that "their
darlings” were "safe in the arms" of Jesus and had
"escaped the trials and temptations of the world."
Of this the author was very confident and he was cer-
tain also that it would be of comfort to "dear Don
and Fannie if they would only believe."

What effect this tragedy had upon Dickinson and
his career is difficult to judge. He was not com-
pletely crushed nor did this blow prevent him from
pushing forward both as a politician and lawyer, al-
though it may help to explain the fact that he was
not as active in the world of politics in 1880 and
1882 as he had been prior to this tragedy. It is
evident from.Dickinson's letters that he had a deep
attachment for his surviving children which seems to
have been partially fostered by his earlier loss. He
disliked being away from home for extended periods.
Very likely this was a factor in his declining posi-
tions that Grover Cleveland wmild have preferred he
accept for he knew that this would have meant still

fewer moments at home.

CHAPTER III
THE BEGINNING OF N ENDURING FRIENDSHIP

Grover Cleveland was the first Democratic Pres-
ident to be elected since James Buchanan had achieved
victory in 1856. For nearly thirty years the Demo-
crats had been thwarted in Presidential elections.
When Cleveland was elected, Democrats all over the
United States were eager to share in the spoils;
Michigan was no exception. Although Michigan Demo-
crats had not been able to swing the state into the
Cleveland column, they, with the support of the Green-
backers, had been able to win seven of the eleven Con-
gressional seats. The Michigan Republicans had only
four members in the House, but they did retain both
seats in the Senate.

Traditionally, members of the President's party
in the House were recognized as being influential as
far as postal appointments within the state were con-
cerned while Senators from the same party were given
preference in all other appointments. Since there
were no Democratic Senators from Michigan, certain
House members from Michigan felt that they should be
recognized in more than just postal appointments.

78

79

However, as time went on President Cleveland
began to admire Dickinson and respect his judgment
more and more so that ofttimes when a decision had to
be made regarding the filling of a federal position,
a person supported by Dickinson was chosen. As time
passed, the issue of federal patronage in Michigan
created friction between Dickinson and the Michigan
state Democratic organization on one hand and cer-
tain Democratic Congressmen led by William C. May-
bury on the other.

In January, 1885, Dickinson accompanied seven-
teen prominent Michigan Democrats to Buffalo in or-
der to introduce them to Cleveland. Included in the
group were such prominent men as George Lothrop, who
would soon be sent to Russia as United States Ambas-

sador; W. H. Quinby, the editor of the Dgtroit Free

 

P3355; the former Chairman of the Michigan State Cen-
tral Committee, Orlando M. Barnes; and the man who then
held the same position, Jerome Eddy. No prominent
Michigan Democratic Congressman seems to have been
included in this group.

There were rumors that Dickinson was the only
Michigan Democrat being considered for a Cabinet
post in the incoming Cleveland administration. The
stories had circulated to such a degree that.Dickin-
son himself felt constrained to say in February,
"There is no truth in it. My friends well know that

there is no political position within the gift of the

80

people or the President which I would accept."1

Dickinson also continued to be recOgnized within
his county and state as the leader of the Democratic
organization. On February 25 the Democratic state
convention convened for the purpose of selecting can-
didates to run in the spring election. George P.
Sanford was addressing the convention when Dickinson
entered to take his seat with the Wayne county dele-
gation. His arrival caused such loud applause that
Sanford had to suspend his remarks momentarily. State
Chairman Jerome Eddy invited Dickinson to the state
which only invoked greater acclaim and enthusiasm.
Dickinson rose to decline the honor, but the conven-
tion would not hear of this. Finally he ascended the
platform and addressed the gathering briefly, prom-
ising his fellow Democrats that a new leaf had been
turned and that the Democrats would "make history”
under the chapter commencing with the election of
Cleveland.2

Shortly after the inauguration of Cleveland,
bochDickinson and Representative William Maybury
visited Cleveland in Washington. Maybury quite
bluntly stated that his purpose in seeing Cleveland

1Fromunidentified newspaper clipping found in
the first scrapbook of a series of twelve scrapbooks
containing press clippings relating to the public ca-
reer of Donald M. Dickinson. Scrapbooks in possession
of the Michigan Historical Commission Archives.

2Detroit Free Press, Feb. 26, 1885.

 

81

was to obtain some federal appointments for peOple

of his choice. .Dickinson was not quite as direct,
but he did state that he was not at the moment taking
part in local politics nor was he interested in the
site for a public building which had been a point of
controversy in Detroit. Although Cleveland had just
taken office, the Detroit Post foresaw that a breach

 

was already developing between Maybury and Dickinson
for it headlined the story of these Washington visits,
"Two Rivals." The concluding statement of this news
story said that although.Dickinson and Maybury had
come to Washington together, they had kept "wide a-
part since they have been in the city."5
There could be little doubt that Dickinson had
won the first round in his struggle to secure federal
appointments that he felt would do honor to the Cleve-
land administration and the Democratic party. Soon
after the visits of.Dickinson and Maybury, the first
major federal appointment involving a Michigan man was
made when Martin V. Montgomery of Lansing was named
Commissioner of Patents. That it was clearly a vic-
tory for Dickinson is evidenced by a letter from
'Dickinson to Cleveland. "There is a young man named

Stewart now in Washington who was a candidate for

Commissioner of Patents and was endorsed for that

SNewspaper clipping from the Detroit Post, March
17, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 1, Michigan Historical
Commission Archives. Hereafter MHCA.

 

82
position by the Michigan Congressmen. I was not a-
ware that his application was on file or of his can-
didacy When I had the honor to suggest the name of
Mr. Montgomery. With that knowledge, however, I
should have made the suggestions I did make.”4
In an editorial entitled "Ave Caesar" the 927

troit Post correctly summed up this appointment by

 

saying, ”The selection of Montgomery, if not Dickin-
son's work, is at least on Mr. Dickinson's side; and
it looks very much as if Mr. Dickinson's new name was
to be Boss."5

‘Dickinson seemed to be growing more pOpular with
the President. In his home state, he was consoli-
dating forces behind him that would make him.more for-
midable. Newspaper talk indicated that he was getting
the upper hand in the very important matter of fed-
eral patronage. Undoubtedly, these developments did
much to spur Congressman Maybury into calling a
meeting early in April of the eleven Democrats who had
run from the eleven Michigan districts the previous
November. These eleven, some successful, others not
so successful, met in Maybury's Washington office

for the purpose of securing concerted action of

4Dickinson to Cleveland, Apr. 27, 1885, Cleve-
land Papers, Library of Congress. Hereafter CPLC.

5Newspaper clipping from Detroit Post, March
20, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 1, MHCA.

 

83
various federal appointments.6
In order to exert as much pressure as pos-

sible, they agreed that any differences concerning
appointments should be ironed out before suggestions
were made. When a recommendation was made, the e-
leven agreed that all of them would solidly support
it.

It was also decided to request of Cleveland
that those defeated Democrats be regarded as if they
had been elected when it came time for recommenda-
tions concerning federal jobs. These.Democrats
seemed a bit belligerent by intimating that they
would not endure outside interference in the distri-
bution of offices within their own particular dis-
trict, and in making clear to the President and heads
of federal departments that they felt no one man in
the state should occupy a position that a Senator
would when it came time to dole out federal appoint-
nwnts. Following this, they drew up a slate of indi-
viduals that they felt should obtain the better fed-
eral positions that would be available.7

A few days after this conference the spring e-
lections were held in Michigan. The only statewide

races involved one for a Michigan supreme court Jus-

ticeship and two for university regents. Thomas M.

6Detroit Evening News, April 5, 1885.

 

7Detroit Evening News, April 3, 1885.

 

84
Cooley, Who had been a Republican supreme court jus-
tice for twenty years ran for re-election once again
and headed the ticket. In itself the election was
not of great significance. However, both parties were
eager to see how the people of Michigan would react in
the first state election since the Cleveland victory.

The results of the April election revealed that
the tide was still running in favor of the Democrats.
The numbers that turned out amazed both parties. A
total of 507,580 votes was cast for supreme court
candidates. Only once before had so many persons
turned out for an election not involving national of-
fices. Cooley was crushingly defeated as Democrat
Allen B. Morse easily won by nearly thirty thousand
votes. Never before had a Democratic state candidate
achieved such a margin over a Republican.

Prominent Republican leader Tim Nester gave much
credit to Dickinson. Said he dolefully, ”I just wish
we had a Don Dickinson or two in our party. I think
he is a dandy and a man, to get ahead of him, has to
get up when the day is mighty young."8

Dickinson attributed the Democratic victory to
the fine beginning that the Administration had made
in fulfilling the promises of good government and re-

form. He also explained that the independent voters

8Unidentified newspaper clipping, Dickinson
Scrapbook No. l, MHCA.

85
had supported the Democrats, and the Democrats had
worked hard motivated by the fact that a good ma-
jority in Michigan would be an endorsement of the new
Cleveland administration.9 One could readily ascer-
tain that Dickinson was highly pleased with what had
happened in Michigan.

When on May 8, 1885, it was announced that
George V. N. LothrOp had been appointed minister or
ambassador to Russia, many were surprised. Michigan
had been strongly Republican for years, and it was
expected that such important posts would go to men
from states that had been more faithful in supporting
the Democratic party. There is no doubt that in this
nomination Dickinson's choice had been favored. In
December of the same year he wrote Cleveland, "Your
own good judgment from your own impression of him
made prompt use of the suggestion of the LothrOp
name, and it probably was in your mind before."10

In Michigan almost all Democrats, including
Maybury, applauded the appointment of Lothrop. He
was well qualified for the position, and it was ex-
pected that he would represent the United States
well. Michigan Democrats Opposed to Dickinson re-

alized that to accept the appointment of Lothrop un-

9Newspaper clipping from New York World, April
7, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. l, MHCA.

 

1ooickinson to Cleveland, Dec. 12, 1885, CPLC.

86
graciously would hurt themselves. Michigan had been
honored by the choice of LothrOp, and he was so
highly esteemed that to accept his nomination coolly
or to show resentment would have made it too evident
that the Michigan Congressmen were seeking only their
own political ends.

The appointment of a Michigan man as ambassador
to a major nation such as Russia made individuals out-
side of Michigan take note that Dickinson was rising
rapidly as a Cleveland confidant. On May 17, 1885,

the Omaha Herald acknowledged that.Dickinson was one

 

of the rising men of the Middle West. The Omaha news-
paper credited him with early asserting leadership be-
cause he is a man of "character, brains, admirable
self-poise and polished manners. . . ." The Qgghg
Herald was pleased with Dickinson's ascent and con-
sidered it a "good omen for the future of the Democ-
racy of the best governed state in the Union that such
men as.Dickinson, strong at home, are influential at
Washington."11
John H. Oberly, Chairman of the Democratic State
Central Committee in Illinois, also recOgnized that
Dickinson must have had some hand in Lothrop's ap-

pointment. He met Dickinson soon after the announce-

ment and sarcastically inquired, ”How do you pronounce

11Newspaper clipping from the Omaha Herald, May
17, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. l, MEGA.

87
that name of the man who goes to Russia? LothrOp or
Lathrop?"

When Dickinson said nothing, Oberly pointed out
that LothrOp hadn't voted a Democratic ticket in five
years. This provoked Dickinson who fired back with,
”You will learn more of Michigan men and how to pro-
nounce their nanes if you live longer."

When Oberly wondered aloud who the Democratic
Senators from Michigan were, Dickinson proud of the
Democratic showing in the 1885 spring election re-
torted, "Thirty thousand Democratic majority in Re-
publican Michigan and our God-bless-you to the Presi-
dent."12

Although the appointment of LothrOp had been ac-
claimed by all important Michigan Democrats, the nom-
ination of Orlando W. Powers of Kalamazoo to the su-
preme court of Utah was bitterly opposed by the anti-
IDickinson Congressional faction. This appointment
marked the real beginning of a rift that became greater
as time went on. The announcement of the appointment
was made about a month after Montgomery had been
named Commissioner of Patents. Events and comments
that followed indicate once again that Orlando Powers
had the full support of Dickinson, while Maybury and

his followers were determined to prevent the confir-

12Newspaper clipping from the Detroit Post, May
9, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. l. MHCI.

88
mation of Powers which in effect would also have been
defeat for Dickinson.

Extended newspaper reports and comments con-
cerning the rift between Dickinson and Michigan Con-
gressmen indicate that the Powers' appointment had ig-
nited a real feud in the Michigan Democratic party.

On May 1, 1885, the Detroit Post reported that it had

 

interviewed an unidentified Democrat who likened the
Dickinson-Maybury relationship to that between Russia
and England. These two nations, said the Democrat,
were exchanging very courteous communications while
at the same time each was preparing to war upon the
other. He termed any reports of political peace be-
tween.Dickinson and Maybury as "absurd."

On May 5, the Qgtroit Pgst reported that "a

 

prominent Michigan man who was at the White House with
the party this morning said that he positively knows
that Cleveland and each and every member of the Cabi-
net place more reliance upon Dickinson's advice than
upon that of the whole Democratic contingent in Con-
gress combined."

Two days later the Eggthacetiously printed this
"report." "It is understood that Mr. Dickinson has
consented to allow Mr. Maybury's candidate for chimney
sweep at the White House to be appointed, the late in-
cumbent of that office having been removed for offen-
sive partisanship."

The Detroit Post was not a pro-Dickinson organ.

 

89
In fact, at this time it was very pro-Republican. It
is interesting to read this newspaper's comments on
Why Dickinson was prevailing over Maybury in the
struggle for influence in federal patronage.

The May 1 issue of the.Detroit Post reported
certain Democrats felt that Dickinson had been pre-
senting names of men who had been identified "with
the Democratic party as workers rather than . . .
spoils seekers." The men recommended by.Dickinson
were competent, Democrats from principle "who have
never trimmed or shifted with an eye to political
preferment. They are such men as Cleveland's policy
calls for, and.Dickinson in urging their claims has
an influence that the organizer and chief fugler in
the ring can never acquire with the Administration."I

In its April 24 edition the Detroit Post re-

 

ported an interview with a prominent Democrat who
pointed out that the Democrats had ridden to power

in 1884 promising reform. The Michigan Congressional
clique, less intent on reform, had formed a "machine
for the purpose of squeezing various coveted offices
out of the President." When asked whether the Presi-
dent was aware of this and thus might confide more in
Dickinson, the reply was that Dickinson would be
heard "for the President and his friends in the Cabi-
net are intimately acquainted with.his work and ap-
preciate it as that of a man who holds the principles

enunciated by the head of the government."

90
Along with this, Dickinson possessed a tactful-
ness that Maybury seemed to lack. The report of the
April conference in Maybury's Washington office was
one indication of this. It appeared that Cleveland
would not be bullied into giving federal jobs to men
favored by Maybury and the Congressional syndicate.

Said the Detroit Post on May 7, 1885, "Mr. Maybury

 

is said to lack both precision and elegance. . . .

He mutiliates like a meat ax instead of cleaving

like a cimeter [aid]. . . . Mr. Dickinson's conver-
sation on political t0pics, especially on filling the
offices, is said to be delicately deadly, like a mi-
asmatic malaria, which kills with imperceptible sub-
tleness. Listening to his mellifluent counsels, the
victim is said to relax gradually into a condition of
nerveless lassitude before sinking into imbecility and
death."

Although it seemed that Dickinson was gaining
the upper hand as far as federal patronage in Michi-
gan was concerned, he hated to see the party split
in such a manner that would hinder it from effec-
tively opposing the Republicans. Thus, on May 15,
1885,.Dickinson wrote a letter to Cleveland which he
hOped would make clear to the President his feeling
on what was becoming a major point of controversy in
Michigan. In his letter, Dickinson pointed out to
the President that "on precedent and authority" in

the absence of a Senator the member of the National

91

Committee and the Chairman of the State Committee
were considered as having the influence of Senators
in recommendations for all positions except the post-
masterships. In spite of this, said Dickinson, "Mr.
Eddy and myself prefer that any and all precedents
resting on machine methods be disregarded; and we are
agreed that the competition for place should be Open
to all, and that, the question of fitness once set-
tled, care should be taken to recommend those whose
appointment would give satisfaction to the greater
number in the locality to be affected."13

Dickinson sought to smooth over differences by
pointing out that although the Congressmen's method
of selection ”was very objectionable" and had led to
"much irritation among our peOple" and "while_their
assumption in naming candidates was erroneous, . . .
yet the Congressional delegation, have in the large
majority of cases, presented candidates for petitions
who are quite unobjectionable." HOping to get the
Michigan delegation wholeheartedly behind the new Ad-
ministration, Dickinson said, "We recognize too, and
most earnestly consider the relations of Congressmen
to the new Administration, and wherever, of their
recommendations, a fulfilment would not work absolute
demoralization at home, and injury and scandal to

your Administration, we prefer to concur with the

15oickinson to Cleveland, May 15, 1885, CPLC.

92
delegation."

Efforts at this time to heal wounds that were
breaking open failed. The appointment of A. P. Swine-
ford as governor of the territory of Alaska was only
another indication to Michigan Congressmen that Cleve-
land would only hear Dickinson when it came to ap-
pointments of any significance. When in May, the
recommendations of the Congressional group were ac-
cepted and Lewis N. Minnie was named consul at Sar-
nia, the protests raised were of such grave character
that the commission was withheld. Cleveland warned
the Michigan delegation to exercise greater care, "if
you desire that I shall give any consideration what-
ever to your recommendations."14

In his letter of May 15 to Cleveland, Dickinson
had agreed that most of the recommendations of the
Democratic Congressmen had been acceptable. However,
he had gone into detail in criticizing the recommen-
dation of the Congressmen regarding the position of
Collector Customs at Port Huron. In Michigan three
Collectors of Customs were due to be appointed.
Dickinson pointed out that he had not made any rec-
ommendations ”in conflict with those of the Congress-
men except in the case of Huron.District." The per-
son favored by the Congressmen, especially Congress-

man Ezra C. Carleton from Port Huron, was a man with

l4Newspaper clipping from the New Ybrk World,
May 19, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. l, MHCA.

95

the name of Jenkinson. Dickinson favored William
L. Bancroft for the position and requested that
Cleveland appoint him. 4Dickinson wrote that he firmly
believed "that not to appoint Mr. Bancroft would do
us great harm." He advised Cleveland that Bancroft
had been "a tower of strength in Michigan for you."
Even though a few had charged him with certain evils,
"the charges I know to be false," testified Dickin-
son.15

Apparently Cleveland was convinced for in June
Bancroft obtained the appointment. Representative
Carleton was quite disgusted when he heard the report.
He commented, "I endorsed the Michigan delegation's
candidate and we were prepared to press our choice
and oppose any other. The power of appointing a suc-
cessor to General Hartsuff remained with President
Cleveland, and if he considers he is acting wisely
in rejecting the Congressmen and allowing himself to
be governed by Mr. Dickinson, he must accept the re-
sults."16

From the first, Cleveland had favored Dickinson
by naming persons to appointive offices that he had
suggested. On October 11, 1885, the President favored

him again by sending a message stating that "the time

15Dickinson to Cleveland, May 15, 1885, CPLC.

16Newspaper clipping from the Port Huron Daily
Telegraph, June 18, 1885, Dickinson scrapbook No. 1,

 

94

has now come when you are called upon to make a sac-
rifice for your country." With this, Cleveland re-
quested that Dickinson assume the post of Civil Ser-
vice Commissioner. Cleveland explained that "this
is the first offer I have made of the plan to any
member of my party and I think it is the best posi-
tion in the country to do good--to say nothing about
gaining fame." Cleveland expected to reorganize the
Civil Service Commission entirely with Dickinson at
the head with "two first-rate assistants."17

Dickinson was very happy that Cleveland had
given him.this note of confidence. Nevertheless,
October 14 he sent a telegram to Cleveland explaining
why he had to decline the position. He stated that
this appointment might be used unfairly in order to
undermine the sincerity of the Administration. The
message continued by saying that "in a vigorous and
belligerent majority I have been to some extent a
leader: not merely a strong and devoted Democrat,
but a hard bitter and a contentious partisan." He
went on to explain that within the state lines his
Opponents knew his ”consistency and actually have con-
fidence in my honesty of purpose." However, Dickin-
son was afraid that his partisan record would go
throughout the land and hurt the cause of reform

which the Cleveland administration sought to pro-

17Cleveland to Dickinson, Oct. 11, 1885, CPLC.

95

mote. Dickinson so highly esteemed Cleveland that
he averred, ”If through me . . . the slightest re-
flection should be cast upon this Administration, I
shall want to die." Perhaps reflecting upon the po-
litical struggles in which he was engaged both with-
in and without the party, Dickinson concluded with,
"Your confidence in, and consideration for me, is
valued beyond expression and will be my chief pride
as long as I shall live. The best thoughts of my
mind are with you, and the highest devotion Of my
heart is to you."18

As 1885 were on, the lines were drawn more
clearly as far as the controversy between Dickinson
and the Congressional delegation was concerned.

The Opposition began to center around the Powers'
appointment along with Bancroft's. Also, it became
more evident that not all the Democratic Represen-
tatives were equally irked by or envious of Dickin-
son's influence. 0n the other hand, those who were
Opposed seemed even more intent on stopping Dickin-
son once and for all.

That not every member of the so-called Michigan
syndicate was Opposed to Dickinson is evident from a
letter to Cleveland dated January 2, 1886. In this
note to the President, Dickinson expressed concern by

saying that he believed Cleveland had been "misled as

18Dickinson to Cleveland, Oct. 14, 1885, CPLC.

96
to the attitudes of the Michigan Congressional dele-
gation." According to Dickinson, the strong men in
the Michigan delegation were Spencer Fisher, Judge
Edwin E. Winans and Nathaniel B. Eldredge. All three
were fine men and devoted to Cleveland in Dickinson's
Opinion.19

This analysis by Dickinson seemed to be veri-
fied by the Port Huron Sunday Herald which said that

 

the report stating that Dickinson had destroyed the
influence of the seven Michigan Democratic Represen-
tatives in Congress was "absurdly untrue." The re-
port continued by revealing that Congressmen Fisher,
Eldredge, and Winans were "entirely in accord" with
Dickinson?0 The only members staunchly Opposed to
Dickinson included Congressmen Maybury, Carleton, and
Charles Comstock from Grand Rapids. Comstock had the
same complaint about Dickinson that Maybury and Carle-
ton did. Comstock in his "Reminiscences," said, "My
advice has sometimes been asked for and at all times
been ignored except when not Opposed by Dickinson."
Comstock's views of Cleveland were not "favorable."
"Perhaps," said Comstock, "unearned and unexpected
success has caused him to'become egotistical rather

than proud and with his seeming reliance upon destiny

lgDickinson to Cleveland, Jan. 2, 1886, CPLC.

20Newspaper clipping from the Port Huron Sunday
Herald, Oct. 31, 1885, Dickinson Scrapbook No. l,
MHCA.

 

97

has led him to disregard the traditions of the party."
This Congressman called Cleveland's ignoring "the
chosen Representatives of the people . . . as great
an insult to the constituency as to the members of
Congress."21

By December the struggle between Dickinson on
the one side and Maybury and Carleton on the other
had intensified as the Representatives sought to dis-
credit Bancroft and Powers and prevent confirmation
by the United States Senate. A good indication that
the rivalry between Dickinson and those Opposed to
him had become more embittered is a letter from Dickin-
son tO Cleveland dated December 12, 1885.22

Earlier the same year, Dickinson had sought to
minimize any differences between the Congressmen and
him. There is none of this in this later letter. In
this letter Dickinson came to the defense Of Bancroft.
To evaluate Bancroft's standing in Michigan, Dickinson
suggested "the most unfavorable test for him." He
explained to Cleveland that Bancroft "has been a strong
partisan and is politically hated by leaders Of the
Republican party." Nonetheless, Dickinson suggested
that if Cleveland were to call in either or both Re-

publican Senators from Michigan, "you will, I am sure,

21Reminiscences of Charles C. Comstock. Photo-
COpy of original in Michigan Historical Collections,
University Of Michigan.

22Dickinson to Cleveland, Dec. 12, 1885, CPLC.

98

find that nothing unfavorable can be said." In the
course Of the letter Dickinson reiterated that Ban-
croft towered above Carleton's choice of Jenkinson
”as Mount Washington is above a wart." Dickinson
pleaded that the party could afford to have a Repub-
lican Senate reject Bancroft, but "it cannot afford
to have the Representatives of our first success dis-
credit him within the party. This would create a
want of confidence in the stability of things in the
steadiness Of decision which would be disastrous."25

;Dickinson could.not resist elaborating on his
feelings concerning Maybury and Carleton. "May-

bury's ideas of politics,‘ said he, "are essentially
Republican as to method and purpose. To be a Demo-
crat with him is to secure a means to an end. I
doubt if either gentleman can tell you the difference
in fundamental principle between the two parties. Mr.
Maybury is the more cunning of the two and Carleton

is guided by him in all things."

In November, 1886, mid-term elections were
scheduled. The Democrats realized that these would be
significant for they should give some indication as
to how the citizens of the United States were reacting
to the first Democratic administration in many years.

With this in mind, one might have expected a closing

of the ranks so that the Democrats would have every

23’Dickinson to Cleveland, Dec. 12, 1885, CPLC.

99
chance of making a good showing in November. In
a strong Republican state like Michigan this would
be very essential.

In spite of this, the year 1886 Opened with the
split in Democratic ranks as wide as ever. In Janu-
ary, Edwin F. Conely, the Democrat who had strongly
Opposed.Dickinson's original choice for the Presi-
dential nomination in 1880, went to Washington to
testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee a-
gainst the confirmation Of Orlando Powers as judge of
the supreme court of Utah. There was a general feel-
ing that he had gone as "the representative of the
Michigan Congressmen who did not fancy the way Don
M. Dickinson was manipulating appointments." More
evidence that the Congressmen were behind Conely was
revealed when Conely declared that it was a "private
matter entirely" in answer to a query concerning the
part played by the Congressmen in his coming to Wash-
ington.24

The friction increased so that many appoint-
ments not only by the federal government, but also
within the state Democratic party were considered
victories or defeats by one side or the other. For
instance, when Jerome Eddy resigned as Chairman Of
the State Central Committee in March, 1886, John J.
Enright was named to fill his spot. This was con-

24Detroit Evenigg News, Jan. 25, 1886.

 

100
sidered to be a triumph for Dickinson for Dickinson
and Enright were close associates. Enright was a
young, hard working.Detroit politician who seemed
eager to engage the Republicans in the forthcoming
campaign. He intimated that Dickinson might be an
excellent choice as gubernatorial candidate.

“During the first year of the Cleveland admini-
stration, it seemed that Donald M. Dickinson could
not lose. Cleveland had favored his recommendations.
He himself had been offered the chairmanship Of a re-
vised Civil Service Commission. The naming of Enright
to the State Central Committee met with his warm ap-
proval. However, in April, nearly a year after Or-
lando Powers had been nominated to Utah's supreme
court, his name was withdrawn by the President.

This was a major setback for Dickinson because he not
only had recommended Powers, but had continued to
back him in the face of much Opposition. Most in-
teresting is the newspaper comment concerning the
withdrawal of Powers' name. Powers was the principal
in this affair, but the newspapers attached greater
significance to the effect that it would have upon
Dickinson and his position as an influential advisor
of the President. Some speculated that Dickinson's
usefulness as far as Cleveland was concerned had
ended. In an editorial entitled "Bossism Always
Disreputable," the Detroit Tribune quoted a New York

newspaper which explained the withdrawal Of Powers'

101
name as "official notice that Mr. Dickinson has been
kicked out of the President's confidence."25 The
Tribune itself commented on the report asserting that
there were "several thousand earnest and honest Demo-
crats in Michigan who hOped this to be true--as there
is every reason to believe that there is."

Another Detroit newspaper, the DetrOit Sunday
N233, was convinced that peace between Dickinson and
Maybury would no longer be possible and that it would
be "war to the knife."26 This newspaper regarded
Dickinson to be the chief advisor to the President On
Michigan appointments up to the withdrawal of Powers'
nomination. However, this defeat had increased the
"hOpes and anticipations Of the Michigan Congressmen,"
said the paper, "whom.Dickinson heretofore frustrated
and mortified by his superior influence.” When the
Opponents Of Dickinson convinced the President that
Powers was not worthy of the position to which he had
been named, "the result was to Dickinson a stunning
blow between the eyes--almost a knockout."

There can be little doubt that Dickinson was dis-
heartened by what had happened to Powers. Nonethe-
less, had the newspapers had access to a letter that
Dickinson received from Cleveland in February, there

would have been less speculation regarding the

25Newspaper clipping from Detroit Tribune,
April 16, 1886, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 3, RHCK.

25Detroit Sunday News, April 25, 1886.

 

102

ClevelandsDiCkinson relationship after Powers' name
had been withdrawn. Because of rising Opposition
to the Powers' appointment, Cleveland intimated to
Dickinson that he was prepared to withdraw the name
of Powers and "appoint another good Michigan name, if
you approve." The President concluded his letter
with a statement that must have been some consolation
to Dickinson for he said, "Whatever happens I beg you
to believe that I have not lost a particle of my con-
fidence in you."27

As far as Dickinson was concerned, he retained
implicit faith in the judgment of President Cleve-
land and there appears to have been no strain in the
relations between these two Democrats. In an inter-
view with a reporter from the New YOrk Tribune, he
said that Cleveland had done the correct thing in
withdrawing the nomination for "the President always
does the right thing."28

After the President had Offered Dickinson the
chairmanship of the Civil Service Commission and
Dickinson had refused it, he realized that Dickinson
was not seeking any government post for himself.
However, it seems that Cleveland did desire outwardly

to show that his relations with Dickinson had not been

27Cleve1and to Dickinson, Feb. 11, 1886, Dickin-
son Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Pub-
lic Library.

28Newspaper clipping from the New York Tribune,
April 30, 1886, Dickinson Scrapbook NO. 5, MHCK.

103
strained or altered by the Powers' affair. There-
fore, in May, he appointed him Visitor to the Naval
Academy. It was purely an honorary position which
accounted for Dickinson's acceptance of it. The g2:

troit Free Press in reporting this appointment con-

 

cluded that the appointment "is an exceedingly
graceful recognition of the esteem in which he is held
by the President."29

The President may have held Dickinson in high
esteem, but Dickinson realized that all Democrats in
Michigan did not feel the same for the factional
fight continued on throughout the summer with.Dickin-
son's forces seemingly increasing in strength. In
early August, Congressman Carleton, who had Opposed
the nomination and confirmation of William L. Ban-
croft, was defeated in his bid for re-nomination.
Lewis F. Atkin, who had directed and organized Car-
leton's campaign for re-election was bitter. He
predicted that a split would develop for the Carleton
supporters "will not support Mr. Stevenson or any
other figurehead for Mr. Dickinson."50 Referring to
Bancroft, Atkin charged, "A clique organized and
schemed to knife Carleton. They had all the influence
of the custom house behind them." On August 10, the

Evening News expressed the belief that Elliot S.

 

29Detroit Free Press, Kay 28, 1886.

30Detroit Evening_News, Aug. 6, 1886.

 

104
Stevenson was the leading candidate for Carleton's
spot saying that "Congressman Carleton's scalp had
been taken by Don M. Dickinson's local brave, Elliot
C. Stevenson."

The anti-Dickinson Democrats sought to rally
their forces. Charles E. Stuart, a former Democratic
Senator from Michigan, denounced Dickinson's influence
saying, "Don M. Dickinson has neither official position,
statesmanship, political influence nor experience that
entitles him to such overmastering influence with the
appointing power, especially in opposition to the
wishes of those chosen by the peOple to represent
them."51

Nathaniel E. Stewart, a Democratic leader in
Kalamazoo and one who had hOpes of receiving a gov-
ernment job when the Cleveland administration came
into power, was an outspoken critic of Dickinson.

He believed that Dickinson had caused the Congress-
men to be made "laughing stock." "He has belittled
them in every way possible. He has built up a Dickin-
son dynasty--a Dickinson hierarchy--and.has sought to
make himself dictator." Quite naturally, this faction
of the party also was Opposed to Cleveland. When
Stewart was asked whether he felt the Administration
would fare well before the state convention, he re-

plied that much work was being done to secure a

51Detroit Evening News, Aug. 12, 1886.

 

105
Dickinson delegation. This would insure support for

Cleveland. "The outside Democrats,"

said Stewart,
"believe that the Administration is a failure. The
fact is, Cleveland hasn't the intellect to grasp
party principles, to take in the needs of the east
and west."32

Foster Pratt, Democratic State Chairman during
the 1872 Greeley campaign, also aligned himself a-
gainst Dickinson. It was at this time that he pro-
duced for all to see the letter which Dickinson had
written after the 1872 campaign in which he vowed
never to support the party again, while at the same
time denouncing certain Democrats who had not whole-
heartedly supported the Greeley ticket. Obviously,
it was a move to discredit Dickinson.

Although Dickinson did lose a battle on August
5 when the Senate rejected the nomination of W. L.
Bancroft?”5 to be Collector of Customs at Port Huron,
he and his forces were winning control of the Demo-

cratic convention. The Detroit Evening News, which

 

was more sympathetic with Maybury than Dickinson, ad-
mitted that "the county convention was as thoroughly
controlled by Mr. Dickinson's friends as if that

gentleman had appointed every man who sat in it."54

32Detroit Evening News, Aug. 12, 1886.

 

33Detroit Evening News, Aug. 5, 1886.

 

34Detroit Evening‘News, Aug. 15, 1886.

 

106

That the Dickinson faction was in control can be de-
tected by examining the proceedings. Daniel S. Cam-
pau, a Dickinson man at this time, was elected chair-
man. John J. Enright nominated Dickinson to be first
delegate-at-large and leader of the county delegation
to the state convention. Among those to be delegates-
at-large were Enright, Dickinson's former law partner
William A. Moore, and Campau.

One week later the state Democratic convention
convened in Grand Rapids. For several days prior to
the convention there was much speculation regarding
the actions of the convention for their meeting was
regarded as another test of strength between the two
factions in Michigan. On August 17, the independent

Evening News reported that the Cleveland administra-

 

tion would not be fully endorsed according to an
agreement reached by the State Central Committee.

The newspaper reported that this sentiment would be

a heavy blow to Dickinson.35 The Detroit Tribune
also stated that there would be no endorsement. The
Tribune added that "Cleveland's amazement at news of
this sort from the home of Mr. Don M. Dickinson will
simply be overwhelming and he cannot fail to construe
it as significant of the action of the state in the

national Democratic convention in 1888.":56

55Detroit Evenigg News, Aug. 17, 1886.

 

35Newspaper clipping from the Detroit Tribune,
Aug. 18, 1886, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 5, MEGA.

107

During this time Dickinson was not idle. He
realized that the Democrats would need all the help
that they could muster in November so he wisely en-
dorsed George L. Yaple for governor.37 is had been
elected to Congress on a Fusion ticket in 1682 and
appeared to be acceptable to many Democrats as well
as the Greenback party. Dickinson's confidence was
justified for both parties did nominate this man.

The evening before the convention he was the
"central figure of the Democratic hosts." By now a
very masterful politician, he greeted rural dele-
gates with a handshake and a ”hello, there." Being
cordial, but at the same time not "lepping over,"
he was aiding his own cause by creating goodwill a-
mong those who would be transacting business the
next day.38 The next day Dickinson's preparations
paid off. he was elected permanent chairman, with
loud applause and great enthusiasm greeting the an-
nouncement of his name.:59

There had been predictions that the convention
would fail to endorse Cleveland. This Dickinson
wanted to prevent at all costs. He made this very
clear as he began his speech upon taking over the

chairmanship. In his opening remarks he mentioned

37Detroit Evenigg News, Aug. 17, 1886.

 

58Detroit Evening News, Aug- 18, 1886-

 

59Detroit Free Press, Aug. 19, 1886.

 

108
that he had listened to the invocation with "bowed
head and responsive heart." However, he found that
there was one sentiment the "revered gentleman" had
failed to utter. "One sentiment upon a subject as
to which I shall having nothing more to say, and that
was, I say to this convention of Democrats, God bless,
save, and keep that Democrat of.Democrats, the noblest
one of them all, Grover Cleveland, President of the
United States."

Dickinson would not find this omission when the
Committee on Resolutions reported. Any hint that the
convention would not endorse Cleveland vanished when
the second resolution said:

Resolved, That the administration of Grover Cleve-
land, by its vigor and thoroughness; by the prece-
dence it has given to considerations affecting
public service over those merely partisan; by its
practical denial of the legitimacy of governing
by means of federal appointments; by the discour-
agement of office-seeking through political in-
trigues; by its endeavors to preserve the public
land for actual settlers; by restoring by practi-
cal administration the great principle "a public
office is a public trust," commends itself 28 the
judgment and approval of all honest people.

Dickinson now was in control. In the wrangle
that develOped over election of a State Chairman,
Dickinson remained calm. Finally, Isaac M. Weston
was named to succeed John Enright who refused to

serve again. The choice then was Weston or Maybury,

with Weston getting the nod.

40Detroit Free Press, Aug. 19, 1886.

 

109
Both Dickinson's friends and Opponents realized

that he had won the day. The Evening News which ear-

 

lier in the week hinted that the convention might not
endorse Cleveland and, thus, rebuke Dickinson as well,
was forced to admit that Dickinson was a "bigger man
than old Chandler." The editors confessed that flickin-
son controlled both the Greenback and the.Democratic
conventions "as smoothly as if they were greased. he
forced down the throats of the Democratic crowd a
warm endorsement of the Administration, and he got
the Greenbackers to cheer it--and thus practically
adOpt it by acclamation--when it was read to them."41
Perhaps the clearest evidence that Bickinson was
entirely satisfied with the accomplishments of the con-
vention was the announcement the next day that the
1886 campaign fund had been started by a five thou-
sand dollar contribution from none other than Donald
M. Dickinson.42 Also, he pledged to play a very im-
portant part in the forthcoming months.45
Although Election Day was less than three months
away, intraparty strife continued. About a week after

the state convention the Eveninngews headlined an ar-

 

ticle in bold black print, "Don Is Boss." This head-

line was caused by the withdrawal of William C. May-

41Detroit Evening News, hug. 19, 1886.

 

42Detroit Free Press, Aug. 20, 1886.

 

43Detroit Free Press, Aug. 21, 1886.

 

llO
bury from the race for renomination to Congress. The
Congressional Convention was scheduled for September
and Maybury had expected to be a leading figure as he
sought renomination. It was evident that Maybury
would have accepted the renomination under different
circumstances. This seemed obvious when he wrote,
"That such.a.nomination would occasion pride is con-
ceded, but only when it came as an offering freely
made and not as booty secured by political scrambling.
The situation in this district, if I may judge from
what I hear, precludes the possibility of the honor
of a third candidacy devolving on me without an un-
seemly contest, awakening bitter animosities and
jealousies."44

There were mixed feelings regarding this with-

drawal. Some, including the Eveninngews viewed this

 

withdrawal as a victory for Dickinson saying, "May-
bury came down to Don M. Dickinson like a coon came
down to Davy Crockett."45 Others, such as Alexander
W. COpland, were not convinced that this was true nor
that John J. Enright, a Dickinson supporter, would
automatically be the Democratic candidate from the
First District.

In September the Wayne county Democrats chose

Judge John Logan Chipman to be candidate for the House

44Detroit Evening News, Aug. 25, 1886.

 

45Detroit Evening Jews, Aug. 26, 1886.

 

111
from the First District. Dickinson was instrumental
in bringing about a compromise between those who had
supported Maybury and those, like himself, who wanted
Enright. That an Open split had been averted along
with the fact that Chipman, though an independent
man, adhered to many of the principles supported by
Dickinson pleased Dickinson.

Thus, he was quite willing to stand beside Ed-
win Conely, one of Maybury's staunchest supporters,
and address the convention that selected Chipman.
Sounding much like an old Roman orator, he said,
"Friends of the brotherhood of Democrats: If any
loose hatchets remain unburied, here let them be
buried. All honor to Maybury and Enright for burying
their differences. It is a noble act. It will give
us the state ticket. I am authorized to state in be-
half of Enright that if there is a.Democrat here who
has been his enemy, up to this time, being a Democrat
he is his friend. I can say for myself that if there
is any man here who up to this time has been my
enemy, if he is a Democrat, he is my friend." With
this he shook hands with Conely and continued, "It
was a noble concession on the part of both the young
men. Any position or honor that may be given to either
William C. Maybury or John J. Enright will be an honor
to the Democratic party. To your tents, gentlemen

and Democrats; let us carry the district, let us carry

112

the legislature, and let us carry the state."46

Conely replied with a few remarks concluding
with, "It gives me great pleasure to say that the
differences between the Democratic party are buried
forever. I can reciprocate all that my brother Dem-
ocrat, my professional brother and my friend has just
said."47

On election eve a gigantic Democratic rally was
held in Detroit at which Dickinson acted as chairman.
During the course of the evening a letter was read,
addressed to Dickinson which eXpressed the hOpe that
the Democrats on the morning of November 2 could
"point with pride to the leaders of the Republican
party and say to them, 'Behold the sun of Auster-
11tz.'"48

Unfortunately for Dickinson and the Democrats,
Election Day would not see them playing the role of
Napoleon. The Republicans defeated the state ticket
nominated by the Greenbackers and the Democrats with
Republican candidate for governor Cyrus G. Luce ob-
taining 181,474 votes to 174,042 for George L. Yaple.
The Republicans increased their number of Congress-
men from four to six which gave them a majority of

six to five. The majority that the Republicans held

46Detroit Evening News, Sept. 9, 1886.

 

47Detroit Eveninngews, Sept. 9, 1886.

 

48Detroit Free Press, Nov. 2, 1886.

 

113
in the state legislature was significantly increased.
In the state house of representatives the Republicans
elected sixty-two representatives, to thirty-eight for
the opposition.49 This was an increase of ten for the
Republicans. In the senate, the number of Republicans
increased from eighteen to twenty-two.

Democrats sought to minimize and provide excuses
for the defeat. Dickinson pointed out that the mar-
gin of victory was small "when in old time the State
gave from 25,000 to 60,000 majority." He also pointed
out that the Republicans had brought in big guns like
Senators Sherman and Blair besides James C. Blaine
himself. The Democrats, on the other hand, had "made
a purely domestic fight without a man or a cent from
outside." He also mentioned that Republican "des-
peration and demoralization" was shown by "their
fusion with Knights of Labor, Greenbackers and free
traders in my district and elsewhere."50

State Chairman I. M. weston attributed the de-
feat to some causes that Dickinson also mentioned.51

Besides, he pointed out, 1886 is the "off year in

politics. As a rule, elections go against every Ad-

49"Michigan," Annual Cyclopedia, XI (1887): 550'

 

5ODetroit Free Press, Nov. 11, 1886.
Dickinson to Cleveland, Oct. 21, 1886, CPLC.

 

51Detroit Free Press, Nov. 8, 1886.

 

114
ministration two years after it is put into power."
Another significant factor alluded to by fieston was
the fact that there had been some disharmony in Lem-
ocratic ranks. Dickinson had minimized this by say-
ing "there was some inevitable straining of relations
in the changes about offices, but this always occurs."52
Weston attributed more importance to these intra-
party squabbles saying, "Unfortunate differences and
jealousies over the nominations in two or three of
our Congressional districts contributed largely to re-
duce our vote."53 he specifically mentioned the
Sixth.bistrict where Congressman Carleton had been de-
feated for renomination and probably had in mind the
First where the Maybury and Dickinson factions had
fought each bitterly until the compromise nomination
of Chipman was effected.

Weston's view that disharmony did cost votes
seems to be a better appraisal than Dickinson's be-
littling of it. In the Sixth District there had been
discord with Dickinson's lieutenants L. E. Rowley and
R. A. Montgomery being charged with using "boss"
methods by forcing the nomination of John M. Pot-
ter.54

One must also consider that Dickinson had been

5zfietroit Free Press, Nov. 11, 1886.

 

ssfletroit Free Pres_s, Nov. 8, 1886.

 

54Detroit Evening News, Sept. 15, 1886.

 

115
involved in the fight between the Congressional dele-
gation and the so-called Dickinson faction. Sincerely
desiring to see the bemocrats win, he would be one of
the last to admit that the fray in which he was en-
gaged was so serious that he had injured the party's
chances in November, 1886.

The least partial of the.betroit papers, the

Evening News, also indicated, as had Weston, that the

 

party disharmony had cost votes. In a lengthy edito-

rial entitled "It Might Have Been" the Evening;News

 

reminded its readers of an Open letter that it had
addressed to Maybury and Dickinson on the 26th of the

previous November. In this letter the Evening News

 

expressed the belief that the Dickinson-Maybury quar-
rel threatened to divide the party and called for
peace between the two factions for "neither side can
'down' the other except by 'downing' the party at the
same time. Each has plenty of faithful friends who
will stick to the bitter end, and lower their flag,
if the fight continues, only in mutual destruction."
The editorial concluded that this advice was
not followed. "The split extended throughout the
state; and while the majority of.Democrats, as they
always do, whether pleased or displeased with the
management, voted the ticket enough, voted the other

one or stayed away from the polls to give the unfor-

116
tunate state ticket its coup de grace."55

There was some speculation that the Bemocratic
setback would end the political influence of Don
Dickinson. Weston was queried regarding this and re-
plied that he had "a large scrap book at home nearly
filled with regular political obituaries of.vickin-
son." He was confident that just as these dire pro-
nouncements had been incorrect before, they would be
at this time.

It was soon apparent that Weston was right.
When the 1887 legislative session Opened in January,
many Democrats wished to reveal that they still re-
garded Dickinson highly by making him their Demo-
cratic nominee for United States Senator.56 Dickin-
son, however, strongly requested that this not be
done. In February he was given the honor of escort-
ing a number of prominent Democrats to Washington in
order to introduce them to President Cleveland.57

As far as Cleveland was concerned, Dickinson
remained a trusty lieutenant. Early in 1887 Congress
passed the Interstate Commerce Act hoping to check
some of the evils that the certain railway companies

were committing. Cleveland was duly aware that the

effectiveness of this new legislation would depend

55Detroit Evening News, Nov. 4, 1886.

 

56Detroit Evening_News, June 5, 1887.

 

57Detroit Evening_News, Feb. 5, 1887.

 

117
largely upon the members Of the new Interstate Com-
merce Commission which it was his duty to choose.
His eye fell on Thomas M. Cooley of michigan for the
man he hOped would be elected chairman. Cooley had
acquired a national reputation as a distinguished
jurist.58 He possessed the kind of character that
would be necessary in a position where he would face
much Opposition. Perhaps most important of all,
Cleveland was sure that the confidence of the peOple
in the administration of the law would be Obtained
if Cooley accepted the position.

After deciding that Cooley was the man he
wanted, the President had only to persuade Cooley to
accept. For this task he selected Don fiickinson. On
February 13, 1887, Dickinson visited Cooley at his
home. He was to discover Cooley's feelings regarding
the position and to convince him to accept if Cooley
seemed reluctant. After the visit, Dickinson imme-
diately wrote a letter to the President expressing
Cooley's reluctance, but also his statement, "Yet if
the President of his own mind should tender me a place
on this Commission, I should not feel at liberty to
decline. Concluded Dickinson, "I am confident, there-

fore, that the Judge would accept."59

58Lewis G. Vander Velde has summarized Cooley's
career well in his chapter on Cooley in Michigan and
the Cleveland Era, pp. 77-106.

 

 

sgDickinson to Cleveland, Feb. 15, 1887, CPLC.

118

With this assurance, Cleveland tendered the
position to Cooley sincerely entreating, "I ear-
nestly ask you to consent to serve us all in the
capacity mentioned."6O As Cleveland had hOped, the
Commission chose Cooley as its first chairman.
Cleveland was not disappointed in his choice for
Cooley aided greatly in shaping the policy of the
Interstate Commerce Commission and thus helped to
launch it successfully.61

Dickinson received the most publicity during
these years from his participation in the well-known
Telephone Cases which were argued before the Supreme
Court during late January and early February Of 1887.
A number of telephone companies had appealed to the
Supreme Court contending that Alexander Graham Bell
was not the true inventor of the telephone, and thus
the Letters Patent in possession of the American Bell
Telephone were invalid. 0r as.Dickinson himself
stated the case before the Court, ”The issue is sim-
ply, Did Alexander Graham Bell or Daniel.Drawbaugh
first conceive and apply this principle, and clothe
the conception in substantial forms which demon-

strated at once its practical efficacy and util-

60L. G. Vander Velde, hichigan and the Cleve-
land Bra, p. 26.

 

61A. c. McLaughlin, "Thomas McIntyre Cooley,"
Dictionar 2: American Biography, IV (1950), 292-
§95.

119

ity."62

Dickinson represented the PeOple's Tele-
phone Company and the Overland Telephone Company in
their attempts to show that yaniel Lrawbaugh invented
the first practical telephone.

Dickinson argued that the earliest possible date
of Bell's invention was June 2, 1875. On the other
hand, Drawbaugh.had the first idea of "transmitting
articulate speech over a telegraph wire in 1859-60"

"down to the finished and

and refined his instrument
nice-adjusted-mechanism" prior to the date of Bell's
telephone.

The truthfulness of this, Dickinson maintained,
was evident from the fact that "over two hundred per-
sons testify" to the fact that they knew Drawbaugh‘s
telephone existed before the date of Bell's invention,
that over seventy talked through the machine and over
one hundred and thirty saw the machines of Drawbaugh.

Dickinson performed masterfully pointing out
that although all the witnesses could not remember
all the various parts and details of the instrument,
"they are agreed in memory of the great, conclusive
fact, THAT TnIS MACBIEBAUIB TALA." He pointed out
that "the lives of all the witnesses are clean, their

characters for truth and veracity unassailed."

When the lawyers for the American Bell Tele-

62Pe0p1e's Telephone 92, v. American Telephone
92,, 126 US l (1887).

 

 

120
phone Company argued that Drawbaugh was not a learned
,man and, therefore, could not have invented the tele-
phone, some of Dickinson's Jeffersonian spirit re-
vealed itself when he answered, "SO far as the learn-
ing is concerned, it can be shown that successful in-
ventors are not the product of the universities, but
of natural conditions and of tendencies common enough
in American civilization. Genius is innate, and the
man possessing it is the man who must advance in its
use.“63

Dickinson's allotted time before the Supreme
Court was one hour and forty-two minutes. At the end
of this period, Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite in-
formed Dickinson that his time was up. Dickinson had
argued so c0gently that two other lawyers represent-
ing the same side, George F. Edmunds and Lysander
Hill, immediately arose and yielded their time.64
Dickinson accepted the offer of Hill and spoke for
approximately three hours.

One of the justices who heard the case was
Stephen J. Field. He seemed especially impressed with
the qualities and thinking ovaickinson. In 1893 he
wrote to Dickinson urging that he push himself for-

ward as a candidate while at the same time paying him

63P60ple'8 Telephone 92, v. American Telephone
00., 126 US l (1887).

 

 

54Detroit Free Press, Feb. 2, 1887.

 

121

this compliment. "Gresham of Illinois, Putnam of
Maine and yourself of Michigan I have heard mentioned.
Admitting the ability and fitness of the two former--
my choice of the three is decidedly for yourself. . .
May such good fortune fall to my county, as certainly
would by your accession to the Supreme bench."65

As he had refrained from seeking elective posi-
tions and had preferred to serve Cleveland in an un-
official capacity, so also upon the death of Justice
Samuel Blatchfnrd, he did not promote himself as a
candidate as Field suggested he do. His letters and
actions indicate that he did not covet an appointment
to the Supreme Court and preferred that Cleveland name

some one other than he.66

The election of Cleveland in 1884 marked the be-
ginning Of a long association between Dickinson and
Cleveland. As time went on, an association based on
mutual interests gradually ripened into a friendship
that continued until Cleveland's death in 1908.

There were several factors that seem to have
caused the bond between these two men to grow. Both,

of course, were vitally interested in politics and

65Fie1d to Dickinson, July 13, 1893, DPLC.

66Field to Dickinson, July 12, 1893, sPLc.
Dickinson to Henry T. Thurber, Aug. 22, 1895,
Cleveland Papers, Burton Historical Collection, De-
troit Public Library.

122
the fiemocratic party. Cleveland recognized Dickin-
son's abilities as a politician and appreciated the
efforts put forth by Dickinson in recreating a Demo-
cratic party in Michigan that was more alive and
vigorous.

Allan Nevins points out that "men expected
Cleveland to display not an excursive boldness, but
simply a greater honesty and earnestness than his
predecessors, and he understood this perfectly."67
Cleveland himself summed up his philosOphy on this
subject when he said, "Let us be steadfast in our be-
liefs, unmoved by clamor; and untempted by an inor-
dinate desire for success at any cost of principle
and consistency. Thus will we serve our country best;
thus shall we know the joy that mere success can never
know."58

‘Cleveland possessed a type of courage and con-
viction that never seemed to wilt or bend. He had
rather dramatically displayed this characteristic
early in his political career by vetoing such bills
as the Five Cent Fare bill when approval would have
meant nothing but greater pepularity for him.69 It

was not surprising that Cleveland saw in Dickinson

67Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 189.

 

68Robert McElroy, Grover Cleveland: The Man and
the Statesman (New York, 1925}, I, 72.

 

 

 

69Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 115.

 

123
the same courage and conviction that he had.70
There were other traits that Cleveland found
in fiickinson which.helped to mold bonds between them
that would last a lifetime. Both were energetic, un-
tiring workers driven on to accomplish successfully
the goal set up. Their careers ran parallel in many
ways. Both had chosen law as their vocation. Both
enjoyed the challenges that this work presented and
strove to meet these challenges‘boldly. Cleveland
had a "genius for application, and a resolute pur-
pose to master every question which.came before
him."71 The Leroux v. Hudson case in which Dickin-
son had played such a prominent role was only one
example of the perseverance that marked his own le-
gal career.
Both men found pleasure in their occupations as

attorneys. At the same time, neither could resist

the lure that the world of politics thrust out at

70An incident which illustrates this occurred
shortly after the November, 1884 election. Local
Democratic politicians in Detroit sought to void cer-
tain Republican votes because of some technical errors.
A commission was established by the canvassing board
to determine what should be done. Dickinson was called
to testify before this commission. Even though his
own party would suffer, Dickinson expressed the con-
viction that if the mistakes were merely clerical or
technical, corrections should be made so that the in-
tent of the voter would not be thwarted. Dickinson
concluded with the words, "Whoever is affected--What-
ever the result--let nothing be done to defeat the
pepular will. That is all I have to say, gentlemen."

71Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 67.

 

124
them. At an early age, both enlisted under the ban-
ner of the Democratic party and both had been suc-
cessful in climbing to positions of prominence. While
Cleveland had risen from his first elective office as
ward supervisor in Buffalo, New York, at the age of
twenty-five to the Presidency of the United States,
'Dickinson, not choosing to run for elective offices,
had moved from one who had been placed on the State
Central Committee as a substitute in 1872 to a nation-
ally recOgnized Democratic leader at the time of Cleve-
land's election.

Both Dickinson and Cleveland also adhered to a
rather strict Jeffersonian approach to government. In
Leroux v. Hudson, Dickinson argued against federal
court encroachment upon state courts. He feared that
too much government would injure the common citizen
in America. Cleveland, too, was what one might term
a.Jeffersonian Democrat. Said Cleveland in his annual
message to Congress in December, 1884, "Our mission
among the nations of the earth, and our success in ac-
complishing the work God has given the American
peOple to do, require of those intrusted with the
making and execution of our laws perfect devotion, a-
bove all other things, to the public good.“

He continued saying, "This devotion will lead us
to resist strongly all impatience of constitutional
limitations of Federal power, and to check persist-

ently the increasing tendency to extend the scope of

125

Federal legislation into the domain of State and lo-
cal jurisdiction, upon the plea of subserving the
public welfare. The preservation of the partitions
between preper subjects of Federal and local care
and regulation is of such importance under the Con-
stitution, which is the law of our very existence,
that no consideration of expediency or sentiment
should tempt us to enter upon doubtful ground."'72

Common interests and sympathetic ideas re-
garding the philoSOphy and nature of government were
instrumental in drawing these two men together. How-
ever, all factors that have thus far been elaborated
upon would not have created a mutual understanding
and friendship had either man possessed personality
quirks that would have repelled the other. Quite
the Opposite was true. Cleveland respected the judg-
ment and good sense of Dickinson, thus consulting
him increasingly as time went on. Although Cleve-
land was President, he never belittled'Dickinson.
As has'been seen, Dickinson had much to say regarding
federal patronage in Michigan. In matters such as
federal appointments Cleveland appears to have had
implicit faith in Dickinson even when some of the ap-

pointments were vigorously assailed by others.

Cleveland also appreciated.Dickinson's attitude in

72George F. Parker (ed.), The Writings and
Sgeeches 2£_Grover Clevelagg_(New York, 1892), pp.

 

126

rendering advice. The President never seemed to feel
that he was being harried by Dickinson; quite the op-
posite was true, for the President usually sought out
Dickinson when he needed his counsel.

Dickinson never forgot that Cleveland was the
Great Chief, as he called him. While respecting and
admiring him, he did not become a mere puppet--some-
thing Cleveland would have despised. When he was con-
vinced that what he sought was just and right, Dickin-
son stood up vigorously for it. At the same time,
Dickinson labored to prevent friction within his party
when a just compromise could be effected. These char-
acteristics and traits were revealed early in the
Cleveland-Dickinson relationship and help to explain
the fact that Dickinson remained a trusted advisor

and friend as long as Cleveland lived.

CHAPTER IV
THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL

During the first years of the Cleveland admini-
stration, Donald Dickinson successfully resisted all
attempts to entice him into any official government
position. He, however, had not entirely closed the
door on accepting such a position when the apprOpriate
time came. He once mentioned that he was "going out
of politics." Nonetheless, he explained to Cleveland
that "by 'going out of politics' I do not mean that
I would not at any time, under any circumstances of
personal sacrifice, by night as well as by day, serve
the President." He went on to assert that he could
best serve Cleveland out of office. "This last reply
to your kindly repeated suggestion about 'coming down
there.”1

Nevertheless, Cleveland did not accept this as
Dickinson's final word, and in November, 1887, he per-
suaded.Dickinson to accept the position of Postmaster-
General in his Cabinet. As has been mentioned in the

previous chapter, many factors drew Cleveland and

1Dickinson to Cleveland, Feb. 20, 1886, Cleve-
land Papers, Library of Congress. Hereafter CPLC.

l27

128
Dickinson together. Undoubtedly, some of these were
significant when Cleveland sought a successor to
William F. Vilas who was reluctant to relinquish the
Postmaster-Generalship, but did so upon the request
of Cleveland who regarded Vilas as "the very best and
safest successor in the Interior Department." How-
ever, there were other considerations besides the
fact that the ClevelandaDickinson bond was strengthened
as time pregressed.

The logical choice to many and a man who desired
the position vacated by William F. Vilas was First As-
sistant Postmaster-General Adlai E. Stevenson.2 With
Cleveland, nevertheless, remained the responsibility
of choosing a new Cabinet officer. He disregarded
Stevenson and sought out Dickinson.

Cleveland had been generally pleased with the
suggestions that Dickinson had made concerning those
best suited to fill federal jobs. As Postmaster-
General, Dickinson would be a chief dispenser of fed-
eral positions. Cleveland realized that the distri-
bution of federal patronage required much finesse.

He wanted it done as efficiently and honestly as pos-
sible. The President had been an advocate of civil

service reform, and his efforts could be greatly nul-

lified if the new Postmaster-General bungled his job

2Dorothy c. Fowler, The Cabinet Politician: The
Postmasters General, 1829-1909(New York, 1943), p. 199.

‘129

in the matter of federal patronage.

Michigan had not been able to boast of a great
number of Cabinet officers in its history. Lewis
Cass had served under Jackson and Buchanan. Under
Franklin Pierce, Robert McClelland had held the post
of Secretary of the Interior, while Zachariah Chandler
had held the same post under Grant. Thus, to choose
Dickinson was an honor to the state of Michigan. Michi-
gan no longer was a state that could be counted on to
place its vote in the Republican column no matter who
ran for office. With Michigan recOgnized in this way
and with Dickinson being able to use patronage more
widely, the state might be shifted into the Democratic
column.

Dickinson was motivated to accept chiefly by
his intense loyalty and devotion to Grover Cleveland.
This appears to be overpowering for Dickinson had
many reasons that might have persuaded him not to ac-
cept had he not admired Cleveland in the way that he
did. He was by this time one of the nation's leading
lawyers with his salary several times the eight thou-
sand dollars which the position of Postmaster-General
offered.3 Thus, an acceptance of this job would en-
tail a drastic cut in salary, while he served in the
capacity of Postmaster-General. .Dickinson was a per-

son who would give his all for Cleveland and the

3Detroit Evening News, Jan. 2, 1888.

130

country refusing to supplement his salary by engag-
ing in his profession while in the Cabinet. Evi-
dence of this fact is a letter to Charles R. Stuart
in which Dickinson revealed, "All my private matters
have been sacrificed, and I have been unable to give
the slightest attention to private business since I
have'been here. If at home, I think I would be in a
position to aid you; but as it is, I must say with
very much regret that I cannot take this matter upon
my shoulders."4

He also was reluctant to leave Michigan for an
extended period at a time when he felt that he could
do more to make it an organization that would be a-
live and fighting. Although indirectly he remained
a power in the state Democratic party, he realized
that the situation could not be the same if he were
Postmaster-General. He expressed these sentiments
when he wrote, “Since I have been here, I have had
many requests including a large number from gentlemen
in whom I took no special interest, and some from
those to whom I was very warmly attached. To all
these I have invariably replied that, at my distance,
I could.not form a judgment as to what was best; that
it be in the highest degree improper for me, occupying

the position I do under the Federal administration to

éDickinson to Stuart, Aug. 8, 1888, Dickinson
Papers, Library of Congress.

131

attempt to influence local action."5 He wrote to
William.E. Quinby that he felt himself "crippled and
encumbered by this harness on my back" and even at
the last minute would have been happy if he had "es-
caped the yoke" in order to better serve the state
Democratic party.6

Perhaps Dickinson's and Cleveland's feelings on
the appointment are best summed up in a letter written
bnyickinson himself. In it he related that he had
told the President that if the decision to appoint him
to "this high place" had been motivated by a desire to
honor him, he "would positively decline." "At the
same time," said Dickinson, "I need hardly deliberate
when you already so well understand that the confi-
dence alone which you have in me fills the highest
measure of my desires and ambitions." He went on to
express his feeling that he owed "no higher duty than
that I owe you and all you represent" and that if
Cleveland still thought it advisable that Dickinson
accept the position in spite of what had been said,
"I must then consider your judgment conclusive of

what is best."7

5Dickinson to "My dear Judge," Mar. 31, 1888,
DPLC. This letter appears to have been sent to Judge
Lambert Tree.

6Dickinson to William E. Quinby, Jan. 25, 1888,
DPLC.

VDickinson to "Dear Judge," n.d.,.Dickinson Pa-
pers, Michigan Historical Commission Archives.

132

To this Cleveland replied with no hesitation,
"I have settled the matter in my favor and in favor
of the country and shall look for you at the time
already indicated.“8 Thus, Dickinson was nominated
on December 6, 1887.

At the time of Dickinson's appointment Cleve-
land made two other major appointments. William F.
Vilas was named Secretary of the Interior, and
Lucius Q. C. Lamar who had occupied this position
was nominated to fill a Supreme Court vacancy. There
seemed to be general satisfaction with the appoint-
ments of Dickinson and Vilas. However, some Senators
such as John Ingalls, John Sherman and George Edmunds
fought deeperately to prevent the confirmation of La-
mar.9 Lamar had drafted the Mississippi Ordinance of
Secession in 1881 and had served with the Confederate
Army for two years. Although Lamar had served ably as
Cleveland's Secretary of the Interior, some Senators
could not forget the fact that he was on the "wrong"
side during the Civil War. Hence, several members of
the Senate suggested that Dickinson and Vilas be ap-
proved at once while delaying that of Lamar. Dickin-
son declared that he would only accept the position of
Postmaster-General if Lamar were confirmed. When the

hassle continued on into January, Dickinson offered

8Cleveland to Dickinson, Nov. 11, 1887, DPLC.

9Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 339.

 

133
the President the privilege of withdrawing his nane if
in any way it would end the strife over the confirma-
tions which Cleveland was seeking.10 Cleveland re-
fused to withdraw any name; and when several western
Republicans failed to go along with efforts to defeat
the Lamar nomination, all three appointments wereczon-
firmed on January 16, 1888. Dickinson was sworn in as
Postmaster-General the following day.

An incident that occurred shortly before his con-
firmation made it quite evident that hickinson planned
to Operate the Post Office Department in a way that
would place the interests of the public first. Dickin-
son had become quite upset shortly before assuming
his duties by the'behavior of a day watchman working
in the Post-Office.Department. The watchman, not rec-
ognizing Dickinson, had been very curt when.bickinson
had sought entrance to the Department after two o'
clock, the time the Department was closed to the pub-
lic. When the watchman was informed by.Dickinson that
he had business, the new Postmaster-General was told,
"I said it was closed." "Don't know," was the reply
to a question concerning how admission might be ob-
tained. When he was asked regarding the time that one
could enter the next day, the watchman replied, "You
will have to find out for yourself, sir."

A short time later.vickinson called the watch-

loDetroit Evening News, Jan. 9, 1888.

 

134

man into his office. he was ashamed when he recOg-
nized Dickinson, but he defended his actions by say-
ing that "so many men come that we are greatly annoyed
and become very tired." Said Dickinson, "That is un-
doubtedly true, but you should remember that the
government pays you for being annoyed and weary. . . .
I would have very much preferred that you had offended
a Senator than to have failed to be courteous to the
veriest stranger that ever asked admission to the de-
partment."11

One of the first steps that Dickinson took to
carry out his aim of better service for the general
public was the successful negotiation of a contract
with the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad Com-
pany. This contract previded for a more efficient
fast mail service between Chicago and Council Bluffs,
Iowa, with daily service both east and west. The de-
parting time was to be controlled by the Post Office
Department on either end. With this arrangement Cali-
fornia mail leaving San Francisco in the evening af-
ter business hours and arriving in Council Bluffs the
afternoon of the third day could be placed aboard the
new fast train and reach Chicago in time for the first
morning delivery on the fourth day from the Pacific
Coast. Eventually the Post Office Department hoped to

provide service that would speed letters from San

llDetroit Free Press, Jan. 21, 1888.

 

135

Francisco to New York in one hundred and twelve
hours. Dickinson considered this contract signifi-
cant for it was the only contract ever entered into
by which the Post Office Department could control the
departure of mail trains which was essential in pro-
viding better mail service.12

Dickinson faced the biggest challenge of his
term as Postmaster-General less than two months af-
ter he had been sworn into office. This crisis be-
gan on February 27, 1888, when locomotive engineers
and firemen on the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy
Railroad went out on strike demanding an abandonment
of the system of classification and a new wage scale.13
fiickinson and the Post Office Department became in-
volved for it seemed that the transportation of mail
would be seriously hampered by this strike which
threatened to become more serious if engineers and
firemen from other railway companies refused to en-
gage in moving cars belonging to the Chicago, Burling-

ton and Quincy system.14 It was feared that in this

case the railway companies would discharge those en-

12Newspaper clipping from the New York Herald,
Feb. 11, 1888, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 5, MHCA.

 

13J. R. Commons et. al., history 2£_Labor in_
the United States (New York, 1918), II, 474.

 

14Dickinson to T. E. Nash, March 10, 1888.
Letter included in a single volume of Dickinson cor-
respondence in the Clarke Historical Collection,
Central Michigan U.

136
gineers and firemen who refused to handle the cars
of the Burlington company.

No precedent had been set by the Government for
the situation that existed when the strike was called.
The owners of the railway companies hOped that the
United States government would enable the company to
break the strike by insisting upon the transportation
of mail which.would necessitate engineers and firemen
remaining at their posts. However, Dickinson gave no
indication that such action was contemplated so the
railroad came to Dickinson saying, "We come before the
Post Office Department in order that we may have a
fair understanding as to what we may expect in the fu-
ture."15

In his reply Dickinson made it very clear just
where he and the Government stood on this matter.
Dickinson began in a friendly but firm tone pointing
out that an efficient mail service rested primarily
on cordial co-operation between the Post Office De-
partment and the owners and operators of the railroad

companies. At the same time, Dickinson felt it was

15Reply of Donald M. Dickinson in the matter of
the a JplIcaEIon of the MIthEEfi‘UEfifTEI’Railroad Com-
pany, the Pennsylvania Railwgy Company, the Pennsyl-
vania Lines West 9§_Pittsbum , the New York, Lake
Erie and Western Railway Company, the Louisville and
Nashville Railroad mepany, thg_New York Central and;
Hudson River Railroad Company, the Chicago and North-
western Railway Company, the Richmond and Danville
Railroad Company and the Lake Shore and Michigan
Southern Railway Company, Mar. 1, 1888. Clarke His-
torical Collection. Hereafter cited Reply of Donald
Bio DiCkinson e e e , Nlare 1,1888.

 

 

137
"a grave defect in our system" that the railroad com-
panies were not compelled to carry the mail by law.

The one lever that the Post Office Department
did have was the right of the Postmaster-General to
levy fines and deductions "for every failure to per-
form service whether from fault or from unavoidable
accident." Dickinson's belief was that the intent of
this was not to exercise this power "to their utmost
limits," but "to make the right to discipline for
actual delinquency certain, quick, and unappealable
as a disciplinary force; a force which would be whole-
somely respected, even if passive, because its exer-
cise and the right to use it might not be delayed or
questioned."

When Dickinson spoke of not pressing the power
to impose fines and deductions to the limit, he cited
examples of this. He did not believe that railroads
should be fined if mails were delayed by reason of an
act of God such as a heavy blizzard. Besides this,
Dickinson said, "I am of the Opinion that no fine or
deduction should be imposed for delay caused by a
broken axle, hot box, or any similar accident against
which, in the common knowledge of railroading, the
highest degree of diligence and care have not been able

to guard against."16

16Reply of Donald M. Dickinson in the matter of
the application of the Michigan Central Railroad Com-
pany . . . , Mar. 1, 1888.

138

On the other hand, Dickinson reminded the rail-
way companies of their duties asserting that "thou-
sands of peOple and thousands of interests depend or
are involved in the delivery of the mails. The pas-
senger traffic or freight of a single train involve
infinitesimal interests in comparison with a heavy
mail and must in no case be given precedence. . . ."
Dickinson firmly asserted that if railway companies
did not honor this and disregarded this philos0phy,
"the penalty in such cases should be heavy enough to
make it thoroughly understood and remembered."

The chief matter that interested the company
was the Government's view concerning a strike against
a railway company. Dickinson answered this bluntly
stating, "I do not conceive that a strike of railroad
employees can afford any excuse for failure to carry
the mails. There has been no case where men and fa-
cilities could not be found sufficient to carry the
mails; and if cases occur where the contractors ei-
ther will not or cannot take other business in addi-
tion, it can be no ground for refusal or failure to
proceed with the Government business alone."17

Thus, under Dickinson, the Post Office Depart-
ment refused to get involved in any strike other than

insisting that there should be no interference with

17Reply of Donald M. Dickinson . . . , Mar. 1,
1888.

139
the mail and the transportation of it. It was the
responsibility of the employer and the employee to
work out an agreement that was mutually acceptable.
The Government had no obligation to pay special com-
pensations to the railroad companies because of in-
conveniences created by the strike.

A real crisis loomed when all the companies ac-
quiesced with this theory except the Atchison, Topeka,
and the Santa Fe system. The firemen and engineers
struck this railroad company on March 15, 1888. This
was purely a sympathy strike.18 The employees on the
Santa Fe system hOped to aid the striking firemen and
engineers on the Burlington road. The engineers and
firemen on the Santa Fe railway were willing to carry
the mail and to do so regularly and promptly. However,
the company insisted that the mail would not be for-
warded unless other freight and passengers were also
transported. The company also claimed that the Govern-
ment should pay extra compensation during the strike
"for doing what they are by contract and by duty bound
to do, and when the help is offered to do it."19 For
a moment the nation wondered What move would be forth-
coming for Dickinson gave no indication that he would

back down from his declared position. A major show-

18C. H. Salmons, The Burlington Strike (Aurora,
111., 1889), p. 340.

 

19Newspaper clipping from the Chicago Sunday
Times, Mar. 18, 1888, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 5, MHCA.

140

down was averted when the strike ended only a few
days after it had begun.20

During this period Dickinson‘s words and actions
had been carefully observed by citizens throughout the
United States. If his policy can be judged by results,
it was sound for the mails did get through without re-
sort to force or court injunctions even though the Bur-
lington strike continued until January, 1889. Con-
gressman William L. Scott singled him out saying that
Dickinson had handled the matter "very ably." He e-
laborated, "It was an extremely delicate matter to
handle and it required great tact on his part to ac-
complish What he has done in establishing the prece-
dent that any railroad having a contract with the
Government for the transportation of the mails is
bound to transport them and to afford the public
proper mail facilities on its line."21

Dickinson faced the big corporations again when
a rider was appended to the Postal ApprOpriations bill.
The Senate amended the Postal Appropriation bill pro-
viding a a800,000 subsidy to steamship companies car-
rying the mail to South and Central American ports,
plus those in the West Indies. Dickinson was vigor-
ously Opposed to such a subsidy for he felt it would

benefit only a few large corporations while harming

20Detroit Free Press, Mar. 19, 1888.

 

21Detroit Free Press, Mar. 20, 1888.

 

141
the interests of all others using the mails and at the
same time force the taxpayer to pay the subsidy.

There was one hOpe of defeating the amendment
and this could only be done if Dickinson could per-
suade the House to reject the amendment. With this
in mind, Dickinson wrote a lengthy formal letter to
Chairman James J. Blount of the House Committee on
Post offices and Postroads. In this letter, Dickinson,
using the same type of lOgic he had so successfully
employed as a lawyer, pointed out clearly what the
disadvantages would be and why this amendment should
not be passed.

He listed his reasons for opposing the amend-
ment. He explained that even without the subsidy
mail steamers had numerous benefits such as the right
to discharge their cargoes immediately; they had the
right to sail at any hour, day orxnight, and could not
be detained for any pretext. The Postmaster-General
declared that preference had been given to American
ships "at four times the cost of carriage as competing
foreign ships. However, there were times when foreign
ships had to be employed on the principle that the
first duty of the department to our citizens under the
law was to give them the best, most expeditious and
certain mail facilities within its resources."

The legislation proposed would limit the
Postmaster-General "to contract with American built

or American registered steamships for the transporta-

142

tion of mails to the parts of Central and South Amer-
ica and the West Indies for a period of not less than
five years, and with a compensation for each outward
trip of one dollar per mile." This would stifle any
competition. "In the present conditions the prOposed
law might as well name the few persons to whom this
money is paid." Bickinson stated that after analyzing
the preposed legislation, "it would seem to exclude
the exercise of any power of may representative of
this government to provide for this mail service in

" This went counter

the interest of the peOple. . . .
to Dickinson's sense of right for he felt the Post
Office Department "should be independent and should

at all times be enabled to send the mails by the most
expeditious routes, and make use of the best facili-
ties afforded for that purpose from among all car-
riers offering."

Again bearing in mind that the Post Office De-
partment belonged to all the people, Dickinson pre-
sented statistics revealing the cost of the subsidy
which probably would result in poorer service because
foreign ships could not be employed. Concluded Dickin-
son, "I feel confident that such administration will
result only in a very great pecuniary benefit to a
dozen individuals at the expense and embarrassment of
good service, and of inconvenience, injustice and

material injury to the great body of the peOple whose

money will be used in the purchase of those results."

145

This was too contrary to Lickinson's belief of the
greatest good for the greatest number.

This long communication was also interesting
for it concluded with Dickinson's views on the sub-
sidy, not as to how it would affect the Post Office
Department particularly, but as to its usefulness in
seeking to build up commerce with other nations. Here,
Dickinson and Cleveland seemed so in accord. Cleve-
land had strongly urged reductions in tariff. Said
Dickinson, in words that Cleveland certainly approved,
"Cargoes out and cargoes back are needed for the cre-
ation of a merchant marine. The cargo out will not
be bought unless we buy in exchange, and it will be
bought if we are willing to trade. Until these con-
ditions come, subsidies will maintain a line so long
as the subsidy lasts, and then the line will go down
for want of legitimate trade."22

Dickinson followed debate on this bill care-
fully. On July 12, he wrote another more personal
message to Chairman Blount. he noted that Senator
Preston B. Plumb had made the statement that the sub-
sidy amendment "left it discretionary with.me to con-
tract for less than the amount of one dollar per nau-
tical mile." Dickinson, however, found that he

would have no power to negotiate for less because of

2311.3” Congress, House, Report __o_f_'_ the
Postmaster-General, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888-1889,
House ax. Doc.fil, pp. XXXII-XXXVIII.

144

the mandatory provision to contract "with the men that
will see that I am compelled to pay them the maximum.“
Dickinson wrote Blount that it reminded him.of the
story of a farmer who proposed to test his son, a col-
lege graduate, concerning his knowledge of business.
This farmer sent his son to town to buy a cow in-
structing him to buy it for twenty-five dollars if
possible, but to go as high as fifty. This son went
to the owner of the cow who immediately asked how
much the boy would give for the animal. He told the
owner that he would like to pay twenty-five dollars,
but if he couldn't get it for that sum, he would go
as high as fifty dollars. "It is needless to say,"
concluded.Dickinson, "that the bargain was struck at
the maximum figure."25

In Dickinson's mind the subsidy amendment had
to be defeated. He told Blount that there was no
truth in a report that he would be satisfied with a
modified version of the subsidy. Dickinson was very
explicit saying he wanted to "rout the subsidy people,
horse, foot and dragoons."24

In this fight to prevent this rider from being
attached to the Postal ApprOpriation bill, Dickinson

was successful. On July 18, the Detroit Free Press

 

headlined one of its leading.news articles, "Senators

23Dickinson to Blount, July 12, 1888, DPLC.

24Dickinson to Blount, July 12, 1888, DPLC.

145

Surrender." The article began, "Postmaster-General
Dickinson is the David that slew the subsidy Goliath."
The previous day the Senate had agreed to drop the sub-
sidy amendment and the Postal ApprOpriation bill had
passed, "freed from this incubus."25

Grover Cleveland, coming to power with his em-
phasis on reform, was greatly encouraged when his ef-
forts for civil service reform were rewarded substan-
tially by the placing of employees of the railwayrnail
division in the classified service. This reform, 1a-
beled by the Civil Service Commission as one of "the
most important changes made in the rules during the
year,“ was initiated when Dickinson issued an order
placing employees of the Railway Mail Service under
civil service.26 From that time forward no person
would be admitted "into any place not excepted from
examination by the civil service rules. . . ."2'7
This order dispatched on the last day of December,
1888, went into effect May 1, 1889.

Other steps that the Post Office Department took

under Dickinson to improve service included the sign-

ing of parcel post conventions with the British Hon-

25Detroit Free Press, July 18, 1888.

 

26U.S., Congress, House, Sixth Report 9; the U.S.
Civil Service Commission, 51st Cong., lst Sess., 1889,
Ex..Doc. l, p. .

 

 

27U.S., Congress, House, Sixth Rgport 2: the U.S.
Civil Service Commission, 51st Cong., lst Sess., 1889,
EX. DOC. 1, pp. 61-620

 

 

146

duras and Mexico. The first parcel post convention
concluded by the United States with any foreign coun-
try had gone into Operation on October 1, 1887. Un-
der Dickinson these agreements were expanded to the
countries mentioned while plans were made to conclude
conventions with still more South and Central American
neighbors, so that the time would not be long in coming
”when the 'Three Americas' will be embraced in one
grand parcel post union. . . ."28 Under these conven-
tions, parcels up to eleven pounds could be carried
through the mails. Into Mexico all parcels up to two
feet in length and four feet in girth would be carried
while into the British Honduras the limit was three
feet, six inches in length, while the greatest length
and girth combined was six feet. The highest possible
charge for a parcel weighing eleven pounds was to be
$1.76 which compared very favorably with the fees
exacted by foreign express companies. The principal
advantage of these new agreements, however, was the
fact that "the former slow and expensive method of
meeting the custom house requirements" was eliminated.

The convention with Mexico was especially impor-
tant for prior to the parcel post convention it was
forbidden to send through the mails any article of mer-
chantable value between the United States aid her

28U. 8., Congress, House, Report of the

Postmaster-General, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888-1889,
House Ex. Doc. I, p. 829.

 

 

147
southern neighbor. It was believed that the parcel
post convention would do much to strengthen trade re-
lations between the United States and Mexico which was
the largest and nearest southern neighbor with Whom a
parcel post convention had been concluded.29

Shortly before Dickinson assumed office a postal
convention was signed with Canada which "virtually
makes one postal territory of the United States and
Canada."30 Under the old convention uniformity of
postage rates had been established, but no merchandise
of any kind was allowed to be sent through the mails.
This restriction was removed by the new convention and
merchandise, with few exceptions, could be sent to
Canada "at the rates of postage applicable to fourth-
class matter in the United States."

When Dickinson came into office, there was much
complaint from American seedsmen that Canadian seeds-
men provided unfair competition because Canadian do-
mestic rates of postage on seeds was one cent for one
ounce or fraction thereof. While the agreement read
as it did, Dickinson carried it out even though it was

31

not pOpular with Americans. Meanwhile, he Opened

29U. 8., Congress, House, Report of the

Postmaster-General, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888-1889,
House Ex.T§oc.*I, p. 829.

 

3°U. 8., Congress, House, Report of the
Postmaster—General, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888-1889,
House Ex. Doc—I, p. 828.

 

31Detroit Free Press, Mar. 30, 1888.

 

148
negotiations with the Postmaster-General of Canada
A. W. McLelan and in April, l888, amended the postal
convention which provided for uniform rates of postage
on all third and fourth class matterf52

With the inauguration of conventions with both
Canada and Mexico, thousands of packages had been ex-
changed during the first year it had been in effect
with.hinety per cent of the parcels originating in the
United States. It appeared to have stimulated trade in
a way that was very beneficial.

While Dickinson was Postmaster-General, regis-
tered mail was more safely handled than ever before.33
Statistics of 1888 revealed that the number of losses
had decreased twenty per cent while the number of
pieces handled had increased six and one-half per cent
over the previous year. There was a considerable in-
crease in both domestic and international money orders;
domestic money orders increased eight per cent while
international orders increased twenty-three per cent.
Although the number of orders increased appreciably,
the total amount increased a less impressive three and
one-half per cent or 84,810,578.06. In his annual re-

port to Congress, Dickinson recommended that the maxi-

52U. 8., Congress, House, Report of the
Postmaster-General, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888-1889,
House Ex. Doc. 1, pp. 828, 845.

 

35U. 8., Congress, House, He ort of the
Postmaster-General, 50th Cong., 635., 1888-1889,
House Ex. Doc. 1, p. X.

 

149
mum.amount of an international money order be upped
from fifty to one hundred dollars. There were several
advantages in so doing, including the reduction of ex-
penses in post offices, as well as in the Department,
for one form would take the place of two on sums be-
tween fifty and one hundred dollars. Also, raising
the maximum amount to one hundred would bring uni-
formity between domestic and international money or-
ders. A bill providing for this change was signed

54 The postal deficit

by Cleveland January 50, 1889.
decreased although the Post Office Department did

more business. One economy move was effected when the
Department discovered that from 250,000 to 500,000
mail bags had accumulated in the Washington and New
York post offices because they needed repairs. Be-
fore.Dickinson came into office, the repair shOps

had been under the charge of the postmasters in those
two cities. Dickinson ordered these repair shOps to
be placed under the direct supervision of the Second
Assistant Postmaster-General. All the mail bags which
needed repairs were sent to the shop in Washington
which resulted in a saving of sixty thousand dollars.
This had been so successful that a repair shop for

looks and keys was also recommended.

Besides the fast mail contract previously alluded

54Dickinson to the Sec. of State, Feb. 4, 1889,
Postmaster-General Letterbook No. 26, National Archives,
Washington.

150
to, others were negotiated which caused the General
Superintendent of the Railway Mail Service to say,
"The improvements in this service during the past
fiscal year and up to date have been more extensive
than perhaps during any previous year in its his-
tory. A noticeable feature in the improvements is
that they have been more general and distributed 0-
ver a greater area of country than has heretofore
been found practicable, embracing New England, the
Southern and Middle States, the transcontinental ser-
vice between Chicato and San Francisco, and also the
northwestern section traversed by the Northern Paci-
fic Railroad."

In his efforts to correct abuses arising from
the franking privilege Dickinson was less successful.
Dickinson soon discovered that unauthorized persons
were using the franking privilege. In some cases it
seemed Congressmen were allowing the unauthorized use
of their franking privilege, while in others unauthor-
ized individuals were forging the names of those who
were authorized to use it..

Thus, on February 29, 1888, Dickinson.came to
grips with this delicate problem.and sent a message to
the president of the Senate saying, "The right to send
matter in the mails under unofficial frank has by re-
cent legislation been considerably extended, and 0p-
portunity largely increased for the abuse of this priv-

ilege.” *Dickinson continued by explaining that "the

151

placing of official names upon public or private mat-
ter by others than the officers on whom.the right is
conferred is easy, difficult of detection by postal
officials, and under present statutes not explicitly
declared punishable."55

In his report to the Congress, Dickinson pro-
posed a solution which he felt would eliminate the a-
buses and, at the same time, would be very equitable.
He suggested that the franking privilege be abolished;
and, instead, a yearly allowance be given to each Sena-
tor and Representative for the purchase of postage
stamps, which would place each one "upon an exact e-
quality." "No one could make use of the mails beyond
his own allowance, and no unauthorized person could
make use of the mails to forward unofficial matter."56

Dickinson's prOposal on this touchy subject was
not met with much enthusiasm. Apparently, the members
of Congress wanted no intrusion on this privilege for
no attempts were made to introduce legislation follow-
ing the lines of Dickinson's suggestions.

Actually, Dickinson was Postmaster-General for a

rather brief period of less than fourteen months. How-

ever, during this brief span a much greater personal

35Dickinson to the President of the Senate, Feb.
29, 1888, Postmaster-General Letterbook No. 24, Na-
tional Archives, Washington.

36U.S., Congress, House, Report 9: the
Postmaster-General, 50th Cong.,-2d oess., 1888-1889,
House Ex. Doc. 1, p. XXIV.

 

152

bond was established between Dickinson and Cleveland.
Prior to this time Dickinson had met Cleveland several
times, but it usually had been to discuss business.

When Dickinson became Postmaster-General, there
was opportunity for informal visits or outings. For
instance, Cleveland loved to fish and Dickinson some-
times accompanied him}.7 This association, both of-
ficially and unofficially, turned what formerly had
been chiefly a business relationship into one that was
warmer and more intimate.58

Cleveland continued to recognize Dickinson as an
influential political leader, especially in his home
state. In January, 1888, an obscure politician from
Kentucky named Thobe challenged the seat of Speaker
John C. Carlisle. This man claimed that he had been
rightfully elected, producing certain affadavits to
prove that he had been elected.59 Although the House
Committee on Elections had rejected Thobe's claim, the
House itself acted very slowly. It seemed that cer-
tain members of the House sought to embarrass Carlisle
and Cleveland, too, for Carlisle had fought hard for

the Cleveland legislative program, including the con-

57Detroit Free Press, July 27, 1888.

 

38Evidence of this can be seen in the correspond-
ence between Mrs. Dickinson and Mrs. Cleveland. These
letters exist in the Burton Historical Collection, De-
troit Public Library.

59New York Times, Jan. 15, 1888.

 

153

troversial tariff program. Although the Republicans
seemed to be the chief instigators of opposition,
some Democrats also seemed disgruntled with Carlisle's
leadership. Cleveland, who later chose Carlisle as
his Secretary of the Treasury, wanted him seated as
quickly and with as little difficulty as possible. In
a letter to Dickinson, he intimated that Dickinson
could be of some help in swaying the Michigan delega-
tion.4O How much pressure Dickinson exerted at this
time, one cannot determine. However, Carlisle's
title was cleared on the same day that Cleveland wrote
a letter on the subject to Dickinson.41

Dickinson continued to be influential in the mat-
ter of federal patronage. John J. Enright and William
L. Bancroft, both citizens of Michigan and associates
of Dickinson, received responsible positions within
the Post Office Department. Outside the Post Office
Department, perhaps the most significant appointment
that Dickinson influenced during his term as Postmaster-
General was the nomination of John G. Parkhurst as
minister to Belgium.42

Dickinson felt that his experience as Postmaster-
General allowed him to make two suggestions which he

termed "radical reforms in postal administration."

4OCleveland to Dickinson, Jan. 25, 1888, CPLC.

41New York Times, Jan. 24, 1888.

 

4‘2Dickinson to Cleveland, Dec. 12, 1885, CPLC.

154
Thus, shortly after he retired as Postmaster-General,

he published an article in the North American Review

 

entitled "Progress and the Post" which outlines these

suggestions.43

The first reform proposed by Dickinson would pro-
vide for a "distribution of the powers and responsi-
bilities of the post office establishment." he ex-
plained that"no agency of government, State, national,
or municipal, so touches the individual citizen in do-
mestic affairs and in his going and in his coming."

Yet the Post Office Department had no officials near
the people who had enough authority and responsibility
to effect better service when it was necessary which
could have been accomplished had the authority been
granted. All complaints of service, Dickinson informed
his readers, had to go through the department at Wash-
ington to be remedied. Dickinson proposed to remedy
this situation with a re-organized system of territorial
division clothed with the power and responsibilities
which at the time only the Postmaster-General possessed.
In matters relating to the more universal interests of
the country, the Postmaster-General would remain the
superior.

‘Dickinson's second suggestion stemmed from the ex-
perience that he had had in dealing with railway com-

panies which were under contract to carry the mail, but

4:SDonald M. Dickinson, "PrOgress and the Post,"
North American Review, CXLIX (October, 1889), 599-412.

 

155
had been confronted with strikes. During Dickinson's
tenure there had been no serious interruptions of mail
service, but Dickinson could foresee dangerous possi-
bilities unless the laws were altered. "It is a star-
tling prOposition," he wrote, "that the only alterna-
tive, in case any great trunk line should refuse to
renew its contract for carriage, is that set out in
the act of Congress, hereafter quoted, which authorizes
the Postmaster-General in such case to send forward
the mails by 'horse-express, or otherwise'l" He was
convinced that Congress had the constitutional author-
ity to compel the keeping of a contract by a railroad
company besides the power to fine and deduct. Failure
to transport the mail went contrary to public interests
and ”when one devotes his prOperty to a use in which
the public has an interest, he, in effect, grants to
the public an interest in that use and must submit to
be controlled by the public for the common good to the
extent of the interest he has thus created."

In spite of what had occurred, Dickinson con-
cluded that "it may still require a few more striking
illustrations of the fact that the railroad carrier,
and not the Government, is master of the situation, to
transform the suggestion for revision, frequently pre-
sented to Congress, into an imperative demand from the
source of power."

Dickinson's last suggestion went unheeded and his

concluding prediction came to pass in 1894 during the

156
Pullman strike. In this situation the striking Amer-
ican Railway Union indicated, as had the striking fire-
men and engineers in 1888, that they would allow the
hauling of mail upon certain roads and would supply
the men to do so provided no Pullman cars were attached.
However, in this case the railroad companies refused
to allow the trains to move "without the full comple-
ment of cars."44 According to the View that Dickinson
had expressed in 1888, the railroad companies would be
obligated to have the mails under the conditions stip-
ulated by the striking employees. Nevertheless, no law
had been passed designating what exactly constituted a
mail train. Any passenger train could be requested to
transport mail, but did this mean that every car that
normally was part of a mail train could never be sepa-
rated. If this were true, strikingeamployees would be
at a tremendous disadvantage. Unlike 1888, the Govern-
ment became involved in the Pullman strike. This in-
terference was instrumental in finally breaking the
strike. Had Dickinson's suggestions been followed, had
a law clearly defining the duties and obligations of
both railway companies and the employees been enacted
prior to the great Pullman Strike, the disorders and
bitterness engendered at that time might have been a-

VOided o 45

44Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike (Chicago,
1942), p. 150.

 

45Nevins, grover Cleveland, p. 627.

 

157

Because of his position of Postmaster-General,
Dickinson played a less conspicuous role in the 1888
political campaign than if he had not held this post.
In a letter to W. E. Quinby soon after his nomination
to the position of Postmaster-General had been approved,
he wrote, "You cannot conceive of how anxious I am a-
bout the State. . . . I do not think we at home have
appreciated the space Which Michigan occupies in the
mind of the Great Chief, or comprehended the h0pe for
support from her which is grounded upon the intelli-
gence, and honesty of our peOple."46 In the same let-
ter he complained of “this harness on my back" which
he felt could hamper hin in the 1888 campaign. Other
evidence that Dickinson planned to participate less
than he might have is derived from a letter to State
Chairman I. M. weston written February 4, 1888, in
which he granted Weston his proxy on the National Com-
mittee. "The giving of the proxy will be a practical
nomination for service until the next National conven-
tion, unless you should prefer to serve temporarily by
proxy, and in that case you could hold it and retain
the Chairmanship."47

Because of his position as Postmaster-General
and because he wished to give the Republicans no 0p-

portunity to charge the Cleveland administration with

46Dickinson to Quinby, Jan. 25, 1888, DPLC.

47Dickinson to Weston, Feb. 4, 1888, DPLC.

158 ’

hypocrisy in the matter of reform, Dickinson refrained
from attending the Democratic convention. He explained
that although there was actually nothing to forbid a
federal official from "the exercise of his individual
influence as a citizen in favor of the views which he
holds in the same manner as if he were not in office,
yet, in view of the disgraceful abuses heretofore ad-
verted to, it is a matter which suggests itself to the
good taste and judgment of sensible men, whether the
indecencies heretofore practiced should even seem to
be imitated by the appearance of Federal officials of
this Administration at conventions."48

Dickinson reiterated on several occasions that
he did not wish to dictate specifically those who
should be delegated to attend conventions or nominated
for elective offices. Shortly before the Democratic
state convention in May, he wrote a letter to the State
Chairman I. M. Weston advising that he "have a plat-
form prepared." 'Dickinson continued by saying that
he hOped there would be "an emphatic endorsement of
the President's message in reference to the lines of
reform and reclamation of the public lands, and a com-
mendation of his prudence and safety, and care of busi-
ness interests." However, as to endorsing delegates,
Dickinson stated flatly that although he had received

several letters to support Yaple as delegate-at-large

48Dickinson to A. Charles, May 9, 1888, DPLC.

159

to the national convention, he didn't "wish either
publicly or privately to attempt to assume powers of
dictation as to the personnel of the delegation."
He merely expressed the h0pe that the state convention
would send "staunch friends of the President" to the
national convention.49

This sentiment of non-interference in local
nominations was repeated by.uickinson late in the can-
paign. On August 20, he wrote to Samuel Burroughs,
"I have no time, inclination, or disposition, to make
even a suggestion as to candidates for local offices,
and were the conditions otherwise I certainly would not
interfere with your political ambitions."50 Four days
later he wrote in a similar vein to M. C. Bowling ex-
plaining that since he had been in Washington he had
received "many requests including a large number from
gentlemen in whom I took no special interest, and some
from those to whom I was very warmly attached." Dickin-
son wrote to Dowling that it would be "improper" for
him to interfere in local nominations, "however, I
might desire the success of any friend." He pointed
out that his place in the Federal administration pro-
hibited such activity.51

Dickinson did what he could to quash efforts to

49Dickinson to Weston, May 5, 1888, DPLC.
50Dickinson to Burroughs, Aug. 20, 1888, DPLC.

51Dickinson to Bowling , Aug. 24, 1888, DPLC.

160
place his name before the national convention as a
candidate for Vice President. There was some specu-
lation that he would be nominated for that position.

The New York Graphic came out strongly for him. Michi-

 

gan Democrats wished to endorse him for the Vice
Presidency, but he insisted that the Michigan delega-
tion go uninstructed on this matter to the national
convention.52 He wrote a letter to one supporter
saying, "I am sorry it would give you pleasure to see
me commit such.a folly as to be a candidate for that
place. . . ."55 He continued by avowing that no
higher honor could be conferred upon him than being
an individual in whom the President had confidence.
This he already had from a man whom Dickinson called
"the foremost figure of the time."

The fact that Dickinson had been named to Cleve-
land's Cabinet enhanced his stature amongst Michigan
Democrats. Even though he felt that he could not be
as active as he might have were he not Postmaster-
General, he remained the state's leading Democrat.

On May 3, the Wayne county Democratic convention
passed a resolution stating, "We say that the Presi-
dent did credit to himself and honor to the state of

Michigan and especially wayne county when he appointed

52Fow1er, The Cabinet Politician, p. 202.

 

53Dickinson to D. c. Budsall, Feb. 15, 1888,
DPLC.

161
as Postmaster-General Don M. Dickinson."54 One week
later the Democratic state convention meeting in
Grand Rapids passed a similar resolution.55

In July the Democrats convened again in order to
pick a slate of candidates for state offices. This
convention was held at the Detroit Opera House. Across
the upper half of the stage was a large streamer upon
which were engraved the names of Cleveland and Thur-
man with a picture of each in crayon. 0n the stage
were steel engravings on easels of Cleveland and Thur-
man. To the left of the stage was a large portrait
of Dickinson with two flags crossed above it.56 Michi-
gan Democrats made it obvious that they considered
Dickinson one of the leading political figures from
their party.

Dickinson did make some campaign appearances
prior to the election. On September 26, he made his
first official appearance in Michigan since becoming
Postmaster-General. The occasion was a huge politi-
cal rally held in Detroit. He was scheduled to be one
of the main speakers. Upon his arrival the whole au-

dience rose to its feet shouting, "Dickinson! Dickin-

sont" The Detroit Free Press described the response

 

to the chairman's prOposal of "three cheers for Don M.

54Detroit Free Press, May 4, 1888.

 

55Detroit Free Press, May 11, 1888.

 

56Detroit Free Press, July 20, 1888.

 

162

Dickinson" in this fashion. "The enthusiasm was
boundless. The ladies in the gallery were infected
with the spirit, and fluttered their tiny handker-
chiefs and smiled the rarest of smiles. The roof was
almost raised by the volume of sound. Even the two
handsome bouquets which stood on the little table in
front of Mr. Dickinson quivered in sympathy."57

In his speech Dickinson centered his thoughts
around a favorite subject, President Grover Cleveland.
He informed his large audience that "this President
of ours has been all the time, since March 4, 1885,

President 2: the United States." There had been "no

 

 

usurpation of Executive functions upon his part. No
trenching upon Executive privileges, no pruning of
the powers of the Chief Magistrate, no encroachment
upon the official rights of the chosen of 60,000,000
of freeman has been tolerated or permitted."58

Dickinson continued by declaring that he was
speaking on "a plain subject, Grover Cleveland." For
a time there were some politicians in Washington that
could not understand this and considered Cleveland "a
puzzle, an enigma" because they were accustomed "to
the old condition of things." He illustrated his point
by telling a story of an abnormal season of rainy

weather in Zululand. The weather remained so long that

57Detroit Free Press, Sept. 27, 1888.

 

58Detroit Free Press, Sept. 27, 1888.

 

165
the natives became accustomed to it. One day a light
like fire blazed up to the zenith and down to the hori-
zon from a common center. The king, his court, and
the wise men of the land all differed on what this
meant. Some said it was the beginning of the world;
others that the moon had fallen. Finally, "a plain
old fellow from the backwoods came along and said,
'Why, friends, it is just going to clear off, and that
that you see is the familiar, old-fashioned, God's sun-
shine and the glimmer of the blue vault of heaven.'”

Dickinson emphasized Cleveland's honesty and
forthrightness throughout his speech. When the Senate
first sought to "crowd" him, they found they could not
and complained that he treated them as if they were
the Common Council of Buffalo, and he fit to be only a
small town mayor. Later, they said, "Oh, he is a man
of some ability, he has a certain low cunning, he is a
bold, bad man. Still later he rose in their vocabulary
of epithets to the dignity of usurper."

Dickinson reminded his audience that Washington
and Jackson were reviled and assailed, "yet these two
names continue to grow in luster as time rolls on,
while the posterity of the men who trained them, thank
God that the memory of their ancestors has rotted upon
the annals of time.” He concluded by predicting: PA-
gainst the horizon of the history of the times, my
friends and neighbors, there will be no more noble fig-

ure in the life of this republic than Grover Cleveland.

164
It will be written of him that he was an unselfish
American statesman, and that he served the people."59
Dickinson promised to return to Michigan during
the closing days of the campaign. He kept his promise,

and on October 27 appeared before a crowd in Grand

Rapids, which the Free Press described as "the greatest

 

political demonstration Grand Rapids has ever had."
Describing Dickinson's reception, the Detroit news-
paper elaborated, "Grand Rapids in its time has wel-
comed the little giant of Illinois, Stephen A. Douglas,
and that favored leader of Democracy, Thomas A. Hen-
dricks, but the reception that she gave those great
leaders was dwarfed by the magnificent ovation that she
gave today to the chivalric leader of the Northwestern
Democracy, Don M. Dickinson. . . ."60
At this rally Dickinson was the main speaker.
Whereas in his Detroit speech Dickinson had praised
Cleveland, this speech was a bitter denunciation of
James C. Blaine, claiming that Harrison would be the
titular President while "the unspeakable man from.Maine
would be regent." Some charges that he made against
Blaine included the corruption of the young men of that
generation, and the maligning and slandering of "the

pure public men of his own party" including Roscoe

Conkling.

59Detroit Free Press, Sept. 27, 1888.

 

60Detroit Free Press, Oct. 28, 1888.

 

165

Other excerpts from his speech illustrate the
comtempt which he held for Blaine. "It is true of
Blaine, as of no other man, that while all honest men
are not his enemies, all dishonored public men have
been his friends. . . . This is the man who goes a-
bout the country slandering others in the language of
untruth and unrighteousness. . . . It is not for me
to condemn the belief, or the want of belief of any
man, and I do not presume to judge that distinguished
and brillian infidel for his infidelity. . . . He
never originated a measure for the good of mankind.
His name is connected with no policy to advance the
interest or renown of America."

With this introduction, he became more specific
and sought to disclaim certain statements that Blaine
had made concluding with these words:

And now, fellow citizens, I do not believe that
falsehood and fraud are to prevail. I have faith
in the intelligence of the peOple, faith.in their
understanding of the questions which affect them.
This is not the battle of Grover Cleveland, it is
not the battle of any party. It is one for you
and for me, and for the great masses of the people
against the pernicious theory that if the rich are
made richer they will take care of the poor. I
have great faith in the intelligence of the peOple
of Michigan, and, having that faith, I believe
that her duty will be done when the sun sets a
week from next Tuesday. As you advance to the con-
test my heart beats responsive to your music; and
my eyes gleam at the sight of your banners; and sgl
to your tents, oh Israel, and God save the right.

0n election eve Dickinson made his last appear-

61Detroit Free Press, Oct. 28, 1888.

 

166

ance of the campaign before a rally at White's Grand
Opera House. Many prominent Democrats from Michigan
had assembled, including such men as G. V. H. Lothrop,
William Maybury, J. Logan Chipman, and William E.
Quinby. Dickinson spoke briefly at this meeting using
his time to defend the tariff reductions sought by
Cleveland. He averred that Cleveland realized "that
a reduction of the tariff was the only method by which
the prosperity of the working people could be main—
tained, and he relies upon the intelligence of the
working peOple to understand this and support his ef-
forts.”62

The next day the nation went to the polls and
.Dickinson's beloved Great Chief went down to defeat
in an election which saw Cleveland achieve a greater
popular vote than his opponent. The reaction of.Dickin-
son was interesting. His party had suffered earlier
defeats which caused him to become very downcast. He
and Cleveland would suffer defeats later in which he
would react as he did after the Greeley debacle. How-
ever, to this defeat his response was anything but pes-
simistic. Several letters written soon after the 1888
election reveal this to be true. On November 17 he
wrote, "We must simply reform the line and advance the

standard. I have no doubt whatever of ultimate success

6Q'Detroit Free Press, Nov. 6, 1888.

 

167
because we are right."6:5 Two days later he expressed
similar sentiments saying, "I see no reason for dis-
may. The only thing to do is to reform and advance
the standard. Remember the historical overthrow of
Van Buren, and our magnificent triumph four years
later; the disheartening defeat of 1880 and the elec-
tion of Cleveland in 1884. There is no demoralization

here."64

Bickinson would live to see his optimism re-
warded by a smashing 1890 Democratic victory in Michi-

gan and the successful campaign of Cleveland in 1892.

65Dickinson to John Power, Nov. 17, 1888, DPLC.

64.Dickinson to M. H. Chamberlain, Nov. 19, 1888,
DPLC.

CHAPTER V
YEARS OF TRIUMPH

Midway through his term as Postmaster-General,
Dickinson wrote that "there is nothing so bright to
me in the future as the peace of unofficial life."1
After his term ended in March, 1889, he did return to
the kind of life he preferred. However, he seemed to
be as busy as ever for Cleveland wrote to him in May
saying, "Of course, I was not surprised to learn that
you were tugging away in the harness, for it is your
nature, and as long as you are willing there will be
plenty to put on the load."2

That this was true was evidenced the following
month when Dickinson became involved in a legal case
which was one of the most arduous, as well as signi-
ficant, of his entire career. In this case the Lake
Superior Ship Canal, Railway and Iron Company, (here-
after called the Lake Superior Canal Company) was

pitted against certain homesteaders living in the Up-

1Dickinson to O. M. Barnes, Sept. 14, 1888, Dick-
inson Papers, Library of Congress.

ZCleveland to Eickinson, May 10, l889. Photo-

cOpy of original exists in Michigan Historical Com-
mission Archives.

168

169
per Peninsula who were seeking to prevent ejection
from their homes.

Dickinson explained how he became involved in a
letter to Tim Nester dated October 27, 1890, "I was
not then in any of the homestead litigations, and
never expected to be, but I fully realized the danger,
as before stated, from erroneous contraction of the
Forfeiture bill, and knowing the powerful aid for the
benefit of the homesteaders that a construction of the
Act in their favor by this great state would have. . .
I wrote to mr. handall, and that letter appears upon
House Journal payee 1958 and 1959."5

In this letter to state representative James A.
Randall, Dickinson stated that he could hardly believe
there could be any hesitation in passing a resolution
"removing the cloud of any possible State claim from
the titles of Michigan homesteaders in the railroad
lands recently forfeited by act of the last Congress."
He briefly described the history and vhat he believed
to be the intent of the Forfeiture bill. A general
Forfeiture bill affecting homesteaders in other states
besides hichigan had been proposed and then killed by
Congress; and, then, said bickinson, "Michigan alone
through the indomitable pluck and sleepless watchful-

ness of a few men on the ground, hurriedly framed and

5Michiya‘n, Journal g£_the house of Representa-
tives, III (1889), 1958-1959. *—

 

 

170
pulled out of the wreck this special act for the re-
lief of her citizens on the last legislative day of
the session." He admitted that this act Which then
pertained only to Michigan homesteaders "was not such
an act as was originally drawn for the settlers," but
it was the "best that could be got, steered as it was
necessary to steer it to get any justice, among the
rocks, pit-falls and traps placed in its way by cun-
ning corporate greed." In spite of this, he maintained
that only through "hostile construction" of the act
could a settler's title or home be taken away. Con-
cluded.vickinson, "It will accomplish the end sought
as to these poor men and families, unless the same
old influence shall again dominate in construing the
law."

Because the Secretary of the Interior seemed
uncertain as to the aim of the bill, Dickinson urged
the Michigan legislature to pass a resolution stating
that the intent of the Forfeiture Act was explicitly
to make "good the title of settlers under the home-
stead and pre-emption laws of the United States . . .
and for no other purpose."

This, Randall sought diligently to do. How-
ever, this the state house refused to execute and Han-
dall's preposal was rejected on what Dickinson called
a partisan basis. The Republicans being in the ma-
jority were able to muster sufficient votes to prevent

adOption.

171

This was just the beginning as far as Dickin-
son was concerned. The signing of the Forfeiture
Act was one of Cleveland's last official acts as
President; it had gone into effect on March 2, 1889.
Although many felt the bill had been passed to pro-
tect the homesteader, within a short time suit had been
initiated in court to eject homesteaders from lands
which the Lake Superior Canal Company claimed. The
federal court in Marquette ruled against the home-
steaders and eviction proceedings were begun. Al-
though.Dickinson's efforts to obtain backing for a
resolution favorable to the homesteaders had failed
in the state legislature, he did win a victory when
he gained a new trial by which he hOped to offset the
decision granting the Lake Superior Canal Company the
right to evict the homesteaders.4 On July 27, 1890,
the United States Circuit Court for the Western.Dis-
trict of Michigan found for the homesteaders and
ruled that the settlers could not be evicted.5

While Dickinson was fighting this case, a Jack-
son newspaper reported that "in the cabins of the
Homesteaders of the Upper Peninsula Mr. Dickinson's
name is a household word, and he is revered by them

as the one man who at all times and places has proved

 

4Lake Su erior Shi Canal, Railwa and Iron Co.
v. Cunningham, C C Mich gan, I: F 587 (E89 ). '-_

5Lake Superior Ship Canal, Railway and Iron 92,
v. Cunningham, C C Michigan 44 F 587 (18917.

 

 

172
their true friend."6 These sentiments seemed to ex-
press their feeling correctly for in 1891 after the
Democrats had won control of the state‘s lower house,
a county was created in the Upper Peninsula and named
'Dickinson county in honor of the man who had saved

7 Dickin son re-

the homes of hundreds of homesteaders.
fused compensation for the part that he played in

this case; however, he was highly pleased with this
honor. He later wrote that in 1891, the year he prob-
ably could have been elected United States Senator,

the "Legislature honored me more to my satisfaction
than a brief term in the Senate, in carving out from
three of the richest counties in the State, thus cre-
ating the richest and most respected County (save Wayne

alone) in Michigan" and naming this county after him.8

6Newspaper clipping from the Jackson Industrial
News, Mar. 28, 1890, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 2, Mich -
gan Historical Commission Archives.

 

7Michigan, Public Acts (1991), No. s9.

 

8Dickinson to Percy Ives, Feb. 5, 1906, DPMHCA.

Dickinson county was carved from Marquette,
Menominee and Iron counties in the Upper Peninsula. I-
ron mining was an important industry in all three. The
1895-94 Michigan State Gazetteer reported that Iron
Mountain, the county seat of newly organized Dickinson
county, "is the location of the famous Chapin iron mine,
the largest and best in the Upper Peninsula, producing
a very rich hematite ore, from which.is made the best
Bessemer iron and steel. Nearby were I'iron mines of
equal richness "which were the principal industries of
the place."

In 1900, the United States Bureau of the Census
reported a population of 17,890 for Dickinson county.
In 1900 the two cities in Dickinson county were Iron
Mountain with a pOpulation of 9,242 and Norway with
4,170. The Bureau of the Census also reported a large

 

173

Although Dickinson was "rewarded" in 1891 by
this honor, the case that he fought for the homestead-
ers was not climaxed until December 10, 1894. On that
day the United States Supreme Court concurred with the
United States Circuit Court's decision in favor of
'Dickinson and his clients saying that any homesteader
on the land on May 1, 1888, was "within the Act of
March 2, 1889," and, therefore, "a bona fide claimant

of a homestead."9

Although.Donald Dickinson remained vitally in-
terested in politics and the Democratic party and
though he no longer was deterred by holding an offi-
cial position within the United States Government, he
played a less prominent role in the 1890 mid-term cam-
paign than he had in 1886 and 1884 campaigns and than
he would in the 1892 contest. This was especially evi-
dent in intraparty activities for he attended neither
county nor state conventions prior to the election. As
one reads the newspapers of the period, one finds few
references to Dickinson until the month prior to the e-
lection. These papers never speak of the-Dickinson
faction or.D1ckinson supporters as they had in previous
campaigns and as they would in following campaigns.
number of foreign born for the county in that year.

Out of a population of 17,890, 8,550 were foreign born.

The four largest groups were those from Italy, Swe-
den, England and Austria.

9Lake Superior Ship Canal, Railway and Iron 92,
v. Cunningham, 155 U.S. 354 (1894).

 

 

 

174
There seems to be a combination of reasons for this.

First, this was only a state election with no
national offices involved. In 1888 Grover Cleveland
had run, and he would run again in 1892. Although
Cleveland himself gave no indication that he would
run again until shortly before the 1892 convention,
Dickinson was convinced by 1890 that no man could
serve the United States as President in a better way
than Cleveland. Thus, he was eager to exert all his
energies for the campaign to nominate and elect Cleve-
land President of the United States. The state elec-
tion of 1890 was of much less significance in compari-
son.

Also, Dickinson was kept very busy during the
year by engaging in important legal cases that would
have a direct bearing, not upon a few private citizens,
but a large number of inhabitants of Michigan. As has
been seen, Dickinson gradually became more involved in
the plight of the homesteaders who were seeking to ward
off eviction. Besides this case, he fought to save the
law which provided for a secret ballot in Michigan.

The case testing this law involved the Detroit City
Council and Peter Rush, the Controller of the city of
Detroit. The law sought to insure a secret ballot by
prohibiting the outer attachment to any ballot or
ticket "any impression, device, color, or thing, de-
signed or liable to distinguish such ballot or ticket

from other legal ballots or tickets, whereby the same

175
may be known or designated."10 No ticket was to be
used at any state election unless furnished by the
Secretary of State. All ballots were to be of the
same width and length. Booths were to be constructed
where a voter could vote secretly.

Peter Rush refused to advertise for bids to con-
struct election booths as the law directed. Thus the
Detroit common council sought a writ of mandamus to
force Rush to do so. Rush continued to refuse, claim-
ing the law was unconstitutional and that "the booths
and railings will cost a large sum of money, and that
no provision has been made by the law for paying the

expense."11

Dickinson along with Alfred Russell represented
the common council claiming that the law was not uncon-
stitutional. The court fully agreed saying:

When power is conferred upon the Legislature to
provide instrumentalities by which certain objects
are to be accomplished, the sole right to choose
the means accompanies the power, in the absence

of any constitutional provision prescribing the
means. The finding by this court that the law
impeded, hampered or restricted the right to vote,
and is therefore void, would be a clear assump-
tion of, and encroachment upon, legislative
power,--a substitution of our judgment, for that
of the Legislature.

In nullifying Bush's objections to compliance
with law, the Michigan supreme court reviewed the e-

vils that had sprung up causing the law to be enacted,

lOCommon Council v. Rush, 82 Mich. 552 (1890).

 

llCommon Council v. Rush, 82 Mich. 532 (1890).

 

 

176
and finally declared, "The secrecy of the ballot is
the great safeguard to the purity of elections. The
vote by ballot implies secrecy."

The court answered Rush's second objection by
specifically stating, "It is of no consequence that
expense must be incurred, and that the statute is si-
lent upon the question of payment. Whenever an active
duty is imposed upon municipalities, the duty imposed
carries with it the obligation on the part of the mu-
nicipality to perform the act, bear the expense, and
provide for its payment." The Michigan supreme court
ruled that "the writ of mandamus must issue."12

Dickinson may have felt that he contributed
more to the Democratic cause by successfully defending
the law providing a secret ballot than he might have
in some other way. A few days after the court had
ruled, Dickinson said that this decision had made the
Democrats more hOpeful in Michigan}:5 He went on to
elaborate that the Republicans had been against the
law and had done what they could to defeat it. "I
had the pleasure of appearing for our side in defense
of the law," he said, "and you may be sure that I was
much gratified at the outcome."

He described Michigan as "a great State for 'boss'

politics" with the Republicans usually in the majority

12Common Council v. Rush, 82 Mich. 552 (1890).

 

15New York Times, Oct. 15, 1890.

 

177

and applying pressure on voters. "We have suffered
a great deal from this in years past, and now that
we consider that we have secured a preventive of it
we expect that persons who have been kept from vot-
ing our ticket in former years through fear of losing
the situations in which they have been employed will
come to us this year."14 After Dickinson saw the re-
turns in November, he certainly must have felt that
this assumption was correct.

Whether the state Democratic party's 1890 stand
on free coinage of silver perturbed Dickinson is dif-

ficult to say. He told a New York Times reporter that

 

in Michigan the major issue was the tariff. "No side
issue comes in to anyextent."15 This seems to have
been an understatement. For instance, in the Demo-
cratic platform adopted at the state convention in
September, the sixth plank of the platform condemned
the high tariff policy while the one immediately fol-
lowing said, "We believe in free and unlimited coinage
of gold and silver. . . ."16 The Democratic candidate

for governor Edwin E. Winans also favored free silver.

In 1890, Dickinson made little of this issue.
In just a few years free silver would become a burning

issue, and then Dickinson lined up solidly with Grover

14New York Times, Oct. 15, 1890.

 

15New York Times, Oct. 15, 1890.

 

16Detroit Free Press, Sept. 11, 1890.

 

178

Cleveland in Opposing it. The evidence available does
not indicate how he felt in 1890. One thing is cer-
tain; he did not think it important enough in 1890 to
create a split in the Democratic party for he did sup-
port the Democratic ticket chosen by the state con-
vention.

0n election eve Dickinson made his only major
political appearance of the 1890 campaign. That eve-
ning Detroit.Democrats closed the campaign with a
large political rally at WhichLDickinson presided.
He assumed his position as leader for the evening by
informing the audience that he had "some good news for
you tonight and from it a lesson for Democrats tomor-
row."17 The news that.Dickinson had was the report
from Tim Nester, a former Republican and ex-mayor of
Marquette, that the Upper Peninsula was gohng to vote
Democratic in 1890. This was significant as far as
the Democrats were concerned for the Upper Peninsula
had traditionally been strongly Republican. In fact,
.Dickinson reminded his hearers that in 1884 the Demo-
crats "went to the Straits" with a good majority, but
that it had been overcome by the mining vote.

He concluded his remarks by denouncing the
McKinley tariff which, as he had intimated hefore,
seemed to remain the major issue of the campaign.

Said he concerning the tariff, "The McKinley bill is

17Detroit Free Press, Nov. 5, 1890.

 

179
with us always; at the table, at the bedside, in the
kitchen, in the barn, in the churches and to the ceme-
tery. Grover Cleveland, God preserve him till 1892,
told the truth when he said the tariff was a tax."

On election day the Michigan Democrats scored a
tremendous victory over the Republicans--one that was
unequalled since the Republican party had been formed.
The Democratic candidate for governor Edwin Winans a-
long with the remainder of the Democratic state ticket
rode roughshod over the Republican Opposition. The
citizens of Michigan also elected a legislature which
was strongly Democratic.

As with almost any election, the causes for this
dramatic Democratic win were varied and often hard to
distinguish. Again the factor that this was an off
year election, plus the fact that President Harrison
was not a dynamic leader and had incurred a certain a-
mount of hostility was of some significance. However,
Michigan Democrats had had similar factors working for
them before and had been unable to win. What other as-
sets did they have in 1890? The McKinley tariff ap-
pears to have been one piece of legislation which the
Democrats capitalized upon very successfully. Many
seemed aware that the average citizen did not benefit
from it. They revealed this feeling not only in Michi-
gan but throughout the nation for the Democrats were
generally successful. For example, the elections re-

sulted in a strong Democratic majority in the House of

180
Representatives.

In Michigan the Democrats had emphasized that
their gubernatorial candidate was a farmer and nat-
urally was interested in farm problems. He supported
free silver. This seems to have lured a number of
votes from the generally pro-Republican farm popula-
tion.

The state Democrats who had for years longed for
the day that finally came in 1890 could not restrain
the impulse to celebrate this victory with a monstrous
victory rally in Detroit--a rally described by the

Free Press as Fourth of July, Christmas, New Year's

 

Day, St. Patrick's Day, German Day plus all other
glorious days rolled into "one grand twenty-four
hours."18 With victory certain, the event took place
three days after the election. Before theeevening

meeting began, a bomb was ignited which also seemed to

 

inflame the Democrats for the evening. The Free Press
described the scene thus, "With the bursting of this
as a signal there arose a simultaneous flight of sky
rockets, roman candles and other aerial pieces of
pyrotechnics, until the whole sky in the vicinity of
the rink was lighted."

Although Dickinson had not been extremely active
in pre-election campaigning, there was little doubt

that he still was looked upon as a Democratic leader.

18Detroit Free Press, Nov. 8, 1890.

 

181

The Eveninngews, for example, in its edition on the

 

day of the rally said concerning Dickinson, "There will
also be present that Democratic cyclone, Don M. Dickin-
son, the leader of the state Democracy, whose soul is
entirely impregnated with the idea of seeing Grover
Cleveland justified for sticking to democratic prin-
ciple by nominating him for President in 1892."19
One could also see that Dickinson continued to be a
pOpular leader by observing the banners that hung over
the state the night of the rally. One read, "Hail to
the Pride of Democracy, Don M. Dickinson." His fellow
.Democrats also honored him by calling upon him to pre-
side at this occasion; an occasion at which many a
Democrat would have enjoyed being the leading figure.
After Cleveland had been defeated in 1888, he re-
tired from political life for a time. He seemed to
enjoy private life for he wrote, "You cannot imagine
the relief which has come to me with the termination
of my official term. There is a good deal yet which
seems to result from the Presidency and the kindness of
people in a social way which keeps me in remembrance
of Washington life, but I feel that I am fast seeking
the place I desire to reach--the place of a respectable

"20 He w

private citizen. rote to Chauncey F. Black

lgDetroit Evening_News, Nov. 7, 1890.

 

zoCleveland to w. s. Bissell, April 13, 1889, from
Allan Nevins (ed.), Letters 23 Grover Cleveland (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1953), p. €05. Hereafter cited Nevins,
Letters.

 

182
in September, 1889, "Present personal interests are all
against my appearing in the political field. I can-
not get business nor do business in that way; and I
feel that I must try in every way to get on in the pro-

fession to which I have returned."21

In spite of these sentiments, Cleveland gradually
again became involved in national political affairs.
In a letter to one of his former Cabinet officers,
William F. Vilas, Cleveland gave some inkling as to
why he became involved even though he wanted his "dis-
charge from public and political life." He explained,
"I am unable to lose sight of the possibility, or to
forge that a contingency may arise, in which duty to
my country and my party may require in me the elements
of a popular candidacy."22

As time wore on, it became more evident to Cleve-
land that such a contingency was arising. As he viewed
the actions of the Harrison administration, he became
increasingly convinced that it was giving way to those
who sought the benefit of special privilege at the ex-
pense of the country's best interests.25 The election

of 1890 in which the Democrats scored a decisive vic-

tory seemed to vindicate Cleveland's stand on the

Zlcleveland to Black, Sept. 26, 1889, from

Nevins, Letters, p. 213.

ZZCleveland to Vilas, Aug. 17, 1890, from
Nevins, Letters, p. 250.

23Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 460.

 

183

tariff. Cleveland himself seemed to feel that this was
true for he later said, "At the Waterloo of 1890, tar-
iff reform had its vindication, and principle and
steadfast devotion to American fairness and good faith
gloriously triumphed over plausible shiftiness and at-
tempted pOpular deception."24

About two months later on Jackson Day, Cleveland
spoke at the banquet of the Young Men's Democratic As-
sociation in Philadelphia. This speech was very crit-
ical of the Republicans. The tariff again came under
fire, Cleveland charging that it banished "from many
humble homes the comforts of life, in order that, in
the palaces of wealth, luxury may abound."25 The
plight of the farmer was described by Cleveland, and
he promised that the farmers were entitled "to our best
efforts for their restoration to the independence of a
former time." Criticism was also leveled at the Gov-
ernment's extravagance and selfishness on the part of
public officials leading to abuse of the "peOple's
franchise."

All in all, it appeared from this speech that
Cleveland was quite perturbed about the situation in
Washington and seemed ready again to become an active

campaigner for the Presidential office. In spite of

24Parker (ed.), kritings and Speeches g£_Grover
Cleveland, p. 324.

 

 

25Parker (ed.), Writings and Speeches 2: Grover
Cleveland, p. 266.

 

 

184

this, he gave no indication during 1891 that he would
seek the Presidential nomination. At times it seemed
that he cared not for his chances of renomination for
the Presidency. A good example of this was the famous
"silver letter" to E. Ellery Anderson. Many Democratic
leaders were aligning themselves behind the movement
for unlimited coinage of silver. In fact, in January,
1891, a bill had been passed by the Senate in favor of
free coinage with the Democrats voting strongly in
favor.26

In spite of this sentiment, Cleveland in February
wrote to Anderson, "If we have develOped an unexpected
capacity for the assimilation of a largely increased
volume of this currency, and even if we have demonstra-
ted the usefulness of such an increase, these condi-
tions fall far short of insuring us against disaster
if, in the present situation, we enter upon the dan-
gerous and reckless experiment of free, unlimited, and
independent silver coinage."27 There was an immediate
outcry against this attack on free coinage. Daniel
Lamont, a former private secretary of Cleveland, urged
him to modify his stand so that the masses would not

think him "the representative of the ultra anti-

26Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 467.

 

ZVCleveland to E. Ellery Anderson, Feb. 10,
1891, from.Nevins, Letters, pp. 245-246.

185
silver sentimentflfia8

During this time Dickinson continued to hope
that Cleveland would permit his name to be entered
in the contest for the Presidential nomination. Even
though Cleveland in 1891 did again speak forth more
freely on political matters than he had since retir-
ing from the White House, his followers realized that
he might step aside if a candidate acceptable to
Cleveland began to arise. However, the year 1891 saw
Governor David B. Hill of New York loom up as the most
significant challenger for the Democratic Presidential
nomination. Cleveland, along with.many of his sup-
porters including Dickinson, was much Opposed to this
man's ambitions. Cleveland realized that if Hill
were nominated and elected his chief principles of
"sound money, tariff reform and civil service reform
and departmental efficiency" would be buried.29

In January, 1892, the Democratic National Com-
mittee met to select the time and place for the na-
tional convention. Dickinson foresaw that the Hill
group would seek New York City as the locality for the
convention. On January 19 he wrote to a Cleveland
Democrat in Michigan that he was enclosing some ex-

tracts from the morning papers showing "what a desper-

ate effort will be made by the Tammany and Hill fol-

28Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 468.

 

29Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 477.

 

186
lowers to bring the National convention here" for,
said Dickinson, the pro-Hill faction planned to
"wh00p it up" for Hill in order to overwhelm the
Cleveland sentiment by "sheer noise and furor." He
was convinced by this time that this clique "will
scruple at no means fair or unfair to beat the only
man our cause will unite. . . ."50 He suggested that
steps be taken in Michigan to "head off a few hot-
heads who are captured with Hill's questionable au-
dacity and present success."

At about the same time Dickinson wrote a letter
to William Vilas urging him to unite delegates from
the West and South so that the convention would not be
held in New York. This was accomplished; Chicago was
chosen as the location and June 21 the date for the
Democratic national convention.31

In a very short time the New Yerk State Demo-
cratic Committee countered by announcing that a state
convention would be convened on February 22 at Albany
for the purpose of electing delegates to the national
convention. Not in twenty years had a state convention
in New York been held prior to April 20. It was ob-
vious that this "snap convention" would work against
the Cleveland interests and for Hill because delegates

to this February 22 convention would be chosen by

SODickinson to s. L. Smith, Jan. 19, 1892, DPLC.

51Fowler, Cabinet Politician, p. 225.

 

187

caucus meetinrs of small town politicians allied with
Hill. Few farmers from up-State would be able to at-
tend because of inclement weather. It was also hoped
that this early New Yerk convention would ignite Hill
support throughout the country before anti-Hill Demo-
crats could begin any strong movements for other can-
didates.32

Forthwith a cry of protest ascended from all parts
of the country. Almost all the Democratic newspapers
denounced the action of the New York Democrats. Su-
preme Court Justice Lamar wrote that the South had
been aroused against the methods used to promote Hill's
candidacy. In New York an "anti-snapper" movement
gained momentum with anti-Hill Democrats formulating
plans for a convention of "anti-snappers" at Syra-
cuse.55

In view of all of this, Dickinson was convinced
that the time was ripe not only to take a decisive
step in upsetting Hill's drive for nomination, but also
to begin Cleveland's bid for nomination. hith this in
mind he laid careful plans. He persuaded Cleveland to
come to Ann Arbor and address students at the University
of Michigan on the very day that the "snap convention"
convened in New York. Dickinson hOped that Cleveland

would detail his ideals and principles, and thus pro-

52Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 483.

 

53Nevins, Grover Cleveland, pp. 485-484.

 

188
vide the keynote for his bid for a renomination.54

Cleveland accepted Bickinson's bid and on Feb-
ruary 22 did just what Dickinson had hOped in his
speech entitled "Sentiment in Our National Life."55
Perhaps with the New York "snap "convention" in mind,
he advised the Michigan students, "Interest your-
selves in public affairs as a duty of citizenship;
but do not surrender your faith to those who dis-
credit and debase politics by scoffing at sentiment
and principle, and whose political activity consists
in attempts to gain pOpular support by cunning de-
vices and shrewd manipulation."

Several years later Dickinson wrote to Cleve-
land concerning his appearance in Ann Arbor. He told
Cleveland that even before this speech, citizens who
admired him were already working for his renomina-
tion.56 Dickinson explained:

I remember how, becoming enthusiastic as we suc-
ceeded, after the winter of '91 we inveigled you

54George H. Knoles, The Presidential Campaign
and Election g£_l892, StanfordfiUniversity Publications:
History, Economics and Political Science, Vol. 5,
No. l (Palo Alto, 1942), pp. 216-220.

 

 

 

35Parker (ed.), Writings and Speeches pf Grover
Cleveland, pp. 352-562.

 

 

36Already in July Cleveland's former Secretary
of State Thomas Bayard had written to Dickinson that
he saw "nothing really formidable as yet to Cleve-
land and that the disrepute gathering around Harri-
son "only deepens the channel of public Opinion that
leads to Cleveland's nomination and election."
Bayard to Dickinson, July 11, 1891, DPLC.

189

out here to make that classic speech at the uni-

versity, and then succeeded in getting the Ass.

Press to send out your speech and the account of

all our doings here so as to be printed ahead of

the proceedings of the 'Snap convention' held on

the same day. It was the only mean trick I ever

played you, but you can't imagine how it strength-

ened the good fellows even then at work.3

Dickinson realized that the account of the
"snap convention" and Cleveland's speech would appear
in the papers almost simultaneously. Thus, special
care was exercised in seeing that many newspapers and
magazines were supplied with copies of the speech.38
The contrast between the actions of the pro-Hill fac-
tion in New York and the words of Cleveland in Ann
Arbor convinced many Democrats that Cleveland should
be their nominee in 1892. Instead of beginning a Hill
boom, the New York convention had done Hill more harm
than good.59
After his Washington's Day address at Ann Arbor,

Cleveland Democrats began to pressure him ever in-
creasingly, urging that he declare himself available
for the Presidency. Edward S. Bragg, who had origi-
nated the phrase, "We love him for the enemies he has
made," wrote one of these letters warning of the dan-

gers to the nation if the Democratic party failed to

carry the country in November. He requested that
37Dickinson to Cleveland, Sept. 24, 1905, Cleve-
land Papers, LC.

38George F. Parker, A_Life pf Grover Cleveland
(New York, 1892), p. 146.

 

59Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 486.

 

190

Cleveland reply affirmatively to the call of his
country and party and announce his willingness to
serve again.40

A few days later the nation knew that Cleveland
would run once more when his reply to Bragg was pub-
lished for all to see. In answer to Bragg's request
he began by admitting, "If, in answering your question,
I might only consider my personal desires and my in-
dividual ease and comfort, my response would be
promptly made, and without the least reservation and
difficulty."41 Nevertheless, Cleveland continued,
that if Bragg were right in his judgment then "private
and personal considerations" were made "entirely ir-
relevant.” The letter closed with an earnest concern
for the success of the Democratic party.42

In March, Hill made a tour of the southern states
hoping to gain support in an area where there was much
opposition to Cleveland's money views. This tour
proved a big disappointment to Hill and his followers.
In Atlanta the rally for Hill was described as a "dis-

mal failure."43 The editor of the Chattanooga News

 

wrote to Cleveland, "Hill's canvassing jaunt has weak-

ened beyond the shadow of a doubt even the little en-

4OKnoles, Campaigp g; 1892, p. 12.

41McElroy, Grover Cleveland, I, 352.

 

42McElroy, Grover Cleveland, I 555.

 

45Knoles, The Campaiwn g; 1892, p. 24.

 

191

thusiasm that has been aroused in the South. . . .
His receptions were cool, in fact, almost chilly."44
Thomas Bayard wrote to Dickinson describing Hill's
swing around the South, "From my point of view there
never was a greater burlesque than the journeys of
of Mr. Hill in the role of President seeking." He
wondered aloud whether Hill took "his countrymen for
fools or worse;" Bayard predicted that if his “own
state of feeling" were indicative, "the machine will
receive a dislocation at the next convention from
which it will never recover."45

Both within the state of Michigan and within the
national Democratic party, Dickinson continued to work
for this "dislocation" of which Bayard spoke. On April
50 the Wayne county convention met. In a news article

the following day the Detroit Tribune headlined the

 

story of the convention, ”It was Mr. Diokinson's Day."46
It certainly seemed to be, for Dickinson was chosen to
head the Wayne delegation to the state convention.
Grover Cleveland was strongly endorsed and Dickinson

was nominated for delegate-at-large to the national
convention and recommended to be chairman of the Michi-

gan delegation. In so honoring him, the convention

44Knoles, The Campaign 3: 1892, p. 24.

 

45Bayard to Dickinson, Mar. 15, 1892, DPLC.

46Newspaper clipping from the Detroit Tribune,
Mayl, 1892, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 6, MHCA.

 

192
noted that Michigan had been honored when Cleveland
selected "its foremost Democrat and citizen for a
place in his Cabinet and made him one of his most in—
timate friends and advisers."

In January, Dickinson had expressed a wish that
he "could help some" in the fight against Hill.47
Dickinson saw a real Opportunity to do just that when
the state convention convened at Muskegon on May 4.
Evidence indicates that he was able to accomplish all
he set out to do.

Dickinson's first victory was scored when he was
nominated and elected first delegate-at-large and chair-
man of the Michigan delegation to the national conven-
tion. After winning a unanimous vote, he spoke briefly
to the assembled Democrats. He quickly indicated that
he stood squarely behind Cleveland by saying that he
"took great pride in the expression of myself as the
first-delegate-at-large from my state." "But," he
continued, "I quite appreciate that your hearts go out
not so much for me upon this occasion as to the Great
Chief, in whose official family I had the honor to
serve."48

There could be little doubt as to where Dickin-

son stood. Victory was complete for him that day when

George Robison read the platform. Loud applause

47Diekinson to s. L. Smith, Jan. 14, 1892, DPLC.

48Detroit Free Press, flay 5, 1892.

 

193

greeted the statement, "We, therefore, instruct our
delegates to the national convention this day chosen
to vote in that convention as one man for the nomi-
nation of Grover Cleveland to the presidency of the
United States." Cleveland may well have breathed a
"Well done, Dickinson" when he received a telegram
that same evening from Michigan Chairman Laniel Cam-
pau describing the action taken by the Michigan con-
vention and declaring, ”In this action the delegation
will express the exact sentiment of the Michigan Democ-
racy which is for Cleveland and victory."49

About a week after the Michigan state convention,
Cleveland wrote Vilas saying, "I cannot do less than
say to you that some very warm friends think there
should be a touching of elbows among those who think
as you do on the Presidential question."50 When
William C. Whitney returned from EurOpe on May 18,
plans were made for a conference prior to the Demo-
cratic national convention. In planning this con-
ference of influential Cleveland Democrats, Dickinson
seems to have been quite prominent. He wrote to Vilas
that it had been decided to hold a larger conference
than first anticipated and "endeavor to reach a de-

cision as to treatment of all matters likely to come

49Detroit Free Press, May 5, 1892.

 

50Cleveland to Vilas, May 12, 1892, from Nevins,
Letters, p. 284.

194
up."51 Such matters as organization, nominations,
treatment of contesting delegations, and platform would
be decided, wrote Dickinson to Vilas.

Two days later Dickinson wrote again to Vilas
saying that Cleveland had written suggesting that the
conference be held after the Republican convention in
Minneapolis with the ninth of June being the earliest

possible date.52

At the same time he suggested the
home of Whitney.

He continued by revealing that the suggestion
had been made that he, Dickinson, send out notices call-
ing the conference, “but I thought it . . . better for
W. to have done it and have so written him."

On the same day Dickinson wrote Whitney that he
considered the ninth of June a "very good" date for
the conference. At the same time he commented, ”In
names there are some omissions in the West and South."
He advised adding them, "as I think I have been in a
way to know them during the past two months."53

On the ninth of June twelve representatives from

ten states rendezvoused at Whitney's home on Fifty-

51Dickinson to Vilas, May 30, 1892, Vilas Papers,
Wis. Hist. Soc. Photocopy of original in Michigan His-
torical Commission, U. of Mich.

52Dickinson to Vilas, June 1, 1892, Vilas Papers,
Wis. Hist. Soc. PhotocOpy of original in Michigan His-
torical Commission, U. of Mich.

55Dickinson to Whitney, June 1, 1892, Whitney
Papers, Library of Congress.

195

seventh Street in New York. Those attending besides
Dickinson were Judge William G. Ewing of Illinois;
William F. Harrity of Pennsylvania; Samuel P. Honey
of Rhode Island; Bradley B. Smalley of Vermont; Sam-
uel E. Morse of Indiana; William F. Vilas of Wisconsin;
William L. Wilson of West Virginia; John E. Russell,
Nathan Matthews, and Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts;
and Francis Lynde Stetson of New York. Whitney pre-
sided over the meeting while George F. Parker acted
as secretary.54

It was extremely inclement weather, but by
11:00 A.M. all those expected had arrived. At this
significant conference, detailed plans were made for
the forthcoming convention. The make-up of important
convention committees was discussed and decisions were
made as to whom should be included on these commit-
tees.55 William L. Wilson was to be supported as tem-
porary chairman while former governor of Ohio James
E. Campbell, whom Dickinson wanted to include at the
parley, was selected to be candidate for permanent
chairman. Men were chosen for making the nominating

speeches and arrangements were made for future meet-

ings as well as establishing headquarters in Chicago.56

54Parker, Grover Cleveland, p. 156.

 

55Parker, Grover Cleveland, pp. 157-158.

 

56Dickinson to Whitney, June 1, 1892, Whitney
Papers, LC.

196

When the Democratic national convention convened
in Chicago, it had been established that Dickinson
would be the floor leader of the Cleveland forces.57
He, who had a lawyer's flair for this type of assign-
ment, planned his actions well. He made his first
major move the second day of the convention as William
F. Vilas was reading the first paragraph of the pro-
posed platform. Vilas began, "The representatives of
the Democratic Party of the United States in National
Convention assembled to re-affirm their allegiance to
the principles of the party as formulated by Jefferson
and exemplified by the long and illustrious line of
his successors in Democratic leadership from Madison
to Cleveland. . . ."58 When Vilas pronounced the name
of Cleveland, it ignited one of the greatest demon-
strations ever seen at a political convention hereto-
fore.59 Quickly Dickinson grasped the Cleveland banner
of the Michigan delegation; and while the band played
the national anthem, he led a procession, "with the
set face of a devotee, swinging the big censer high a-
bove his head while the crazed delegates gazed with
eyes of longing and shouted with throats of brass at

the swinging picture."60

57Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 490.

 

58New York Times, June 23, 1892.

59Knoies, The Campaigg 2; 1892, p. 84.

 

 

60Knoles, The Campaign 2£_1892, p. 84.

197

For twenty minutes this continued and it seemed
that every delegate was on his feet except "the little
squad from New York," seated near the Michigan dele-
gation but "silent in the cheering mass."61 Lickin-
son and his Michigan delegation had touched off a wave
that would sweep Cleveland in on the first ballot.

After the platform was formally adOpted, the next
order of business was the choosing of a Presidential
candidate. When Arkansas yielded to New Jersey, Gov-
vernor Leon Abbett of that state nominated Cleveland.
As soon as Abbett mentioned "Cleveland," a demonstra-
tion was touched off with the Michigan delegation again
leading the way. When the Michigan's Cleveland ban-
ner passed New York's delegation, Daniel Sickles, a
staunch supporter of Hill, pushed it aside. For a
moment it seemed that Dickinson and Sickles would phys-
ically clash for as Dickinson "expostulated," Sickles
rose to his feet, "shook his crutch aloft, brandished
his fist, and for a few minutes he assumed a belli-
gerent attitude."62 The noisy uproar continued for

fifteen minutes; Abbett then started anew and upon

finishing the New Ybrk Times correspondent reported

 

"the convention went wild again. The white silk ban-
ner of the Michigan delegation was again hoisted by

an enthusiastic Wolverine. Three men stood on chairs

61New York Times, June 23, 1892.

 

62New York ggflgg, June 25, 1892.

198
and waved it aloft until their arms ached. The band
struck up a lively tune, and a thunderstorm which
broke at the moment lent its music to the great up-
roar. Umbrellas were raised, hats were thrown in the
air. Pandamonium.reigned for another ten minutes."

The last maneuver on the part of the Tammany pro-
Hill group came just before balloting was to begin.

At that point Bourke Cockran of New York arose and re-
quested that the convention be adjourned until the
following morning, thus giving more time to stem what
seemed to be an irresistible Cleveland tide. Dickin-
son realized this and, as floor leader of the Cleve-
land forces sullenly shook his head.€’:5 The conven-
tion followed Dickinson's lead. Cockran then made one
of the best speeches heard at the convention. Never-
theless, it was not enough, and Cleveland was nomi-
nated on the first ballot, getting 617 1/3 votes.

Hill was a distant second obtaining only 114 votes.

An interesting sidelight to Dickinson's activi-
ties immediately before and during the convention in-
volved the influence which an organization which
called itself "a secret religio-political order"

sought to exert upon Dickinson.64 This group, although

65Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 490.

 

64The Burton Historical Collection in the Detroit
Public Library has a series of eight letters which were
sent to Dickinson by this organization dating from June
18 through.June 25, 1892.

199

never identifying itself, appears to have been a seg-
ment of the American Protective Association which had
been organized in 1887 as a violently anti-Catholic
secret organization. Instead of nominating its own
candidates as the Know-Nothings had done, this group
"took the more direct method of capturing the machin-
ery of one of the existing parties.“65

On June 14 the first of this series of letters
written on Palmer House stationery was sent to Dickin—
son. The author began by identifying himself as "Chief

of 3 secret religio:politica1 order" which had had

 

 

"certain advance information" during the Republican

 

national convention. The writer related that this in-
formation had been placed in the hands of Republican
leader John C. New "which at the prOper moment beat
the Quay, McKinley Blaine Papal programme." Dickin-
son was informed that he had been chosen to receive
information because "you are non-Catholic and because
you have been for certain reasons satisfactory to our
order, selected as the channel through which to pass
our information." The information would "probably
benefit the candidacy of Hon. Grover Cleveland." The
letter closed by saying that communications to Dickin-
son would "be signed merely C. D. meaning Chief Deputy

mailed to your hotel here or left by sure hands."

65Hemphrey J. Desmond, The A. P. A. Movement
(Washington, 1912), pp. 7, 27.
John Higham, Strangers_gg 323 Land (New Bruns-

WiCk, 1955), pp. 80-870

 

200

Three days later Dickinson received a mysterious
note saying that secret agents of the organization
seemed quite certain that Cleveland would not be nom-
inated on the first ballot and that the purpose "of
this letter is to put into your hands the same weapon
so successfully and cautiously used by John C. New at
Minneapolis." The letter signed by the "Chief Deputy"
advised that "the Catholic element remain with you un-
conscious however of this programme." The writer
felt the country would be safe if "whether Cleveland
or Harrison is elected as neither can be improperly
swayed by the Catholic political propaganda." Dickin-
son was told that "the Catholic support of Cleveland"
could not be relied.upon. The letter concluded with
strong advice to "use the secret religious weapon of

Protestant against Catholic (American for Grover-

 

Ireland for Hill)" and to "make certain of 2/3rds on

 

lst ballot before you allow any test vote in convention."

 

The following day Dickinson was advised to allow
the Catholic wing to choose James E. Campbell for perma-
nent Chairman. Dickinson was told to get Campbell to
pledge for Cleveland "publicly as possible." At the
same time a "private agreement" should be made with
Indiana that "though they go for Gray on lst ballot or
part Gray, they go solid for Cleveland at night time."
At all costs Roswell P. Flower was to be kept off the

ticket. "We have certain information of his Papal deal

with the Lieut. Gov. through Murphy of Troy."

201

Advice and warnings continued to be sent Dickin-
son's way. On June 20 "C. D." warned against "the
Whitney policy of concession towards Tammany." The
author of the letter reported that Sheehan had been
heard to say to two other Catholics "that they had
your forces stOpped and that 'Whitney's policy was an
evidence of Cleveland's weakness.'" Dickinson was ad-
vised to throw his strength ”to a ticket upon which
Flower is left off." The two Democratic leaders Ar-
thur P. Gorman and David B. Hill apparently were men
that had to be watched carefully for they were ex-
pected to throw their support behind Morrison and
Flower.

On June 21, the day the convention began, a let-
ter dated "Noon" informed Dickinson that "our work is
now done and we cannot further assist you." "C. D."
predicted that "if the ballot could be taken today be-
fore 6 P.M., Cleveland would be Pres. nominee and Gray
V. Pres. nom. beyond all peradventure." However, the
organization supplying Dickinson with information was
afraid that forty-eight hours and a half million dol-
lars would make much difference. An urgent plea was

made to "make sure of Cleveland's nomination" on the

 

first ballot. "After the lat ballot 'comes the De-
luge.'"

This note closed saying that it would be the fi-
nal one. A card was enclosed with the name of a man

that Dickinson could reach "at any future time you may

202
wish to reach us." The writer asked nothing from
either party "save to down the Catholics."

Although the letter dated at noon of June 21
proposed to be the last one, Dickinson continued to re-
ceive messages. The same day word was passed to Dickin-
son by "C. D." saying that "the presence here of that
half million which we learn is here for use within the
next 48 hours (if Cleveland can be stOpped) make re-
sults more uncertain than appear on the surface."

At ten o'clock the next day a note was written
by "C. D." criticizing Dickinson for two mistakes.

One was in "not securing Ohio by taking Campbell for
permanent Chairman (as we advised if he was well and
publicly pledged for Cleveland)." The second mistake
was "in leaving the Indiana Gray men fearful they get
nothing.” (Isaac Gray had been a Presidential candi-
date.) Dickinson was warned that anti-Cleveland forces
would strive to delay nomination and if these forces
were successful in delaying, and "C. D." predicted they
would be, "then Morrison and Flower or Flower and Mor-
rison will be the Catholic Ticket." Unfortunately for
Hill, said Dickinson's informer, Sheehan and Tammany
backed him. "Both are odious to all clean Democrats
(not Catholic)."

The letter ended rather ominously. "The Half
Million '13 in it.‘ Tomorrow there will be no nomi-
nation on lst ballot. Today there might be. After

lst ballot Cleveland's chances are much poorer."

 

203

On June 25 Dickinson did truly receive the last
of this series of letters. The tone was completely
changed from.that of thetday prior. It began, "Our
order congratulates your forces upon 'casting the
die' before dawn of June 25rd, upon repairing any
breaks in Indiana and Illinois, upon having Mr. Voor-
hees become suddenly sick, thus through Morse sub-
stituting English. The face of Edward Murphy, Jr.,

was a_study for a_painter at_the close 2:.English's

 

 

 

remarks."

The Democratic party was praised for its fear-
less stand on free trade "whether right or wrong."
The Chief.Deputy predicted that both Cleveland and
Harrison would be compelled "to draw nearer to the
peOple, to protect them from the ravanges of the gold
bug" or face the possibility of rise of a third party
which "will bowl out both and hold the balance of
power."

"We are glad to have been able to serve the cause

 

of the peOple though we have incidentally helped both

Harrison and Cleveland,"

concluded this final message.
There seems to be no evidence that Dickinson re-
plied to these missives or made use of the "secret in-
formation" in any way. Both.bickinson and this anti-
Catholic group strongly desired the nomination of
Cleveland. This may have been one reason for direct-

ing them to Dickinson. In all of Lickinson's writings

or speeches there does not seem to be a strong anti-

204
Catholic bias which might explain the fact that he
was chosen as the recipient.

After the conclusion of the national convention,
Dickinson continued as one of the leaders of the Demo-
cratic national campaign. A month after the conven-
tion he wrote his wife that he had "been all day with
the Chief" and was still at the home of "Uhitney get-
ting some things in shape at his request."66

To have Whitney as the leader of "the committee
to manage the national campaign" was considered by
Cleveland to be very necessary for success.67 Thus,
he urged those whom he thought most influential to
write or speak with Whitney so that Whitney would a-
gree to perform this task. Those whom he requested to
influence Whitney included his old friend Wilson S.
Bissell, William Vilas and.Dickinson.

Dickinson was more than willing to do this. How-
ever, Whitney resolutely refused to accept the chair-
manship of the National Committee. Dickinson sought
to persuade others to write Whitney, but Whitney could
not be moved although he was not turning his back on
the Democratic campaign. C. H. Jones of St. Louis
wrote that Whitney had informed him "that he can ac-

complish more by being a free lance, unburdened with

6GDickinson to his wife, July 21, 1892, DPMHCA.

67Cleveland to Bissell, June so, 1892, from
Nevins, Letters, p. 288.

205
the details that fall upon the chairman, than by ac-

cepting the chairmanship."68

Whitney, though not ac-
cepting an official position, provided inestimable
service all during the campaign and became the un-
official leader of Cleveland's campaign.

When Whitney refused to be considered for the
national chairmanship, there were fears on the part of
some that Calvin Brice, who had been National Chair-
man in the unsuccessful 1888 campaign, might be again
selected. For example, C. H. Jones went on in his let-
ter of July 15 commenting that whoever was chosen should
"not be simply a Plutocratic figure-head, but whose
leadership will be an inspiration to the rank and file
of the party. For twelve years the chairman of the
National Committee has been a burden for the Democratic
party to carry instead of help."

Jones asked for other possible choices for Na-
tional Chairman. He urged that Dickinson and "others
of the party's wise counsellors" prevent mistakes "in
this matter of officering of the National Committee."69
On July 18 Vilas wrote Dickinson telling him that an
attempt was quietly being made "to retain the control
of the Committee by Hill and Brice by keeping B. on

as Chairman."'70 Vilas was confident saying, "I do not

68C. H. Jones to Dickinson, July 15, 1892, DPLC.

690. H. Jones to Dickinson, July 13, 1892, DPLC.

70v11as to Dickinson, July 18, 1892, DPLC.

206

doubt we'll be able to defeat it." A struggle as to
whom should be National Chairman never actually a-
rose. Brice graciously withdrew saying he would not
accept the chairmanship again. Whitney nominated
William F. Harrity of Pennsylvania and he was elected
without Opposition.71 Cleveland was apparently satis—
fied with the outcome for he wrote on July 29 to Whit-
ney, "If things shape up as we expect, the campaign
work will be in the hands of Harrity, Quincy, Dickin-
son and Whitney-~four Cleveland men if there are any--
and we shall have the prestige of a united party."

About two weeks later Dickinson was chosen by
the National Committee to be head of the Democratic
National Campaign Committee. Perhaps the most sig-
nificant work that Dickinson did in this capacity was
the establishment of a Western branch of the campaign
organization. Cleveland had urged the forming of such
a branch telling Vilas of Wisconsin that "such a thing
would help in our effort to carry your State and Il-
linois, etc."72 He continued by saying that Illinois
was eager for it and that Dickinson had planned to urge
it before the National Committee. The same day he
wrote Bissell that he had scarcely been consulted con-

cerning the campaign, "but I mean to favor the scheme

71Knoies, The Campaign 2g 1892, p. 131.

 

72Cleveland to Vilas, July 24, 1892, from
Nevins, Letters, p. 294.

207
of a Western branch to the very utmost."

On August 18 Cleveland's sugéestion was carried
out when the Campaign Committee appointed Dickinson,
Ben T. Cable of Illinois and E. C. Wall of Wisconsin
as a subcommittee to Open headquarters in Chicago.
Dickinson was chairman ex-officio of the subcommittee
while Cable was placed in charge of the headquarters.
The states of Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan, Minne-
sota, Iowa and the two Dakotas were assigned to the
special care of this group.73 One of the important
things this group accomplished during the campaign
was the obtaining of translators who translated Demo-
cratic campaign literaturé for the benefit of the
large number of foreign groups in this area. In an
effort to carry Illinois the committee appointed a
special advisory body of Illinois Democrats which,
judging from results, seemed to have been a good
move.

Although Cleveland felt Whitney invaluable as a
campaign leader, he disliked the fact that Whitney
wished to go all-out in reconciling the Tammany group.
He described Whitney as being as "true as steel" and
one who worked day and night. "But his labor is al-
together in the line of pacification and everything he
does tends to persuading the men of Tammany Hall and

those who belong to their gang to vote the Democratic

75Knoies, The Campaign 9; 1892, p. 153.

 

 

208

ticket."74 Cleveland preferred to remain aloof and
run without the support of Tammany Hall if necessary.

Finally, however, Whitney did induce Cleveland
to meet with certain leaders of Tammany Hall in order
to effect a policy of conciliation. Apparently Cleve-
land felt that Dickinson was more in accord with his
thinking concerning Tammany Hall and those who had been
aligned with Hill. Cleveland had good reason for so
thinking for Dickinson had written him prior to the
convention that Whitney was considering giving some
influence to Arthur P. Gorman which Dickinson felt .
"would probably be a beautiful compromise with shame."
Gorman had been allied with the Tammany group and
Dickinson vowed that he was "out" if Gorman were to be
given a place of influence by Whitney?5

It seems that Cleveland found a certain solace
in confiding in Dickinson prior to the scheduled meet-
ing with the Tammany leaders. On September 5, three
days before the meeting, he wrote a confidential let-
ter to Dickinson expressing his inner feelings.

"I received a letter from Whitney a few days ago
and had a talk with him Saturday. As a consequence of

these combined incidents, I am thoroughly miserable

and depressed and feel very much like doing a desperate

74Cleveland to Bissell, July 24, 1892, from
Nevins, Letters, p. 295.

75Dickinson to Cleveland, June 15, 1892, CPLC.

2084~
thing. I am thinking very hard, and the thing that
troubles me more than all others is the duty I owe to
such good sincere friends as you. I feel as though I
magi see you."76 Cleveland went on to say that he
wanted Dickinson to visit him. "I know I am a very
great trouble to you, but if I can have a good talk
with you perhaps we can remedy the condition."

In the last paragraph of this note Cleveland
poured forth his reluctance to have anything to do
with Tammany Hall, saying: "And, my dear fellow, if
you do come, I beg you to come in a mood to believe
that I am not always wrong and that I ought to be al-
lowed to emerge from this campaign still deserving,
in some degree at least, the respect of those whose
good Opinion I prize more than any office or honor,
and still preserving to some extent my self-respect."
It seemed at this stage that even a man who was running
for the highest office in the land was anxious to con-
fide in someone for the last sentence read, "If you
cannot come or prefer that I come to you, I will do so
promptly on hearing your desires."

When Cleveland three days later attended the well-
known Victoria Hotel conference, Dickinson was at his

side.77 The Tammany leaders present included Richard

75c1eve1and to Dickinson, Sept. 5, 1892. Photo-
c0py of original in MHCA.

77Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 496.

 

209
Croker, Edward Murphy, Jr., and William F. Sheehan.
When Sheehan demanded more influence and reCOgnition
with the Administration in the event Cleveland should
win, Cleveland simply replied, "No promises."'78 As
the talk continued and Murphy "kept up a rumble of
supporting growls in the background," Cleveland be-
came angry and declared he would rather withdraw from
the race than make unethical concessions to Tammany
Hall. The meeting broke up, but Cleveland's stand
was rewarded for Tammany supported Cleveland in spite
of what had occurred.

When Election Day came and restored the Presi-
dency to Cleveland, he was warmly congratulated by
many of his admirers. However, there were important
Democratic leaders who also recognized that Dickinson
had done a fine job as head of the Campaign Committee.
Thomas Bayard, Cleveland's former Secretary of State
and ambassador to Britain during his second Admini-
stration, complimented Dickinson saying he could im-
agine the joyous confusion at campaign headquarters
"wherein three months you have exhibited such force,
tact, and good temper and vigilance in the great cause
in which we were all enlisted. . . ."79 William G.
Ewing, one of prominent Democrats present at the Whit-

ney conference on June 9 and a leader of Democratic

78Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 497.

 

79Bayard to Dickinson, Nov. 12, 1892, DPLC.

210
forces in Illinois wrote, "I have been near enough

to the camp of the great Commanders to know that to

 

 

no one more than yourself is due the credit of our
wonderful triumph. Illinois is indeed a 'raigbgw'
filled with hOpe and promise. Our peOple are grate-
ful that you chased it."80 C. H. Jones, editor of
the St. Louis Republic, sent a message saying, "You
have done gloriously."81
A short time after the election, Dickinson re-
ceived a note from the President-elect.82 Cleveland,
who should have felt as elated as any Democrat, con-
fided to his close friend Don Dickinson, "I don't feel
altogether comfortable, but there is no reason why I
should bother you with my troubles. I only wish God
would put it in my power to make known to the Demo-
cratic party what the last election means." The Great

Chief seemed to foresee some of the difficulties that

he would face during his second term.

80w. G. Ewing to Dickinson, Nov. 9, 1892, DPLC.
81Jones to Dickinson, Nov. 10, 1892, DPLC.

8201eveland to Dickinson, Nov. 21, 1892. Photo-
cOpy of original in MHCA.

CHAPTER VI
LOSING OUT TO SILVER

After the 1892 Democratic victory, Cleveland be-
gan the task of forming a Cabinet. Although Dickinson
had indicated that he was not interested in any recog-
nition for services and preferred not to serve in any
official capacity in the second Cleveland administra—
tion, Cleveland hOped to lure him into his Cabinet once
more, and thus offered him "places in the Cabinet."1
Nonetheless, Dickinson was determined not to yield and
turned down a position in the Cabinet, an opportunity
to become ambassador to Great Britain, and shortly af-
ter Cleveland's inauguration he declined a position as
one of the Government's directors of the Union Pacific
Railroad. In this last instance Dickinson wrote Cleve-
land, "I shall hold the fact that you named me for the
place first, as you did, as one of the pleasantest, and

most gratifying things that have come to me in my pub-
lic life."2 He went on to explain his position of not

lDickinson to D. M. Cooper, May a, 1906, Dickin-
son Papers, Michigan Historical Commission Archives.

2Dickinson to Cleveland, May 8, 1895, Cleveland
Papers, Library of Congress.

211

212
wanting to accept "any place in the public service"
and that he would feel "perfectly miserable if I
merely attended to the duties in a perfunctory
way. . . ."

Cleveland was not the only Democratic leader
that regretted Dickinson's decision. Judge Lambert
Tree of Illinois, ambassador to Belgium and also to
Russia during Cleveland's first administration, wrote
Dickinson a lengthy letter saying that the more he
thought of Dickinson's decision not to accept a Cabi-
net post, "the more I experience a sense of sincere
regret at your conclusion."3 He sought to persuade
Dickinson to reconsider explaining that Cleveland's
administration would be "too much of a reform admini-
stration" to expect "that he will not from time to
time, encounter adverse currents. With your ability,
zeal, knowledge of public affairs, politics and men,
and your affectionate devotion to Mr. Cleveland, you
could not fail, in my judgment to be one of the most
central figures in his administration."

Editor C. H. Jones sent a message, "Regretting
that you are not yourself to be one of the President's
political family-~in the entire country there would not
be one objection to that."4 On the first day of the

5L. Tree to Dickinson, Jan. 5, 1895, Dickinson
Papers, Library of Congress.

4Jones to Dickinson, Feb. 15, 1893, DPLC.

213

year, W. G. Ewing expressed the wish that Dickinson
would take the post of Secretary of State.5

Because Dickinson had by this time become a
trusted friend of the President-elect and because he
in his campaign work had become so well acquainted
with party leaders throughout the United States,6
Cleveland did consult with him concerning the choice
of members of his Cabinet, even though Dickinson him-
self did not choose to be one of them.7

Dickinson wished that Cleveland would give the
post of Secretary of State to a man from the Middle
West. After Thomas Bayard refused to serve again,
Cleveland sought Judge Walter Q. Gresham of Indiana,
a Republican who had been Secretary of the Treasury
under Arthur, but had supported Cleveland during the
1892 campaign. He, like Cleveland, was a firm believer
in the gold standard and low tariffs. Gresham was re-
luctant to accept. Cleveland employed Dickinson, as
he had used him to convince Thomas Cooley to accept a
position on the Interstate Commerce Commission, to per-
suade Gresham to serve as Secretary of State. After
first refusing, Gresham reconsidered and became Secre-
tary of State, contrary to his wife's wishes. She ad-
mitted that although Gresham had full faith in Cleve-

5
Ewing to Dickinson, Jan. 1, 1893, DPLC.

6Fowler, The Cabinet Politician, p. 227.

 

7New York Times, Dec. 19, 1892.

 

214

land's integrity and patriotism, she was afraid his
motives would be misjudged and maligned and did her
utmost to thwart Dickinson's mission.8

During the weeks preceding the inauguration,
.Dickinson conferred with Cleveland at different times.
There is no doubt that Cleveland appreciated having
him as an advisor for he wrote Daniel Lamont during
this time, "I am constantly wondering Why there are
not, within the circle of my life, more Lamonts and
Dickinsons."9

What turned out to be excellent advice was Dickin-
son's suggestion of Henry T. Thurber for the post of
private secretary to Cleveland. This spot, held by
Daniel Lamont during the first Administration of Cleve-
land, was one of responsibility. The private secre-
tary to the President answered much of the President's
mail besides meeting in person a great number of peOple
who wanted to speak with the President. It was at
times like these that the private secretary diplomat-
ically had to steer the majority to other government
officials, offending as few as possible. He also rep-
resented the President on some occasions when the
Chief Executive could not be present. The private

secretary also served as a link between the President

8Matilda Gresham, Life 9: Walter Quintin Gresham
(Chicago, 1919), II, 680.

 

9Cleveland to Lamont, Feb. 19, 1895, Nevins,
Letters, p. 519.

215

10 Dickinson told Cleveland

and legislative leaders.
that his law partner Henry Thurber possessed the
qualities needed for this position and was "just the
man for the position of private secretary."ll
Dickinson admitted that he would not give up
Thurber "on any other demand than that of the chief."
However, because Cleveland called, he promised to
"keep his office, his chair, and his desk ready for
him." He explained that Thurber was particularly well
suited to be private secretary to the President ex-
plaining, "He has an extra sense--tact; and that tem-
perament of his is a sure comfort to all about him in

time of perplexity and trial."12

Four days after expressing a desire for more
Dickinsons, Cleveland wrote to Lamont that he had ac-
cepted.Dickinson's man with thanks.15 Near the and of
his second Administration Cleveland revealed how highly
pleased he had been with Henry Thurber. He thanked

Dickinson for his suggestion with these words, "As to

10Fred G. Dewey, "Henry T. Thurber," Michi an and
the Cleveland Era, L. Vander Velde and E. Babst £3385),
pp 0 249-250 0

 

11Fred G. Dewey, "Henry T. Thurber," Michigan and
the Cleveland Era, L. Vander Velde and E. Babst eds.),
p. 250.

 

12Fred G. Dewey, "Henry T. Thurber," Eighisan_and
the Cleveland Era, L. Vander Velde and E. Babst (eds.),
p. 2550

 

13Cleveland to Lamont, Feb. 25, 1893, from Nevins,
Letters, p. 519.

216

Mr. Thurber, I can honestly say that of all things
you have done for me, I regard your suggestion of his
selection as private secretary the most useful and for-
tunate." He complimented Thurber crediting him with
"plenty of ability, good discretion, a pure heart and
conscience, unquestioned honesty, sufficient tact, and
is as loyal and devoted helper as I ever had about
me."14

Shortly after Cleveland's second inauguration,
Dickinson wrote to Thurber, "Thousands here and all
over the country say orally and write that they kggw.
that my relations with the President are such that if
I say the word the desired appointment will follow and
so on and so forth."15 He continued by saying that
"he was tired of it all" and longed for "complete and
lasting oblivion after the seating of the President."
When he wrote this letter, Dickinson seemed depressed,
and the hOpes that he expressed concerning oblivion and
a complete retreat from the political battlefield were
not fulfilled in the succeeding months even though he
did not assume any official position during Cleveland's

second term.

Early in April it certainly must have been ob-

1401eve1and to Dickinson, Feb. 18, 1896. Photo-
COpy of original in MHCA.

15Dickinson to Thurber, Mar. 24, 1895, Cleve-
land Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Pub-
lic Library.

217

vious to Dickinson that he could not completely sink
into political oblivion immediately for he wrote
Thurber that "there are many applications for letters
of introduction from me to the President."16 Most of
these requests Dickinson refused. However, he wrote
that he had acceded in a few cases, but directed Thur-
ber not "to make any special provision as the ordinary
method of treatment in the cases will do perfectly
well. . . ." Besides this type of request, Dickinson
received messages asking that he use his influence not
just for introductions, but directly, to secure a job.
The following is an example.

"Please wire Mr. Thurber requesting my appoint-
ment. Am financially embarrassed."1'7

Whatever Dickinson's wishes may have been con-
cerning an embroilment in political activities, he
soon found that the strife over federal patronage af-
ter Cleveland's first election was to swirl about
him once again as Cleveland's second term was launched.
When Cleveland assumed office in March, 1885, the
Michigan'Democratic party had been split over federal
patronage. The Congressional delegation and Dickinson

as National Committeeman from Michigan were constantly

16Dickinson to Thurber, April 5, 1895, Cleveland
Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public
Library.

1VJohnnie Shea to Dickinson, Mar. 51, 1893,

Cleveland Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit
Public Library.

218
at odds. After the Democrats achieved the Presidency
once again in 1892, the same grasping for federal jobs
and influence amongst the Democrats began all over a-
gain.18 However, in Michigan the struggle within the
Democratic party for patronage presented a new alian-
ment of forces. Whereas eight years earlier Dickinson,
the National Committeeman, had opposed the Congressional
Democrats, now Daniel Campau, the National Committeeman,
aligned with four Michigan Democrats in the House a-
gainst Donald Dickinson.

This alliance was accomplished as Michigan Demo-
crats continued to see Dickinson's influence upon fed-
eral appointments. Michigan Democrats realized that
Dickinson had been instrumental in Thurber's appoint-

ment. A March 19 Eveninngews headline read, "Don M.

 

Dickinson's Powerful Influence Seen Everywhere."

A few days later this story seemed to be confirmed
for the announcement was made that Judge Allen B. Morse
had been appointed as consul to Glasgow and Dickinson's
brother, Asa D. Dickinson, was to be consul to Not-
tingham. Morse had been favored by Don Dickinson and
the appointment of his brother was viewed "as the per-
sonal act of hr. Cleveland as a compliment to the De-
troit leader, who will take nothing."19

Seemingly the appointments that had been made

18Nevins, Grover Cleveland, pp. 515-516.

 

lgDetroit Evening News, April 4, 1893.

 

219
and fear that Dickinson might leave very little for
other Michigan Democratic leaders forced the Michi-
gan Congressmen and Campau to combine forces. The
first action taken was a meeting of Campau and the
Michigan Congressional delegation in Washington on
April 11. At this conference one of the most impor-
tant questions decided was just what part the Congress-
men and Campau should take in controlling appointments.
By the end of the meeting it had been decided that
Campau would be given supervision of all the appoint-
ments in districts which had a Republican Congress-
man.20 This meant seven out of twelve districts.
The Democratic Congressmen, who proved to be less an-
tagonistic toward Dickinson than Campau was, seemed
not to begrudge Campau this authority because "it will
entail great vexation in straightening out local con-
tentions for small offices." Almost as an after-

thought the Evening_News reported that Dickinson was

 

"taking little or no part in the question of appor-
tioning offices."

This meeting provoked the §X§E§13u32E£.t° pub-
lish a cartoon of an office seeker before two idols;
one was labelled Dickinson, the other Campau.21 A-

bove the caption read, "Somewhat of a Dilemma,"

while below the newspaper put these words into the of-

20Detroit Evening_News, April 11, 1895.

 

21Detroit Evening News, April 12, 1893.

 

220

fice seeker's mouth, "Which Boss Shall I Worship."

The day after the conference, the group was re-
ceived by the President with Campau and Congressman
Chipman leading the delegation walking arm in arm.22
As far as the meeting with Cleveland was concerned,
it was not as successful as these Democrats had hoped
even though they were received cordially by Cleveland.
When someone asked Cleveland if he would state his
policy as to requiring the endorsement of Campau and

the Congressmen for a federal appointment, one of

those present told an Evening News correspondent that

 

it was a bit embarrassing for Cleveland responded by
saying he had no rules, and wanted to get all the in-
formation he could regarding appointees.

It was quite apparent that Campau was not at all
certain that Cleveland would co-Operate fully with him
when he made suggestions for federal appointments.
Evidence of this is the fact that he left Sam Robin-g
son, one of his associates on the executive committee
of the state committee, in Washington when he and the
Michigan Congressional delegation left the capital.
Robinson was assigned to note the "purposes of the
Administration in recognizing the recommendations
of the state organization, or of appealing to private

parties for advice."25

22Detroit Eveninngews, April 12, 1893.

 

23Detroit Evening News, April 20, 1895.

 

221
For a short time it seemed that there would be
agreement and nothing like the hassle that occurred
among Michigan Democrats after the 1884 victory. The

Evening_News reported that signs indicated that Cam-

 

pau would have much to say on appointments. A short
time later the Detroit newspaper commented, "For some
reason, best known to himself, Mr. Dickinson has not
been conspicuous in dealing out the offices under Mr.
Cleveland's administration."24

However, this seeming quiet was the lull before

the storm. On May 11 the Evening_News placed the cap-

 

tion "Don M.'s Board" over the report that district
referees--called "political henchmen of Don M. Dickin-

son" by the Evening News--had been appointed in the

 

seven districts where Campau thought he would have the
say over patronage. All applications for such federal
jobs as postmasterships had to pass through this board
of referees before the applicants would be given any
consideration in Washington.

Campau was greatly disturbed by this turn of e-
vents. In a move described as "a profoundly important
step in the history of Michigan politics," Campau filed
a written statement with Postmaster-General Wilson S.
Bissell protesting that "secret influences are opera-
ting to control federal appointments andciirect the

political affairs of the state. . . ." He continued

24Detroit Evening'ggng May 8, 1893.

222
by charging that "the direction of Michigan's politi-
cal affairs" had been given over "to private persons
holding no official station with the Democratic cr-
ganization of Michigan."25
The statement criticized the appointment of ref-
erees be made public "so that every candidatexnight

have a hearing and a fair one." The Evening News

 

summed up the situation saying, "Michigan Democracy
Ripped Wide Open."

The day after this communication was published
both Dickinson and Campau conferred with the President.
Dickinson arrived late the night before and immediately
went to the Post Office.Department to see the letter
Campau had sent. Besides Campau and Dickinson, other
Democratic leaders had hurriedly assembled including
Congressmen Justin R. Whiting, James S. German, and
J. LOgan Chipman. There seemed to be a feeling of sus-
pense amongst Michigan Democrats as they wondered what
would happen.26

Dickinson had no comments for the press although
Campau was more willing to discuss the matter saying,
"The issue had to be met sooner or later, and it might
as well come now as any time. It involves a question

of the very existence of a.Democratic organization in

Michigan.” He would not predict what the outcome would

25Detroit Evening News, May 19, 1895.

 

26Detroit Evening News, May 20, 1893.

 

223
be.

It was apparent from remarks made by Congress-
men that the struggle was chiefly between Campau and
Dickinson. Campau, who emphasized that he spoke in an
official capacity for the state central committee, was
anxious for a showdown while most of the Democratic
Congressmen seemed intent in not getting involved.

After his interview with Cleveland, Campau left
immediately for New York, making no comment concerning
the talk he had had with the President. Although
Dickinson continued to maintain "a sphynx-like silence,"
a friend of his, Louis E. Rowley of Lansing, explained
the Dickinson side of the story.27 Rowley first chal-
lenged Campau's declaration that he was Speaking for
the state committee rather than as an individual. He
cited prior instances where Campau had professed to be
doing this and it was not so. He also accused Campau
of "laboring under an exaggerated idea of his own place
and his power." The charge that Dickinson was a "pri-
vate influence" holding no official relation with the
Michigan state committee, Rowley refuted by pointing
out that Dickinson had been National Campaign Committee
Chairman and, therefore, could not serve in any offi-
cial capacity in Michigan. Finally, it was claimed
that Campau through his man Sam Robinson had hurt

Michigan's chances of getting federal positions by

27Detroit Evening News, May 22, 1895.

 

224

speaking disparagingly of Dickinson since many heads
of departments respected Dickinson and, thus, resented
these slurs. Rowley stated that department heads had
been waiting for Dickinson's advice. Because he had
been ill much of the time since Cleveland's inaugura-
tion, Dickinson had not been able to do as much as he
ordinarily might have.

Although there was no official word concerning
the talks that Cleveland had had with Campau and.Dickin-
son, circumstances indicated that this squabble had not
affected the relations between Dickinson and Cleveland.
While Campau left Washington soon after seeing Cleve-
land, Dickinson remabaed in Washington for five days.
The day before Dickinson left, he spent two hours
riding with Cleveland. The same day he ate lunch with
Cleveland at the White House and conversed for an ad-
ditional two hours. Perhaps as good an indication as
any that Cleveland had full confidence in Dickinson was
the appointment of William.E. Quinby, editor of the

Detroit Free Press, as minister to the Netherlands;

 

Quinby had been recommended by Dickinson earlier28 and
was appointed less than a week after Campau's letter
was made public. From circumstantial evidence it ap-
peared that a friend of Dickinson was correct when he
said, "Why, you could no more influence President

Cleveland against Dickinson than you could move the

28Dickinson to Cleveland, Mar. 21, 1893, CPLC.

225
Washington monument from its base."29

Meanwhile, in Michigan, Democrats were greatly
excited by what had happened, and telegrams poured in
with both Dickinson and Campau receiving pledges of
support. One Democratic mayor wired Campau, "I stand
by you and our whole county committee is with you in
this protest against Don M. Dickinson."so

Dickinson sought to minimize the events that had
occurred in Washington. He insisted in an interview
that he hadn't spoken to the President about any trouble
that he had had with Campau or the state committee.
He said he had come to the nation's capital to "inquire
here in Washington why it is that Michigan appoint-
ments are not made to fill vacancies. . . ." He prom-
ised, "If this isn't pleasing to the peOple, or any one
of consequence, I won't interfere any more even in this
way." Appearing to be naive, he concluded the interview
with "Fight? I know nothing of a fight, at least I am
like the fellow sitting in a chair who was cuffed, 'I
ain't a--fightin.'"31

Later events proved that Dickinson and Campau did
not desire a deep Split in the Michigan Democratic

party because of this issue. Campau continued to main-

tain that the state committee could best judge who was

29Detroit Eveninngews, May 24, 1895.

 

soDetroit Evening News, May 24, 1895.

 

SlDetroit Evening News, May 24, 1893.

 

226

most deserving of federal appointments, but, at the
same time he promised that "the difference of methods
pursued in this matter" would not "diminish my loyal
allegiance to my party in the state, nor my humble en-
deavor to sustain, with every modest effort that I may
put forth, the national Democratic administration of
affairs."32

As far as Dickinson was concerned, he seemed quite
dissatisfied with what had occurred and vowed no more
to visit the capital on behalf of candidates for of-
fice, nor would he recommend Michigan men who were
seeking federal jobs within the state. Many Michigan
office seekers were not happy about this situation.
As one said, "We are now in a pretty hard position.
Dickinson could do something for us if he would, but
he won't. Campau would do something for us if he could,
but he can't." This frustrated office seeker explained
that the Administration would only listen to Dickinson;
and because he was no longer doing so, no one in Michi-
gan was getting offices.53

During the summer of 1895 there was speculation
that Don M. Dickinson would be appointed to the United
States Supreme Court filling a position vacated when

Justice Samuel Blatchford died. Some of Dickinson's

associates thought that a change "from the burly-burly

32Detroit Evening News, May 27, 1895.

 

55Detroit Evening News, June 26, 189:5.

 

227
of politics to the honors and dignities of the su-
preme bench" would be welcomed by Dickinson.34
Associate Justice Stephen J. Field corresponded
frequently with Dickinson during the summer of 1895.
He hOped that he could convince Dickinson to allow

his friends the freedom of urging his appointment.35

Field was certain that Dickinson would stand up a-
gainst the large corporations who, he felt, were at-
tempting to grab "prOperty and richts which are held
by the States in trust."

Dickinson, however, would not allow his name to
be placed forward and discouraged any movement that
could promote his availability.36 When he made this
clear to Field, Field accepted his decision with re-
luctance.

To fill the vacancy caused by the death of Jus-
tice Blatchford, Cleveland eventually nominated William
B. Hornblower of New York. Before this appointment was
made, Field was much opposed. He realized that Dickin-
son was an influential associate of Cleveland for he
wrote to Dickinson regarding Hornblower, "But the ser-
vices of an unsuitable person I shall not fear when you

are on the ground, and have had a conversation with the

54Detroit Evening News, July 10, 1895.

 

55Fie1d to Dickinson, July 13, 1893, DPLC.

36Dickinson to Thurber, Aug. 22, 1893, Cleveland
Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public
Library.

228
controller of the case and put him in possession of
the great interest at stake. ."57

Dickinson, at the time, thought as Field did
regarding Hornblower and wrote Cleveland describing
his sentiments. Cleveland responded by saying that
he was "disturbed" by what fiickinson had written.58
He continued saying that he wanted "to agree with you
in all things of this kind," but that on Hornblower
"your ideas and mine . . . are not in accord." At
this stage Cleveland had not made up his mind com-
pletely, but he wrote that he was convinced no bet-
ter Democratic lawyer existed in New York who was
better qualified.

In this instance, Cleveland was convinced that
Hornblower was the man that should be nominated, and
thus his name was presented to the Senate for confir-
mation. Rather surprisingly, Field, who had been
strongly Opposed to Hornblower, completely reversed
himself and wrote to Dickinson that he had been mis-
taken and that "Mr. Hornblower was free from the ob-
jection which I had supposed was applicable to him.”59
It appears that Dickinson's thoughts concerning the

Hornblower nomination paralleled those of Field.

57Field to Dickinson, Aug. 27, 1893, DPLC.

58C1eve1and to Dickinson, Aug. 25, 1895. Photo-
cOpy of original in MHCA.

59Fisio to Dickinson, Nov. 14, 1895, DPLC.

229

The sequel to this story took place in January,
1894. At that time Hornblower's name came before the
Senate for confirmation. Here it was that Senator
David B. Hill, the man that Cleveland had defeated for
the Democratic Presidential nomination in 1892, led
the fight against Hornblower and was able to gather
enough votes to prevent confirmation.4O

Dickinson remained a loyal friend of Cleveland
throughout a second term that was filled with much dis-
couragement and unhappiness for Cleveland. In 1895, he
assured the President that his faith had not diminished.
These words of encouragement followed. "As the intel-
ligent, unselfish and reflective people of the country
sustain you now, so will there be universal endorse-
ment later on. History will repeat itself with empha-
sis. Jefferson passed through it. Jackson's case was
very much worse. And the clamorers and villifiers
nearly broke Lincoln's heart. . . ."

When Josiah Quincy resigned as assistant secre-
tary of state in October, Cleveland appointed a close
friend of.Dickinson, Edwin F. Uhl, to this post. There
was little doubt that the President had expressed his
confidence in Dickinson once more. William Quinby
seemed fully aware that this appointment had been made

with Dickinson's approval when he rather bluntly wrote,

4°New York Times, Jan. 16, 1894.

 

250
"You made, I know, no mistake in his case."41

In Michigan the fight over patronage seemed to
subside after it had threatened to create a serious
breach in Democratic lines. In the Letroit municipal
campaign, Dickinson and his followers united with
"anti-referee" Democrats in their efforts to unseat
Mayor Hazen Pingree and elect Levi T. Griffen as
Congressman to finish out the term of J. Logan Chip-
man.

On November 7, 1895, Detroit Democrats found that
Pingree was too strong and he and the rest of the Re-
publican city ticket were elected. The Democrats were
able to salvage something when they elected Griffen.
Dickinson felt that the election of Griffen did sig-
nify an endorsement of the Cleveland tariff policy for
he wrote William Vilas, "I suppose you noticed that we
elected our Congressman here on that issue although
everything else went Republican. . . ."42 This and the
fact that the fall elections in Michigan seemed to push
the patronage struggle into the background seemed to be
the only consolation for the Democratic leaders.

The feud between the two factions in the Democratic
party which seemingly had simmered down after the first
months of the Cleveland administration livened in 1894

when plans were formulated for the mid-term elections.

41w. E. Quinby to Dickinson, Nov. 5, 1895, DPLC.

H 42Dickinson to Vilas, Nov. 29, 1895, Vilas Papers,
Wis. Hist. Soc. PhotocOpy of original in Michigan His-
torical Collection, U. of Mich.

251

Late in June the Democrats met in Grand Rapids
in order to nominate a state ticket. Although both
Dickinson and his rival Daniel Campau were present,
Dickinson seemed to be in control of the situation.
This was evident when Spencer Fisher was nominated for
governor after.yickinson had convinced him to run.
Campau only reluctantly acquiesced in the choice of
Fisher.45

The stimulation of much goodwill between the two
Opposing sides was prevented because the so-called
"referee" wing had dominated the convention, plus the
fact that Dickinson continued to be influential in
getting federal appointments.44

Dickinson realized what this would do to the

party's chances of a good showing in November. This

accounted for an Evening Hews report on September 6

 

describing "an heroic effort" by Dickinson to make
peace between the "referees" and "anti-referees." The
Detroit newspaper reported that the faction Opposed to
Dickinson had been "sulking" since its "disastrous de-
feat" at the state nominating convention and that the
supporters of the Administration had promised more
federal jobs to the "anti-referee soreheads in Michigan
as an inducement to forgive and forget and wh00p it up

for Fisher and the rest of the state ticket."

45Detroit Evening News, June 29, 1894.

 

44retroit Evening_News, July 16, 1894.

 

252

The occasion for the "peace" parley was a gather-
ing of Democratic leaders for the purpose of choosing
campaign managers. The Dickinson faction revealed that
it wanted the support of the Campau followers by sup-
porting and uniting to elect John Strong as chairman of
the state committee. Strong was described as "Campau's
Old-time friend and political lieutenant."45 It was
hOped that this act would do much to restore vitally
needed harmony.

However, all of this was undone when Strong re-
fused to take the chairmanship. Then in disgust it
seemed those Opposed to the Campau wing selected
Dickinson's law partner Elliot G. Stevenson. The Demo-
cratic campaign would be run by the "referees." Fuel
was further provided for this continuing feud when
Dickinson and Stevenson conferred and decided that Levi
Griffen should be strongly backed as Democratic Con-
gressional candidate from the First Congressional dis-
trict. This came in the face of reports that William
Maybury was favored by some Democrats Opposed to the
candidacy of Griffen.46 With the endorsement of Ste-
venson and Dickinson, Griffen had little trouble in
gaining nomination in what was described as the "hui-

etest convention ever held in Detroit."47

45Detroit Evening News, Sept. 7, 1894.

 

46Detroit Evening News, Sept. 24, Sept. 26, 1894.

 

47Detroit Evening News, Sept. 27, 1894.

 

235

Any hOpe of healing the breach in Democratic
lines was shattered a few days later when both Charles
C. Casterlin and Samuel Robinson resigned from the exe-
cutive committee of the Democratic State Committee.
Both were staunch supporters of Campau, and it was be-
lieved by members of the Dickinson wing that they had
resigned at the behest of Campau.

There was no speculation as to why they had re-
signed, however. One of the chief reasons was the ap-
pointment of the so-called referees. In his letter of
resignation Casterlin stated that it had always been
customary to recognize "the various committees of the
party . . . as the prOper bodies through which party
action is taken." He charged that this had not been
true since the election of Cleveland. "In their place
have been substituted referees and boards of referees,
having no authority from or responsibility to the masses
of the party whom they assume to represent; a system un-
democratic in character and destructive of all organi-
zation." Furthermore, it seemed to Casterlin that
there was no indication that the system would change.

Samuel Robinson wrote in a similar vein saying,
"It is a foregone conclusion that the referee system
has not been abandoned and that it will continue to be
in vogue. Being conscious of the fact that no effort
is being made toward reconciliation or harmony, and
that Mr. Fisher and Mr. Dickinson are inseparable, I

owe it to myself and the democracy whom I represent to

234

make an Open declaration Of my sentiments."48

Another charge that both Of these disgruntled
Democrats made was that Spencer Fisher, the Democratic
gubernatorial candidate, had made an agreement with
the American Protective Association in order to gain
the support of this violently anti-Catholic organiza-
tion.

After the resignations of these two Democrats
only a month prior to the Election, any chance Of a
Democratic victory vanished. During this month the
quarrel became worse as Tim Nester and Timothy Tarsney,
both leading Democratic figures, split with Fisher.
Dickinson sought to rally.Democratic forces by getting
Vice President Adlai Stevenson to speak in Michigan
shortly before the campaign ended. However, the damage
had been done and without a unified Democratic party
there was no chance of victory for the Bemocrats were
already at a disadvantage as a result of the Panic Of
1895.

On November 6, a day described by the Detroit

Free Press as "a complete Waterloo for the Democracy,"

 

the Democratic party suffered a stupendous defeat in
Michigan. All twelve Congressional districts elected
Republicans. The entire state Republican ticket led

by Governor John T. Rich was victorious. Not a single

48Detroit Evening_News, Oct. 7, 1894. This news-
paper printed the letters of resignation in full and
gave much detail regarding the dissension both in the
October 8 issue and in several succeeding issues.

 

235
Democrat was elected to the state senate, while only
John Donovan from Bay City was elected to the state's
lower house.

The division that had split the Democratic party
was not the sole cause for this disaster for the Repub-
licans were successful throughout the nation. None-
theless, the fight between the followers Of Dickinson
and Campau was a factor in causing the defeat to be
such a crushing one. Statistics revealed that many
Democrats had not voted and that apathy or passive pro-

tests had reduced the Democratic vote. The Free Press,

 

which.had minimized party differences during the cam-
paign, indirectly admitted that these were significant
when, in reporting results, it said, "Despite the fact
that there was a memorable fight in the Republican state
convention and factional bitterness itself in many minor
conventions, the Opposition stood by their party as
though in perfect unity."49 Two days later the news-
paper was a bit more candid in an editorial entitled,

"Democracy Beat Itself." The Free Press admitted that

 

in Michigan there "were dissensiOns and seeking for re-
venges that had no prOper place in a struggle where
there was so much at stake. . . ."

During Grover Cleveland's second administration
the issue of gold and silver money was a significant

one throughout his entire term. Cleveland began his

49Detroit Free Press, Nov. 7, 1894.

 

236
second term in March, 1895, and almost immediately
the nation was beset by a panic. Cleveland thought
it imperative that the Sherman Silver-Purchase Act
be repealed as one means Of counteracting the Panic
of 1893.

Thus, in August Cleveland called Congress into
session requesting that the Silver-Purchase Act be re-
pealed. Under the leadership of William L. Wilson this
law was repealed in the House by a comfortable margin
on August 28. After going to the Senate, the Silver-
Purchase Repeal Bill became bogged down. In Cleve-
land's mind, members Of his own party seemed Opposed
to the best interests Of the country. It was at such
times that Cleveland turned to his closest associates
and revealed his inner feelings. A letter written to
Dickinson during this time reveals that Dickinson was
one of them. Confiding in his friend, Cleveland wrote,
I am very much depressed. I feel that I an looking
full in the face a loss of pOpular trust in the Demo-
cratic party which means its relegation to the rear a-
gain for many years if not its disruption."50 A bit
further in his letter, Cleveland remarked that one
phrase in a letter Dickinson had written to him a short
time before "touches me deeply." He had reference to
‘Dickinson‘s statement that there were those who could

help, but "pass by on the other side." Perhaps because

5ocieve1an-i to Dickinson, Oct. 9, 189:5, DPLC.

237
it seemed that there were so many of this kind, Cleve-
land concluded with, "I wish there were about twenty
Dickinsons in the country."

In his letter to Dickinson, Cleveland had pledged
that the fight would continue "until no further fight
can be made." He refused to compromise and on October
28 the Silver-Purchase Repeal Act was passed by the Sen-
ate. There were many who commended Cleveland for his
persistence. Dickinson, happy as Cleveland himself
over this victory, commented, "Hail to the Chief who in
triumph advances."51

After the 1894 mid-term election, the money issue
began significantly to divide Michigan Democrats. Less
than a month after the November election, George P.
Hummer, a staunch anti-referee Democrat, called a meet-
ing in Detroit of Democratic leaders thought to be in
favor of free silver. At the meeting there was a sen-
timent expressed that a new independent silver party
be formed outside the Democratic framework. However,
this was coolly received by most Of those present, and
it was generally felt that a better procedure would be
to reorganize the party from within. Although ostensi-
bly not a meeting of anti-Dickinson Democrats, it was
evident that this group would be just that when one
delegate indicated that the prOposed movement was not

against any of the individual party leaders unless

51Ellis P. Oberholtzer, A_Historv gf_the United
Since the Civil War (New York, 19575, I, 275.

 

 

258
"those leaders put themselves in an attitude of hos-
tility to silver."52 To most Michigan Democrats it
was becoming increasingly clear that Dickinson stood
with Cleveland on the silver issue.

Further impetus was given this movement when what
was called a "grand state round-up of 'no boss' free
silver men" was scheduled for December 7 at Lansing.55
At the parley in Lansing formal resolutions were passed
favoring the free coinage of silver and requesting that
the Democratic State Central Committee organize the
party in a manner favorable to free silver.54 Lines
were being drawn for a'battle that would involve a
major issue, not just the fortunes of a comparatively
small number of office seekers.

Although there was speculation that the anti-
referee Democrats would support Dickinson if he "were
right on the silver question" and speculation that he
had subordinated "his own good judgment to that of the
chief executive," Dickinson said little or nothing re-
garding that issue in 1895. It seems he sincerely
wished to stay in the background for he wrote his
daughter in March that he no longer cared for "poli-

tics."55

52Detroit Evening News, Nov. 24, 1894.

 

53Detroit Evening News, Dec. 3, 1894.

 

54Detroit Free Press, Dec. 8, 1894.

 

55Dickinson to his daughter, Mar. 20, 1895, DPMHCA.

259

As troubles continued to beset the Cleveland ad-
ministration, the President found solace in confiding
his feelings to trusted and close friends. Shortly
after his birthday, Cleveland expressed gratitude to
Dickinson for remembering the day. The President re-
vealed that the messages from his friends were es-
pecially gratifying at this time, partially because
"I have had some occasion to feel unusually forlorn
during the last year."56

Three days later Lickinson assured the President,
history would prove the second term of Cleveland to be
the most difficult period in which a President ever had
to lead the country, but that history would also show
"that the Chief, standing above, was great in his place,
equal to every occasion, a patriot always, and in him-
self the bulwark that turned back the flood of destruc-
tion."57

As 1896 dawned, it became increasingly clear that
the silver issue would be the primary one throughout
that year's political campaign. Cleveland was fully a-
ware of this and was convinced that if the Democratic
party was swept along by the free silver faction, the
party would suffer a tremendous setback similar to the

one that had been effected by the party's stand on

56Cleveland to.Dickinson, Mar. 20, 1895. Photo-
copy of original in MHCA.

57Diekinson to Cleveland, Mar. 25, 1895, CPLC.

240
slavery. With this in mind Cleveland sought to
rally the Democratic leaders whom he knew might have
a chance of stemming the free silver tide.

During'the early months of 1896 Cleveland cor-
responded with Dickinson frequently. In almost every
case, he sought to impress upon Dickinson the serious-
ness of the situation and the need for leadership on
the part of those who could save the party from going
down the'wrong road. On February 18, he wrote a letter
which faintly indicated a wish that Dickinson would en-
ter actively the 1896 campaign. Said Cleveland, “I
cannot be mistaken in believing that if the Democratic
party is to survive, its banner upon which shall be
inscribed its true principles and safe policies must
be held aloft by sturdy hands which, even though few,
will in the gloom of defeat save it from the disgrace-
ful clutch of time-serving camp followers and knavish
traitors."58

About a month later, Cleveland wrote a note
thanking Dickinson for a painting of a duck hunter.
Rather morosely he reflected, "It is a very relieving
picture to look at and every time my eye falls on it
in these dreadfully dark and trying days, I say to my-

self, ‘I wish I was in that old fellow's placed"59

58Cleve1and to Dickinson, Feb. 18, 1896. Photo-
copy of original in MEGA.

59Cleveland to Dickinson, Mar. 19, 1896. Photo-
COpy of original in MHCA.

241
In the same letter the fresident revealed that he was
looking forward with anticipation to the adjournment
of Congress and the end of his term. At the same time
he was concerned about the future of the Democratic
party saying, "I am positive there is but one chance
for future Democratic success--a perfectly and unequiv-
ocal sound money platform at Chicago."

Less than a week later the President intimated to
Dickinson a bit more directly that he hoped flickinson
would aid him by asking, "Can there not be a majority
at hand of sound-money delegates sent from Michigan
to Chicago?"60

As the days and weeks progressed and as he read
letters sent to him by the President, Dickinson was
slowly weakening. He wrote to his wife in March that
he had received frequent letters from the Chief at the
same time commenting, "I may get into the fight after
all, as he has given the trumpet call. I will try to
keep out, but his request you know is a great power
with me. . . ."61

Three days after'he had written to his wife,
Dickinson made his decision. He informed Cleveland,

"Regarding Michigan I will face about and do my best."62

60Cleveland to Dickinson, Mar. 26, 1896. Photo-
c0py of original in hHCA.

61Dickinson to his wife, Mar. 20, 1896, DPMHCA.

62Dickinson to Cleveland, was. 31, 1896, CPLC.

242

Dickinson's reply to Cleveland's call indicated that
he had felt inclined to concede the 1896 convention to
the silverites; he hOped that a bad defeat of a free
silver candidate winning on a free silver platform
"would enable us to rally under the banner of sound
principle, and re-organize the party after the election."

Dickinson also reminded Cleveland that after the
1892 campaign from which he had emerged "grey and bald
and old" he had "determined to get out and stay out for
good and all." There seemed little doubt that Dickin-
son's boundless affection and respect for Cleveland had
moved him to become a crusader for Cleveland and his
cause once more. is expressed his true motives saying,
"I did, and do want a humble place in the political
history of the time, and that is to have it said that
I never failed or faltered in loyalty to the President,
elected, defeated, and elected, who was the only uemo-
crat who could have been elected since the war, and who
stood for and filled the type of all that was good in
the Democratic party. . . ."

The letter concluded with Dickinson promising,
"I will do my part which shall be my'best." There would
be many obstacles, "But," said Dickinson like any good
soldier, "we will buckle to and do our duty from now
on as you see it."

The Michigan Democrats held their state conven-~
tion exceptionally early inll896. This convention

scheduled for April 29 was deemed important by national

245
Democratic leaders Who were confident that the action
taken by the Michiganczonvention would give some indi-
cation as to where the Middle Western states would
stand on the currency issue. Thus, when the convention
convened in Detroit, Democratic leaders throughout the
nation eagerly awaited the outcome.

Dickinson prepared well for what was to be his
last major political victory. On Saturday, April 25,
the Wayne county Democrats strongly supported Dickin-
son and the Administration. Dickinson received the
gratitude of his fellow Democrats in a formal reso-
lution, expressing full approval "of his course as
leader of the Democracy of Michigan."63 Perhaps more
important to Dickinson was the fact that a resolution
favoring free silver was defeated by a large majority
and a delegation was chosen from Wayne county that
solidly backed the Administration's stand on sound
money.

Although he had been highly successful in thwart-
ing the silver faction at the Wayne county convention,
Dickinson well knew that the big test would come at the
state convention a scant four days later.

When Democratic leaders from all over the state
of Michigan began to congregate on the eve of the con-
vention, feelings were running high. The day before

the convention the Evening News depicted Dickinson and

 

65Detroit Eveninngews, Apr. 28, 1896.

 

244
George P. Hummer, a leader of the free silver forces,
running after a ball hit into the air labelled "Dem
Convention." Above the cartoon the caption read, "A
Collision Inevitable." When it was rumored that sound
money Democrats sought a compromise, hummer, as well
as others Opposed to the gold Democrats, vowed that it
was "Sixteen to one or bust and no quarter." This

belligerent attitude, reported the Evening News "is

 

why every train coming into Detroit last night brought
in parties of silver and anti-silver braves, all in
full war paint and carrying scalping knives."64 An-
other example of the tension that was building was an
episode that occurred in the lobby of the Hotel Cadil-
lac in which two former judges were involved. In the
midst of an exchange between former Chief Justice of
the Michigan Supreme Court John W. McGrath and former
Judge C. J. Reilly, McGrath accused Reilly of being a
liar when Reilly charged, "You never were a Democrat
and never believed in honest money."65
Dickinson Spent most of his time the day prior to
the convention around the anti-silver headquarters.
When asked whether he thought the free silver Democrats
had enough votes to control the convention, he replied,

"We do not think so." The free silver forces had

claimed a sizable majority, but Dickinson said it re-

64Detroit Evening News, Apr. 29, 1896.

 

65Detroit Eveninngews, Apr. 29, 1896.

 

245

minded him of the story about the frogs. He went on
to relate how a man came to a hotel keeper seeking to
make a sale of a carload of frovs. The hotel keeper
couldn't handle that amount, nor even a wagon load,
but did finally acree to buy a bushel of frogs. "In
due time," continued Dickinson, "the man came around
with a pillow case in his hand and turning it over he
dumped just fourteen frors out on the floor." When
the hotel keeper reminded him that he had first spoken
of bringing in a carload and had actually brought much
less than a bushel, he explained, "Well, you see it
was this way. When 1 came across that swamp the frogs
made so much noise that I thought there were 14,000,000
of them, but when I got down to catching them, that was
all I could find."66

The following day Dickinson performed what was

termed a "miracle."6'7

The first step permitting this
miracle came when a motion was made in favor of refer-
ring to the Committee on Resolutions all resolutions
coming before the convention. Those in favor of un-
limited coinage of silver felt that resolutions that
would favor their staid would be quashed by the Commit-
tee and thus opposed the motion. However, the motion

carried and it helped prepare the way for a resounding

defeat of the silverites. Following this, Elliot Ste-

66Detroit Free Press, Apr. 29, 1896.

 

67Mark D. Hirsch, William 9, Whitney: Modern
Warwick (New York, 1948), p. 487.

246
venson easily defeated John McCrath, a strong sup-
porter of free silver, in the contest for first
delegate-at-large and chairman of the Michigan dele-
gation to the national convention. After all the
delegates to the national convention had been chosen,
those favoring free silver were outnumbered seven-
teen to eleven.

Perhaps the most bitter for the silverites was
the platform which endorsed the Cleveland administra-
tion and his fiscal policy. The Michigan delegation
also was instructed to vote as a unit on all questions
coming before the national convention. This would
mean that the entire twenty-eight man Michigan dele-
gation would be aligned with Cleveland and sound
money.

Although Dickinson had not seemed to assume a
position of leadership, it was apparent from newspaper
comment and correspondence that he still had power and
influence in the Michigan Democratic party. Cleveland
wrote to him two days after the convention, "I steal
a moment from working hours to write this, because I
feel I cannot longer refrain from expressing my thanks,
as a citizen and a Democrat, to you and those who
worked with you for the splendid achievement . . . in

Michigan."68 The President seemed jubilant in ex-

68Cleveland to Dickinson, May 1, 1896. Photo-
COpy of original in MEGA.

(II-Ii"!!!

247
pressing his appreciation and "how much prouder than
ever" he was of Dickinson's friendship. Secretary of
the Treasury John Carlisle wrote in a similar vein con-
gratulating Dickinson "on your magnificent victory."
He predicted that the fight for sound money would be
u 69

"more vigorous and deterndned than ever.

The April 50 edition of the New York Herald en-

 

titled the story of the Michigan Democratic convention,

"Don M. Dickinson Wins." The New York Sun published

 

the following poem.describinq the exploits of Dickin-
son. It was entitled, "The Destruction of Michigan
Silverites."

Don Dickinson came down like a wolf on the fold,
His cohorts all gleaming with sound-money gold,
And the sheen of their votes was like stars on the

* ' sea,
That is, as near yellow as starlight can be.

Like the leaves of the forest when summer is green,
His host with their banners in Detroit were seen;
Like the leaves of the forest when autumn hath
blown,
Were the silverites after the result was made known.

For the voters of Don Spread their wings on the blast,
And flapped in the face of the foe as they passed;

And the eyes of the silverites waxed deadly and chill,
And their nerve but once heaved, and forever was still.

And there lay one leader; a slug in the neck

Had left him in such a condition of wreck

That he couldn't have told you, with.any regard

For the truth, what it was that had hit him so hard.

And there lay another, distorted, and pale,

With a bug in his ear and a twist in his tail;

And the others were scattered around on the floor,
With Don and his cohorts still hunting for more.

69John Carlisle to Dickinson, Apr. 50, 1896, DPLC.

248
There was weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth,
And Don sitting down on the proud silver wreath,
And the sun, which had shone with a bright silver
light,
Grew golden and shone like the moonshine at night.
For the silverites sadly the battle bewail,
For their idols are smashed in the temple of Baal;
And some of them swear that the party shall split,
While the others, grown wiser, respond to them,
I: n '70
Nit.

The victory spurred Dickinson on. he wrote to
William F. Vilas, who then was a Senator from Wiscon-
sin, wishing that someone would challenge the "southern
blackguards on the floor of the Senate and nail their
hides up after flaying them alive." The Southern
Senators had been Opposing the President, but bickinson
reminded Vilas that "the President is still close to
the hearts of the men who do the voting."71

During the weeks preceding the national conven-
tion, Dickinson and Cleveland were in constant contact.
On May 22 Dickinson informed Cleveland that he had writ-
ten a letter to National Chairman William F. Harrity
suggesting that committees of "substantial men" be
formed to act as pressure groups upon delenations to
the national convention. jDickinson was convinced that

"substantial men of character and standing, having a

stake in the right decision of public questions" would

7ONewspaper clipping from the New York Sun,
Dickinson Scrapbook No. 10, MHCA.

 

71Dickinson to Vilas, May 2, 1896, Vilas Papers,
Wis. Hist. Soc. Photoc0py of original in Michiéan His-
torical Collection, U. of Mich.

249
be very influential in swaying the average delegate.
"With proper organization of this kind," Dickinson
concluded, "we could turn even a minority with a firm
two-thirds."72

Cleveland replied that he "so fully approved of
Dickinson's sueéestion" that he began to "agitate the
subject in question where I thought it would effect
the best results."75 Cleveland went on to elaborate
that he was disappointed in the reaction of some who
seemed already willing to concede the convention and
Presidential nomination to the forces of free silver.
"Michigan seems to be the only State where work was
needed and forthcoming," confided Cleveland.

In spite of a number of defeats in state conven-
tions, Dickinson continued to work and hope. With less
than a month left some "outside delegations of good
men" had been formed as Dickinson had suggested. He
also believed that Opponents of the Administration
such as Benjamin R. Tillman and John P. Altgeld of Il-
linois would "be worth everythinc to us in discredit-
ing the Opposition, and in shmnhng their delegations
into coming over to decency."74

As the time drew near for the Democratic show-

72Dickinson to Cleveland, May 22, less, CPLC.

r7:5Cleveland to Dickinson, June 10, 1896. Photo-
c0py of original in NHCA.

74Dickinson to Cleveland, June 12, 1896, CPLC.

250
down, Dickinson feverishly sought to rally the pro-
Cleveland supporters. Cleveland on June 17 wrote
Dickinson for advice concerning Senator John Ransom
who "seemed indifferent" as to whether or not he should

75 "What do you want

attend the Democratic convention.
us to do about him?" asked Cleveland. The President
seemed fully coanizant of uickinson's efforts and
wholeheartedly approved of them for he complimented

him by expressing a view that the party could be saved
with a "few more Dickinsons."

In the same letter Cleveland made mention of
William Whitney, the man many thought could do much to
save the Administration's cause at the national conven-
tion if he was so determined. However, Cleveland said
he had "no idea how Whitney will be 'hitched up' and
with whom if he goes."

The very day this letter was written Whitney de-
cided to call off a proposed trip to EurOpe and help
lead the sound money forces at the Chicago conventions76
Dickinson, perhaps remembering Whitney's conciliatory
gestures towards Tammany Hall in 1892, was suspicious
of Whitney‘s motives. Dickinson charged that the Na-
tional Committee had a majority of ten in favor of

sound money, but that the efforts of the gold Democrats

"were paralyzed by the reincarnation of the Bunco-

75Cleveland to Dickinson, June 17, 1896. Photo-
c0py of original in MHCA.

76Hirsch, William Whitney, p. 488.

 

251

Steerer by Mr. Whitney."77 The "Bunco-Steerer" ap-
peared to be Calvin Brice of Ohio or Arthur P. Gorman
of Maryland, both of whom by this time uickinson bit-
terly Opposed. In fact, he went so far as to assert
that he would rather support Hill than the man he ac-
cused Whitney of promothig. Hill, in Dickinson's
mind at least, worked Openly against Cleveland while
"the other man is an assassin."

Dickinson was wrong in so mistrusting Whitney.
Cleveland was happy to have Whitney again so actively

engaged on his side.78

Dickinson himself tacitly ad-
mitted he was wrong in judging Whitney's motives when
he boarded a special train of eastern sound money
leaders which Whitney had sponsored. This train,

bound for Chicago, was used to plan the strategy that

would be employed in an effort toxaominate William E.

Russell, the leader of sound money forces in New England,

to the Presidency.

Upon arriving in Chicago, Whitney, hoping to du-
plicate his success of 1892, arranged a conference of
sound money leaders including David E. Hill, William
Harrity, William Russell and Don Dickinson, all sound
money men.'79 Although the gold Democrats seemed to be

outnumbered, there was no indication that they were

r773;)ickinson to Cleveland, June 20, 1895: CPLC°

78Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 298.

 

79Detroit Evening News, July 4, 1896.

 

252
ready to concede to their opponents.

Dickinson expressed the sentiment of the anti-
silver group well when he was asked what the sound
money backers hOped to accomplish. He responded by
saying they hOped to stand together and fisht to the
finish.80

During the days immediately preceding the conven-
tion, the disgruntled silverites from Michigan bepan a
movement to disqualify a number of the gold Democrats
in the Michigan delegation. Led by W. P. McKnight and
George P. Hummer, the Michigan insurgents sought to
rally support amongst.bemocrats that were in sympathy
with their cause. From camments that were drOpped, it
seemed that there were delegates who were fully as ea-
ger to fell Dickinson as to promote the cause of silver.

Dickinson drew "first blood" reported the EXEQElfl
Hews before the convention convened. The basis for
this report was the fact that the National Committee a-
greed that the Michigan delegation as it had been chosen
should be allowed to sit at least until the convention
was permanently organized.. Also, the night prior to
the Opening of the convention, Elliot Stevenson had
been chosen to be national committeeman over Daniel
Campau by a sixteen to eleven count in a caucus held

by the Michigan delegation.81

80Detroit Evening News, July 5, 1896.

 

81Detroit Evening News, July 7, 1896.

 

255

At 12:55 P.M. on July 7, National Chairman
Harrity called the convention to order. The first ma-
jor test came almost immediately when the contest for
temporary chairman Opened. Although David Hill, a
gold Democrat, had been prOposed by the National Commit-
tee, he was rejected in favor of Senator John W. Daniel
Of Virginia by a vote of 556 to 549.82

The tide that would eventually sweep in William
Bryan now'began to flow rapidly. On the second day of
the convention the silver-controlled Committee on Cre-
dentials unseated four gold Democrats from Michigan
replacing them with silverites. Since Michigan was
bound by the unit rule, the Michigan delegation Of
twenty-eight now fell into the ranks of the silver
forces. At the same time the entire Nebraska gold del-
egation was expelled and sixteen silverites headed by
William J. Bryan took their place.83

On Thursday the majority platform was presented
by Senator James K. Jones. Free silver was vigorously
upheld while the policies and Administration of Cleve-
land were so vigorously assailed so that even many of
the silver delegates seemed stunned.84

It was now a foregone conclusion that some Demo-

crat favoring free silver would win the Presidential

82Hirsch, William Whitney, p. 501.

 

83Hirsch, William Whitney, p. 502.

 

84Nevins, Grover Cleveland, p. 701.

254
nomination. On Friday, July 10, Bryan was nominated
on the fifth ballot. With the nomination Of Bryan the
Cleveland Era had ended.

Even before the Democratic national convention
had adjourned, there was talk of a bolt by the gold
Democrats. During July and August this movement grew
with New York sound money men acquiescing, but Mid-
westerners William Vilas of Wisconsin, John M. Palmer
of Illinois and non Dickinson of Michigan leading the
way.85 On August 7 a call was issued for a convention
to be held in Indianapolis on September 2. When the
convention gathered, a National Democratic party was
born endorsing sound money and low tariffs.86 John
K. Palmer was nominated for President and Simon B.
Buckner Of Kentucky as Vice Presidential candidate.

Exactly what Dickinson did in an effort tO di-
vert votes to this third party is difficult to say. He
did spend some effort in establishing sound money clubs
throughout the Middle West. That Dickinson did play an
active role in the new National Democratic party is
evidenced by'a letter from Abram S. Hewitt to Dickin-
son informing him that $52,500 had been raised by Hewitt
"to supplement an equal amount to be raised by you for

the expenses to be incurred in Michigan, Indiana, and

85Horace S. Merrill, William Freeman Vilas:
Doctrinaire Democrat (Madison, his., 19547, p. 257.

 

 

BSMerrill, William E. Vilas, p- 258-

255
Kentucky”?7 The goal of the splinter group was evi-
dent When Hewitt concluded, "I trust that you will be
able to secure the remainder of the money imperatively
needed to insure the defeat of Bryan."

Although on Election Bay the party polled only
155,000 votes, it did at least partially achieve its
purpose by diverting enough votes in some states so
that McKinley was able to capture them.88

Before 1896,.Dickinson's enemies had predicted
his demise, but he had always been able to bounce back
as strong as ever. For many years he had been the most
powerful and influential figure in the Michigan Demo-
cratic party. At the April 29 Hichigan Democratic con-
vention he had seemed almost invincible when the con-
vention backed the Administration, the gold standard
and, thus, Don Dickinson, too. However, the end of
Dickinson's power and influence in his party came
quickly. When, at the national convention, four Michi-
gan delegates were expelled in favor of the silverites,
when Cleveland and his Administration were repudiated
and finally when, as a result, these same gold Demo-
crats including Dickinson, bolted the party, bickinson
was finished as the leader of Michinan Democracy.

When it was sugrested later that the party be reorgan-

87Hewitt to Dickinson, Oct. 6, 1896, DPLC.

88James A. Barnes, "The Gold-Standard Democrats
and the Party Conflict," Mississippi Valley Historical
Review, XVII (1950), 445-446.

 

256

ized along the lines that Cleveland would have liked,
ponderous old Ollie M. James of Kentucky summarized
the feelings of many Democrats when he declared, "Ju-
das Iscariot would have had as much right to have been
clambering over the hill of Calvary after his Master‘s
Crucifixion attempting to reorganize the believers in
Christianity as Grover Cleveland, John Carlisle or Don
Dickinson have to rush forth to reorganize the party
they betrayed."89 In Michigan Timothy Tarsney polit-
ically buried Dickinson--this tine for good--saying,
"YOu will hear no more of Dickinson in Michigan Demo-
cratic politics."90

In 1896 McKinley's plurality was over 600,000,
the largest that any Presidential candidate had achieved
since Grant defeated Greeley in 1872. Although there
were many factors that worked against Bryan, certainly
the fact that prominent Democrats such as Cleveland
and Dickinson were Opposed to free silver hurt Bryan's
chances and weakened the Democratic party. The ef-
fect of this split continued to be felt in succeeding
Presidential elections. For example, in 1900 Bryan was
defeated by a still wider margin and not until the elec-
tion of 1912 was the party as competitive as it had

been during the years from 1876 up to 1894. The Michi-

 

89James A. Barnes, John 9. Carlisle: Financial
Statesman (New York, 1951), . 505.

 

9onetroit Evening News, July 10, 1896.

 

257
gan Democratic party suffered the same fate, as the
Republicans again began to roll up the majorities

that they had enjoyed immediately after the Civil War.

CHAPTER VII
THE LAST YEARS

Shortly before the Democratic national conven-
tion, Cleveland wrote a letter to Uickinson requesting
that Dickinson act as Chief Counsel for the United
States before the Bering Sea Claims Commission.l Al-
though Dickinson was busily engaged in the political
campaign at the time, he accepted for the Commission
was not scheduled to hold its first hearings until af-
ter the election.

The Bering Sea Claims Commission had been created
as a result of the findinis of the Paris Seal Fisheries
Tribunal which decided that the United States owed
Canadian sealers compensation for illegally seizing
Canadian vessels in the Bering Sea from 1886 to 1892.
This tribunal stated that "the carrying out of the Regu-
lations determined upon by the Tribunal of Arbitration,
should be assumed by a system of stipulations and meas-

ures to be enacted by the two Powers. . . ."2 A com-

lCleveland to Dickinson, June 27, 1896. Photo-
c0py of original in michigmn historical Commission Ar-
chives.

2John B. Hoore, A_Diaest of International Law
(Washington, 1906), I, 920.

 

258

259

mission became necessary When Congress refused to ap-
propriate the sum of h425,000 which Secretary of State
Gresham had offered Great Britain as a settlement for
damages. On February 8, 1896, an agreement was con-
cluded at Washington between the United States and
Britain which called for the appointment of two com-
missioners, one from the United States and one from
Britain. These two commissioners were to determine
the claims forciamages. If they could not agree, the
case would be referred to a mutually acceptable um-
pire; or if.no agreement could be reached concerning
an umpire, the case would be determined by the Presi-
dent of Switzerland.5 ‘

On November 25, 1896, hearings began in Victoria,
British Columbia. Assisting Dickinson as associate
counsels for the United States were Charles B. Warren
and Robert Lansing. The commissioner assigned by the
United States was William L. Putnam while Britain's
representative on the Commission was George E. King.

The atmosphere seemed cordial as the proceedings
began. Dickinson referred to his British counterparts
as "delightful fellows,"4 and on Thanksgiving Day the
attorneys for Britain were hosts at a dinner given for
the Americans. Dickinson was in good spirits and thor-

oughly enjoyed this assignment. He described the 0p-

5

Moore, A Digest g£_Internationa1 Law, I, 922-925.

 

4Dickinson to his wife, Nov. 28, 1896, DPSHCA.

260
posing counsel as "able men, fiohting for credit with
their Government and if any one could catch the old
man napping, they would. . . . All the same, my old
head never was workino in better shape."

The Commission spent more than two months hear-
ing testimony and examining witnesses.5 On February
2, 1897, the Commission adjourned until June 16, 1897.
Shortly after this Dickinson stated that a number of

"shady claims had been discovered with the worst cases

being "fathered by American who had Canadians act as
their dummies."6
The Commissionxnet a single time at hontreal on
June 16 and then adjourned again until August 25 when
the oral arguments were scheduled to begin.7
Dickinson, still in a conciliatory mood, began
his argument by saying, "I know no more fitting words
to open the discussion than the words used by her
Majesty's counsel, 'Peace hath its victories no less
renowned than war.”8 He continued by pointing out

that arbitration was on trial. Dickinson was desirous

that the arbitration be successful. "Peace is the de-

5U.S., Congress, Senate, Senate Doc. 164, 55th
Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 58-85.

 

6Newspaper clippinc:from San Francisco Examiner,
Feb. 8, 1897, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 11, MHCA.

 

‘7U.S., Congress, Senate, Senate Boo. 164, 55th
Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 85-86.

 

8Inidentified newspaper clipping, Dickinson
Scrapbook No. 11, MEGA.

261
sire of the world, but you cannot pluck peace as a
child plucks fruit from the tree."

Throughout, the spirit that Dickinson had dis-
played in his Openina remarks seemed to prevail. Al-
thouch in the end the amount paid by the Americans to
the British was larger than the §42S,OOO which Gresham
had offered, the general consensus seemed to have been
that the Americans had presented the case of the United
States well.9

As early as February Dickinson had opposed claims
put forth by Americans who were sailing under a Brit-
ish flag. Britain took the position that her rights
had been infringed upon and that she could legally
press for damages when anyone sailing under the Brit-
ish flaq met with interference at the hands of another
nation. Opposed to this View was Dickinson who main-
tained that there was a right of visitation and search
when there was a suspicion that a ship flying another
flag actually was a ship of the seizing nation. On
this point the Commission agreed with the American

vieWpoint for all such claims were disallowed.10

9For example, the chief counsel for Britain,
Frederick Peters, said at the conclusion of the argu-
ments that if the British won an award "it will only
be given after the most searching and minute scrutiny
by Mr. Dickinson."

Iewspaper headinrs read after the arbitration
was completed, "Don M. Won," Detroit Free Press, Dec.
23, 1897, and from an unidentified paper, “Don M.
Dickinson Won the Case."

 

lOUnidentified newspaper clippina, Dickinson
Scrapbook No. 11, MHCA.

262

Probably the most sifinificant contribution
made by the Commission and the American and British
attorneys was the harmonious way in which the proceed-
ings were conducted. To this Dickinson contributed
with his sincere efforts to make peaceful arbitration
work. yickinson‘s conduct as senior American counsel
appears to have rone far in making the arbitration in
which he played a part successful.

Perhaps the most pleasing letter that Dickinson
received regarding his efforts before the Bering Sea
Claims Commission was one that he received from his
former Chief, Grover Cleveland. Cleveland wrote, "I
have not been entirely ignorant of the faithfulness
and zeal of your service and I need not tell you how
proud and gratified I have been when I have received
information of your conduct." The ex-President thanked
him heartily "for the complete manner in which you have
vindicated the choice of counsel by the last Admini-
stration."ll

Cleveland and bickinson after 1896 both remained
interested in politics even thoudh both had retired
from the political wars. Their correspondence indicates
that they fervently hOped that the party would return
to the principles for which Cleveland had stood.

Cleveland wrote approximately a year after the 1896

11Cleveland to Dickinson, Oct. 20, 1897. Photo-
copy of oririnal in hHCA.

263
election that he felt himself to be a political out-
cast, but, at the same time, he saw "that matters are
brewing that may bring decent men into activity a-
gain."12

It seemed s though Cleveland enjoyed receiving

in

correspondence from Dickinson for he wrote to Dickin-
son in 1898 that he had not heard from him in a long
time and had decided "to make an epistolary attack up-
on you, hopina thereby to hear something directly from
you. . . ." He admitted that although"pub1ic affairs
and politics have gained such a start of me that I
despair catching up with tie procession,” he still
took immense interest in these activities.13

During McKinley's first term Cleveland was per-
turbed with the growing spirit of imperialism within
the United States. Concerning this menace, he wrote
Dickinson, "It would be strange, I think, if the sober
second thought and patriotic common sense of our country-
men did not assert themselves in time to avoid disas-
ter. . . ."14 At the same time, he was disappohnted
with Democratic leadership for in writing to Dickin-

son about a year later he commented, "Don't you in

these days sometimes pinch yourself to see if you are

12Cleveland to Dickinson, Oct. 20, 1897.

15C1eveland to Dickinson, July 51, 1898. Photo-
c0py of original in MBCA.

l4Cleveland to Dickinson, July 31, 1898.

264
awake when you contemplate so-called Democratic man-
agement?"15

When the Democrats again nominated Bryan in
1900, it was necessary a second time that sound money
Democrats such as Cleveland, Dickinson, Carlisle, 01-
ney, and others decide whether or not to support the
Democratic ticket. Although Bryan was nominated on
an anti-imperialism platform, the Bryan Democrats also
continued to push for free coinage of silver at six-
teen to one.

Although such men as Carlisle and Olney in 1900
supported Bryan as the lesser of two evils, both
Dickinson and Cleveland refrained from doing so. Many
Bryanites were eager to have Cleveland support the
ticket and began to draw erroneous conclusions that
Cleveland was supporting Bryan because he and Bryan
both agreed that United States imperialism had to be
checked.16 Cleveland, however, had no inclination of
doing this as a letter to.Dickinson dated October 12,
1900, makes evident. Cleveland wrote that he was
nearly "pestered to death" with appeals to support
Bryan and for advice as to which candidate Should be
supported. Apparently a large majority of his corre-
spondents expressed wishes that Cleveland would su-

port Bryan for he wrote that he could not do "what the

15McElroy, Cleveland, II, 282.

 

latlcElroy, Cleveland, II, 296.

 

265

large majority desires." On the other hand, Cleveland
felt no inclination to support McKinleyism "affirma-
tively" and, therefore, said he, "I thought I might
satisfy my conscience and avoid the accusation of open
and pronounced inaratitude by keeping silence."17

This position Cleveland maintained all during the
campaign, thus, supporting neither McKinley nor Bryan.
Dickinson, until October, maintained the same aloofness
that Cleveland displayed. It had been supposed by
some that gold Democrats like Dickinson would support
Bryan if the sixteen to one plank were eliminated from

the platform.18

However, as the campaign wore on, there
seemed less likelihood that this would result.

On October ll, Dickinson began to hint that he
would support McKinley and Roosevelt when he wrote a
letter to Theodore Roosevelt asking him to clarify his
position regarding the ice trust in Yew York. Dickin-
son explained that Bryan had charged Roosevelt and the
Republican legislature with not throttling the ice
trust because "he is too busy out here telling you a-
bout it."19

The very next day Roosevelt replied thanking

Dickinson for his letter and explaining in detail his

l7Cleveland to Dickinson, Oct. 12, 1900. Photo-
c0py of original in HHCA.

18Detroit Egg; Press, Oct. 25, 1900.

19Detroit Free Press, Oct. 15, 1900.

 

266

dealings with the ice trust. Roosevelt accused the
Tammany Bryanite leaders of hypocrisy explaining,
"In the Tammany state convention in New York they
actually denounced the ice trust in their political
capacity while in their private capacity they were
stockholders in it and through their counsel were
doing everything to prevent its dissolution by the

attorney-general."2O

On October 23, the.Detroit Free Press headlined

 

its t0p news story, "Stand of a Gold Democrat." This
story which.mas centered on pafe one contained a for-
mal statement by Donald M. Dickinson explaining why

he was planning to vote for McKinley. He began by re-
vealing that he never had planned to vote for Bryan
since the convention at Kansas City had nominated him.
"However," said Dickinson, "I hOped for a time that I
might with clear conscience stay away from the polls."
The recent speeches of Bryan had changed all this and
Dickinson now admitted that he was forced to vote against
Bryan.

He went on to explain that he was still a Democrat
and could never be a Republican. Nevertheless, Dickin-
son explained that he scarcely recognized "a vestige
of Democratic principle in either the Chicano or Kansas
City platforms." Dickinson charged Bryan with preaching

the gospel of hate by appealing "to the envious, the

20Detroit EEEE Press, Oct. 15, 1900.

.——.-—.-

267
discontented, the improvident, the incompetent and
the unworthy idle." He pointed out that the words of
the old Biblical prOphet Samuel aptly described Bryan
and his followers. "And everyone that was in distress
and everyone that was in debt, and everyone that was
discontented gathered themselves unto him, and he be-
came a captain over them."

After explaining in more detail his feeling re-
garding Bryan, Dickinson concluded with, "I take my
place proudly by the side of Abram S. Hewitt, under
whom I fought in the great battle for Tilden and
Democracy in 1876. Waiting in confidence the call of
men like him to gather for the reorganization of my
party, like him I conceive it to be my solemn duty
to vote against Bryanizing the Democratic party and to
rid the party and country of Bryanism, and so like
him, in the ranks of the true Democracy, I shall go to

the polls and cast my ballot for President McKinley."21

Although Dickinson no longer had any standing
in the Michigan Democratic party now led by Daniel Cam-
pau, Campau did realize that a person of Dickinson's
stature might‘be very influential in swaying a number
of voters to McKinley. Thus, three days after Dickin-
son issued his statement declaring his intention to
vote for McKinley, Campau revealed that he had in his

possession a letter written by Dickinson to former

21Dickinson's statement was published by a num-
ber of newspapers including the New York Times.

 

268
Congressman J. Logan Chipman supporting the free
coinare of silver. The date of the letter was alleged
to be February 16, 1892, which was the year Cleveland
ran successfully for President advocating sound money.

Dickinson admitted writing such a letter, but
charged that the date was fraudulent. He reminded
those who would hear that he was in New York on that
date seeking to bring Cleveland to Ann Arbor for what
turned out to be a well-remembered address delivered
on the same date that the "Snap Convention" was meet-
ing in New York. He asserted that he did not write
the letter after 1890 for that was the year which
bound the United States to maintain the parity between
gold and silver.

Dickinson challenged the Bryanites to produce
the letter. It brought to his mind the 1872 Greeley
letter which Foster Pratt had brought to light four-
teen years before in an effort to discredit Dickinson.
He was confident that just as that letter had not been
successful in attaining its goal, this one, too, would
not crush him.

The date of the letter could not be proved. On
November 1, the regular Democratic organization pub-
lished the letter, this time placing the date as Feb-

22

ruary 16, 1891. However, the letter, published in

full, was merely dated February 16 with the year omit-

22Detroit Evening News, Nov. 1, 1900.

 

269
ted. As Dickinson had admitted, it did advocate free
coinaae of silver.

Beside Lickinson’s letter was a speech of John
B. Corliss delivered September 22, 1894, advocating
free coinane. Probably the most significant aspect
of the publication of the letter and speech was the
fact that the Lemocratic organization apparently did
feel that Dickinson was still influential enough to
warrant spending money to publish this rather lengthy
letter. In an effort to offset the effect of Dickin-
son's statement, below the printed letter and speech
a question read, "If these men can change their opinion
and positions on the old issue, why can the Democracy
not change the issue to the present one of Imperial-
ism?"

In September Dickinson had written to Cleveland
that it was "a thousand fold harder to passively aid
McKinleyism than it was in '96, but the alternative is
'a deep pit and he that falls therein is abhorred of
the Lord.'"23 The passive aid of which Dickinson spoke
was largely that for Dickinson did no campaigning ex-
cept for one speech which he delivered at a rally of
sound money Democrats late in October.24 Even though
he himself announced that he would vote for hckinley,

he urged Cleveland not to amnounce his intention to do

zsfiickinson to Cleveland, Sept. 25, 1900, CPLC.

24Detroit Free Press, Oct. 28, 1900.

 

270
the same.25 It seemed quite evident that Dickinson re-
luctantly announced that he would vote for McKinley
solely as a protest against Bryan.

Even though there was a lack of wholehearted
support, the Republicans were glad that Democrats such
as Cleveland and Dickinson maintained the attitudes
that they did. After a Republican victory more de-
cisive than that of 1896, Theodore Roosevelt wrote to
Clevelmld, "I think now we have definitely won out on

the free-silver business and therefore I think you are

entitled to thanks and congratulations."26

Three days after the election Theodore Roosevelt
sat down and wrote the following to Dickinson:

My dear Mr. Dickinson: I feel a very keen sense
of gratitude to you personally, and I hope I need
not say to you how deeply I feel the debt due to
the democrats who stood for sound money and civic
honesty; and the responsibility which I certainly
feel to them and which I hope and believe my whole
party feels. In this State as Governor I think
that relative to their numbers I have made rather
more appointments from among gold democrats than
from among the republicans, and from what I know
they regard as of infinitely more consequence, I
think I have handled the Governorsnip along the
lines they believe in. I can do very little, my
dear sir, but what I can do I shall most earnestly
try to do in a way that will n05 make you, regret
your part in the late election. 7

Vice President Roosevelt was correct in assuming

25Dickinson to Cleveland, Oct. 23, 1900, CPLC.

26Nevins, Letters, p. 541.

27Elting E. Morison(ed.), The Letters_g§ Theo-
dore Roosevelt (Cambridge, Mass.,419517, II, 1411-1412.

 

 

271

that he could do little to reward Dickinson while

he was Vice President. However, in 1901 when he be-
came President upon the assassination of kchinley,

he honored Dickinson by naming him to an arbitration
tribunal whicn was directed to settle a dispute be-
tween the United States and Salvador. Originally as-
sianed to sit with Dickinson were Henry Strong, Chief
Justice of Canada and David Castro, Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court of Salvador.28

The dispute had its beninninas when the Salvador
Commercial Company, backed by American capital, in
1894 was granted exclusive rights to establish steam
inaviaation for twenty-five years in the part of E1
Triumfo, Salvador. However, in 1899 the Republic of
Salvador befan to take over the investment that had
been made by the Salvador Commercial Company claim--
ing that its officials had failed to abide by the
terms of the agreement signed in 1894.

After carefully considerinn the evidence, Dickin-
son and Stronq acreed that "the Salvador Commercial
Company and other nationals of the United States . . .
are entitled to compensation for the result of the de-
struction of the concession and for the appropriation

of such property as belonged to the company. ."29

28U.S., Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1902, p. 857.

 

 

 

29U.S., Papers Relating: 1:33 the Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1902, p. 857.

 

 

 

272

The Opinion written by Dickinson explained that
it was clearly evident to them that once the success
of the venture was assured, a plot was hatched "whose
object was to oust the management and control the
American interest.“SO Dickinson pointed out that it
had been claimed that the United States could not
make reclamation for its nationals "for the reason “
that such citizens as so invested their money in the
Republic of Salvador must abide by the laws of that
country, and seek their remedy, if they have any in
the courts of Salvador." Dickinson and Strona coun-
tered this by saying that this argument would be justi-
fiable had not the Government of Salvador itself in-
tervened to destroy the franchise and concessions
granted the American-backed company. Thus, on May 8,
1902, in a settlement with which the representative
from Salvador did not concur, hickinson and Strong
found that the Republic of Salvador was liable for the
action taken and awarded the sum of n525,178.64 to the
United States.51

Dickinson deeply appreciated the recognition that
he received when he was appointed senior counsel before
the Bering Sea Claims Commission and arbitrator in the

case involvinm the United States and Salvador. he

50U.S., Paoe?§.§§l§§3fi5.§2.§§§ Foreign Relations
of the United States) 1902, p. 868.

 

 

SIU.S., Papers Relatina to the Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1902, p. 861.

 

 

 

273

later wrote, "As to my positions under the National
Government, I esteem my professional positions in in-
ternational matters, both as counsel for the'United
States and as arbitrator, more highly than any mere
political place."32

Although it is quite evident that hickinson was
happy arain in his level practice, he could never lose
the interest that he had in politics and the nemocratic
party. his optimism increased as the country's ap-
preciation for Cleveland increased after 1900.55 On
April 24, 1903, Dickinson wrote Cleveland that in the

South he had "invariably" heard Bryan‘s nane "

re-
ceived with a gu§23"34 He realized that Cleveland's
name was again coming to the fore commenting, "You
know perfectly well all over this country men are
using your name quietly." This, said Dickinson, ex-
plained the hysterics of bryan, "the ass from'Ne-
braska," as Dickinson enjoyed calling him.

In 1905 with public sentiment becoming more fa-
vorable toward Cleveland, talk began to circulate that
he would run again in 1904. This, Cleveland had no
intention of doing; and when he was invited to attend

he Opening of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at

St. Louis on April 50, he wrote to Dickinson asking

52

Dickinson to Robert E. Loan, Feb. 6, 1907,

p-

OBNevins, Grover Cleveland, pp. 752-755-

 

34MoElroy, Grover Cleveland, II, 517-318.

 

274

advice as to whether he should announce his firm de-
sire not to run again. Dickinson, though himself
thoroughly convinced that Cleveland should not enter
the political wars once more, persuaded Cleveland to
say nothing at the time concerning his intentions.
Dickinson argued that this would drive friends of
Cleveland into the arms of the Republicans.55

In 1904 Cleveland was convinced that either
Richard Olney or Senator George Gray would be the best
Democratic Presidential candidate, while Dickinson
felt the nomination should go to Judson Harmon of
Ohio. The difference of opinion did not strain rela-
tions between these two friends, however. This
seemed evident as Dickinson expressed a conviction
that Cleveland "can be nominated by an overwhelming
majority, but the point is that it should not be
done." Dickinson explained that one could not name
four Presidents "whose records must live in history
without naming him." Thus, no friend of Cleveland
would advocate his risking such an excellent record.
In summing up his position regarding Cleveland's pos-
sible candidacy, Dickinson said, "There are several
men on our delegation who insist they will not vote
for any one else in the convention, but I cannot aid

in the policy which tends to injury, or tends to risk

the record of his public career, as that record is

55Dickinson to Cleveland, Apr. 24, 1903, CPLC.

275

now made up."56

Both Dickinson and Cleveland were certain that
Cleveland should not be a candidate in 1904. How-
ever, while Cleveland preferred Richard Olney or Sen-
ator George Gray of Delaware as Democratic nominee
for President, Dickinson was sure that no stronger
candidate could be put forward by the Democrats than
Judson Harmon of Ohio. Dickinson admired Harmon, who
also was a lawyer, for his successes in battling
trusts and monopolies. "Harmon would grow with every
day of the canvass, and with every addition to the
knowledge of him," concluded Dickinson in a letter to

37 "Take him with a Southern man like

George F. Parker.
Fitzhugh Lee, and you have an unassailable ticket."

On June 27, immediately prior to the Democratic
convention, Dickinson wrote to Harmon himself advising
Harmon on certain procedures that he snould follow
and also indicating that Dickinson had begun a move-
ment to nominate Harmon. Said Dickinson, "I think
everything is going right, but the agitation must be
set afoot by your friends, wherever you can put it
1:58

across the border into the South and elsewhere.

Dickinson expressed confidence that Michican would

36Dickinson to George F. Parker, June 6, 1904,
DPMHCA.

37Dickinson to G. F. Parker, June 6, 1904,
DPMHCA.

38~

Dickinson to Harmon, June 27, 1904, DPMHCA.

276
support Harmon and revealed that he was writing to
Wisconsin "which has a favorite and a mighty weak
son."39 Dickinson advised Harmon that his record

especially in the case of the United States v. Trans-

 

Missouri and Company be given full play. In this

 

 

case Harmon carried the Supreme Court by a majority of
one in a case that dealt a blow to monOpolies. Dickin-
son reminded Harmon that "trusts and monopolies are
now most prominent of all ills in the peOple's mind."
Referring to the Trans-Missouri case, he assured Har-
mon, "The champion panoplied in that victory will
surely be the strong man."

0n the same day Dickinson wrote to Jacob M.
Dickinson, a Democratic leader in Chicano. In the
letter he endorsed Harmon strongly. It appeared to
Dickinson that there really was no outstanding Demo-
crat and many delegates would come to the St. Louis
convention "as wanderina sheep." "In the South,"
saierickinson, "there is less and less muscle and
earnestness in the Parker movement."40 He requested
that Jacob Dickinson have a "downright strong talk"
with John P. Hopkins who was leader of the Illinois
delegation to St. Louis. Dickinson seemed far from

lackadaisical now for he revealed, "I am after the

59Dickinson to Jacob M. Dickinson, June 26,
1904, DPMHCA.

4ODickinson to Jacob M. Dickinson, June 27,
1904, DPMHCA.

277

the weaklings everywhere, and you will find many from
every state utterly at a loss as to a strong nominee."

Dickinson's efforts to nominate Harmon were com-
pletely unavailing. iarmon's name was scarcely men-
tioned as the days preceding the convention shortened.
Although Dickinson had expressed optimism regarding
Harmon support within the Michigan delegation, Campau
was a stalwart supporter of Judge Parker and the Michi-
gan deleaation cast all twenty-eight of its ballots
for him. Only one ballot was necessary to nominate
Judge Alton B. Parker and Harmon received not a single
one.41

After the convention, Dickinson commented, "Noth-
ing could have gone better for Judge Harmon under the
circumstances."42 He was happy that Harmon had not
accepted the Vice Presidential nomination. Dickinson
again referred to Harmon's stand on trusts and monOp-
olies and blamed Harmon's poor showing on the fact that
Harmon and his friends had not published widely enough
"the strong claim he had established in the matter of
trusts and monOpolies." Nevertheless, Dickinson was
convinced that Harmon's name would not be forgotten
for Dickinson felt he was "in the Presidential class

for the future."

41New York Times, July 10, 1904.

 

42Dickinson to J. h. Dickinson, July 15, 1904,
DPMHCA.

278

Although Cleveland had expressed a preference
for his former Cabinet member Richard Olney or San-
ator George Gray, a man he had wanted to include in
his Cabinet,“5 the former President was not dissatis-
fied with the nomination of Parker. He wrote Parker
soon after his nomination, "Our best campaign material
just now is--YOU." He was especially happy with Par-
ker's strong statement in favor of the gold standard.

Dickinson was not as pleased as his old Chief.
Three months before the convention Dickinson charged
that Parker had in 1888 aided David B. Hill in his suc-
cessful drive to be elected Democratic governor of New
York, while at the same time doing as little as possi-
ble to aid the national ticket headed by Cleveland.
The motive behind this, said Dickinson, was to prove
that a Presidential candidate could not be elected
without New York's electoral votes. The election of
Hill and the defeat of the national ticket in New
York would place Hill in a favorable position as far
as the 1892 Presidential race was concerned. "These
facts show why I do not favor Parker."44

Although Dickinson almost immediately apologized
for this statement saying that it was incorrect, he

never did back Parker as Cleveland did.

45McElroy, Grover Cleveland, II, 5.

 

44Newspaper clipping from the New York Sun,
Apr. 16, 1904, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 11, MHCA.

279

Dickinson's feelings concerning this campaign
perhaps can be best summed up by a letter which he
wrote to William F. Vilas, the man whom Dickinson suc-
ceeded as Postmaster-General. Wrote Dickinson the day
after the election, "I observe a lack of activity on
the part of the late senator from Wisconsin in the re-
cent campaign. I have always noticed his absence from
campaigns conducted by hr. Wm. F. Sheehan (Billy), Mr.
David Bennett Hill . . . and I have also observed that
such campaigns so conducted have always resulted in
overwhelminq and most disastrous defeats. The tre-
mendous and unprecedented vote for Roosevelt I attri-
bute largely to the atrocious attack upon the fresi-

45

dent and mr. Cortelyou, and the President's answer

which have so completely obliterated Mr. Parker and
his entourage from the map. I regret keenly the mis-
take of Mr. Cleveland in permitting his name, and even

his brief activity to be associated in any way with

that gang."46

After Dickinson's efforts on behalf of Harmon
failed, he never aaain sought with as much vigor to

influence the nomination or election of a political

45Just before the campaicn ended Parker charred
that Cortelyou, the manarer of Roosevelt's campaign,
had received great sums of money from interest Crroups
because these groups were afraid that Cortelyou would
expose violations that had been committed by these
"malefactors of rreat wealth."

46Dickinson to Vilas , Nov. 9, 1904, DPMHCA.

280
candidate. Although he was not enthusiastic about
Parker, he did in 1904 support the Democratic nominee

47 However, he was

for governor, Woodbridqe N. Ferris.
not on the "inside" as he once had been, and, thus,
the support given in 1904 was not what it micht have
been ten years prior.

In 1906, Dickinson hoped that Ferris would a-
gain run for governor even though he had not been suc-
cessful in 1904. he was "grievously disappointed"
when Ferris declined to try again that year. Com-
mented uickinson on his decision, "I should feel en-
tirely confident of his election and think he should
have had the same confidence."48

As time went on, Dickinson admired Theodore Roose-
velt more and more. By 1908, Dickinson was already be-
ginning to feel the effects of the illness that would
incapacitate him for the last five years of his life.49
This limited his activities, but he did in that year
write a letter to President Roosevelt urging him to
consider running again in 1908. Hetaxplained that he

had ascertained "the sentiment of our people of both

parties."

47Dickinson to Peter White, n.d., DPMHCA.

48
DPMHCA.

Dickinson to John T. Kinship, June 50, 1906,

49Newspaper clippinv from the Eew_Ygrk Evening
Telearam, Apr. 18, 1908, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 11,

‘ "an
lVill'v o

281
He argued that it would not actually be con-
idered a third term for Roosevelt had only been e-
lected to the Presidency once.SO Concluded Dickin-
son, "You stand before them (the peOple) as the most
fearless of all Presidents in preserving and protecting
all the peOple against wrong, theft, and oppression."

In spite of the fact that Roosevelt did not heed
Lickinson's advice in 1908, Dickinson continued to
respect and admire him. Although he thought highly
of Woodrow Wilson, Dickinson in 1912 again turned to
Roosevelt renouncing his own party after the 1912 con-
vention, chiefly because he failed to acres with the
platform adOpted.

Shortly before illness, which appeared to be
similar to a stroke, completely disabled him and caused
him to lose the mental alertness he once enjoyed,
Dickinson wrote to Roosevelt:

I beg to tender you my heartfelt sympathy and
expression of my unfalterinq belief in your

lofty aspirations and acts for the benefit of

this Republic. You have been the victim of the
reactionary teachings of both old parties which
have led to your attempted assassination. The
country needs you, and.separating myself from past
party associations I pledge you my earnest and un-

qualified support for your second elective term as
President of the United States.5i

Dickinson always considered himself to be a Jef-

fersonian Democrat. Even though there were times when

50Dickinson to Roosevelt, n.d., Burton historical
Collection, Detroit Public Library.

51Dickinson to Roosevelt, Oct. 16, 1912, DPMHCA.

282
he did not support the Democratic party's nominees,
he continued to uphold and practice Jeffersonian de-
mocracy as he considered it to be.

A letter written to his wife concerning his
daughter Francis illustrates a simple philos0phy that
Dickinson always sought to keep alive in his own life.
Shortly after the election of 1896, he wrote of the
pleasure he derived from hearing that his daughter
was going to have a Christmas where "little girls who
are not poor in anything else than mere money" would
have a part. He knew that his daughter would not
make little girls who were poor in material things
feel inferior. "Clothes and food are all the dif-
ference, and clothes and food don't make one person
any better than another. My dear daughter knows when
she refers to the teaching of the Great and Gentle
Teacher of the world that there are no differences
like this and that in His view there are no 'poor'
souls or 'poor' hearts in the sense that one soul or
one heart is more valuable or of more importance than
another."52

Dickinson had revealed a basic belief in a democ-
racy that would uphold the interests and rights of the
common man. This had been revealed by him rather dra-
matically in his long struggle against those who would

evict the homesteaders from their farms in the Upper

SgDiCkinson to his wife, Dec. 12, 1896, DPLIRCA.

283
Peninsula. In his support of the pOpular election of
Senators, in his efforts to make railroads pay a fair
amount of taxes in uetroit and in his support of a
tariff that would favor the interests of the lower
income group, Dickinson was convinced he was prac-
ticing the principles that Jefferson and Jackson had
promoted years before.

Even though Dickinson after 1896 was less ac-
tive politically and much less influential than he had
been, he continued to uphold this Jeffersonian philos-
ophy as he saw it. For example, he backed the movement
for Initiative, Referendum and Recall.53 He responded
to one who had asked him to furnish "some sound Demo-
cratic doctrine" by advising that by reading a wood
bioEraphy of Jefferson or Jackson "the fundamental
principles of the party" would be found.54 He revealed
his admiration for Jefferson by agreeing to serve as
vice president for Richigan of the Thomas Jefferson
Memorial Association, "a corporation whose objects are
'to erect at the national capital.a suitable memorial
to Thomas Jefferson, and to publish and distribute
literature bearing upon Jefferson.'"55

Dickinson in his later years not only preached

55Dickinson to J. L. Hudson, Feb. 11, 1907,

54Dickinson to Ella H. Lullof, Sept. 8, 1904,

55Dickinson to Henry M. Brightman, n.d., DPMHCA.

284

this doctrine, but upheld it in his dealings with
others. He, though wealthy himself, had a feeling
for the common man, the man who was equal with him
but perhaps had not had an equal chance. One fine
example that demonstrates this is a letter which he
wrote to Secretary of her William Howard Taft in
1905. In this letter Dickinson made a strong plea
for Georae Baker, a deserter from the Army, whose
mother had been employed in the Dickinson home. Be-
gan Dickinson in his letter to Secretary Taft, "My
interest and my duty lies in this: That thexnother
of the man, Mrs. Jennie E. Baker, is not supporting
a large family of children including three young sons
at school, by the labor of her own hands. This George
Baker, her eldest son, had been accustomed to contri-
bute from his pay to the support of his mother and her
family."56 Pleading in the letter the cause of this
poor woman and her son as fervently as that of a rich
client, Dickinson sought to have mercy shown.

This was not an isolated case. When Senator John
T. Morgan of Alabama introduced a bill which would have
aided "pauperized American sealers," Dickinson felt it
his duty to support it even though, "I have not a
cent's pecuniary interest and no interest except my

honor as an American citizen officially knowing all

56Dickinson to Secretary of War W. H. Taft,
July 26, 1905, UPMHCA.

285

the facts."57 Dickinson felt his obligation so
stronaly in this case that he testified strongly on
behalf of it before a Senate committee and later
telegraphed Senators hogind to convince them to support
the bill.58

After 1896, although still very active in his
legal practice, Dickinson found time for thinas which
political activities heretofore seemed to limit. His
correspondence indicates that he now enjoyed more hours
with his two children and wife. Although not visiting
Cleveland often, he continued to correspond with the
retired President until Cleveland's death. In later
years Dickinson continued to offer advice to his former
chief, no lonrer only concerning political matters, but
about such thinss as the person with whom Cleveland
should co-Operate in the writing of a biocraphy of
Grover Cleveland. Concerning this matter, Dickinson
advised that a man be chosen "who has the 'knack' and
dexterity of stating incidents which really make a
history of bioaraphy interesting." Dickinson's regard
for Cleveland compelled him to say that any biographers
of Cleveland should not make the biography an "avoca-
tion." "he Should devote himself to it and be near you

for consultation as a portrait painter is near his work

_ 57.?)ickinson to Senator Charles W. Fairbanks,
dan- 21. 1905, uPthA.

58Dickinson to Robert Lansinf: Jan. 26’ 1905’
DPMHCA.

 

286
to take frequent 'looks' and so get the familiar ex-
pression and so on." "A hirh class literary man should
do it," said Dickinson. Dickinson suggested Gilder or
perhaps one of Cleveland's harvard or Princeton
friends.59 Although there is no record as to how Cleve-
land reacted to Dickinson's advice in 1910, Richard W.

Gilder did publish Grover Cleveland: A_Record in

 

Friendship.

 

When Cleveland became associated with the Equi-
table Life Assurance Society in 1905, Dickinson gently
chided his old friend explaining that he regretted
Cleveland's decision because he realized "that having
accepted, you would do your duty in every place, and
all the time, at whatever sacrifice to health and
strength by yourself."60

During the years that Cleveland lived, Dickinson
remained active. He denied stories that he was in the
least bit ill. In 1906 he wrote Cleveland, "I never
was more robust, never weiahed so much, never endured

hard work more serenely or did so much as now. ."61

The correspondence that he had, his continued interest
in his family, his law practice and his home all indi-
cate that this was true. In 1908, the year Cleveland

died, he beran to feel the strain of a life that had

59Dickinson to Cleveland, Oct. 21, 1905, CPLC.
SODickinson to Cleveland, Nov. 9, 1905, DPMHCA.

61Dickinson to Cleveland, July 12, 1906, CPLC.

287
been filled with so many varied activities. Although

the New York Evening Telenram erred when on April 18,

 

1908, it published a report that Dickinson was "at
death's door," yet it is true that his activities af-
ter this time were sharply curtailed.

Although he was able in his own behalf in 1911
to appear in court and defend himself successfully
against those who claimed he was incompetent to admini-
ster his own property, Dickinson by that time was only
a shadow of his former self. After 1912 he went into
almost complete seclusion doing much historical reading
during the last years of his life.62

On Monday, October 15, 1917, Dickinson died qui-
etly at his home in Trenton, Michigan. On October 17,
the day of his funeral, flags flew at half mast on all
post office buildings throughout the United States.63
Although he had been inactive for several years, citi-
zens both in high stations and low reflected upon his
contributions. President Woodrow Wilson aptly de-
scribed the feelings of many when he wired: "I have
learned with deep regret of the death of Honorable
Don M. Dickinson who in his life illustrated a very

high type of American citizenship, who devoted many

6ZNewspaper clipping from the Cleveland Plain
Dealer, Oct. 18, 1917, Dickinson Scrapbook No. 11,

 

Dickinson liked history and was a member of
the American Hist. Assoc.

6Sbetroit Evening News, Oct. 17, 1917.

 

288
years to the public service, and who leaves a memory

that will be cherished and revered not only of the

peOple of his state, but by the people of his na-

tion."64

54W11son to J. R. Command, Oct. 20, 1917. Tele-
gram posted in Dickinson Scrapbook No. 12, MEGA.

This Scrapbook has a number of wires sent upon
the news of Dickinson's death.

A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Various manuscript collections proved valuable
in writing this dissertation. For the early years of
Dickinson's life and for the years after 1896 the
Donald E. Lickinson Papers owned by George hiskeman
and made available to me at the Michigan historical
Commission Archives in Lansing were extremely valu-
able. This collection not only contained correspond-
ence of Don Dickinson but also letters and diaries of
members and friends of the Dickinson family. Included
in these papers are several photostet copies of letters
written by Grover Cleveland to Dickinson.

The Library of Congress has six boxes of Donald
m. Dickinson Papers which I used chiefly in writing
of bickinson as a political figure. This collection
is not catalogued but is small enough so that one can
examine it carefully. Included is extensive correspond-
ence between Supreme Court Justice Stephen J. Field
and bickinson as well as correspondence with other
political figures acquainted with Dickinson. One box
includes mostly materials dealing with Dickinson and
the Bering Sea Claims Commission.

The Burton Historical Collection in the Betroit
Public Library has a smaller collection of Dickinson

289

290
material. A very fascinating series of letters sent
by a violently anti-Catholic organization to uickin-
son at the time of the 1892_uemocratic convention is
included in this collection.

The Clarke Historical Collection located in the
library of Central Michigan University has a single
volume of Dickinson material. This one volume was
helpful in describing the role that Dickinson played
as Postmaster-General during the railroad strike that
occurred while he held this position.

Other collections of papers that I used include
the Grover Cleveland Papers in the Library of Con-
gress. many of the letters sent by Cleveland to
Dickinson can be found in this collection. The Wil-
liam C. Whitney Papers along with the Daniel S. La-
mont Papers, both in the Library of Congress, were
useful in developing the history of the 1892 politi-
cal campaian. Also of value in describing the role
that Dickinson played in the 1892 and 1896 campaigns
were a number of letters which.bickinson wrote to
William F. Vilas of Wisconsin. Photostat c0pies of
these letters are in the Michigan Historical Col-
lection at the University of Michigan. The Michifan
Historical Collection also has on microfilm a large
number of letters to and from Dickinson. Most of
these letters that are microfilmed can be found in
the Library of Congress.

Another source without which it would have been

291
well-nigh impossible to write this dissertation was
the newspapers of bickinson's day. The hichiran
historical Commission Archives possesses a series of
twelve scrapbooks all related to the career of Dickin-
son. These scrapbooks contain innumerable newspaper
clippings and cartoons as well as other printed ma-
terials such as pamphlets and brochures. The clip-
pings have been taken from newspapers throughout the
United States.

The Michigan State Library in Lansing has on
microfilm several of the Michigan newspapers pub-
lished during the late nineteenth century. The two
that I used most extensively were the Detroit Eggning

News and the Detroit Free Press, both of which ran

 

daily editions during the period covered by this dis-
sertation. Some of the other newspapers on microfilm
published only one issue per week. Since Dickinson
was from Detroit, most of his activities as a public
figure were given detailed coverage by the uetroit
newspapers. Although there is no adequate political
history of Michigan for the time covered by this dis-
sertation, two monographs Arthur C. hillspaush, Party

Organization and machinery in Michigan Since 1890

 

 

(Johns HOpkins University Studies in Historical and
Political Science, Baltimore, 1917), and Harriette M.

31113, The Politics of Michiman, 1865-1878 (Columbia

 

 

 

University Studies in History, Economics and Public

Law, New York, 1912), did shed some light on certain

292
aspects of late nineteenth and early twentieth cen-
tury Michinan politics.
Of great value to me in describing the Dickinson-
Cleveland relationship after 1884 were two biographies
of Grover Cleveland. Probably the more helpful was

Allan Nevins, Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage

 

(New York, 1952), although the two volume biography

by Robert McElroy, Grover Cleveland: The Man and the

 

 

Statesman (New York, 1925), did much to illuminate the

 

Cleveland-Dickinson association. Also of use through-
out the writina of much of this dissertation was Allan

Nevins (ed.), Letters of Grover Cleveland (Cambridge,

 

Mass., 1955), which contains much of the significant
Cleveland correspondence.
Earl D. Babst and Lewis G. Vander Velde (eds.),

Nichigan and the Cleveland Era (Ann Arbor, 1948), con-

 

tains a number of sketches of University of kichiran

staff members and alumni that served in the Cleveland
administrations, several of whom were associated with
Dickinson.

Many sources were consulted which aided in de-
scribing specific aspects or areas of Dickinson's ca-
reer. Most of the government documents used could be
placed in this category. One example is the U.S.,

Congress, House, Resort 2f the Postmaster-General,

 

50th Cong., 2d Sess., 1888, Ex..Doc. 1, Part 4, which
summarizes the activities of the Post Office Depart-

ment durina most of Dickinson's term as Postmaster-

295

General. The Postmaster-General Letterbooks which are
found in the National Archives also reveal much of the
daily business of the Post Office bepartment during the
period that hickinson was head of it.

Dickinson became one of the nation's foremost
lawyers. Accounts of his activities as a lawyer can be
found not only in newspapers but also in such docu-

ments as the United States Supreme Court Reports and

 

Michigan Reports. One of the best sources summarizing

 

the work of Dickinson as United States chief counsel
before the Eering Sea Claims Commission can be found

in U.S., Congress, Senate, Miscellaneous Reports, Doc.

 

164, 55th Cong., 2d Sess., 1897-1898.
In a magazine article uon h. Dickinson, "Proeress

and the Post," North American Review, CXLIX (October,

 

1889), 599-412, Dickinson outlines briefly the history
of the Post Office Department and made two sugeestions.
He advised that there be a distribution of the power

and responsibilities within the Post Office Department
and that the Post Office Department be given more au-

thority to coerce railroads to transport the mails ac-
cording to contracts which had been signed by railroad

companies.