THE WEBER THESIS AS TESTED BY
THE WRTTINGS OF JOHN. CALVIN AND
THE ENGLISH PURiTANS OF THE
STXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES

Thesis for .the Degree of Ph r Dr:
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY.
* ROBERT M. MITCHELL
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ABSTRACT

THE WEBER THESIS AS TESTED BY THE WRITINGS OF
JOHN CALVIN AND THE ENGLISH PURITANS OF THE

SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES

by Robert M. Mitchell

The main purpose of this thesis is to present a
detailed study of certain aspects of the religious, social,
and economic teachings of John Calvin and the English
Puritans of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as
a test of the theories of Max Weber. In making this study
both primary and secondary materials have been used; however,
the major portion of this work is based on the writings of
John Calvin and the English Puritan.

Since the sixteenth century and the rise of what
has been called a capitalistic type of economy, the issues
concerning economic activity, as they relate to individuals
and nations, have sometimes been vehemently criticized as
being wrong and unethical by some people and defended with
the same vigor and enthusiasm as being legitimate and morally
right by other people.

Max Weber has added considerable fuel to the heated

controversy over the rise of capitalism in the West as a

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Robert M. Mitchell

result of his well-known essay entitled The Protestant

 

Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. The question that

 

Weber sought to answer in the above work is simply, "What
psychological conditions made possible the development of
our capitalistic civilization?" Weber maintained that the
Protestant Reformation in general and the intrinsic char-
acter of Calvinism in particular had a decisive influence
upon the creation of pre-conditions that fostered the
development of modern capitalism. To be more specific,
Weber argued that there was a connection between the so-
called "spirit of modern capitalism" and what he called the
"rational ethics of ascetic Protestantism." According

to Weber, it was the doctrine of predestination, which

was the most characteristic dogma of John Calvin and the

English Puritans, with its inhuman stress on election to
salvation, that forced men to pursue ascetic ideals within
a mundane occupation, or calling, in order to prove their
election.

Thus, beginning with the concept of the calling,
the doctrine of election, and worldly asceticism, Weber
believed that it was but a short step to the theoretical
fortifications of modern capitalism which to him is an
irrational, immoral, economic system that binds modern

society in an "iron cage."

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Robert M. Mitchell

It would seem that if Weber were correct, one should
be able to find what might be described as proto-capitalis-
tic ideas in the writings of John Calvin and the English
Puritans. It was the purpose of this study, then, to see
if such proto-capitalistic views could be found. The
results were negative. On the contrary, much ignorance on
the part of Weber concerning the views of Calvin and the
English Puritans, misrepresentation, and quoting out of

context were found.

 

JCHN CAL'

SIX:

THE WEBER THESIS AS TESTED BY THE WRITINGS OF
JOHN CALVIN AND THE ENGLISH PURITANS OF THE

SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES

By

s“ \\
Robert M. Mitchell

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
.in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History

1969

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation to Dr.

John B. Harrison, director of this study, and Dr. Marjorie
Gesner for the time they have spent reading and providing
suggestions and constructive criticism of this dissertation.

I wish also to express my gratitude to my wife,
Ruth, for her encouragement, patience, and help throughout
this study and many years of graduate work.

I wish also to acknowledge the generous assistance
of the librarians and their staffs at Michigan State
University, East Lansing, Michigan and the University of
Michigan at Ann Arbor, Michigan. I am particularly indebted
to the director of the interlibrary loan at Michigan State,
Mr. Walter Burinski, who was most helpful in obtaining
books and materials for my research from many libraries
throughout the country.

Robert M. Mitchell

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CALVI I

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0

Chapter

I.

II.

III.

IV.

MAX WEBER'S THESIS . . . . . . . .

THE GREAT DEBATE . . . . . . . . .

SOME THEOLOGICAL VIEWS OF JOHN CALVIN AS THEY
RELATE TO THE WEBER THESIS . . .

A.
B.
C.
D.

THE
A.
B.
C.
D.

THE

Scripture As The Basis Of Calvin's Teachings

Predestination . . . . . . . .
calling 0 O O O O O O O O O O
Asceticism . . . . . . . . . .

BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE
CALVINS SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

The Life Of A Christian Man:

Economic Views of John Calvin:
Wealth and Poverty . . . . . .
Work and Wages . . . . . . . .

SPIRIT OF ENGLISH PURITANISM:

ASPECTS O O O O O O O I I O O O 0

Origin Of The Name "Puritan" .

The Bible As The Basis Of Puritan Teachings
The Puritan Concept Of God And The Doctrine

Of Election . . . . . . . . .
Calling . . . . . . . . . . .

Asceticism And Labor As They Relate To The

Calling . . . . . . . .

Fruits Of Labor In A Calling As A Sign Of

God' 5 Blessing . . . . . . .
Signs Of Salvation Are Spiritual

iii

BASIS OF

RELIGIOUS

Social Views
Usury

O

20

49

51
55
67
72

75
75
89
118
129
139

140
142

148
183

188

196
201

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TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)

Chapter

VI. THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE BASIS

OF THE PURITANS'

A. Social Views
B. Economic Views

VII. CONCLUDING REMARKS

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

iv

212

212
231

280

284

 

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INTRODUCTION

The essay by Max Weber entitled Die protestant-

 

_ische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus was first

 

published in the Archiv ffir Sozialwissenschaft und

 

Sozialpolitik, Volumes XX and XXI, 1904-5. It was

 

revised and reprinted in 1920 in the Gesammelte Aufsatze

 

zur Religionssoziologie. In 1930 it was published in

 

Great Britain as The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of

Capitalism in a translation by Talcott Parsons, professor

 

of sociology at Harvard University. The above work,
together with a supplementary article, "Die protestant—
ische Sekten und der Geist des Kapitalismus," which
appeared in 1906, has formed the basis of an historical
controversy that is as much alive today as it was when
Max Weber first published his study shortly after the
turn of the century. The controversy revolves around
the question of the influence of religious beliefs on
the economic actions of men in the Western World. Did
the Protestant Reformation in general and the intrinsic
character of Calvinism in particular have a decisive
influence upon the develOpment of modern capitalism or

Ia spirit of modern economic life? To be even more specific,

   

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is there a connection between the so-called "spirit"

of modern capitalism and what Weber calls the "rational
ethics of ascetic Protestantism"? He argues very force-
fully that a causal link most certainly existed. It was
Protestantism, according to Weber, that created the pre-
conditions for a "spirit of capitalism."

The main purpose of this paper is to examine the
writings of John Calvin and a number of English Puritan
fathers to see how they fit into the pattern formulated
by Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of

Capitalism. It will be necessary to: first, set forth

 

Weber's thesis as succinctly and lucidly as is possible;
secondly, to review some of the controversy over the
thesis; thirdly, to look at the economic and social views
of John Calvin, the man whom Weber considers to be the
father of that branch of Protestantism responsible for
the develoPment of capitalism. It will also be essen-
tial to glance quickly at certain aspects of Calvin's
theology. The final task will be to search the writings
of the English Puritans to see how well they substantiate

the contentions of Weber.

 

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CHAPTER I

MAX WEBER'S THESIS

According to R. H. Tawney, Max Weber's most
illustrious disciple, the question that Weber attempts
to answer is simply, what psychological conditions made
possible the develOpment of our capitalistic civiliza-
tion? Mr. Tawney would contend that in its youth
capitalism was a pretender, and it was only after
centuries of struggle that its title was established.
The establishment of capitalism was a revolution
that involved a code of economic conduct and a system
of human relations which were sharply at variance with
venerable conventions, with the accepted scheme of
social ethics, and with the law, both of the church
and of most European states. The new system was so
questionable that it demanded of the early pioneers
originality, self-confidence, and tenacity of purpose.
These, according to Tawney, are the very qualities
needed by those today who would break from the net
that it has woven. The questions that are raised are,

tmhat influence nerved them to defy tradition, and from

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whence did they derive the principles to replace
it?1
In his introduction Weber sets forth the idea
that only in Western civilization has there appeared
certain cultural phenomena which lie in a line of
development having universal significance and value.
Having made the generalization, he then proceeds to
consider at some length specific examples to illus-
trate his point. He would argue that it is only in
the West that science exists at a stage of develop-
ment which we recognize today as valid. Christian-
ity, under the influence of Hellenism, must be
credited with development of a systematic theology,
while a structure such as canon law is known only
to the West.2 Even the state, " . . . in the sense
of a political association with a rational, written
constitution, rationally ordained law, and an admin-
istration bound to rational rules or laws, adminis-
tered by trained officials, is known, in this com-

bination of characteristics, only in the Occident,

 

1Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit
9: Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons TNew York: Charles
Scribner's Sans, 1958), pp. lb-lc. Hereafter cited as
weber, The Protestant Ethic. This quotation is taken
from the "Foreword“Ito the Protestant Ethic which was
written by Tawney .

2

 

 

 

Ibid., pp. 13-16.

  
  

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despite all other approaches to it." Weber, then,

asserts strenuously that " . . . the same is true of
the most fateful force in our modern life, capitalism."4
To Weber, capitalism is more than the impulse )
to acquisition or the making of money, which are
common to every generation and to all men. Capitalism
is the pursuit of ever renewed profits by means of
continuous, rational (book-keeping), capitalistic
enterprise.5 "Everything is done in terms of balance:
at the beginning of the enterprise an initial balance,
before every individual decision a calculation to as-
certain its probable profitableness, and at the end a
final balance to ascertain how much profit has been

made."6

Up to this point Weber would say that capital-
ism has existed in all civilized countries of the earth.7

However, in modern time the West has developed,
in addition to the above kinds of practices, a form of

capitalism which has appeared nowhere else in the world.

 

Ibid., pp. 16-17.
Ibid., p. 17.
Ibid.

Ibid., p. 18.

amend-aw

Ibid., p. 19.

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The new form of capitalism was based on the rational
capitalistic organization of (formally) free labor.
This gave rise to the proletariat class which had never
existed before. It is Weber's position that all of

the peculiarities of Western capitalism have derived
their significance from their association with the

8 Thus, it is in

capitalistic organization of labor.
the Occident that capitalism reaches its apogee through
the utilization of free labor.

After a chapter that asserts that there are
more Protestants in business in Germany than Roman
Catholics,9 and that this is more evident among the

10

Reformed than among the Lutherans, Weber turns to

"The Spirit of Capitalism" in chapter two.

 

81bid., pp. 21-22.

9Weber based his conclusions upon a study of
mixed religious faiths in certain German states. See
Martin Offenbacher, Konfession und social Schichtung.
EinerStudie fiber dielwirtschoftliche Lage der Katholiken
und’Protestanten in Baden (Tfibingen und Leipzig, 1901),
V01. I , part. V, of the Volkswirtschaftliche Abhand-
lungen der badischen Hochschulen. Offenbacher contended
t at e Protestant students, more commonly than Catho-
lics, pursued studies that prepared them to fill the
upper ranks of skilled labor and administrative positions.
Weber finds the reason for this in the mental and spiri-
tual peculiarities acquired in the religious atmosphere of
the home.

10Here Weber argues that certain branches of
.Protestantism have shown a Special tendency to develop
unmet he calls "economic rationalism." The difference
between these certain branches of Protestantism and

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In order to describe what is meant by the
spirit of capitalism, Weber begins by quoting Benjamin
Franklin:

"Remember, that time is money. . . . Remember,
that credit is money. . . . Remember, that
money is of the prolific, generating nature.
Money can beget money, and its offspring can
beget more, and so on. Remember this saying,
the good paymaster is lord of another man's
purse. . . . After industry and frugality,
nothing contributes more to the raising of a
young man in the world than punctuality and
justice in all his dealings; therefore never
keep borrowed money an hour beyond the time
you promised, lest a disappointment shut up
your friend's purse forever."

According to the author, there is no doubt that

Franklin is speaking in the characteristic fashion

of the spirit of capitalism.12

The peculiarity of this philosophy of avarice
appears to be the ideal of the honest man of
recognized credit, and above all the idea of
a duty of the individual toward the increase
of his capital, which is assumed as an end in
itself. Truly, what is here preached is not

 

Lutheranism as well as Catholicism is found in the
permanent intrinsic character of their religious
beliefs. Perhaps the real difference between these
groups is the fact that some, the Calvinists, have
received special notice, and thus their differences
have been exaggerated. See Kurt Samuelsson, Religion
and Economic Action: A Critique of Max Weber, trans.
E. G. FrenCh (New York, 1931), pp. 121-150. Hereafter
cited as Samuelsson, Religion and Economic Action.

11

 

 

 

Ibid., pp. 48-490

lzIbid., p. 51.

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simply a means of making one's way in the world,
but a peculiar ethic. . . . It is not mere busi-
ness astuteness, that sigt of thing is common
enough, it is an ethos.
It becomes a way of life. Man is not to acquire
money for the purpose of enjoyment, but the making

14 These

of money is the ultimate purpose of his life.

ideas and attitudes of Franklin are the result and the

expression of virtue and proficiency in his calling,

drummed into young Ben again and again by his strict

Calvinistic father. Weber admits, however, that Frank-

lin is not a Christian but "a colorless deist."15 It

would be more appropriate to consider Franklin and

his ideas as products of the Enlightenment which was a

secularized movement. It is this peculiar idea of

one's duty in a calling which is most characteristic

of the social ethic of capitalistic culture, and is

in a sense the fundamental basis of it.16
Weber stresses the idea that the spirit of

capitalism had to fight its way to the forefront

against a world that was full of hostile forces. He

 

13Ibid.

14Ibid., p. 53.

15Ibid., pp. 53-54.

lGIbid., p. 54.

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also argues that the desire for money without the
enjoyment of it is an unnatural child and that his-
torically man was interested only in providing for

17 Consequently, the most

his traditional needs.
important Opponent with which the spirit of capi-
talism has had to contend was that which Weber calls

18 Before such a strange and unnatural

traditionalism.
child as capitalism could become a way of life, the
influence of traditionalism had to be overcome. In
other words one must have men who have turned from

the old, leisurely and comfortable attitude of life

to a life of labor which becomes an absolute end in
itself. It is essential to have workers who will not
quit and go off to the tavern when they have earned
enough to make life comfortable and to satisfy their
traditional needs. There is an absolute need for men
who have a feeling of obligation to their job and
calling. They must be frugal, have an ascetic tendency,
but an asceticism directed to this world, not the

world to come, and must get no enjoyment out of their

wealth, except the irrational sense of having done

 

17Ibid., p. 60.

18Ibid., pp. 58-59.

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their job well. Such attitudes can only be the product

of a long and arduous process of education.19
From this point Weber feels that it is his

task " . . . to find out whose intellectual child the

particular concrete form of rational thought was,

from which the idea of a calling and the devotion to

labour in the calling has grown, which is . . . so

irrational from the standpoint of purely eudaemonistic

self-interest, but which has been and still is one

of the most characteristic elements of our capitalis-

20 With this statement he turns to

tic culture."
Luther's conception of the calling.

According to the author of The Protestant

 

Ethic, Luther can be charged with only one contribution
to the spirit of modern-capitalism. This contribution
was the development of the concept ofxa calling as

it is seen in the German word Berg Hy: . . . the
valuation-of the fulfillment of duty in worldly affairs
as the highest form which the moral activity of the

individual-could assume.' This it was which inevitably

gave everyday worldly activity a religious significance,

 

191bid., pp. 61-77.

201bid., p. 78.

g: i’iliCh fir

  
   
 

4; his sense-

xrastic ascet
35 this world'
he acceptabl
.
izties alone i!
ersry legitina
the sight c
ti'sorldly act

V t
.55“; ‘

es of th‘
part in it. 1'
aplatitude. "

Howev
Haber contend
nth respect
in the other
:aiitionali:
as to accep

“it himsel

\

21

I?

22

If?

23
24

If:

If?!

11

and which first created the conception of a calling

21 This was a repudiation of the

in this sense."
medieval ideal of living most acceptable to God in
monastic asceticism and a turning to the fulfillment
8f this world's obligations-—this is the only way to
live acceptably to God. The fulfillment of worldly
duties alone is the will of God, and, consequently,
every legitimate calling has exactly the same worth

in the sight of God.22

"That this moral justification
of worldly activity was one of the most important
results of the Reformation, especially ovauther's

part in it, is beyond doubt, and may even be considered
a platitude."23

However, Luther's capitalistic viewpoints,

Weber contends, were backward. This is especially true
with respect to the doctrine of the sterility of money.24
On the other hand his concept of the calling remained
traditionalistic. "His calling is something which man

has to accept as a divine ordinance, to which he must

adapt himself. This aspect outweighed the other idea

 

211bid., p. 80.

221bid., pp. 80-81.

231bid., p. 81.

24Ibid., p. 83.

as was also
I. or rather t
titer cannot
ieI'elopnent of
In cha;
notations of

{ant of mode:

 

particularly as
tritanism. Th
"35 the most Ch
iii“. its inhuma
194265 man in E
" before God
2! sacrament CC
8; The indi\
ion-e to mee t a
5m Eternity.
:Cnfidant' and

m 'a'as Carriec

12

which was also present, that work in the calling was

25 Consequently,

a, or rather the, task set by God."
Luther cannot be given credit (or blamed) for the
development of the modern spirit of capitalism.

In chapter four entitled, "The Religious
Foundations of Worldly Asceticism," the origin of the
spirit of modern capitalism is found in Calvinism--
particularly as it is expressed in Anglo-American
Puritanism. The doctrine of predestination, which
was the most characteristic dogma of Calvinism,26
with its inhuman stress on election to salvation
placed man in a place of unprecedented inner loneli-
ness before God. No one could help him. No priest
or sacrament could bridge the gulf between God and
man. The individual was forced to follow his path
alone to meet a destiny that had been decreed for him
from eternity. Only God was to be the individual's
confidant, and the Calvinist's relationship with his
God was carried on in deep spiritual isolation.27

The problem was to know how a person could be

certain that he was one of the elect. This was no

 

251bid., p. 85.

261bid., p. 98.

27Ibid., pp. 103-107.

Emblem W C‘
selected agar.

, 23
fire Individual
:5 at bottom

it: the knowl

 

Esther oniY 0'
:te res-I1t 0f

:‘risihle Ch“!
to: less hard}
assers given
t-‘ritans. Fil
cc to battle
Sewndly, one
Iorldly activ
mid identif
fact which se
although goo:

sanction, ti

\

28

IE?

29

I}?

30
31

If: ”g

13

problem for Calvin because he felt that he was a
selected agent of God, and he was certain of his own

28 "Accordingly, to the question of how

salvation.
the individual can be certain of his own election, he
has at bottom only the answer that we should be content
with the knowledge that God has chosen and depend
further only on that implicit trust in Christ which is

29 The elect are God's

the result of true faith."
invisible Church. This, however, was not sufficient
for less hardy souls. There were generally two

answers given to the above question by the English
Puritans. First, one should consider himself chosen
and to battle all doubts as temptations of the devil.
Secondly, one should achieve self-confidence by intense

3° The Calvinists felt that they

worldly activity.
could identify true faith by a type of Christian con-
duct which served to increase the glory of God, and

although good works were useless as a means of attaining

 

salvation, they were indispensable as a sign of election.31
281bid., p. 110.
291bid.
30

Ibid.. pp. 110-112.

311bid., pp. 114-115.

its active,
as already ty
resents of t

triad of rati

2:21.32 The d

Iec'ieval ascet
:51 to activiI
Fine their as
L: order to pn
Weber .
Ritz-pt to $110
54435 of this
He con

ChriStian

”PM into
5m“311 it h
through th
lift the n
I?“ in th
tine mfirket
. e mOHaSt
Just that

Sallie“, t

neith

14

This active, ascetic self-control, Weber contends,
was already typical of Western religion in the monastic
movements of the middle ages, but this systematic

method of rational conduct was limited alone to the

32

monk. The difference between Calvinistic and

medieval asceticism was the transformation of asceti-
cism to activity within the world. Men were forced to

pursue their ascetic ideals within mundane occupations

in order to prove their faith in worldly activity.33

Weber also spends considerable time in an

attempt to show how German and English Pietism showed

signs of this same worldly asceticism.34

He concludes the chapter by saying,

Christian asceticism, at first fleeing from the
world into solitude, had already ruled the world
which it had renounced from the monastery and
through the Church. But it had, on the whole,
left the naturally spontaneous character of daily
life in the world untouched. Now it strode into
the market-place of life, slammed the door of

the monastery behind it, and undertook to penetrate
just that daily routine of life with its methodi-
calness, to fashion it into a life gn the world,
but neither of nor for this world.3

 

321bid., pp. 113-119.

33Ibid., pp. 120-121.

34Ibid., pp. 122-153.

351b1d., p. 154.

In the
.5 the Slim
‘53 considered

:5 :‘re calling

   

263' are seen
. 3f the most f
iaer argues t
:izer. spoke 39“
iarrer and ten;
ajcyaent lead
flesh. Rest a
:::e in the ne
earth, he :1
is long as it
:r’his state 1
.e condemned
531. thus, th-
le ‘assh

:1 .0t of
”-‘tr‘r hard in

I

~49 here is

‘ (
is
N.

13 itself the

"‘hlinqnes

as
\b

37
b

\

H

H

15

In the final chapter entitled, "Asceticism
and the Spirit of Capitalism" the author traces what
he considered to be the results of the Puritan idea
of the calling in the business world--especially as
they are seen in the writings of Richard Baxter, one
of the most famous of the late English Puritan fathers.
Weber argues that while Baxter and the English Puritans
often spoke against money and wealth, and their great
danger and temptations, they did so only because their
enjoyment lead to idleness and the temptations of the
flesh. Rest and relaxation for the saints are to
come in.the next world, consequently, while man is
on earth, he must "do the works of him who sent him,
as long as it is yet day" in order that one be certain
of his state of grace. Leisure and enjoyment are to
be condemned because only activity brings glory to
God, thus, the deadliest of sins is the waste of time.36
The upshot of this was that everyone was enjoined to
work hard in unis calling, but the most important
thing here is that " . . . labour came to be considered
in itself the end of life, ordained as such by God. . . .

Unwillingness to work is symptomatic of the lack of grace."37

 

361bid., pp. 156-157.

37Ibid., p. 159.

are: the weal.
_;:epared of C“
labor in that
fiillingness

grace, a man's

 

:is state of 9
stack remark a':
fcllowed the G

Weber
taster that E
‘22 spontaneor
32 suggested '
i: the strugg

runs of J ar.

'\
.“filu ‘

16

Even the wealthy should labor because everyone has a calling

prepared of God, and the rich as well as the poor should

38

labor in that calling. The point here is that while

unwillingness to work is an indication of the lack of
\" ‘~~.
grace, a man's busy life in his calling is a proof of >

/

39 /

his state of grace. "'God blesseth His trade' is 3

stock remark about those good men who had successfully
followed the divine hints."40

Weber stressed again and again the idea in this
chapter that English Puritan asceticism fought against
the spontaneous enjoyment of life and all it had to offer.
He suggested that this is probably best illustrated

in the struggle over the Book of Sports during the

 

reigns of James I and Charles I. Sport was accepted if
it served some rational purpose such as necessary re-
creation for physical efficiency, but if for the impul-
sive enjoyment of life, which leads away from work in
the calling,this was unacceptable. The same was

true with respect to the theatre. The rejection by the
English Puritans of all that appeared to be irrational

and superfluous is evident in their traditional uniformity

 

381bid., pp. 159-160.

391bid., p. 161.

40Ibid., p. 163.

I"

sfiress, whit
spitalistic ‘
;::i:ction.41 '
Under '
referred, but
2: brought glo
gzads and must
estrasted to h
gzssessioras wa
lintept 0f .r
Lation of capi
mailoiS'ned 1
25d to increa
“35:139ch 1.
filling was a
13‘3”“: t:
23:0;15' SYSt
highest mEans
3km and mo

fiier»

\

41
b

/.T

42

H
.l

/..

43

H
/cr
H-

17

of dress, which Weber contended greatly aids the
capitalistic interest today in the standardization of
production.41
Under such a regime capital would have been
acquired, but the individual must not spend it unless
it brought glory to God. Man is only a trustee of the
goods and must give an account of every penny that is
entrusted to him. The idea of man's duty to hiskfifl-
possessions was important because it promoted the
concept of thrift which was important for the accumu—
lation of capital. Not only was one to keep the wealt
undiminished for the glory of God, but there was the
need to increase it, in fact, the acquisition of goods

42 This fruit of labor in a

43

was directly willed by God.
calling was a sign of God's blessing. "And even more
important: the religious valuation of restless, con-
tinuous, systematic work in a worldly calling, as the
highest means to asceticism, and at-the same time the

surest and most evident proof of rebirth and genuine

faith, must have been the most powerful conceivable

 

4lIbid., pp. 166—169.

431bid., p. 172.

    

lever for the
arch we have
In con
recent of the
election, and
has but a s
:faodern capit
esncmic SYSter
:ageflfi
kn att
fleas “til 01'
Mal>er the:
‘iiis stUdy
he "Kings
Iti’culd Seerr
itendenCY tc
;:::°'°apitai
921;.“ are
2:5th will
{led SPir‘
1

*e330unCec.

\

44
4S

[H It!

18

lever for the expansion of that attitude toward life

which we have here called the spirit of capitalism."44
In conclusion, Weber, beginning with Luther's

concept of the calling, Calvin's doctrine of eternal

election, and Puritan worldly asceticism, felt that

it was but a short step to the theoretical bulwarking

of modern capitalism, which is an irrational, immoral,

economic system that binds modern society in an "iron

cage."45
An attempt has been made to sift Weber's

ideas until only the essence remains. Having reduced

the Weber thesis to its essentials, it is the purpose

of this study to investigate his theory in the light of

the writings of John Calvin and the English Puritans.

It would seem that if Weber is correct, one should see

a tendency to turn toward what might be described as

proto-capitalism. As the works of Calvin and the English

Puritans are studied in the following chapters, an

attempt will be made to find evidence that the so-

called spirit of capitalism is or is not becoming

a pronounced concept or attitude in their writings.

 

44Ibid.

451bid., p. 181.

f: be more 5;"

em‘ence of t

l.

S.

Empha
all t;

Teach‘
tion

Stric
possit

Evide:
synptc

Conce
or no
Evide
elect
Stre:

most
fait.

Adm
9101

Comm

ACC:
was

RSp
to

Irrd
amc

GIG
m0:

19

To be more specific, this writer will be looking for

evidence of the following:

1.

2.

11.

12.

13.

14.

Emphasis on thrift and admonitions to save
all that one can.

Teachings that foster the idea that acquisi-
tion of goods is willed of God.

Strictures for everyone to work as hard as
possible in his calling.

Evidence that unwillingness to work was
symptomatic of the lack of grace.

Concern over whether one was of the elect
or not.

Evidence that the English Puritans equated
election with success in their calling.

Stress on making money as the surest and
most evident proof of rebirth and genuine
faith.

Admonition not to spend money except for the
glory of God.

Commands to gain wealth for the glory of God.

Accent on the idea that the earning of money
was an expression of virtue.

Aspirations to make money as an end in itself
to which peOple are bound as a calling.

Indications that labor became an end in itself
among the English Puritans.

Great concern for one's duty to earn more and
more money without enjoyment of it. There is
only the irrational sense of having done the

job well.

Undue stress on asceticism and condemnation
of luxury.

(Df all these probably numbers three, six, seven, eleven,

twelve, thirteen and fourteen are the most important.

This is t!
may but I!
such trme
proved by

Once
“"5 quick tc

”SSidered a

CHAPTER II
THE GREAT DEBATE

This is the reward I look for, that my labours
may but receive an allowance suspended until
such time as this description of mine be re—
proved by a better.

Sir Walter Raliegh,
History of the World (1614)

Once Weber had set forth his theories, scholars
were quick to respond in order to provide what they
considered a better description of the problem. In
1909 a German writer, Felix Rachfahl, directed a series
of critical articles at the Weber thesis by arguing
that the so-called spirit of capitalism was older than
the " . . . ascetic directions of the Reformation."1
He also contended that the rational character of the
Protestant ethic in its highest forms of Christian
asceticism, which is a vital factor in the development

cm the spirit of capitalism and which is associated with

Chlvinism by Weber, already existed during the Middle Ages.2

 

lFelix Rachfahl, "Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus,"
Internationale Wochenschrift ffir Wissenschaft, Kunst
'unaiTechnik, III, No.’4§ (Oktober, 1909), 1322.

21bid., No. 40 (Oktober, 1909), 1262.

20

'1: principle
.2 the Benedi
finiacs and
tin the Jesu'
5::‘tts as to 1
seen religiow
factors that

:w

stately se
iaztors were
iESiI‘e fOr hC
3:: the Unit}
55:9"4 In .5
:3 its end mé
wit that a
713.53; and Ci
W may tOo]
Echfahlls p!
"1 into the

21

"In principle this rational character was evident
in the Benedictine movement, much more with the
Cluniacs and Cistercians, and finally most decidedly

with the Jesuits."3

At one point Rachfahl had serious
doubts as to the existence of any relationship be-
tween religious ideals and economic activity. The
factors that fostered the growth of capitalism were
completely separate from religious incentives. These
factors were derived from such motives " . . . as the
desire for honor, power, for service to one's neighbor,
for the unity of the nation and for the national wel-
fare."4 In spite of his criticism of Weber, Rachfahl
in the end maintained that " . . . there can be no
doubt that a close connection existed between Cal-
vinism and Capitalism."s However, the breech was made,
and many took up the task of "reproving" Weber, and
Rachfahl's points of contention were to find their

way into the writings of other critics.

In 1911, two years after Rachfahl's first

article, Ernst Troeltsch published his monumental work,

 

31bid.

 

4Ibid., p. 1252.
51bid., p. 1265.

3125021511911

  
     
  

mgeared i
33.3: as The S
frceLtsch d9";
genome 5t"
:2 its relati
7:2 is a some
sin-2e it 883‘“
east on the
in: this stu-
‘:'_.;-:t:esis th-
iereloprnent o
Brainy for

szetezent abt

The exhor
combined
Of luxur‘
Which fo.

‘9

 

22

Die Soziallehren der Christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen.
It appeared in an English translation in 1931 by Olive
Wyon as The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches.
Troeltsch devotes a relatively small portion of his
two-volume study to the economic ethics of Calvinism
and its relation to capitalism—~only some nine pages.
This is a somewhat striking feature about the work
since it assumes that Calvinism had such a great
impact on the growth of capitalism. It is evident
from this study that Troeltsch endorsed Weber's
hypothesis that there was a relationship between the
development of capitalism and Protestantism. This
sympathy for Weber is well illustrated by the following
statement about Calvinist doctrines:
The exhortation to continual industry in labour,
combined with the limitation of consumption and
of luxury, produced a tendency to pile up capital,
which for its part--in the necessity of its fur-
ther utilization in work and not in enjoyment--
necessitated an ever-increasing turnover. The '
duty of labour, coupled with the ban on luxury,
worked out "economically as the impulse to save",
and the impulse to save had the effect of building
up capital. To what extent these developments
took place everywhere is a separate question.
Upon the whole, however, this result belonged to
the very nature of the case, and it is the general

opinion that this is what actually took place6
among the most important Calvinistic peOples.

 

6Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the
Christian Churches, trans. Olive Wyon (2 vols.;
New York, 1931), II, 644-645.

 

 

Later, he sta

The Prote-
Calvinist
with its
rendered
made serv
exercise
necessary
which pro:
Divine app
and of la:
every kind
of gain, a
305*: HOW,
the come:
I"filing nor.
0f Special
53! work's
Presentda
p§YChOlOgj
”filth, hOla
once thi S
tion of ti

In Spj
33‘;o 2
. . _0 the a:

"9" from an 1

23

Later, he states:

The Protestant ethic of the "calling", with its
Calvinistic assimilation of the Capitalist system,
with its severity and its control of the labour
rendered as a sign of the assurance of election,
made service in one's "calling", the systematic
exercise of one's energies, into a service both
necessary in itself and appointed by God, in
which profit is regarded as the sign of the
Divine approval. This conception of the "calling"
and of labour, with its taboo on idleness of
every kind, with its utilization of every chance
of gain, and its confidence in the blessing of
God, now, however, to a great extent approached
the commercial professions and the business of
making money. It laid the foundation of a world
of specialized labour, which taught men to work
for work's sake, and in so doing it produced our
present-day bourgeois way of life, the fundamental
psychological principles which gave it birth,
which, however, it was not bound to perpetuate
once this way of life had become the constitu-
tion of the modern world.7

In spite of the support that Troeltsch's writings

gave to the author of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit

 

of Capitalism, the Weber thesis was to receive another
blow from an unexpected source. In a book entitled

Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben, published in 1911,

 

and translated into English as The Jews and Modern

 

capitalism, Werner Sombart asserted that the growth of

 

capitalistic point of View in both the outer structure

of the economic life of our day and the principles

 

71bid., pp. 645-646.

  
  
  
  

xterlying t:
:agztalism ca
hint of enpr.
2: he follow
The Jewis':
in the same
the cataloc
39% in tr.

find nothir

not taken .

Start found

Iltltok of g:

12:2 that t‘:

24

11r1der1ying the economic life or the spirit of modern
czarpitalism can be traced to Jewish origins.8 This
point of emphasis is later restated even more strongly
:ira the following way:

The Jewish outlook was the "modern" outlook;

the Jew was actuated in his economic activities

in the same way as the modern man. Look through

the catalogue of "sins" laid at the door of the

Jews in the 17th and 18th centuries, and you will

find nothing in it that the trader of today does

not regard as right and proper, nothing that is

not taken as a matter of course in every business.
Sombart found the source of the modern capitalistic
(qutlook of the Jews in their religious teachings. "I
1:11ink that the Jewish religion has the same leading
ideas as Capitalism. I see the same spirit in the one
as in the other."10

Although Weber reacted strongly to the above

V0<>rk, Sombart published in 1913 another book, Der
IBCJurgeois, that again took up the problem of the spirit

of Capitalism. This study was translated into English in

1915 as The Quintessence of Capitalism. In The Quint-

 

 

essence of Capitalism, as in his second edition of

-_

8Werner Sombart, The Jews and Modern Capitalism,
trans. M. Epstein (Glencoe, Ill., 1951), p. 115.

9

 

Ibid., p. 153.

10lbid., p. 205.

     
  
  
  

lerhocerne K
argued that t.
::;:. earlier
snrit 0f cap;
'32:: the 132‘:
1:2 trading re
“35 fully d

325 its inten

Earl‘s attack
it: Weber wil
is evolution.
earliest Chri

1.,“
an“ .h and no

 

25

[331' Moderne Kapitalismus (published in 1916) , Sombart
argued that the deve10pment of modern capitalism had
begun earlier than he had previously believed.ll The
spirit of capitalism first manifested itself in Italy.
"From the 13th century onward it extended over all
the trading republics of Lombardy; by the 14th century
it was fully develOped there; and throughout the Middle
Ages its intensive growth in Italy was unparalleled
in Europe."]’2 Of course, this lent support to Rach—
fahl's attack on the ideas of Weber. Sombart agreed
with Weber with respect to the role of religion on
the evolution of capitalism; however, he found the
earliest Christian influence in the Roman Catholic
Church and not in Protestantism or Calvinism in
particular. In speaking about capitalism in the Middle
Ages, he stated: "There is no doubt that the popes and
their financial policies contributed much to the estab-
lishment of capitalism, and thus to the expansion of

the capitalist spirit."13 He went further and asserted

 

llWerner Sombart, The Quintessence of Capitalism:
LStudy of the History and Psychology of the Modern
B_usiness M_an, trans. M. Epstein (London, 1915), p. 11.
Also see Sombart's article, "Capitalism" in the Encyclo-
paedia of the Social Sciences (15 vols.; New York, 1930-
, III, 195-208.

121bid., p. 132.

13Ibid., p. 237.

 

  

,3.” What i
555 influence
:gitalistic
Anoth
:f 1'79 Weber
drely short '2
‘3' arentan
:zalim to“
:ate this 901
2:12;, the iTP-E

ms and New

I... ‘
...:EQ

a veri

1‘-

:zsmering t.
.;::ano conc
«Jae With tr

I... ‘
.. Larcest
d

26

that, "What is of far greater significance . . . is
the influence exercised by the Catholic Church on the
capitalistic spirit by reason of its doctrines."l4
Another of the earliest writers and most critical
of the Weber thesis was Lujo Brentano. In his rela-
tively short book, Die anange des modernen Kapitalis-
mus, Brentano argued that capitalism existed in the
Italian towns long before the Reformation. To illus-
trate this point, he used considerable space consx-
dering the importance of trade between the Italian
towns and North Africa during and after the Crusades.15
He found that the Fourth Crusade in particular dis-
closed a veritable orgy of modern capitalism. When
considering the problem of Puritanism and Capitalism,
Brentano concluded that, "The spirit of capitalism
arose with trade, whose essence is striving toward
the largest possible profit. Its [the spirit of
capitalism] expansion went hand in hand with the

development of trade."16 Brentano did not find the

 

14Ibid., pp. 237-238.

15Lujo Brentano, Die Anfange des modernen
Kapitalismus (Munchen, 1916), p. 33.

16Ibid., p. 154.

 

Liens for
fine Catholic

2:: and 5pm

  
 
 

2. “.e stoic
the teachings
:czercial we
2:5- mch an.
a: at least w

in the laws

27

impetus for the revival of trade in the teachings of
1:11e Catholic Church as Sombart, but in the develOp-
ment and spread of Roman law, which had its inception
in the stoic philosophy. He stressed the idea that
the teachings of the Stoics and the activities of the
commercial world were contrary to the doctrines of
the Church and consequently individuals were forced,
or at least willing to accept, the laws of men rather
than the laws of God.17

By the time that R. H. Tawney published his

monumental work, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism

 

in 1926, it was apparent that the Weber controversy
had become somewhat of a free-for-all among scholars.
As the debate deepened and widened it seems there was
a host of sociologists, historians, theologians, and
economists who felt compelled for a variety of reasons
to defend or denounce the Weber thesis. Tawney became
a part of the host, and as a well-known economist
he would tend to present the point of view of the
economic historian.

Although Tawney accepted Weber's ideas with
respect to a causal relationship between the Reformation

and the development of capitalism, he rejected Weber's

¥

17Ibid., pp. 154-157.

"fee that tn».
;Zayed a uni.
:5 :apitalisr-
fit, “The c

:1: was not,

:5 Fgritanism

If capita;
b3 the ow
gain: and
fished t‘r.
earning P
35?italls
Milaeva]
53' the ca
Which is

28

‘rjoew that the teachings of Calvin and the Puritans
£>J.ayed a unique role in fostering the so-called spirit
c>if capitalism. This is apparent from his statement
1;}1at, "'The capitalist spirit' is as old as history,

sarmd.was not, as has sometimes been said, the offSpring

o f Puritanism. " 18

In a preceding chapter he states:
If capitalism means the direction of industry

by the owners of capital for their own pecuniary
gain, and the social relationship which estab-
lished themselves between them and the wage-
earning proletariate whom they control, then
capitalism had existed on a grand scale both in
mediaeval Italy and in mediaeval Flanders. If
by the capitalist spirit is meant the temper
which is prepared to sacrifice all moral scruples
to the pursuit of profit, it had been only too
familigr to the saints and sages of the Middle
Ages.

Tawney does stress the idea, however, that Puritanism
earrted as a tonic for the capitalistic spirit that already
had a vigorous temper, and that Calvinism became the
(fleeciding factor in its development.20 Tawney dwells

alt: length on the doctrine of the "calling" as one of

the most, if not the most, important ingredients, that

 

18R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capital-
ism: A Historical Study (London, 1926), p. 226.

19

 

Ibid., p. 84.

201bid., p. 227.

 

    
  
  

:xzured the
s;i:e of the
cf Lather as
;:c-gzessive e
:mrcial c1
cr':oc'ern cap
lic- late Middi
i1. social co'

15 well as in

fight be wel

29

nurtured the growth of modern capitalism.21 In

spite of the fact that he makes a striking comparison
of Luther as the arch conservative and Calvin as the
progressive who accepted the main institutions of a
commercial civilization,22 Tawney finds the birth
of modern capitalism in the economic revolution of

23 and in the general political

the late Middle Ages
and social conditions of the 16th and 17th centuries24
as well as in the Reformation as a whole.25

Not everyone was satisfied with Tawney's work.
In 1933 H. M. Robertson, Senior Lecturer in Economics
at the University of Cape Town, presented to the
world his criticism of Max Weber in a study entitled,
Aspects of the Rise of Economic Individualism. It
might be well to point out that Robertson's work
tended to complement Tawney's although he disagreed
in his conclusions.

Robertson introduced his remarks by stating

that it is not hard to understand why Weber's theories

 

ZlIbido, p. 2400

221bid., p. 94.

23Ibid.. pp. 66—79.

24Ibido' pp. 7-100

251bid., pp. 278-280.

 

are so wide ~
iization the
its-cries can
;:religious
:eful to the
siz'ettage of a
madeflxcen1
rmhn,or on
5:22: apprea
:2; from a ;
ii it is 0b\
egirit of ca}
3.252131 con.
iiiigieus im
In t
75:”: heart 0

1;: Tiney ' c

:at In

“Eber‘

 

30

were so widely adopted. Weber made the type of gener-
a1 ization that would have a popular appeal. Such
theories can also be made to form a convenient weapon
in religious controversy and in many cases have been

useful to the propagandist.26

"Many writers have taken
advantage of an unpopularity of capitalism in the
twentieth century to employ them in attacks on Ca1-

vinism, or on other branches of religion."27

The
author approached the problem from a historical rather
than from a psychological or sociological perspective,
and it is obvious that he wished to show that the
spirit of capitalism had arisen " . . . rather from the
material conditions of civilization than from some
religious impulse."28
In the first chapter Robertson struck at the
very heart of the controversy by attacking Weber's

and Tawney's concept of the "calling." He contended

that "Weber's case for asserting on philological

 

26H. M. Robertson, Aspects of the Rise of

Eonomic Individualism (New York, 1959) , p. xi.
Hereafter cited as Robertson, Economic Individualism.

27

 

 

Ibid.

 

28Ibid., p. xvi.

 

 

3::255/ tha

;:.“.Ciption C
;ieal 3f we!
be dGCtIine
Izis is avid
ICE: that if
55:.' ache!
.met‘w'eer
3:6. was fed!
latelic Ch
fillings Of
aspen

remaining
:apitalisti

.: LC;
L ‘ct‘nea‘

31

Egzrounds, that Luther had introduced a novel
conception of the 'calling', bringing with it a new
ideal of worldly asceticism, is not established."29
The doctrine of Work is as old as the Christian Church.
This is evident from St. Paul's statement--"we command
you, that if any would not work, neither should he
eat." Robertson argued that the concept of a connec-
tion between daily, worldly service and service to
God was found throughout the teachings of the Roman

30

Catholic Church during the Middle Ages and in the

writings of the Jansenists and Jesuits in early modern
EurOpe.31 He leveled additional criticism at Weber by
maintaining that all of the characteristics of the
capitalistic system and the "spirit of capitalism,"

as defined by Weber, were present in Medieval Europe

long before the Reformation.32 This is particularly

 

 

true in Italy and Flanders.33 Robertson further
29Ibid., p. 4.
3OIbid.
31

Ibid., pp. 28-30.

32Ibid., p. 35.

331bid., pp. 36-56.

Q i V"
M «n n t
:15“ coouea ‘ O

if not occur
attary, and

Erstestants

  

itis is in it
'1“ been View
S33‘P*9“t0 sho
rise of the c
Ethic is the
to ideals of
if the influe
iiile Class.
5.3m: Of the

53911.36

Robe:
:agitaliSm f;
4 Pr“98mm

3:” +3
We geogré

\

34
3S
36

H H
/ 51 /U" ls:
1-4. 11.

32

c3c>ntended that if there was a change in attitude
toward economic activity after the Reformation, it
did not occur until the end of the seventeenth
century, and the attitude spread among both the
IPJrotestants and Catholics.34 "It would appear that
this is in itself enough to prove that the problem
has beenviewed through the wrong end of the tele-
sc0pe--to show that the chief relation between the
rise of the capitalistic spirit and the Protestant
Ethic is the reverse of what Weber has indicated."35
The ideals of the Protestants changed as the result
of the influence of a rising capitalistically-minded
middle class. This change reflected the changing

spirit of the age and took place among the Catholics

as well.36

Robertson explained away Weber's argument that
capitalism first appeared and developed more rapidly
in Protestant countries by emphasizing the influence

of the geographical discoveries. The shift of the

 

34Ibid., p. 31.

351bid., pp. 31-32.

361bid., p. 32.

:ezters of '
:2 North At:i
early explc:
:atiohal ecc
ates. The

.0.

bazaase of t:

 

5:3: any effg
fetied the v:
l: the Atlah'
55559 of the

isSIem Euro

‘2'.“
'

hoouiries.

3515 for t:

‘n.‘
it: .e

‘1 Upon

‘5‘.
:L‘\‘e
'5

RC6 0;
21+ 33

l‘ I
u“ Ca“

fetali

.- -‘
\J‘

\37
l

381

39.

33

centers of world trade from the Mediterranean to

the North Atlantic, as a result of the work of the
early explorers, was a more potent cause of the
national economic inequalities than religious differ-
ences. The Catholic Iberian peninsula was by—passed
because of the trade-killing policy of the Spanish
crown which completely barred Spain and Portugal

37 Robertson de-

from any effective competition.
fended the view that it was the expansion of trade
in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans that was a prime
cause of the growth of economic individualism in
Western Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. The emergence of economic individualism,
which made the spirit of capitalism a respectable
basis for the organization of economic effort,
rested upon the severely practical grounds of the
existence of forms of social organization favorable

38

to it. Thus, he concluded that, " . . . the spirit

of capitalism is not the creator but the creation of

the class of business men."39

 

37Ibid., pp. 168-169.

381bid., p. 177.

39Ibid.

 

 

Jesuit. Bro
;:esented a
of the Jesui
hbertson se

he comercia

 

lit they We:

With prison 1
40

“m

-»...erce.
that the dOCt
33153qu in
:EPitalistic
Seends his 1

u
it.

e fellowin.

It is ha.
finds Dr
zealm‘ls l'
5P€lls SI
Holland:

 

34

Robertson's view that the Jesuits had a
strong impact upon economic theory elicited a strong,
almost furious, rebuttal from James Brodrick, a
Jesuit. Brodrick argued that Robertson's writings
presented a completely false view of the teachings
of the Jesuits, and that in spite of the fact that
Robertson set out to prove that the Jesuits fostered
the commercial spirit, there is first-hand evidence
that they were actually persecuted and threatened
with prison for their opposition to the spirit of
commerce.40 It was inconceivable in Brodrick's eyes
that the doctrines of the Jesuits could be mis-
construed in such a way as to be the prime mover in
capitalistic affairs in the Weber sense of the word.
He ends his rather heated criticism of Robertson on
the following note:

It is hard for a Catholic not to smile when he
finds Dr. Robertson (Aspects, p. 171) arguing
zealously against "any belief that Catholicism
spells stagnation" in matters of trade, or that
Holland's commercial greatness, either now or
of old, can "be ascribed to a rigid Calvinism,"

without giving Catholicism any share of the
credit. . . . As everybody knows, until quite

 

4oJ. Brodrick, The Economic Morals of the
Jesuits: An Answer to Dr. H. M. Robertson (London,
I§34), p. 141.

 

   
 
  
 
 
  
  

recently
hjectic.
scantrie-
trade re:
and capi:
their 91:
Ania:
elitician, p
:ier the tit

Ella fomazic
\

:etslated in

35

recently it used to be a favourite Protestant

objection against the Catholic Church that the

countries under-her influence had the poorest

trade returns. But, of course, Laissez faire

and capitalism were in honpur then, whereas now

their glory has departed.4

Amintore Fanfani, an Italian economist and

politician, produced a learned and lucid study in 1933
under the title, Cattolicismo e protestantismo_
nella formazione storica del capitalismo. This was
translated in 1935 into English as, Catholicism,
Protestantism, and Capitalism. In Fanfani's view
catholic social ethics are always antithetical to
those of capitalism.42 On the whole the moral teach-
ings oprrotestantism also maintain a constantly

43

critical attitude toward capitalism. He does not

agree with Weber that Protestantism promoted the
evolution of capitalism by introducing into the world
the idea of vocation, by which each individual is
bound to devote all of his energies to a particular

field of work as an exercise of ascetic virtue.

 

41Ibid.. pp. 152-153.

42Amintore Fanfani, Catholicism, Protestantism,
and Capitalism (New York, 1955), p. 151.

43Ibid., p. 196.

  
    

friremore,
:33: it does
aiscec‘ bef0
5121' support'i‘
;ghical dis
:eadvanceme
:5 problem f
earlier write:
fiueencoura

While
:ai trainer;
is Catholic
Exizfiisto:

‘ V
.‘IIA

--C , consi

36

Furthermore, the Weber thesis is unacceptable in

that it does not admit that the capitalist spirit

existed before the Protestant Reformation.44 Fan-

fani supported Robertson's contention that the geo-
graphical discoveries were of great significance in

45 Fanfani approached

the advancement of capitalism.
the problem.from alsomewhat_different perspective than
earlier writers when he contended that, "The absolute
state encouraged the early expansion of capitalism."46
While Brodrick and Fanfani felt that Robertson
had misinterpreted and misconstrued the teaching of
the Catholic-Church, Winthrop Hudson, Professor of
Church History at the Colgate—Rochester Divinity
School, considered Weber's characterization of Cal-

47

vinism as over-simplified and Tawney's over-all

impression of the nature and character of the Puritan

movement misleading.48 Hudson also regarded Tawney's

 

44Ibid., pp. 200-201. See also p. 160.

451bid., p. 172.

46Ibid., p. 105.

47Winthrop Hudson, "Puritanism and the Spirit of
Capitalism," Church History, XVIII (March, 1949), 3.
Hereafter cited as Hudson, "Spirit of Capitalism.” See

 

also W. Hudson, "The Weber Thesis Reexamined," Church
History, XXX (March, 1961), 88-99.
48

Hudson, "Spirit of Capitalism," p. 3.

interpreta
fire mislea’
TMEY are
because the
scrk On the
Earticularl

{Lit “the:
3:1): one 5‘
airport th‘
;:rsuit Of
of ethical
Statement
because it
igncred t1“
Hr
Ceza‘ase o
fienri Sée

11125 :

Here
been

\

(II

,n

37

interpretation of Puritan writings as distorted.49

The misleading impressions and distorted views of

Tawney are more dangerous than the ideas of Weber

because they are very subtle, and his well-known

work on the whole is quite sound.50 Hudson was

particularly troubled over the way in which Tawney

used the writings of Puritans to underpin his suppo-

sitions. To illustrate this point Mr. Hudson argued

that Weber and Tawney were able to use effectively

only one statement from the writings of Baxter to

support their thesis that Puritanism sanctified the

pursuit of riches, and this led to the obliteration

of ethical values in economic life. Even in that one

statement the concept of the calling is distorted

because it is isolated from its context. Tawney even

ignored the qualifications within the quotation itself.51
Hudson's precursory criticism of Weber's thesis

because of its oversimplification was complemented by

Henri Sée, a French economic historian. He states it

thus:

Here now is another kind of objection which has
been developed with much skill by R. Tawney in

 

491bid., p. 11.

5°Ibid., p. 3.

SlIbid., p. 11.

his race
3315. the
objeCtid
the P' r;
it is we
itself i:
332 Puritans,
classes of s
rare still ve
Leer-.15 centur
ark did not
=° Haired t1.

.-1 ' '
:u‘scg‘ers alfih

331‘- part c

It: h
- s
§_.‘~ Orlt‘i
‘.:Qb

“RE? is

38

his recent and very interesting work, Reli ion
and the Rise of Capitalism (London, 19265. The
objection is that Max Weber too often considered
the Puritan movement as a wholesale; although,
it is very complex and does not cease to modify
itself in the course of time.5
The Puritans, Sée maintained, had a following in all
classes of society including the small masters, who
were still very numerous in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, and for whom the organization of
work did not differ from that of the Middle Ages.
Sée argued that the Puritans also recruited many
followers among the country yeomen who formed the
great part of Cromwell's armies. In the left wing of
the Puritan movement in the seventeenth century, during
the Revolution, were the radical democrats, the Levellers,
who vigorously protested against the exploitation of

53

the people. Weber not only oversimplified his charact-

erization of Puritanism, but this is also true with
regard to his concept of the spirit of capitalism as
54~

well as the capitalistic system as a whole. Sée

opposed Weber's ideas, but he seemed to be greatly

 

52Henri Sée, "Dans quelle mesure puritans et
juifs ont-ils contributé aux progrés du capitalisme
moderne?," Revue Historique, CLV (May-Aofit, 1927), 62.

531bid., p. 62.

54Ibid., p. 63.

 

messed by

 

rise, but

est fmitiu

 

1: Sée, “wit:

isesveries V

Esrtig‘iese '1;
One

s’. .g R
.

u...s of w

39

impressed by Tawney's conclusions. This is parti-
cularly true with regard to Tawney's argument that
the spirit of capitalism was not a product of Puri-

55 "The.

tanism, but that it had served as a tonic.
most fruitful sources of modern capitalism,“ according
to Sée, "without doubt, have been the great maritime
discoveries which began with the expeditions of the
Portuguese into the Indian Ocean."56
One of the most persistent and outspoken

critics of Weber and his followers is Albert Hyma,
a.Reformation specialist, formerly of the University
of Michigan. In a number of articles and books Hyma
has vigorously assaulted the major contentions of the

author of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of

Capitalism mainly for historical reasons. In-consider—

 

ing the economic ideas of John Calvin, Hyma introduced
his remarks by the folloWing statement:

John Calvin, as is well known, differed from Luther
in that he was of Latin stock, belonged to the upper
class, spent much of his life in large and pros-
perous cities, and was twenty-six years younger.
This-difference in heredity and environment is
commonly utilized as a well-nigh infallible

 

551bid., p. 64.

56 o I o n o o
‘Henri See, Les or1g1nes du cap1tal1sme moderne

 

criter

demarci
the "pi
and op;
Bourged

p
96
'5'».

iritings of
that Calvin

terribly of

 

the idea the
Calvin had c
author haVir
33‘ been in:
“3 ecoziomi.
l:ad“;a1"«C:e l

“‘3‘ flees th

A
bra. ‘ 4
es-
8

40

criterion for establishing a definite line of
demarcation between the two reformers. Luther
the "peasant" could not help but be reactionary
and opposed to capitalism, while Calvin the 57
Bourgeois was friendly to the modern spirit.

After presenting key passages from the economic
writings of Calvin, Hyma arrived at the conclusion
that Calvin made no remarks which did not remind him
forcibly of Luther's pronouncements. Hyma advocated
the idea that if all of the Bible commentaries of
Calvin had come down to us without the name of the
author having been attached to them, and if we had
not been informed repeatedly by so-called theology
and economic experts that Calvin made great strides
in advance of Luther, it would have seemed natural
to guess that Luther had much to do with their author-

ship.58

Hyma would argue that Luther's pronouncements

on economic matters were very similar to Calvin's, and
that the German monk was much more interested in

economic questions than the leader of the Genevans.

He illustrated this by referring to Luther's address

to the magistrates of Danzig in 1525 and to his commentary

59

on the gospel of Matthew. This is not to say that

 

S7Albert Hyma, Renaissance to Reformation
(Grand Rapids, 1951), p. 440.

58

 

Ibid., p. 451.

591bid., pp. 451—452.

Luther was
sapitalisrr.
:crservati'.
seaside-red.
talism is t
ievoted fol
:rgerit exho:
tion upon 5
in m
if having :1
tilatign a:
SE‘v‘eral thl
allied tha

Bible fer

41

Luther was more favorable to the spirit of modern
capitalism than Calvin, but that Calvin was more
conservative in his economic ideas than is generally
considered. Hyma further contended that " . . . capi-
talism is the enemy of Calvinism, for Calvin and his
devoted followers were aware of the tenor of Christ's
urgent exhortation to concentrate their chief atten-

60 In an article

tion upon the things of the spirit."
in The Journal of Modern History Hyma accused Weber
of having misunderstood Calvin's doctrine of predes-
tination and of using naive reasoning with respect to

61 He further main-

several theological questions.
tained that the Church of the Middle Ages was respon-
sible for a number of theories and practices which,
according to many Protestants of our day, were developed
by the Protestants, " . . . such as the emphasis upon
doing one's daily tasks with scrupulous care, [which

was supposed to have come from Calvin's doctrine of

predestination] the dignity and worth of commerce

 

60Albert Hyma, Christianity, Capitalism and
Communism (Ann Arbor, 1935), p. 84.

61Albert Hyma, "Calvinism and Capitalism In
The Netherlands," The Journal of Modern History,
X (Sept., 1938), 323.

 

' .
:cmrtabl»

It

   
  

t5 note an:

thesis upon

1n}-

e....deacon ‘

Hell-known
'49 Certain
"1 Capitai:
2% {159 O.
we Esta”;
sixteeter} .

'23: eyen c

42

and industry, as well as the necessity of acquiring a

comfortable income."62
It is of considerable interest, as one reads,

to note and speculate upon the influence of Weber's

thesis upon the work of scholars. An excellent example

of this influence can be detected in the writings of

Archdeacon W. Cunningham of England. In his book,

An Essanyn Western Civilization in Its Economic

Aspects, published in 1900, four years before Weber's

well-known work, Cunningham fostered the idea that

the conditions for what he called the "intervention

of capitalism" were increasing secularization and

63 These conditions

the rise of the nation state.
were established in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and
sixteenth centuries. The influence of Calvinism is
not even considered. The point is that the develop-
ment of capitalism took place apart from the influence
of the Reformation.

In 1914 Cunningham published another book,

Christianity and Economic Science, in which he

 

62Ibid., pp. 336-337.

63W. Cunningham, An Essay On Western Civilization
in Its Economic Aspects (London, 1900), pp. 138-164.

  
    

Haber and Z _
ieacon Cunr
tion of Ch:
the Reform
lerism and
i5 CilIlSter
has} caused
1‘3. bad car
Cristian J
3' ecOnomi
the “Y fc
lurch and
Evalilticm
xvi-3115:“
lie Cefl'me
:etzprcia
accepting:
13¢ a Chri

‘1 the CO

43

reconsidered the reasons for the rise of capitalism.

By this-time he had come under the influence of Max
Weber and his disciples. In his work of 1900 Arch-
deacon Cunningham stressed the idea that the disrup-
tion of Christianity was well underway long before

the Reformation-and that the hostile forces of secu-
larism and nationalism had undermined clerical authority

64 In 1914 it was the Reformation that

in Christendom.
had caused Europeans to throw off papal allegiance

and had caused them to reject the authority by which
Christian morals had been enforced at active centers

of economic life. It was Luther and Calvin that paved
the way for a thorough-going individualism in both
Church and state, which was a prime factor in the
evolution of the spirit of capitalism.65 It was
Calvinism in particular that permitted free play to

the commercial spirit. "The attitude of Calvinism to
commercial life was ultimately due to the deliberate
acceptance of the Old Testament as the rule for conduct

in a Christian society: but the connection was strengthened

by the conditions of the community in which Calvinism was

 

641616., p. 157.

65W. Cunningham, Christianity and Economic Science
(London, 1914), p. 58.

 

first plant:
has in SI
iei'elopment
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69

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44

first planted and the atmosphere in which it flourished."66

It was in Scotland that Calvinism attained its full
development and where one can best see its influence

67 Calvin had removed the ban under

on national life.
which business in commercial cities had been placed,
and it is in Scotland that one can clearly see the line
which was taken in regard to industrial employment.
unemployment and idleness were discouraged, and the
discipline of work was regarded as the first step
toward the introduction of a godly, righteous, and

68 Cunningham finally

sober life into the community.
concluded that, "Calvinism is a form of Christianity
which gave its sanction to the free exercise of the
commercial spirit and to the capitalist organization
of industry."69
The English economic historian, W. J. Ashley,
likewise lent his support to the main contentions of

weber, although his work seems to have been independent

of the German sociologist in that Ashley published his

 

661bid., p. 65.

6‘7Ibid., p. 66.

681bid., pp. 66-67.

69Ibid., pp. 69-70.

earl befori
that the f
these the ._
and that he

the old rep
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history of '

One

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P‘s] A!
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45

work before Weber published his. It was his judgment
that the final breach with medieval doctrine among
those the Roman Catholic communion came from Calvin,
and that he was certainly influential in weakening.

the old repugnance to usury.7°‘ "Calvin's teaching
was . . . in a real sense, a turning-point in the
history of European thought."71
One of the most recent and most caustic works
directed at the hypotheses of Weber is Religion and
Economic Action: A Critique of Max Weber by Kurt
Samuelsson, a Swedish economic historian. This book
was originally published in Sweden in 1957 under the
title Ekonomi och religipp and was translated into
English in 1961. Mr. Samuelsson attacks with consi-
derable gusto the notion that a functional relation-
ship exists between capitalism and religious faith.
He forcefully argues that what was preached by such
men as Calvin, Fox, and Wesley was " . . . no free-
for-all capitalism of_the kind that came to hold sway

over the industrializing nations in the later eighteenth

and nineteenth centuries, but the business activity of

 

70W. J. Ashley, An IntrodUction to English
Economic Histopy and Theory (London, 1893), p. 458.

71

 

Ibid., p. 459.

amddc

with more'

   

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teachings .

‘u'u.’ ~
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46

a world of small traders and handicrafts, hedged around

"72 The anti-

with moralistic precepts and dogmas.
capitalist theme, the idea that riches and the lust
for them were wicked, was an integral part of their
teachings. Wealth as an end in itself was odious.73
In considering the writings of the English Puritan
Divines, Samuelsson contends that Weber drew his
conclusions from source material that consisted

" . . . of a few sentences, statements made on isolated
occasions and devoid of mutual relation, often clearly
contradictory and not infrequently framed with such
oracular sophistry that it is impossible for the reader
of a later age to determine with certainty the intrinsic
meaning, much less to draw delicate inferences of the

74 An excellent illustration

type propounded by Weber."
of this point is found in Samuelsson's argument that
" . . . Baxter's conception of the 'calling' has no
connection with the notion that success in worldly

affairs and the increase of business and fortune are a

mark of God's favour or a foretaste of the joys that

 

72Kurt Samuelsson, Religion and Economic Action, p. 31.

 

73Ibid.

 

74Ibid., p. 36.

wait the
' . . . cJ
the maxim;i
in which h
sin.‘76 TE
teachings
In
scrutiny of
Of the capi
in Benjamir
Misery, l
seismic“
Million m
that, ' .
hntaflism
of, coma
" can fir

ill the e‘

\
7T

7

47

75 A man is not to

await the faithful in Heaven."
' . . . choose the vocation in life that promises
the maximum advantage in money or esteem, but that
in which he can best serve God and most easily avoid

'76 The suggestion is that Weber has twisted the

sin.
teachings of the Puritans to fit his thesis.

In the final chapter Samuelsson states: "Our
scrutiny of Puritan doctrine and capitalist ideology,
of the capitalistic spirit that Weber saw personified
in Benjamin Franklin and the American captains of
industry, has rendered untenable the hypothesis of a
connection between Puritanism and capitalism in which

77 His conclusion is

religion motivated economics."
that, ” . . . whether we start from the doctrine of
Puritanism and 'capitalism' or from the actual concept
of a correlation between religion and economic action,
we can find no support for Weber's theories. Almost

all the evidence contradicts them."78

 

751bid., p. 37.

76Ibid.

 

77Ibid., p. 153.

78Ibid., p. 154.

 

Be
I of John Cal
the writing
to be unem
sampled in
are limitei
to provide
if the Wea

53%! lllg on

48

Before we turn our attention to the teachings
of John Calvin, it might be well to point out that
the writings involving the Weber thesis seem at times
to be unending and that the works that have been
sampled in this study to illustrate the controversy
are limited because of space. However, I have attempted
to provide in the bibliography a more complete picture
of the wealth of existing materials that have some

bearing on the Weber debate.

 

 

80M
AS

 

It
deveIOped 1
Calvin as .
'SPirit of
it was the
has the m0

a“ tonne

CHAPTER III

SOME THEOLOGICAL VIEWS OF JOHN CALVIN
AS THEY RELATE TO THE WEBER THESIS
It has been fashionable, since Max Weber
developed his well-known thesis, to picture John
Calvin as the fountainhead from which flowed the
"spirit of modern capitalism." According to Weber,
it was the gloomy doctrine of predestination, which
was the most characteristic dogma of Calvinism,1
that formed the dogmatic background of the Puritan
morality in the sense of methodically rationalized

2 This rationalized ethical conduct

ethical conduct.
is the basis of Christian asceticism from which

is derived the concept of the calling.3 It was the
emphasis on the ascetic importance of a fixed calling
that provided an ethical justification for practices

that produced the "spirit of modern capitalism."4

 

if

lWeber, Protestant Ethic, p. 98.

 

21bid., p. 125.

3§bid., p. 180.

41bid., p. 163.
49

i

It has ale

 

capitalisti

as definit
taking of

to have be.
have had 3
was Calvin|
“d the sol
he “Wort:
Which were
kciSlVe t
'35 though
:53 who 0;
file 'SPiri
flat Suppc
x-iern Ca}

to 1001:. u'

50

It has also been in vogue to picture Luther's
capitalistic ideas and teachings on taking of interest
as definitely backward,5 while Calvin encouraged the
taking of interest, and, consequently, he is supposed
to have been the first person of any importance to
have had such a modern and enlightened view. It

was Calvin who rejected the canonical veto on usury
and the scholastic ideas on money, and on the contrary
he supported a doctrine of money, credit, and usury
which were closer to modern economic thought. The
decisive turning point with respect to capitalism

was thought to be in Geneva, and John Calvin was the
man who opened the floodgate in the development of

"6 Another factor

the "spirit of modern capitalism.
that supposedly has contributed to the "spirit of
modern capitalism" is the tendency of the Calvinists
to look upon brotherly love only as a means of bring-

ing glory to God and not as a service to the flesh.

 

51bid., p. 83.

6Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the
ghristian Churches, II, 642-315. See 5180 Weber,
Protestant Ethic“ . 201.

Such service
devoid of ar.
finals or the
In 1
goal of this
be to consid
economic work
me could be
'Spirit of mc

Writings .

may
Int;

51

Such service would be of an impersonal character and
devoid of any real interest in the welfare of indivi-
duals or the community.7

In light of what has been stated above, the
goal of this chapter and the following chapter will
be to consider some of the theological, social and
economic works of John Calvin, to see to what extent
one could be justified in seeking the origin of the
”spirit of modern capitalism" in his teachings and

writings.

A. .Scripture As The Basis Of Calvin's Teachings
In the beginning of this study of Calvin's

ideas it is of the utmost importance to always re-
member that Calvin's theological doctrines are based
upon Scripture, and his social and economic views
are related to the teachings of the Bible and how the
Christian should conduct his life. "More consistently
'than any other Reformation leader, Calvin taught
'that.the Bible was the sole authority in matters of

:faith and conduct."8 It is true that he drew heavily

Y—v

7Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 108-109.

8Georgia Harkness, John Calvin: The Man and
and His Ethics (New York, 1%, p. 36. Hereafter cited
as Harkness, John Calvin.

noon the afJ.
and even upcl
above all he
doctrine and
asserts that
:reated the s

Cristian lif

 

nether outst
taxes were Ca

irsenal . ll 11 l

3‘ the import

Cans‘fiilleratly ,
{LC}! he has

in his lIOrd. "

52

upon the affirmations of the early Church fathers,
and even upon the teachings of the Schoolmen, but
above all he drew upon the Bible for his system of
doctrine and system of morals.9 Williston Walker
asserts that ” . . . Far more than Luther . . . Calvin
treated the Scriptures as a new law regulative of the
Christian life.”10 According to John T. McNeill,
another outstanding Reformation scholar, the Scrip-
tures were Calvin's " . . . guide, authority, and
arsenal.n11 The reason Calvin placed such emphasis
on the importance of the Scriptures was that they

‘were " . . to be regarded as the oracles of God."12

Consequently, " . . . those secrets of his will,
‘which he has seen it meet to manifest, are revealed

.in his word."13 The men who wrote the Bible were not

 

91bid.

10Williston Walker, John Calvin: The Or anizer
<3f Reformed Protestantism (New York, 1966), p. 4%}.

Hereafter cited as Walker, Calvin.

11The History and Character of Calvinism (New

York, 19545, p. 253. Hereafter cited as McNeilI,
Calvinism.

12John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Reli ion,
trans. Henry Beveridge (Grand Rapids, 19575 , Book Iv,
Chapter viii, Section 9. Hereafter cited as Institutes,
according to Book, Chapter, Section. (e.g., Institutes,

IV, viii, 9).

 

 

13Ibid., III, xxi, 1.

jest writin;
sure and aut‘
this same st
inspired of
from his com.
holy men of
Spirit. They
their own wil
" a They da
ma aa'ld Obea
gidea who r
cram!“

In c
Min State
m religior
lath SPOken
Pflphets die
that, being

it
at they h

\
141

15V
:3 “Ole , .'
we: Cité,

16

53

just writing good literature, but " . . . they were
sure and authentic amanuenses of the Holy Spirit."14
This same strong conviction that the Holy Writ was
inspired of God is evident in the following passages
from his commentaries. Calvin writes: " . . . but
holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy
Spirit. They did not of themselves, or according to
their own will, foolishly deliver their own inventions.
. . . They dared not to announce anything of their
own, and obediently followed the Spirit as their
guide, who ruled in their mouths as in his own sanc-
tuary."15
In commenting on the Second Epistle to Timothy,
Calvin states: "This is a principle which distinguishes
our religion from all others, that we know that God
hath spoken to us, and are fully convinced that the
prophets did not speak at their own suggestion, but
that, being organs of the Holy Spirit, they only uttered

what they had been commissioned from heaven to declare."16

 

 

14Ibid., IV, viii, 9.

15Works of John Calvin, Numerous translators
(52 vols.; Edinburgh, 1513-1535), VL, 390-391. Here-
after cited as Works of Calvin.

16

tether perL
'Calvin con

kindness to

For as

when any
though t
written,
cutive w
to read
tOgether
then, la
the dark
90d ther
when, fc
employs
Sacred n
some Go<
time de<
is due..

The.
seti'een Cal
Scriptures
Imeliness
Eran dOCta

54

Another pertinent and interesting observation is that

"Calvin considered the Bible a proof of God's loving-

kindness to weak and sinful humanity."l7 He says:

For as the aged, or those whose sight is defective,
when any book, however fair is set before them,
though they perceive that there is something
written, are scarcely able to make out two conse-
cutive words, but, when aided by glasses, begin
to read distinctly, so Scripture, gathering
together the impressions of Deity, which, till
then, lay confused in their minds, dissipates

the darkness, and shows us the true God clearly.
God therefore bestows a gift of singular value,
when, for the instruction of the Church, he
employs not dumb teachers merely, but opens his
sacred mouth; when he not only proclaims that
some God must be worshipped, but at the same

time declares that He is the God to whom worship
is due.18

There is certainly little, if any, correlation
between Calvin's concept of divine revelation in the
Scriptures and Weber's theory of unprecedented inner
loneliness of the individual as a result of the in-
human doctrine of predestination. According to Weber,
man was forced to follow his path alone to meet his
destiny without comfort or guidance. No one could help

him, no priest, no sacraments as a means of attaining

 

17Hugh Reyburn, John Calvin: His Life, Letters,
and Work (London, 1914), p. 351. Hereafter cited as
Reyburn, Calvin.

18Institutes, I, vi, 1.

 

grace, no me

greater rel:
to provide a‘
their daily

Whether

oracles a
ministry
down to 1
the certs
engraved
assured .
learnt c.
iCCOlflpan
finitely

55

grace, no magic.19 The point here is that Calvin placed

greater reliance upon the Bible to point men to God and
to provide a standard by which they should conduct
their daily lives.

Whether God revealed himself to the fathers by
oracles and visions, or, by instrumentality and
ministry of men, suggested what they were to hand
down to posterity, there cannot be a doubt that
the certainty of what he taught them was firmly
engraved on their hearts, so that they felt
assured and knew that the things which they
learnt came forth from God, who invariably
accompanied his word with a sure tgstimony, in-
finitely superior to mere opinion.

B. Predestination
It is now necessary to turn our attention for
_a few moments to the "dark," "gloomy," and "inhuman"
doctrine of predestination which according to Max
Weber increased perceptibly in importance for Calvin

over a period of time21 and eventually became the most

characteristic dogma of Calvinism.22

 

19Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 104. The problem
of sacraments and priests will be considered later in
the study on predestination.

20Institutes, I, vi, 2.

 

21Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 102.

221bid., p. 98.

Bef

about the d"

relevant to

some Calvin
the signific
Calvin's tot
John T. McNe:
It is no-
Where hi,
VOUId In
the sove
which hi
center,
dOCtrine
to the p
anOther
Preter Q
whj-Ch ma
Lgh Reyburn

at «-

n: - ‘

56

Before looking at what Calvin has to say
about the doctrine of predestination, it might be
relevant to this study to examine the writings of
some Calvin scholars to ascertain their thoughts on
the significance of the doctrine in comparison to
Calvin's total contribution to the world of thought.
John T. McNeill states:

It is not easy to say with confidence precisely
where his thought has its center or what he
would have us regard as its dominant theme. Is
~the sovereigh majesty of God the conception about
which his whole message revolves? Or does it
center, as is often pOpularly assumed, in the
doctrine of election? Or is he really indifferent
to the priority of any one major doctrine over
another and primarily concerned to be an inter-
preter of the divine Book, the Word of God 3y
which man obtains a knowledge of salvation?

Hugh Reyburn argues that, "Calvin's doctrine of pre-
destination is not set forth as a primary doctrine

of his theology. It appears as a logical development

24

of his original principles." In dealing with the

problem of election as the central dogma of Calvin's

theology, Wilhelm Niesel states: "If this be the case,

J

23Calvinism, p. 201°

24Calvin, p. 364.

    
 

then all th:

of John Cali.

b cause u

Elsewhere

to suit c
n illustrau
“are substam
Rated, it i.
if the fact
he 3081; imp
Em“: tree

55:, the HO]

57

then all that we have so far said [about the theology

of John Calvin] is false."25

Later Niesel asserts:

Indeed, Calvin's reserve treatment of the problem
[election] is rather to be seen as a warning
against a too diffused discussion which might
easily degenerate into mere speculation. If we
refuse to see that--and, as far as externals are
concerned, it is already clear from the place
which Calvin has allocated to this doctrine in
the total structure of his theology--then it is
because we refuse to see it and because here as
elsewhere we are adapting the theology of Calvin
to suit our private views just as we please.

To illustrate what Mr. Niesel has said and to give
more substance to what all the quoted authors have
stated, it is apprOpriate at this time to make mention

of the fact that the Institutes of the Christian Religion,

 

the most important single theological work of John
Calvin, treats four major topics: God the Father, the
Son, the Holy Spirit, and the Church. Of the eighty

chapters in the Institutes only four in Book III

 

(chaps. XXI, XXII, XXIII, XXIV) are devoted to the

doctrine of predestination. Albert Hyma contends that,

 

25Wilhelm Niesel, The Theology of Calvin, trans.
Harold Knight (Philadelphia, 1956), p. 159. Hereafter
cited as Niesel, Calvin's Theology.

26

 

 

Ibid., p. 166.

lveryhoa
God deti

the vorll
who were

Calvin v
outlook
himself
predesti
'Calvin‘s do
‘sust be loo
my others I
Ther
t0 the doctr
answered. (.-
bctrine Whj
inner 10091:
for this wa
alone to me
Eire was I
Since they
E‘Qic Conn.
in” 1One
hI One 0
\
2'.
33.335. IS

21

58

Everybody knows a great deal about predestination.
God determined that everybody had his place in
the world and nothing could be done for those
who were on the way to disgrace, so we are told.
Calvin was stern, remorseless, bitter in his
outlook upon life and human nature. But Calvin
himself said comparatively little about . . .
predestination.2
"Calvin's doctrine of predestination," Hyma maintains,
"must be looked upon as a mere article of faith among
many others of equal importance."28
There are other germane questions with regard
to the doctrine of election that need to be raised and
answered. Weber regarded election as a dark and gloomy
doctrine which produced a feeling of unprecedented
inner loneliness of the single individual. The reason
for this was that man was forced to follow his path
alone to meet his destiny. No one could help him.
There was no priest, nor could the sacraments help
since they are not a means to attain grace, while all
magic connected with salvation was disallowed. This

inner loneliness caused men to raise the questions,

am I one of the elect, and how can I be sure of a state

 

.27Albert Hyma, The Life of John Calvin (Grand
Rapids, 1943): P. 100.

281bid., p. 101.

at grace?

  
   
   
 

the answers.
ideals with‘
:an‘s life i
virtue, a pr
conscientiou

and method or

GO{‘I'S blessi

The
attitude 0f
amt-.101) an
iEStiny fro

' ' ~ c
diSClp]
Can be
Qt Pat:
lation
£0: hi:
that n.
was it
COnsci
Salvat
the de

\

2‘.
3v

59

of grace? Weber contended that the Calvinists found
the answers to these questions in pursuing ascetic
ideals within mundane occupations. Thus, " . . . a
man's life in his calling is an exercise in ascetic
virtue, a proof of his state of grace through his

conscientiousness, which is expressed in the care

and method with which he pursues his calling."29

The " . . . fruit of labor in a calling was a sign of

God's blessing."3o

The question at this point is what was the
attitude of Calvin and his followers toward predes-
tination and the terrible God who decreed their
destiny from eternity. Williston Walker believes that

. . . of the comfort which Calvin and his
disciples drew from the doctrine of election there
can be no question. To a persecuted Protestant

of Paris it must have been an unspeakable conso-
lation to feel that God had a plan of salvation
for him, individually, from all eternity, and

that nothing that priest or king could do could
frustrate the divine purpose in his behalf. Nor
was it less a source of strength to one profoundly
conscious of his own sinfulness to feel that his
salvation was based on the unshakable rock of

the decree of God Himself.3

 

29Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 161.

 

3°Ibid., p. 172.

31Walker, Calvin, p. 418.

Better yet,
:aaes of tir‘

. |
hafessron v

This doc
unspeaka
thereby
but by t
heavenly
paternal
his powe
they are
fall to
Father,
Persuade
all our
Permissf

 

In scanning
\{ ‘n
g. the Syno

---c
eleCtiC
and re:
tOhirn
them,

of the.:

60

Better yet, it would be aprOpos to turn back the

pages of time to 1561, the year in which the Belgic

Confession was composed.32

Here is what it says:
This doctrine [of predestination] affords us
unspeakable consolation, since we are taught
thereby that nothing can befall us by chance,
but by the direction of our most gracious and
heavenly Father, who watches over us with a
paternal care, keeping all creatures so under
his power that not a hair of our head (for
they are all numbered), not a sparrow, can
fall to the ground, without the will of our
Father, in whom we do entirely trust; being
persuaded that he so restrains the devil and
all our enemies that, without his will and
permission, they cannot hurt us.3

In scanning the section on predestination in the canons
of the synod of Dort of 1619, one repeatedly comes
across such phrases as:

. . . God is the sole cause of this gracious
election, . . . adoring the depth of his mercies,
and rendering grateful returns of ardent love

to him who first manifest so great love toward
them, . . . and therefore with holy adoration

of these mysteries, [of election] we exclaim,

 

32The Belgic Confession was composed in French
by Guy De Bres for the Churches in Flanders and the
Netherlands in 1561. De Bres died a martyr for his
faith in 1567. The Confession was adopted by a Reformed
Synod at Emden in 1571 and by the National Synod of
Dort in 1619.

33Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom
(3 vols.; New York, 1877), III, 397. Hereafter cited
as Schaff, Creeds.

 

in the
the vi.

   
 

he other ’

toward God
in their co
bl’ Weber are
But
the doctrin
placed qrea
God, and ‘11
tion as a ‘
shook to
“its in w
jig is a k
fimdlesS
Dily a fee

clear. IIt

351”“ as:

1; hesiens

tautiOus

\

q
1
U

61

in the words of the Apostle: "0 She depth of

the Wisdom and knowledge of God!"
The other Calvinist confessions of the sixteenth
century convey the same attitude of love toward God
and confidence in His mercy. The Calvinists' attitude
toward God and the doctrine of election as recorded
in their confession of faith and the attitude described
by Weber are certainly poles apart.

But what of Calvin's attitude toward God and
the doctrine of election? It is true that Calvin
placed great stress upon the idea of the majesty of
God, and it is also true that he regarded predestina-
tion as a difficult doctrine; however, it would take
a book to reproduce the many quotations from Calvin's
works in which he speaks of the mercy and love of God
who is a kind Heavenly Father who has revealed His
boundless mercy to man in the doctrine of election.
Only a few illustrations are necessary to make this
clear. "No doctrine [election] is more useful,"
Calvin asserts in commenting on the Epistle to the
Ephesians, "provided it be handled in the proper and

cautious manner, of which Paul gives us as example,

 

34Ibid.,III, 581-585.

vhen he pr

goodness 0

 
  
   
 
 

gratitude.‘
the true it
knowledge c
'The materi
the love wh.
filsname l
3f GOd is c.
0f Romans C
P€rsuaded O

"of
tiOn ir
dOUbtie
of ind;
not to
Paul d:
1833' 1
Precio,
neglEC‘
fitabl‘

\3
S.

36'
37'
38
39

62

when he presents it as an illustration of the infinite

goodness of God, and employs it as an excitement to

35

gratitude." For Calvin the doctrine of election is

the true fountain from which men must draw their
knowledge of the divine mercy.36 Again Calvin states:
"The material cause both of eternal election, and of
the love which is now revealed, is Christ, the Beloved.

This name is given, to remind us that by him the love

n37

of God is communicated to us. In writing on the book

of Romans Calvin speaks of being " . . . thoroughly

persuaded of the paternal love of God, as to be able to

"38 Calvin then says:

retain our rejoicing on its account.
. . . Paul brings forward the price of our redemp-
tion in order to prove that God favours us: and
doubtless it is a remarkable and clear evidence
of inappreciable love, that the Father refused
not to bestow his Son for our salvation. And so
Paul draws an argument from the greater to the
less, that as he had nothing dearer, or more
precious, or more excellent than his Son, he will
neglect nothing of what he foresees will be pro-
fitable to us. 9

 

35Works of Calvin, XLI, 199. Eph. 1:4.

BGIbid.

37Ibid., p. 201. Eph. 1:5.

381bid., xxxvrrr, 322. Romans 8:32.

391bid.

Later, in

 

63

Later, in the same volume when writing about the
election of God, Calvin states: " . . . in the
salvation of the godly nothing higher must be

40

sought than the goodness of God." In the section

on election in the Institutes Calvin over and over

 

writes of the "boundless goodness" of God and how
men are to seek the "paternal mercy and favour of

41 The same is true in the French

God" in Christ.
Confession of Faith prepared by Calvin and his pupil
DeChandieu and revised and approved by a synod at

Paris in 1559.42

The optimistic spirit of John Calvin
with respect to the doctrine of predestination and the
mercy and goodness of God is the same that has been
noted earlier in the Confessions of Faith in the
sixteenth century.

Weber asserted that the dark and gloomy
doctrine produced a feeling of unprecedented inner
loneliness of the single individual because man was

forced to follow his path alone without the help of

priest, sacrament, or magic. In the case of magic,

 

4°Ib1d., p. 348. Romans 9:11.

41These two examples are taken from pp. 242
and 244.

42

Schaff, Creeds, III, 364.

  
  
   
  

”here was
salvation.
forthcoming
of the Mid:
i'ith the in.
Courch in t
Living Word
struction, a
listressed

Calvin begi
ration that
eternal b1 E
M‘s igno:
pips by w;
To acCORK-no
Etch helps
3‘5Pel by

I35 has aE
a: I2ieht ,
EICl'lQI'lty

a, ‘
F I
~‘8aq

;:iEr . n 4 a;

\

4

64

there was no place for it in Calvin's doctrine of
salvation. It is also true that there was no help
forthcoming from the priests in the functional sense
of the Middle Ages; however, this is not to do away
with the importance of the leadership of the Calvinist
Church in that the pastor was the minister of the
Living Word of God to the people, who provided in-
struction, encouragement, and consolation for the
distressed and weary pilgrims from time to time.
Calvin begins his doctrine of the Church by the obser-
vation that men are made partakers of salvation and
eternal blessedness by faith in Christ. Because of
man's ignorance and sloth, however, he needs external
helps by which faith may be obtained and increased.

To accommodate man in his infirmity, God has given
such helps and secures the effectual preaching of the
gospel by depositing this treasure with the Church.43
"He has appointed pastors and teachers, by whose lips
he might edify his people; he has invested them with
authority, and in short, omitted nothing that might
conduce to holy consent in the faith, and to right

44

carder." Pastors are raised up of God for the

 

43Institutes, IV, i, 1.

 

44Ibid.

 

  
 
 
   

renewing 0
body of th
Calvin arg
is to help
gospel.46
external he
aizinistrat
that was to
it) he a mea
'l‘lal‘s fan
“‘5 to be a
€18 body 0

t'.

—.at We ma

65

renewing of the saints and for the edifying of the

45

body of the Church. Again in the book of Romans

Calvin argues that the task of the Christian pastor

is to help men to God by bringing them to obey the

46 God has also instituted the sacraments as

47

gospel.

external helps to bring men unto Himself. The

administration of the sacraments was an act of worship
that was to be engaged in by the entire Church and was
to be a means of sustaining and confirming the indivi-

48

dual's faith. The sacrament of the Lord's Supper

was to be a tangible symbol " . . . to assure us that
the body of Christ was once sacrificed for us, so
that we may now eat it, and eating, feel within our-
selves the efficacy of that one sacrifice."49 The
role of the sacraments was to seal and confirm God's

promise of grace and salvation.50

 

45Works of Calvin, XLI, 277-282. Eph. 4:11.

 

46Ibid., XXXVIII, 527. Romans 15:15. Chapter
III in Book IV of the Institutes is given over entirely
to this problem.

47

 

Institutes, IV, 1, l.

 

491bid., sec. 1.

5°1bid., sec. 4.

  
   
   

Al"
the Calvin
religious
anoteer ex
Zzis was th
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52

66

Although it is common practice to look upon
the; Calvinists as strongly individualistic in their
religious faith, Calvin taught that God had afforded
ancrther external means of helping to sustain his own.
This was through the communion of the saints. "Every-
one: of us must maintain brotherly concord with all the
cflnildren of God, give due authority to the Church,
anti, in short, conduct ourselves as sheep of the flock."51
The saints are to be united in Christ and all the
blmessings which God bestows upon them are mutually
ccnnmunicated to each other.52 "So available is communion
with the Church to keep us in the fellowship of God.
111 the very term communion there is great consolation;
because, while we are assured that everything which
God bestows on his members belongs to us, all the
blessings conferred upon them confirm our hope."53
Finally, a point that was stressed earlier must be
reemphasized again. This was the thought of the great

reliance of Calvin upon Scripture as the source of

authority for doctrine and daily activity. The secrets

E

51Institutes, IV, i, 3.

SZIbid.

 

53Ibid.

of his wil.
revealed it
provide co:-
the comma
Crristian p
though he sl

sclace as w

67

of His will which God desires to disclose to man are
revealed in His word.54 The Scriptures, then, were to
prtrvide comfort and strength to the individual as did
the: communion of the saints, the sacraments, and the
Charistian pastors. Consequently, it would seem as

thrrugh he should not have been as alone and devoid of

solace as Weber states.

C. Calling

Inner loneliness, Weber argues, caused men to
ask the questions, "Am I of the elect?" and "How can I be
sexre of a state of grace?" The Calvinist supposedly
found his answer in the pursuit of ascetic ideals
within some mundane occupation. A man's life in his
calling was to be an exercise in ascetic virtue which
was a proof of grace while the fruit of labor in a
calling was a sign of God's blessing. Weber attempts
to establish the fact that one's duty in a calling is
most characteristic of the social ethic of capitalistic

55

Culture. Labor in the capitalistic society must be

Performed as if it were an absolute end in itself, a

k

54Ibid., III, 21, 1.

55Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 54.

f

:allingét'
to Calvin ‘
Lie certai:
fign of tha
Secrgia Ha:
§3i1t, for

usually ref

 

secular occ
In View
IEligim
Secular
CalVin'g
to say .'
VCCdtiQ
In its ‘
Calling

JigatiOn an

Passage is

:=~~

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t»,
{9qu any j

\

56

[H

5
79.

58

[H

59

68

56

calling. This attitude toward labor Weber traces

to Calvin and to the need of his followers to find

the certainty of their election. Good works were a

sign of their election. This author agrees with

Georgia Harkness' Opinion that Weber overstrained this

point, for when Calvin talks of one's vocation he is

usually referring to one's divine "calling," not his

secular occupation.57
In view of all that Weber has to say about the
religious significance in Calvinism of one's
secular calling, one is surprised upon searching
Calvin's writings to find that he has very little
to say about the economic aspects of one's
vocatio. He has a great deal to say about vocatio
in its religious meaning, in reference to the
calling (i.e. the election) of God's saints.58

The uses of vocatio in its double meaning of secular

59 Such a

vocation and divine calling are very few.
passage is I Cor. 7:20. However, in reading this
passage and the one that follows, there will not be

found any justification for Weber's view that the indi—

vidual should labor in his calling to prove his election.

 

561bid., p. 62.

57John Calvin, p. 79.

 

581bid., p. 210.

59Ibid.

50 case is
worldly

nth respe
to that of
references

flue words '

 

as far as 1
they had no
sense Mr. K
it. point of
PESt0r. and
159 former;

:se "62

A;
A: .

\
60

if: i ‘
he calling
fiery m
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61'
Calvin's .
ll; Cc
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.4111. 1:9

6
21

~

69

No case is made, whatsoever, for ascetic activity in
a worldly occupation. The spirit of this writing
with respect to a life calling would be comparable

60 A check was made on ten

to that of Luther's.
references in Calvin's commentaries with regard to

the words "calling" and "vocation" and in all instances,
as far as it was possible for this author to discern,
they had nothing to do with a secular vocation in the
sense Mr. Weber uses the term.61 Perhaps the difference
in point of view existing between Calvin, the Christian
pastor, and Weber, the sociologist, is summed up by

the former: "What he [God] hath made sacred cannot,
without signal insult to him, be applied to profane
use."62

A problem closely associated with the concept

of the calling was the attaining of certainty of

 

60The same can be said of Calvin's concept of
the calling as described in the Institutes, III, v, 6.
"Every man's mode of life . . . is a kind of station
assigned him by the Lord, that he may not be always
driven about at random."

61The following are the ten references in
Calvin's Commentaries: Heb. 3:1, Phil. 3:14, Rom.
11:29, Eph. 4:1, I Corth. 1:26, Epho 4:4, Eph. 1:18,
2 Tim. 1:9, 2 Pet. 1:10, 2 Thes. 1:11.

62

 

Institutes, III, vii, l.

 

election ':

writings a
stile one
apinion in
are helpfu.

secure knov

 

 

justificati

In this
uarded
against
ness of
For Who
t0 work
make us
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bY the
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lien the qt
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Cr. man,65

flat God' S

aid second1

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6
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6SP

70

63 There is little need

election by means of labor.
to linger with this point for long because Calvin's
writings abound with statements to the contrary,
while one will search in vain for expressions of
opinion in which Calvin supported the idea that works
are helpful in permitting the believer to attain a
secure knowledge of his election. In the chapter on
justification Calvin maintained that,
In this matter the minds of men must be specially
guarded against two pestiferous dogmas--viz.
against putting any confidence in the righteous-
ness of works or ascribing any glory to them . . . .
For who can attribute any merit of righteousness
to works, which instead of giving confidence, only
make us tremble in the presence of God? . . . Foolish
men are puffed up to this false and lying confidence
by the erroneous idea that the cause of their sal-
vation is in works.64
,When the question arises as to whether the stability of
one's calling and election depends on good work, Calvin
aruges that if this were so, it follows that it depends
onvman.65 "But the whole Scripture teaches us, first,
that God's election is founded on his eternal purpose;

and secondly, that calling begins and is completed

 

63Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 179.

 

64Institutes, III, xiv, l6.

 

65wOrks of Calvin, XLV, 376. 2 Pet. 1:10.

 

  
 
 
   
  
 

through hi
ether has;
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that,
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71

66

through his gratuitous goodness." "There is no

other basis for this election," Calvin contends in
his writing on Romans, "than the goodness of God
alone, and also since the fall of Adam, his mercy;

which embraces whom he pleased, without any regard

"67

whatever to their works. In writing about obtain-

ing eternal life by the merit of good works Calvin
makes the following pronouncement:

It is true that God accepts as given to himself
everything that is bestowed on the poor. But

even the most perfect hardly perform the hundredth
part of their duty; and therefore our liberality

does not deserve to be brought into account before
God. So far are we from rendering full payment,
that, if God should call us to a strict account, 68
there is not one of us who would not be a bankrupt.

The reason Calvin excludes works in attaining salvation
or as a sign of election was that the material cause of
salvation is Christ while the instrumental cause is faith.
Listen as Calvin speaks:

The efficient cause of our eternal salvation

the Scripture uniformly proclaims to be the

mercy and free love of the heavenly Father towards

us; the material cause to be Christ, with the

obedience by which he purchased righteousness
for us; and what can the formal or instrumental

 

66Ibid.

67£2£§sp XXXVIII, 349. Romans 9:11.

681bid., XLIII, 172. 1 Tim. 6:19.

   
  
  
   
  

be be
sente:
that :
ever i
everl:

lere cert

arspirit

a...”

 

72

be but faith? John includes the three in one
sentence when he says, "God so loved the world,
that he gave his only begotten Son, that whoso-
ever believeth in him should not perish, but have
everlasting life" (John iii. 16).

There certainly is not any room for works, doubt, gloom

or spirit of capitalism in the foregoing statements.

D. Asceticism

 

In concluding this study on the problems related
to the doctrine of predestination, it is necessary to
consider for a few moments the teaching of Calvin on
asceticism. In the concept of the calling, according
to Weber, there was an emphasis placed on the methodical

70 This asceticism

character of worldly asceticism.
was supposed to have played its part in developing that
formalistic, hard, correct character which was peculiar
to the men of the heroic age of capitalism.71 Hugh Rey-
burn contends that the strictest morality is demanded by
Calvinism. It teaches that the disciples of Christ are

bound to be holy as God is holy and pure as He is pure.72

 

69Institutes, III, xiv, 17. There are many other
passages that reject works as a sign, yet provide assur-
ance and confidence of salvation in Christ.‘ Examples:
Institutes, III, xxi, 5., Institutes, III, xxiv, 5.,
Institutes, III, xiv, 18.

70

 

 

 

 

Weber, Protestant Ethic, p, 162.

 

711bid., p. 166.

72John Calvin, p. 358.

 

  
  
  

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73

"The Spirit who energizes in them is the Spirit of
holiness, through whose Operation they are delivered

both from the love and from the power of sin. But

Calvin does not confound holiness with asceticism."73

Calvin neither demands inhuman austerity nor permits

indulgence. He says:

There have been some good and holy men who,
when they saw intemperance and luxury perpetually
carried to excess, if not strictly curbed, and were
desirous to correct so pernicious an evil, imagined
that there were no other method than to allow man
to use corporal goods only in so far as they were
necessaries: A counsel pious indeed, but unneces-
sarily austere; for it does the very dangerous
thing of binding consciences in closer fetters
than those in which they are bound by the word
of God. Moreover, necessity, according to them,
was abstinence from everything which could be
wanted, so that they held it scarcely lawful
to make any addition to bread and water.74

The Scriptures had laid down general rules for
the legitimate use of worldly goods.75 Goods are not
only for necessity but for human enjoyment and delight.

Now then, if we consider for what end he created
food, we shall find that he consulted not only for
our necessity, but also for our enjoyment and delight.
Thus in clothing, the end was, in addition to necessity,
comeliness and honour; and in herbs, fruits, and trees,
besides their various uses, gracefulness of appear-
ance and sweetness of smell. Were it not so, the

 

731bid.

 

74Institutes, XXX, x, l.

751bid.

74

Prophets would not enumerate among the mercies of
God "wine that maketh glad the heart of man, and
oil to make his face to shine" (Ps. civ. 15).

The Scriptures would not everywhere mention, in
commendation of his benignity, that he had given
such things to men. The natural qualities of things
themselves demonstrate to what end, and how far,
they may be lawfully enjoyed. Has the Lord adorned
flowers with all the beauty which spontaneously
presents itself to the eye, and the sweet odour
which delights the sense of smell, and shall it

be unlawful for us to enjoy that beauty and this
odour? What? Has he not so distinguished colours
as to make some more agreeable than others? Has

he not given qualities to gold and silver, ivory
and marble, thereby rendering them precious above
other metals or stones? In short, has he not given
many things a value without having any necessary
use?

On the other hand, Calvin warns men to be on
guard against the lusts of the flesh, which, if not
kept in order, break through all bounds, and are advo-
cated by those who, under pretense of liberty, allow
themselves every sort of license.77 Calvin does not seem
to be quite so heartless and opposed to the enjoyment of

material life as he is pictured by Weber.

 

761bido' III, X, 2.

77Ibid., sec. 3.

 

 

As

 

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5Part 01

v. Socia:

CHAPTER IV

THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE
BASIS OF CALVINS SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

A. The Life Of A Christian Man: Social Views

 

As one approaches the study of the Reformation Era,
it seemingly is not difficult to look at the period as a
time of social, political, cultural and economic revolu-
tion. It is true that there were great changes with
relation to all of these areas of daily life. But it is
important not to forget for a moment that Calvin's social
and economic theories are decidedly determined by his
religious convictions that are based upon the teachings
of Holy Writ.

Throughout his later life nearly all of his writings
and actions were influenced by the religious ideas he came
to possess as a result of his continual study of the Bible.
This is evident in all of his statements with respect to
the life of the Christian man in his social environment.

Calvin recognized the fact that individual man, as
a part of the human race, was bound together in some kind

of social order with responsibilities toward other people.

75

"Christ might
hour extends
shale human

ship. And,

law. for no

 

ritual kindn.

 

 

is a man to 1
W39! to blo
tion that is
all mankind:
c“‘Q'Sil'et. of
5".“
“tigers i
If; n
toment
3713111 “10111
M an wi

he bedy.

76

"Christ might have stated simply, that the word neigh-

bour extends indiscriminately to every man, because the

whole human race is united by a sacred bond of fellow-

ship. And, indeed the Lord employed this word in the

Law, for no other reason than to draw us sweetly to

mutual kindness."1 It is enough, therefore, that a person

is a man to make him one's neighbor for it is not in our
power to blot out our common nature.2 The classical ques-
tion that is raised is "who is my neighbor?" Calvin answered
this in the following manner: "This word 'neighbor' includes
all mankind: he then, who says, that a very few, according
to his own fancy, ought to be honoured, and others passed

by, does not keep the law of God, but yields to the depraved
desires of his own heart."3 God expressly entrusts to us
strangers and enemies, and all, even the most contemptible.4
In commenting on the Pentateuch he wrote: "Not only those
with whom we have some connection are called neighbours,

but all without exception; for the whole human race forms

one body, of which all are members; and consequently should

 

1Works of Calvin, XXXIII, 61. Harmony of the
Evangelists: Like 10:30.

2

 

Ibid.

 

3Ibid., XLV, 305. James 2:8.

4Ibid.

be bound tor
sen neighbo
anutual ob;
entails the
in welfare

be done to h

 

servant shou
it would be

Eran the dut
‘ihich Christ
litted himse
gave Up him
359 rule to
to Others i]
"The main t
as lOVe is

of regulati

in

the abse
senescent
E‘as it up
\
52:

E

7II:

8\

A?”

77

5 Not only are all

be bound together by mutual'ties."
men neighbors and have mutual ties but " . . . there is

a mutual obligation between all men."6 This obligation
entails the responsibility of each person to consider

the welfare of all men in society and to do what can

be done to help them. "Since it is not right that a
servant should refuse what his lord has himself undertaken,
it would be very strange in us to wish an exemption

from the duty of bearing the infirmities of others, to
which Christ, in whom we glory as our Lord and King, sub-
mitted himself; for he having no regard for himself,

gave up himself wholly to this service."7 There is only
one rule to guide men in their actions and relationships

to others in this social order; this is the rule of love.
"The main truth in the passage [1 Cor. 13:3] is this--that
as love is the only rule of our actions, and the only means
of regulating the right use of the gifts of God, nothing,

in the absence of it, is approved of by God, however

magnificent it may be in the estimation of men."8 Calvin

 

sums it up succinctly in the following way: " . . . nothing
51bid., v, 195-196. Lev. 19:18.
61bid., XXXIII, 62. Luke 10:30.
71bid., XXXVIII, 515. Romans 15:3.
8

Ibid., XXXIX, 421. 1 Cor. 13:3.

 

else is re?

  

had said, ti”
in the worst
states that

.Van is to 10

 

is impossibl
lacing broth:
if Calvin ta
faith he did
“rotation, bu
itich is jus
lave that Ce
ideal. This
are clear a:
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50 one anotl
according t

alrbearance

\

9

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10

H

ll

12
.~'»ts Of

5751 [g If?

78

else is required in the law and the prophets than that
every man should love God and his neighbours; as if he
had said, that the sum of holy and upright life consists
in the worship of God and in charity to men, as Paul

states that charity is the fulfilling of the law."9

Man is to love his neighbor no less than himself.10 It
is impossible for the love of God to reign without pro-

11 In other words,

ducing brotherly kindness among men."
if Calvin taught that men could prove their election,
which he did not do, it was not by works in a secular
vocation, but by the evidence of love for one's neighbor,
which is just the opposite from what Weber argued. The
love that Calvin was talking about is not just an abstract

12 and there

ideal. This love does not neglect others,
are clear and unmistakable results in the life of man when
love is the rule by which men conduct their relationships
to one another. Love bridles and represses quarrels,

according to Calvin, and where there is gentleness and

forbearance peOple do not become angry and are not

 

91bid., XXXIII, 63. Matt. 12:40.

1°Ibid., v, 195. Lev. 19:18.

llIbid., XXXIII, 59. Matt. 12:39.

 

12Ibid., XXXIX, 424. 1 Cor. 13:4. The positive as-
pects of EHis statement will be considered later.

easily :

:atto-

79

13

easily stirred up to disputes. Love will not cause a

man to do evil against his neighbor in the social order.

He [Paul] demonstrates by the effect, that under the
word love are contained those things which are taught
us in all the commandments; for he who is endued
with true love will never entertain the thought of
injuring others. What else does the whole law for-
bid but that we do no harm to our neighbour?

In order to maintain a right relationship between indivi—
duals " . . . every man should speak truth with his
neighbour. Lying is here put for every kind of deceit,
hypocrisy or cunning; and truth for honest dealing."15
Every kind of communication between individuals is to be
sincere and this is enforced by the consideration that

16 In a similar passage

men are members one of another.
in the Old Testament Calvin states: "God here makes

provision for every man's character and good name, lest
any should be undeservedly weighed down by calumnies and

17

false accusations." Members of the social order are

not only prohibited from defaming their neighbors but

 

131bid., 1 Cor. 13:15.

 

14£Eiflor XXXIII, 486. Romans 11:10.
151bid., XLI, 297. Eph. 1v:25.
16Ibid.

17

Ibid., V, 179. Ex. 20:16.

38 has “
;rcperty
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hsneigl

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80

God has " . . . forbidden us to set our hearts on the

prOperty of others . . . or to seek for gain at another's

18

loss and inconvenience." Neither must one steal from

his neighbor.

This, then, is the rule of charity, that everyone's
rights should be safely preserved, and that none
should do to another what he would not have done to
himself. It follows, therefore, that not only are
those thieves who secretly steal the property of
others, but those also who seek for gain from the
loss of others, accumulate wealth by unlawful prac-
tices, and are more devoted to their private advan-
tage than to equity.19

20 "We must now

Neither should man defraud his neighbor.
pass on from the prohibitive to the affirmative precept:
for it will not be enough for us to restrain our tongues
from speaking evil, unless we are also kind and equitable

towards our neighbours."21

What Calvin has been saying in
the preceding statements is that men should live meekly
with and deal justly with their neighbors and abstain

from all unjust social Oppression.

Calvin realized that his thoughts were idealized

and that the natural order of things as originally

 

181bid., pp. 186-187. Ex. 20:17.

lgléigor Pp. 110-111. Deut. 5:19.

2°Ibid., pp. 112-113. Lev. 19:13.

211bid., p. 180. Ex. 20:16.

 

establish
by sin.

if. a com
:ct conic
tie need
king who
'3etract:
justly o
the pose
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iii cons
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81

established by God had been perverted and corrupted

by sin. Because of this sin there were those people

in a community that had "perverse hearts" and would

not conform to the law of love; consequently, there is
the need for a strong state. It was the duty of the
king who is armed with the sword to restrain evil-doers.
”Detraction, pride, and vices of every description, are
justly offensive to all good men; but all men have not
the power or right to cut off the proud or detractors,
because they are not invested with public authority,

22 Calvin

and consequently have their hands bound."
illustrated these remarks by pointing out that as long
as David lived merely in the rank of a private member
of society, he never dared to attempt to exercise
public authority that did not belong to him. "But after
being placed on the royal throne, he received a sword
from the hand of God, which he employed in punishing
evil deeds."23
There are positive fruits that are yielded to the
social order by a well-regulated government. The first
is a peaceful life; for rulers are armed with the sword,

in order to keep us in peace. If they did not curb the

hardihood of wicked men, every place would be full of

 

221bid., x1, 90-91. Ps. 101:5.

231bid.

rsbterie
therefor
and the

There ax
to socie
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croinan

7"»;
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3“ be:

82

robberies and murders. The true way of keeping peace,
therefore, is, when everyone receives what is his own,
and the violence of the more powerful is restrained.24
There are also other fruits of government that accrue
to society such as the preservation of godliness when
magistrates promote religion and take care that sacred
ordinances are observed with due reverence. The last
fruit of good government is public decency. It was the
business of the rulers, according to Calvin, to prevent
men from abandoning themselves to what he calls brutal
"filthiness or flagitious conduct." On the contrary,
the rulers were to promote decency and moderation.25
Calvin would not permit anyone to claim immunity from
the common duty of Obedience to secular authority.26
The reason why men ought to be subject to magistrates

is because they are established by God's decree. For

since it pleased God thus to govern the world, he who
endeavors to reverse the order of God, and thus to strive
against God himself, despises his power; since to despise
the providence of him who is the founder of civil authority

27

is to carry on war with him. The same views are

 

24M-I XLIII, 51.-52. I Tim. 2:2.

25Ibid., p. 52. I Tim. 2:2.

26£2£§.. XXXIII, 478. Romans 13:1.

2722iéo, pp. 478-479. Romans 13:1.

 

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83

expressed in a sermon on Titus——"For it is to resist

God when one causes trouble or promotes resistance to

lawful authority."28

Willingness to submit to higher authority or

power is submissiveness to Christ, even if the people

who possess that authority are not worthy of honor.29

In Spite of the unworthiness of rulers, individuals as
members of the Church have a responsibility to them and
should pray for the political authorities.

Seeing that God appointed magistrates and princes
for the preservation of mankind, however much they
fall short of the divine appointment, still we must
not on that account cease to love what belongs to
God, and to desire that it may remain in force.

That is the reason why believers, in whatever
country they live, must not only obey the laws

and the government of magistrates, but likewise 30
in their prayers supplicate God for their salvation.

Calvin here refers the reader to the command of Jeremiah
for the Jews in Chaldea to be faithful to King Nebucha-
dnezzar and to his regime. They were to even seek the
prosperity of the kingdom of their captors.

But he [Jeremiah] was not satisfied with external
efforts, but he would have them to pray to God, that

 

28Calvini Opera quae supersunt omnia, ed. Guilielmus
Baum, Eduardus Cunitz, Eduardus Reuss (59 vols.; Brunschwick,
1863-1900), LIV, column 558. Hereafter recited as Opera,
followed by volume and column.

29Ibid., cols. 558-559.

30Works of Calvin, XLIII, 51. I Tim. 2:2.

 

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84

all things might turn out prosperously and happily
to the Babylonian king, even to the end of their
exile. . . . We hence learn that he exhorted the
exiles to bear the yoke of the king of Babylon,
during the time allotted to the captivity, for to
attempt anything rashly was to fight against God,
and that he thus far commanded them quietly to
bear that tyrannical government.

It has been seen that Calvin felt that the
authority of the secular ruler was necessary for the
well-being Of society. He urged the people to respect
that authority as from God. Calvin even felt that kings
should advance the cause of religion and support the
Church.32 However, man must not only be governed by
secular laws, but by the law of love as established by
God. If there is a conflict between these two, the
individual must abide by the law of love. This is well

illustrated in the following quotation:

In the treatment of their slaves, the laws granted
to masters a vast amount of power. Whatever had
thus been sanctioned by the civil code was regarded
by many as in itself lawful. To such an extent did
their cruelty in some instances proceed, that the
Roman emperors were forced to restrain their tyranny.
But though no royal edicts had ever been issued for
the protection of slaves, God allows to masters no
power over tggm beyond what is consistent with the
law of love.

Calvin maintained that philosophers and Christians in

 

31Ibid., XIX, 421. Jer. 29:7.

32Ibid., XVI, 39-43. Is. 49:23.

33Ibid., XLI, 331. Eph. 6:9.

 

considerir
slaves ha1
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while the
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Calvin c<

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85

considering the principles of equity with respect to

slaves have two different standards by which they judge.

The former never look beyond the utility of slaves,

while the Christian decides on the basis of what is

lawful according to the Divine appointment. Love,

Calvin contended, is the only true standard in judging

between men.34
The corrupted natural order of society and

corrupt nature Of men were not just to be held in check

by a strong state, but they were to be reformed or re-created

as a result of Christ's death upon the cross. Thus,

a common bond was to exist among men in the person of

Christ. Christ is the model after which men are to

35

pattern their lives. The re-created brethren were to

be bound together in Christ as a part of his Church.

36

Christ is the head of the Church and Christians are

37 It is the Church " . . . into

members of his body.
whose bosom God is pleased to collect his children, not
only that by her aid and ministry they may be nourished

so long as they are babes and children, but may also

 

34Ibid., p. 332. Eph. 6:9.

35Institutes, III, vi, 3.

 

36Works of Calvin, LXI, 318. Eph. 5:23.

 

37Ibid., p. 323. Eph. 5:30.

:e; no 0
pasted 1

iifferer

86

be guided by her maternal care until they grow up to
manhood, and finally, attain to the perfection of faith."38
All Christians are joined together in Christ and as they
depend on one head, " . . . so they are as it were com-
pacted into one body, being knit together like its
different members, made truly one by living together
under the same Spirit of God in one faith, hope, and
charity, called not only to the same inheritance of

eternal life, but to participation in one God and Christ."39

This means that all Christians are fellow laborers with

God,40

and they " . . . are under obligation to others,
and that it is therefore our duty to please and to serve
them, and that there is no exception in which we ought
not to accommodate ourselves to our brethren when we can
do so, according to God's word, to their edification."41
As sheep of the same flock everyone must maintain brotherly
concord with the children of God and give due authority

to the Church. Thus, Calvin arrived at what he called the

"communion of the saints."42 Just as the saints are united

 

38Institutes, IV, i, l.

 

39Ibid., sec. 2.

40Works of Calvin, XXXIX, 131. I Cor. 3:9.

41$2£Qor XXXVIII, 514. Romans 15:2.

42Institutes, IV, i, 3.

 

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87

in the fellowship of Christ, so must all the blessings

which God bestows upon them be mutually communicated

to each other.43

Within the Christian community, then, there was
to be no room for worldly advantage for one at the expense
of someone else. Calvin paraphrased James 2:1 in the

following way: "He sins who honours the rich alone and

despises the poor, and treats him with contempt."44

This does not mean that honor is not due those who are

elevated in the world, but " . . . this should not be

done in a way so as to despise or reproach the poor."45

After this qualification Calvin continued as follows:

. . . respect of persons is inconsistent with the
faith of Christ, so that they cannot be united
together, and rightly so; for we are by faith

united into one body, in which Christ holds the
primacy. When therefore the pomps of the world

become pre-eminent so as to cover over what Christ 46
is, it is evident that faith hath but little vigour.

There is no difference between the rich and the poor,
between the high and the low in the sight of God.

Behold, how a lowly brother ought to glory in his
elevation or exaltation; for if he be accepted of

 

43Ibid.

 

44Works of Calvin, XLV, 301. Jas. 2:1.

451bia.

46Ibid.

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88

God, he has sufficient consolation in his adoption
alone, so as not to grieve unduly for a less pros-
perous state of life. "But the rich, in that he is
made low," or in his lowness. . . . This admonition
pertains to all those who excel in honour, or in
dignity, or in any other external thing. He bids
them to glory in their lowness or littleness, in
order to repress the haughtiness of those who are
usually inflated with prosperity.47
This lowness ought to lead men to place little value on
earthly things. "For Christ, who is not a teacher except
of babes, checks by his doctrine all the haughtiness
of the flesh. Lest, then, the vain joy of the world
should captivate the rich, they ought to habituate
themselves to glory in the casting down of their carnal
excellency."48 Thus, God is interested in all of the
human race, and there is no respect of persons with Him.
God will take vengeance on the unjust who cruelly oppress
those who are under them socially and economically.49
It is evident from the many preceding statements taken
from Calvin's works that he saw clearly the need to work
for the welfare of all members of society. It is also

evident that the need for social service as a part of the

 

47%.! pp. 285-286. JaS. 1:9'10.

481bid., p. 286. Jas. 1:10.

49Ibid., XLII, 221. Col. 3:25. The same point is
commented upon in Ibid., XXXVIII, 94. God is no respecter
of persons and " . . . he hath no respect for those
things which are want to be highly valued by men, such

as kindred, country, dignity, wealth, and similar
things."

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89

Christian life, as Calvin saw it, sprang from a warm

and sympathetic heart and bore not the cold and impersonal

character of the Calvinists as described by Max Weber.50
Having considered the social structure and the

general attitude or spirit of the Christian life within

this framework, it is now necessary to turn the focus of

this paper to the economic ideas of John Calvin and see

if the same Spirit of concern for the well-being of all

of society can be detected there.

B. Economic Views Of John Calvin: Usury

Henri Hauser has rightly stated that "When one
speaks of the influence that Calvin was able to exercise
on the evolution of the thought and practice of economics
in modern times, one thinks first of the central problem:

that of usury, or the taking of interest on loans."51

 

50Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 108-109. Weber
maintained that the Calvinistic faith taught that the
world exists only for the purpose of glorifying God. The
elect are in the world only to increase this glory of
God by fulfilling His commandments to the best of their
ability. Brotherly love can be practiced only for the
glory of God and not in the service of the flesh. Conse-
quently, the Calvinists developed an objective and imper-
sonal attitude toward the needs of society as a whole.
There was no real love and concern for one's fellow man,
only cold, impersonal social service to promote the glory
of God.

 

51Henri Hauser, "L' Economie Calvinienne," Société
de l' histoire du Protestantisme fran cais, LXXXIV (1935),
p. 228. Hereafter cited as Hauser,"L1Economie Calvinienne."

90

Consequently, we shall take our cue from his remarks

and begin the study of Calvin's economic ideas with

this problem. Before turning to Calvin's own teachings

on the subject, it would be of considerable value to

sketch briefly the historical development of the perplexing
question of usury as it relates to the teachings of the
early Church Fathers.

The subject of usury has been a controversial one
throughout the history of the Church. There were few
subjects that claimed so generally the attention of the
synods during the medieval period as that of usury.52

It can be found in the New Testament that Jesus
makes some comments with respect to borrowing and lending.
"Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would
borrow of thee turn not thou away." (Mt. 5:42) "And
if ye lend to them of whom ye hope to receive, what
thank have ye? for sinners also lend to sinners, to
receive as much again." (Luke 6:34) There are, however,
no direct commandments concerning usury. The great example
set by His life, perhaps more than His words, would suggest

a more definite attitude towards the goods of this world.

 

52Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church
(7 vols.; New York, Charles—SEribners Sons: Reproduced by
special arrangements with the original publisher, 1907),
V, 449-450.

 

 

 

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91

The early Church Fathers severely disapproved of the
practice of usury. It is possible that they could have
been influenced in some cases by the classical moralists,
but the standard that was set by them was determined by
the laws of the Old Testament and the general principles
set forth in the teachings of the New Testament-~to a
great extent an interpretation of, "But love ye your
enemies, and do good, and lend, hoping for nothing again;
. . ."—-Luke 6:35.53
At first the Church was antagonistic toward the
practice of usury. This antagonism finally hardened into
prohibition over a period of time. When she first began
to pass legislation on the question, it was only with
regard to the clerics.54
In the seventeenth Canon of the First Council

of Nicaea, A.D. 325, the clerics are forbidden to take
usury in any form. The council declared:

Since many clerics, led by avarice and a spirit of

usury, have forgotten the divine word: "he hath

not put his money to usury,"55 and demand as veritable

usurers a rate Of one per cent interest per month, this

holy and great council decides that if anyone after
the publication of this ordinance takes interest in

 

53Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. James
Hastings (12 vols.; New York, 1917-1922), XII, 550. Here-
after cites as Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.

54

 

 

Ibid., p. 551.

55Ps. 14:5.

 

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92

any way, or engages in the business of usury in
any manner, or demands back one and a half times
as much, or otherwise devises a scheme of dis-
honest profit, he shall be ejected from the
clerical state and his name stricken from the
register.56
Even before the Council of Nicaea usury had been
condemned in Canon 20 of the Synod of Elvira (305-306)
and in Canon 12 of that of Arles (314).57
By 345 we find that the Council of Carthage
declared usury not only reprehensible for the clerics
but also for the laymen. This view is repeated in 789
by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle and by the ninth century,
ecclesiastical law definitely extended the prohibition
to the laity as well as the clerics.58
It is evident that usury continued to be a problem
to the Church in the twelfth century. The Second Lateran
Council in 1139 issued a proclamation in Canon 13 that
usurers were to " . . . be stigmatized with the mark of
infamy, and unless they repent let them be deprived Of

Christian burial."59

 

56Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils, trans.
Rev. H. J. Schroeder (St. Louise, 1937), pp. 47-48. Here-
after cited as Schroeder, Decrees of the Councils.

57

 

 

Ibid., p. 48.

58Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 551.

 

59Schroeder, Decrees of the Councils, p. 204.

 

 

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Legislation increased as the practice of usury
continued to grow. All of the fortifications of the
Church were strengthened to put down this sinful prac-
tice. Thus the Third Lateran Council in 1179 stated:

. . . we decree that notorious usurers be not
admitted to the communion of the Altar, and if they
die in that sin, that they shall not receive Chris-
tian burial. Neither shall anyone accept their
offering. He who has taken such an offering or
given them Christian burial, shall be compelled
to return what he has taken, and, until he has
satisfied the wishes of the bishop, let him remain
suspended from his office.60

The 26th Cannon of the Second Council of Lyon, 1274,
went so far as to say that,
Associations and individuals are forbidden to
permit strangers to practice usury within the limits
of their territory; . . . Nor shall anyone under
whatever title lease them houses for this purpose
under penalpy of suspension, excommunication, and
interdict.6
The spiritual penalties are made more forceful by the
civil pronouncement in Canon 27 of the same Council. It
stated that, "No one may serve as a witness to testaments
of notorious usurers, and . . . Testaments of notorious
usurers . . . are null and void."62

Finally the Council of Vienne in 1311—12 brought

the matter to a head when it stated: "We, therefore,

 

6°Ibid., p. 233.

61Ibid., p. 355.

621bid., p. 401.

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94

wishing to put an end to these pernicious practices,

. . . decree that all civil officials of these communities,
be they rulers, judges, lawyers, or any others, who in
the future make, write, or dictate statutes of this kind
or knowingly decide that usury may be paid or in case

of having been paid may not be freely and fully restored

when its return is demanded, incur the sentence of

. . 63
excommunication?

SO it is that the Church finally placed its power
over the civil authorities with relation to usury.

The growing stringency during the Middle Ages
against usury was an indication that it was difficult
to check its advance. The concessions made in favor of
the Jews by the 4th Lateran Council, 1215, in that it
forbade only grave and excessive usury was a gap in the
Church fortifications. By the eleventh century the rise
of towns and markets gave commerce a new life. The
Church itself was in need of large sums of money at
various times for the Crusades and new buildings. The
<older view that trade and commerce were evil gave way to
:neW'economic theories which would then be directed by
(Hiristian principles. This task fell to the Schoolmen,

rmostLimportant among whom stands the person of Thomas Aquinas.

 

63Ibid., p. 401.

95

As he began to formulate his system of ideas, he made
certain concessions, and once that was done the freedom
taken by men since then over the centuries nearly by-
passes the teachings Of the Church in many instances
relating to the laws concerning usury. This was true

as early as the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Although usury was prohibited by the Church, it was
practiced by a series of evasions that are dealt with at
some length by James W. Thompson in his book entitled

Economic and Social History of Europe in the Later Middle

Ages 0 64

The scholastics based their ideas on the Old and
New Testaments and the works of Aristotle.65
"Now money, according to the Philosopher (Ethic.
V. 5; Polit. i.3) was invented chiefly for the purpose
of exchange: . . . it is by its very nature unlawful to
take payment for the use of money lent, which payment is
known as usury: . . ."66

It was the decision of the canonists that a loan

(of money did not in itself justify a charge for its use.

 

64(New York, 1931), pp. 439-440.

65EncycloEaedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 551.

 

66St. Thomas Aquinas, The Summa Theologica, trans.
Fathers of the English Dominican Province (21 V'Ofs.;

 

However,
limited,
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96

However, when the Opportunity for investing money was
limited, it would probably be a gain to the lender if

he could find a man who was willing to accept the res—
ponsibility of the money, if it was returned intact.

The canonists were willing to face the facts of making
allowance for special cases. Soon the custom developed
of admitting compensation on various extrinsic grounds.67
The old position of the Church regarding usury was modi-
fied by some of its leaders to meet the demands of the

growing commercial centers. Benjamen Nelson in his book

The Idea of Usury put it so strongly as to say: "In

 

fifteenth century Italy, economic expediencies completely
overshadowed moral philOSOphy as a force in the propa-

gation of Christian universalism."68

It would appear

that this statement would have to be modified with regard
to the word "completely" if one is to consider the whole
of Europe and even Italy itself. The point is that in
spite of the Church's demand for the just price and its
‘prohibition against usury, the economic life of Europe had

strayed far from the Medieval ideal and much that smacked

<of modern economic philosophy and practices were evident

 

67Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 551.

 

68Benjamen N. Nelson, The Idea of Usury: From
Tribal Brotherhood to Universal Otherhood (Princeton, 1949) ,
‘p.'I19. Hereafter cited as Nelson, The Idea of Usury.

 

 

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97

in the trading centers of the West. The impetus for
modern economic ideas and practices did not have to
wait for John Calvin.

To what extent some leaders of the Church sanc-
tioned the traffic in usury can be seen by the fact that
in 1515, Pope Leo X gave his official pronouncement in
favor of the legitimacy of the interest clause in the

monti di pieta. This had been a bitter controversy

 

between Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian theolo-
gians over the legality of establishing pawnshops by
Christians with licenses to take from twenty to fifty
per-cent in loans. It was also about this time that
John Eck of Ingolstadt was on his way to the University
of Bologna on behalf of the Fuggers to attempt to prove
that the five per cent triple contract was legal.69 Roy
Pascal stated that there was " . . . evidence that Canon
law was modifying itself to embrace the new conditions
created by the presence of money in large quantities.”0
Thus, by the beginning of the Reformation usury began to

assert itself openly as an economic principle. It had been

condemned by Canon law, but partly through the agency of the

 

69Nelson, The Idea of Usury, pp. 19-25.

 

70Roy Pascal, The Social Basis of the German.
Reformation (London, 1933), p. 181.

 

3113 13
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98

Church it had first been accepted in Italy and then
in Europe in general. The practice of usury became
such a large scale operation that those interested could
find it more profitable to ignore the statement of the
Church that money in itself was not capable of producing
and that by its very nature was incapable of bearing
fruit.71
As others in society, such as Luther, had been
forced to define their position with relation to the
subject, John Calvin was called upon to express his
Opinions toward usury also, but he did it reluctantly.
The heart of Calvin's thought with respect to
usury is found in five works. These are: A letter sent
to Claude de Sachins in 1545; Commentaries on Deuteronomy
(1556), Psalm XV (1557), Ezekiel (1563); and Harmony of
the Pentateuch(Exodus 22, 1563). The letter to Claude
de Sachins will be considered first because it was
written the earliest, and because it has been loudly
acclaimed as "a turning point in the economic development
of EurOpe."72‘ The other works will then be examined as

expressions of his more mature thought.

_J¥

 

72Hauser, "L'économie calvinienne," p. 229. Hauser
has also reserved an entire chapter to the economic ideas of
Calvin in his book entitled Les débuts de capitalisme-
(Paris, 1927), pp. 43-79. "

 

99

The letter was written in reply to his friend,

Claude de Sachins, who had sought the information for

73

someone else. The cautious attitude of Calvin toward

the problem can be seen from his opening remark:

I have not yet had experience myself, but I have
learned by the example of others how perilous it is

to give an answer to the question on which you ask
my advice. For if we totally prohibit usury, we
impose tighter restrictions on the conscience than
God himself. If we permit it in the least, many
people will take liberty which then can not be limited
in any manner. If I were writing only to you, I,
would not be afraid of such a thing, for your-prudence
and restraint are well known: but since you ask
advice for another, I fear that he will read into my
words more than I desire. However, since I have no
doubt that according to the nature of the man and the
circumstances you will act with discretion, I will
tell you how the matter appears to me.7

"In the first place," Calvin asserted, "there is
no testimony in the Scriptures in which all usury is

completely condemned."75

He pointed out that the state-
ment by Christ in Luke VI:35 ("Lend hoping for nothing
again") had been wrongly interpreted. Christ meant that

the poor were to be helped and protected, but one does

not read in Luke that usury was completely forbidden. The

 

73The letter is entitled De Usuris and fills
nearly two and one half pages in the Opera, X, 245—249.
Georgia Harkness, John Calvin, pp. 204-206, has trans-
lated much of the letter and this has been consulted also.

 

 

74Opera, x, 245.

7sIbid.

 

 

law of
we shc

‘ I
“I" '1‘.
N “I

100

law of Moses in Deuteronomy 23:19 was political, and

we should not be constrained by it beyond what just

and human reason will bear. It certainly could be
desired that usury, and even the name, were all banished

from the entire world. But since that is impossible, it

76

is necessary to concede to common utility. "We have

passages in the Prophets and Psalms in which the Holy

Spirit uttered severe denunciations against usury."77

Tyranny and cruelty are associated with usury. The pro-

phet Ezekial listed the crimes against which the anger

of God was provoked, and among these was usury.78

The reasoning of Saint Ambrose and of Chrysostom,
that money does not beget money, is too superficial
in my judgment. What does the sea beget? What
does the land beget? I receive money from the
renting of a house. Is it because the money grows
there? The fields produce things from which money
is made. The convenience also of houses is bought
for money. And why is this? Is it not because
money is more fruitful in trade than in any other
form of possession that one is able to mention.

The question is then posed as to how the merchants
increase their wealth or make profits. The answer is by
their industry. Calvin points out that money closed up

in a box will be sterile. People, however, do not seek

 

761bid., pp. 245-246.

77Ibid., p. 246.

781bid., pp. 246-247.

 

79Ibid., p. 247.

prefit.

I€¥€HUE

6
tha. 1
3:1" pa

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then
A“

101

loans in order to put them in a box, but to make a
profit. The profit is not of the money, but in the
revenue that is gained from its use. Calvin concluded,
therefore, that the contentions of early writers were
not established on a solid foundation.80 "I conclude
that it is necessary to judge usury, not according to
any particular passage from God's Word, but solely
according to the rule of equity."81
After citing an example as to how one could borrow
money and pay legitimate interest, Calvin turned his
attention to a number of reservations with regard to usury.
One must not take usury from the poor. The second excep-
tion is that the individual must not be so intensely
interested in gain as to neglect the necessary offices,
nor should he scorn his poor brothers. Transactions
should be carried out only within the moral restraint
of equity. These should be considered according to the
rules established by Christ. The fourth reservation was
that the one who borrows must make as much or more gain
from the money borrowed. Fifthly, the Word of God must

provide the rules for making decisions in life. Usury

must not be considered a private affair, but the public

 

BoIbid.

81Ibid., pp. 247-248.

excee
gem;

some

102

welfare must be considered. Finally, one must not
exceed the limits that the public laws of a region

permit.82

It is certainly true that Calvin did not
condemn all usury, but he hedged it about with so many
restrictions that there was no room for the development.
of an economic spirit such as Weber described. Then, too,
as Albert Hyma states:
It seems remarkable that such keen thinkers as-Max
Weber and E. Troeltsch. . . did not have the sagacity
to see that Calvin's arguments resembled Luther's
opinions in almost every word. Twenty-one years
before Calvin penned this letter on usury, Luther
had explained at great length that it was just and
fair, and also in keeping with the spirit of Christ,
that a person paid interest on loans when security
was given.
That Martin Luther's views on usury were similar to
Calvin's is evident from a conversation that he had on
June 14, 1542 with Mr. James Probst who was pastor in
Bremen. This conversation, a part of Luther's "Table
Talk," is reproduced for us by Anthony Lauterback.
Luther states:
We are willing to allow five or six per cent interest,

provided that there is security and that the agree-
ment is kept whereby the capital is not be be recalled

 

821bid., pp. 248-249.

83Albert Hyma, Christianity, Capitalism and
Communism: A Historical Analysis (Ann Arbor, 1937),
p. 78. Hereafter cited as Hyma, Capitalism.

 

"I ,

n-
H.‘ ~

v,‘

103

by the lender--° . . And so we allow six per cent
interest because the cost of oods has risen-and
this amount may be necessary.

In speaking about usury and trade, Luther goes on to

say that, "We do not oppose those who engage in trade

so long as they come to just agreements among themselves

85 On June 18, 1524 Luther

without greed and fraud."
summarized his views on the question of taking interest
inla letter to Duke John Frederic of Saxony. He felt
that the matter of interest taking should be regulated
everywhere. To do away with it altogether, however,
would not be right, " . . . for it can be just."86 He
did not think that Duke John Frederic should protect
people who refused to pay the interest or to stop them
from paying it, for it was not a burden laid upon the
people by the law of the land, but it was a common plague
that all men had taken upon themselves.87 "We must put

up with it, . . . until God puts it into the hearts of the

princes to agree to some change. In the meanwhile, let

 

84Luther: Letters of Spiritual Counsel, ed. and
trans. T. G. Tappert, The Library of ChriStian Classics
(26 vols.; Philadelphia, 1955), XVIII, 254c

BSIbid.

 

86Preserved Smith and Charles M. Jacobs (eds. and
trans.), Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary.
Letters (2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1913-1918), II, 237.

87Ibid.

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104

the burden rest on the consciences of those who take

"88

unjust interest. In this early period an unjust rate

of interest was anything over five per cent, whereas, it
has been noted above that later Luther permitted six per

cent because of rising costs. This was a higher rate

89

than Calvin permitted. Hyma succinctly summarizes the

similarities of Luther's and Calvin's views on usury in
this statement:

The following points of agreement may be noted
between Luther's views in the years 1520, 1524,
and 1525, and Calvin's opinion as expressed in

the letter on usury, dated 1545. First, the
Mosaic law and all other passages in the Old
Testament are intended for the Jews, and not
necessarily for the gentiles. Secondly, no state-
ment to be found anywhere in the Bible can be con-
strued as condemning every form of lending money
on interest. Thirdly, a Christian (for Luther

and Calvin have only Christians in mind) is to

be subject to the laws and regulations of the
country or city in which he is residing. Fourthly,
no matter what those laws say, it is prohibited

to charge interest of a poor person. Fifthly, one
must constantly bear in mind the injunction of
Christ, not to do unto others what one does not
want done to himself. Sixthly, the prOper rate

of interest is five per cent, but in special cases
it is permissible to charge up to eight per cent.
Seventhly, the ideal way is to loan money on
security, in the form of real estate. Eighthly,
Aristotle's dictum, "Money is sterile," is to be
interpreted to mean.that money buried in a box is
indeed sterile, and nobody would be so foolish as
to pay interest on such money. Ninthly, it were

 

881bid.

 

89Ibid.

 

105

well if all manner of usury were abolished from

the face of the earth, for the name usury has

rightly earned for itself a very bad reputation.

However, the word interest, newly introduced,

describes a practice which has been generally

accepted since the first half of the fifteenth

century. Consequently, the Christian will do

well to abide by this well-established custom.

Tenthly, the desire for personal gain must always

remain subordinate to that Christian spirit of

brotherly love which seeks to aid the poor and the

outcasts, for they are to receive all the property

and profit which exceed one's moderate needs. 0

After studying both Luther's and Calvin's economic

and social views, it is possible to arrive at the con-
clusion that either Luther was not as retarded in his
ideas as he is often considered to have been or that
Calvin was not as advanced as some have contended. In
the mind of this author it is not a matter of being
either retarded or advanced, but rather the fact that
both men were very close in their ideals and were
attempting to arrive at practical solutions to problems
of the Christian community within the bounds of the moral
values of the Bible. There is no place for a secular
attitude, such as was described by Weber, in the thought
of either man, and if they departed from the letter of the
law as it was traditionally and theoretically upheld by

the Church, it must be kept in mind that much of Europe

 

90Hyma, Capitalism, pp. 79-80. See Luther's major
works on usury in Works of Martin Luther, ed. Henry E.
Jacobs, trans. J. J. Schindel, A. T. W. Steinhaeuser, et
al0 (6 vols.; Philadephipa, 1951), IV, 12-69.

 

 

106

had been straying from the official pronouncements of

the Church with regard to economic matters as early as

the fourteenth century, if not earlier. The immediate
cause of the Reformation or the incident (controversy of
indulgences) that prompted Luther to write the Ninety-
five Theses is an excellent example of how far even the
Church had departed from its own teaching. When Albert
of Bradenburg sought the money to pay for his appointment,
he turned to the Fuggers, who were to receive a percentage
of the indulgences collected in return for the loan to
Albert. The point being that Calvin's pronouncements on
usury were not as new and revolutionary as some would
have the world believe.

The letter to Claude de Sachins was the bud
containing the seeds of Calvin's mature thoughts on the
question of usury, which are more fully developed in his
commentaries. Because the above letter contains the germ
of Calvin's ideas on usury, an attempt will be made to
extract only the essence of his thought from the four
remaining works.

In commenting upon Ex. 22:25, Lev. 25:35-38,
and Deut. 23:19-20, as a whole, Calvin states:

From these passages we learn that it is not enough
to refrain from taking the goods of another, unless
we also constantly exercise humanity and mercy in

the relief of the poor. Heathen authors also saw
this, although not with sufficient clearness, (when

107

they declared) that, since all men are born for

the sake of each other, human society is not

properly maintained, except by an interchange of

good offices.9
Here is seen the same concern for all men in society that
was emphasized earlier. Calvin continues: "Wherefore,
that we may not defraud our neighbours, and so be
accounted thieves in God's sight, let us learn, according
to our several means, to be kind to those who need our
help; for liberality is a part of righteousness, so that
he must be deservedly held to be unrighteous who does not
relieve the necessities of his brethren when he can."92

In treating Deut. 23:19-20, Calvin observed that

the Israelites were permitted to lawfully lend at interest
to the gentiles but not to their brethren; however, this
distinction the spiritual law does not admit. Calvin also
perceived that the wall of partition which formerly
separated Jew and gentile is now broken down in that men
are reconciled to God in Christ. Consequently, we must
spare all without exception, both as regards taking interest,
and any other mode of extortion; and equity is to be

93

observed towards strangers. "'The household of faith,‘

indeed, holds the first rank, since Paul commands us

 

91Works of Calvin, V, 126. Harmony of Pentateuch.

 

921bid.

93£§i§., p. 128. Harmony of Pentateuch.

108

specially to do good to them, (Gal. vi. 10;) still the

common society of the human race demands that we should

not seek to grow rich by the loss of others."94

In discussing the eighth commandment, Calvin
considered Exodus 22:25: "Humanity ought to be very
greatly regarded in the matter of loans, especially
when a person, being reduced to extremities, implores
a rich man's compassion; for this is, in point of fact,
the genuine trial of our charity, when, in accordance

with Christ's precept, we lend to those of whom we expect

no return."95

Calvin took up the problem of whether usury is

evil in itself. He wrote thus:

. . . and surely that which heathen even have
detested appears to be by no means lawful to

the children of God. . . . But if we come to an
accurate decision as to the thing itself, our
determination must be derived from nowhere else
than the universal rule of justice, and especially
from the declaration of Christ, on which hang the
law and the prophets,--Do not unto others what

ye would not have done to thyself.96

Later he stated:

I have, then, admonished men that the fact itself
is simply to be considered, that all unjust gains

 

94Ibid.

 

95£§i§., p. 126. Harmony of Pentateuch.

96Ibid., p. 129. Harmony of Pentateuch.

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109

are ever displeasing to God. . . . But if we would
form an equitable judgment, reason does not suffer
us to admit that all usury is to be condemned with-
out exception.97

Calvin supplied several examples to illustrate his state-
ment and continued by saying, "Many such cases daily occur

in which, as far as equity is concerned, usury is no

worse than purchase."98 The subtle argument of Aristotle,

that usury is unnatural because money is barren and does
not beget money, is unacceptable;

. . . for such a cheat as I have spoken of, might
make much profit by trading with another man's
money, and the purchaser of the farm might in the
meantime reap and gather his vintage. But those
who think differently, may object, that we must
abide by God's judgment, when He generally pro-
hibits all usury to His people. I reply, that the
question is only as to the poor, and consequently,
if we have to do with the rich, that usury is
freely permitted.99

If there are those who feel that usurers were absolutely
condemned by King David and the prophet Ezekiel, "I think
that their declarations ought to be judged of by the rule
of charity; and therefore that only those unjust exactions
are condemned whereby the creditor, losing sight of equity,

100

burdens and oppresses his debtor." Calvin argued,

 

97£§i§., p. 131. Harmony of Pentateuch.

981bid.

 

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100Ibid., pp. 131-132. Harmony of Pentateuch.

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110

however, that he would be unwilling to take usury under
his patronage, and he wished the name itself were ban-
ished from the world, but he felt that he could not
dare to pronounce upon so important a point more than
God's word conveyed. The ancients, it is true, were
forbidden to traffic in usury, but this was a part of

their political constitution.101

"Hence it follows,
that usury is not now unlawful, except in so far as it
contravenes equity and brotherly union. Let each one,
then, place himself before God's judgment-seat, and not
do to his neighbour what he would not have done to him-
self."102
In his discussions of usury in the books of Moses,

Calvin referred at different times to the advice given by
David and the prOphet Ezekial, from whom we shall now
quote some key passages. In his commentary on Psalm 15:5
Calvin made this observation:

In this verse David enjoins the godly neither to

oppress their neighbours by usury, nor to suffer

themselves to be corrupted with bribes to favour

unrighteous causes. With respect to the first
clause, as David seems to condemn all kinds of usury

 

101Ibid., p. 132. Harmony of Pentateuch.

lozIbid.

 

111

in general, and without exception, the ver name

has been everywhere held in detestation.
Wicked men, however, have invented various names under
which they conceal the vice; thereby they lent on usury
Openly and with great excess. However, God will not
permit such sophistry and false pretences to continue
because he looks upon things as they really are. There
is no worse kind of usury than an unjust way of making
bargains where fair dealing is disregarded on both

104

sides. "Let us then remember that all bargains in

which the one partly unrighteously strives to make gain

by the loss of the other party, whatever name may be

given to them, are here condemned."105

The question is posed as to whether all kinds of
usury are to be denounced and regarded as unlawful.
Calvin contended:

If we condemn all without distinction, there is a
danger lest many, seeing themselves brought into
such a strait, as to find that sin must be incurred,
in whatever way they can turn themselves, may be
rendered bolder by despair, and may rush headlong
into all kinds of usury, without choice or discrim-
ination. On the other hand, whenever we concede

 

lOBIbid” VIII, 212. PS. 15:5.

104Ibid.

 

lOSIbid.

112

that something, may be lawfully done this way,
many will give themselves loose reins, thinking
that a liberty to exercise usury, without control
or moderation, has been granted them.

Because of the difficult problem, Calvin counseled his
readers to beware of deceitful pretexts by which indivi-
duals take advantage of their fellow-men, and they were

not to imagine that anything was lawful to them which is

grievous and hurtful to others.107

"With respect to usury, it is scarcely possible
to find in the world a usurer who is not at the same time

an extortioner, and addicted to unlawful and dishonourable

"108

gain. To emphasize his statement, Calvin directed

the reader's attention to how Cato justly placed the
practice of usury and murder in the same rank of crimin-

ality, for the goal of both is to take the blood of other

men.109

It is also a very strange and shameful thing, that,
while all other men obtain the means of their sub-
sistence with much toil, while husbandmen fatigue
themselves by their daily occupations, and artisans
serve the community by the sweat of their brow, and
merchants not only employ themselves in labours, but

 

107Ibid.

 

lOBIbid.

 

1°9Ibid., p. 213. Ps. 15:5.

I}:

113

also expose themselves to many inconveniences and

dangers,--that money-mongers should sit at their

:ase without doing anything, and receixe tribute

rom the labour of all other people.

To make things even worse it is not the rich who are
stripped of their wealth by this usury, but the poor man,
who ought rather to be relieved. This is the reason why
God has framed the law against usury, in order that men
should not cruelly oppress the poor, who ought rather
to receive sympathy and compassion.111 Indeed, this was
a part of the Law of Moses which God gave to the Jews in
particular; but it is also a common principle of justice
which extends to all nations and to all ages, that men
should keep themselves from plundering and devouring the

poor Who are in distress and want.112

"Whence it follows,
that the gain which he who lends his money upon interest
acquires, without doing injury to anyone, is not to be
included under the head of unlawful usury."113
Again in Ezekiel, Calvin carefully weighed the
question as to whether usury in itself was a crime, since

God had formerly permitted his people to take interest of

 

llOIbid.

 

lllIbid.

 

llzibig , pp. 213-214. Ps. 15:5.

113Ibid., p. 214.

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114

strangers, and only forbade it among themselves.

Calvin stated that there was a good reason for the law.
The gentiles could take interest of the Jews, and unless
they had the same right the condition Of God's people
would have been worse than that Of the gentiles. God,

therefore, permitted his people to take interest Of

strangers.114 It would seem that according to Ezekiel

and David (Ps. 15) that usury in itself is unlawful.

But because God's law embraces complete and perfect
justice, hence we must hold that interest, unless
it is Opposed to God's law, is not altogether to
be condemned, otherwise ignominy would clearly
attach to the law of God if it did not prescribe
to us a true and complete rule of living justly.
But in the law there is that perfection to which
nothing can be added. If then we wish to deter-
mine whether interest is unlawful we must come to
the rule Of the law, which cannot deceive us: but
we shall not find all interest contrary to the
law, and hence it follows that interest is not
always to be condemned.115

As in the Commentary on the Psalms, Calvin
stresses the idea that one must regard the subject rather
than just the word because men trifle by their cavillings,
but.GOd does not admit of such fallacies.

Hence, as I said, the substance ought to be weighed,
because the words alone will not enable us to decide
whether interest be sometimes lawful or not. For

example, among the Latins the word for interest is
honourable in itself and has no disgrace attached to

 

114Ibid., XXIII, 225-226. Ez. 18:5-9.

llsIbid., p. 226. E2. 18:5-9.

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115

it, but that for usury is odious. What causes
disgrace to be hidden under it? They fancied that
they abhorred usurers, hence the general term interest
contains within it all kinds Of usury, and there was
nothing so cruel, so unjust, and so barbarous,

which was not covered by that pretense. Now since

the name for interest was unknown to the French, that
for usury became detestable: hence the French devised
a new craftiness by which they could deceive God°

For since no one could bear the name Of usury, they
used "interest" instead: but what does this mean

but something which interests us, and thus it sig-
nifies all kinds of repayment for loans, for there

was no kind of interest among the ancients which is
not now comprehended in this word.

Since Calvin stated that interest could not be
totally and without exception condemned, he attempted to
see how far it could be proved not to be counted a crime.
"First Of all, in a well-regulated state, no usurer is
tolerated: even the profane see this: whoever therefore
professedly adopts this occupation, he ought to be

"117

expelled from intercourse with his fellow-men. Accord-

ing to Calvin, however, a person may receive interest

118 "For example, a person

without being a professed usurer.
may have capital and put out a part Of it on loan, and
thus receive interest; and if he does that once, he will

.not be called a usurer; so that we must consider when and

 

116Ibid., pp. 226-227. Ez. 18:5—9.

ll71bid., p. 227. E2. 18:5-9.

118Ibid.

 

I"

from whom a person exacts interest."

116

119 .
He again con-

tended that it is always wrong to take usury from a

120

poor man.

If a man is rich, [however] and has money Of his
own, as the saying is, and has a very good estate
and a large patrimony, and should borrow money

Of his neighbour, will that neighbour commit sin
by receiving a profit from the loan of his money?
Another borrower is the richer Of the two, and
might do without it and yet suffer no loss: but
he wishes to buy a farm and enjoy its fruits: why
should the creditor be deprived of his rights when
his money brings profit to a neighbour richer than
himself? 21

Consequently, one may receive interest sometimes without

being condemned because he is not acting contrary to God's

law.

122

But we must always hold that the tendency Of usury
is to oppress one's brother, and hence it is to be
wished that the very names of usury and interest
were buried and blotted out from the memory of men.
But since men cannot otherwise transact their busi-
ness, we must always Observe what is lawful, and
how far it is $0.1 3

It is important to note that Calvin was not just

a theorist. He was not a man who said much about the need

for

equity in society but did nothing about it. On the

 

llgIbid.

 

12°1bid., p. 228. E2. 18:5-9.

 

121Ibid.

 

lzzIbid.

 

123Ibid.

 

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117

contrary, he worked at the task Of solving the problem
Of usury in Geneva from the time that he returned in
1541. The city of Geneva had a long history of traf-
ficking in usury. As early as 1378 the Bishop Of Geneva,
Adhémar.Fabri, authorized a city charter that not only
enforced and confirmed articles favorable tO usury but

124 Those sections

to professional money lenders as well.
of the city charter that protected usurers and their
heirs were suppressed by Pope Felix V in 1444. However,
there is evidence that usury itself was not done away with.
In 1485 there are records that indicate the taking Of
interest on a loan at five per cent at various fairs. This
was actually twenty per cent a year.125 Furthermore, in
1538 the Council of Two Hundred in Geneva made note Of the
fact that poor people were Obtaining money from usurers
and were paying very heavy rates. Consequently, the Council
ordered that all rates-should be no higher than five per

126

cent. One Of the earliest laws against usury, which was

passed partially as a result Of Calvin's influence came

 

124'Paul E. Martin, "Calvin et le prét a intérét
.a Genéve," Mélanges d'histoire économique et sociale en

honuna e au professeur Antony Babel 72 vols.;fiGenéve, E63) ,
.I: 25%. Hereafter cited as Martin, Antony Babel.

125Ibid., p. 254.

126Ibid.

118

in December of 1543. That law reduced interest to five

per cent and prevented money lenders from taking interest

127

in kind. One of the strongest proclamations against

usury, which Calvin greatly influenced, was made by the

city government in 1544.128

Other city ordinances
followed. Thus, Calvin's interest in the wellvbeing Of

all men in society was translated into practical deeds.

C. Wealth and Poverty

 

Before concluding the investigation Of Calvin's
economic views, it would be pertinent tO consider for a
mement what he thought about the following topics: riches
and poverty as well as work and rewards for labor.

Calvin believed that riches came from God alone,
but this is not to say that man received wealth because
of any merit. "It is necessary to recognize this general
rule, that riches come not tO men because Of their virtue,
neither by their wisdom, nor by their labor, but only by

the blessing Of God."129

The same thought is expressed in
Calvin's sermon on Deut. 7:11-15. "When we are nourished

by the bread of which we are sustained, it is necessary

 

127Ibid., p. 256.

128Ibid., p. 257.

lngpera: XXVI, 627. Sermon on Deut. 8:14-20.

119

that we recognize that it comes to us from the pure

130

bounty of our God." In speaking about the ingratitude

of the children of Israel, Calvin stated: "They had
been abundantly instructed, that the abundance of all
good things, and everything that supports men, flows
from God's bounty. . . . They . . . had been taught by

word and by facts that God alone is the giver Of all

things."131

Wealth is not acquired because of hard work or
because of birth.

Though it seems that some are enriched by their great
vigilance, nevertheless it is God who blesses and
cares for them. Though others are rich before they
are born, and their fathers have acquired for them
great possessions, nevertheless this is not just a
case of good fortune, but the province Of God rules
over them.132

Calvin was too conscious Of the uncertainty Of riches to
make them a sign Of God's favor. This is evident from
his comments on the book of Timothy.
All that is in the world has the taste Of its nature;
so that it is fading, and quickly passes away. The
uncertainty and vanity Of the hope that is placed

in riches are shewn by him [Paul] from this consider-
ation, that the possession Of them is so transitory

 

130Ibid., p. 536. Sermon on Deut. 7:11-15.

131Works of Calvin, XXVI, 90. Hosea 2:8.
1

 

BZQEEEE, XXVI, 627. Sermon on Deut. 8:14-20.

120

that it is a thing unknown; for, while we think
we hold them, they slip out of our hands in a
moment. How fooligh is it, therefore, to place
our hOpe in them. 3

Men are to be rich in good works and procure for them-
selves a better treasure than they have on earth. They

are to lay up for themselves spiritual riches in heaven

which are not exposed tO the ravages Of worms or thieves.134

Riches are also perilous in that they cause men tO for-
get God and hinder them in attaining heaven.

For not without cause does he [God] admonish them
[men] to beware lest they forget God, when they shall
have been.1iberally and luxuriously treated by Him,
but because he knew this to be a common vice, for
abundance to beget arrogance; as afterwards he will
say in his song, "Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked;
thou art waxen fat, and then he forsook God which
made him, and lightly esteemed the Rock Of his
salvation."135 Christ warns them, not only how
dangerous and how deadly a plague avarice is, but
also how great an Obstacle is presented by riches.

. . . It is true, indeed, that riches do not, in
their own nature, hinder us from following God; but,
in consequence Of the depravity Of the human mind,
it is scarcely possible for those who have a great
abundance to avoid being intoxicated by them. SO
they who are exceedingly rich are held by Satan
bound, as it were, in chains, that they may not
raise their thoughts to heaven.

 

133Works of Calvin, XLIII, 171. 1 Tim. 6:17.

 

134Ibid., p. 172. 1 Tim. 6:18-19.

135Ibid., III, 374. Deut. 6:10.

l361bid., xxx11, 401. Matt. 19:23.

121

Calvin compared the rich to skaters on ice, who are

137

constantly in danger of falling. It is Of interest to

note how great is the similarity between Luther's
attitude toward wealth and that of Calvin. Luther in
his exposition on Deut. 6:10-12 even compares riches to
walking on.ice. In speaking about the dangers of pros-
perity he states: "Wenn dem Esel zu wohl ist, gehet er

aufs Eis tanzen und bricht ein Bein. (When a mule feels

tOO well, he goes dancing on the ice and breaks alego)"138

Although Calvin believed that material blessings
came from God, he did not look upon poverty as an indi-
cation of God's disfavor.

And certainly it is an error which is by far
too common among men, to look upon those who are
oppressed with afflictions as condemned and repro-
bate. As, on the one hand, the most of men, judging
Of the favour of God from an uncertain and transi-
tory state Of prosperity, applaud the rich, and
those upon whom, as they say, fortune smiles; so,'
on the other hand, they act contemptuously towards
the wretched and miserable, and foolishly imagine
that God hates them, because he does not exercise
so much forbearance towards them as he does toward
the reprobate. The error Of which we speak, namely,
that of judging wrongly and wickedly, is one which
has prevailed in all ages Of the world.139

 

137Opera, XXXIII, 37. Sermon on Job 2:2-5.

138WhatLuther Says: An Anthology, ed. E. M.
Plass (3 vols.; Saint Louis, 1959), I, 1148.
139Works Of Calvin, IX, 113. Ps. 31:1. Calvin

hes much to say about prosperity in the Institutes, III,
Vii, 9.

 

 

122

On the contrary God uses poverty as a means of
trying the faithful by adversities. This is done to
produce patience, to subdue the sinful affections Of
the flesh, to purify men, to humble them, and at other
times to stir them up to the contemplation Of the divine

140

life. God has also placed us in the world to prove

our Obedience. If His people have trials here on earth,

they have a heritage that is prepared for them in heaven.141

If men acquire possessions in gold and silver as well as
other forms Of wealth, in Calvin's mind this entailed

tremendous personal responsibility toward others. It is
man's duty to use his wealth for the good Of his neigh-

142

bors. The rich are to use their property in helping

others as magistrates or Officers Of God.143
Calvin realized, however, that the rich were not
always willing to accept the ideals as set forth by the
Gospel which was the standard for all Christians.
Haughty and disdainful men, I do acknowledge, view
the doctrine Of the Gospel with contempt; but Luke

expressly declares the reason why Christ was the
object of their derision to have been that they were

 

1401516.

 

141Opera,XLVI, 780. Sermon on the Harmony Of the
Gospels. . =

1-4 and Lk. 6:20-21.

142Ibid., LIII, 581. Sermon on Tim. 6:9-11.

143Ibid., XXVIII, 205. Sermon on Deut. 24:19-22.

123

covetous. Entertaining a firm and deep-seated
conviction that the rich are happy, and that

there is nothing better for men than to increase
their wealth by every possible method, and earnestly
to guard whatever they have acquired, they reject

as foolish paradoxes all the sayings of Christ
which had a contrary tendency.l

If any one speaks of despising riches, as Christ admonished,
or of giving alms to the poor, he is regarded by the covet-
ous as a madman.145 As men grow in wealth they forget all
moderation, charity and justice. "They who abound in
wealth seldom keep within the bounds of moderation, but

abuse their abundance by extreme indulgence. There are

indeed, some rich men, as I have said, who pine them-

146

selves in the midst Of their abundance? Calvin stated

that another kind of inhumanity follows in that

. . . the rich by their power oppressed and destroyed
the poor and weak. He [James] says by a metaphor~
that the just were condemned and killed; for when
they did not kill them by their own hands, or con-
demned them as judges, they corrupted judgments, 147
and contrived various arts to destroy the innocent.

Men are weak; consequently, the hOpe for economic unity in

society comes when men are gathered together under the

 

144Works of Calvin, XXXII, 182. Harmony Of
Evangelists Lk. 16:14.

145

 

Ibid.

 

1461bid., XLV, 345. Js. 5:5.

147Ibid., p. 346. Js. 5:6.

124

name of Christ.148 Then too, Calvin believed that the

Church must seek the support Of the state in protecting
the weak.

Although Calvin enjoined the rich to minister to
the needs Of the poor, he did not establish a man-made
formula for the distribution Of wealth. The guide lines
for such distribution came from God. God

. . . charges us tO help the necessities Of our
brethren, but he nowhere specifies the sum; that,
after making a calculation, we might divide between
ourselves and the poor. He nowhere binds us to
circumstances Of times, or persons, but calls us
to take the rule Of love as our guide.149

Although Calvin was opposed to the misuse Of riches,
and though he advocated providing for the needs Of the
poor, he was not a socialist or communist as some infer.
He believed strongly that every man had a right tO possess
his own wealth and property.

Those who assist their poor brethren "on the earth
lay up for themselves treasures in heaven," according
to the saying Of Solomon, "He that hath pity upon
the poor lendeth to the Lord, and that which he hath
given will he pay him again," (Prov. XIX.17). The
command to sell possessions must not be literally
interpreted, as if a Christian were not at liberty

to retain anything for himself.15

1481bid., XXXVI, 194. Acts 5:1.

1491bid., XL, 289-290. 2 Cor. 8:8.

. lsolElQ-p XXXI. 332—333. Harmony Of the Evange-
llSts. Mt. 6:20.

125

Calvin's poignant attacks on certain communistic ten-
dencies within the ranks of the Anabaptists and Spiritual
Libertines were a clear indication Of his belief in the
right of the individual to hold private property. In
lashing out against the Libertines he said:

Now finally, to leave no order among men, they also
make a similar confusion with regard to goods:
saying that it is the communion Of saints, that

no one possess anything Of his own, but that each
takes whatever he can. At the beginning there were
some silly Anabaptists who spoke in this fashion.
But now that such an absurdity has been repudiated
by all as repugnant to human sense, in such a way
that the original authors are ashamed of it: these
Libertines have taken refuge in it.15

Having attacked the avarice Of those who call themselves
Christians, Calvin, then stated:

. . . let us recognize that it is a just vengeance
of God that these fanatics come to overthrow all
order, wanting to remove all distinctions Of goods,
making all the world as a forest Of brigands, where
without account or payment, everybody takes as his
own whatever he is able tO get. However, there are
so many witnesses in Scripture to reprove this
villainous confusion, that if they were all recited,
there would be no end.

Similar views are found in Calvin's commentaries as well

as in the Institutes, as can be seen from the following

 

examples. In writing about how the Christians in the book

of Acts were joined together with brotherly love because

¥

15lOpera, VII, 214. Contre La Secte Des Libertins.

152Ibid., p. 216. Contre La Secte Des Libertins.

126

the rich men sold their goods to help the poor, Calvin
contended that

. . . this is a singular example Of love, and there-
fore doth Luke record the same, to the end we may
know that we must relieve the poverty Of our breth-
ren with our plenty. But this place hath need of

a sound exposition, because Of fanatical spirits,
which do feign a commonalty or participation to-
gether Of goods, whereby all policy or civil govern-
ment is taken away; as in this age the Anabaptists
have raged, because they thought there was no Church
unless all men's goods were put and gathered toget-
her, as it were, in one heap, that they might all
one with another take thereof.153

In considering the advantage to men as a result Of the
communion Of the saints, Calvin maintained that, "This,
however, is not incompatible with a diversity Of graces,
for we know that the gifts Of the Spirit are variously
distributed; nor is it imcompatible with civil order, by
which each is permitted privately tO possess his own
means, it being necessary for the preservation Of peace
among men that distinct rights Of property should exist
among them."154
Still there is a community of believers that are
of one heart and one soul and have a common Father and a

common head in Christ. This community is united together

in brotherly love and mutually impart their blessings to

__

153works of Calvin, XXXVI, 130. Acts 2:44.

154Institutes, IV, i, 3.

 

127

each other.155 Calvin, therefore, assailed any practices

or individuals that threatened this unity, as in the case
of monopoly and speculation. In Amos, the Prophet spoke
of buying the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair
of shoes; and even selling the refuse Of the wheat. Cal-
vin commented thus:

Here still he speaks Of the avarice Of the rich, who
in time Of scarcity held the poor subject to them—
selves and reduced them to slavery. . . . We indeed
know what is the influence Of poverty and pressing
want, when men are Oppressed with famine; they would
rather a hundred times sell their life, then not to
rescue themselves even by an invaluable price: for
what else is food but the support of life?15

Men will place a higher value on their life than anything
else.

Hence the Prophet condemns this iniquity--that the

rich gaped for such an Opportunity. They saw that

corn was high in price; "Now is the time for the

poor to come into our possession; for we hold them

as though they were ensnaredé so then we can buy

them for a pair Of shoes.“15
Other circumstances even increased this wrong in " . . . that
they sold the refuse of the wheat; and when they reduced to
bondage the poor, they did not feed them; they mingled

filth and offscrourings with the wheat, as it is wont to

be done; for we know that such robbers usually do this,

_‘

155Ibid.

 

156Works Of Calvin, XXVII, 367. Amos 8:6.

 

157Ibid.

128

when want presses upon the common people; they sell bar-

ley for wheat, and for barley they sell chaff and refuse."158

Calvin realized that this type of wrong was not new or
unusual.

As was indicated in the discussion on usury, Calvin
was more than just a theorist and had a heartfelt, but
practical concern for the entire Church which expressed
itself in secular laws for the protection of individuals
in the local community. This same kind of practical piety
or concern for the well-being Of all men expressed itself
in the establishment of the diaconate. In considering the
history of Church government, Calvin indicated that the
case Of deacons is no different down through the centuries
than-it had been under the Apostles.

For they received the daily offerings of the faith-
ful, and the annual revenues of the Church, that they
might apply them tO their true uses, in other words,
partly in maintaining ministers, and partly in
supporting the poor; . . . For, although the canons
uniformly make the bishops the dispenser Of all the
goods of the Church, this is not to be understood as

if he himself undertook that charge, but because it
belonged to him to prescribe to the deacon who were

to be admitted to the public alimony Of the Church,

and point out to what persons, and in what portions the
residue was to be distributed, and because he was entitled

to see whether the deacon faithfully performed his Office.159

lSBIbid. A similar passage is found in Is. 5:8. Both
passages sound very much like the so-called spirit Of modern
capitalism.

159Institutes, IV, iv, 5. Further information on
the Office of deacon may be found in IV, iii. 9.

 

 

129

D. Work and Wages
According tO Weber, it was the virtue Of indus-
try, as stressed by Calvin that was a major factor in the

growth Of the spirit Of capitalism.
Calvin accepted the Biblical command: "'Be not

anxious about your life, what you shall eat and drink, nor

160

for your body, what clothes you shall wear. "' Calvin

aruged that Christ reproved excessive anxiety with which

men: torment themselves about how they were to Obtain food

161

and clothing. The assigned reason for the reprOOf is that

The Lord, who has given life itself will not suffer
us to want what is necessary for its support. And
certainly we dO nO small dishonour to God, when we
fail to trust that he will give us necessary fOOd
or clothing; as if he had thrown us on the earth at
random. He who is fully convinced that the Author
of our life has an intimate knowledge of our condi-
tion, will entertain no doubt tha he will make
abundant provision for our wants.

irkiis is not to say that men should not work, or be indolent,
latrt there should be an intermediate place between care-

less laziness and extreme concern as tO how one is to

163

obtain a livelihood. Calvin also quoted Psalm 127:2

‘Virtli regard to men's anxious minds about the means Of

‘

160
Mt. 6:25.

161

Ibid., XXXI, 338. Harmony of the Evangelists.

 

Ibid., p. 339.

lszIbid., p. 340.

lGBIbid., p. 339.

130

sustaining life. "'It is vain for you in hastening to

rise early, to go late to rest, to eat the bread Of

sorrows: for thus will he give sleep to his beloved.'"

164

Calvin's comments on this verse are gems that Max Weber

inust have missed.

Solomon now expresses more plainly that men in vain
wear themselves out with toiling, and waste themselves
by fasting to acquire riches, since these also are

a benefit bestowed only by God. . . . Solomon . . .
affirms that neither living at a small expense, nor
diligence in business will by themselves profit any-
thing at all. Not that he forbids us to practice
temperance in our diet and to rise early to engage

in our worldly business but to stir us up to prayer,
and to calling upon God, and also to recommend grati-
tude for the divine blessings, . . .165

Tinlis, men are not forbidden to labor at a secular vocation,

.bLitziILis of less importance than in working to please

GKDCi.166 Men are not to become so preoccupied with pro-

vciciing for the necessities of life or for riches that

tnieey forget or have no time for God. Calvin referred to

tlie: words of the prOphet Amos against the children Of Israel

when they refused to refrain from working on the sabbath:

305)

.As it was not lawful to carry on business either on
“the Sabbath or on the new-moon, whenever they rested
laut one day, they thought that so much time was lost
‘to them; for we see that the avaricious grow weary,

164Ibid., XII, 104. PS. 127:2.

1651bid., p. 107. Ps. 127:2.

166The same view is expressed in Opera, XXXIV,
Sermon on Job 22:18-22.

131

as their cupidity ever excites them, for they are
like an oven: and since they are thus hot, if an
hour is lost, they think that a whole year has
passed away; "How is it," they say, "there is no
merchant coming? I have now rested one day, and I
have not gained a farthing."167

The avaricious worked without rest and relaxation until

168 It sounds almost

labor became a "disease Of the mind."
as if work in the times of Amos had become an end in it-
self.

The question as tO the type of work to be followed
by the individual did not seem to be any great problem with
Calvin. On the one hand he indicated that " . . . one is
not to be employed at that which God condemns by his Word."169
On the other hand Calvin stressed the idea that men should
" . . . choose those employments which yield the greatest

advantage to their neighbours."170

Once again, Christian
concern for all men in society is a point Of emphasis as
in all Of Calvin's social and economic thought.

Equity and humanity demand that employers are not

to be oppressive to their hired help while the laborer

 

 

is worthy of his hire.171 "It follows that they are cruel,
167 .
Works of Ca1Vin, XXVII, 365. Amos 7:5.
lsBIbid.
1

69Opera, XLVI, 554. Sermon on Matt. 3:11-12.

170Works Of Calvin, XLI, 300. Eph. 4:28.

 

171Ibid., XLIII, 139. 1 Tim. 5:18. See also Ibid.,
XLV, 345 .

132

and have forgotten the claims Of equity, who permit
cattle to suffer hunger; and incomparably worse are they

that act the same part toward men, whose sweat they

"172

such out for their own accommodation. Deut. 25:4.

"Thou shalt not muzzle the ox." From this Calvin concluded:
"The sum is, that we should freely and voluntarily pay

what is right, and that everyone should be strict with
himself as to the performance Of his duty; for if we are
bound to supply subsistence to brute animals, much less

must we wait for men to be importunate with us, in order

"173

that they may Obtain their due. TO refuse to pay a just

wage or to withhold a man's just due is the worst of sins.

But nothing can be more cruel than tO deprive the
poor of the fruit Of their labour, who from their
labour derive their daily support. It is, indeed,
commanded in the Law, that the wages of the labourer
should not sleep With us, for that would be the

same as tO kill him. There is also another indignity;
when a robber kills a man, his Object is the spoil;
but he who extorts labour from a poor man, and sucks,
so to speak, his blood, afterwards sends him away
naked and needy, this is more atrocious than violence
to kill him.17

Masters are not to exploit their servants but are
to pay them a fair wage which is to be determined by the

service rendered and natural equity which would not permit

 

l721bid., XLIII, 140. 1 Tim. 5:18.

173Ibid., v, 115-116. Deut. 25:4.

174Ibid., XIX, 95-96. Jer. 22:13. See also Ibid.,
JXXXVIII, 295. 1 Cor. 9:10 and Ibid., V, 112. Lev. 19:13.

 

133

anyone from doing to another what he would not wish to be
done tO himself. When, thus, an individual has someone

in his service, he ought tO consider the question: "If I
were in his place, how would I want to be treated?"175 Be-
cause Of the above attitude Calvin was diametrically Opposed
to allowing the law of supply and demand from deciding the
wage of a worker. If an employer sees that work is

scarce and the laborers are abundant and that an indivi-
dual has no place to work but for himself, he is not to

pay the worker only half a wage. One should not take
advantage Of another because he is destitute and in one's
power.]'76 If there is a central theme in Calvin's social
and economic views up to this point, it would have to be
the golden rule: "DO unto others as you would have others
dO unto you."

Calvin, however, was a practical man and realized
that men are drawn away from the great principles Of equity
and justice by blind greed. Therefore, some kind Of legal
agreement between workers and employers is necessary with
regard to wages in order to prevent injustice. In commenting

on the relationship between Laban and Jacob in the Old

Testament, Calvin stated:

 

175Opera, XXVII, 347. Sermon on Deut. 15:11-15.

176Ibid., XXVIII, 189. Sermon on Deut. 24:14-18.

134

In the first place a great principle Of equity

is set before us in Laban; inasmuch as this senti-
ment is inherent in almost all minds, "that justice
ought to be mutually cultivated," till blind cupid-
ity draws them away in another direction. And God
has engraven in man's nature a law Of equity; so
that whoever declines from that rule, through
immoderate desire of private advantage, is left
utterly without excuse.

Laban forgot about the principle Of equity and thought
only of his own profit.

Such an example is certainly worthy Of notice, for
men seldom err in general principles, and therefore,
with one mouth, confess that every man ought to
receive what is his due; but as soon as they descend
to their own affairs, perverse self-love blinds them,
or at least envelopes them in such clouds that they
are carried in an opposite course. Wherefore, let
us learn to restrain ourselves, that a desire Of

our own advantage may not prevail to the sacrifice
Of justice.

Calvin alluded to an ancient saying that people should

deal lawfully with their friends so that they will not

have to go to law with them.179

For, whence arise so many legal broils, except that
everyone is more liberal towards himself, and more
niggardly toward others than he ought to be? There-
fore, for the purpose of cherishing concord, firm
compacts are necessary, which may prevent injustice
on one side or the other.

 

177Works of Calvin, II, 129. Gen. 29:14.

 

1781bid., pp. 129-130. Gen. 29:14.

1791bid.

 

1801bid.

135

John Calvin, as was indicated at the beginning
Of this chapter, was supposedly much different from Luther
in that the latter was Of peasant stock and a man Of
the soil, who praised agriculture as the ideal form of
manual labor while being very suspicious Of commercial
enterprise. Calvin, however, belonged to the middle
class and spent most Of his life in cities. Because Of
his life in the urban centers, he was supposed tO be
more predisposed to trade and commerce which is closely
associated with the spirit Of modern capitalism. Even
though Calvin was a city dweller, this is not to say that
he was any less idealistic with regard to the agricultural
way of life than Luther, nor was he less able to see the
dangers associated with the life Of the merchant.

Nature, in Calvin's mind, was the theater in which
God disPIayed his glory.181 Those who labored in this
natural setting are blessed indeed. "Agriculture is in
itself a mode Of living not only honest and innocent,
but also remote from ambition, fraud, and plunder: in short,
it seems to be of all kinds of living the simplest and the

"182

most innocent. Calvin also was aware that merchants

engrossed in_their gainful arts acquire a great portion

 

181André Bieler, La Pensée Economique et Sociale De
Calvin (Geneve, 1961), p. 425.

182Works Of Calvin, xx, 307. Jer. 25:1—7.

 

offlm
frauds
useless
The hus
in
smalleS‘

Prophet

 

In 1
day
that
ever
I he
fact
Whic

In writj
amlent

The
an (
wit}
PIC»
fol:

con“
From the
QUOted’
itself '
iflherent
CEnterS

-..“~“

136

Of the wealth Of the world and Often become rich through

frauds and dishonest means. However, their money will be

useless to them when God extends his hand tO punish them.183

The husbandman, however, is educated and taught in the

smallest matters by God with a willing heart.184 The

prophet Isaiah called the merchants of Tyre kings.

In_like manner the merchants of Venice in the present
day think that they are on a level with princes, and
that they are above all other men except kings; and
even the factors look on men Of rank as beneath them.
I have been told, too, that at Antwerp there are
factors who do not hesitate to lay out expenses 185
which the wealthiest Of nobility could not support.

JIn writing of the final destruction Of Tyre--that proud

ancient city, Calvin stated:

The PrOphet therefore assigns the causes Of so great
an overthrow, that we may not think that God acts
without a reason; for the inhabitants of Tyre were
proud, ambitious, lewd, and licentious. These vices
follow in the train Of wealth and abundance, and
commonly abound in mercantile cities.

From the above statements and from others that could be
quoted, it is clear that Calvin did not condemn trade in
itself, but he was sufficiently astute to realize that
irflnerent dangers exist in commerce and in the large urban

Centers associated with it. Consequently, Calvin went

‘

183Ibid., XXIX, 214. Zeph. 1:12.

184Ibid., XIV, 304. Is. 28:26.

185Ibid., pp. 151-152. Is. 23:8.

186Ibid., pp. 152-153. Is. 23:9.

 

this Stu
duce the
500181 a

he: sent

137

about the task of pointing out these dangers to the

Christian world and warned men to be on their guard. They

were to be on guard not only to remain apart from evil

or calamity themselves, but for the sake Of all the

communi ty .

In the Opinion of this author there is no end to
this study, unless one took the time and space to repro-
<iuce the greater portion~of Calvin's writings, for his

social and economic teachings are an integral part of

her sermons, commentaries, letters, and theological works.

At the same time, however, the samplings of Calvin's

writings in this paper are sufficient to provide a good

insight into his economic and social views. In conclu-

sion, I would have to say as with Doumergue in his monu-

mental biography Of John Calvin that I cannot understand

how a scholar, such as Max Weber, could have developed such

a distorted View of the general spirit Of John Calvin and

Calvinism. Neither can I understand nor accept the miscon-

strued View Of Weber with regard to the doctrine Of pre-

destination and its social consequence. The social spirit

0f Calvin is most fraternal and does not fit into the

Pattern established by Mr. Weber.187 "Can one find the
‘ [

‘

187E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin: Les hommes et les
ghoses de son temps. (7 vols.;'L0usanne: 1899-1917;
e\Jlllly-sur-Seine, 1926-27): V: 527-

slight

of Calv

 

138

slightest trace of the spirit of capitalism in these words

of Calvin? There is none, absolutely none."188

 

1881bid., p. 651.

 

THE

CHAPTER V
THE SPIRIT OF ENGLISH PURITANISM: RELIGIOUS ASPECTS

According tO R. H. Tawney, the most fundamental
movement of the seventeenth century was the growth, triumph,
and transformation of the Puritan spirit.l "Puritanism,
not the Tudor secession from Rome, was the true English
Reformation, and it is from its struggle against the Old
order that an England which is unmistakably modern
emerges."2 Weber contended that it was the psychological
conditioning Of society by the teachings (spirit) Of the
Puritans that made possible the develOpment of a capitalist
civilization.3 More specifically it was the intrinsic
character Of their religious beliefs that prepared the way
and fostered the development of a spirit Of capitalism4

which found its best expression in the writings of Benja-

min Franklin.5 In particular it was the harsh and gloomy

 

1Tawney, Religion and the Rise Of Capitalism, p. 198.

 

2Ibid., pp. 198-199.

3Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. l(c).

 

41bid., p. 40.

5Ibid., pp. 48-50.

139

doctr*
istic

of the
ration
ethica

1
from w

 

waS'Um
callin:

that p

in thi
teachi
uS ix:

SEekin

insigh

wards

140

doctrine Of predestination, which was the most character-
istic Of Calvinism,6 that formed the dogmatic background
of the Puritan morality in the sense of methodically

7 This rationalized,

rationalized, ethical conduct.
ethical conduct is the basis of Christian asceticism
from which is derived the concept of the calling.8 It
was the emphasis on the ascetic importance Of a fixed
calling that provided an ethical justification for practices
that produced the spirit Of modern capitalism.9

In the light Of the foregoing statements the task
in this chapter will be to examine certain theological
teachings of the English Puritans, as they are revealed to
us in their own writings, to see if Weber was justified in

seeking the origins Of the spirit Of capitalism in their

religious beliefs.

A. Origin Of The Name "Puritan"

 

Perhaps the name "Puritan," itself, provides some
insight into the type Of religious ideals that will be
considered at this time. "Like many another name after-

wards carried with pride--like Christian or Quaker or

 

Ibid., p. 98.
Ibid., p. 125.

Ibid., p. 180.

\Dmflm

Ibid., p. 163.

 

Puritar
mouths

eVery C
so far

VOUIed
Prepari
ter 1471'
Absolu.
Purita:
becOme

statem.

141

Methodist--'Puritan' was at first a nickname, given in
scorn and bitterness and wholly repudiated by those to
whom it was applied."10 Thomas Fuller states that the
word was first used in 1564 when the English bishops
sought to show their authority by " . . . urging the
clergy of their diocesses to subscribe to Liturgy,
ceremonies, and discipline of the church, and such as
refused the same were branded with the odious name of

Puritans."ll

Soon after that date " . . . profane
mouths quickly improved this nickname, therewith on
every occasion to abuse pious people: some of them

so far from Opposing the Liturgy, that they endea-
voured (according to the instructions thereof in the
preparative to the Confession) 'to accompany the minis-
ter with a pure heart,‘ and laboured (as it is in the

“.12

Absolution) 'for a life pure and holy. The term

Puritan has been used vaguely over the years and has
become a useful term of abuse.13 However, from Fuller's

statements it is possible to isolate two major points

 

10Hugh Martin, Puritanism and Richard Baxter
(London, 1954), p. 11. Hereafter cited as Martin, Baxter.

11Thomas Fuller, The Church History Of Britain:
From the Birth of Jesus Christ Until the Year 1648 (3 vols.;
iondon, 18687, II, 540. Hereafter cited as Fuller, Church
History.
12

 

 

 

Ibid 0

 

l3Martin, Baxter, p. 12.

of em

idea

monies
the co
prevai.|
centur:
import
to det.

it is

that p
Of rel

mental

142

Of emphasis Of the Puritans. First of all, there is the
idea Of nonconformity to the traditional liturgy, cere-
monies, and discipline Of the Church. Secondly, there is
the concept Of a purer and more holy life than that which
prevailed in England in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. Of the two the latter is probably the more
important for the purpose Of this study in attempting
tO determine the nature Of the spirit Of Puritanism as
it is related to the thesis of Weber.

TO begin with it is important to stress the fact
that Puritanism was primarily a movement for the reform

14

of religion, and tO attempt tO think of it as funda-

mentally concerned with terrestrial things is tO misre-

15 This is one Of the errors Of

present it completely.
Max Weber and his followers which will be considered

later with the matter Of the calling.

B. The Bible As The Basis Of Puritan Teachingg
Another principal consideration that must be

borne in mind in attempting to distill the essence Of

 

l4William Haller, The Rise Of Puritanism: Or,
the Wa to the New Jerusalem is Set Forth in Pulpit and
Press Prom Thomas Cartwright to John Lilburne and JOHn

 

 

 

 

 

 

Milton, 1575-1643 (New York: Harper TOrcthOk,'l§57), p. 5.
Hereafter cited as Haller, Puritanism.
15

 

M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism: A Cha ter in
the History Of Idealism (Chicago, 1965), p. IUI. Hereafter
cited as Knappen, Tudor Puritanism.

the I
on w}
econc
carri
Prote
faith
this 1
find 1
Holy v
guidac
they w
was a
done i;
expres:
0r H01}
0f Pait

mentslg

A!

143

the Puritan teachings is the fact that the foundations
on which their religious as well as their social and

economic views were built was the Bible. The Puritans
carried tO its logical conclusion, as did Calvin, the

Protestant insistence upon the Bible as the only rule Of

16

faith and conduct. There are at least two reasons why

this must be emphasized. Firstly, it is impossible to
find the spirit Of capitalism, as defined by Weber, in
Holy Writ. Secondly, the Puritans were not left without

guidance and solace as the means Of attaining grace as

17

they walked life's path to heaven as Weber asserted. It

was a cardinal principle of Puritanism that nothing be

done in anything ” . . . but that which you have the

"18

expresse warrant Of Gods Worde for. The Word Of God

or Holy Scripture, according to the Westminster Confession

of Faith Of 1647, is contained in the Old and New Testa-

mentslg--"All which are given by inspiration Of God, to

20

be the rule Of faith and life." The confession further

 

16Martin, Baxter, p. 76.

17Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 104-107.

 

18Puritan Manifestoes: A Study Of the Ori in
of the Puritan RevoltiiWith AReprint O? the Admon tion
‘Egytfie Parliament and Kindred fiocuments,41572, eds. W.
Frere and C. Douglas (London, 1954), P-IS. Hereafter
cited as Frere, Manifestoes.

l9

 

 

 

Schaff, Creeds, p. 601.

2°Ibid., p. 602.

decla-
0f the
is fr0_
ness b
also a
Which s
necessa
therei:
0f any.
the iEa'
Saluat
as the
life's
COnfes

\

144

declares that " . . . our full persuasion and assurance
Of the infallible truth, and divine authority thereof,
is from the inward work Of the Holy Spirit, bearing wit-

21 The Puritans

ness by and with the Word in our hearts."
also accepted the sixth of the Thirty-Nine Articles

which states: "Holy Scripture conteyneth all things
necessarie to saluation: so that whatsoeuer is not read
therein, nor may be proued thereby, is not tO be required
Of anye man, that it should be beleued as an article Of
the fayth, or be thought requisite [as] necessarie to

saluation."22

These views on the authority Of Scripture
as the guide for Obtaining salvation and for all Of
life's activities that are set forth in the Official
confessions Of faith can also be found in the writings

Of numerous individual English Puritans. Richard Baxter,23

 

21Ibid., p. 603.

22

23Richard Baxter was a Presbyterian divine who
was born at Rowton in Shropshire on November 12, 1615.
In the "Breviate" of the life Of his wife, Baxter des-
cribes his father as a "mean freeholder, called a gentle-
man for his ancestors' sake." He grew to manhood during
the reign Of Charles I. His early education was limited,
and throughout life Baxter deplored his lack Of academic
training. Richard was converted at the age Of fifteen.
He was ordained by Bishop Thornborough in 1638. However,
after reading a number of writings, he came to the con-
clusion that episcopacy as practiced in the Church of
England was not the same as the primitive government Of
the early Church and; consequently, became critical Of
the established order. Baxter was called to the Parish

Ibid., p. 489.

Weber
write»
capit'
Word
day a
should
that h

Richan

145

Weber's prime, or only, example of a typical Puritan
writer who fostered the development Of the spirit of
capitalism, states that " . . . you should make the

Word Of God your Rule, and your delight and meditation

24

day and night." Later he writes that the Word of GOd

should be the "only rule" for an individual's life and

that he should labor diligently to understand it.25

Richard Sibbes26 says: "There is not anything that befalls

 

Church at Kidderminster in 1640 where he was to remain for
the next twenty years except for a brief time during the
Civil War. During these years, he became a man Of remark-
able power and influenced the people he served and the
Puritan movement as a whole, even after his death in
1691. As a writer Baxter is usually credited with writing
some 168 books, the best-known being, A Christian Direc-
tor . The material for this short biographical note was
t en from two sources: Martin, Baxter, pp. 36—39, 125.
and Dictionary Of National Biography, ed. L. Stephen

II,

(63 vols.; London, 1885), - 37. Hereafter cited
as DNB.

 

24Richard Baxter, The Practical Works Of the
Late Reverend and Pious Mr._Baxter Y4 vols.; London, 1707),
I, 27. Hereafter cited as Baxter, Works.

25

 

Ibid., p. 82.

26Richard Sibbes was born in Suffolk in 1577,
the son of a wheelwright. He was bred a fellow Of St.
John's College in Cambridge, coming tO those hallowed
halls in 1595. He was converted under the preaching
Of-a famous Puritan by the name Of Paul Baynes, although
the exact date is not known. In 1609 Sibbes became the
preacher at St. John's, and the following year he was
invited by the minister and people Of Trinity Parish,
Cambridge tO become their lecturer. He eventually lost
his fellowship in 1615 and his lectureship as well;
however, he had by that time made such a reputation
that it Opened for him a still more influential pulpit,
that Of Gray's Inn. Sibbes was a man Of great ability,

146

a Christian in his life, but there is a rule or pattern

for it in Scripture."27 John Hooper, who by his zealous
support of the principles Of the Reformation in actions and
writings contributed greatly to the popularization Of
extreme puritanic religious ideas in England28 states

his views on Scripture as follows:

 

tact, and humility and won for himself an audience Of
tremendous importance. His sermons became classics

Of popular inspiration, and they were instrumental in
the conversion Of such men as Richard Baxter, John
Cotton, and Hugh Peters. He died in 1635 according to
the Dictionary Of National Biography, but Thomas Fuller,
the great church historian states that it was in 1631.
Sources for biographical note were: ENE, LII, 182-84.,
Haller, Puritanism, pp. 65-67. and Thomas Fuller, The
Histor Ofithe Worthies Of England (3 vols.; LondOhT—
1840), III, 1852 Hereafter cited as Fuller, Worthies.

27Richard Sibbes, The Complete Works Of Richard
Sibbes, ed. A. Grosart (7 vols.; Edinburgh, 1862), IV,

448. Hereafter cited as Sibbes, Works.

28John Hooper was born in Somerset near the end of
the fifteenth century, although the exact date and place are
unknown. His father seems to have been a man Of wealth.
He graduated B.A. at Oxford early in 1519. Upon leaving
the university, Hooper entered the Cistercian monastery
at Gloucester where he probably received holy orders. When
the monasteries were dissolved in England, he went to London
where he soon came under the influence Of the writings of
Bullinger. He then returned to Oxford with the intention
Of promoting reforming ideals. He was soon forced to flee
to the continent where he became intimate with Bullinger and
corresponded with Bucer. In 1549 Hooper returned tO England
and became chaplain to Protector Somerset. He then became
the leader Of the advanced section of the reformers. In
1551 Hooper was consecrated bishop of Gloucester and early
in 1552 the see of Worcester was given to him. Hooper was
Opposed tO the attempt tO set aside Mary in favor Of Lady
Jane Grey, but he was one Of the first persons against whom
proceedings were taken during her rule. He was charged
with heresy and was burned in 1555. By his writings and
actions Hooper greatly contributed tO the popularization Of
puritanic religious ideals in England. Source for bio-
graphical note: ENE, XXVII, 304-306.

 

 

147

I call that only the word, which was revealed by

the Holy Ghost unto the holy patriarchs, prophets,

and apostles of Jesus Christ; the which word is con-
tained within the canonical books Of the Old and new
testaments; by the which word we are made clean, and
thereby do receive the self-same things and as much

as we do by the sacraments; that is to say, Jesus
Christ by his word, which is the word Of faith, giveth
and communicateth himself unto us, as well as by the 29
sacraments, albeit it be by another manner and fashion.

HOOper goes on to say that the Scriptures are sufficient
not only for matters concerning our salvation, but that
"The same word Of God is the true pattern and perfect rule,
after the which all faithful people ought to govern and
order their lives, without turning either to the right
hand or the left hand, without changing anything thereof,

without putting to it or taking from it, knowing that all

the works Of God are perfect, but most chiefly his work."30

According to Richard Greenham, another important English
Puritan, "It is the wisdom Of God in his holie word not

only to instruct vs in things concerning our saluation,

but also to teach vs in things Of this life."31

29Bishop HOOper, Later Writings Of BiShOEVHOOper:
Together With His Letters and Other Pieces, ed. C. Nevin-
son~(CamBridge,I1852), p. 43. Hereafter cited as Hooper,
Later Writings.

3°Ibid.

 

31Richard Greenham, Richard Greenham,_The Workes
of the Reverend and the Faithfvll Servant of Jesus Christ,
ed. H. Holland (Fourth ed.; London, 1605), p. 726. Here-
after cited as Greenham, Works. Greenham has been referred
to as the patriarch of Baxter's "affectionate practical
English writers." His career and personality were to

148

C. The Puritan Concept Of GOd And The Doctrine Of Election
It is now necessary to turn our attention for a

few moments to the English Puritan concept Of God and to

32

the "dark," "gloomy," and "inhuman" doctrine of predes-

tination which, according to Max Weber, became the most

33

characteristic dogma of the Calvinists. Weber believed

that the murky, foul doctrine Of election formed the

dogmatic background Of the Puritan morality in the sense of

34

methodically rationalized ethical conduct. This rationalized

 

foreshadow and have a tremendous impact upon many a
subsequent Puritan. He was born in 1535 and educated in
Pembroke Hall, Cambridge where he took his degree in

Arts and was chosen fellow. When Greenham left the
university in-1570, he became pastor to the congregation
at Drayton, near Cambridge, where he labored for

twenty years at the task Of promoting the salvation Of
souls. He is characterized as a man who avoided contro-
versy and all the trouble that followed. He was more
concerned to be useful to man and God than to any worldly
profit from his Office; therefore, Greenham refused a
number Of rich preferments when Offered him. In addition
to his public ministry it seems he had a remarkable
talent for giving religious counsel to individuals that
had troubled consciences. As a writer he also had an
important impact upon the Puritan community, with state-
ments from his nine-hundred-page folio finding honored
mention in the works Of many Puritan writers.during the
years after his death in 1594. Sources for biographical
note: DNB, XXIII, 77-78., Haller, Puritanism, pp. 26-29.,
and Benjhfiin Brook, The Lives Of the Puritans: From the
Reformation Under Queen Elitabeth tO the Act Efoniforfiit
in 166273—Vols.; London, 1813), I, 415-418. Hereafter
cited as Brook, Lives Of Puritans.

32Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 102-104.

 

 

 

331bid., p. 98.

34Ibid., p. 125.

ethical
from whi
was the
calling 1'

tices the

 

'1
religious
in heaven
Who rejoi
over the
He is re;
the reach
fate of e
fer the L:
elected s
interpret
Closely e
Listen as
that "Tho

REVErence

\

31
3e
3‘.

3E

149

ethical conduct is the basis of Christian asceticism
from.which is derived the concept of the calling.35 It
was the emphasis on the ascetic importance Of a fixed
calling that provided an ethical justification for prac-
tices that produced the "spirit Of modern capitalism."36
TO begin with, Weber asserted that in the

religious teachings Of the English Puritans, "The Father
in heaven Of the New Testament, so human and understanding,
who rejoices over the repentance Of a sinner as a woman
over the lost piece Of silver she has found, is gone."37
He is replaced by a transcendental being, who is beyond
the reach of human understanding, who has decided the
fate of every individual with his decrees-and plans

for the universe. This is the horrible God that has

38 This

elected some for damnation and some for heaven.
interpretation Of the English Puritan God needs to be
closely examined from the writings Of some leading Puritans.
Listen as the English Puritans speak. Richard Baxter says

that "Though the Majesty and Glory [of God] will cause our

Reverence, yet it will not be our Terror, to the Diminution

 

35Ibid.. pp. 153-154, 180.

36Ibid., p. 163.

37Ibid., p. 103.

381bid., pp. 103-104.

of our
and knor
Think we

from God

150

Of our Joy."39

Again he says that men should consider
and know " . . . the wonderful Love and mercy Of God. . . .
Think well what pure and sweet delights a soul may enjoy
from God. . . . "40
John Robinson maintains in a work entitled "Of
God's Love" that "God reveals his glorious Majesty in
the highest heavens, his fearful justice in the hell of
the damned; his wise and powerful providence is manifest
throughout the whole world; but his gracious love and
mercy in, and unto his Chruch here upon earth; which he
therefore hath chosen, and taken near unto himself, that
in it might be seen the riches Of his glorious grace."41
He continues by saying even though " . . . all things in

God are infinite, and one; yet are the effects Of his

love more wonderful, and excellent, than Of any other of

 

39Baxter, Works, IV, 763.

4oIbid., I, 81.

41John Robinson, The Works Of John Robinson, ed.
Robert Ashton (3 vols.; London, 1851), I, 4. Hereafter
cited as Robinson, Works. John Robinson was the famous
leader Of the Pilgrims. He was born about 1576 in Lin-
colnshire. His early career is involved in Obscurity. It
seems that Robinson studied at Cambridge where he came
under the influence Of William Perkins. Because Of his
nonconformists views he emigrated tO Amsterdam in 1608 and
in 1609 to Leyden where he became pastor Of a group that
followed the congregational pattern Of Church government.
Although Robinson was one Of the chief formulators Of the
New England expedition, because Of circumstances he was not
able to sail with the Speedwell from Holland. He remained
at Leyden until his death in 1625. Source for biographical
note: DNB, XL, 18-22.

his att
stranges
cursed d
love and
of his m
importan
love. He
love; and
God has In
Proper wo
luStice t
God is mo
these Who
therefore
works of
thel‘le'

his saVin

151

his attributes; as appeare in that his greatest, and
strangest, work Of giving his only begotten Son tO the
cursed death Of the cross, for his enemies, out of his
love and mercy."42 Even though God provides evidence
of his majesty and justice, His love and mercy are more
important. In fact, "All that God doth to us it is in
love. He chooseth us in love, and doth everything in
love; and all that we do tO God must be in love."43
God has more delight " . . . in mercy, as being his

proper work, issuing from his own bowels, than in works Of
justice that are occasioned by the malice Of men."44
God is more interested in saving men than in destroying

those who do not accept his teachings.45

"Considering,

therefore, that mercy bears the chief Office in the great

works of God, we ought to dwell most in consideration

thereof, and feed our thoughts more with the meditation Of

his saving works to his church than the ruin Of his enemies."46
Richard Greenham asserted that although a man was

in despair because of his own unworthiness, or because his

 

42Ibid.
43 .
Sibbes, Works, IV, 181.
44Ibid., I, 309.
451bid.
46

Ibid.

own mer'
redempt'
I'God is

providin
God care:

PEOple .

 

that God
had no fe
trary, "T
will for

I
Testament
Puritanis

shewed hi

\
4

4

152

own merits are beggarly and his sins are many, our
redemption is greater, and God's mercy is a rich mercy.47
"God is rich in mercy not only to our souls, but in
providing all we stand in need Of."48 In other words
God cares and is concerned about all the needs Of his
peOple. The English Puritans were not Deists who believed
that God was unknowable or an impersonal machine that
had no feeling Of love toward his creation. On the con-
trary, "The utmost ordinary means of revelation of God's
will for man's salvation and happiness is the gospel."49
It is the revelation of the New and not the Old
Testament that is the inspiration of the spirit of English
Puritanism. According to William Perkins, "God hath

shewed his mercy in giving a Saviour to mankind."50

 

47Greenham, Works, p. 9.

48Sibbes, Works, VII, 198.

49Robinson, Works, I, 52.

50William Perkins, The Works Of That Famous and
Worthy Minister Of Christ in the University Of Cambfidge
(3 vo1§.; 3rd ed.; London, 1616-1618), I, 4. Hereafter
cited as Perkins, Works. William Perkins was born at
Marton in Warwickshire in the year 1558 and was educated
in Christ's College, Cambridge. He entered that institu-
tion in 1577 and was soon elected fellow. As a young
scholar at Cambridge he was exceedingly profane and
devoted to drunkenness. It was not until he heard a woman
say to a peevish child, "Hold your tongue, or I will give
you to drunken Perkins, yonder," that he was converted.
After his conversion Perkins became one of the ablest
and most brilliant ministers Of the time. He began his
ministry by preaching to the prisoners in the castle with

 

That sax
the G05;
chinson,
"The gos
blotted <

The key c

 

ment and
that they

order the
\

Consider;
sPread t1:
Chosen mj
a VigorOL
in 1602.
entia] 86
Cotton, i
c011ege'

153

That savior is disclosed to man in the New Testament in

the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Roger Hut-
chinson, another learned and acute divine, maintained that,
"The gospel is a sermon of God's mercy, that he hath

blotted out our sin by faith only in Christ's blood; . . ."51
The key Of knowledge for Hutchinson was God's Holy Testa-
ment and Word, wherein was found a Christ who died for men
that they might be justified before the heavenly Father in

52

order that they might be made alive. Richard Sibbes felt

 

considerable success. His fame as a preacher quickly
spread throughout the whole University, and he was soon
chosen minister at St. Andrew's Church where he remained
a vigorous and faithful pastor of Christ until his death
in 1602. Perkins was unmatched as a powerful and influ-
ential sermonizer. The story is told that when John
Cotton, as yet an unregenerate undergraduate at Trinity
College, heard the tolling Of the bell for Perkin's death,
his sinful heart secretly rejoiced that his conscience
would no longer be troubled by that voice. Perkins was
as skillful and diligent a writer as he was a speaker,
and after his death his collected works filled three
large folio volumes. Sources for biographical note:
Haller, Puritanism, pp. 64-65. and Brook, Lives Of
Puritans, II, 129-136.

51Roger Hutchinson, The Works of Roger Hutchinson,
ed. J. Bruce (Cambridge, 1842), p. 15. Hereafter cited as
Hutchinson, Works. The son Of William Hutchinson, Roger
was probably a north-country man, although it is sometimes
stated that he was a native of Hertfordshire. He was
educated at St. John's College, Cambridge and received his
B.A. in 1541, his M.A. in 1544, and was chosen senior fellow
in March of 1547. He was appointed fellow of Eton College
in 1550, but this position was lost during the reign of
Mary, for being married. Roger died about May 1555. Source
for biographical note: DNB, XXVIII, p. 343.

52

 

 

Ibid.

this wa‘N
”It is 1
service

translat

 

liberty
out of d.
0f marve
900d bec.
“Here an
hath Wror
taking 111
here is 1
love of (
riches 01
his love!
Perkins I
trile God.

and God i

\

5

56

154
this way about his God and Christ's sacrifice for men:
"It is wondrous in regard of the fruit we have by this
service Of Christ, the work Of our redemption, to be

translated from the kingdom Of Satan to the glorious

liberty Of the sons of God, Rom. viii.21. to be brought

out of darkness into marvellous light."53 It was a matter

of marvel and wonder to him that man had received so much

gOOd because Of Christ's love and abasement for men.54

"Here are all dimensions in this excellent work that Christ
hath wrought by his abasement, by his incarnation, and
taking upon him the form of a servant, and dying for us;

here is the height and breadth, and length and depth Of the

"55

love of God in Christ. Sibbes finishes thus: "0 the

56

riches of God's mercy!" God not only reveals Himself,

his love, and mercy in the Bible, but there is what William

Perkins refers to as " . . . blessed communion with the

57

true God." Richard Sibbes writes that Christ is in God,

58

and God is in Christ and both are in us. "There is a

 

 

53Sibbes, Works, I, 7.
54Ibid., p. 8.

551212-

56Ibid.

57

Perkins, Works, I, 151.

58Sibbes, Works, VI, 461.

155

marvellous sweet relation and communion between God and us,
and Christ and us. It is a sweet communion and mysterious

to us."59

Here is a mystical relationship between the
individual and God that is warm and vital which is contrary
to the cold, rational attitude Of the English Puritans as
indicated by Weber.

This mystical bond in Christ is not limited only
to the individual, but it exists in the Church as a whole.
Thomas Goodwin in speaking to godly men presents his views
as follows: " . . . agree; you are the body of Christ,
remember that; let your mystical relation to Christ, that
mystically you are his body, prevail over all consider-

ations whatsoever. It is the strongest tie in the world."60

 

sglbid.

60Thomas Goodwin, The Works of Thomas Goodwin
(12 vols.; Edinburgh, 1861-1866), I, 561. Hereafter cited
as Goodwin, Works. Thomas Goodwin was born at Rollesby (or
Rolisby) in Norfolk in 1600. He entered Christ's College,
Cambridge in 1613 and graduated B.A. in 1616. He was a
bearer and great admirer Of Dr. John Preston as well as
Richard Sibbes and other Puritans; however, Goodwin was
temporarily alienated from the Puritan cause while at
Catherine Hall from 1619-1620 at which time he received his
M.A. However, his Puritan zeal was rekindled on November
16, 1620 during a funeral sermon preached by Thomas Bain-
brigg. He was then chosen fellow, commenced B.D., in 1628
was elected lecturer at Trinity Church, Cambridge, and in
1632 became vicar Of Trinity Church. In 1634 he left the
university, being dissatisfied with the terms Of conformity.
From 1634-1639 Goodwin was probably a separatist preacher
in London. At the latter date he went to Holland and became
pastor of an independent congregation at Arnheim. He
returned to London about the beginning Of the long Parlia-
ment and was appointed a member Of the Westminster assembly

 

 

156

As members of the mystical body of Christ, the English
Puritan Christians were strongly bound together by what
they called the communion of the saints. Richard Greenham
illustrates this well in the following quotation: "In that
you beleeue that there is a vniversall Church and communion
of Saints, you must be diligent to approoue your selves
one to each other, that you are parts and members thereof:
and further, the graces that God hath bestowed Vpon either
Of you, must be common in the vse thereof to each other:
so againe you must sustains the infirmities one of another."61
The problem of the communion Of the saints will be considered
at greater length in the examination Of the social teach-
ings of the English Puritans.

From the foregoing pages it is evident that Weber's
interpretation Of the English Puritan God is a grave mistake,

for the God of Richard Baxter, Richard Sibbes, John Robinson

or a host Of other English Puritan leaders and writers is

 

in 1643. After the death of Charles I he was made president
of Magdalen College. He was held in high esteem by Oliver
Cromwell and attended him on his death bed. After the
restoration he was deprived, according to the DNB, Of

his Office as president of Magdalen. Mr. Daniel Neal
states that he resigned. After his deprivation or resig-
nation Mr. Goodwin withdrew to London, where he continued
as a minister until his death in 1680. Sources for
biographical note: DNB, XXII, 148-150., Daniel Neal,

The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Non-Conformists,
from the Reformation to the Death Of Queen Elizabeth, rev.
by J. Toulmin (5 vols.; London, 1793), IV, 575-587. Here-
after cited as Neal, Puritans.

61Greenham, Works, p. 177.

 

157

not the God of Weber. I am convinced from my study that
more is said about the love and mercy of God in the writings
of the English Puritans in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries than about his majesty, glory, and justice.
There is also more emphasis upon Christ as the redeemer
and the Holy Spirit as sanctifier than upon Jehovah Of
the Old Testament. Even the God of the Old Testament is
Love from which arises mercy and goodness as seen in
Christ. There is a warm, mystical bond between Christ
and each individual Christian as well as between Christ
and the Church as a whole in the writings of the English
Puritans that were studied for this paper.

Another germane problem with regard to the mystical
emphasis in the religious teaching of the English Puritans,
as Opposed to the rational, semi-Pelagian views Of Weber,
is the idea Of conversion. There must be a change in the
life if a person was to become a true Christian. Baxter
believed that, "You are never truly changed, till your
Hearts be changed."62 In other words men are to turn
from the type of worldly activity that Weber talks about
to another kind of life that reflects the teachings of
God as they are presented tO the world in the Bible. NO
man, according to Baxter, can have a changed heart and

enter into the kingdom of God that is not born of the Spirit

 

62Baxter, Works, I, 18.

158

of God.63 This Spirit of God comes to man as a result Of

the death Of Christ for the sins Of the world. "The Son
[Christ] Offereth to be thy Saviour, to justifie thee by
his blood and grace, and teach thee, and govern thee as

thy Head, in order to provide thy everlasting happiness."64
The Holy Spirit is to be men's sanctifier, comforter, and

65

guide. "God will never be reconciled tO thy sins:

If he be reconciled to thy person, it is as thou art
justified by Christ, and sanctified by the Spirit."66
Once men are regenerate and have the Spirit Of God, they

are to pattern their lives after Christ. "Fix your eye

upon . . . [Christ] as your pattern and study with earnest
desire to follow his holy example, and be made conformable
to him."67 Richard Sibbes states: "We cannot have a

better pattern than be like him [Christ] by whom we all

hope to be saved another day."68 The life Of the regenerate

who seeks to follow the example of Christ must be holy, for

men cannot see God without holiness. The uneducated may

 

63

Ibid., p. 6.
64Ibid., p. 14.
65Ibid.

66

Ibid., p. 10 [recte 15].

67Ibid., p. 72.

68Sibbes, Works, I, 369.

159

be saved, but the ungodly cannot.69 There are also other

indications that the heart is changed in that Christ
implants in the heart a desire to seek after the following:
holy knowledge, faith, devotedness to God and love to

Him above all else, thankfulness, Obedience, humility,
self-denial, contentment, patience, sincerity and tenderness

of heart, holy strength and resolution.70

There is yet
another very important sign of regeneration, states Sibbes:
"And so, Christ, our master speaketh, 'By this shall men
know that ye are my disciples, if ye love one another.”71
The gloomy teaching Of predestination, Weber
asserted, was the most characteristic doctrine of Calvinism
that formed the dogmatic background Of the Puritan morality
in the sense Of methodically rationalized, ethical conduct.72
This rationalized, ethical conduct, said Weber, is the
basis of Christian asceticism from which is derived the
concept of the calling.73 It was the emphasis on the

ascetic importance of a fixed calling that provided an

 

69Baxter, Works, I, 22.

70I§id., p. 88. See also Sibbes, Works, I, 333.

7lsibbes, Works, VII, 132—133.

72Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 125.

 

73Ibid., pp. 153-154, 180.

160

ethical justification for practices that produced the

spirit Of modern capitalism.74
In the foregoing pages it has been indicated from

the writings Of the English Puritans that the foundation

of their religion was not the methodical, rationalized

conduct in the sense in which Weber speaks. Furthermore,

to say that predestination was the most characteristic

dogma Of Calvinism would be very difficult tO prove. It

is true that election is dealt with by almost all of the

writers that I have read, and election is considered in

almost all of the creeds Of faith that I have studied Of

the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; however, the

emphasis varies from one writer to another. In the

works Of some men one would find very little said about

election as a doctrine. The best example that I found to

illustrate this would be Richard Sibbes. Of the seven

volumes of his writings that I read election is greatly

slighted, and it would seem at times that an Arminian

was setting forth his views of salvation rather than a

man who placed prime importance on the doctrine of election.

On the other hand, in the works of William Perkins or

Baxter there would be a greater emphasis on election. In

spite Of the greater emphasis, however, as in the case of

 

74Ibid., p. 163.

161

Calvin, election is but a logical development of original
English Puritan principles and must be looked upon as

an article of faith among many other articles of equal
importance.

Weber has pictured election as an inhuman and
forbidding doctrine which produced a feeling Of unprece-
dented, inner loneliness Of the single individual. The
reason for this was that man was forced to follow his
path alone to meet his destiny. NO one could help him.
There was no priest, nor could the sacraments help since
they are not a means to attain grace, while all magic
connected with salvation was disallowed.75

Let us now examine the soundness Of Weber's
assumptions. Thomas Goodwin attested that God is delighted
to love men,76 and His great love is shown in the act of

77

election. The original cause of man's happiness, Richard

Greenham affirms, is the love Of God in ordaining him (man)

to be heirs of eternal life.78

"Wherein is laid Open the
bountifull riches of the mercie Of God to VS ward, in that

before the foundation Of the world was laide, the foundation

 

7SIbid., pp. 102-105.

76Goodwin, Works, VII, 248.

77£§i§., p. 240-241. See also Ibid., VIII, 559.

78Greenham, Works, p. 525.

162

79

Of our saluation was made:" In the Westminster Confession

of Faith of 1647 we read that the mystery of the doctrine

80 It is

is to be handled with care and special prudence.
not something that everyone just speculates about. It

goes on to say that " . . . this doctrine affords matter

of praise, reverence, and admiration Of God; and Of humility,
diligence, and abundant consolation to all that sincerely

"81 This is the same attitude toward

Obey the gospel.
election that has been noted in the writings of Calvin and
other Protestant movements on the continent, particularly
the Dutch and French Calvinists. Although Weber looked

upon election in an unfavorable light, this was not the case
with the English Puritans.

We also find that Weber was incorrect in his idea
of the feeling Of unprecedented inner loneliness of the
individual as a result Of the doctrine of election because
he (the individual) had to meet his eternal destiny with-
out the aid Of magic, priest, or sacrament.82 TO begin

with, the idea that the English Puritans were lonely,

long-faced, somber people who did not enjoy their religion

 

79Ibid., See also Goodwin, Works, I, 42.
80Schaff, Creeds, p. 610.

81Ibid.

82

Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 104—105.

 

163

is not a correct picture of them. It is true that the
Christian life is Often described as a struggle against
evil forces, and the soldier Of Christ must be on guard
and will suffer want and hurt from time to time. This
kind Of imagery is as old as the Christian Church. The
English Puritan religion, however, is far from gloomy and
void Of real joy and inspiration for the individual. In
spite of the trials and hardships, in the mind of Richard
Turnbull, a preacher and minister of the Word of God in
London, there is always a glorious and happy ending for
the Christian.83 There are statements about the damned and
hell, but heaven and its rewards are stressed even more in
the writings of the English Puritans, while there are
constant references as tO the joys Of salvation in Christ
in this present world. John Bradford, a Protestant martyr
who was burned in 1555, wrote: " . . . the kingdom Of

heaven, which is a kingdom Of all joy, peace, riches, power

 

83Richard Turnbull, An Exposition Vpon the
Canonical Epistle of Saint James (London, 1591), pp. 33-35.
Hereafter cited as Turnbull, Epistle of James. I have
found very little biographical material on Richard Turnbull.
M. Knappen in Tudor Puritanism (Page 420) refers to him as
"an early seventeenth-century Puritan." John Strype
in his Ecclesiastical Memorials (6 vols., Oxford, 1822), III,
478 lists one Richard Turnbuli as a preacher at Canterbury
Cathedral. On the title page Of the Epistle of James quoted
above he is mentioned as sometime fellow Of Corpus Christie
College in Oxford and preacher and minister Of the Word of
God in London. In the "Dedication" Of the Epistle he speaks
of the papists as adversaries Of the Christians Of England
and enemies of the Gospel. His views as expressed in his
writings show definite sympathy with Reformation ideals.

 

 

 

 

 

 

164

and pleasure, is at hand to all such as do so, that is

84 The Christian way is a life of love

as do repent."
and joy. It is a cheerful progress to heaven.85 "The
Gospel presenteth to you such abundant matter of joy and
peace, as would make these the very complexion and temper-
ature of your souls, . . ."86
Thus, the Christians are to have a loving, joyful,
peaceful, and cheerful attitude at all times, and these
are to be the usual, and not the unusual, traits of the
followers of Christ. Men are to "Serve him [God] with
gladness and cheerfulness Of heart, as one that hath
found the way Of Life, and never had cause of gladness

87 It sounds as if Baxter meant for individuals

until now."
to enjoy their religion here as well as in the world to
come. Bliss and felicity are also constant themes that
are found in the writings of Richard Sibbes. He asks

the question, "What is our life without joy? Without joy

we can do nothing."88 He goes on to say in another place

 

84John Bradford, The Writings of John Bradford,
ed. Aubrey Townsend (2 vols.; Cambridge, 1848), I, 44.
Hereafter cited as Bradford, Writings.

85

 

 

Baxter, Works, I, 46.

861bid.

 

87Ibid., p. 19.

88Sibbes, Works, III, 223.

165

that " . . . joy is the state of Christians."89‘ TO Sibbes,
if a person is a Christian, he will be happy because " . . .
joy is reckoned as a fruit Of the spirit."90 There is
nothing but all marrow and sweetness in religion after a
man accepts the way Of Christ, and even the man Of the
lowest condition may be refreshed if he will but have a

91

taste Of it. The comforts and benefits Of the Christian

religion come tO the peOple Of God because Of Christ's

death for a11.92

"For this cause the oyle wherwith he
[Christ] was anointed is called the oyle of gladnesse,
because the sweete fauour Of it gladdenth the hearts Of
all his members, and brings the peace of God which passeth

93 Perkins later writes: "This

al vnderstanding."
[salvation in Christ] is a matter of endlesse comfort vnto
the people of God: for what can cause a man more to reioyce,
then to knowe that his name particularly is knowne to the
King of Kings, and that accordingly he hath speciall regard

vnto him?"94

 

891bid., p. 506.

9°Ibid., V, 58.

91Ibid., II, 470.

92Perkins, Works, I, 169.

93Ibid.

 

94Ibid., III, 334.

will ii. i Ill

166

There is not only a spiritual joy for the English
Puritans, but there were to me material and physical
pleasures as well. In writing Of certain hindrances to
the salvation of people, Sibbes points out that there is
" . . . a conceit that when we have once given up our names
to Christ, that presently we bid adieu to all delight,
mirth, and pleasure; when, alasl we are far deceived."95
On the contrary, "God denies not pleasure to us, but will

96

give us whatsoever is good for us." William Perkins

writes in-a similar fashion: "We may vse the outward
blessings Of God for our honest delight."97 He quotes
Eccles. 5:17 to give authority to his statement: "'Behold
what I have seen good, that is is comely to eat, and drinke,
and to take pleasure in all his labour wherein man
trauelleth vnder the sunne.'"98
The problem of ascetic tendencies in the lives of
the English Puritans will be considered in greater detail
in the section on the calling. Perhaps some would feel

that considering the religious ecstasy of the English

Puritans Of nugatory value, but one must remember that,

 

95Sibbes, Works, V, 107.

961bid.

 

97Perkins, Works, III, 136.

981bid.

 

167

according to Weber, it was in some measure the lack of
these ingredients (joy, happiness, and cheerfulness) in
the Puritan religion that helped to psychologically
condition society and thus prepare the way for the spirit
Of capitalism.

The English Puritans also found help, strength, and
comfort for the inner man by the preaching Of the Word Of
God and by the sacraments. According to Richard Baxter,
God has appointed the means and helps for the confirmation
of man's salvation. Among these are the hearing of the
Word.99 William Perkins writes: "What outward means must

wee vse to Obtaine faith, and all blessings of God which

come by faith? The preaching Of Gods Word, and the admin-

100

istration Of the Sacraments, and prayer." The sacraments

confer grace, in that the signs thereof confirm faith as
a pledge, by reason that it has a promise fixed to it. "For
when God commands vs to receive the signes in faith, and
withal promiseth to the receiuers to giue the thing signified,
he binds himselfe, as it were in bond vnto vs to stand to

"101

Ihis owne word; . . . TO Richard Sibbes, "The means of

:grace [the sacraments, and the Word of God] are not only

 

99Baxter, Works, I, 16.

100Perkins, Works, I, 7.

lOlIbid., p. 610.

168

necessary for the planting, but for the building up Of the

Church."102

In speaking as to why the sacraments were insti-
tuted, John Bradford maintains that God saw that men need a
visual means Of helping them to believe in Him and to
remember His love and benefits to them. Bradford states:

Our nature is very oblivious Of God and of all

his benefits: and again it is very full of
dubitation and doubts of God's love and Of his
kindness. Therefore to the end these two things
might be something reformed and holpen in us, the
Lord hath instituted this sacrament, I mean that we
might have in memory the principal benefit Of all
benefits, that is, Christ's death; and that we might
be on all parts assured Of communion, with Christ,
Of all kindness the greatest that ever God did give
unto man.10

He expresses his views on the sacraments with greater
feeling in the following manner: "0 wonderful consolation
which cometh to the godly hearts by reason of this sacra-

104

ment [the Lord's Supper]!" It is in the Lord's Supper

that men have an assured witness that Christ is so coupled
unto them, and that they are engrafted into Him, that they
are one body with Him; and whatever Christ has, Christians

105

may call it their own. Again he states with considerable

 

lozsibbes, Works, III, 336.

103Bradford, Writings, I, 105-106.

 

104Ibid., p. 261.

l°5Ibid.

 

169

emotion his views on the Lord's Supper.

O comfort of comforts! Of all the things we have

so assured witness in this sacrament, that we ought

without all wavering to be so sure that they are

exhibit and given unto us as if with our corporal

eyes we did see thee, 0 sweet Christ, . . . 06

Although the preaching Of the Word has been

alluded to as a source Of strength and comfort to the
individual English Puritan, a few more examples Of its
importance are apropos at this time. Henry Smith, an out-
standing, English, Puritan preacher, put it this way: "As
the wise rejoiced exceedingly when they saw the star which
should lead them to Christ, so ye have matter of great joy
and comfort when ye hear the word preached, which shall
carry you to heaven like the chariots which conveyed Jacob

"107

into Egypt. The words of Richard Greenham illustrate

 

106Ibid., p. 61.

107Henry Smith, The Works Of Henry Smith, ed. James
Nichols (2 vols.; Edinburgh, 1966), I, 496. Hereafter cited
as Smith, Works. Henry Smith was a Puritan divine born in
1550, the son Of a wealthy squire of Leicestershire. His
stepmother was a sister Of Lord Burleigh. He was admitted
to Queen's College, Cambridge in 1573, but he did not enroll,
and soon left the university. He then studied with Richard
Greenham, who instilled him with Puritan principles. He
was matriculated at Oxford as a member Of Lincoln College in
1576 and graduated B.A. in 1579. He did not leave Oxford
until about 1583, which seems to indicate he worked toward
an M.A., although this is not known for certain. In
1587 Smith became lecturer at St. Clements Danes where he
remained until his resignation because of ill-health in
1590. He died in 1591. As a preacher he met with tre-
mendous popular success--so much so that he is known as
silver-tongued Smith. His sermons were quickly printed
and were reprinted; and after a collected edition was

 

170

this point well when he penned these thoughts: "Againe,
to the penitent, whose consciences are burdened with griefe
for their sinnes, he [the minister] may pronounce the
sweet primes Of the Gospell, how Iesus Christ hath died
for them, and hath discharged them before the iudgement
seats of God, and they shall be as sure Of saluation, as
if our Sauiour Christ should speaks from heaven

himselfe. . . . "108 Spiritual joy and strength for
William Perkins " . . . is found in the holy vse Of the
Word, Sacraments, and Prayer: and in the practices Of
Christian duties Of mercie, loue, iustice, etc."109 Once
again it is seen that the Scriptures are very important
in the religious life Of the Puritans.

In that Holy Writ was so vital for the English
Puritans, this brings us to another principal consideration--
the importance of the minister in their daily religious
lives. Weber argued that because the priest Of the Middle

Ages was eliminated in the Puritan community, this left

each of them without guidance and comfort on their path to

 

edited by Fuller, the Church historian, they became some-
thing like a household book for Sunday reading. Sources

for biographical note: DNB, LIII, pp. 48-49. and Haller,
Puritanism, pp. 29-30.

108

 

Greenham, Works, p. 780.

109Perkins, Works, II, 35.

171

heaven. This is just not so. The Office Of the minister

or preacher was essential, and the person who held that
Office spoke with great authority and exercised extensive
influence in the community and upon the individual. In

the minds Of the English Puritans to disobey the minister

of God is to disobey God himself and to despise His Word.110
"True faith maketh vs only heirs Of the kingdom Of heaven;
faith cannot be attained without hearing of Gods word
preached; the word of it selfe cannot be preached without

a preacher: therefore preachers are the only means appointed
of God to worke faith in his children by the preaching Of
Gods word, and the secret working Of the holy ghost, whereby

111

they are made partakers of the promises." The Office Of

the minister is to preach and teach the Word to the congre-

112 Perkins

gation which is necessary for their salvation.
expressed his thoughts on the subject in this way: "Faith
Cometh only by the preaching Of the word, and increaseth
daily by it: as also by the administration Of the sacraments

and prayer."113 However, " . . . Ministers are not set up

 

110Greenham, Works, p. 788.

111Ibid., p. 779.

112Hooper, Later Writings, p. 277.

 

113Perkins, Works, I, 2.

172

only for publick Preaching, but for private Counsel also,
according tO our particular need."114 Help to the indivi-
dual could not become any more personalized than this.
Help, comfort, and encouragement came to the
individual, in spite Of what Weber said, in another
fashion; this was by what the English Puritans referred
to as the communion Of the saints. Although the English
Puritans were individualistic to the degree they were
willing to take a stand for what they believed, and in some
instances they were forced to stand alone; this is not to
say that they were individuals tO the extent that they
were islands unto themselves with no need Of intercourse
with other Christians or felt no responsibility to men
as a whole. There is a common bond, they believed, between
Christians in the person of Christ, and all are brothers
in Him, and men show this by their love for others. Henry
Smith spelled it out in this manner: "Now we come to the
marks of these kinsmen, [in Christ] which I may call the
arms of his house. As Christ saith, 'By this all men shall

know my disciples, if they love one another; . . .'"115

116

Christ is the head Of the Church, and He is always

 

114Baxter, Works, I, 38.

115Smith, Works, II, 295-296.

116Perkins, Works, I, 308.

173

117

present with it. The Church is nothing else than a

118

communion and society of Saints, and the whole group

" . . . communicateth with Christ and every member one
with another in the benefits Of Christ."119 In other words,
there is a vital and empowering relationship between
Christ and His Church and to each member.
There is therefore a rest and refreshing in the
Church for all that come under it. And as this is
true of the Church in general, so it is true Of
particular families, that are 1i tle churches. There
is rest and happiness in them.
Richard Greenham states: "In that you beleeue that there
is an vniuersall Church and communion Of Saints, you must
be diligent to approoue your selues one to each other,
that you are parts and members thereof: and further,
the graces that God hath bestowed vpon either of you,
must be common in the vse thereof tO each other: so
againe you must sustaine the infirmities one Of another."121

Richard Baxter sums it up well in the statement that men

should keep in mind the excellency or importance of love

 

1171bid., III, 246.

118Bradford, Writings, I, 146.

 

119Greenham, Works, p. 248.

120Sibbes, Works, II, 354.

121Greenham, Works, p. 177.

174

and unity among believers.122

"There is a Union and
Communion with Christians as such: This consisteth in
having one God, one Head, one Spirit, one Faith, one
Baptismal Covenant, one Rule Of holy living and in loving
and praying for all, and doing good to as many as we can."123

Thus, fellowship with other Christians as members of
the body of Christ, public worship and the guidance Of the
pastor provide indispensable aid, comfort, and encourage-
ment to the individual in his journey to the world beyond.
The prayers Of the brethren are of great worth to all
Christians, asserted Richard Baxter, and he even maintained
the idea that the use of confession of sin to God and the
saints, as well as serious meditation on the life tO come
can be helpfui.124

The supposed inner loneliness of the Puritan
religion, Weber argued, caused men to raise the questions:
"Am I one of the elect?" and "How can I be certain Of a

125

state Of grace?" Weber contended that the Calvinists found

the answers to these questions in pursuing ascetic ideals

126

within mundane occupations. A man's life in his calling

 

122Baxter, Works, I, 38.

1231bid.

124Ibid., pp. 16-17.

lsteber, Protestant Ethic, p. 110.

 

126Ibid., pp. 161-162, 178.

A /— I

175

is an exercise in ascetic virtue which was a proof Of his

127

state Of grace. The individual, said Weber, was to

work as hard as possible in his calling, while labor
became an end in itself among the Puritans.128 Men were
to toil in order to acquire riches because this is willed

129

of God, and the fruit Of labor in a calling was a sign

of God's blessing. Making money was the surest and most

evident proof Of rebirth and genuine faith,130

and, thus,
the Puritans equated election with success in their calling.
The earning Of money became an expression Of virtue be-
cause it was gain for the glory Of God.131
It has already been stressed that election was a
matter Of emphasis among the various English Puritan writers
and that in their eyes it was not the accursed and repul-
sive doctrine described by Weber. Another important
consideration with regard tO the doctrine Of election is
the fact that the English Puritan writers cushioned the
the effect Of their teachings on the doctrine by extending

the hOpe of salvation to all that hear and did not work at

the task of forcing their readers into a state Of constant

 

127Ibid., pp. 120-121, 161-162.

1281bid., p. 159.
1291bid., pp. 162, 171.
130

Ibid., pp. 133, 172.

131Ibid., pp. 53-54, 170-171.

176

despair, thus, the consequences were not the same as those
for which Weber argued. On the contrary one is Often

struck with the idea, as he reads the writings of these

men, that "whosoever will may be saved." William Gouge,

"a Levite of the Levites"132 among the English Puritans,
illustrates the idea of universal atonement very effectively.
Faith necessary for salvation comes to man by hearing

the Word of God preached. Man's understanding is enlightened
by this preaching from the Bible. This in turn shows man

of his wickedness and wretchedness because Of sin. This
knowledge will produce grief for sin and a desire for God's
mercy which in turn will then bring men to Christ and

133

eventually an assurance of saving faith. "Gods promises

 

132Haller, Puritanism, p. 67.

 

133William Gouge, The Workes Of William Gouge (2
vols.; London, 1627), II, 107-110. Hereafter Eited as
Gouge, Works. William was the son Of Thomas Gouge, a
wealthy gentleman of good descent, from whom he inherited
a considerable fortune. He was born, according to the
DNB in 1578, (Neal gives the date Of 1575) at Stratford-le-Bow,
fiiddlesex. His mother was the daughter Of a London merchant
by the name of Nicholas Culverwel. Her two sisters were
married to William Whitakes, master Of St. John's, Cambridge
and Laurence Chaderton, master Of Emmanuel. Her two
brothers, Samuel and Ezekiel were distinguished divines.
Thus it is evident that William Gouge came from a very
prominent family. He was educated at King's College,
Cambridge, of which he was fellow. He acquired a reputa-
tion as a prodigy Of learning and an arch-Puritan. In
1607 William was ordained, and the next year he was by
the citizens Of Blackfriars selected to be their lecturer,
and later he became their regular minister. There Mr.

Gouge remained until his death in 1653, after having been
minister of Blackfriars for almost forty-six years. He

 

177

are Offered to all. For the extent Of the Offer Of Christ,

is so large, so general, as no person can have any iust

134

cause to thinks himselfe exempted." This statement does

not sound as though anyone should have had been caused tO
despair as to their own election. Gouge states that the
angel that brought the glad tidings of redemption from
heaven at the birth Of Christ said that it was for all
people. When John was sent from God to bear witness Of

the light, it was in order that all men might believe

135

and be saved through Christ. "When Christ sent his

Apostles forth to preach the Gospell, he bade them 'Goe
and teach all Nations': And to shew that no particular

man in any Nation was excepted, but every mothers Childe

136

included." The idea Of the English Puritan image of

God becomes important once again. God was moved to Offer
Christ for the salvation of men because God is good and

richinmercy.137 As was indicated earlier, God, in the

was one Of the most outstanding preachers of this period.

The godly from his own and other parishes, as well as the
unenlightened, crowded into his church to hear him. In

time he took his place among the divines at the Westminster
Assembly. Sources for biographical note: Neal, Puritans, IV,
84-85., Haller, Puritanism, pp. 67-69., and DNB, XXII, 271-273.

134

 

Ibid., pp. 112-1130

1351nm.

lBGIbid.

137Ibid., p. 111.

 

178

writings of the English Puritans, is concerned about His
wayward children and seeks to win them to Himself and takes
no special delight in seeing them damned.

There are other good examples of how the English
Puritans slighted or disregarded the consequences Of the
doctrine Of election. Richard Sibbes writes that there is
an invitation Of salvation to every man in Matthew 11:28
that states, "'Come unto me all ye that are weary and

heavy laden.”138

Consequently, " . . . there is this to
encourage a man, there is God's command, and his sweet
invitation, 'Come unto me.‘ . . . Let none be discouraged:

139 Sibbes then

Christ and the promises are Open to all."
proceeds to quote promise after promise from the Bible as
to God's love, comfort, protection, and concern for the

140 Next he writes: "Let us

individuals in His creation.
empty our hearts of confidence in anything, and fill them
with the promises in Christ. . . . Let us stablish our

hearts with the promises, let us warm and season, and

 

 

 

refresh our hearts every day with these."141 Finally, Sibbes
states: "The promises [of God] will be the joy and rejoicing
138Sibbes, Works, III, 400.
1”mm.
140

Ibid., pp. 400-409.

141Ibid., p. 409.

179

Of our hearts. . . . Where the promises are believed, they

"142 When

will quicken us to all cheerful Obedience.
considering the problem Of assurance Of election, he
composed these thoughts:

Away with diSputing, and fall to Obey. Put this

question out Of question by believing and obeying.

Come in and stoop unto Christ, and then it will

appear that thou are one that Christ died for° for

he gives himself for all that believe in him.1
If men will trust in Christ and be ruled by Him, wrote
Sibbes, then there will be no problem regarding the
assurance of election. Satan holds many in a state Of
darkness by this delusion. Secret things belong tO God,
and revealed things belong to man. When God commands,
invites, and entreats us to be reconciled to Himself, then
it is man's duty to do so. This is done through the
person Of Christ.144

It would certainly seem to me that Max Weber failed

to read the works of Mr. Sibbes and perhaps the writings of
many other important and unimportant English Puritan
Divines, for there is more in the writings Of such men as

Thomas Goodwin, William Perkins, and Richard Baxter.

Thomas Goodwin set forth the View that if men will seek

 

l4ZIbid., p. 413.

143Ibid., V, 403.

144Ibid. See also Sibbes, Works, I, 266, which
is also excellent.

180

salvation and will continue to do so, there is a cer-
tainty that they shall Obtain it; and it is a false

slander tO say that there are few elected and

salvation may prove uncertain even though I seek it.145

William Perkins, no more than the other authors that
have been cited, does not force his audience or reader
into a predicament that ends only in despair and hope-

lessness over salvation. For even, "TO desire the helpe

"146

of Grace, is the beginning Of Grace. The desire

for faith is an indication Of its presence and that God is

147

working in him. "To see and feels in our selves the

want of any grace pertaining to saluation, and tO be

"148 John

grieved therefore, is the grace it selfe.
DOd, one Of the most prominent men of the English Puritan
brotherhood during his long life, states that, "NO man is
in a sad Condition, but he that hath a hard heart, and

cannot pray."149

 

145Goodwin, Works, VIII, 571.

146Perkins, Works, I, 640.

14How.

l481bid., p. 641.

149John Dod, Old Mr. DOD'S Sayings: Or Posies
gathered Out Of Mr. Dod's Garden (Boston, 1731), p. 2. Here-
after cited as Dod, Posies. This famous divine was the young-
est son Of seventeen children Of a country gentleman. He
was born about 1549 in Cheshire. DOd was educated at
Jesus College, Cambridge, where he rose tO be fellow and
University Preacher. He was a friend Of Richard Sibbes,

 

 

 

181

It would seem, if Weber is correct, that there
would be a very rigid View Of election in the writings of
at least Richard Baxter, but he does not lead his followers
down the road Of election to a state Of despondency
either. Mr. Baxter expressed the idea that none but God's
children will be saved. All, however, are His children
that are truly willing to Obey and please Him. If men
are willing to be truly holy and to Obey His will and live
a godly, righteous life, they may boldly rest in His disposing
will and rejoice in His rewarding and accepting will, for
He will pardon all our sins through the merits and inter-

150

cession of Christ. In another place Baxter penned

 

the celebrated preacher Of Gray's Inn, while he frequently
visited John Preston and consulted with John Cotton before
Cotton left for America. There are many other famous Puri-
tan-leaders with whom he was also acquainted. John Dod
remained at Cambridge until he received an invitation to
become pastor at Hanwell in 1585. It is reported that

he remained at this post for some twenty years during which
time hundreds of souls were converted.: His great popularity
seemed to have aroused the envy of several neighboring
ministers who caused him considerable trouble with the
bishOp. He also set up a lectureship in Banbury,’and when
he was silenced by the bishOp in 1604, he found another pulpit
in Fenny Compton in Warwickshire and then in Cannons Ashby
in Northamptonshire. Dod's last pulpit was held at Fawsley
in Northamptonshire where he died in 1645. By nature Dod
was witty, by industry, a learned man, and by grace, a

godly divine who had a tremendous impact upon his own day
and on generations to come as a result of his writings.
Evidence Of his influence on other Puritans can be found in
the works Of such men as John Cotton, John Preston, Thomas
Goodwin, John Davenport, and Thomas Hooker who Often turned
to DOd for counsel and encouragement. Sources for biographi-
cal note: Fuller, Worthies, I, 278-279., Brook, Lives Of
Puritans, III, 1-6, and Haller, Puritanism, pp. 58-61.

150

 

Baxter, Works, IV, 839.

Lrik

182

these thoughts: "None go to Hell, but those that chose
the way to Hell, and would not be perswaded out of it:
None miss of Heaven, but those that did set so light
by it, as to prefer the World and sin before it, and
refused the Holy Way that leadeth to it."151
It has not been my intent in the foregoing pages
to prove that the English Puritans did not believe in the
doctrine Of election. This of course would be foolish. I
am convinced, however, that the English Puritans greatly
cushioned and muted the effect Of their teachings on this
doctrine, and thus the consequences were not the same as
those for which Weber argued. I would maintain that in the
many examples that have been provided from the works of
the English Puritans they invariably stopped short of the
logical conclusions of the doctrine. There is a concern
for salvation; however, the word salvation is probably
more commonly used than election, but this interest or
desire to know that one has a right relationship with God
is Older than the Christian Church. Perhaps it is as H.
C. Porter has so succinctly stated it: one may be a
Calvinist in the study, but an Arminian in the pulpit. The

152

hOpe of salvation is extended to all who hear. Thus,

 

151Ibid., I, 21.

152H. C. Porter, Reformation and Reaction in Tudor.
Cambridge (Cambridge, 1958), p. 310.

 

 

 

 

183

the spirit of despair and desperation was not a funda-

mental mark Of the religious attitude Of the English

Puritans that stemmed from the doctrine Of election.
Inner loneliness, Weber maintained, caused men to

ask the questions: "Am I of the elect?" and "How can I

153

be sure Of a state Of grace?" The Calvinist, Weber

believed, found his answer in the pursuit Of ascetic ideals

154

within some mundane occupation. A man's life in his

calling was to be an exercise in ascetic virtue which was

a proof of grace,155 while the fruit Of labor in a calling

was a sign of God's blessing.156 Labor in a calling became

an absolute end in itself.157

D. Calling

 

As was indicated above, there was a Vital interest
among the Engligh Puritans whether they were saved or not,
but this was a concern Of Christians since the time of Christ.
The means by which assurance Of salvation came to the indi-
vidual were spiritual and not material. This will be consi-

dered in a moment, for it is first necessary to ascertain

 

153Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 125.

 

154Ibid., pp. 161-162, 178.

155Ibid., pp. 120-121, 161-162.

156Ibid., pp. 133, 172.

ls71bid., p. 159.

184

whether the English Puritans developed in the calling

an idea which was new and different from the concept that
existed previously. I would agree with H. M. Robertson

that the-idea of the calling was not new, and that it

" . . . was nothing but a new expression of the Old belief
in the existence Of divine and natural, distributive justice,
a belief that different men were 'called' to their several
Occupations and estates by divine providence--as a result

of which it was flouting providence to exhibit capitalistic

enterprise!"158

The following quotations from the writings
of sixteenth and seventeenth century English Puritans
illustrates this point well. No better example of this can
be found than in the words Of John Robinson: "When a man
knows himself to be orderly called to a condition of life,
he both sets himself more cheerfully and roundly tO the
works thereof, wherein he is assured he serves God's

159

providence by his order and appointment." Men are to

serve God and others in a spirit Of love nO matter in what
state or condition God has placed them.160 John Hooper
‘writes: "Unto every man is appointed his vocation; to

one this, to another that; one to a private, another to

a public vocation; and each Of them either is lawful or

 

 

158Robertson, Economic Individualism, p. 6.
159Robinson, Works, I, 117.
160

Ibid., p. 118.

185

161

unlawful." Unlawful vocations are those which are

repugnant to the Word of God such as dicers and bawds.162

The vocation_that is lawful agrees with the Word Of God;

" . . . of the which St. Paul speaketh: 'In what vocation

any man is called, in the same let him abide.'"163’

It would be impossible tO find the goal and spirit of

Weber's calling in the writings Of Paul. The verse Of

Robert Crowley, a zealous English Puritan printer and preacher
also provides us with the same pattern Of thought:

Whoso woulde that all thynges were well,
And woulde hymselfe be wyth out blame,
Let hym geue eare, for I wyll tell
The ways how to performe the same.

Fyrste walke in thy vocation,
And dO not seke thy lotte tO chaunge;
For through wyched ambition, 164
Many mens fortune hath ben straynge.

 

1GlHOOper, Early Writings, p. 456.

162

 

Ibid.

163Ibid.

164Robert Crowley, The Select Works OvaObert
Crowley, ed. J. M. COWper (London, 1872), p. 57. Hereafter
cite ‘as Crowley, Works. Robert Crowley was an author,
printer and Puritan preacher. He was born in Gloucester—.
shire about 1518 and became a student at the university Of
Oxford about 1534. He received his B.A. in 1542. In 1549
he commenced printing in London; however, this did not
absorb all of his energies in that he spent considerable
time preaching. When Mary succeeded to the throne Of Edward
VI, Crowley, with other English Protestants, fled to Frank-
fort. He-remained at Frankfort until Mary's death rendered
it safe to return to England. It seems he was a very popular
preacher. According to the "Introduction" to his Select
Works, p. xi, Crowley was "a Puritan Of the narrowest school"
and was constantly engaged in controversies upon religious
matters. He died in 1588 at the age Of seventy. Sources for

 

 

 

186

NO better evidence can be found for the tradi-
tional principle of distributive justice than in the works
of William Perkins and Thomas Lever, another ardent and
godly English Puritan reformer. This is how Perkins
expresses it: "A vocation or calling, is a certain
kinde of life, ordained and imposed on man by God, for

165

the common good." He illustrates this by saying

that “ . . . the life Of a king is to spend his time in
gouerning Of his subiects, that is his calling: and the
life Of his subiects is to line in Obedience to the

166

Magistrate, and this is his calling." This sounds like

Thomas Aquinas' View Of the social order. Later Perkins
writes that, "Gods calling is an action whereby he appoint-
eth a man to some certaine condition, or state of life,

167

in this world or after this life." Man are taught

therefore, " . . . to be constant in that calling whereunto
God hath called vs. It is a fearfull sinne, for a man to

see backe from that calling, in which God hath placed him."168

 

biographical note: "Introduction" to Crowley, Works.
pp. iX'XXXi. I DNB, XIII, 241-2430 ' "
165Perkins, Works, I, 750.
1661bid.
l67Ibid., III, 105.
168

Ibid.

187

In other words, men are not to seek out a vocation in
which they can Obtain the greatest wealth, as Weber con-
tended, but they must abide in the calling or station in
life that is ordained Of God. Thomas Lever, in a "Sermon
preached at Paules crosse," set forth the very same concept
of the calling.

Now let vs after thys takynge of the mynisterye Of
Chryste, w[h]yich perteineth generally vnto all
Christians, speake of the dysposers of Gods mysteryes,
wherein we maye consider seuerally euery mans voca-
tion.

Paul dyd dyspose the secretes Of God by the
preachynge Of the Gospell, which was euer secretly
hydde from the wyttye, wyse, and learned in the worlds.
Other men in other vocations must dyspose other
treasures of God by other meanes. As the magistrate
by authorytye must dyspose the punyshmente Of vyce,
and the mayntenaunce Of vertue.

The rich man by liberalytye, must dyspose reliefe
and comforts vnto the poore and nedye. The Marchaunt
by byinge and sellynge, and the craftes man by his
occupacion, must prouyde vnto the common wealthe of
necessarye wares, suffyciente plentye. The landelorde
by lettyng of fermes must dyspose vnto the tenants
necessary lands, and houses Of an indifferent rente.
The housbandmen by tyllyng Of the ground and kepyng
of cattel, must dyspose vnto theyr landelordes, dew
rentes, and vnto them selues and other, both corn,
and other vytals. SO euerye man by doynge Of hys
dutye must dyspose vnto other that commodytye and
benefyte, which is committed Of God vnto theym tO be
dysposed vnto other, by the faythful and diligent
doyng of theyr dutyes. 69

 

169Thomas Lever, Sermons, ed. Edward Arber (London,
1870). p. 106. Hereafter Cited as Lever, Sermons. Thomas
Lever, a celebrated Puritan was born at Little Lever in 1521
in Lancashire. He was educated at the university Of Cam-
bridge where he graduated B.A. in 1542. He was master
of St. John's College, Cambridge in the reign Of Edward VI

 

188

Here one has a strong sense of responsibility not only

to one's self, but to all of society. The need to live

and labor in society for the welfare Of all is a theme that
permeates all facets Of the English Puritan thinking and

will be considered in greater detail later.

‘st

E. Asceticism And Labor As They Relate TO The Calling
A problem closely associated with the concept Of
the calling was the attaining Of the certainty Of election
by means of labor. According to Weber, the Puritan's life
in his calling was an exercise in ascetic virtue, which was
a proof of his state of grace. The individual was to work
as hard as possible in his calling, while labor became an
end in itself among the Puritans. We need to examine these
assumptions. To begin with, the English Puritans were not
as ascetic in their attitudes toward this world as we are
led to believe, and in their writings this is quite evident.
A man, argues John Dod, will have joy, comfort, and blessing

in the use of his riches. He has them not only for

 

and was considered one Of the most eloquent preachers of
his reign.- Lever seems to have had a great zeal for the
Protestant religion and was an exile for it during the
reign of Mary. On the accession of Queen Elizabeth he
returned to England but not to the mastership Of his
college. At one time Lever seems to have been a great
favorite Of Elizabeth, but he eventually brought down her
great wrath upon himself because Of his nonconformity. He
died in 1577. Sources for biographical note: DNB, XXXIII,
142-143., Neal, Puritans, I, 315-316., Brook, LiVEs Of
Puritans, I, 213-223.

—-*—-u "

189

necessity but also for delight, refreshing, and recrea-

170

tion. DOd goes on to say that, "He which will be more

sparing than God would have him, and niggardly when God
hath laid no necessity Vpon him, the curse of God will

fall Vpon the good thus saued, that it is all one as

171

if they had beene spent." He further argues that

if an individual is unable to first show mercy to himself,

how will it be possible to show mercy tO others?172 In

the thinking Of William Gouge, "It is gOOd and comely for

one to eat and drinke, and enioy the gOOd Of all his

173

labour." Later he writes: "Couetous misers, who so

doat vpon their wealth, and so delight in abundance Of
goods treasured Vp, as they afford not themselves things
needfull to nourish and cherish their bodies."174 The
present life for the miser is irksome and filled with
worry and care, and thus he is kept from quiet rest. His

riches become a hindrance rather than a help to him.175

 

170John Dod and R. Cleaver, A Plain and Familiar
Exposition Of the Ten Commandments (London, 1628), p. 294.
Hereafter cited as Dod, Ten Commandments.

171

 

 

 

Ibid., p. 295.

l7ZIbid.

173William Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties: Eight
Treatises (London, 1622), p. 87. Hereafter cited as Gouge,
Domestical Duties.

174

 

 

 

Ibid., p. 88.

175Ibid.

190

In writing about worldly pleasure, Henry Smith composed
these thoughts: "For ye may see in Eccles. ii. 24, and
iii. 12 and v. 18, where Solomon speaketh Of joy, and
pleasure, and delight which we may take-in God's creatures;
and again in P8. 15, where David saith, that as bread was
made tO strengthen, so.wine was made tO comfort the heart,
that God would not only have us.fed, but of his exceeding
goodness he would have us cheered and comforted be-

sides, . . . "176 Smith asks the question as to why God
created more things than men need. His answer is that

God allows comfortable things as well, which are as necessary
as the necessities. He concludes with the thought that all
the good things which were not created for need, were

177

created for delight. In Richard Greenham's mind,

Christians were neither Stoics nor Epicureans with regard
to pleasure and the material world.”8
The key tO understanding the English Puritan ideal
view toward pleasure and the use Of the things Of this
world is expressed in the word moderation. Here is how
Greenham puts it: "Moreover wee must learns to make a:

difference between a temperate and moderate vse of Gods

creatures (which we call sobrietie . . .) and an vtter

 

fie

176Smith, Works, II, 7-8.

177Ibid.,

178Greenham, Works, p. 302.

191

abstinence from the vse Of the creatures, . . ."179 A

man may drink wine moderately and still speak wonderfully
Of the works Of God and after eating and drinking one

may utter the graces and praises of God to show that he
has not immoderately abused the creatures Of God.180 At
one point Joseph in the Old Testament is provided as an
example Of moderate drinking. Austerity is not commended
for a rule Of life, for if that were the case, why should
there be such a diversity Of tastes in meats? At the same
time wine was not only given tO quench the thirst Of men,
but also to make their hearts glad, and this is the purpose
for which all other things are given.. This is the reason
why the Children of Israel were commanded to eat and be
merry before the Lord. The same view may be gathered from
the story of Christ changing the water into wine, which he
would-have not done, if austerity were the order of the
day.181 Asceticism to Greenham is nothing more than a
trick Of Satan under the color or pretense Of repentance
which brings many into an extreme sadness and strictness
182

in using the things that God has given men to enjoy.

William Perkins also raises the question whether

 

l791bid., p. 532.

18°Ibid., p. 843.

1311516., p. 417.

182Ibid., p. 29.

 

192

God's blessings are to be used only for necessity? He,
writes: "We may vse them not only for necessitie, but
also for honest delight and pleasure.: Psalm 104.15.
'GOd giues wine to make glad the heart Of man: and oyle

183

to make his face shine.'" Perkins believed that, .f

"Gold and siluer, etc. are the gifts Of God, and serued
184

 

not only for necessity, but for ornament and comelinesse.”
He indicates many legitimate uses Of these in scriptures.
One such legitimate use was in making Of beautiful and
gorgeous apparel for those to whom it belongs. This means
that the rich, the nobles, and kings could lawfully wear
silver, gold, silks, and ornaments of precious stones.
Men are to dress according to their social position, and
this is as medieval as the concept Of the calling.185 Many
other examples Of this non-ascetic, non-austere attitude
could be provided, but these will be supplied in the section
covering the English Puritan attitude toward riches and
saving Of wealth.

With regard to the idea Of the calling can Weber

substantiate the view that the English Puritan writers

demanded continual effort on the job? Did work become an

 

183Perkins, Works, I, 339.

184Ibid., II, 134.

l85Ibid., III, 11. See also Ibid., II, 136.

 

193

end in itself as Weber contended? Richard Baxter expressed
the view that men are not to become so encumbered with
worldly business or cares of life as to have no leisure

to hear from or learn of God. They are not to love

business so well as to refuse to treat with the Spirit

Of God, who comes to Offer them great pleasure.186 Constant«
employment with worldly cares or business, with no leisure

187

time for the things Of God, are Of the devil. Communion

with God is the most important activity for the Christian
and not ceaseless activity in a mundane occupation. Men
are tO labor in some worldly trade to provide for themselves
and to help others, but there is a much more important kind
of labor for the English Puritans-—that which brings spiri-
tual rewards.

Richard Sibbes spells it out in the following way:
"Above all labour for a spirit of humility. . . . [and] for

188

a spirit Of love." He continues: "Let us labour, then,

in ourselves to be full Of goodness, that so we may be fitted

189

to do good to all." Men are also to labor to be holy

190

and to be like Christ and for that blessed food that

 

186Baxter, Works, I, 9.

187Ibid., p. 23.

188Sibbes, Works, I, 399.

l891bid., II, 13.

190116151., p. 22.

I:

194

191

lasts to life eternal and for faith and tO have a

clear understanding Of the things of God and the excellency

Of them.192 Individuals are tO labor to have larger and

larger affections to Christ,193 to bring all our love to

194 195

Him, to be exemplary to others, and tO be full Of

sweetness, willingness, and abilities tO be kindly and dO
good tO others.196 The above are the types of things for
which the English Puritans were tO labor, and one will

seek in vain tO find the spirit Of labor as defined by
Weber in the writings Of any Of the English Puritans that

I have studied.

On the contrary men are not to labor "immoderately,"

or "inordinately," nor "unseasonably" at an earthly occu-

197

pation. There is no need to labor and worry constantly

about acquiring the necessities Of life for, "God is rich

in mercy, not only to our souls, but in providing all we

198

stand in need Of." Here is how William Gouge penned

 

19lrbid., p. 35.

192Ibid., p. 98.

193Ibid., p. 126.

194Ibid., p. 185.

195Ibid., p. 132.

196Ibid., p. 351.

197Ibid., VI, 363.

198Ibid., VII, 198.

195

his thoughts about endless toil: "Such as are too inten-
tiue-Vpon their business, euen the affairs Of their callings
(for in good things there may be excesse) herein many
Students, Preachers, Lawyers, Tradesmen, Farmers, Labourers
and others Offend, when they afford not seasonable times
of refreshing and resting to their bodies, but fast, watch,
and toile too much in their calling."199
"Rest from labour, with the refreshing Of body
and minds," states William Perkins, "is necessary."200
Men are not to have inordinate care for the things Of this
life, even though such necessities as meat, drink, and
clothing are needed.201 They must not worry about tomorrow,
for their care must not extend itself further than the
present day. The true pilgrims must not trust only in.
themselves for the morrow, but fix all their confidence
in the mercy and providence of God, who blesseth all, and
without whose goodness nothing can come to pass, do what

men will.202

Perkins quotes Psalm 55:22: "'Cast thy
burden on the Lord, and he shall nourish thee.‘ Again,
'Be nothing carefull, but in all things let your request

be shewed vnto God, in prayer and supplication with

 

199Gouge, Domestic Duties, p. 88.

 

200Perkins, Works, I, 140.

201Ibid., III, 177.

202Ibid., 953 [recte 132].

196

'"203 This

thankesgiuing; and, Cast your care on GOd..
faith, whereby men depend on God for the outcome Of their
labors, has an infallible foundation on which it is
established, namely, that GOd knows men's wants, and he

will give unto them all things which He in His wisdom

knows to be necessary.204 "Christ saith, 'Your heavenly
Father knoweth that you have need of these things,‘ that

is, 'fOOd and rayment.‘ Againe, 'He careth for you:'

and, 'Nothing shall be wanting vnto them that feare GOd.'"205
Perkins argues that if men would by faith, only build their
lives on these promises, " . . . they should not need

like drudges Of the world to foyle [toil] and spend them-
selves and the best part Of their days in worldly cares,

as they do: for they should have a greater blessing Of

God with lesse care, if they would trust him: and they
should haue farre more time than they haue, to care for

heauen and heauenly things."206

F. Fruits Of Labor In A Calling As A Sign Of God's Blessing

The purpose for toiling, according to Weber, was

 

2031bid., I, 481.

204Ibid.

205Ibid.

206Ibid.

197

to acquire riches because this is willed Of God,207 and the

fruit of labor in a calling was a sign Of God's blessing.
Making money was the surest and most evident-proof of
rebirth and genuine faith, and thus the Puritans equated

208

election with success in their calling. What do the

English Puritans themselves say about these assertions?
Perkins affirms that the goodness and providence Of God
are seen in every state, " . . . in sicknesse as in health,
in want as in wealth, in persecution as in libertie and
peace. . . . 'The Lord giueth, and the Lord.taketh away,

,"209

now blessed be the name Of the Lord. Sometimes God

may even take away one grace, and put another in its place.
" . . . he bereaueth his owne Children Of outward prosperitie,
yea he wil load them with crosses; and yet he will make

210 It is pointed out

a good supply by giuing patience."
that David was driven out of his kingdom by his own sons,
which was a heavy cross indeed.

There is no doubt in Perkin's mind that the blessings

of God are permitted to fall upon the infidels and ungodly,

and thus the efforts of their hands produce riches and

 

207Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 162, 171.

 

208Ibid., pp. 53-54, 133, 172.

209Perkins, Works, I, 768.

21oIbid., p. 417.

M

198

prosperity.211 However, " . . . the prosperity Of the

wicked, is like the quailes which God did send to the
Israelites in the wildernesse, which brought a plague and.
destruction with them, for they died while the meats was

212,

yet in their mouths." Temporal blessings are Often

given by God, then, even in His wrath.213

"They that
abound with worldly wealth, must hereby learne to become
poore if they will be saued: Poore I say, not in goods,
but in spirit: this indeede is hard to flesh and blood,
for naturally every rich man blesseth himselfe in his
outward estate and perswads himself that God loues him
because he giues him wealth: but such-conceits must he
striue against, and learns Of God to reioyce in this,

214 Perkins states later that some

that hee is made lowe."
people believe that if God gives them honor, a good reputa-
tion, and wealth, that He loves them; " . . . for these be
signes thereof. I answer, These bee no sure tokens Of his
fauour.in Christ, for those that be his enemies, may enioy

215

them all." King David in Psalm 73:3,7 perceived how the

 

if

2111bid., II, 128.

2121bid., I, 758 [recte 766].

2131bid., p. 769.

214Ibid., III, 5.

2151bid., p. 217.

199

wicked flourished in their outward prosperity and had more
than their hearts could wish for. However, no man should
deceive himself for " . . . he that wanteth Gods fauour
in Christ, is but a cursed wretch, and a firebrand Of hel,
though he had all the world, for outward things, at his

216 Material wealth, then, is of God, but his .

command."
blessings are extended to the ungodly as well as to His
faithful children; at the same time God's denial Of temporal
blessings is also a fruit Of his favor.

William Gouge is as unwilling as Perkins tO-ascribe
to the view that prosperity is an evidence Of a true
believer. God's love must not be measured by earthly riches
for these things are also " . . . common to cast-awaies."217
The bellies of the reprobate are filled with the abundance
of outward things, yet their hearts are never filled with
the love of God; as in the case Of Dives. Such examples
show that external conditions, such as wealth and honors,
are not evidences Of God's love.218

Richard Greenham maintains that the nature Of all

:natural and worldly men causes them to look upon the grace

 

216Ibid.

 

217William Gouge, The Saints Cordials (London, 1629),
;p. 93. Hereafter cited as Gouge, Saints Cordials.

218Ibid. See also Gouge, Domestic Duties,
pp. 140-141.

 

200

of God with small esteem. They would rather relinquish.
many richer spiritual benefits and blessings than one
worldly commodity. The reason for this attitude is that
the want of riches annoys and troubles them more than the
want Of spiritual and heavenly graces, and the having of
riches brings greater joy to their hearts than the burden

219 "Such men know not

of sin, which procures God's wrath.
that riches are no sure signes Of Gods fauour, though hee
in the abundance of her mercie let his Sunne shinne Vpon
the wicked and Vpon the good: so that the hauing Of
riches is no argument that he loueth vs; nor the want of
them is any argument of his displeasure towards vs."220
According to Richard Turnbull, all good gifts
from God to men are the result Of His favor and mercy and I'
are not given because Of any merit of the individual.221 J
In other words men do not become wealthy because they are
of the elect or even because they work hard. Richard
Baxter maintained that God does not always prosper or bless
the labors of a Christian, at which time there is a need

222

for patience. Finally, Richard Sibbes states that,

"Abundance of temporal blessings is no sign that we are in

 

219Greenham, Works, p. 61.

22°Ibid. See also Ibid., p. 263 [recte 293].

221Turnbull, Epistle Of James, p. 30.

 

222Baxter, Works, III, 843.

201

God's favour; neither are learningiand knowledge evidences

223

of spiritual grace." Even the reprobate have prosperity

224 consequently, these can not be a sign or

and security;
evidence Of election. The followers Of Weber will seek
in vain for the above English Puritans tO write anything
that smacks of proving faith by success in one's calling.
If Weber had read extensively the works Of the English

Puritans, he would have realized that it was-most difficult,

if not impossible, to uphold such a View.

G. Signs Of Salvation Are Spiritual

As was stated earlier, the proofs Of salvation and
the signs of discipleship to Christ, in the View of the
English Puritans, are spiritual and these savor little of
the spirit Of capitalism. Justification is by faith alone
and works are of no avail.. Henry Smith expressed his views
on justification in the following words: "It appeareth to
be.a true position, that faith only doth justify, inasmuch
as justification is, in the sight Of God, imputed to our

"225 Thomas Goodwin composed his

faith, not our works.
thoughts on the problem in this manner: God has accepted

men " . . . through his Son, and forgives us our Bins

 

2238ibbes, Works, V, 269.

224Ibid., III, 176.

225Smith, Works, II, 441.

202

through his merits; it is free grace. Thou art bought
without any of thy money; it is free to thee."226

It is a sin and damnable error, in Baxter's mind,
to trust to anything save God and Jesus Christ for one's

227 "You must not dream that they [works] can

salvation.

do anything to the Satisfaction of God's Justice for your

sins; nor that they have any proper Merit in them, so as

for their worth to oblige God to reward you; nor that you

must bring them as a Price to purchase Christ or Heaven."228

Again Baxter stresses the idea of salvation in Christ alone

when he states:. "Be sure that you renounce all conceit

of self-sufficiency or merit in any thing you do, and

wholly rely on the Lord Jesus Christ, as your Head and

Life, and Saviour, and Intercessor with the Father."229
To William Perkins the doctrine of justification

by works, " . . . is a doctrine that maintaines idolatry;

for if they iustifie, we may put our trust in them: and

if we put our confidence in them, wee make idols of them."230

Justification, however, is a work of God in which He

" . . . absolueth a sinner, and accepteth him to life

 

226Goodwin, Works, I, 126.

227Baxter, Works, III, 606.

228Ibid., II, 893.

229Ibid., I, 19.

230Perkins, Works, II, 285.

 

 

203

euerlasting for the righteousness and merit of Christ.

. . . iustification is from Gods meere mercie and

grace, procured only by the merits of Christ."231 Later,

he again states with great emphasis that Christ is the

root and fountain head of all merit. It is Christ who

232

is the mediator and redeemer of all men. Perkins

continues: "We renounce all personall merits, that is,
all merits within the person of any meere man. And we

renounce all merit of workes, that is, al merit of any

worke done by any meere man whatsoeuer."233

Richard Sibbes struck out against what he called

man's flattery of himself by trusting in carnal wisdom

234

for salvation. "Away with the-conceit of merit! If

i

we merit not daily bread, if we merit not outward deliverance,

if we merit not health, what can we do for eternal life?"235

There is no salvation apart from Christ. There are no
promises, life, comfort, or light apart from Him.236 How—

ever, "This is our comfort and confidence, that God accepts

 

231Ibid., I, 568.

2321bid., p. 574.

233Ibid., p. 575.

234Sibbes, Works, III, 288.

235Ibid., p. 191.

236Ibid., p. 418.

204

us, because he accepts his beloved; and When he shall cease

to love Christ, he shall cease to love the members of

Christ."237

It has not been my intent to prove that works of

 

love and charity were not stressed by the English Puritans,
for they were, and this problem will be dealt with later;
however, justification before God was by grace through
faith in Christ, and grace was freely bestowed of God
without works or labor in a calling. Works do not produce
faith or assurance of election. The idea was emphasized
earlier that the English Puritan religion was not as cold
and devoid of comforts as Weber contended. Neither did
the Puritans look upon the doctrine of election with fear

and dread as Weber maintained. Consequently, there was not

 

the great desire or need for assurance. Once again, this
is not to say there were not some who had doubts about
salvation, but " . . . these appear to have come only from
the hypersensitive and were thus not an important part of
the normal English Puritan life, . . ."238
When the English Puritan pastors found it necessary

to provide counsel with regard to assurance (and I might

stress once again that this concern for evidence-Of salvation

 

237Ibido, I, 11-12.

238

Knappen, Tudor Puritanism, p. 394.

 

 

205

was not peculiar to the English Puritans) various means
were used and different criteria were established to
provide assurance and to give evidence of.a true believer
in Christ. The apprehension of Christ is not done by-
physically touching Him in any manner, “ . . . but spiri-
tually by assurance, which is, when the elect are perswaded
in their hearts by the holy Ghost, of the forgiuenesse of
their owne sinnes, and of Gods infinite mercy toward them

239 The method used of God in the

in Iesus Christ."
" . . . begetting of faith is this. First, he prepareth
the heart that it may bee capable of faith. Secondly, he
causeth faith by litle and litle to spring and to breed

in the heart."240 Assurance comes, then, if men will but
wait on God and trust in Him.

Perkins reduces the problem of the acquisition of
faith to its lowest common denominator, for the very desire
for faith indicates that God is working. An excellent
example Of this in Perkins' eyes was one Master Chambers
of Leicester who became ill and, despairing of his soul,

cried out that he was damned. Soon after this he died.

However, it is not right for any one to cast upon Master

 

Chambers the black mark Of reprobation.241 One particular
239Perkins, Works, I, 363.
240Ibid.
241

Ibid., p. 418.

 

206

thing which he spoke in his hour of despair, " . . . (O that
I had but one drop of faith) must mooue all men to conceiue
well of him. For by this it seems that hee had an heart
which desired to repent and beleeue; and therefore a repen-
tant and beleeuing heart indeed."242

The most important sources of assurance Of.
salvation for Perkins, and for most of the English Puritans
I have studied, would come by at least four means--faith

in Christ,243 244

by the Word of God, by the testimony of
the Holy Spirit,,245 and by the testimony Of our conscience
which has been sanctified and renewed by the Spirit of
God.246 Several references could be given for each of these
from the works of William Perkins, and the same sources Of
assurance will also appear in the writings of other English
Puritans.

William Gouge accepted as true the view that a
person can be certain that he is a Child of God. He states:
"The true beleeuer may know that hee hath a true and sound

247

faith." The proofs, once again,.are spiritual, as with

 

2421bid., p. 419.

2431516., p. 80.

244Ibid., III, 382.

2451bid., I, 429.

246Ibid., II, 19.

247Gouge, Works, II, 115.

 

207

Perkins. Proofs begin with true spiritual grief, which
works a desire for faith; faith in turn works kindly and
brings forth prOper fruits.248 Enlightened grief for sin
and saving faith come to man by hearing the Word of God

preached. This sorrow for sin and a desire for God's mercy

will eventually bring men to Christ and_then to an assur-

ance of saving faith.249

Thomas Goodwin asserts that the believers can have
assurance but not in the way that Weber thought. Assurance
comes because there are three witnesses to the fact in
heaven and on earth. In heaven, "' . . . the Father, the
Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are one. And
there are three that bear witness in earth, the Spirit, and

the water and the blood and these three agree in-one.'"250

All external efforts cannot produce faith.251

Richard Greenham particularly stressed the idea that
the Word of God252 and the witness Of the Holy Spirit253
provide assurance of salvation. Of the four means of

attaining assurance of salvation, or election, mentioned

 

fl

248Ipig., p. 121.

249gggg., pp. 107-110.
250Goodwin, ngkg, VIII, 360.
2511bid., p. 486.

252____

Greenham, Works, pp. 36, 101, and 760.

253Ibid., pp. 248, 260, and 766.

v
I
3.:
L:
75
1’ fl
I
8
, 3:
3
w;
I:
"Is
‘r
4:"
'.

 

 

 

208

earlier, I would judge that the Word of God and the witness
of the Holy Spirit are most prominent and occur again and
again throughout the works that have been investigated..

John Hooper provides a strong argument that the

 

Scriptures are the means of assurance when he writes,
" . . . that this justifying faith is a mere and singular

gift of God, the which is commonly given by the hearing of-

God's word, . . ."254 Hooper continues: ‘

I call a justifying faith a certain assurance and
ernest persuasion of the good-will, love, grace,
bounteousness, and mercy Of God toward us, whereby.
we are assured and veryly persuaded in our hearts

of the mercy, favour, and good-will Of God the Father;
that he is on our side and for us against all that
are against us, and that he will be a merciful Father
unto us, pardoning our sins, and will give us his
grace, make us his children by adoption, and admit

us for heirs unto eternal life; and all this freely
in his Son, and by his only Son Jesus Chrisg gur
Lord, and not for our merits or good works. 5

 

There were certain criteria, as was suggested
earlier, that helped to indicate that the individual had
attained true faith in Christ. These, however, in no way
help to substantiate Weber's contentions regarding certainty
of election in a secular calling. The spirit of Christian,
fruits-as propounded by the English Puritans provided no

1

basis on which to build a spirit of capitalism as was des-

cribed in the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.'

 

254Hooper, Later Writings, p. 59. See also John

Dod, Ten Commandments, pp. 49-50.
255

 

Ibid.

 

209

William Gouge upheld the idea that, "It were an
infinite task to reckon up all the fruits of Faith. For
all the seuerall and distinct branches of piety and charity,
if they be rightly performed are fruits of Faith."256
However, he classifies them under two headings; they are a
quiet conscience and a clear conscience. These result
in peace of mind, spiritual joy of the heart, love for God,
love for our brothers, and a pure heart.257

The signs of regeneration as put forward by William
Perkins follow the same pattern established by Gouge and
are similar to the kinds Of fruits that were spoken of by
most of the writers that have been considered. Perkins
would list them as--a true compunction of conscience for
our sins, a godly sorrow as well as grief of heart for
Offending and displeasing God by our transgressions, an
earnest desire or spiritual hunger for Christ and His
righteousness, and a turning from sin unto God with an
obedient heart. These are the marks Of a new creature
in Christ, who has a true title to the kingdom of God.258

Justification brings peace and quietness of conscience, an

entrance into God's favor, spiritual joy, and the shedding

 

256Gouge, Works, II, 21.

257Ibid., pp. 121-126.

258Perkins, Works, III, 192.

210

of God's love throughout the heart of the faithful by the
Holy Ghost. By his justification the individual is given
inward assurance that he is accepted of God as His own

child.259

Perkins later quotes St. Paul as saying, "'If
we liue in the spirit wee must walke in the spirit, . . .
[and] those that have the gifts of the spirit must be
trees of righteousnesse bringing forth the fruits Of the
spirit, . . .'"260
There are nine principal fruits which Perkins
elaborates upon at some length. The first is love, which
has respect for both God and man. The second is the kind
of joy which makes a man glad because of the good fortune
of his neighbor as well as his own. The third fruit Of
the spirit is peace, while the fourth is long-suffering.
The fifth fruit is gentleness, whereby a man behaves and
shows himself friendly and courteous to all others in
society. The sixth fruit is goodness, which is when a
person is willing to do good and become serviceable to
all men, at all times, upon all occasions. The seventh

fruit of the spirit is faith, and the eighth is meekness,

which is a notable grace of God, because when an individual

 

259Ibid., I, 368-369.

26OIbidl, p. 274.

211

is provoked by injury, he does not seek to revenge him-
self. The last fruit of the spirit is temperance.261
Richard Sibbes mentioned the spirit of prayer as
a token of whether a person was a true follower of Christ.262
He would also support all of the foregoing signs of regen-
eration as do all the English Puritan writers that I have
studied. Richard Greenham sums up the whole problem quite
well when he states: "The righteousness of Christ Iesus,
with the peace of conscience, ioy in the holie Ghost,
vertue, faith, knowledge, temperance, patience, godlinesse,
brotherly kindnesse, loue, these bee sure gages, sealss,
and pledges vnto vs, of our entrance into the kingdoms

of God, and therefore most excellent Treasures."263

 

261Ibid., pp. 274-276.

262Sibbes, Works, III, 456. See also Perkins,
WOrkS, I, 284'

263Greenham, Works, p. 99.

CHAPTER VI

THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE BASIS OF THE

PURITANS' SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

A1? Social Views

It must be kept in mind that as in the case of
John Calvin the social and economic ideas of the English
Puritans that will be considered in this study were
determined by their religious convictions which were based
upon the teaching of the Scriptures. This influence of
Holy Writ in the writing of these men can be found on
nearly every page and is conspicuous in all of their
statements with regard to the life of the Christian man in
his social environment to which the focus Of this paper
now turns.

Weber argued that because the Puritan religion was
carried on in deep spiritual isolation, it produced a
disillusioned and pessimistically inclined individualism.
The English Puritan develOped a negative attitude toward
all sensuous and emotional elements in culture and in
religion.1 This, however, was not the case as has already

been seen in the previous chapter. Weber, further, maintained

 

lWeber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 105-107.

 

212

213

that because of this strong individualism and lack of
emotion, and because the elect are in the world only to
increase the glory of God, the social activity of the
Christian-in the world assumed a peculiarly objective

and impersonal character. There was no real concern or
love for others in society because love can only be
practiced for the glory of God. stsr also argued that
the Calvinists' relationship with God was carried on in
deep spiritual isolation which caused him to think only
of how he, himself, might attain his heavenly goal. Con-
sequently, one of the charges that has been leveled at
English Puritanism is that it was so preoccupied with the
salvation of the individual that it ignored or had no real
interest in the needs of society as a whole.2 These
allegations need to be examined.

The English Puritans recognized the fact that
individual man, as a part of the human race, was bound
together in some kind of social order with responsibilities
toward other peOple. The recognition of the need for
social welfare and justice has already been considered
with regard to distributive justice in the English Puritan
concept of the calling. This idea with regard to the

calling needs to be resmphasizsd and expanded upon because

it shows that the English Puritans did have a genuine concern

 

21bido’ pp. 105-109.

214

for the needs of all people in society. Let us listen

as they themselves speak. In writing about the calling,
Richard Baxter argues that the principal considerations
with regard to a vocation are the service of God and the
public good.3 Again he states that a child of God

" . . . is faithful and laborious in his particular Calling,
and that not out of a covetous Mind; but in Obedience to
God, and that he may maintain his Family, and be able to

do good to others."4 Richard Sibbes penned these senti-
ments: "If it falls within our callings, let us do justice

5 Richard Greenham wished, " . . . that

and shew mercy."
euery man would search his own heart whereunto in affection
and action hee is most seruiceable to God, and profitable to
his brethren, and to pursue specially this gift most care-
fully and continually, yet without pride in all humilitis."6
One of the most prolific writers with regard to the
calling was William Perkins. "Whosoever imploy their
callings principally for the purchasing of their profits,

pleasures, honours, and not for the good Of men, they abuse

their callings, prOphane their liues, and mistake the

 

3Baxter, Works, I, 357.

4Ibid., II, 986.

5Sibbes, Works, II, 97.

6Greenham, Works, p. 294.

215

prOper ends of them: as though they were borne onely
to live vnto themselues, and ssrue themselues, and neither

7 The main end of every calling is

God nor man besides."
the common good, " . . . that is, for the benefits and good
estate of mankinds."8 Perkins again states: "Now all
societies of men are bodies; a family is a bodie, and so

is every particular Church a bodie, and the common-wealth
also: and in these bodies there be seueral members, which
are men walking in seueral callings and offices, the
execution whereof, must tend to the happy and good estate

of the rest; yea of all men every where, as much as possible

...9

is The common good of all men depends on this, not

only that they live, but that they live well, in righteous-
ness and holiness, and, consequently, in true happiness.lo
Even the laws of nature teach that the works of a calling
must be profitable, not only to the doers, but to the
commonwealth.11 So then, the person abuses his calling,
no matter who he is, if he employs it only for himself and

not the common good; "And that common saying, 'Euery man

 

7Perkins, Works, III, 582.

81bid., I, 751.

9Ibid.

10Ibid.

 

11Ibid., p. 764.

216

for himselfe, and God for vs all,‘ is wicked, and is
directly against the end of euery calling, or honest

12

kinds of life." Perkins looks upon the calling as an

instrument of mercy to others, and in doing the duties

13 Weber

thereof one can show forth compassion toward them.
once again has certainly misjudged or misinterpreted the
motives for and the goals of the calling.

Weber's charge that the English Puritans sought
to glorify God only by a mechanical and impersonal love also
needs to be examined. Richard Baxter provides a major
example as to how the English Puritans sought to bring glory
and honor to their Maker: " . . . it Glorifisth God and
our Religion when Christians Live in greater Joy, or at
least greater Contentedness and Peace than other men."14
Again, he states that the rule of love in the hearts of
the followers.of Christ, " . . . appearing in all the Course
of their Liues, doth much Glorifis God and Their Religion:‘
I mean a common hearty Loue to all Men, . . . "15 Baxter
also maintains that humility, meekness, and patience of

Christians are greatly necessary in glorifying God.16

 

l21bid., p. 751.

13Ibid.,,III, 13. See also Ibid., I, 481.

l4Baxter, Works, IV, 821.

15Ibid., p. 822.

16Ibid., p. 825.

217

Even good works have a place in this, but not the imper-
sonal, secular works described by Weber and certainly

17 "If you will glorifie

not the work of making money.
God in your liues, you must be above a selfish, private,
narrow mind, and must be chiefly intent upon the publick
good, and the spread of the Gospel through the world."18
God is honored and glorified when men do nOt defraud
their brothers and justice is provided for all.19
There is not the restless individualism that has
no true love or only a mechanical concern for others in
the writings of the English Puritans either. God is the
hiding place of men from everlasting to everlasting.
Hs-is a comfort in all dangers, and a Christian knows that
he shall be safe either here on earth or in heaven; and,

20 The Christian "' . . . dwells

therefore, he rests.
in the secret place of the Almighty;' Ps. xci.l, that is in
the love and protection of God Almighty; . . . What a

blessed estate then is it to be in Christ, . . . "21 Forti-

fied with the knowledge of the love and protection of his

 

f

17Ibid.,p. 827.

18Ibid., I, 143.

19Ibid.

20Sibbes, Works, III, 398.

21Ibid.

218

Maker, the English Puritan could go forth with confidence,
not only to serve and glorify God, but to help his fellow
men. The English Puritan could also go forth with aplomb
because he was a member of the Universal Church and a
part of the communion of the saints, both Of which help to
promote the idea Of unity within the Christian community.
The common bonds among the English Puritans were
Christ and the Church. Men were to follow Christ's
example, as many had been attempting to do for hundreds
of years. Richard Sibbes writes: "We cannot have a better
pattern than to be like him [Christ] by whom we all hope
to be saved another day."22 Men ought daily to imitate
Christ in doing good to all. They should labor to have
large hearts in order to help others abundantly and

23 We are to imitate God in His

unwearily in all seasons.
great love for our brothers as children imitate their
parents.24 The question of course arises, "Who is my
brother or neighbor?" Here is one answer, "Our neighbour

is euery one, which is of our flesh."25

Later when writing
about the reSponsibilities that individuals have toward

those about them, Perkins writes: "By neighbor, we must

 

221bid., I, 369.

23Ibid., VII, 198.

24Goodwin, Works, VII, 242-243.

25Perkins, Works, I, 49.

219

not vnderstand onely those that are neere vnto vs in
habitation, but euen all those that are of the same
nature with vs, euen any of mankind. He is thy neighbour,

26 Richard Greenham contends

that is a man as thou art."
that his neighbor is, "Euery one that is neere ms and
standsth in needs of my help, and it listh in ms to help
him, . . . "27
In speaking about a common brotherhood and why
Christian men are brethren, Sibbes writes that they all
have the same beginning of life from the same Father, as
well as the same brother, that is Christ. They also have
the same womb, which is the Church. They have the same
food, the Word of God; the same promises, and all are

28 Put another way the question

heirs with an inheritance.
could be asked, "Wherein does the communion of the saints
consist?" Baxter answers that it consists in a common
love to God, faith in Christ, and sanctification by the
Spirit. It also consists in the love Christians have for
one another, in the care for the welfare of all, in love

which makes all goods common to all to the extent that

wants are supplied in the order and measure that God's

 

261bid., III, 310.

27Greenham, Works, p. 242.

28Sibbes, Works, V, 57.

220

providence demands, and in the desire to relieve the

necessities of others before their own fullness.29 Perkins

states, " . . . euery Christian man that acknowledgsth

this communion [of the saints], must carrie about with

him a fellow-feeling, that is an heart touched with

compassion in regard of all the miseries that befall

either the whole Church or any member thereof, as Christ

our head tsacheth vs by his own example, . . "30
God has knit human society together by the bond

of love and men should seek the good and comfort of those

about them.31'

This love and concern for others is not the
cold, impersonal, and machine-like attitude described by
Weber. "The manner of louing, is so to lous our neighbour
as our selves, to wit, truly, and sincerely; . . ."32
Again Perkins writes: "Now the square of all our actions,
must bee the word of God: and Gods word gives this
direction: Do thou to thy neighbour as thou in thy reason
and conscience thinksst he should do thee, if thou wert

33

in his case, and he in thine." Richard Sibbes admonishss

his peOpls that the source of all duty is sincere love, and

 

29Baxter, Works, IV, 85.

3OPerkins, Works, I, 311-312.

3lSibbes, Works, III, 68-69.

32Perkins, Works, I, 49.

33Ibid., III, 177.

 

221

this is what animatss, quicksns, and snlivsns all duties.
He warns them, however, to take heed of sinning against
sincerity and to do nothing in hypocrisy.34 There was to
be no dead formality in considering and caring for those
in society that needed aid. There is good reason why
Sibbes warned men against insincerity and hypocrisy,
for the English Puritans did not believe that one should
live according to the spirit of Weber, but they taught
that God cannot be deceived and is not mocked, for what-
ever an individual sows that shall he also reap.35 The
English Puritans were not willing to believe that their
religion was something that one puts on for Sunday, thus
leaving the individual to live like the devil the rest of
the week. Love is the law of Christ, and this means
that we are to sincerely desire to bear one another's
burdens.36

The English Puritan writers realized that their
thoughts were idealized and that the natural order of
things as originally established by God had been perverted

and corrupted by sin. Because of this sin there were

those peOple in a community that had perverted hearts

 

34Sibbes, Works, III, 251.

35Perkins, Works, II, 283 [recte 282].

361bid., p. 361.

222

and would not conform to the law of love; consequently,
there is the need for a form of civil government. The
Westminster Confession of Faith states that God, Himself,
who is King of all the world has ordained civil magis-
trates to be subordinate to Him in order to rule over the
people for His own glory and the public good.37 Every man,
then, should submit himself unto the authority of the
higher power: of the land because they are appointed by
God, and no one in the country ought to be privileged
or exempt from the obedience to rulers. The higher powers
are not only kings and emperors, but all who are appointed
to any public Office by a king or any other type of
executive Officeholder. Men are to follow the example of
Christ and his apostles who paid tribute and other duties
unto the higher powers of the earth. Everyone who is
unwilling to accept their examples is damnable and heretical,
because he is resisting the ordinances of God.38
God has armed the rulers with the power of the
sword in order to defend and encourage those who do good
39

and to restrain and punish evil-doors. Those who resist,

such as Absalom when he prevailed against his father David,

 

37Schaff, Creeds, III, 652.

38HOOper, Later Writings, pp. 101-105.

 

398chaff, Creeds, III, 652.

223

shall provoke God's judgment and vengeance and shall perish.
If God's Word is true, all those who seek to resist higher
authority and create a disturbance in society must be
punished. Men are not only not to resist the civil govern-
ment, but they are to have a positive attitude toward it.
Individuals, for instance, are to pray continually and

with great earnestness for the spiritual and corporal

40 They are to be ready to

welfare Of their government.
defend their government against all treasons, conspiracies,
and rebellions. They must be willing, without murmuring,
.to pay the necessary taxes which provide for the common
safety and uphold the honor of the government. Men are to

swear allegiance to their lawful rulers41 and are to obey

the laws.42

Although men must respect their civil magistrates
and be willing to perform positive functions in their
behalf, this was not to say that the rulers were to do as
they please and exercise their authority only for their
own interest or for those who were relatives or close.

friends. Kings and emperors in their realms may make as

many laws as they desire and even change them at their

 

4°Baxter, Works, I, 735.

41Ibid., p. 739.

42Schaff, Creeds, III, 654.

224

pleasure as often as they see the need of change for the
wealth and benefit of the land. However, all Christian
kings, with other civil magistrates, should reign and be
directed by one law, this is the law of God, with the
Bible as the basis of its authority. The law of God was-
ths guide for David's rule, and so it is commanded in
Job 22, that rulers are to learn the law from the mouth

of God.43

Hooper, later again states: "It is . . . the
office of every magistrate to learn how to reign over the
peOple-by the law of God, and to desire wisdom of him, to
know and follow the things that appertain to the minis-
tration of the commonwealth."44 There are positive fruits
that are yielded to the social order by a well-regulated
government. These are a peaceful life, for magistrates
are armed with the sword, in order to keep men in peace;
justice is provided for all, and piety is maintained. It
is of interest to note that the civil magistrate is urged
to foster piety, and it was his duty to preserve order,
unity and peace in the Church in order that the truth of

God could be kept pure, blasphemiss and heresiss suppressed,

and all corruptions and abuses in worship and discipline

 

43HOOper, Early Writings, p. 280.

 

44Ibid., p. 365.

225

prevented or reformed; however, he could not assume any

authority over the administration of the Word or Sacraments.45
The superior powers should show love and mercy for

their subjects and provide the means by which people can

make their voice of complaint heard.46

Thus, the English
Puritans saw the state as an institution established of
God for the good of society as a whole.

This brings us to another important point: if
complaint in England by the Puritans against social abuses,
economic and political corruption, and injustice is any
indication of their concern for social justice and the
welfare of the commonwealth as a whole, then they certainly
do not fit the cold, individual, mechanical attitude patterns

toward others that Weber described.47

They, once again,
recognized that, "God hath made man a social creature;
and hath not only ordained several societies, in which
persons are to unite themselves for their mutual welfare,
but withal so dispensed his blessings, as that no man is

so barren, but hath something wherewith to profit others:

nor any so furnished, but that he stands need of others to

 

458chaff, Creeds, III, 652.

46HOOper, Early Writings, p. 357.

 

47Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 105-109.

 

226

supply his wants."48 The less a person needs help in

society because of his abundance and ability, the more
others stand in need of him and his plenty. Everyone has
a need Of others.49 Doing good to others is the thing for
which men are created, redeemed, and sanctified, and the
common good is better than the advantage of one individual.50
Thus the English Puritans struck out at the social
abuses and injustices of their day. Among those who practice
injustice in a kingdom, according to William Perkins, are
emperors and princes that seek the lands of other rulers
by fraud or violence, magistrates that are bribed, lawyers
who take larger fess than the laws Of the country and
conscience allow, physicians that attempt to diagnose
sickness with little or no evidence, merchants with false
weights and measure and who engage in all manner of wicked
dealing, the landlords who rack rents, take excessive fines,
enclose grounds that have been a part of the commons for
centuries; farmers and speculators who hoard grain in

order to make large profits, and printers that publish libsls

and heresy.51

 

48Robinson, Works, I, 157.

49Ibid., p. 158.

50Baxter, Works, IV, 858.

51Perkins, Works, I, 770-771.

 

227

A Puritan Divine from Lincoln, Anthony Gilby,
in considering the social and religious abuses in Samaria
and Jerusalem criticized those Of his own day by saying
that the destruction of those cities was for an example
to later generations and men should fear to follow in
their steps.52 He later contends that the rulers must
one day answer for the sins (social and religious abuses)
of the people.53

Thomas Lupton, another English Puritan writer,
scourged with words, the social problems Of his time. He
maintained that mercy and pity toward others in society
is a prime factor in the life of a Christian as he walks

the path to heaven.54‘ Rich men are wicked fools if they

 

52Anthony Gilby, A Commentary Upgn the Prophet Mycha
(London, 1551), sig. A, fol. v, vi. Anthony Gilby was a
Puritan born in Lincolnshire; however, the date of his
birth is not known. He was educated at Christ's College,
Cambridge where he graduated B.A. in 1532. Upon leaving
the university, he entered the ministry and joined the
ranks of the reformers. During the reign of Mary, Gilby
was forced to flee England with his wife and children. He
took refuge at Frankfort and Geneva. Returning to England,
he acquired many influential friends, the chief of which was
Henry, earl Of Huntington. Gilby became one of the most
fierce and fiery Oppossrs of the established Church disci-
pline in England and is considered to have been one of the
most learned and celebrated divines of his day. He died in
1585. Sources for biographical note: ENE, XXI, 339-340.,
and Fuller, Worthies, II, 67.

53Ibid., sig. B, fol. viii.

54Thomas Lupton, A Dreams Of the Diuell and Diuss
(London, 1589), sig. C, fol. iv. Hereafter cited as Lupton,
Dreams.. Thomas Lupton was a miscellaneous Puritan writer. The

 

228

do not relieve the needy in society.55 He complained
bitterly about landlords who racked rents and levied heavy
fines to the degree that many tenants were not able to
renew their leases, and thus their wives andchildrsn lived
hpoorly or were driven to beg for a living.56 The gold

and silver of lawyers who-defend wrong and hinder justice
will plead against them in the day of judgment.57 Those

" . . . Judges that will be bribed, or defend a false
matter, shall be sure at the last day, to haue such a true
and upright Judge, that will not be bribed by any means,
and that will judge them so uprightly, against whome their
own oath shall rise, and bee a witnesse, that they shall be
condemned to remain with me [Dives] in hell for euer."58
Dainty dames, with fingers covered with expensive gold
rings, who look down with disdain upon the poor soul

lying naked in the street, shivering with cold, and almost

dead with hunger, are denounced with great vehemencs. They

 

biographical material is scanty with regard to his life.

The DNB provides a long list of his works with some being
desctihed as "strongly puritanical in sentiment." His

most productive years seem to have been around 1583. Sources
for biographical material: ENE, XXXIV, 287-288., and Knappen,
Tudor Puritanism, p. 409.

55

 

Ibid.

56Ibid., sig. c, fol. Vi.

57Ibid., sig. D, fol. i.

58Ibid.

229

will let the poor man die a miserable death rather than
give to him one of the worst rings that they have.59
A full-throated complaint is also uttered by
Richard Turnbull against social injustice and oppression.
He finds it most unfortunate for society that the ideals

pursued by the saints as members of the body of Christ are

Often challenged by evil men who seek only riches and power.

 

Once these are attained, then they oppress the poor by
tyranny. The lowly are oppressed by tyranny in various
ways--when they are imprisoned, when persecuted,.by.
deceitful dealings in trade, by usury, exactions, impo-
sitions, and all manner of extortion. Finally, rich men
Oppress the poor when they weary and waste their bodies

60 More will

with hard labor which they refuse to reward.
be said about this last point later. In contrast to the
Oppression of the wicked, Turnbull believes that the

Christian has a social responsibility toward his fellow
man and must feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and help
and comfort the sick and needy.61

If complaints and clamor against social abuses

are effective tools for forcing governments to remedy

 

59Ibid., sig. G, fol. i.

60Turnbull, Epistle of James, pp. 101-102.

 

61Ibid., pp. 120-125.

230

certain ills, it must also be kept in mind that the English
Puritans were unwilling to hold the corrupted natural order
in check only by a strong state. Society was to be reformed
or re-creatsd as a result of Christ's death upon the cross.
Thus, a common bond is to exist among men in the person

of Christ. Christ is the model after which men are to
pattern their lives. The rs-creatsd brethren were to be
bound together in Christ as a part of the Church. Christ
is the head of the Church and Christians are members of

his body. The law of love is to be the rule to guide men
in their relationships to others. There is to be no room
for worldly advantage for one at the expense of someone
else. There is no difference between the rich and the
poor, between the high and the low in the sight of God.

God will take vengeance on the unjust who cruelly oppress
those who are under them socially and economically. The
question could be raised, "Are not the kinds of social
complaints that have been mentioned in this chapter character-
istic of the age as a whole?" The answer would be "yes".
This would indicate that the Puritans had as genuine a
sympathy for the needs of the entire social order as many
other of their countrymen. It is evident from the many
preceding statements taken from the works of the English
Puritans that they saw clearly the need to work for the

welfare of all members of society. It is also apparent

 

231

that the need for social service as a part of the Christian
life sprang from a warm and sympathetic heart and bore not
the cold and impersonal character as was described by Max
Weber.

It is now necessary to turn the focus of this paper
to the economic views of the English Puritans to see if
the same spirit of concern for the welfare of all of

society can be found there.

B. Economic Views

 

Weber asserted that the English Puritans stressed
the idea of laboring hard in an earthly calling, for only

62 and a man's life in his

activity brought glory to God,
calling is an exercise in ascetic virtus--a proof of his
stats of grace.63 Men were to toil in order to acquire
wealth because this is an expression of virtue64 and is

willed of cod,65

and the fruit of labor in a calling was a
sign of God's blessing,66 while the making of money became

the surest and most evident proof of rebirth and genuine

 

62Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 157-160.

 

63Ibid., pp. 141, 153, 161.

64Ibid., pp. 53-54.

651bid., p. 171.

66Ibid., pp. 133, 163.

 

 

232

67

faith. Money was to be gained, but it was not to be

68

enjoyed. The Puritans, said Weber, became obsessed with

the idea of thrift and hard work, for riches were not only

to be gained but also spent only for the glory of God.69

Eventually, the aspiration to make money became an end in
itself to which people were bound as a calling.70

The Westminster Shorter Catechism of 1647 asks

 

the question, "What is the chief end of man?" The answer
is that man "is to glorify God and enjoy him forever."71
It has been shown previously that the means by which the
English Puritans sought to glorify God was much different
from the means set forth by Max Weber. The ideal of

the English Puritan was that by the help of the Holy Spirit
men should be raised to holiness of life and thereby

72 This approach to living leaves little or

glorify God.
no room in the English Puritan way of thinking for a
secular, individualistic, non-Christian attitude toward

wealth and the desire for riches as is presented by Weber.

 

67Ibid., pp. 172, 178.

68Ibid., pp. 170-171.

69Ibid., p. 170.

70Ibid., pp. 48-52.

7lSchaff, Creeds, III, 676.

72Sibbes, Works, I, 18.

233

As was indicated earlier, the English Puritans
believed that riches came from God, but this is not to
say that man received wealth because of any merit. They
are the result of His mercy and goodness.73 In speaking
of riches and prosperity, Hooper states that God gives
them, and they are not gotten because of labor and pain.74
Later he states that " . . . every man recsiveth at God's
hand his goods and parcels thereof, and not by fortune,

75 If riches come not because of

or his own travail."
man's own labor or travail, there is little reason to
toil in the calling to the extent that Weber states. If
riches are acquired from God and not for merit or labor,
it is important to note once again that they are not
Obtained as a sign of God's special love, for He provides
for the wicked as well, and wealth is as common to them
as to the Christians.76 " . . . God fills their [the
wicked] bellies with abundance of outward things, whose
hearts he never fills with love; as in Diues: . . . look
on such instances: what tend they to do, but to shew

that these outward things are no euidsnce of Gods lous?"77

 

73Turnbull, Epistle of James, p. 30.

 

74HOOper,'Early Writings, pp. 302-303.

 

75Ibid.. pp. 387-388.

76Gouge, The Saints Cordials, p. 93.

77Ibid.

 

234

In general in the English Puritan mind all worldly
wealth, riches, pomp, and glory are vain and uncertain

78 Richard

and are easily removed and perish quickly.
Bernard, a Puritan Divine of Nottinghamshirs and graduate
of Christ's College, Cambridge, states that the rich must
remember that worldly wealth and prosperity are unstable,
mutable, uncertain,79 transitory, and vain.80 John Dod

maintained that worldly riches are uncertain possessions,
and a wise man will do good with his wealth, and distri-

bute it for the good of his neighbors who are in need.81
The men of the world, according to Richard Sibbes, labor

all their lives for fruit, riches, and friends, but when

they die, their earthly wealth and social standing fails

 

78Turnbull, Epistle of James, p. 30.

 

79Richard Bernard, The Readyway to Good Works, Or
A Treatise of Charitie (London, 1635), p. 26. Hereafter
cited as Bernard, Good Works. Richard Bernard, a Puritan
divine, was born about 1567 in Nottinghamshirs. As a
young man of natural ability he was taken under the patron-
age of the Countess of Warwick who sent him to Christ's
College, Cambridge where he received his B.A. in 1595 and
his M.A. in 1598. Having finished his academic pursuits
at Cambridge, he became vicar of Worshop in Nottinghamshirs.
In 1613 Bernard became the minister of Batcombs where he
continued to preach and write until his death in 1641.
According to the ENE, he was a Puritan in doctrine, and
in practice a nonconformist. He carried Puritan ideals
to an extreme length, going to the very verge of separatism.
Sources for the biographical note: DNB, IV, 386-387., and
Brook, Lives of the Puritans, II, 459:462.

80Richard Bernard, The Contemplative Pictures
With Wholesome Precepts (London, 1610), p. 9.

81Dod, Ten Commandments, p. 296.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

235

them. Why is this the case? Because they labored for
that which yields only vexation and death. The Christian
does otherwise in that he seeks for grace and comfort to

82

keep his communion and peace with God. To Richard

Baxter riches are deceitful and prosperity is vain, while

worldly cares are pernicious.83
The brevity and vanity of such worldly enticements-

as glory and pleasure are so evident that they can be of

84 If they are so unenduring and valueless,

no great value.
it would seem strange to seek them as an end in themselves.
John Robinson also evinces his belief in the vanity of
riches, and the uncertainty of their intrinsic value when
he writes, "The world and all things serving for this life,
we ought to use with a kind of indifferancy, and without
setting the affections of our hearts upon it, or them, how
busy soever our hands be about them: spiritual things,

on the contrary, and which concern our eternal happiness,
we ought to use, as using them indeed, with all ernest

bent of affection upon them."85

 

 

 

82Sibbes, Works, I, 408.

83Baxter, Works, I, 207.

84Ibid., p. 4.

85Robinson, Works, I, 120.

236

The English Puritans were not against riches as
such because of an over-powering asceticism as was mentioned
previously. Richard Sibbes states: "'All is ours;' and
therefore with good conscience we may use God's bounty."86
Richard Baxter argued that men are to use the material
riches of the world but not abuse them. Men should not
labor with a desire to be rich, yet they must labor to give

87

to him that is in need. Again Baxter states: "All

love of the creature, the world, or riches is not sin."88

Men, however, are not to set up riches in their hearts as

an idol and thereby deny or depose God as Lord of their

life. Having a sinful love of riches in the heart is to

seek a wrong end and is to desire God's gifts for an end

and use which are contrary to that for which they were

made and given. The sin of covetousness is worse than

fornication, drunkenness, murder, swearing, perjuring, lying,

and stealing.89
Perhaps one major consideration with regard to

understanding the English Puritan attitude toward riches

and material wealth is the proper use of them. Weber would

give the impression that money was to be constantly

 

 

86Sibbes, Works, IV, 18.

87Baxter, Works, III, 449-450.

88Ibid., I, 203.

891bid., pp. 203-204.

237

accumulated, and it became an end in itself.90 This, however,

was not the case, for wealth was to be used; it was to be
made an instrument of mercy and bounty.91 In other words
the life of faith in Christ orders men's prosperity.
Faith causes individuals to think about riches as they are
set forth in the Word of God. They are not to abuse the
blessings bestowed on them nor be puffed up by them.
The things of this world are to be used to relieve the
needs of others.92

William Perkins composed the following thoughts
on the right use of riches: "We must seeke to have Christ,
and to be in him iustified and sanctified: and being in
him, then shall we in him and by him, haue the holy vse

of all that we haue."93

Abundance of possessions is for
the maintaining of one's own estate and condition and for
the good of others, for the relief of the poor, and the
support of the Church of God and true religion.94 "'Honour

God with thy riches,‘ saith Solomon, and that is done

 

90Weber, protestant Ethic, pp. 48-52.

 

91Sibbes, Works, v, 134.

92Ibid., p. 378.

93Perkins, Works, I, 128.

94Ibid., II, 128.

238

especially, when they are employed to the maintaining

and furthering of true religion, and the worshippe of

God."95 The affluent are " . . . to help the fatherless,

to defend widows, to comfort the lame and blind, and to

give exhibition [a scholarship] to poor scholars for the

96

continuance of learning." Richard Baxter heartily

 

supported the view that worldly abundance should be used
to relieve those in want of even the necessities of life.97
The reason for working and even frugality is not to hoard
money but to do good and help the poor.98
In speaking to the nobility and gentry of England,
Baxter mentions that their wealth and social standing
afford them great opportunity to do good.99 He then
proceeded to prepare a catalog of what he called ten
seasonable good works for the rich. These good works
are not a means of proving or a sign of election, but are
to be done because of the recognition of the fact that

man is a social animal as a rule, and each Christian has a

responsibility to help others who are a part of that social

 

951bid., I, 754.

96Hutchinson, Works, p. 317.

97Baxter, Works, II, 527.

98Ibid., I, 830.

991bid., III, 438.

239

order. The rich are to seek out those who are burdened
with too many children for their means, or those who are

ill and relieve them as they are able. They are to continue
to help them until they are able to carry on by themselves.
The well-to—do are to take the children of the poor and
provide them with an apprenticeship in an honest trade.

They are to be sure-to choose for them Godly masters, so
that they may take care of their souls as well as their
bodies. The wealthy are also to establish schools in the
backward or underdevelOped parts of the country where

100 This

the children are not taught to read and write.

sounds almost like the Job Corp and the Great Society.

John Dod advocated the thought that an important consider-

ation in the right use of one's own goods is liberality

toward others, without which there is no true obedience

to the commandments of God.101
Richard Rogers, a well-known Puritan minister of

Wethersfield in Essex, reminds his Christian brethren

n

. . . that whatsoever I have which may be used toward

others, God hath bestowed the same vpon me for others

 

 

benefit."102 Again he states that if men have a store of
lOOIbid., p. 445.
101
Dod, Ten Commandments, p. 294.
102

Richard Rogers, A Garden of Spiritual Flowers:
.Ei££_£: (London, 1610), sig. B, fol. 5. Hereafter cited as

 

240

this world's goods, they are to use them for the welfare
of God's children. Because of their wealth, individuals

103 Men are to be rich

are to be fruitful in good works.
in good works and obtain for themselves a better treasure
than they have on earth. The two highest degrees of good

works are the love of God and of our brethren; therefore,
104

 

we are to seek after these above everything else. "If
you would do good," states Richard Baxter, "be such as you
would have others be, and teach them by Examples of Piety,
Charity, Patience, Self-denial, Forbearing and Forgiving;
and not by meer Words contradicted by your Lives."105
If men possessed a goodly estate, they were to

use it for the good of all society: however, the English

Puritan writers that I researched did not as a rule foster

 

Rogers, Spiritual Flowers. Richard Rogers was a Puritan
Divine born in 1550 or 1551. He was the son of a joiner

(a skilled woodworker) at Chelmsford in Essex. He entered
Christ's College, Cambridge in 1565 and graduated B.A. in
1571. Upon receiving his M.A. in 1574, Rogers returned to
Essex, and was appointed lecturer of Wethersfield about
1577. The pattern of Rogers' career followed that of
almost all Puritan pastors of that period. He was in and
taut of trouble with the ecclesiastical authorities because
of his nonconformist beliefs until his death in 1618. He
is probably best known as the supplier of material for

the widely circulated Garden of Spiritual Flowers. Sources
for biographical material: 2MB, XLIX, 138. Haller, Puritan-
.igm, pp. 35-38., Brook, Lives of Puritans, II, 231-234.

 

 

 

103Rogers, Spiritual Flowers: Part II, sig. F: f01- 5"

 

104Perkins, Works, III, 49.

105Baxter, Works, IV, 855.

 

241

the belief that one should seek abundance of wealth.

"Man may with good conscience, desire and seeke for goods
necessarie, whether for nature [those goods without which
nature and life cannot be well preserved] or for his person
[goods which maintain a man's state, condition, and dignity].
. . . but he may not desire and seeke for goods more than

106

necessarie." Society is to " . . . see the error of

thoSe men, that giue themselues wholly to gather riches to

themselues, beeing like to the moule which is always digging

in the earth: . . . "107 God requires that an individual

should give as well as get, in fact he gets to give and not

to keep, for God is more glorified by giving than by keeping.108
This kind of thinking certainly does not fit anywhere

into the Weber thesis. Baxter admonishes to, "Take heed

that you desire not Riches or Prosperity: Unless you

desire that the way to Heaven should be made harder to

you, . . . "109 He further argues that a delight in abun-

dance of wealth, and seeing ourselves thrive, and our

designs succeed for worldly things_is self-interest and is

110

contrary to the Christian way of life. The question is

 

106Perkins, Works, II, 125. See also 1239.. I: 770-

107Ibid., III, 93.

lOBIbid.

109Baxter, Works, IV, 478.

llOIbid., III, 385.

 

242

asked in a work by William Gouge, whether a man is bound
to seek no more than food to nourish and apparel with

111 His answer is " . . . this

which to cherish him.

nourishing and cherishing be extended to that estate wherein

God hath set vs, to the charge which God hath giuen vs,

and to the calling which he hath appointed vnto vs, we

ought to care for no more."112
There are other good reasons why the English Puritans

did not urge men to strive for a large worldly estate.~ One

such reason is that wealth does not satisfy the soul.

"Riches are like painted grapes, which look as though

they would satisfy a man, but do not slake his hunger, nor

113 It was no marvel to Richard Green-

quench his thirst."
ham that material wealth could not satisfy the soul of
man. Even though riches were made for him, his soul was
made for God, and whatever is capable of knowing God can
never be satisfied with anything else. When God fills the
heart of man, everything which is added runs over. Green-
ham compares man's desires to a burning fire, with riches

being the wood or fuel, which may seem to flake or cover

over the fire for a time, but it will burn strongly

 

lllGouge, Domesticall thies, p. 90.

 

112Ibid.

 

ll35mith, Works, I, 380.

243

afterwards.114

"The wise Preacher concludeth this, saying:
'He that loueth siluer shall not be satisfied with it,

and he that loueth riches shall be without the fruit
thereof.”115

Another reason why the English Puritans did not

preach the ideal of abundance of earthly possessions was
that they were to seek for true riches in the living God.
Wealth chokes the seed of grace in the heart and hinders

the care men ought to have for spiritual riches.116

Christ,
who is the mediator between God and man, " . . . is the
onely fountaine of all good things, that are, or can be

117

thought on, whether spiritual, or temporall." Godliness

was for Perkins the greatest gain, and, therefore, all gain

118 For Richard Sibbes the true

must give place to it.
riches that men are to gather are those which are in Christ.
Individuals are to be rich in grace and faith. This is why
sometimes poverty and want are a part of a Christian's

riches, because it can be good for his spiritual life. It

does not matter, however, either in want or in plenty, he is

 

 

114Greenham, Works, p. 292.

115Ibid.

 

116Perkins, Works, III, 284.

117Ibid., I, 652.

llBIbid., II, 115.

244

119 Is he not richer that

a rich man who is in Christ.
has " . . . a heart subdued by grace to be content to want,
than he that hath riches in the world? For outward things
make not a man a whit the better.. But he that hath the
Spirit of God to support him, that he can submit to God,

120

he is truly rich." John Dod wrote:_ " . . . Godliness

hath the Promises, Riches hath none: A Son, or a Daughter

of God shall be provided for."121
A further reason for the English Puritans to have

de-emphasized the importance of extensive accumulation of

this world's goods was that the Christian was to find content-

ment here on earth in Christ.. This, once again, is not to

say that the English Puritans were not aware of the need

and importance of wealth or terrestrial things, but it is a

matter of emphasis. William Pemberton, a minister of God's

Word in Essex, believed that men should not be overly con-

cerned about problems or the things of this world. The Godly

122

man ought to be content with what he has. Godliness

provides for the satisfaction of the desires by directing

 

119Sibbes, Works, IV, 505-506.

12oIbid., p. 19.

121Dod, Posies, p. 19.

122William Pemberton, The Godly Merchant, or The
Great gaine (London, 1613), pp. 27-28. Hereafter cited as
Pemberton, Godly Merchant.

 

 

 

245

them to-things above, which are laid up in Jesus Christ,
who is the true gain of the Christian, and who is able
to give contentment.123 The basis of Godly contentment
has " . . . these four degrees. 1. Gods powerfull
prouidence. 2. Gods prudent love. 3. Gods gracious
promise. 4. The present portion which God bestoweth
upon a godly man."124
"The inward duty, is contentednesse in our own
estate, with whatsoever portion God hath allotted vnto

vs "125

Having made the above statement, Dod, in another
work, sets forth four arguments against immoderate care for
earthly goods. To begin with it is needless because God
knows that we have need of things, and He bids us to cast
our cares on Him. Secondly, God takes care of the wild
animals who do not labor long and hard, and He will provide
for men as well. Thirdly, worry is needless because one
penny cannot be added to an estate without God. Lastly,

it is heathenish and contrary to the Christian life.126

In writing about life and riches as they are given

of God, Richard Greenham penned these words: "Let vs

 

1231bid., p. 58.

124Ibid., pp. 31-32.

125Dod, Ten Commandments, p. 290.

 

126John Dod, Old Mr. DOD'S Sayings, Collected by
R. T. (Cambridge, 1673), pp. 10-11. Hereafter cited as
Dod, Sayings: 1673.

 

246

therefore reverence this great goodnesse and wisdome of the
Lord, and be content with the vse of life which he in
mercie granteth vs, knowing that it is better to be a

127 Perkins maintained

liuing dogge than a dead 1yon."
that special moderation of mind must be used in the

possessing and using of riches, and men must be content

with their estate in order not to set the affections a,

of their hearts upon riches.128

Riches are also perilous
and dangerous to the soul of the faithful; consequently,
one should not seek their abundance.

The writings of the English Puritans abound in
warnings against the hazards and pitfalls of worldly
possessions. "The devil is crafty. Those which he cannot
supplant by adversity, he overthroweth with prosperity."129
Richard Baxter expresses this same idea but in a slightly
different manner: "He [the Devil] maketh the rich his
Instruments . . . "130 William Pemberton deplores the
dangers in riches when he states: "Oh how many and great are
the dangers and difficulties which this gaine of the world in

getting, and in keeping, and in spending the same."131

 

127Greenham, Works, pp. 64-65.

128Perkins, Works, II, 127. See also Bradford:
Writings, p. 132-

129Hutchinson, Works, p. 308.
130Baxter, Works, I, 86.
131

Pemberton, Godly Merchant, p. 105.

 

247

In his mind the gain of Godliness i§ free from such

dangers.132 "Seeking of abundance is a hazard to the

saluation of the soule by reason of mans corruption.

Therefore in Mat. 13. Riches are called 'thornes,‘ that

133

choake the word of God sowne in the heart." The nature

of man is such that prosperity corrupts him and brings him
unto destruction. It fills him with pride and covetous-
ness, makes him negligent, dissolute, forgetful, and

unthankful.134 ’Baxter states: "Oh the blinding Power of

Riches!"135

He believed that ordinarily riches are far
more dangerous to the soul of man than poverty, and a
greater obstruction to men's salvation. This is born out in
experience in that few of the rich or rulers of the world
are holy, heavenly, self-denying, mortified men.136
Usually in a time of prosperity, when all is going
well and they get what they desire, they tend to forget God,
but when adversity comes the inward man is renewed and

137

strengthened day by day. "It is a iust iudgement that

earthly riches doe deceive our hearts, when heauenly riches

 

 

 

1321bid., p. 106.

133Perkins, Works, II, 125.

134Hutchinson, Works, p. 308.

135Baxter, Works, II, 894. See also Baxter,
Works, III, 490-491.

136

 

Ibid., p. 489.

137Bradford, Writings, I, 430. See also Sibbes,
Works, IV, 477.

 

 

 

 

248

doe not delight vs; that the outward things should carrie
vs away, when heauenly things cannot so much preuaile

138 It is much harder to believe in God and in

with vs."
His promises in the abundance of worldly things, than it
is in the want of them. The material things act as a
veil that is set between God and man, and they obstruct
his sight in that he is unable to see God for the posses-

139

sions. Faith is the means by which we are joined to God

and not money.140
Richard Baxter also believed that riches make it

much more difficult for a man to be saved, and the love
of this world is the most common cause of men's damnation.
He quotes one Bible reference after another in warning
Christians against the desire for wealth. This is not to
say that riches are wrong if they are used for the end
for which they were intended, to promote the kingdom of

God and to help one's fellow man.141

Here is one of the
major concerns of the English Puritans that wealth should

be well-used and not abused. It is the problem that when

 

 

138Greenham, Works, pp. 29-30.

l391bid., p. 11.

140Ibid., p. 12.

141Baxter, Works, I, 207-208.

249

a man becomes rich and secure, he often turns from God and
promotes heresy142 and follows unjust practiCes.143
Another danger of riches is covetousness. Covet-
ousness, or love of the profits-of the world, is a sin.
This is not the sin of the rich only but also of the poor...144
It is the lack of faith that makes menworldly-minded or
covetous. Men say their creeds but do not believe in the
day of judgment, the resurrection of the body, and the life
everlasting. God has provided that each individual should
work at the task of living aere would have him. Thus, men
are to seek first the kingdom of God and His righteousness,
and the earthly things shall be added. Men are not to
laboeror, and covet, the meat that perishes but for that
which will endure to lifeeternal.145
Thomas Lever also spoke at great length against
the inherent danger in the accumulation of great wealth.
"He that seeketh to be ryche, be he neuer so poore a slaue,
[or so mdghtye a Lorde, he falleth into dyuers temptacions
and snares of the deuyll: but they that seeke [the Lorde,

146

shall lacke no goodnes." If men seek to be rich, they

 

142Greenham, Works, p. 28.

143Ibid., pp. 431-432.

144Baxter, Works, III, 887.

1451bid., I, 206.

146Lever, Sermons, p. 63.

250

shall find sorrow, misery, and mischief.. If they seek to
be Godly, then, they shall find comfort, wealth, prosperity,
and all manner of felicity. If men will be Godly, they
must follow Christ. This means to accept the doctrine of
His Word, which He left here upon earth, to guide the steps
of their lives in the way of peace.147
The warnings against wealth and its accompanying
dangers are innumerable in the sermons and writings of
the English Puritans. Max Weber and his followers will
search without success to find Richard Baxter, or any of
the English Puritans that were examined in this study,
teaching that toiling in a calling to acquire wealth is
an expression of virtue and is willed of God. Neither is
there evidence to substantiate the view that the making of
money became the surest and most evident proof of rebirth
or genuine faith, nor is there proof that the aspiration
to make money became an end in itself to which people are
bound as a calling.
This brings the focus of this study back to-the
ideals of the calling once again. This writer agrees
with H. M. Robertson when he states: "When the early

Puritans used the concept of the 'calling' it was almost

 

147Ibid.

251

invariably in-reproof of covetousness and ambition."148

I also agree with WinthrOp S. Hudson that Weber is limited
to one statement in Baxter, and I might add that I found
no such statement in any of the other writers that I-
examined, which he is able to use effectively in—support f
of his thesis that Puritanism sanctified-the pursuit of

riches, which led to the obliteration of ethical values
149

I:;_

in economic life. Here is Baxter's much quoted state-
ment: "If God shows you a way in which you may lawfully

get more than in another way (without wrong to your soul or
to any other), if you refuse this, and choose the less gain-
ful way, you cross one of the ends of your calling, and

you refuse to be God's steward, and to accept His gifts

and use them for Him when He requireth it: you may

labour to be rich for God, though not for the flesh and

"150

sin. Thus, the gaining of wealth is not only morally

permissible but is actually enjoined in the performance-
of one's duty in a calling.151
I would concur with Hudson that, "This is a perfect

illustration of the distortion involved in isolating the

 

148Robertson, Economic Individualism, p. 8.

 

149Hudson, Spirit of Capitalism, p. 11.

 

150Weber, Protestant Ethic, p. 162. See Baxter:
works, I, 3580

151

 

Ibid., p. 163.

252

concept 0f the 'calling' from its context."152

To begin
with there are important qualifications for the gaining

of money within this one statement itself which does not
permit a blanket injunction to acquire all that you can.
The particular quotation from Baxter,.referred to by Weber,
concerning the choice of a vocation, is actually only one
of several statements in which Baxter considers this question.
It is important to point out that this one isolated quota-
tion-does not provide a true understanding of Baxter's
ideas of the calling, nor does Weber's interpretation of
it conform with Baxter's ideas on money or riches. Baxter
maintained that one should choose a calling that does not
overwhelm the body and mind with cares and labor and thus
deprive the individual of all opportunity to think on the
Word of God orsheaven.153 Baxter then writes, "The first
and principal thing to be intended in the choice of a Trade
or Calling for your selves or Children, is the Service of

154 When two vocations are

God, and the Publick good."
equally conducive to the public good, and one-of them has
the advantages of wealth, and the other is more advan-

tageous to the soul, the latter must be preferred. Along

 

152Hudson, Spirit of Capitalism, p. 11.

 

153Baxter, Works, I, 357.

154Ibid.

 

253

with the public welfare, the soul's advantage must guide

one's choice.155
Many other examples can be provided from the writings

of Richard Baxter and other English Puritans that indicate

that the end of the calling was not to gain riches but

was a reproof of covetousness, and a particular vocation

should be for the good of all society. Men are admonished

to choose a trade, insofar as they have a choice, in which

they " . . . may be most serviceable to God. Choose not

that in which you may be most Rich or Honourable in the

world; but that in which you may do most good, and best

escape sinning."156 Later, Baxter states that a Christian

is to be faithful in a particular calling, however, " . . . not

out of a covetous Mind; but in Obedience to God, and that he

may maintain his Family, and be able to do good to others."157

The seeming Christian who labors to increase his

estate and enrich himself because of a covetous heart does

 

not do so because God has commanded it.158 William Perkins
writes:

1551bid.

156

Ibid., p. 106.

157Ibid., II, 986.

lssIbid., p. 987.

254

The author of euery calling is God himselfe: and
therefore Paul saith; "As God hath called euery man,
let him walke." And for this cause, the order and
manner of liuing in this world, is called a vocationi59
because euery man is to line as he is called of God.-

There are certain vices that must be shunned in
the works of men's callings. There are two in particular--

160 Covetousness is a notorious

covetousness and injustice.
vice, whereby all men almost apply their callings, and the

works whereof, to the gathering of wealth and riches: this

is one of the head and master sinnes of the world, and from

it a sea of euils flow both into the Church and Commonwealth."161
Perkins then quotes Saint Paul as saying, "'They that will be
rich,‘ that is, such as referre the labour of their callings
to the gathering of wealth, 'fall into many and grieuous

162 Judas

temptations,' and so consequently into damnation."
is the best example that he can find.

Now, when in the works of their callings men are
interested only in getting wealth, they do as it were set
bars on the gates of heaven and load themselves with such

163

burdens which make them unable to pass. "Therefore.

 

.7

 

159Perkins, Works, I, 750.
16°;ggg., p. 767.

16libid. '

l621bid.

l63_——_

Ibid., p. 768.

255

speciall care must be had that our time and calling be

164

not spent in gathering earthly treasures." Perkins

then argues that Paul plainly condemns the desire of riches,

that is, things which are more than necessary for life.165

Furthermore, " . . . to seeke for aboundance is not lawfull,

neither doth it stand with good conscience, . ... we haue

no warrant to pray for aboundance."166

Thomas Lever, also, reproved men for covetousness
and ambition in their callings:

As.for you that wyll not heare and regarde goddes
worde, ye declare your selues not to be of God.

But for because ye haue the deuyl to your father, ye
wyll fulfyll the lustes and desyres of the Deuyll,
whyche is your father. And the luste and desire of
the Deuyll is, to hynder the worcke and pleasure of
God: and thys is the worke and wyll of God, that we
should repose oure faythe and truste in Christe Iesu,
and bestowe our laboure and diligence in our owne
vocacyon.

Therefore the deuyll poysonynge all hys wyth.
greadye couetousenes, wyll cause them euer to trust
to their owne prouision, and neuer to be content
wyth their owne vocacion, but beynge called of-God
to be marchaunt, gentleman, lawer, or courtear, yet
to be readye at a becke of their father the deuyl,
besydes this their godly vocacion, deuyllyshelye
to proule for, seke, and purchase farmes, personages,
and benefices, to discourage housbandemenne from
tyllynge of the grounde and ministers from preachynge
of Goddes woorde: . . .157

 

164Ibid.

 

165Ibid.

lGGIbid.

 

167Lever, Sermons, pp. 49-50.

256

Lever is far from using the calling to advance capitalism
as-a basicattitude.) The end of a man's calling, as we
have seen presented by the English Puritans, is not to

gather worldly possessions or wealth but to serve God

 

in the serving of man, and in seeking the good of all

others in society, and to this end individuals must apply

their lives and labor.168

 

Each man's calling was assigned of God. As~a
gift of God it entailed responsibilities. Weber emphasized
the idea that the calling caused the Puritans to be
industrious in their business to the greater glory of God,
and at the same time there was a strong condemnation of

169 The Puritan willingness to do the best that is

idleness.
humanly possible in a particular vocation was not limited
to labor alone, but the same principle was applied in all.

of their life.170

This diligence and acceptance of indivi-
dual responsibility is not a Puritan or "Middle Class"'
virtue but is a Christian concept, and as an ideal it is
well-pronounced in other religions as well. Neither

were the English Puritans the only Christians that dise

approved of idleness, for this attitude is as old as

 

168Perkins, Works, II, 126.

169Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 157-160.

 

170Robertson, Economic Individualism, p. 11.

 

257

Saint Paul, and there were those in the Anglican Church

who spoke out against it as strongly as any English Puritan.
BishOp Lancelot Andrews, a staunch Anglican and

contemporary of John Robinson, wrote that idleness is a

feeder of lust. It was a sin of Sodom which was highly

displeasing to God. They are at fault who waste time either

by too much sleep or by not being faithful to the labor of

171

their calling. He later quotes the Apostle Paul as

saying "' . . . let every man labor with his hands the
thing that is good;' so that if he have no calling, or

any unlawful calling, and so do not labour the thing that

is good, he offendeth against this commandment."172

Andrews asserts that idle people are against the state of

173

mankind both in and out of paradise. "In paradise, God

placed them in the garden, that they might dress it, Gen.

ii. 15, and when they were driven out, Gen. iii. 19, in

the sweat of their brows they were to eat their bread."174

Consequently, the idle and unprofitable servant is to be

cast into utter darkness as a superfluous creature.175

 

171Lancelot Andrewes, Pattern of Catechistical
Doctrine, and Other Minor Works (Oxford, 1846): P. 239.
Hereafter cited as Andrewes, Minor Works.

172

 

 

 

Ibid., p. 253.

l731bid.

174Ibid.

l7SIbid., p. 254.

 

258

It is also of interest to note that Bishop
Andrews' attitude toward riches was nearly identical
with those English Puritans that have been studied. He
speaks of the uncertainty of riches: "'Travail not
to be greedily for them [riches], bestow not all thy wisdom

upon them,’ saith he [Solomon], 'for they have the wings of
176
I"

 

an eagle, and will take their flight of a sudden.
Riches of this world are transitory, fickle, and deceitful,
and Bishop Andrews finds passage after passage in the Bible

177 Material

that he uses in his argument against them.
prosperity comes from God, and those who possess wealth

have a duty to use it in the right manner. "So all rich

men must confess, that which I have, I have it of the free
gift and mercy of God; I have it not for myself only, but
there is a rent to be paid, both to the Church, and to the
poor brethren; . . . "178 These are the same views as those
of men like Perkins, Sibbes, and a dozen other English
Puritan Divines.

The English Puritans examined in this study believed

there exists a community of believers that are of one heart

 

176Lancelot Andrewes, Ninety-Six Sermons, in Library
of Anglo-Catholic Theology (5 vols.; Oxford, 1841—1843),
V,’l9.

 

 

177Ibid., pp. 20-21.

178Andrewes, Minor Works, p. 260.

 

 

259

and one soul and have a common Father and a common head in
Christ. This community is united together in brotherly
love, and there is a mutual concern for the welfare of
all. The-English Puritans, therefore, rejected any
practices on the part of individuals that were not in
accord with these beliefs as in the case of some sharp or
questionable activities of merchants or any one else who
bought or sold goods of any kind. "Love is the principle
of doing good to others. . . . Love is the bond of

Societies:"179

Anything that does not conform to this law
of love is unacceptable. Love for one's neighbor is to

be expressed in concern for his bodily needs as well as
toward all his possessions. An individual's dealings

with a neighbor's worldly goods must be upright, and God
is greatly displeased if this is not the case.180

There is to be no lack of love toward consumers by

merchants. Men's " . . . greedie affections must not make

 

l79Baxter, Works, I, 848.

180John Knewstubs, Lectvres Vpon the twentith Chapter
of Exodus, and certein othergplaces of Scripture (London,
1577), pp. 133-135. Hereafter cited as Knewstubs, Exodus.
John Knewstubs was born in Westmoreland in 1544.
He entered St. John's College, Cambridge where he graduated
B.A. in 1564. In 1567 he was elected a fellow, in 1568
he proceeded M.A., and in 1576 he received a B.D. degree.
Upon his removal from Cambridge in 1579 Knewstubs became
the minister at Cockfield in Suffolk where he labored until
his death in 1624. For further biographical material see
DNB, XXXI, 244., and Brook, Lives of the Puritans, II,
308-311.

 

 

 

260

the market, nor set the price upon the things that are to
be solde, but the worthinesse of the thing it Selfe that
is bought or solde, and the benefite that it is likely to
yeelde to him that shall inioy it, must strike the stroke."181
Knewstubs affirmed that in the book of Leviticus a law
was given to the children of Israel which provides for
honest and faithful dealing in buying and selling. He
quotes: "'When thou sellest any thing to thy neighbour,
or buyest at thy neighbours hand, ye shal not deceive one
another, . . . '"182 No man was to Oppress "' . . . his
neighboure, but thou shalt feare thy GOD, for I am the
Lorde your GOD.’ These are the very wordes of the texte."183
By the equity and reason of this law one may learn
two rules which will teach men to discern well of true
buying and selling, and teach all to buy and sell in the
fear of God and with a good conscience. The first rule is
that our covetous affections should not set the price of
anything. Men are to favor love to their neighbor and bridle

self-love in all commercial transactions.184

 

181Ibid., pp. 144—145.

182Ibid., p. 145.

183Ibid.

 

184Ibid., p. 147.

261

The second rule is, that in buying and selling,

we driue the commodities giuen and receiued as neere
equalitie as possible we can: that so farre forth

as we can gather (by the present value, rate, and
account that is made of those things exchanged) there
be equall commodities comming to bothe the parties by
that exchange, and that neither partie be a deceiuer,
or Oppressour of his brother: for suche hath the
Lorde threatened that he will be reuenged of. 185

Men must abide by the common rule of nature and the Bible,

namely, that they should not do that unto another which

they would not have done to themselves.186

Knewstubs further states that:

We must therefore thinck, that when wee come to

buying and selling, we come to witnesse our loue

towardes our neighboure by our good dealing with him in
his goods, and to leaue some testimonie of the feare of
God, and a good conscience behind vs: we come to make
tryall of our faith to God, while we depend uppon his
blessing for our prouision to liue well and happily,

in following the rule of loue and Vpright dealing, whiche
he hath left vs, and not desire of our own rauinous
affection.l8

The above principles must be followed in transactions with
friends as well as with enemies.188

In conclusion, Knewstubs indicates there are two
things that are necessary for every man if he would live

obediently with regard to God's commandments on buying and

selling. The first requirement is to have " . . . an assured

 

lBSIbid., p. 148.

1861bid., pp. 149-150.
187Ibid., p. 150.
188

Ibid., p. 1560

262

faith in Gods promises, that he will provide for vs, in the
things necessary as well for the bodie as the soul: and
that he hath charged himselfe, as well with the care

"189 The

and provision for the one, as for the other.

second requirement is " . . . to finde a contented minde,

with which we haue already, and therefore to stay in it,

as in a riche portion, with thankfulnesse of heart to

our God for it, bearing our part and countenance in all

our doings accordingly, without any exceeding whatsoeuer."190
The same spirit of concern for justice and Christian

love in governing the business life of all men is evident

in the works of all of the English Puritan writers that I

have examined. In considering the problem of how to avoid

sin in buying and selling, Richard Baxter defends the View

that men should not ask or desire more than the true value

of what is being sold. They should do as they would be done

by, if they were in the same circumstances as the other

person. Men should also not work on the ignorance or the

necessity of another to get more for marketable goods.191

He is particularly adamant against this last point when he

lashes out against monopolies. "Regard the publick good

 

1891bid., p. 160.

19°Ibid., p. 161.

191Baxter, Works, IV, 125.

263

above your own commodity. It is not lawful to take up or

keep up-any oppressing Monopoly or Trade; which tendeth to

enrich you by the loss of the Commonwealth or of many."192

The great principle, once again, for governing the relation-

ship of men, is to love their neighbor as themselves.193

Richard Greenham is vehemently opposed to all deceit

194

in buying and selling, which he deems stealing. He is

diametrically against the covetousness associated with
the market price.

Let vs see in this particular point: thou hast much
corne to sell, dearth of corne would be commodious
vnto thee, and yet hurtfull vnto thy poore brother,
and to the whole land: now if thou wouldest with
dearth for thy owne profits sake, though it would be
a hindrance to the whole Church; if thou reioyce more
in thine owne gaine, then thou canst be sorrowfull for
thy brothers harme; if thy gaine do make thee through
pride to aduance thy selfe aboue thy brother, then
doubtless, thy heart is sore infected with corrupted
couetousnesse.

On the contrary, . . . if it be cheape, and thou canst
be more glad for the profit of many, than thou art
grieved for thy own losse, or if it be deare, yet thou
canst with thine heart, wish that it were cheape; then

thou mayest safely say, that couetousnesse preuaileth

1921bid., I, 805.

193Ibid.

 

194Greenham, Works, p. 240.

l951bid., p. 128.

264

not against thee, it ruleth not thy heart, yea this thou
maiest see, that thine heart is rightly affected, both to
God and to thy brethren."196
After lashing out against certain corrupt and
unethical practices of some merchants, William Pemberton
admonishes them in the following manner: "Oh purchase pietie,
gaine godlinesse, grow rich in grace: so shall your hearts
and liues be holy, your estates wealthy, and your persons.
happy in the day of your great accounts."197 V
William Perkins exhorts men not to desire or seek
to do evil to their neighbor, but they should covet only

that which is for the neighbor's good.198

Furthermore,

men are to sell only such things as are of a good quality
and fit for use. They, also, must use only just weights
and measures.199 Perkins writes: "'Thou shalt not steale.‘

He breakes this commandment, . . . That takes more for

 

 

his ware than the iust price."200 Both parties must benefit
from a contract in business.201

1961bid.

197

Pemberton, Godly Merchant, p. 114.

 

198Perkins, Works, I, 69.

1991518., p. 65.

200lbid., p. 461.

2011bid., pp. 64-65.

265

Perkins again reproves the business world when he

writes: "'Whatsoeuer ye would that men should do vnto you,

even so doe to them: for this is the law and the Prophets.”202

He maintains that people are constantly oppressed in buying
and selling.

And this is done, 1. when the iust price of a thing
is raised. For in bargaining, it is not lawful to
purse one penny, without the giuing of a pennys

worth. 2. Sale Vpon a set day, which is, when day

is giuen, that the price may be inhanced. For what
is this, I pray you, but to sell time, and to take
more of our neighbour than is right? 3. To ingrosse,
which is to buy Vp all of one commoditie into thine
own hands, that when no other hath any of the same,
thou maist sell it at thine owne price. 4. To
become bankerupt, that thou maiest be enriched by

the dammages, and goods of other men. 5. Not to
restore that, which was lent to one, pledged to

one, or found by him. 6. To delay any kind of
restitution from one day to another. 7. To practice
vsury. . . . Vsury . . . is quite contrarie to Gods
word, and may very fitly be termed biting lucre. . . 203
Last of all when a man detaineth the labourers wages.

This certainly does not sound like the secular and imper-
sonal attitude of the Spirit of Capitalism as described by
Max Weber.

Equity and humanity demand that employers are
not to be oppressive to their hired help while the laborer
is worthy of his hire. Masters are enjoined not to require
more of the servants than their strength will bear. "The

Master is to rule ouer the seruant in iustice. . . .

 

202Ibid., p. 63.

203Ibid.

266

Therfore he is to require labour at their hands propor-
tionable to their strength, and yeeld them sometimes'

204

intermission and rest." John Dod asserts that masters

must use their servants justly and with a good conscience.205
"It is a very dishonest thing in the master, not to pay
his seruants due wages, and in due season, and with good
termes,.willingly and chearefully."206 Moreover, "If
the worker becomes ill while in the service of a certain
man, he is to seek to provide the means by which the
seruant can be restored to health."207

In considering the influence of the English
Puritans on develOpment of modern economic thought and
practices, it is necessary to turn to the problem of usury
to see if in this crucial area they advance the cause of
modern capitalism and the "Spirit of Capitalism" as was,
defined by Max Weber.

In 1545 during the reign of Henry VIII, a statute

was passed that dealt with the problem of usury and which

 

204Ibid., III, 696.

205Dod, Ten Commandments, p. 193.

 

206Ibid., pp. 196-791 [recte] 197.

207perkins, Works, III, 696-697. See also Dod,
Ten Commandments, p. 197.

 

267

permitted an interest rate of ten per cent.208 It will be

recalled that Calvin permitted a rate of only five per cent
when lending money. It would seem that if his teaching had
as great an impact on the English Puritans as is generally
assumed, then one would expect some kind of protest against
such high interest rates as was set forth by the law of

1545.209

These were soon forthcoming.
One of the earliest expostulations against the above
law came from Thomas Lever in a sermon delivered in 1550.
He states: "Yea but what shall me [we] than saye by vsurye,
whiche is now made so lawefull than an offycer yf he would,
can not punysh, to make men to leaue it."210 He points
out that the fifteenth chapter of Deuteronomy and the
fifth chapter of Matthew have a plain commandment con-
cerning this problem--to lend to him that is in need and
would like to borrow. In Luke, chapter six, Christ en-
courages men to lend without expecting to receive anything

211

back. "Here we have two commaundementes, the one is to

lende, and the other not to lende for lukar [lucre]: nowe

 

208The Statutes of the_Realm. Printed by Command
of His Majesty King George the Third (11 vols.; n.p., 1810-
1822), III, 996. Hereafter cited as Statutes of the Realm.

209

 

 

 

Hyma, Renaissance to Reformation, p. 544.

 

210Lever, Sermons, p. 44.

211Ibid.

268

he that breaketh goddes commaundemant must nedes go to

the deuyll."212 There are two ways by which rich men can

go to the devil in breaking these two commandments:. either

in lending for profit or else in not lending at all. Many

will go in one of these two ways.213
Another of the early English Puritans that published

a devastating attack on usury was Robert Crowley. In his

Epigrams, published in 1550, he spent the last section on

 

the problems of lending for interest. Here is a passage
from that work:

Ye are not borne to your selfe,
neither maye you take
That thynge for youre owne,
where of God did you make
But stuarde and baylife,
that shall yelde a rekeninge
At the Day of Iudgmente
for euerye thing.
And do ye not doubte,
but then ye shall knowe,
Whether ye maye your goodes
at your pleasure bestowe;
And whether ye maye vse
wayes wycked and yl,
To incraese your riches
at your owne will.
But chieflye to lende
youre goodes to vsurie,
Is a thinge that you shall
moste dearelye abye;
For Christe saieth in Luke
that the heathen do so.
Take hede lest ye flytte214
from pleasure to woe.

 

212Ibid.

 

213Ibid.

214Crowley, Works, p. 51.

269

A second work in which Crowley takes up the evils

of usury is a petition to Parliament entitled An Information

 

and Petition against the Oppressors of this Relm. He
strongly censured Parliament for passing the usury law

of 1545. "Alas, that euer any Christian assemble should

bee so voyde of Gods Holy Spirit that thei should alowe

for leafull [lawful] any thyng that Gods Worde forbedeth."215
He urges Parliament to scan the Word of God, particularly
the Psalms concerning this matter, where the question is
asked, "'Lord, who shal enter into the tabernacle, and

216 The answer is

who shal rest in thy holy mountain?'"
that he that is without spot and does right and that
speaks truth in his heart and has not done any harm to
his neighbor and he that pays no special heed to the
wicked. Finally, "He that hath not geuen his money vnto
vsury, and hath not taken giftes and rewards against the
innocent."217
Crowley then asks the members of Parliament that
if they glory in the knowledge of God's Spirit, who spoke
the foregoing words by the Prophets, how can they suffer

the act of 1545 to stand, which shall be a witness against

them in the last day in that they allow that which God's

 

2151bid., p. 173.

2161bid.

 

217Ibid.

 

270

218

Spirit forbids? "If he that geueth not hys money to

vsury shal dwell in the Lords tabernacle, wher shal he

dwel that geueth his money to vsury? Shal he not be shut

out, and caste into vtter darkness?"219 He goes on to

say: "Yea, and you that haue made this lawe, vnlesse you
do reuoke it and establysh an act to the contrary, the
Brydegroume, the onely Sonne of God, shal at the laste

daye deny you, and saye that he neuer knewe you; 'Depart

from me,‘ shal he saye, 'al ye workers of iniquitie."'220

Evidently the outcry of such men as Thomas Lever,
Robert Crowley, and others was effective. In 1552 the

statute of 1545 was repealed and a new act promulgated

which declared all usury unlawful:221

. . . no parsone or parsons of what Estate degree
qualitie or condicon so ever he or they be, by anny
corrupt colourable or disceitfull conveyaunce sleight
of engyne, or by anny waye or meane, shall lende

give sett owte delyver or forbeare anny some or

somes of moneye, to anny parsone or parsons, or to
anny Corporacon or Bodie Politike, to or for anny
manner of Usurie encrease lucre gayne or interest

to be had receyved or hoped for, over and above the
some or somes so lent given sett owt delyvered or
forborne, uppon payne of forfaiture the valewe

aswell of the some or somes so lent given sett out
delyvered or forborne, as allso of the Usurie encreace

 

218Ibid.

ZlgIbid.

 

220Ibid., pp. 173-174.

221Hyma, Renaissance to Reformation, p. 544.

 

271

lucre gayne or interest thereof, and allso uppon

payne of emprysonement of the bodye or bodyes of

every such offendor or offendors, and allso to make
fyne and rawnsome at the Kings will and pleasure; . . .

222
The law of 1545 was revived under Elizabeth in 1571.
Parliament, however, still held to the view that usury
was forbidden by the law of God and as such was sinful and
detestable, but the statute of Edward VI (1552) had not
accomplished the task of ridding the country of usury, and
thus it was looked upon by Parliament as an evil necessity.223
The English Puritan preachers and writers, however,-
continued to express their disapproval and condemnation of
usury in general. William Perkins writes that usury " . . . is
a gain exacted by couenant, aboue the principall, onely in
lieu and recompence of the lending of it. Vsury being
considered as it is thus described, is quite contrarie to
Gods word, and may very fitly be termed biting lucre."224
He further argues that the end of a man's calling is not to
gather riches, and consequently, men are " . . .'to beate
downe the wicked practise of the_vsurer . . . "225 The

practice of usury is to be considered comparable to murder

in that it sucks the blood from the poor and eats-up God's

 

 

222Statutes of the Realm, IV, Part I, p. 155.
223Ibid., pp. 542-543.
224

Perkins, Works, I, 63. See also Ibid., p. 750.

2251bid., II, 126.

272

226 The Lord expressly forbids the taking of

people.
increase from the poor. Thus, the common practices of
usurers are condemned to hell itself. These are the people
who live on the blood and life of the poor, whose sin is
disapproved of everywhere and ought to be despised as the
shedding of blood.227
One Robert Bolton of Blackburn, Lancashire has

left for us a valuable insight into the English Puritan

attitude toward usury in a work entitled, A Short and

 

Private Discourse between Mr. Bolton and one M. S. concerning

 

Usury. Bolton contends that one should not be a usurer

because God would not have it 50.228

He points out that
Saint Ambrose and other worthy Christians have detested,
and discoursed against usury, and who compared the usurers

with the devil himself. In fact the judgment of the Church

 

226Ibid., III, 46.

227Ibid., p. 94.

228Robert Bolton, A Short and Private Discourse
Between Mr. Bolton and one M. 8. concerning Usury (London,
1637), p. 2. Robert Bolton was born at Blackburn in the
county of Lancashire in 1572. He entered Lincoln College.
at Oxford in 1592. He removed from Lincoln College to
Brasenose with the hOpe of obtaining a fellowship and even-
tually received his B.A. in 1596. In 1602 Bolton became
fellow of Brasenose and obtained his M.A. in the same year.
He proceeded B.D. in 1609, having resolved to become a
clergyman. In addition to his duties as a minister of‘the
Word of God, Bolton found time to write a number of works
which had a very wide and sustained popularity. He died
in 1631. Sources for the biographical note: DNB, V, 330-
332., and Fuller, Worthies, II, 207. -__

 

 

 

273

as a whole for the past fifteen hundred years has been

229

against the practice of usury. Bolton invokes history

in general against usury when he writes: "There was never

any Religion, nor sect, nor state, nor degree, nor Profession

230

of men, but they disliked it: Usury." The Greeks, Latins,

philosophers, divines, lawyers, Catholics, heretics, all
tongues and nations have always thought of usurers as

dangerous and as thieves. Nature itself proves this to

231 232

be so. Scripture absolutely forbids usury of any kind.

It is not permitted in the law of Moses,233

and although

it is not forbidden by name in the New Testament, that does
not prove that it is lawful. It is forbidden in the Old
Testament and in the moral law of God which is perpetual.234

Those that would argue that usury is not mentioned

by name in the New Testament must also remember that removing
one's neighbor's marker, polygamy, treason, and tyranny are;

not censured by those exact names but are evident and tremendous

235

transgressions of the moral law. Every man is another's

 

2291bido' pp. 3-40

23OIbido, pp. 5-60

 

231Ibid., p. 6.

232Ibid., p. 7.

233Ibid., pp. 17-18.

234lbid., pp. 24-25.

23SIbid., p. 25.

274

brother, whether he be poor or rich, and it is no more
lawful to take usury of our brothers, than it is to kill

236

them. "All usury biteth. Money so lent cometh not empty

home: but biteth off, knaweth away, and bringeth with it

some part of the borrowers wealth, and substance."237

This
biting hurts either the borrower or the commonwealth.
"Either like the morning Wolfe, it sucks out the life,

the blood, and the marrow of a poore man: or like a
Mastive it snatches a peece and portion out of the Borowers
substance: or like a Waspe or Dog-flie, it stings Him,

one way, or other in His estate."238

Usury hurts the common-
wealth because it forces the prices up on all items that
the public must buy.

Bolton provides the example of a merchant that
borrows money to buy corn. When he sends it to market,
the merchant sets the price for his commodities in order
to make a profit as well as to pay the interest on the money
he borrowed to buy the corn. Consequently, the interest is
239

passed along to the consumer.

If someone argues that usury is necessary for cities,

towns, and merchants because it is a part of the economic

 

236Ibid., p. 10.

237Ibid., p. 13.

2381bid., pp. l3-l4.

239Ibid., p. 16.

275

system, this would be unacceptable to Bolton. He would
contend that " . . . if a pretended necessity springs from
the hardnesse of mens hearts, and corruption of the times
bee sufficient to justifie Usury; then by the same argu-

240 Even if the laws

ments may any other sinne be defended.”
of the land allow usury, this does not make it lawful or.
right because no law of man can abrogate or make void the
law of God. In this case the law of God is to rule the
conscience of men.241

"Lending was not ordained to be a contract of nego-
tiation, but an Act of charity, and liberality, wherein the
Lender should not respect his owne gaine, but the Borrowers
good; Lending therefore upon Usury is made an Act of selfe-
love, wherein the good of the Borrower is sought either not
at all, or but in a secondary respect, as it serveth or

furthereth the Lenders gaine."242

Finally, Bolton believed
that charity is kind while usury is cruel. Charity does
not seek as much as possible for itself; however, usury~
attempts to get all that it can from others. The two,

as far as he is concerned, are diametrically opposed to one

another.243

 

24olbid., pp. 30-31.

241Ibid., pp. 31-32.

2421bid., p. 37.

2431bid., p. 39.

276

Bolton was an English Puritan that lived well
into the reign of Charles I and accurately represents
many of those who had a like religious faith and that would
not accept any kind of usury. Such men could not possibly
serve to typify the kind of economic ideals as Max Weber
claims for them., Contrary to what Weber maintained, their
religion did not permit them to practice the kind of

economic individualism that is described in the Protestant

 

Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. The earning of money

 

does not take " . . . on the character of an ethically

244 This is true

coloured maxim for the conduct of life.”
at least with regard to those English Puritan writers that
I have examined.

Richard Baxter is among those who did not prohibit
all usury; however, "The Law of Nature and of Christ forbids
all Unjustice and Uncharitableness, and therefore all Usury

which is against Justice and Charity."245

Baxter actually
had little to say about usury for the volume of his writings
as is generally the case with all the English Puritan writers
I have examined. Henry Smith's views on usury are similar

to those of Baxter in that he does not condemn all usury;

however, it would seem so from his vigorous attacks on it.

 

244Weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 53-54.

 

245Baxter, Works, IV, 125.

277

Smith maintains: "There are three sins which are accounted
no sins, and yet they do more hurt than all their fellows;
and those are bribery, non-residence and usury."246 The
usurer is a legal thief, because he tells the party how
much he will take before he steals. It is as though he

stole by law.247

In defining usury, someone called it that
which is contrary to charity, for Saint Paul states, "'. . .Love
seeketh not her own,‘ but usury seeketh another's that is not
her own; therefore usury is far from love; but 'God is love,‘

"248 Smith

saith John, therefore usury is far from God too.
supports the view that all of God's commandments are fulfilled
by love. However, to uphold love, God prohibits everything
that hinders this love, and one of its deadliest enemies is
usury. A man.cannot love and be an usurer because usury

is a kind of cruelty, extortion, and persecution. The want

of love, therefore, makes usurers, for if there were love
there would be no usury, deceit, extortion, slandering,
revenging, and Oppression, but men would live in peace, joy,

249

and contentment like the angels. Usury is unlawful be-

cause, "It is against the law of nations; . . . it is against

 

246Smith, Works, I, 89.

247Ibid.

 

248Ibid.

 

2491bid., p. 90.

278

the law 0f nature; . . . it is against the law of God.”250

The usurers are similar to Jezebel who said, "' . . . Let
me alone, I have~a way,‘ If there be no way to live, saith
the false steward, I know what to do, I will deceive.

So if there be no way to live, saith the usurers, I know

251 Those who traffic in

what to do, I will oppress."
usury should hear the judgment of God's law against them,
for all the Scriptures prOphesy evil unto them. "God
saith, that he will smite the usurer with his fist. . . .
As his hands were shut against the poore, so God's hand
shall be shut against him, that his punishment may be

"252 If the usurer, however, wants to hear

like his sin.
God's final sentence, David said that they "' . . . shall
not dwell in God's-temple, nor rest in his holy mountain.‘
. . . If he shall not rest in heaven, then he shall rest

253 If more liberal laws and

in hell, where no rest is."
favorable attitudes toward usury were necessary for the

development of a "spirit of modern capitalism" in the early
modern period of history, it would be a futile task to seek

support for such laws and attitudes in the writings of the

 

25°1bid., pp. 91-92.

2511bid., p. 100.

2521bid., p. 101.

2531bid., p. 102.

279

English Puritans that I have seen. One Roger Turner sums
up their attitude toward usury very well when he states
that charity, justice, piety, nature, the laws of God and
man, and all authority, ancient and modern, join forces and

254

witness against usury. Some, or all, of these witnesses

were used against the practice of usury by the English
Puritans who were studied for this paper, and who considered

the problem.255

 

254Roger Tvrner, The strers Plea Answered: In a
Sermon preached at Southampton (London, 1634), p. 15.

255No attempt has been made to incorporate all
available sources on usury into the text of this study in
that they would only have been a repetition of what had
already been stated and would have only served to increase
the length of the dissertation while contributing few, if
any, new ideas to it. Two such sources are: Miles Mosse,
The Arraignment and Conviction of strie (London, 1595)
and,chapter XLIV in William.Ames, Conscience With the Power
and Cases Thereof (N.P., 1633). The statement with regard
to notincorporating all available source material on usury
into the text is applicable to almost all of the ideas that
have been footnoted on the English Puritans.

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VII
CONCLUDING REMARKS

After having studied materials on the Weber contro-
versy as well as works by Calvin and the writings of the
English Puritans, it would be the conclusion of this writer
that Max Weber set forth certain hypothetical ideas that
are still only theories.

There are at least three major problems regarding
the views of Weber as I see it. First, he rests too much
of his evidence upon a non-Christian such as Benjamin Frank-
lin. Weber himself admits that Franklin was "a colourless

deist"l

and the statements that he quotes from Franklin to
characterize the "Spirit of Capitalism" are secular ideals
"without religious basis."2 Secondly, even in the case of
Richard Baxter, the one English Puritan writer whose works
Weber seems to have sampled, he quotes him out of context

and thus misrepresents the English Puritans' concept

of the calling as well as their attitude toward earthly wealth.

 

lWeber, Protestant Ethic, p. 53.
2

 

Ibid., p. 180.

280

281

Thirdly, Weber arrives at his conclusions without having
studied extensively the writings of John Calvin or a large
cross section of the English Puritan writers, and thus he
has not only misinterpreted their views regarding the calling
and riches but also their religious and social teachings.

Of great importance in Weber's misinterpretations
are the views of John Calvin and the English Puritans
regarding the doctrine of election and its effect on their
general religious beliefs. The doctrine of election was
not dark and inhuman to them, neither was God an impersonal
machine that sought to send almost everyone to hell; nor was
concern over whether one was of the elect or not, a major
point of emphasis by Calvin or the English Puritans, for
they trusted themselves to the mercy and love of God in
Christ. The religious teachings of Calvin and the English
Puritans were not as rationalistic, cold, and devoid of real
joy and comfort as Weber contended. Their religion was that
of the Christian Church and not that of the deists. John
Calvin or Richard Sibbes could be as mystical and warm in
writing about man and his relationship to God and other men
as Thomas a Kempis or any other mystic. Calvin and the
English Puritans were not as individualistic in their religious
teaching as Weber argued. By this I mean that they did not
consider themselves as islands unto themselves with no res—

ponsibility to comfort and help others. The concept of the

282

mystical body of Christ and the communion of the Saints is
strongly stressed in almost all of the works I have studied.
Calvin and the English Puritans also did not stress
individualism in social and economic concerns to the extent
Weber maintained. They saw the need for providing justice
and material well-being for all in society. One will search
in vain for evidence that Calvin or the English Puritans,
examined for this study, emphasized the idea that everyone
was to work as hard as possible in their calling or for
proof that they equated election with success in their calling.
Labor was not an end in itself. Neither did they promote the
idea that aquisition of goods is willed of_God or that He
has commanded men to gain wealth for His glory. There was
not an accent on the concept that the earning of money is
an eXpression of virtue or that it is the surest and most
evident proof of rebirth and genuine faith. Completely
foreign to the teachings of Calvin and the English Puritans
that were studied is an emphasis on making money as an end
in itself to which people are bound as a calling or concern
for one's duty to earn more and more money without enjoyment
of it. There was not a stress on the concept of thrift in
order to save all that one can. The individual was to be
thrifty, but in order to help others in society and to aid
the Church in its great task of helping men to seek salvation.
There is, therefore, no undue stress on individual asceticism

in a secular vocation.

283

Perhaps it would be apropos to point out at this
time that men are sometimes hard put to live up to their-
ideals in the practical world of everyday living. I say
this to indicate that no attempt has been made in this
dissertation to investigate how the English Puritans.
functioned in the affairs of the market place. Weber main-
tained that the origin of the "Spirit of Capitalism" is
found in the permanent intrinsic character of the Protestant
religion, particularly in the peculiarities of Calvinism.
Consequently, I have sought to examine the religious
teachings and the influence of those teachings upon certain
social and economic views of John Calvin and a number of
English Puritans in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

In conclusion, this study of the spirit of capital-
ism as defined by Max Weber, and of the teachings of John
Calvin, and of the English Puritans has, I believe, rendered
untenable the theory that it was the intrinsic religious
teachings of the Calvinists that psychologically conditioned
Western society in such a way as to promote the development.
of a capitalistic civilization. The spirit of the Puritan is
expressed much better by Richard Baxter than by Max Weber
when he states: "True Morality, or the Christian Ethick,
is the Love of God and Man, stirred up by the Spirit of
Christ, through faith; and exercised in works of Piety,

Justice, Charity and Temperance."3

 

3Baxter, Works, III, 610.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

INTRODUCTION AND CHAPTER I
MAX WEBER'S THESIS
A useful reference work in the initial stages of

this study was R. H. Bainton, Bibliography of the Continen-

 

tal Reformation (Chicago, 1935) which covers a number of

 

aspects of the Reformation. Bainton has also written
"Survey of Periodical Literature in the United States,

1945-51," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte, XLIII (1952).

 

This article is in English.
An excellent starting point for the study of John
Calvin is J. T. McNeill, "Thirty Years of Calvin Study,"

Church History, XVII (1948). Probably the most up-to-

 

date comprehensive bibliographical study of Calvin is by

Lester De Koster, Living Themes in the Thought of John

 

Calvin: A Bibliographical Study(unpublished Ph.D. thesis

 

for the University of Michigan, 1964).
The standard bibliographical aids for the history
of England during the Tudor and Stuart Eras are: Biblio-

graphy of British History: Tudor Period, 1485-1603, ed.

 

Conyers Read (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1959), and the Bibliography

 

285

286

of British History: Stuart Period, 1603-1714, ed.

 

Godfrey Davies (Oxford, 1928).

Two helpful reference works are A Short-Title

 

Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and

 

Ireland: And of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475-

 

1640, compiled by A. W. Pollard, et a1. (London, 1926)

and Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England,

 

Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America and of

 

English Books Printed in Other Countries, 1641-1700,

 

compiled by Donald Wing, 3 vols. (New York, 1945).

A general knowledge of the literature related
to the problem of capitalism can be obtained in the
following works: M. Postan, "Studies in Bibliography,

Medieval Capitalism," Economic History Review, IV (1933),

 

Richard H. Tawney, "Studies in Bibliography, Modern

Capitalism," Economic History Review, IV (1933) and

 

Talcott Parsons, "Capitalism in Recent German Literature:

Sombart and Weber," Journal of Political Economy, XXXVI

 

(1928) and XXXVII (1929).
Max Weber's own views that are important for
this thesis are available in two works: Max Weber, The

Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans.

 

Talcott Parsons (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958)

and Max Weber, General Economic History, trans. Frank

 

Knight (New York: Collier Books, 1961).

287

In the writing of the bibliographical note each

title is listed only in the first chapter in which it is used.

CHAPTER II
THE GREAT DEBATE
P. G. Gordon Walker, "Capitalism and the Refor-

mation," Economic Historical Review, VIII (Nov., 1937)

 

is an excellent synthesis of the problem concerning the
influence of the Reformation on the rise of capitalism

in which the author maintains that, "The Reformation

was not the cause of capitalism; rather it was the result
of needs created by capitalist advance at a particular
place and time." Another good introduction to the
problem at hand is Ephraim Fischoff, "The Protestant
Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: The History of a

Controversy," Social Research, XI (Feb., 1944). Fischoff

 

tends to be an apologist of Weber.

A number of other scholarly studies provide
introductory surveys. Three of these are: Protestan-
tism and Capitalism: The Weber Thesis and Its Critics,
ed. Robert W. Green, Problems in European Civilization
(Boston: D. C. Heath and Co., 1959); Kemper Fullerton,

"Calvinism and Capitalism," Harvard Theological Review,

 

XXI (July, 1928), 163-195; and Conrad H. Moehlman, The;
Story of Christianity in Outline: A Study of Its Con-

qgests and Defeats (Rochester, 1930). These five works

288

mentioned above not only provide insight into the contro-
versy over the Weber thesis but furnish a starting point
for bibliographical purposes.

An enlightening Catholic interpretation of the
general influence of the Reformation on the economic

life of Europe is by George O'Brien, An Essay on—the

 

Economic Effects of the Reformation (London, 1923).

 

Two works that provide a well-balanced treatment of the
economic life of Europe as a whole are Herbert Heaton,

Economic History of Europe (New York, 1948) and W.

 

Cunningham, An Essay on Western Civilization in Its

 

Economic Aspects: Mediaeval and Modern Times (Cambridge,
1900). An older, but distinguished, analysis of the
economy of England in the Middle Ages and early modern

period is by W. J. Ashley, An Introduction to English

 

Economic Historyand Theory, 2 vols. (London, 1893).

 

A standard work that considers the problem,
of credit and money lending is by Thomas Wilson, A

Discpurse Upon Usury (New York, 1963). An older and

 

more controversial approach to the above problem which

contains a detailed bibliography is by Benjamin N. Nelson,

 

The Idea of Usury: From Tribal Brotherhood to Universal

Otherhood (Princeton, 1949). Richard Ehrenberg has presented

 

an exhaustive account of the world of finances: Capital and

 

Finance in the Age of the Renaissance, trans. H. M. Lucas-

289

(New York, 1963). W. Cunningham in his study, Christianity

 

and Economic Science (London, 1914) acknowledged his indebted-

 

ness to Troeltsch in his interpretation of the influence of
Calvinism on capitalism; consequently, the book must be read
with this bias in view.
The first to seriously challenge the ideas of Max 1
Weber was Felix Rachfahl, "Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus,"

Internationale Wochenschrift fur Wissenschaft, Kunst und

 

Technik, III, Nos. 39-43 (1909) and IV, Nos. 22-25 (1910).

Lujo Brentano's Die Anfange des modernen Kapitalismus

 

(Munchen, 1916) was also a pioneer study in the critism of
Max Weber's theories. Although Brentano did not completely
reject Weber's ideas that Puritan religious doctrines pro-
vided a powerful impulse to the growth of capitalism, he
did, however, place greater emphasis on material rather
than spiritual factors as the crucial elements in the devel-
0pment of modern capitalism.

A competent historical narrative of the emergence

of capitalism is by Oliver Cox, The Foundations of

 

Capitalism (New York, 1959). Maurice Dobb presents a

 

Marxist interpretation in his Studies in the Development

 

of Capitalism (New York, 1947) while Henri Sée, Modern

 

Capitalism: Its Origin and Evolution (New York, 1928)

 

is an anti-Marxist View. Sée has also published a short

and forceful refutation of Weber's economic and theological

290

arguments in an article entitled, "Dans quelle mesure
puritains et juifs ont-ils contribué aux progrés du

capitalisme moderne?," Revue Historique, CLV (Mai-Aofit,

 

1927). Another well-known book that merits careful study is

Henri Hauser, Les débuts de capitalisme (Paris, 1931). All

 

of chapter II, called "Les Idées Economiques De Calvin,"
is of particular value for this study.

Edward P. Cheyney in his monumental work, The Dawn

 

of a New Era: 1250-1453 (New York, 1936) analyzes the
political, religious, social, and economic institutions of
the later Middle Ages. Of importance for this study, Cheyney
arrives at the conclusion that capitalism entered into the
life of Europe earlier than is commonly realized, and there
were few regions where its fructifying and disturbing influ-
ence was not felt by the period of the Reformation. A usual
general text for the Reformation is Harold J. Grimm, Th3

Reformation Era: 1500-1650 (New York, 1954). Grimm believes

 

that, "although the capitalist spirit was not fully developed
in 1500, it was strong enough to contribute to the general

unrest of the times." E. Harris Harbison, The Age of Refor-

 

mation is a lucid and interesting short introduction to the

Reformation. For Harbison, "the main features of nineteenth
century European economy are certainly present in embryo by

1550," which would have been too early for the impact of

Calvin's teaching to have been widely felt.

291

WinthrOp Hudson, "Puritanism and the Spirit of

Capitalism," Church History, XVIII (March, 1949) is an

 

address which includes extensive quotations from the
writings of a mid-seventeenth century writer on Puritan
ethics, Richard Baxter, in order to show that Baxter did
not teach that prosperity was proof of God's favor or

that poverty was an indication of God's wrath. It is also
shown that Baxter taught that one should not labor to be
rich. In a second article, "The Weber Thesis Reexamined,"

Church History, XXX, (March, 1961) Hudson concluded that

 

it was secularization which gave rise to "an uninhibited
capitalist spirit in western society."

Conrad Mohlman has furnished evidence as to when
it became permissable for Christians to charge interest

in, "The Christianization of Interest," Church History,

 

III (1934). "Calvin granted that interest was not in

all instances forbidden by God. . . . But Calvin so
circumscribed the taking of interest as to impede devel-
oping capitalism. For love of neighbor prohibited money-
lending as a trade. Banking as a business was not consis-
tent with the Christian way of life." Albert Hyma-criti-
cally assails the theory that Protestantism was the genesis
of the spirit of capitalism in the three following studies:

Renaissance to Reformation (Grand Rapids, 1951), Christianity,

 

 

Capitalism and Communism (Ann Arbor, 1937), and "Calvinism

 

292

and Capitalism in the Netherlands, 1555-1700," The Journal

 

of Modern History, X (Sept., 1938).

 

Ernst Troeltsch in his study The Social Teachipg

 

of the Christian Churches, trans. Olive Wyon, 2 vols.

 

(New York, 1960) considers the social ethic of the Church
from the earliest times to the present century. He accepts
and supports Weber's thesis to the extent that it has been
alluded to as the Weber-Troeltsch thesis. F. L. Nussbaum's
A History of the Economic Institutions of Modern Europe

(New York, 1935) is of great value in that it presents as
introduction of Sombart's ideas to the world of scholarship.

Werner Sombart, The Jews and Modern Capitalism, trans. M.

 

Epstein (Glencoe, 111., 1951) and The Qunitessence of

 

Capitalism, trans. M. Epstein (London, 1915) stresses

 

as vigorously as Weber the idea that religion greatly
fostered the spirit of capitalism, but for Sombart the
answer is found in the religious teachings of the

Jews and in the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church.
An illuminating survey of the Weber controversy and one

which qualified Weber's thesis is R. H. Tawney, Religion

 

and the Rise of Capitalism (London, 1926). Tawney asserted

 

that, "The capitalist spirit is as old as history, and was
not, as has sometimes been said, the offspring of Puritanism.
But it found in certain aspects of later Puritanism a tonic

which braced its energies and fortified its already vigorous

293

temper." H. M. Robertson also levels considerable criti-
cism at Weber as well as Tawney in his well-known book

Aspects of the Rise of Economic Individualism: A Criticism

 

of Max Weber and His School (New York, 1959). Robertson

 

stresses the material factors rather than the spiritual
forces as the most important ingredients in the evolution

of the Capitalistic system in Western EurOpe. He also
contends that the concept of a connection between daily,
worldly service and service to God is found in the teachings
of the Roman Catholic Church and particularly the Jesuits.
This caused J. Brodrick, a Jesuit, to come forth with his

strongly worded refutation of Robertson, The Economic

 

Morals of the Jesuits: An Answer to Dr. H. M. Robertson

(London, 1934). Amintore Fanfani, Catholicism, Pro-

 

testantism and Capitalism (New York, 1955) is a critical

 

reexamination of the problem and the evidence presented
by various scholars; while the most penetrating and
judicious book on the Weber thesis is Kurt Samuelsson,

Religion and Economic Action: A Critique of Max Weber

 

(New York, 1961).

294

CHAPTERS III AND IV

SOME THEOLOGICAL VIEWS OF JOHN CALVIN AS THEY
RELATE TO THE WEBER THESIS

and

THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE BASIS
OF CALVIN'S SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

Primary Sources:

The major portion of this part of this study is
based upon the writings of Calvin himself. The largest
single collection of Calvin's works is the edition, Calvini

Opera qpae supersunt omnia, eds. Guilielmus Baum, Eduardus

 

Cunitz, 59 vols. (Brunschwick, 1863-1900). The material in
these volumes is all in Latin and French.

Another valuable edition is Works of John Calvin,

 

Numerous translators, 52 vols. (Edinburgh, 1843-1855).
This edition was most helpful in that it contains all
of Calvin's Latin Commentaries in English. This work
will eventually be superseded by a new translation of
Calvin's commentaries now being prepared by Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company of Grand Rapids.

The correspondence found in the ngra is supple-
mented by an annotated series issued by A. L. Herminjard,
Correspondance des reformateurs dans les pays de langue

francaise, 9 vols. (Geneva and Paris, 1866-1897). A large

 

number of Calvin's letters collected by Jules Bonnet,

Lettres De Jean Calvin, 2 vols. (Paris, 1854) were translated

 

into English between 1854 and 1858.

 

295

A noteworthy edition of The Institutes of the

 

Christian Religion is by Henry Beveridge published by

 

Wm. B. Eerdmans Company of Grand Rapids in 1957.

Secondary Sources:
The most comprehensive biography of Calvin is that

by Emile Doumergue entitled Jean Calvin: les hommes et

 

les choses de son temps, 7 vols. (Lausanne, 1899-1917;

 

Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1926-27). The two best, single volume
works on the life and thought of Calvin in English are:

Williston Walker, John Calvin: The Organiser of Reformed

 

Protestantism (New York, 1906) and Hugh Reyburn, John Calvin:

 

 

His Life, Letters, and Work (New York, 1914). A pioneer

 

work on the ethics of John Calvin, heavily influenced by

Weber, is Georgia Harkness, John Calvin: The Man and His

 

Ethics (New York, 1931). A short, but provocative, biography

of Calvin is by Albert Hyma, The Life of John Calvin (Grand

 

Rapids, 1943).

Wilhelm Niesel, The Theology of Calvin, trans.

 

Harold Knight (Philadelphia, 1956) provides the best

introduction in English to this phase of Calvin's thought.
A standard work on the history and influence of

Calvin and Calvinism in the world is John T. McNeill, Th3

History and Character of Calvinism (New York, 1954).

 

Probably the best review of the influence of Calvin

on the rise of the Spirit of modern capitalism in more

 

296

recent times is a study by André Bieler, La Pensée

 

 

Economique Et Social De Calvin (Geneve, 1961). Two

helpful works in the initial stages of this study were

 

William Graham, The Permeation of Calvin's Social and

Economic Thought Into Genevan Life: 1536-1564 (Unpub-

 

lished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Religion, State
University of Iowa, 1965) and a short, general research
paper by the same author on Max Weber, Calvin, and the

English Puritans without a title. Much of Graham's work

was based on the study made by André Bieler. Henri Hauser,

Les débuts de capitalisme (Paris, 1927) and "L'économie

 

 

calvinienne," Societé de 1' historie du Protestantisme

francais, LXXXIV (1935) provide considerable insight into

 

the economic thought of Calvin in general and on the problem
of usury in particular. The thoughts of Calvin and the
attitudes of the government at Geneva toward usury are
brought to light in Paul E. Martin, "Calvin et le prét d

intérét a Genéve," Mélanges d'histoire économique et

 

sociale en hommage auprofesseur Antony Babel, 2 vols.
(Geneve, 1963).

A good concise picture of the attitude of the early_
Church toward usury can be found in Philip Schaff, History

of the Christian Church, 7 vols. (New York, 1907) and in

 

James Hastings, ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics,

 

12 vols. (New York, 1908-1927). Views that support the

 

297

contention that usury was commonly practiced in European
society long before the Reformation are found in James W.
Thompson, Economic and Social History_of Europe in the Later

Middle Ages (New York, 1931) and Roy Pascal, The Social

 

 

Basis of the German Reformation (London, 1933).

 

Source material showing the official ideas of the
Church toward, and the problem that it had with, usury during

the Middle Ages is found in Disciplinarprecrees of the

 

General Councils, trans. Rev. H. J. Schroeder (St Louise, 1937)

 

and in St Thomas Aquinas, The Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers

 

of the English Dominican Province, 21 vols. (London, 1929).
An interesting and revealing approach to the study
of official pronouncements of religious bodies on parti-
cular religious, economic, and social issues is through
reading the records of the councils or synods in Philip

Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 3 vols. (New York, 1877).

 

CHAPTERS V AND VI
THE SPIRIT OF PURITANISM: RELIGIOUS ASPECTS
and

THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN RELIGION AS THE BASIS
OF THE PURITANS' SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC VIEWS

Primary Sources:
The major portion of this section of the study
is based upon the writings of the English Puritans. The

intent was to select writers who lived sometime in the

298

period from the reign of Mary Tudor (1553-1558) until
the death of Richard Baxter in 1691. Three of the
earliest writers to reflect the ideals of the English

Puritans are: Roger Hutchinson, The Works of Roger

 

Hutchinson, ed. John Bruce (Cambridge, 1842); John

 

Bradford, The Writings of John Bradford, ed. Aubrey Town-

 

send, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1848) and John Hooper, Early

Writings of John Hooper, ed. Samuel Carr (Cambridge, 1843)

 

and John Hooper, Later Writings of Bishop Hooper, ed. Charles

 

Nevinson (Cambridge, 1852).
A penetrating insight into the English Puritan
attitude toward the need for social and economic reform

is found in Robert Crowley, The Select Works of Robert

 

Crowley, ed. J. M. COWper (London, 1872) and in Thomas
Lever, Sermons, ed. Edward Arber (London, 1870). All of
the major points of this study could probably have been

supported by Richard Greenham, The Workes of the Reverend

 

and the Faithfvll Servant of Iesvs Christ, ed. H. H. (London,

 

1605) and William Perkins, The Works of That Famous and

 

Worthy Minister of Christ in the University of Cambridge,

 

3 vols. (London, 1616-1618).
The English Puritan character and religion is
richly exemplified in Richard Rogers and Samuel Ward,.Two

Elizabethan Puritan Diaries, ed. M. M. Knappen (Gloucester,

 

Mass., reprinted 1966) and in Richard Rogers, A Garden of

 

 

299

Spiritual Flowers (London, 1610). Good evidence for

 

confirming both the religious and social views set forth

in this study is available in John Robinson, The Works of

 

John Robinson, ed. Robert Ashton, 3 vols. (London, 1851).

 

The theme that man is to be guided in all of his worldly .i
activities by the authority of the Scriptures is particu-

larly pronounced in William Ames, Conscience With the Power

 

 

and Cases Thereof (n.p., 1633). Richard Sibbes, The Complete

 

 

Works of Richard Sibbes, ed. Alexander Grosart, 7 vols.

 

(Edinburgh, 1862) is the fullest expression of the joys and
sweetness of the Christian religion among the writers that
I read. A variety of religious, social, and economic

questions are dealt with in several works by John Dod, 91d

Mr. DOD'S Sayings, comp. R. T. (Cambridge, 1673) and Old

 

Mr. DOD's Sayings: Or POSies Gathered Out of Mr. Dod's

 

Garden (Boston, 1731). Two other editions of his sayings

were checked (1725 and 1768) as well as A Plaine and

 

Familiar Exposition of the Ten Commandments, John Dod and

 

R. Cleaver (London, 1628). An illuminating survey of the
teachings of the English Puritans is available in the follow-

ing works of William Gouge: The Workes of William Gouge, 2

 

vols. (London, 1627), The Saints Cordials (London, 1629),

 

A Recoverprrom Apostacy (London, 1639), A Short Cat-

 

 

echisme, Wherein are briefly laid the fundamentall Princi-

 

pals of the Christian Religion (London, 1616) and Of

 

Domesticall thies: Eight Treatises (London, 1622).

 

300

A comprehensive but one of the dullest approaches to what

the English Puritans believed is Thomas Goodwin, The Works

 

of Thomas Goodwin, 12 vols. (Edinburgh, 1861).

 

Richard Baxter, The Practical Works of the Late

 

Reverend and Pious Mr. Richard Baxter, 4 vols. (London,

 

1707) provides Weber with only one statement with which
to uphold his thesis, and it is taken out of context.
Taken as a whole Baxter's writings do not fit into the
general pattern of the 'spirit of capitalism." Another
English Puritan writer who does considerable damage to

Weber's views is Henry Smith, The Works of Henry Smith,

 

2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1866). Smith has an excellent
chapter on usury. Christian guidelines are provided for

the businessman by William Pemberton, The Godlnyerchant,

 

or the Great Gaine (London, 1613). In three separate

 

works Richard Bernard upholds the traditional Christian
ideals with regard to riches and responsibility toward

one's neighbors. These are: The Readyway to Good Works,

 

or a Treatise of Charitie (London, 1635), The Contemplative

 

 

 

Pictures With Wholesome Precepts (London, 1610) and A

Double Catechisme (Cambridge, 1607). The social and economic

 

abuses of his day are the targets of Anthony Gilby in

A Commentary Upon the PrOphet Mycha (London, 1551).

 

Strong concern for and opposition to social and economic

abuses are particularly evident in the following works:

301

John Knewstubs, Lectvres Vpon the Twentith Chapter of

 

Exodus, and Certein Other Places of Scripture (London,

 

1577), Richard Turnbull, An Exposition Vpon the Canonicall

 

Epistle of Saint James (London, 1591), Thomas Lupton,

 

A Dreame of the Diuell and Diues (London, 1589.

 

The English Puritans' attitude toward usury is
the major focus of the following works: Robert Bolton,

A Short and Private Discourse between Mr. Bolton and one

 

M. S. concerning Usury (London, 1637), Miles Mosse, The

 

Arraignment and Conviction of strie (London, 1595) and

 

Roger Tvrner, The strers Plea Answered: In a Sermon

 

preached at Southampton (London, 1634). Laws on usury

 

can be found in The Statutes of the Realm. Printed by

 

Command of His Majesty King George the Third, 11 vols.

 

(n.p., 1810-1822).
A glimpse of the Anglican view toward the concept
of the calling, labor, idleness, wealth, and usury is found

in Lancelot Andrews, Patterns of Catechistical Doctrine, and

 

Other Minor Works (Oxford, 1846) and Lancelot Andrews,

 

Ninety-Six Sermons, in Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology,

 

5 vols. (Oxford, 1841-1843).

Puritan Manifestoes: A Study of the Origin of the

 

Puritan Revolt, eds. W. H. Frere and C. E. Douglas (London,

 

1954) provides considerable information on a wide range of

social, economic, and religious problems.

302

Secondary Sources:
A classic work on Church history is Thomas Fuller,

The Church History of Britain from the Birth of Jesus

 

Christ until the Year 1648, 3 vols. (London, 1868).

 

Probably the two most important volumes in the initial

stages of this study were William Haller, The Rise of

 

Puritanism: Or, The Way to the New Jerusalem as Set

 

Forth in the Pulpit and Press From Thomas Cartwright to

 

John Lilburne and John Milton, 1570-1643 (New York, 1957)

 

 

and M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism: A Chapter in the

History of Idealism (Chicago, 1965). A guide for the

 

history of the early Puritan movement is H. C. Porter,

Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge,

 

1958). There are a number of so-called standard works
on the English Puritan movement--four of these were most
helpful in preparing the biographical notes: John Strype,

Ecclesiastical Memorials, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1822)., Daniel

 

Neal, The History of the Puritans, oerrotestant Non-

 

Conformiststrom the Reformation to the Death of Queen

 

Elizabeth, 5 vols. (London, 1793), Thomas Fuller, The‘

 

History of the Worthies of England, 3 vols. (London,

 

1840) and Benjamin Brook, The Lives of the Puritans: A

 

Biographical Account of Those Divines Who Distinguished

 

Themselves in the Cause of Religious Liberty, From the

 

Reformation Under Queen Elizabeth to the Act of Uniformity

 

303

in 1663, 3 vols. (London, 1813). The Dictionary of
National Biography, ed. L. Stephen, 63 vols. (London,
1885) was also most helpful in biographical material.

A sympathetic approach to English Puritanism and Richard

Baxter is Hugh Martin, Puritanism and Richard Baxter

(London, 1954).

 

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