FEMININE IDENTITY AND THE EDUCATIONAL- VOCATIONAL PLANS AND PREFERENCES OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS ATTENDING PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS: A PILOT STUDY Thesis Io: the Dog». 0! Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Margaret Mary 80” I962 (W I“ if? ‘11.. ..u 15 0-169 This is to certify that the thesis entitled FE- Ii I.'.'E IDEI‘ITITV A ID rIHE EDL’ CATIC 'AL- VOCATIQ‘ AL PLANS A D PREFA. 411.033 OF ADOLESCEI T GIFLS ATTEDILZG PAAOCIZIAL SCHOOLS: A PILOT STUDY presented by Margaret Mary Bott has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M degree in Minn 1W6 ./ /Major proffg fgfor U Date LIBRARY Michigan State University ABSTRACT FEMININE IDENTITY AND THE EDUCATIONAL- VOCATIONAL PLANS AND PREFERENCES OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS ATTENDING PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS: A PILOT STUDY by Margaret Mary Bott Ifl£.Problem The study was concerned with (I) the criterion of feminine identity in relation to the educational-a . vocational plans and preferences of early adolescent girls, (2) validation of instruments to measure attitude toward marriage and educational-vocational plans and pre- ferences. Rationale A framework Of self-concept theory, learning theory and elements of vocational choice were used to place fem? inine identity in a context of educational-vocational expression. Mothers' attitudes toward marriage were viewed as a basis Of the daughters' learning of feminine role. Design gflg.Methodology rhe sample used was l38 parochial school girls in grades 6 through 9 and their mothers. This sub-sample was chosen because Of the stereotype of feminine role which Is part Of the socialization of Catholic school girls. It was assumed that role-conflict with mothers would express itself in divergent attitudes and rejection of the maternal feminine stereotype. Feminine identity was measured in three ways: (I) attitude toward marriage and career, (2) age, (3) similarity or dissimilarity to mother in attitude toward marriage and career. The instruments measured (l) attitude toward mar- riage and career (Marriage-Career Scale), (2) Educational Plans, (3) Marriage-Career Patterns, (4) Subject Matter Preferences, (5) Career Preferences. Using analysis of variance technique, an internal consistency reliability esti- mate of .77 was obtained for mothers and .76 for daughters on the Marriage-Career Scale. Results It was hypothesized that an attitude favoring mar- riage would relate to plans for marriage, limited education, and preference for feminine subjects and feminine careers. This hypothesis was partially supported. Attitude toward marriage related significantly to plans for marriage versus non-marriage. There were significant differences in atti- tude toward marriage between girls planning high school only and girls planning college. Other significant dif- ferences were observed between girls planning college and those contemplating graduate school. In both comparisons, the most favorable attitude toward marriage coincided with plans for college. Marriage attitudes did not relate to subject-matter preferences or career preferences. A second hypothesis was that age was related to dif- ferences in educational-vocational plans and preferences. It was hypothesized that younger girls would make fewer plans for marriage and more choices of higher education than older girls. Younger girls were also expected to be less feminine than older girls in preference for subject- matter and careers. No differences were Observed between the higher and lower age groups except in subject-matter prefer- ences. The third hypothesis was that girls who resembled mothers in marriage-career attitudes would make plans for marriage that correspond with mothers' attitudes toward marriage and mothers' background and that they would make plans for education that correspond with mothers' background. It was predicted that girls similar to mothers would resemble mothers in subject-matter preferences and career preferences. No significant relationships were found in the directions predicted. Chi-square tests and t-tests were used in the analysis. xI FEMININE IDENTITY AND THE EDUCATIONAL- VOCATIONAL PLANS AND PREFERENCES OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS ATTENDING PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS: A PILOT STUDY by Margaret Mary Bott A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education I962 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page TABLE OF CONTENTS ii LIST OF TABLES v ACKNONLEDGEMENTS viii ABSTRACT ix I. THE PROBLEM I Statement of the problem 3 Purpose of the Study 3 Importance of the Study 4 Theoretical BackgrOund ll Statement Of the Hypotheses 20 Definition of Terms 2| Summary 22 II. REVIEN OF THE LITERATURE 24 Introduction 24 Vocational Theories Related to Nomen 24 Adolescent DevelOpment and the Task of Identity j6 Motivation of Adolescent Girls for Education, Marriage and Career 48 Catholic Attitude toward Women 57 Summary 59 Chapter III. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Background of Matthews Study Description and Scoring of Instruments Sampling Procedure Descriptive Data Obtained from Sample Hypotheses Method of Analysis Limitations summary IV. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA Hypothesis l. Methods of Analysis Results Discussion Hypothesis 2. Methods of Analysis Results Discussion Hypothesis 3. Method of Analysis Results Discussion Summary IOI I02 l06 'EIIO ll2 Chapter V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Summary The Problem Methodology and Procedure Results Conclusions Implications Suggestions for Further Research BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX iv LIST OF TABLES Table No. '2' J.| \rl . \ \xl #- L w w (fix! mm \)1 4.2+ 4.5 4.6 Divergent Attitudes toward Marriage and Career. Analysis of Variance Table for Mothers' Responses to Items on Marriage-Career Scale. Analysis of Variance Table for Daughters' Responses to Items on Marriage-Career Scale. Description of Mothers by Age, Age at Time of Marriage, Number of Children, and Marital Status. Educational Backgr0und of Mothers. Marriage-Career Patterns of Mothers. Occupational Status of Mothers. Daughters Described by Age. Two-Jay Contingency Table for Marriage- Career Scores and Educational Plans. Two-Jay Contingency Table for Marriage- Career Scores and Marriage Plans. Two-Nay Contingency Table for Marriage- Page No. 60 66 66 69 70 7| 72 ’4 J 82 8? Career Scores and Subject Matter Preferences. Two-Way Contingency Table for Marriage- :areer Scores and Career Preferences. Analysis of the Differences between Mean Scores on Marriage-Career Scale for Diverse Educational Plans. Analysis of the Differences between Mean Scores on Marriage-Career Scale for Diverse Marriage-Career Patterns. 84 85 86 LIST OF TABLES (continued) Table No. 4.7 Three-Nay Contingency Table for Marriage Plans and Preference for Feminine Subjects. 4.8 Three-Way Contingency Table for Marriage Plans and Preference for Feminine Subjects. 4.9 Test for Significant Trend Among Mean Scores on Marriage-Career Scale for the Various Ages. 4.lO Two-flay Contingency Table for Educational Plans and Age. 4.ll Two-flay Contingency Table for Marriage Plans and Age. 4.l2 Two-flay Contingency Table for Subject Preferences and Age. 4.l7 Two-Nay Contingency Table for Career Preferences and Age. 4.l4 Raw Scores Obtained by Mothers and Daughters on Marriage-Career Scale 4.|5 T-Score Differences in Mothers' and Daughters' Scores on Marriage-Career Scale. 4.l6 Two-Way Contingency Table of Marriage- Career Plans of Daughters and Marriage- Career Attitudes of Mothers. 4.!7 Two-Way Contingency Table of Marriage- Career Plans of Daughters and Mothers' Marriage-Career Patterns. 4.l8 Two-Way Contingency Table of Educational Plans of Daughters and Mothers' Educa- tional Background. 4.l9 Two-Way Contingency Table of Subject Matter Preference Between Mothers and Daughters. vi Page No. 87 88 96 98 98 99 99 lO2 lOA l06 IO? IOB lO9 LIST OF TABLES (continued) Table No. Page No. 4,20 Two-Nay Contingency Table of Career lO9 Preference Between Mothers and Daughters. B.| Summary of Hyootheses Tested ll7-l2l o vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My most sincere thanks are expressed to my major advisor, Dr. Buford Stefflre, who has provided encourage- ment and support throughout my doctoral program. His interest and assistance were extended to the present study from its earliest stages to its final completion. The other members of the doctoral committee, Dr. William Farquhar, Dr. Bernard Corman, Dr. James Costar, and Dr. Nilliam Kell have been generous in providing con- sultation and constructive criticism. Appreciation is also due to Dr. and Mrs. John Patterson for statistical help patiently rendered. To Dr. Esther Matthews of Newton, Massachusetts, acknowledge- ment is expressed for permission to use her instrument. Special thanks are also extended to Dr. Beulah Hedahl for editorial assistance and to Mrs. Stanton Teal for typing the manuscript. The c00peration of the Reverend Donald Eder, of the Lansing office of diocesan schools, and the Reverend Hugh Curran of the Church of the Assumption, Peekskill, New York, made it possible to use the samples in the study. The Reverend Principals in each of the four schools helped to interest both daughters and mothers in the worth of the project. The writer wishes to express her gratitude to both the priests and the Sisters for helping to make the study a SUCCPSS. viii Chapter I THE PROBLEM We have only described women in so far as their natures are determined by their sexual function. We must remember that an indivi- dual woman may be a human being apart from this. If you want to know more about fem- ininity, you must interrogate your own experience or turn to the poets or else wait until Science can give you more coherent information. Sigmund FreudI The concept of feminine identity is proposed as a valid criterion for examining the vocational choice of females. Feminine identity is the concomitant of a pro- cess of normal growth and psychosexuai deveIOpment from infancy through girlhood to mature womanhood. It has been said that the child is father to the man (or mother to the woman). Psychoanalytic theory postulates that the mature woman still retains aspects of her child- hood and girlhood eXperiences. That a mature woman keeps something of her childish characteristics is plausible. Therefore, it is equally plausible that the young girl, in many ways, presents some features of mature womanhood. l. Sigmund Freud, New Introducto_y Lectures on P5 cho- analysis (New York: Norton and 00., I943 Wé (The biological deveIOpment in this process is not the essence of feminine identity. Rather, femininity is psycho- logical, and it can be identified at various points along the continuum.; yHow she views herself as a female is part of the basic orientation of a girl and has both internal and external meaning for her.J If her own subjective state is one of satisfaction, she has assurance about her identity and she can enjoy self-confident relaxation in her role. She can face other pepple secure in the possession of her own iden- tity and confident about how to present herself. To an observer, her dress, mannerisms, and body image, her atti- tudes and interests, her ways of relating to males and to females will convey the subtle assurance that this is a girl happy to be a girl. Good adjustment in this role also brings with it an accepting attitude toward men and toward marriage. The well-adjusted girl asserts her feminine image by her pleasurable anticipation of marriage as a way to complete herself. In addition to modes of expression which directly reveal femininity, the young girl also makes choices in regard to leisure time activities, homemaking functions, preferences for companions and types of play which permit her to satisfy her urges both to be a child and a mature woman. Jumping r0pe and playing house are illustrations of the contrast. An increasing number of writers are main- taining that woman's biological and social nature - warmth and nurturance directed toward motherhood - have to be taken into-account in evaluating her choices regarding education and identification in careers. 2,3,4 /Statement gj.th£ Problem This study is an investigation of three aspects of feminine identity (I) attitudes toward marriage, (2) mother-daughter similarity, and (3) age - in relation to the educational-vocational plans of early adolescent girls attending parochial schools. - Purpose g: the Study The selection of the problem and design of the experi- ment are intended to contribute to existing knowledge about factors which influence the vocational choice of young women. Specifically, the study will focus upon two main themes: (a) exploration of the usefulness of the theoretical model of feminine identity as a criterion from which to investigate educational and vocational plans of early adolescent girls; 2. Donald E. Super, The Ps cholo 21 Careers (New York: Harper and Bros., |9575 75, 274. 3. David V. Tiedeman, "Position Choices and Careers; Elements of a Theory", Cambridge Studies ifl_Career Develo ment, N2, § (Duplicated, Cambridge, Mass., I958) 35-32. 4. Esther E. Matthews, "The Marriage-Career Conflict in the Career-DevelOpment of Girls and Young Women" (Unpublished Ed.D. dissertation, Harvard University, I960) 38-54. (b) validation of separate instruments to measure aspects of girls' educational and vocational plans and the marriage-career attitudes of girls and of their mothers. Importance 9i _t_h_g M Three areas of socioloqicai significance are cited to support this study. The first is the departure of women from traditional homemaking activities to new horizons in education and jobs. The second is the ambivalent attitudes of adolescent girls to the possibilities before them. The third is the occurrence of a new theme in vocational liter- ature, i.e., the career devel0pment of women. Sociological changes affectiqg wgmgg: The status of women in our society has undergone vast change within the last forty years. As reported by the U.S. Department of Labor5 and the National Manpower Councilé, women composed 20% of the labor force in 1920, 33 l/3 f; in lacs-3. The average woman worker in I920 was single and twenty- eight years old. Today she is married and just over forty. At present two-fifths of the twenty-three million working women are age forty-five or over. More than half of this number are married and living with their husbands. Five million have children between the ages of six and seventeen, 5. What's New About Women Norkers?, U.S. Dept. of Labor, Leaflet IB (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, I960). 6. National Manpower Council, Woman ower (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, I957) 57-55. while about three million are mothers of children under six. Their job titles are to be found within nearly all the occupations listed by the Bureau of the Census. When one out of every three adult women is committed to a job, the meaning of work is brought close to the con- sciousness of girls viewing the labor market. The inter- rupted marriage-career pattern for women is neither the exception nor the rule, but its frequency affects the future outlook of girls who are still in school. They receive assurance that the more education they receive, the more years of paid employment are likely to be theirs. It is estimated that within ten years, two out of every five women will be employed. This puts added dimensions upon the possible ways in which girls can plan for the future. It also poses questions about the usefulness of work to confirm a woman's identity and add to her basic satis- factions.7 Not only has the occupational setting for woman shifted dramatically, but new patterns of education also determine her position. Academies and seminaries which first assumed the task of girls' education were devoted to domestic and social skills in preparation for homemaking. Since the late iBOO's, however, girls have not only been admitted to public schools but have outnumbered boys in graduating 7. Esther M. Nestervelt, "Womanpower - Wanton Waste or Wishful Thinking," Vocational Guidance Quarterly, lO (Winter 62) 78-84T* classes. This does not mean, however, that girls have been following the same educational pattern as boys. The atti- tude and preferences of girls have not been in keeping with .broapened Opportunities. Despite the available academic .programs, girls have still tended to favor vocational cur- ricula leading to immediate job preparation.8 The most prevalent explanation for this has been that girls will get married anyway and that longer education might interfere with chances to marry and may be viewed as a waste of effort.9 At times parental attitudes are such as to reinforce such thinking with the net result that girls' desires for mar- riage are used to limit their own intellectual fulfillment. Ambivalent Attitude; g: Adolescent Gigig: What kinds of subjects do girls study? Two recent reports IO, || show preference among girls for foreign language and avoidance of mathematics and science. Sputnik has been the occasion for causing more pressure to be applied to girls to enroll in mathematics and science and to plan for careers which are not traditionally feminine. While it is true that 8. Ibid., I671|74. 9. Kate Mueller, "The Cultural Pressures on Women", The Education g: Women - Signs for the Future, ed. Opal D. David (Washington D.C.: American Council on Education I957) 49-56. lO. Educational Testing Service National Colie e Testing 252.9522. 51221. 3222:; im'lPrinceton. i'9"5'%T. ll. James B. Conant, The American Hi h School Today (New York: McGraw Hill Book Co., Inc. ll3-l30. the number of women enrolling in college is on the increase, what has not been recognized is that pressure alone does not produce changes in educational patterns which are dic- tated by long-standing attitudes. A positive approach in the direction of influencing girls' choices is specific study of women's programs being made by groups of educators, particularly women.l2’ .3 A philosOphy of education geared to women in the present culture is the desired outcome of such study. Currently, the baccaleareate degree is being recognized not primarily for career preparation but as basic education for marriage and family life. It is evident that inter-relations between marriage, education, and careers have to be considered. GB reality, women's higher education is frequently combined with marriage or with work. Early marriages and the len- gthening vocational preparation for men often cause a woman to continue working in order to contribute to a husband's support. In this case, the woman's education may be inter- rupted or resumed at a later date. This variety of factors recommends that flexibility be a keynote in the educational planning for women? l2. IDS Education 91 Women - Signs for he Future. ed. Opal David (Washington D.C.: American Council on Education, I957) 83-l29. l3. Mabel Newcomer, "Women's Education: Facts, Findings and Apparent Trends", Journal g£_the National Asgoc. ‘21 Women's Deans and Counselors (Oct. lQEO) 35-3 . i What are flexible educational plans? For one thing, the junior college is receiving attention for girls who desire some further education but whose achievement level or degree of commitment is limited. Educational institu— tions are being encouraged to introduce programs which will serve to refresh skills acquired at an earlier date, e.g., for teaching. (Other kinds of special programs are envisioned to up-date the education of women who wish to return to work after some years of full-time homemaking. Currently, highly specialized training is being delayed until the time of re-entry into the labor force. This occurs for many married women when the last child enters school.; While these plans have to do with the structure of educational programs, what can be said of the attitudes of girls who are making decisions for higher education? It is no mere conjecture that awareness of their feminine iden- tity and desires influences achievement at an early age. Hp studying the motivation of high school girls, the National Manpower Council reported that high achievement cannot be tolerated by some girls because they perceive it as dis- pleasing to boys.'4 College girls also concluded that "playing dumb" was more likely to be approved by male col- leagues than was high achievement.'5_JMany girls were will- ing to play the part in order to receive recognition in ways l4. National Manpower Council, Womanpower, l83-l90. l5. Paul Wallin, "Cultural Contradictions and Sex Roles", // American Sociological Review, l5 (I950) 288-293. that would not threaten males. They found themselves facing a choice between the traditional "feminine" role of submis- sion and a more equalitarian status of a "modern" role. The latter allowed them to be mere readily accepted by men on an equal status.l6 'This note of inconsistency between intellectual compe- tence and femininity has been well-aired in papular litera- ture. While it is based upon attitudes of both males and females and their perceptions of each other, it is difficult to know its real impact upon the motivation and achievement of girls.. It is likely that girls who are secure in their femininity do not have to perceive themselves as threatening to men, whatever their performance record may be. It is also likely that secure males can tolerate bright females and not have their own prestige suffer by comparison. There ihas been some speculation that educated women are not achieving up to their capacity for this same reason,l7’ l8 a conflict between the need to be feminine and the Oppor- tunity to contribute productively in professional fields. 'Whether the conflict is real or presumed , it is apparently based upon cultural factors which fall outside the dimen- —sions of femininity itself. l6. Mirra Komarovsky, "Cultural Contradictions and Sex , Roles", American Journal 9: Sociology, 52 (l946) I84-l89. '7- Mary I. Bunting, "A Huge Waste: Educated Womanpower",r’ New York Times (May 7, l96l) l8. Radcliffe Committee on Graduate Education for Women. Graduate ggucation for Women, The Radcliffe Ph.D. (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, l955). Vocational Theory: The present study is also motivated by recent attempts to devel0p a theory of vocational choice specifically for women. Most vocational theories grew out of the need to explain vocational behavior in men. These theories have not held for women unless a uniquely feminine dimension was added. Super was one of the first to add this dimension to his vocational theory. More recently, i TiedemaneO and Matthews,2| in studying th: implications of vocational choice for women, have derived elements distinc- tive to women. Sources which they observed were: (I) bio- logical sex dlfferences causing differences In career de- veIOpment, (2) empirical evidence of sex differences in interests, curricular and occupational choices, career motiva- tion, (3) cultural expectations regarding the role of women in marriage and/or work, (4) the attitudes of both sexes toward the use of feminine lntellectuaiity, (5) personality theory relevant to the basic "core" of femininity. In summary, the need for this study is supported by (l) the rapidly changing status of women educationally and occupationally, (2) conflicts in women's motivation for marriage, education, and careers, (3) deveIOpIng theories of vocational choice for women. I9. Donald E. Super, "A Theory of Vocational DeveIOpment",/ American Psychologist, VIII (I953) I25-I90. 20. David V. Tiedeman, Harvard Studies lg_Career Develog- ' ment, N3._§_, 36-42. 2|. Matthews, "The Marriage-Career Conflict....", I3I,I44. Theoretical Background Several sources have been used to deveIOp the theore- tical framework for this study, i.e., self-concept theory, learning theory and Tiedeman's research on career deveIOp- ment. Each will be traced briefly. The framework which seems best suited to incorporate the motif of feminine identity into women's career develop- ment can be found in self-concept theory. Super used this when he pr0posed that "the choice of an occupation is one of the points in life at which a young person is called upon to state rather explicitly his concept of himself, to say definitely, 'I am this or that kind of person'."22 When a girl identifies herself as this or that kind of person, she focuses upon some concerns which are uniquely feminine. Her educational aspirations and career-image are conditioned by the way she perceives her sex role.23 Are girls permitted to achieve well in school and still be pOpular with boys? What is a typically feminine level of achievement? What courses do girls take? What recreations and avocations can they pursue? Is cheer-leader or drum- majorette the highest feminine symbol in the school? How much femininity can be emphasized in dress and make-up? What feelings and emotions are girls allowed to show? Must they quiver at the sight of blood and shudder at the 22. Super, he Psychology 31 Careers, I9l. 23. Kate H. Mueller, "The Marriage Trap," reprint, Made- moiselle (Sept. I955). l2 dissection of a frog? Must girls expect to play second- fiddle in extra curricular activities, or can they take the leads in plays and offices in student activities? How do they measure short term and long-range educational goals? What fields can safely be pursued without departing from the hidden career of preparation to be wife and mother? Just as her personality and behavior reveals the way she sees herself, so too a girl is able to view her role from the way others see her. If her mother's image of femininity constrains her, will she Oppose it by pursuing a physical education major? What support would she receive if she wished to study art or music for her own enjoyment and paid little attention to demands for earning a living? How far can she depart from familial expectations of what is prOper for a girl to do, or what an older sister's record might have been? In what programs and courses can she meet men? Must the goal of earning a living be part of her aca- demic orientation or can she expect to be married by the time of graduation, either from high school or from college? What kind of woman does her father expect her to be? Will he approve her most highly if she selects a typically fem- inine career? Can she be closer to him by imitating his own field of interest? Can she venture into masculine courses and careers, still comfortable as a female and find acceptance by males? If so, how well must she perform? At some subtle level, the eXpectations of others and the girl's own inner needs remind her that educational and '3 vocational considerations have special meaning for her as a woman. Her commitment retains something conditional about it, i.e., "I will pursue this plan, knowing that it can only partially fulfill me", or "This type of work will make me better prepared for marriage and family life." The mere biological concomitants of femininity are not its main criterion. Another approach to feminine identity is through learning theory.24 Learning a feminine identity is explained as adOpting the apprOpriate (i.e., the fem- inine) model of the cultural pattern. For most girls, the most available feminine model is the mother. The mother's own attitude toward her femininity will be an important aspect of the way the girl perceives the feminine role. If the mother is comfortable and happy with herself as a woman, she presents an attractive role to the girl. If, on the other hand, the mother is confused in her own sex-role identity, it would be expected that the daughter may have difficulties. A girl's view of woman's role in marriage and the family is derived largely from the manner in which she perceives her mother. Girls who want to be like their mothers should have little difficulty accepting such a role for themselves. Girls who have learned from a confused mother or had difficulties in the learning process may face conflict in projecting themselves into a marriage role. 24. S. M. Stoke, "An Inquiry into the Concept of Identi- fication," Journal gj.Genetic Psychology, 30 (I950) 199-227. l4 Similarity to mother is prOposed as an expected outcome in the process of learning feminine identity. The girl who behaves as if she were her mother is attempting to be mature and to obtain gratification of her needs for love and se- curity. She tries to reduce the difference between her mother and herself so that she no longer has to be dependent for her wants. She also tries to acquire the kinds of affec- tive rewards enjoyed by the mother, i.e., independence, approval of the father. The girl's object is to duplicate the personal characteristics, attitudes and behavior which the mother represents to her. Her reward is two-fold. First, she perceives sjmilarities (real or assumed) between herself and the mother which cause her to conclude, "I am like mother." This is sometimes noticed in the direct imitation of hairstyle, manner of dress, gestures or tone of voice. A second reward is the approval given by signifi- cant persons in the environment. The little girl playing mother or cleaning the house illustrates this when she seeks applause for her actions from the adults. The extent of similarity depends upon a number of fac- tors, such as the depth of the girl's needs, warmth of the parents, and the kind of relationship between them. For example, if the parents are continually present to gratify the child's needs, she has little motivation to strive for an adult identity. Her childish dependency will continue so long as the parents are there to meet her needs. The father's attitude, both in regard to mother and daughter, is of extreme importance. If he reacts negatively to the girl's attempts to adOpt mature behavior, he impedes her progress toward feminine identity. If he shows positive approval for the mother, he enhances the desirability of the feminine:model for the girl. Similarly, a moderate degree of affective nurturance from the mother strengthens the girl's desire to become like her. Excesses of coldness or warmth shown by the mother decrease the attractiveness of the female model, since the girl is smothered or deprived as a result of such fluctuations. It is in this context of a process of imitation of mother based on the need to become an autonomous woman like mother that similarity is prOposed as a measurement of feminine identity. Lynn has postulated in a study based on learning theory that the early closeness of the girl with the parent of the same sex is an initial advantage in ac- quiring appropriate sexual identity.25 What the girl observes is the model of primary role as woman in the family. What effect will her reaction to this role have upon the choices of subjects and careers which precede a marriage role for her? According to self-concept theory, there should be consistency among the various expressions of self. If the model of feminine identity is sound, she may be inclined 25. David B. Lynn, "A Note on Sexual Differences in the DeveIOpment of Masculine and Feminine Identification," Psychologjcai Review, 66 (l959) I26-l35. l6 to project it into subjects and contemplated careers which she views as most approoriate to a feminine model. A girl who is pleased with her feminine identity may be expected to choose those areas which allow her to be most feminine. Conversely, the girl who has observed a confused model or learned her role with difficulty would be expected to make choices which are not typically feminine. For example, she might reject home economics and choose physics. A third way of approaching feminine identity is through stage of deveIOpment, one of the elements prOposed by Tiede- man in studying career planning.26 He predicts that in relation to every choice there will be stages of eXpIoration, crystallization,and specification. Since at early stages, fantasy productions constitute the bulk of choices, it may be conceived that a ten-year old girl will explore in play and role-projections such glamorous choices as the model or the actress. At a later date she may find her needs for recog- nition satisfied through a variety of extra-curricular acti- vities and personal satisfactions enjoyed during adoles- cence. This choice does not crystallize, but gives way to the exploration of new possibilities. At age eighteen, broadened curricular experiences and closer contacts with adults in careers enable her to use a new vantage point in making plans which are consistent with her feminine needs. For example, she can maintain an image of a future goal as 26. David V. Tiedeman, Harvard Studies lg Career Develog- ment, N9, Q, 3'. ' l7 wife and mother and still invest herself emotionally in a nurturant profession such as nursing. Matthews' study showed the increasing frequency of marriage plans in the life goals of high school and college girls as compared with those in junior high. In the case of females, psychoanalytic theory used by Tiedeman and Matthews postulates differences in femininity at various stages of deveIOpment.27 The period preceding puberty is characterized by reduced sexual interest and increased preoccupation with the external environment: learning new skills, competing in athletics, thinking about the future. Though they are less aggressive than boys, girls at this age show a great deal of activity in seeking adventure, satisfying curiosity, and testing the limits of parental and other authorities. This is the stage at which girls frequently turn from the model of the mother to experi- ment with roles based on other models, real or fictitious. The teacher, the Scout leader, the movie star, or some other girl's mother may provide a role to imitate. An impetus to career orientation is provided by such activity. It is only later, after pubescence, that the girl's energy is less diffused and she is more willing to direct her aspirations to typically feminine goals of marriage and sexual fulfillment. Here the model of womanhood provides a functional definition rather than an occupational image. ¥ 27. Helene Deutsch, Psychologygj.Women (New York: Grune and Stratton, I944) 9l-l48. l8 By the time of early adolescence, one would expect fairly strong involvement in feminine identity. The girl who has passed the tomboy stage and faced the initial adjust- ment of biological differences through menstruation becomes conscious of herself as a female. The attitudes which she deveIOps during this period, her initial reactions to her sexual urges, to dating, her success in achieving indepen- dence from her mother, combine to make this a crucial time in feminine develooment. The integration or lack of inte- gration accomplished in adolescence follows her to woman- hood. The model of feminine role presented to Catholic girls carries sanctions which transcend the behavior of any par- ticular mother. Since the Church maintains a specific view of womanhood, the girl learns expectations which are associated with her sex. In the first place, hers is a position of dig- nity and respect. She has a responsibility to nurture life of body and soul alike. The traditional setting of wife and mother of the family places her in a position subordinate to men, but complementary in role. According to the teaching of the Church, the woman is to function as help-mate, guiding and inspiring in a womanly way. Her unique influence is in the home, the care of children, the cultivation of virtue. The Church also approves alternate roles for women which fall short of sexual expression. One of these is conse- crated religious service whereby a woman devotes herself exclusively to the Church in works of charity. She does '9 not marry, but assumes a function Of spiritual motherhood in combination with her life of prayer and good works. This is portrayed not as a denial of womanliness but as a higher calling of service in the Church. The third possible expression of feminine role is the model of the single woman engaged in some positive form of service in an occupational setting other than the convent. Her motivation is viewed as essentially the same as that of the other roles, to provide positive service to others based on ideals of the Church. It is expected that repudiation Of feminine role for Catholic girls would manifest itself in denial of nurturance and feminine activity. The girl least satisfied with her role might be expected to decline Opportunities for service and prefer a competitive status. In summary, it is prOposed that a girl's definition of what kind of person she is has a distinctive meaning related to the way she perceives her own femininity. If she has a positive view of herself and of the feminine role in which she perceives her mother, it is expected that she will pro- ject herself into the role of wife and mother. Her educational and career plans should be consistent with this image. Girls in early adolescence and post-puberty are considered a likely group to observe, since their initial response to changes in themselves will determine to a considerable extent their later acceptance or rejection of marriage. These attitudes will also condition their educational planning and career develooment. 20 Catholic girls were considered to be particularly apprOpriate subjects because of the clear-cut image of fem- inine role which is part of their socialization. Statement 3f the Hypotheses The study was designed to examine the following hypo- theses: Hypothesis I. Rationale: Hypothesis 2. Rationale: The attitudes of early adolescent girls toward marriage are consistent with their educational- vocational plans and their educational- vocational preferences. A correlate of feminine identity is an accept- ing attitude toward marriage. It is expected that educational-vocational plans and pre- ferences will be congruent with this attitude. This would mean life plans which include marriage, limited education and feminine sub- ject and career preferences. Mother-daughter similarity will be reflected In educational-vocational plans and prefer- ences which resemble those of their mothers. It is assumed that feminine identity is de- rived largely from relationships with the mother. Daughters who resemble mothers in attitude toward marriage are expected to have good feminine role identification and to imitate other aspects of their mothers' background. Hypothesis 3. Older girls will show preference for marriage in attitudes and plans and will be more feminine in educational-vocational preference than younger girls. Rationale: Change from pre-puberty to adolescence is an important stage in feminine deveIOpment. It is expected that increased sexual drive will be reflected in attitudes and plans favoring marriage and in feminine subject and career preferences. In Chapter III these Operational hypotheses will be converted into testable form and stated as null and alter- nate hypotheses. Definition gj_Terms Attitude toward marriage: the degree to which a respon- dent accepts Opinions which express preference for marriage and marriage-orientation in girls and women. A low score on the Marriage-Career Scale represents a high degree of acceptance of marriage and homemaking. A high score represents a rejection of marriage and homemaking in favor of career. Marriage-Career Scale is an instrument derived from Matthews' tentative theory of girls' career deveIOpment. ggucational-vocational glans: respondent's choice Of (I) level of educational aspiration, and (2) marriage- career pattern. 22 Educational-vocational background: (I) level of educa- er tion completed by the mother, and (2) mother's marriage- career pattern. 4. Educational-vocational preferences: (I) subject-matter preferences and (2) career preferences of respondent scored on masculine-feninine dimension. 5. Mother-dagghter similarity: agreement of mothers and daughters in T-score normalized from total score on Marriage-Career Scale. Similarity has three possible meanings. Both mother and daughter favor (l) marriage, (2) career, or (3) marriage-career. Summary The problem stated in this chapter is to investigate differences in the educational-vocational plans of early adolescent girls in relation to their attitudes toward mar- riage. The need for the study was justified by (I) the rapid changes in women's educational and vocational status, (2) conflicting motivation of women for marriage, education and careers, (3) the prOposaI of new elements upon which to build a theory of vocational choice for women. A theoretical formulation based on self-concept theory, learning theory and Tiedeman's elements was presented to support the use of the concept of feminine identity in relation to career development. A basis was stated for the learning of sexual identity in the female, and hypotheses were derived from this source. The hypotheses center about (I) attitudes toward ' marriage, (2) mother-daughter similarity, and (3) age. 23 A more comprehensive account of research pertinent to the study will be presented in Chapter II. In Chapter III the design of the study will be described, with reference to instrumentation, type of analyses, sampling procedure, and the null hypotheses. In Chapter IV results will be presented and conclusions stated. Chapter V will deal with interpretations of results and implications for future research. Chapter II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction In this chapter literature related to the present study has been reviewed. The research seems to center on four areas. First is the deveIOpment of vocational theory for wOmen, which has been traced to the present and in- cludes elements suggested for research. The second area is literature concerning adolescence which relates to iden- tity. Its particular meaning for the female is discussed. A third area of related research is provided by status studies which report the attitudes of adolescent girls toward educa- tion, marriage, and occupational choice The fourth spurge pertinent to the study concerns the implications arising out of Catholic attitudes toward women. Vocational Theories Related tg_Women The study Of woman's vocational choice is a relatively new area. Only recently has woman's career deveIOpment been studied in a context separate from men. The deveIOpment Of the literature in the past ten years reflects this emphasis. One Of the earliest studies of women and occupational choice was reported by Ginzberg in l95l. He observed I 'l. Eli Ginzberg, Sol W. Ginzburg, Sidney Axelrod, John L. Herma, Occupational Choigg, (New York: Columbia University Press, I95T) I3. 24 25 haphazard planning for careers and inadequate knowledge of occupations available to women college graduates. Although eighty per cent of the women in his sample were employed, only one-third of them were in fields directly related to their college majors. Ginzberg tested a "process" concept of choice based upon factors of the self, reality, and key persons. He studied his theory in relation to males, assuming that marriage took first place in the planning of females. Later he interviewed a small sample of girls to Observe possible differences in their career planning. Choice process in girls appeared to him to parallel that of boys until the end of high school when the transition between two stages, the tentative and the reality, took place. At this time mar- riage and family life tended to overshadow work goals for girls. Their educational plans were short-range, and they based choice of major upon personal goals rather than career interests.2 Ginzberg's results have to be interpreted with caution, since they are derived from retrospective interview material obtained from ten girls. The sample of girls was limited to those of upper socio-economic background. This bias may partially account for the predominance of marriage goals 0 over occupational interests. 2. Ibid., I63. 26 McKenzie conducted a follow-up of Ginzberg's study in I957.3 She reported that intellectually superior twelfth grade girls emerged through fantasy, tentative, and realistic stages of choice as described by Ginzberg. Their life-plans were oriented toward marriage rather than toward work. The impact of Ginzberg's and McKenzie's research upon the present study is that marriage planning seems to be more pertinent an index of vocational aspiration for girls than curricular choices or projection into occupations. If marriage and family life are the primary concerns for girls, it would seem that other goals are subservient to these. Caplow reported trends in the occupations of women from I900 to I950 and credited occupational inequality between the sexes to customs and folkways. He examined special 4 conditions of female employment: the intermittent career patterns, status as secondary breadwinner, relation of resi- dence to husband's occupation, reserve of employable women, special statutes. Caplow reported that attitudes on the part of both sexes account for women's occupational status as well as do structural elements. He noted, for example, that men are reluctant to be directly subordinated to women except in family or sexual relationships. He also observed Francis W. McKenzie, "Life Plans of Intellectually Superior Twelfth Grade Girls", (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Yale University, I957). kxl 4. Theodore Caplow, The Sociolo ngWork (Minneapolis: U. of Minnesota Press, I954) 230-247. 27 that a bias exists in the direction of conditioning intimate groups, except those based on family or sexual ties, to be composed of one sex alone, but never both. Cultural conditioning for sex role was reported by Caplow. He noted that males are trained to derive satis- faction from competition, for example, while women learn to value personal characteristics and affective relation- ships. This difference gives rise to differential expecta- tions of what constitutes job satisfaction. As concluded by Caplow, flexibility in the system permits occupational choice for women. Yet occupation is rarely pursued by women in the same terms as by men. The effect of Caplow's report is that from both the masculine and feminine points of view, employment for both sexes is not expected to be on an equalitarian basis. Woman's position in the family seems to determine her status in the occupational field. If Caplow is right, women would not expect to find their primary fulfillment in work. Neither would they anticipate acceptance in all occupational fields. One of the most interesting recent theories of voca- tional choice is that prOposed by Roe.5 She emphasizes early determinants of vocational choice, a theory which is applicable to women as well as to men. Roe prOposes that 5. Anne Roe, "Early Determinants of Vocational Choice", Journal 3: Counseling Psychology, 4, (I957) 2l2. the quality of early relationships with parents and the ful- fillment of unconscious needs help to determine occupational choice. Although these hypotheses have not been tested separately on women, the same elements are specified as will be discussed in relation to the learning of feminine identity. According to Roe,6 variations‘due to genetic factors also play a part in vocational choice. Job restrictions for the female are cited in relation to physical strength and biological role rather than to sex alone. Limited occupa- tional participation for women is seen as the result of social and psycholOgicaI expectations, not primary or second- ary sex differences themselves. Apparently women are inclined to accept these social and psychological attitudes and to participate in careers which allow them to continue to main- tain their expectations of which roles are apprOpriate for them as women. In his book on IDS Psycholoqy_g£.Careers, Super6 stressed the need to investigate women's careers with the same intensity as those of men. He accounted for differ- ences in women's careers, career orientation, and career motivation based on sex role. Differential career patterns for women were classified by Super: o. Roe, The Psychology Of Occu atlons (New York: John Wiley and Sons, I956T—5B-62. 7. Super, Psycholggy gj_Careers, 76-77. 29 l. The stable homemaking career pattern: marriage with no significant work experience. 2. The conventional career pattern: marriage and full-time homemaking after a relatively brief work experience. 3. The stable working pattern: entrance into the work force to embark upon a career which becomes the woman's life work. It may or may not be perceived from the start as a life career. 4. The double-track pattern: dual career of working and homemaking after graduation, with occasional time taken out for childbearing. 5. The interrupted career pattern: sequence of working, homemaking and working, while or instead of homemaking. 6. The unstable career pattern: working, homemaking, working again, return to full-time homemaking, etc. 7. The multiple-trial career pattern: a succession of unrelated jobs, with stability in none.8 Super observed that women tend to stabilize occupation- ally earlier than men, due in part to the fewer types of employment Open to them. He viewed the attitude of women themselves as limiting their career potential. "Women tend to see themselves as helpers - wives, nurses, secretaries, administrative assistants - rather than as leaders and 5. Super, Psychology_gf Careers, 77-78. 3O creators."9 Super and Ginzberg seem in basic agreement (I) that occupational planning for girls is short-circuited in comparison with boys, (2) that limited types of oppor- tunities are accepted by girls in an occupational context. This would suggest a more limited range Of choices made by girls as well as lesser involvement in career planning as such. Of particular interest to this study is Super's emphasis on a variety of marriage-career patterns which take into account current Opportunities for working wives. While Super's patterns are not used in this study, the concept Of marriage-career patterns is the basis for one of the instru- ments. The theory most closely related to this study is that of Tiedeman. In speculating about career deveIOpment of women, Tiedeman emphasized the formation of identity. Em- pirical data used in a study of choice of curriculum by the two sexes caused him to emphasize the need for a separate study of each sex. Tiedeman's rationale is an empirical one, rather than one based upon the postulation of inherent differences due to sex. He observed "the world as it is rather than as we presumed it might be. . . It appears to us that the context of choice considered by the two sexes ingifferent; whether it need be or not, we cannot say." l0 Tiedeman noted sex role choices and position choices peculiar 9. Ibid., 294. ID. Tiedeman, Harvard Studies, 36-37. 3| to women, and explained them on the basis of modal expecta- tions resident in the culture. He states the following prOpositions: l. Men and women differ biologically and these bio- IOgical differences give rise to differentiated qualifications for employment. 2. Women are taught to be women; men are taught to be men. 3. Women are expected to live with their parents as long as necessary, but in this case, must provide their clothes and satisfy their special wants by themselves provided the family income is modest or less. 4. Women are expected to marry. 5. Education is frequently considered of questionable value to a woman; education is the road to profes- sional employment for men. 6. The husband is the "breadwinner"; the wife is the "homemaker." 7. There are women's jobs and there are men's jobs.ll Tiedeman's research interest is in the deveIOpment of models to predict careers. When discussing identity and its expression in choice of position, Tiedeman uses a framework of self-concept theory. His central focus is the way in which a person perceives himself in relation to work, to other pepple, and other aspects of living. For the female, this ll. Tiedeman, Harvard Studies, 24-26. 32 would also include her expectations of sex role. Tiedeman suggests that current concepts of ideal femininity merit study, since ideal femininity provides clues as to the per- ception which females have of themselves and which they attribute to others, particularly to males. It seems llogical that concepts of ideal femininity vary among the age levels, and also that they are closely related to expectations of behavior in terms of men, of marriage, and of children. O'Hara further developed Tiedeman's theory when he translated Rogers' theory of personality to propositions relating to career deveIOpment.I2 O'Hara presents concepts of (I) a continually changing phenomenological world which gives rise to a vocational self-image, (2) a hierarchy of work values, (3) a system of needs satisfied through work. In order to achieve vocational satisfaction, he insists that there be consistency between self-concept and vocational self-image. In the case of females, a self-concept which is essentially feminine would have to be mirrored in a voca- tional self-image which is also perceived as feminine. Thus, it could be predicted that a girl who views herself as non- feminine might be most satisfied in a position which is also non-feminine, e.g., engineering, veterinary medicine. This raises the issue of how valid it is to categorize careers l2. Robert P. O'Hara, "On the Importance of the Self Concept to a General Theory of Occupational Choice", (Unpublished paper, Harvard Graduate School of Education, I957). as feminine or non-feminine and on what basis such percep- tions are built. It would seem that variation in concepts of ideal femininity could extend not only to persons but to occupations as well. Matthews was the first to build Tiedeman's elements into a tentative theory of career deveIOpment based upon the psychology of women.l3 She selected from Tiedeman's elements the prOposition that cultural attitudes influence women's career deveIOpment. She drew from psychoanalytic theory to propose a sequence of life stages which were sub- jectively verified in her counseling experiences with girls. Matthews' stages are these: I. Girls leave the dependency Of baybhood and resolve the Oedipal phase by age five or six. Their childhood is occupied by early learning tasks. Feminine identification is an inherent part of personality deveIOpment, despite the quiescence of sexual strivings. 2. Adolescence conveys the physiological and psychological meaning of femininity. Its impact may cause a temporary retreat from the feminine sex role to career interests. 3. In late adolescence, marriage interests predominate over career interests. 4. Most girls by the middle twenties are married and raising children. 5. Reduced family responsibilities lead many women in the l3. Matthews, "The Marriage-Career Conflict...", 38. 34 middle years to seek employment outside the home.l4 Matthews tested hypotheses derived from this theory and concluded that deveIOpmentaI stage and life plans were more useful predictors of vocational choice than was cur- riculum. Four major themes emerged from her discriminant analysis: (I) women's perception of other women's atti- tudes toward the use and implications Of women's intelli- gence versus w0men's perception Of boys' and men's attitudes toward the use and implications of women's intelligence; (2) women's attitudes toward homemaking versus women's feelings of inferiority to men; (3) women's preference for a feminine career versus women's acceptance of the role of wife and mother and rejection of career; (4) women's atti- tude toward the time of dating and marriage (parent focus) versus women's attitude toward purpose of college, time of dating and marriage (peer focus). Matthews' four themes‘were the source of seventeen theoretical elements suggested for further study of women's career deveIOpment. In order to accept all of her elements, one must also accept the assumption of "feminine core" as prOposed by Helene Deutsch. According to this point Of l5 view, ideal femininity consists of a balance of trends of passivity, masochism and narcissism which eXpress themselves l4. Ibid., I32. l5. Deutsch. 2l9-273. in the mental functioning of women as well as in sexual activity. According to Deutsch, an excess of intellectual activity offsets the harmonious balance of these feminine elements. Since there is no universal agreement or empirical proof to substantiate this viewpoint of Deutsch, this part of Matthews' elements has to be accepted with caution. Other writers have interpreted femininity in terms of the estrual cycle (Benedek) or of shifts in dominance-submission (Maslow). Despite Matthews' carefully formulated theoretical background, one of the notes which predominates throughout her study is the assumption of a marriage-career conflict. One wonders why she posits this conflict, since her own theory of girls' personality deveIOpment Offers explanations for the career emphasis at various stages. As expressed by Matthews, it would appear that shifting marriage-career emphasis is expected as the normal phenomenon of deveIOpment from girlhood through maturity. If mother-daughter identi- fication is adequate and mother is perceived in a homemaking role, there should be no conflict in the daughter's final acceptance of marriage. A comprehensive look at the literature from Ginzberg through Matthews indicates that women's vocational behavior has been studied but briefly. The approach in the past has been a comparative one which emphasizes the ways in which women's occupational process and patterns differ from those of men. Ginzberg, Caplow, and Super have contributed 35)" insights about sociological conditions, cultural biases and attitudes of both sexes toward the woman's working role. Tiedeman subsumed a number of elements of career deveIOp- ment from other theories and addressed himself particularly to women. He made inferences about woman's vocational status from the background of psychological and vocational theory. He emphasized the need to study feminine identity in order to understand woman's vocational choice. Matthews investigated several of Tiedeman's elements in support of a marriage-career conflict in young women at different stages of deveIOpment. (Currently the outstanding limitation about theories of women's career deveIOpment is their lack of empirical test. The direction of theory has moved from a comparison with men to a newer focus on the basic needs of women. The nature of these needs, however, is still open to question. At a particular stage it is conceivable that one may pre- dominate over another and that marriage or career emphasis may be foremost.J Adolescent DeveIOpment and the Task f Identity Since this study is focused upon the early and middle adolescent years, it is necessary to specify which particular needs and processes of adolescence are being investigated. The concept of deveIOpmentaI tasks is used because this is a familiar one which appears frequently in psychological literature. In first using the term, Eriksonl6 worked from l6. Erik H. Erikson, Childhood and Society (New York, W.W. Norton and Co., I950) 2l9-233. ”7 b J the classical stages of psychoanalytic deveIOpment to con- struct a series of ego-tasks which related to social modali- ties and extended through the ages from infancy to psycho- sexual maturity. These range from trust at an infantile level to integration at the stage Of greatest maturity. Havighurst later applied the concept of deveIOpmentaI l7 tasks to education, assigning different socialization tasks to particular age levels. The importance of the deveIOpmentaI tasks for adoles- cence is that the emergence of self-concept during this period calls for the integration of a sense of identity. According to the theory, this occurs only after a succession Of ear- lier processes has been adequately completed. Thus, trust, autonomy, initiative, and accomplishment are designated as childhood tasks which need to be concluded before the pat- terns for the next task, i.e., identity can be established. The primary basis for identity, the crucial task of adolescence, is traced back to successful or unsuccessful learning at these earlier deveIOpmental levels. Currently in the literature the term identification has a variety of meanings. Sanford concludes that "a term that can be employed in so many different ways....and that has been accepted by most psychOIOgists and sociologists, could hardly mean anything very precise."|8 He prefers the term "acquired l7. Robert J. Havighurst, Develo mental Tasks 31 Education, (New York: Longmans Green, I952). l8. Neville Sanford, "The Dynamics of Identification” Psychological Review, 62 (I955) IO7. H A. i ,8 a similarity". While measurement in this study focuses upon similarity, the latter is considered an outcome of the pro- cess of identification. The term is retained as a meaningful concept. Although identity formation is crystallized in adoles- cence partially because of the social realities occurring at that age, its earliest phases take place during infancy. Despite different theories which are used to explain the primary identification process, there is basic agreement that its source is an early emotional tie with the parents.l9 According to Freud, dependency has different motivation for boys and for girls. The objective danger situation for girls is fear of loss of love. For boys it is castration fear. The girl's model imitation of the mother was interpreted by Freud as an object choice motivated by dependency. In psychoanalytic literature, this is viewed as pre-sexual behavior based upon infantile helplessness and conditions Of dependency. It is in overcoming such dependency that adult modes of behavior are acquired. Continuing stages in identification have been recog- nized by social scientists who state that identity has its counterparts in the social structure. For example, Parsonseo relates Freud's stages of deveIOpment to specific changing l9. Bronfenbrenner, Child DevelOgment, "Freudian Theories of Identification and their Derivations", 3| (I960) l8-20. 20. Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Famil , Sociali- zation and Interaction Process (Glencoe, Ill: Free Press, l955) 20-IOO. 39 roles which the parents present to the child at each suc- cessive stage. As the needs of the child undergo change, the parents represent new roles to him, e.g., source of physical nurturance, obstacle to aggression, sexual object. Learning of identification is explained in terms of reciprO-. cal role relationships between parents and child. In this sense, sex role can be regarded as one type of differential behavior learned in relation to both parents. While the father responds to the sexual behavior of the young girl, by way of approval, the mother's role is to reinforce the girl's behavior by expressing her Own femininity. In the process of growing up, a sex role becomes internalized as part of the self-image. Adolescence is particularly impor- tant for this phenomenon, due to the changing aspects of sex role at that time and the need to adjust to the expres- sion of new impulses. Sex-role for the girl has certain contradictory aspects. 0n the one hand, she is favored in observing a role-stereotype t 0. mother whiCh is less diffuse than the boy's occupational model of father. Her frequent conzact with the mother pro- vides an Opportunity to observe her eXpressive behavior and interpersonal relationships as well as her primary function as wife and mother. However, the girl has less assistance from the culture than the boy in regard to achieving final independence from parents. The boy is expected to establish independence by earning his own living. The girl may con- tinue to live at home and is often not independent of the 40 family until the time of marriage.i In a study of first-grade children, Tyler observed differences between the sexes inasmuch as the girl's role was derived from a sex-model, while the boy's shifted into a differentiated OCCUpationaI model. Girls continued to 2l perceive a mother, while boys came to identify with their fathers as businessmen, lawyers, doctors and engineers. It might be expected, then, that girls' attitudes toward marriage would be directly related to their perception of their mothers in a marriage-role. Nhy is adolescence regarded as the crucial time for identity-formation? It is at this time that intense demands are placed upon the ego. To maintain and carry-over the sameness of self from childhood identifications is not suf- ficient. Equilibrium is required in order to take in new aspects of the self as an emerging adult. When this equi- librium cannot be maintained, Erikson calls the crisis one of role-diffusion.22 The integration of the self of child- hood with newly-faced libidinal urges must be fitted into the framework of a new social-role which is considered apprOpriate for adolescence. Vocational theorists have recognized that career choices at this time often represent 2|. Leona E. Tyler, "The Role of Interests to Abilities and Reputation Among First Grade Children", Educational and Psychological Measurement, XI (l95l) 255-261. 22. Erikson, 228. 4| attempts to integrate adult expectations with newly-tasted independence. It provides an Opportunity to "try out" new forms in the process of establishing a positive ego-identity. New responsibilities as well as new societal expectations give the adolescent an Opportunity to make decisions which verify his new identity and allow him to trust himself in the process of becoming a mature adult. ~\CareerndevelOpment is less useful for the girl than for the boy at this phase of deveIOpment. If the girl's learning Of sex-role has been achieved through affective relations with her mother, she realizes that her own fulfillment in the role of mother will be delayed until after marriage. Her immediate task is to express femininity at her Own level not that of her mother. The pattern is worked out and accomplished primarily in relation to other girls in the Deer group, since the girl does not know what her mother was like during this period. If the mother can communicate some of this to her, the girl's task is considerably lightened.. For example, the girl may face adult femininity with mixed . emotions which accompany the onset of menstruation. If the mother is able to reassure her and communicate a positive reaction to her own role, the girl is likely to accept a positive concept of femininity. Lynn noted that ambivalence in the mother toward her own sex role had the effect of complicating the girl's socialization process.23 k 2?:, David 8. Lynn, "Sex Differences in Identification DeveIOp- ment", Sociometry,’24 (Dec. l96l) 275. 42 If the mother is herself confused or unhappy about being a woman, she puts blocks in the girl's path. Hartley also observed that the crisis in feminine identity-formation is relatively long, since its final resolution occurs at motherhood.24 It would seem useful to Observe girls at various levels of deveIOpment to note the manner in which they accept or reject their Own femininity. The support of the culture to continuity in sex-role identity has been considered in both a positive and a negative light. On the one hand, some sociologists maintain that the early school years provide girls with a more sup- portive framework than boys.25 Girls can use the same means for gaining approval which they learned at home. Elementary teachers are, for the most part, women, and they represent role-models which girls can continue to imitate. Mead Observed that the pace in junior high school is set by girls, who tend to be more docile and verbal than boys and are anxious to please.26 Thus, it would appear that the setting Of elementary and junior high school helps girls to be girls. Support for career identification is also 24. Ruth Hartley, "Some Implications of Current Changes in Sex Role Patterns", 6 (I959-60) Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 31 Behavior and DeveIOpment, I63. 25. Bernice L. Neugarte, "Nomen's Changing Role through the Life Cycle", 3. of National Association 91 Nomen's Deans and Counselors, EE'TUune l96|77T65 26L wmrgaret Mead, "Are We Squeezing Out Adolescence?", National Parent-Teacher, Sept. l960 43 provided in the alternate feminine role Of the teacher. Here the model is still feminine but the function is an occu- pational one, in contrast to the mothering function Observed in the family. Other data suggests that the young woman faces real contradiction in sex-role because of the cultural bias which rewards masculinity. Lynn reports that girls encoun- ter real difficulty in the shift from a world of mother-care to a man's world. "The girl upon leaving infancy does not receive adequate reinforcement through distinct awards for adOpting the feminine role and definite punishment for adOpting the masculine one. On the contrary, she is, in a sense, punished simply for being born female, whereas the boy is rewarded simply for being born male."27 Empirical evidence of preference for masculine role by girls is associated with the differential attitudes of parents toward the two sexes. Generally, stricter regulation of girls is contrasted with a more permisSIve attitude In dealing with boys.28’ 29} 30 27. Lynn, "A Note on Sex Differences in the DeveIOpment Of Masculine and Feminine Identification", Psychological Review, 66 (1959) I26-I35. 2b. 3. Smith, "Age and Sex Differences in Children's Opinions Concerning Sex Differences", Journal 3: Genetic Psycho- lflfll. 54. (l939) l7-25. 99. P. M. Kitay, "A Comparison of the Sexes in their Atti- tudes and Beliefs about Women, A Study of Prestige Groups", Sociometry, 3 (IQAO) 399—407. 33. D. B. Brown, "Sex Roles Preference in Young Children", Psychological Monograph, 70, NO. l4. 44 The change to masculine preference on the part of girls was noted by Pishkin.?| He observed an age differential by which girls shifted from mother-Object and mother-role pre- ference to a neutral category and later to father-preference. Colley uses a psychoanalytic framework as the basis for successful sexual identity: a certain Optimum of seductive behavior on the part of the Opposite-sex parent and an Optimum of rivalrous behavior on the part Of the parent of the same sex.32 In this context, it is the outcome of the mother-daughter rivalry which assures the girl's positive identification in a feminine role. Hartley's data at different age levels supports the hypothesis that adjustment to sex roles is most critical for girls during and after adolescence.?? It is this time that presents the crucial test Of responding to biological changes as well as to the sometimes stringent demands Of the female peer group. At the same time, newly—experienced sexual urges impel the girl to think of herself as feminine and to evaluate her behavior from such a standard. , . V. Pishkin, "Psychosexual DeveIOpment in Terms of Object and Role Preference", Journal 21 Clinical Psychology, l6 (l960) 258-240. 32. T. Colle , "The Nature and Origins of Psychosexual Identity', Psycholggical Review, 66 (l949) l65-l77. \_ Li \H . Hartley, "Children's Concepts of Male and Female Roles", An address delivered at the Biennial Meeting of the New York-New Jersey Regional Committee of the American Association of Psychiatric Clinics for Children", June, l959. Learning Of sex-roles, achieving independence from parents and deveIOping conscience were observed among ado- lescents by Schoeepe and Havighurst“),4 They found a lower correlation among deveIOpmentaI tasks between ages lO-l3 as compared with ages IE-l6. This study suggested early adolescence as the critical period in stabilizing these sub-tasks of identity formation. The greatest variation among the age levels was in impulse expression associated with sex role. The most constant task at the various age levels was satisfactory relationships with peers. The data 'Of this study supported a relationship between adjustment, mastery of deveIOpmental tasks, and success in later stages Of deveIOpment. Another investigation by Douvan}5 evaluated the prOgress made in deveIOpmental tasks through interviews with adolescent girls. Douvan evaluated identification with feminine role as positive on the basis of the choice of feminine adult models, most frequently the mother. The most common reason cited for choice of the mother was her personal character- istics. This finding supports Parsons' view that feminine 34. Schoeppe and Havighurst, Journal gi.§gucational Psycho- logy, 237-248. 35. Elizabeth M. Douvan and Carol Kaye, Adolescent Girls, (Mimeographed paper, Univ. Of Michigan, l95 46 role is perceived by girls in terms of interpersonal relation- ships rather than in functional terms of tasks performed. Girls wanted to be like mother because of what she is, not what she does. As already mentioned, a comprehensive theoretical account of life-stages in the female appears in Deutsch's work36 which is based upon psychoanalytic theory as well as clinical experiences with females. Pre-puberty is represented as a time Of intense ego deveIOpment and weak libidinai strivings. Expressions of independence and intellectual aspirations characterize the "thrust Of activity" at this time. The particular mode of adjustment adOpted by the individual girl is determined by her psychological and physiological past as well as by her present cultural and social milieu. Here again the continuity Of psychic life is emphasized. Deutsch interprets identification activities at adoles- cence as severance actions used to loosen infantile ties. New ideals are substituted for the parents who have served as early models of identification. At this time girls may reach -Jt toward feminine models other than the mother, e.g., teachers, older women, other girls. This is also a tine when peer-group secrets are shared which Often center about bodily changes and the new womanly roles which are 36. Deutsch, The ngchology 31 women. l-l48. 47 being faced. From adolescence on, Deutsch notes intense fantasy life and increased passivity as keynotes of growing feminine identification. One way to guard against increas- ing instinctual needs is through the defense of increased intellectuality. The adolescent girl who appears perfectly satisfied with an exclusively intellectual life is, in the eyes Of Deutsch, sublimating more fundamental drives and endangering her Own feminine identity. Adolescence ends, according to Havighurst“:7 when the transition to self-support has been accomplished. Cultural patterns vary for this. In the case of girls, independence from parents often occurs through marriage rather than self- support. Nith pregnancy, the culmination of sex-role identity in the female is reached, assuming mature feminine identifi- cation. For the first time, the woman's own biological and social processes coincide with cultural expectations of her role. Neugarten observed that among unmarried women, there was less anxiety about sex-role in those pursuing feminine professions than among women engaged in non-feminine pur- suits.38 This would suggest that sex-role identity is closely related to external expression. 37. Robert J. Havighurst, "Adolescence and the Postponement of Adulthood", The School Review, 68 (Spring l960) 52-62. 30. Neugarten, Journal gj_National Association 9: Women Deans and Counselors, 24 (June l96l7rl70. as On the basis of the literature reviewed here, several concepts are of importance to this study. The task of identity during adolescence has been traced from its concep- tualization by Erikson and Havighurst through the process of early identification and familial interaction to mature femininity. Special circumstances regarding sex-role learn- ing for girls have been discussed. Finally, the psychOIOgi- cal meaning of adolescence for girls has been presented from the viewpoint of Deutsch. It is noted that attitudes toward the self as female and toward marriage are inherent in the process of integrating a new stage Of identity for the adolescent girl. Motivation 2:.Adolescent Gigig for ggucation, Marriage, 33g Career: Adolescent girls have been surveyed in relation to (l) aspirations and plans, (2) attitudes toward marriage, and (3) occupational choice. Education: A national study conducted by the Girl Scouts of Americazg showed that ninety-six per cent of adolescent girls planned to finish high school and that the prOportion aspiring tO higher education was greatest at the junior high ages. Level of aspiration remained constant among age groups, with college the most pOpular choice, followed by nurses' training, then vocational and secretarial —; '7 29. Douvan and Kaye, 26-3l. 49 school. Academic motivation varied according to career commitment. Girls aspiring to the professions, the arts and the sciences expressed interest in academic achievement per se. Those choosing feminine professions looked to col- lege for interpersonal and social-service rewards. Girls who emphasized marriage and family goals appeared to have little concern for academic achievement. In a study of women in the beginning years of college, Newcomer reported that aspiration for higher education was based upon job motives in about half the cases studied.40 Other goals of college women were establishing social con- tacts, keeping up with future husbands, and pursuing intel- lectual curiosity. Hopwood confirmed the same type of moti- vation She reported that girls entering college seek 04' fuller personal living and preparation for marriage and vocation. Comparing the sexes in plans for college made at the high school level, it was observed that more females than males plan to start.college, but fewer expect to grad- uate.42 Again, marriage is the immediate goal to which many AD. iable Newcomer, ”Women's Education: Facts, Findings and Apparent Trends", Journal 9: National Association 21 Nomen Deans and Counselors, 24 il960) 35-39. 4i. Kathr n Hopwood, "Expectations of University Freshmen Nomen', Personnel and Guidance Journal, 32 (l954) 464-469. 42. Harold T. Christensen, "Lifetime Family and Occupational Role Projections of High School Students", Marriage and Family Living, 23 (May l96l) l8l-l83. SO girls aspire. Current educational trends confirm the fact that more females than males enter college, even though fewer graduate. Havighurst related educational patterns of high school seniors to social classea3 He identified patterns for both sexes. Anong girls, IEX expressed long-term educational goals as preparation for the professions. Seventy per cent preferred immediate job preparation, and the remainder either terminated education with high school or dropped out of school for early marriage. Strivers, in studying social class in relation to the academic motivation of tenth grade girls, found it less significant than other influences. College 44 aspiration in this study was seen to be more significantly related to the approval of college by significant social agencies than it was to social class or need tO achieve. Hawkes Observed financial need, age, and attitude toward education to be variables in girls' decisions about higher education.45 He found that father's occupation was also related to daughter's attendance or non-attendance at col; Iege. Douvan reported a discrepancy between desire for col- lege and later enrollment.46 The difference may be accounted 43. Havighurst, T e School Review, 52-62. 44. Eugene H. Strivers, ”Motivation for College in High School Girls", The School Review, 67 (I959) 320-334. 45. Anna L. Hawkes, "Factors Affecting College Attendance", .123. We. 9.: £22.29. - £1.92; __..for _the ____Future. 29-34. 46. Douvan, "Adolescent Girls: Their Attitude toward Education", The Education gj_Nomen - Signs for the Future, 23-29. for by the varied meanings, primarily non-academic, which high school girls associate with college. These include the Opportunity to try out new identities, to find a vehicle for social mobility, or to realize rewarding fantasy. It appears that college-planning for girls may supply some of the adolescent role-playing which boys find in preliminary occupational choices. This would account both for the frequency of girls' educational plans and for their high marriage-orientation. Marriage: Ninety per cent of the girls interviewed by Douvan expressed the desire to marry, although few listed life plans Of marriage alone. Older adolescent girls showed more concern with marriage than did younger girls. Older girls also tended to combine marriage with occupational or educational plans. Empey's study presented a similar pic- ture of the desires of adolescent girls.47 Their long-range choice was for marriage over career. Matthews noted a decline in career commitment from junior high school through young adulthood.48 This was interpreted in support of the psychological theory that there is less need for intellec- tual controls with greater maturity. In Matthews' study, 47. L. T. Empey, "Role Expectations of Young Women Regarding Marriage and A Career", Marrigge and Family Living, 20 (I958) ‘52-'55. 48, Matthews, "The Marriage-Career Conflict..." 9l-96. U1 [0 life plans of "feminine career only" or "worker only" occurred more frequently in the early than the later age range. The prOportion Of girls planning marriage with no career like- wise increased with age. In role projections reported by adolescent girls, the majority of subjects expected to marry at age 2i, one year past the average marrying age for women.49 The prOportion of girls who saw themselves in full-time or part-time jobs fell below the Census expectations for the number Of working women in the pOpulation. Nearly all girls saw homemaking as their future goal. As reported by Dunn, high school girls held more traditional conceptions of a dichotomy between homemaking and work roles than did high school boys.50 Both sexes expressed a negative attitude toward working wives. Education was viewed as valuable for the woman irrespective of a working status. To continue college after marriage was perceived by both sexes as an acceptable pattern. The findings which have been reported suggest that girls idealize feminine identity and look primarily to marriage for fulfillment of their needs. It may be that this is a deveIOpmental phase in feminine identification in which a stereotyped feminine role is most commonly per- ceived. Perhaps this viewpoint is realistic during 49. Christensen, Marriage and Family Living, l8l-l83. SO. Douvan, Adolescent Girls, 32-43, r": 7)-, adolescence and it is only at a later stage that multiple roles can be considered. Occupational Choice: As reported in the Girl Scout Survey, younger girls dichotomized life plans and projected solely occupational pursuits more Often than did Older girls. Most girls conceiVedf occupational role as a corollary of adult independence. For girls under age sixteen, immediate choices were eXpected to center about education and occupa- tion rather than marriage. This is consistent with psycho- analytic theory which states that girls acceot marriage more readily as they adjust to increased sexual strivings in later adolescence. The types Of occupational choice which girls under sixteen expressed could be classified in three main categories: (I) professional, arts, or sciences, (2) feminine- nurturant professions, (3) jobs which require little or no preparation. The most frequently reported motives for work were "nice peOple to work with", "interesting work", or "steady job". Singer and Stefflre studied the vocational values of high school students and found that girls' choices were significantly related to "helping peOple" and desiring "a very interesting job."5l Empey rated high school senior girls as further ad- vanced than boys in occupational planning This finding .52 5|. Stanley L. Singer and Buford Stefflre, "Sex Differences in Job Values and Desires", Personnel and Guidance ______.“'0urn3'9 3‘2 ('934) 483-484. 52. Empey, Marriage and Family Living, l52-l55. confirms both Super's and Ginzberg's viewpoints of earlier occupational maturity in girls due to the limited nature of their plans. Empey also noted a preference among girls for jobs which are traditionally feminine. As in previous studies, a strong preference for marriage over career was noted among girls. Realism of occupational choice was investigated in two studies dealing with girls. Milliken53 found that girls at the high and low levels of job aspiration made choices which were apprOpriate to their academic pOtentiaI. Girls plan- ning professional careers were realistic about their ability, as were girls entering lower-skilled occupations. The most pOpular occupational choice was in the clerical area. The feminine professions drew the widest range of ability. This would suggest that the need for feminine expression in occupations tended to overshadow differences in ability. In an earlier study by Skodak and Crissy,54 office work was the most frequent choice of girls and represented the widest range Of ability. The criterion in this early investigation, however, was the vocational interest pattern on the Strong, 3. Robert Milliken, "Post-High School Plans of Senior Girls in Relation to School Aptitude", Vocational Guidance Quarterly, l9 (l96l) 49-52. U1 U1 J:- Marie Skodak and Orio Crissy, "Stated Vocational Aims and Strong Interest Scores of High School Senior Girls", Journal of Applied Psychology, 26 (l942) 64-74. rather than specific life plans. It is possible that interest patterns generalized to a variety of life plans. A mother-daughter comparison in level of occupational aspiration for the daughters was made by Steinke and Kackow- ski.55 Girls tended tO aspire higher for themselves than did their mothers. They outranked the occupations held by their mothers and tended to prefer professional and service areas, with little interest in unskilled or sales occupations. The one effect of grandmother's occupation upon granddaughter's aspiration was that stability persisted in those cases where the grandmothers' background was professional. This study is most relevant to the present one, since mother-daughter comparisons are made from the criteria of marriage patterns and educational plans. The commentary of several women sociologists upon the exclusive marriage orientation in girls' attitudes is note- worthy. Greater vocational commitment and social participa- tion are urged as themes in counseling girls for today's world. Commitment to marriage alone cannot satisfy girls' needs or serve society adequately, according to Westervelt,56 55. Betty K. Steinke and Henry R. Kackowski, "Parents In- fluence the Occupational Choice of Ninth Grade Girls", Vocational Guidance Quarterly, 9 (60-6l) IOl-IOE. 56. Esther M. Westerwelt, "Womanpower - Nanton Naste or Wish- fngThinking", Vocational Guidance Quarterly, lO, (l962) 7 - 4. Useem,57 and Mead.58 All three maintain that traditionally womanly functions have been dispersed into a tenchnologicai society, and that women must participate in all spheres of that society, home, community, and work. Nhile these authorities are most concerned with the sociological setting in which girls live, the question is still unanswered to what extent the need for feminine expression predominates over the realities of the social setting. Studies Of adolescent girls have been surveyed in relation to education, attitude toward marriage, and occupa- tional choice. There is general agreement that educational aspiration is high among adolescent girls and that they look to college mainly for personal and social fulfillment. The majority Of girls aspire to short-range vocational plans, seeking primarily the feminine professions for social service rewards. Marriage is the expressed goal of most girls, although their attitude toward a working role with marriage is not congruent with the current occupational perspective. The latter has been the cause of alarm for sociologists who place the married woman in a new role consistent with changed conditiOns. In relation to the present study, it is desired to learn whether variation in feminine identity has an effect upon the choice of marriage Over marriage-career goals. "A 57. Ruth Useem, changing Cultural Concepts in Woman's Lives", Journal of National Association 3: Women Deans and Counselors, 21' (Oct. l960) 29-34. 33. Margaret Mead, "The Return of the Cave Noman", Saturday Evening_Post (Mar. 2, l962) 6-8. \Ji \j Catholic Attitude toward women: Catholic girls are used in this study as a specific sub-group with a well- defined stereotype of feminine role. while attention in the literature has been given to parochial school girls in reference to interests, problems, ideals, and home attitudes, the area Of this investigation, attitudes toward marriage, has not been studied. The tradition of Catholic educators has been to prepare girls for specific ideals of womanhood which are taught theoretically and encouraged in practice. These ideals have to do with a vocation to motherhood, physical or spiritual, and a commitment to service as the role Of woman. Traditional Catholic teaching represents a hierarchy Of value attached to consecrated virginity in the convent, marriage, and the single lay life for women. Recently an attempt has been made to define all three functions anew in the light Of the contemporary culture The Catholic '59, 60, 6| educational system stresses a two-fold end: achievement of current life goals and preparation for an eternal destiny. ,0- Dorothy Dohen, woman 13 wonderland (New York, Sheed and ward, IQOS) 60. Lydwine van Kersbergen, Noman (Loveland, Ohio: Grail- ville Press, IQOO). 6i. Monks of Solesmes, Noman in the Modern Norld, (Boston, Daughters The Of St. Paul, l959TT———— 58 Girls are taught responsibility in this direction and rein- forcement is provided both through curriculum and school climate. Girls will have learned both philosOphically and through models that woman's vocation has several expressions but is basically oriented to service founded on love. Feminine qualities and the primacy Of the mothering role are emphasized in this point of view. The relevance of the literature to the problem under consideration is that speculation about women's vocational deveIOpment has grown out of observation of her vocational behavior. The latter appears to be motivated by a variety of needs, including Specific aspects of feminine identity. The adolescent stage for girls is observed to be a critical period for sex-role identification. Response to instinctual strivings, interpersonal demands and cultural pressures make identity the foremost task in adolescence. Role projection into the future is a valuable adjunct to this process. For girls, roles relating to education and marriage seem to have particular pertinence, with occupational aspiration less important. The socialization of parochial school girls produces a positive bias toward feminine role, expressed in marriage, single life or convent. It would appear that mothers play an important part in feminine-role perception of their daughters, and that their Own attitudes and behavior have bearing upon the daughters' plans for the future. 59 Summary Major studies of women's vocational deveIOpment, the identity task of adolescence, girls' attitudes toward edu- cation, marriage, and career were presented in this chapter. Catholic attitudes toward women were brought to bear upon the current problem. Chapter III will be devoted to the design of the experiment, with reference to instrumentation, sampling procedure, null hypotheses and methods of analysis. Chapter III DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY The present investigation used a revised form of Matthews' questionnaire. The background of her study and its instrumentation are reviewed in order to describe the current instrument. Scoring procedure, method of sampling, null hypotheses, and methods of analyses are then presented. Background 2: Matthews'§;ggy; In an attempt to formulate an objectively validated description of marriage and career motivation in young women, Matthews scrutinized the exist- ing literature on girls' career deveIOpment, sex differences, and concepts of femininity. To these she added her own observations from ten years of counseling experience with girls. She conducted a pilot study consisting of structured interviews with sixteen girls, ages fourteen to twenty-three. Respondents answered a series of questions regarding earlier vocational plans and ideas about marriage, current subject preferences, future aspirations for marriage and career, plans for work, and attitudes toward children and homemaking. Their responses were ranked on a continuum from highly marriage-directed to highly career-directed and a pattern of divergent attitudes emerged. 6O 6| Table 3.|. DIVERGENT ATTITUDES TOWARD MARRIAGE AND CAREER SUMMARY 95 ATTITUDES EXPR§SS§D lg PILOT STUDY Marriage-Directed Career-Directed Career Interests Feminine-nurturant Masculine-Competitive (mother fantasy) Adventurous Glamorous-social (wife fantasy) Subject Interests English, languages Mathematics, science Home Economics Physical Education Curriculum Choice Classical (college) College technical) Commercial College classical) Household arts Desire for Education Declining interest in Definite plans for prolonged education prolonged education Drawing upon these results, counseling observations and the psychological literature in regard to femininity, Matthews deveIOped a theoretical pattern of girls' career deveIOpment from which central attitudes were selected. She devised a scale of seventy-one items logically developed from the original attitudes. Items were randomized to offset possible response set. With the exception of obverse items included for consistency check, all other items were phrased to produce a marriage-directed response. In responding to each item, the subject chooses to agree on a three-point scale of intensity, or to disagree 62 on a three-point scale. Responses of agreement were weighted l, 2, 3. In the original instrument, a weight of 4 was assigned to "no response". Disagreement was weighted 5, 6, 7. Intercorrelations among the seventy-one items were com- puted for total sample and each of three age groups. Four- teen items were eliminated which fell below the level required for significance. From this technique of item selection based on a sample of l,237, it is reasonable to assume a highly homogeneous instrument with items showing a high degree of internal consistency. Through analysis of the intrascale correlations and the rejected items, a final set of eighteen variables was deter- mined. These were analyzed in relation to age, curriculum, and life plans through a multiple discriminant analysis. The major themes which emerged from the discriminant functions became the basis of a marriage-career dichotomy. Description and Scoring 2; Instruments Data for this study was collected in the form of five separate instruments dealing with educational and career' preferences and three items pertaining to background data‘; of subjects. Briefly described, these are as follows: Instrument‘L - Education: Mothers and daughters re- eponded to the same choices. Mothers indicated highest grade level completed. Daughters indicated level of aspiration. Seventeen possible choices were presented within four educational levels: (l) junior-senior high school, (2) technical school, (3) college, (4) graduate 63 school. For scoring purposes, categories were grouped into lesser education (junior-senior high school and technical school) and higher education (college and graduate school). For descriptive data dealing with mothers, the average number of years of education was computed. Instrument g’- Marriage-Career Pattern: Directions for responding to these items were the same as those used for Instrument l. Mothers determined which of three patterns was descriptive of their own background: Pattern l: Early marriage with full-time homemaking and no further work plans; Pattern g; A short work period followed by marriage and full-time homemaking with no further work plans; Pattern 5: Work before marriage, interruptions in work to raise a family, continued homemaking and work combination. Daughters indicated future plans and two additional patterns were presented to them: Pattern‘fi: Entering the convent after completing school, career plans in some type of religious service; Pattern 5: Further education for full-time career with no expectation of marriage. The above items were scored in separate categories corresponding to the five patterns. For purposes of analysis, patterns were grouped into categories: marriage with or without career (patterns I, 2, 5) and career (patterns 3, 4), or marriage (patterns i 64 and 2), career (patterns 3 and 4) and marriage-career. Instrument 1.- Subject Matter Preferences: Respondents are asked to choose three subjects most preferred and three least preferred from eight possible choices. Four of these are keyed as feminine and four masculine. These categories were designated by Matthews on the basis of preferences expressed by girls in her pilot study (see table 3.|). Scores are determined by assign- ing a weight of l to each feminine subject preferred and subtracting l for each feminine choice rejected. Twelve combinations of choices are possible with weights ranging from 3 through 0 to -3. High feminine prefer- ence is rated in positive values I through 3, while 0 through -3 represents low feminine preference. The total pattern of responses to feminine subjects is the basis of scoring. Instrument A: Sixteen career choices are presented to subjects with directions to choose three careers pre- ferred and three least preferred. Half the careers are keyed as feminine and half masculine. The same scoring procedure is used as described for instrument 3. Instrument §,- Questionnaire: This 57-item instrument is Matthews revised scale, designated throughout this study as the Marriage-Career Scale. Three categories of agreement and disagreement are presented for each item. If the subject chooses to agree, the response is rated as +l, +2, +3 in favor of marriage. 65 Disagreement is scaled 5, 6, 7 in favor of career. Total scores have been computed and used as a basis for selecting girls oriented toward marriage or career. Low scores represent marriage preference and high scores represent career preference. For comparison with mothers, direction response is compared by T-score. Mother-daughter agreement is eXpressed in terms of over-all preference for career or for marriage. Background Data requested of subjects consists of age and place of birth for mothers and daughters. Mother's occupa- tional status, major previous occupation and job satisfaction are included for descriptive purposes. Marital status, age at time of marriage, number of children and their ages are also indicated. Instruments 3, 4, and 5 were developed by Matthews but submitted to different scoring procedures. Other instru- ments and background data are used for the first time in this study. Reliability of the revised instrument for the current sample was investigated through analysis of variance tech- nique for reliability as described by Hoyt. This method attempts to find the average reliability of all individuals when between-item variance is removed. The procedure for selecting individuals was carried out twice, once for mothers and once for daughters. Each sub- sample was arranged in alphabetical order. Every third individual was selected for analysis. From the total 66 remaining sample every sixth individual was chosen. Protocols with omitted items were excluded, leaving a total of 50 for mothers and 49 for daughters. In drawing individuals from the daughter sample, the same procedure was followed as for mothers except that the alphabetical order was reversed. Tables 3.2 and 3.3 show the results of the analysis of variance. The .77 and .76 reliability estimates indicate dif- ference in scores to be due to variation among individuals rather than items. Table 3.2. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE TABLE FOR MOTHERS' RESPONSES TO ITEMS ON MARRIAGE-CAREER SCALE. §ggrce d.f. Sums of sguareg Means sguare F Individuals 49 567.8324 Il.5884 4.4036 Items 56 5626.9874 lOO.48l9 38.l833 Error 2143 8ll4,6216 2.63l56 Total 2849 i4309.4474 rtt .7729 Table 3.}. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE TABLE FOR DAUGHTERS'-RESPONSES TO ITEMS ON MARRIAGE-CAREER SCALE. §ggrce d.f.. Sums of gguares Means sguare F Individuals 48 69i.397| i4.404l 4.2056 Items 56 4862.5485 86.83l2 25.3529 Error 2688 2206,3282 3.4249 Total 2792 i4760.3445 ! illll all?! a ll (“n *«l M2£fl££r%:g§ht€r Similarity represents a comparison of mothers' and daughters' T-scores, a normalization of total raw scores on Marriage-Career Scale. The exact method of determining similarity and dissimilarity is described in Chapter 4. Sampling Procedure COOperation of supervising clergy was elicited to obtain a sample of parochial school mothers and daughters for the study. Schools were designated on an individual basis, and c00peration of subjects was completely voluntary. The following procedure was observed in each case. First, an interview was arranged with the principal. The investi- gator then met with the entire pOpulation of girls grade 6 through 9 to request participation in the study and to dis- tribute a letter to be taken home to mothers. (See Appendix). In every school except one, two times were scheduled for mothers and daughters to come to school to fill out questionnaires. This method was used in order to prevent interaction between the mothers and daughters while respond- ing to the questionnaires. Group instructions were given and all questionnaires filled out in the presence of the examiner. Two sets of questionnaires were invalidated because daughters were observed filling out the mothers' forms as well as their own. Five questionnaires were taken home for a mother or daughter who was absent. Data was collected in four schools. Three are located in the Lansing-East Lansing area of Michigan and one in 68 Peekskill, New York. Due to the sampling procedure, a possible bias may exist. It can be expected, for example, that mothers who were willing to participate have a fairly positive attitude toward their daughters. It appears from one analysis that these mothers are fairly representative of the total group. For one sub-sample, the entire population of mothers of girls grade 6 through 9 was sampled in regard to age, number of children, years of education and working status. The background of mothers in school i was median age 40, average number of children 5.0, average years educa- tion ll.97 and 27.4 per cent currently employed. In compari- son with the sample from school i, it can be noted in table 3.4 that the age and average number of children are identical. Mothers in the sample from school i has l2.i years education and 24 per cent were working. This comparison suggests that the mothers sampled tend to be representative of the total school pOpulation. Descriptive thp_0btained £52m Samples Questionnaire data which provides pertinent descriptive information about the sub-samples used in the study are reported in the tables which follow. Total sample consisted of l38 mothers and daughters. All mothers originated in the United States except one, who was born in Germany. Mothers' current age, age at time of marriage, average number of children, and marital status are summarized in Table 3.4. This data is included to estimate what external factors about the mothers may play a part in influencing 69 their attitude toward marriage. For example, nearly all mothers in the sample were married after age 2i. This may bias daughter's plans in the direction of later marriage and some career commitment. The number of children adds a bias to the daughter's attitude since the pattern of family life most familiar to them is that which includes several children. The most variation is noted between mothers in school 2 and other mothers in current age, with median age two years higher in school 2. The range of ages at time of marriage is 2.5 years. Average number of children converges about a mean of 4.7. Table 3.4. DESCRIPTION OF MOTHERS BY AGE, AGE AT TIME OF MARRIAGE, NUMBER OF CHILDREN, AND MARITAL STATUS. School N Median Median Age Average Number Number Age at time of Number Widowed Remarried marriage of or Children Divorced l 34 4O 2l.5 5,4 4 4 2 39 42 24.0 4.8 2 - 3 3| 40 3.0 4.5 - - 4 34 40 22.5 4.l 4 l Educational background of mothers is reported in Table 3.5. The average number of years for mothers is equivalent to high school for mothers from schools l and 4, with one to two years additional education noted among mothers from schools 2 and 3. A percentage distribution by level of school attended is included in Table 3.5 This information 70 about the mothers can be expected to influence their own job participation as well as the daughter's level of edu- cational planning. Table 3.5. EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF MOTHERS School l 2 p3 4 Average number of years in school l2.i l3.0 l3.7 il.9 Did not graduate from high school 8 (24%) 2 (05%) l (03%) 6 (l8%) Graduated from high school i5 (44%) 20 (5|%) 9 (29%) i8 (53%) Attended technical school 7 (20%) II (28%) ll (35%) 9 (26%) Attended college 4 (l2%) 5 (l3%) 8 (26%) 0 Attended graduate school 0 l (03%) 2 (07%) i (03%) Marriage-career patterns are reported in Table 3.6. It is noted that approximately a quarter to a third of mothers in each sub-sample have combined a working role with marriage. The highest prOportion is in school 2. Again, this places a marriage-career role within a context of familiarity for the daughters. 7| Table 3.6. MARRIAGE-CAREER PATTERNS OF MOTHERS 4 School l 2 3 1N214L (N 39) (Neil) (N 34) Early marriage with no further work plan 7 (2l%) 6 (l5%) 2 (06%) 2 (06%) Short work exper- ience, marriage, no further work plans I9 (56%) 20 (54%) 2i (68%) 24 (70%) Dual career of home- making and job 8 (23%) '2 l3l%) 8 (26%) 8 (24%) Table 3.7 contains data regarding occupational status of mothers. The number currently employed is compared on a percentage basis. Previous occupations of mothers were classified according to U.S. Census categories, l960 edi- tion. Job satisfaction was reported in relation to major previous occupations. Data in these two classifications are incomplete, due to the number of mothers who did not respond to these two items. It can be noted from table 3.7 that the majority of mothers were found in traditional feminine pursuits at the clerical and professional levels. 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ImLa c. mmmmcpoaxx .mmp m_sae ecmuec.cs.m .oz acmu.crma.m aceu.c.ca.m aoz acme.c.ea.m sesc.acoo ..m e_sme l22 A final summary of hypotheses tested, results and methods of analysis is presented in Table 5.l. It can be noted that three significant findings were obtained out of 24 tests. Since one test out Of twenty might have reached significant results by chance alone, it is concluded that at least two of these significant results are not the result of chance. Conclusions l. The experiment did not result in sufficient evi- dence to reject any of the three null hypotheses. Although most Of the girls in the sample chose plans for marriage, the attitude scale separated those planning marriage and those planning convent or career. Differences in attitudes related to differences in educational plans although not completely in the direction predicted. It was speculated that social class might be a significant factor obscuring a possible relationship between attitudes and educational plans. The bias for higher education at this age level was interpreted as a result Of cultural attitudes, school climate and the influence of feminine models in the environment. The use of the instruments for this age level was ques- tioned, particularly in the light Of comprehension of dif- ferences among educational plans and lack of familiarity with subject and career choices. 2. Age did not hold as a criterion for predicting differences except in preference for feminine subjects. I23 The narrowness Of the age range was considered a limitation. Chronological age alone did not indicate an index of feminine identity. The similarity of school experiences throughout the four grades may also have contributed to homogeneity of preferences for subjects and careers. 3. Similarity of mothers and daughters in marriage- career attitude could not account for differences in plans and preferences. Again, this may have been due to the bias for marriage and higher education in the sample. It was spec- ulated that the attitude of the Sisters and the Catholic bias for marriage or the convent may have overshadowed acceptance or rejection Of choices based on similarity of attitudes between mothers and daughters. A measure of mother-daughter relationship might have provided more information as to identification of girls with the feminine role model. Cultural differences in the historical setting of mothers and daughters were used to explain lack of agreement between mothers' background and daughters' plans. Similarity in attitude scores was found to be inversely related to subject preferences. Thus, no support was given for the influence of mother-daughter similarity upon daughter's educational and vocational expression. Implications Since feminine identity and its deveIOpmental implica- tions were the basis of theory used in this study, it is well to reconsider the concept of femininity in regard to the total study. In the first place, there is no external criterion l24 against which a measure of femininity may be validated. Aside from evidence of physical motherhood, the only index applied to mothers was their responses on an attitude scale. Items dealt with social roles of women in marriage and marriage- related activities. There was no way of learning whether the mother herself was satisfied in her role. The only meaning that can be attached to a mother's high marriage score is , that she prefers to see women occupying the traditionally feminine positions. Nhether she is accepting of such a posi- tion for herself or for her daughter is not known. It is the external aspect Of feminine role which was measured rather than the more subtle manifestations of an impulsive or emotional nature. Some projective device might have been more useful. It was also assumed that girls are most influenced by their mothers in their perception of feminine role. Relation- ship With mother was not taken into account nor were the expectations of significant others, such as the father, peers of both sexes, and the teaching Sisters with whom the girls are in close contact. The influence of mass media may also contribute to images of femininity which detract from the maternal one. In the case of girls who are rejecting of their mothers, it is possible that they act out their differences by adOpting specific characteristics of behavior rather than rejecting a total marriage role. A girl might Oppose her mother's standards of dress, manners or other overt behavior but still maintain a feminine orientation toward marriage. Theories of identification give important place to the rOle of the father in a girl's deveIOpment of femininity. The early feminine expression of the girl is reinforced by her father's masculine response and she is encouraged to accept a feminine role. Father's influence was not accounted for in the measures used in this study. Suggestions £2; Further Research Since the study did not furnish substantial evidence to support a relationship among the variables, no conclusive stand can be taken as to the applicability of theory. It is suggested that the study bears repetition with certain revisions of instruments and changes in design. It is pos- sible that inapprOpriate variables were included or that the measures used were not sensitive enough to detect differ- entiation. External validation of the Marriage-Career Scale itself might be explored by comparing responses of mothers, single career women, and Sisters to determine whether attitude scores actually correlate with differences in plans. If evidence for such differentiation was found, the scale might be readministered to girls and scores compared on the basis Of life plans. A more extensive study of attitude toward marriage could be made by administering the scale to mothers, fathers, and teaching Sisters and comparing the differences of these scores to those Of the girls. Perhaps a prediction Of daughters' plans by mother and father would make a meaningful criterion when compared with the daughter's actual plans. It is possible that the long-range nature of educational and marriage plans for junior high girls complicated measure- ment. One alternative is to repeat the study with senior high girls or adult women and look for differences in results. Another is to substitute a criterion which related to current expression of occupational interest, sdch as Kuder Preference Record or some other interest inventory. In this manner, present attitudes would be measured rather than projections for the future. Preference for present school subjects might be sub- stituted in the instrument dealing with subject-matter preference. An instrument could be devised by which boys and girls in another parochial school might rate subject choices in their current curriculum. Those subjects which differ- entiated between the sexes would be scored as masculine and feminine. The same technique might be applied to career choices, discarding those which are unfamiliar and substi- tuting careers known to pupils in these grades. Sampling on a basis of socio-economic background would add to the precision of interpreting results. One method would be to stratify the sample on the basis of father's occupation and include in the final sample an equal number of subjects at each Of the various occupational levels. BIBLIOGRAPHY American Council on Education. The Education of Women - Signs for the Future. Ed. Opal David. Washington, D. 0., I957— Bronfenbrenner, Urie, "Freudian Theories of Identification and Their Derivations", Child Develogment, 3| (l960) l5-20. Brown, Donald 8., "Sex Role Preference in Young Children" Psychological MonographI 70. No, l4, ; Bunting, Mary 1., "A Huge Waste: Educated Womanpower", New York Times (May 7, l96l). Caplow, Theodore, The Sociolo _i_WOFk, Minneapolis: U. of Minnesota Press, I953 Christiansen, Harold T. "Lifetime Family and Occupational Role Projections of High School Students" , Marriage 32g Family Living, 23 l96l) l8l-l83. Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society. Glencoe, Ill: The Free Press, l96l. Colley, T. "The Nature and Origins of Psychosexual Identity" Psycholggjcal Review, 66 (I949) I65-l77. Conant, James B. The American High School Today. New York McGraw Hill Book Co., Inc., l959. Deutsch, Helene. Psychology Of Women. New York: Grune and Stratton, l94h Dohen, Dorothy. ,Women in Wonderland. New York: Sheed and Ward, IQOO. Douvan, Elizabeth M.'and Kaye, Carol. Adolescent Girls. Mimeographed paper, University of Michigan, l95 Educational Testing Service. National College Testing Pro- gram. Final Regort l954. Princeton, l954. Empey, L. T. "Role Exnectations Of Young Women Regarding Marriage and a Career,” Marriage and Family Living, 20 (l950) l52-l55. Erikson, Erik H. Childhood and Society. New York: W.W. Norton and Co., I950. I27 Edwards, Allen L. Statistical Methods for the Behavioral Sciences. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,l§B4. Freud, Sigmund. New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis. New York: Norton and Co., I913. Ginzberg, Eli, Ginzburg, Sol. W., Axelrod, Sidney, Herma, John L. Occupational Choice. New York: Columbia University Press, i95l. Gray, Susan and Klaus, Rupert. "The Assessment of Parental Identification," Genetic Psychology Monograph, 54 (l956) 87-ll4. Hartley, Ruth. "Some Implications Of Current Changes in Sex Role Patterns", 6 (I959-60). Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 2:.BehaVior and DeveIOpment, l60-i69. . "Children's Concepts of Male and Female Roles," an address delivered at the Biennial Meeting of the New York-New Jersey Regional Committee Of the American Association of Psychiatric Clinics for Children," June l959. Havighurst, Robert J. Develogmentai Tasks gj.§ducatlon. New York: Longmans Green, l952. . "Adolescence and the Postponement of Adulthood," The School Review, 68 (l960) 52-62. HOpwood, Kathryn. "Expectations of University Freshmen Women", Personnel and Guidance Journal, 32 (l954) 464-469 . "" ""'"""’ Kitay, P. M. "A Comparison of the Sexes in their Attitudes and Beliefs about Women, A Study of Prestige Groups," Sociometry, 3 (l9AO) 399-407. Komarovsky, Mirra. "Cultural Contradictions and Sex Roles," American Journal gi_SOCiology, 52 (l946) l84-l89. Lynn, David 8., "A Note on Sexual Differences in the Develop- ment of Masculine and Feminine Identifications," Psycho- 12£l£2i.flcxts&. 66 (I959) l26-l35. . "Sex Differences in Identification DeveIOpment," Sociometey, 24 (l96l) 270-278. I28 Matthews, Esther E. "The Marriage-Career Conflict in the Career-DeveIOpment Of Girls and Young Women." Unpub- lished Ed.D. dissertation, Harvard University, l96O Mead, Margaret. "Are We Squeezing Out Adolescence?", National Parent-Teacher, September, l960. "The Return of the Cave Woman" , Saturday Evening Post XVI (I962) 6-8. Milliken, Robert. "Post-High School Plans Of Senior Girls in Relation to School Aptitude", Vocational Guidance Quarterly, lO (l96l) 49-52. Monks of Solesmes. The Woman lg t e Modern World. Boston: Daughters of St. Paul, '959- Mueller, Kate H. "The Marriage Trap". reprint, Mademoiselle, Sept. l955. National Manpower Council. Nomagpower. New York: Columbia University Press, I957. Neugarte, Bernice L. "Nomen' 3 Changing Role through the Life Cycle", Journal of National Association Lf Women's Deans and Counselors,-2M-(l 96l ) I 2-l Newcomer, Mabel. "Women's Education: Facts, Findings and Apparent Trends," Journal of the National Association Lf Nomen' s Deans and CounseTOTs, l5 (I960) 55-3 O'Hara, Robert "., "On the Importance of the Self Concept to a General Theory of Occupational Choice." Unpublished paper, Harvard Graduate School of Education, I957. Parsons, Talcott and Bales, Robert F. Famil , Socialization and Interaction Process. Glencoe, Ill Free Press, l955. Payne, Donald E. and Mussen, Paul H. "Parent-Child Relations and Father Identification Among Adolescent Boys(', 6) Journal Lf Abnormal and Social Psychology. 52 l95 .358- 3’0'2'._ """""'" "—"' Pishkin, V. "Psychosexual DeveIOpment in Terms of Object and Role Preference", Journal gI_Clinical Egychology, l6 (I960) 238-2400 l29 Radcliffe Committee on Graduate Education for Women. Graduate Education for Women, The Radcliffe Ph,D., Cambridge, Harvard University Press, I956. Roe, Anne. "Early Determinants of Vocational Cholce:, Journal 2:.Counseling Psychology, 4 (I957) 2l2-2i7. . The PsychOIOgy gj_0ccugations. New York: John Wiiey and Sons, I95 . Sanford, Neville. "The Dynamics of Identification", Psycho- logical Review, 63 (I955) lOO-IIO. Schoeppe, Aileen and Havighurst, Robert J. "A Validation of DeveIOpment and Adjustment Hypotheses of Adolescence", Journal gj|§gucational Psycholoqx. 43 (I952) 339-353. Sewell, N. H., Haller, A.O. and Straus, M.S. "Social Status and Educational and Occupational Aspriation", American Sociological ReviewI (I957) 67-73. Singer, Stanley L. and Stefflre, Buford, "Sex Differences in Job Values and Desires", Personnel and Guidance Journal, 32 (I954) 483-484. Skodak, Marie and Crissy, Orlo. "Stated Vocational Aims and Strong Interest Scores of High School Senior Girls", Journal'gi Agglied P§ychology, 26 (I942) 64-74. Smith, S. "Age and Sex Differences in Children's Opinions Concernin Sex Differences," Journal 21 Genetic Psycho- logy, 54 1939) Steinke, Betty K. and Kackowski, Henry R. "Parents Influence the Occupational Choice of Minth Grade Girls", Vocation- al Guidance Quarterly, 9 (l960-6l) lOl-IQ}. Stoke, 8. M. "An Inquiry into the Concept of Identification," JOurnaI 3: Genetic Psychology, BO (IQSO) l99-227. Strivers, Eugene H. "Motivation for College in High School Girls", The School Review, 67 (I959) 320-334. Super, Donald E. The P§ychology _£ :areers, New York: Harper and Bros., l957. . "A Theory of Vocational DeveIOpment", American Psychologist, VIII (I953) l25-I90. I30 Tiedeman, David V. "Position Choices and Careers: Elements of a Theory", Cambridge Studies in Career DeveIOpment, 33. Q‘, Duplicated, Cambridge, Mass. I958. Tyler, Leona E. "The Role of Interests to Abilities and Reputation Among First Grade Children", Educational and Psychological Measurement, XI (l95l) 255-2 . Useem, Ruth. "Changing Cultural Concepts in Women's Lives", Journal of National Association 21_Nomen Deans and CounseloFE, 2H il9505 29-53. von Kersbergen, Lydivine. flpman. Loveland, Ohio: Grailville Press, I960. Wallin, Paul. "Cultural Contradictions and Sex Roles", American Journal g£_Sociplogy, l5 (I950) 288-293. Nestervelt, Esther M. "Womanpower - Wanton Waste or Wishful Thinking", Vocational Guidance Quarterlx, IO (I962) 78-84. Nhat's New About Nomen Norkers? U.S. Dept. of Labor, ' Leaflet l8. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, I960. Zapoleon, Marguerite W. Occupational Planning for Women. New York: Harper and Bros., l96l. l"l A / APPENDIX LETTER TO MOTHERS QUESTIONNAIRE MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY East Lansing, Michigan College of Education - Pupil Personnel Services Hal-Ch 7, '962 To mothers of 5th, 7th, th, and 9th grade girls: I would like to invite you, as the mother of a daughter in parochial school, to take part in a study which I am con- ducting for my doctoral research at Michigan State Univer- sity. The study deals with attitudes of Catholic girls and their mothers toward marriage and careers. Approval for the study in your school has been obtained from the . In reporting the findings of the study, group results will be described, but no names of individuals will appear. The procedure for participating in the study is as follows: Mothers of girls in grades 6 through 9 are asked to come to the auditorium of St. Church at 3 p.m. on A brief explanation will be given at that time. Mothers and daughters will then be asked to fill out two short questionnaires. One questionnaire deals with personal Opinions regarding marriage and careers. The other asks for general information such as age, education, occupation, subject matter and career preferences. To accommodate mothers who cannot come in the after- noon, the same procedure will be repeated at 8 o'clock that evening in the auditorium of St. Church. As in the afternoon, mothers who wish to take part in the study must be accompanied by their daughters of grade 5, 7, 8, or 9. The nature of this study is such that attitudes of mothers Egg daughters are of equal importance. For this reason, a girl will not be permitted to take part in the study unless her mother (or female guardian if mother is dead) also agrees to do so. It is my hooe that you and your daughter will want to take part in this study. I look forward to seeing both of you on at 3 or 8 o'clock. Sincerely, /7;,.!‘ _;r széng‘ (/ Margaret Bott Assistant Instructor MB/jw sans GRADE GHHERAL INFORMATION 1. AG! at last birthday . Place of birth II. EDUCATIOH Girls: Hark with an x the last do you plan to complete. Hotfitrs: Hark with an x the lac grade you completed. 7 8 9 10 ll 12 . Technical school (e.g. nursing, business. laboratory. medical technology) 1 year 2 years 3 years n years College freshman sophomore Junior senior . Graduate school: 1 year 2 years more than 2 years . III. HARRIAGE - CAREER PATTERN ' 'In items I. 2. 5. the first set of parentheses refers to girls. Second set of parentheses refers to mothers. Girls: Mark an x before the one description which is closest to your future plans. Hothers: Hark an X before the—HEscription (l. 2. or 5) of your own status. 1. I (would like to marry) (married) while in school or shortly after graduation to become a full-time wife and mother with no further work plans or career ambitions. 2. I (would like to work) (worked) for a period following graduation. After a """‘""work ex erience of a few months to a few years. I (would like to ma ) (I married to become a full-time wife and mother with no further work p us or career ambitions. 3. I would like to enter the convent after raduation from high school or college. My career plans will take the orm of some type of religious service. u. I want to undertake further education after graduation from high school in order to prepare for a liitime career as a single lay women who does not sorry. 5. (I would like to embark) (I embarked? on a career after graduation and further """""education. (I would like to marry) I married) with the possibility of %?terrupting my career plans lon enough to raise a family. While married expect to continue I am con inning) with a double career. i.e. working and homemaking. Sections IV and V are to be answered by HOTHERS ONE?! IV. OCCUPATION Hark an X in the space which describes what you are now doing; also. if working. please specify occupation. such as stenographer. etc. Housewife Housewife and worker (11!! 03611338 EIon r Housewife and student naJor previous occupation How would you rate your Job satisfaction in major previous occupation? Highly satisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied V. HARITAL STATUS Married widowed Divorced widowed and remarried Divorced and remarried . Age at time of first marriage_____lumber of children you now have_____ Ages of children GENERAL INFORMATION (continued) VII. SUBJECT MATTER PREFERENCES If you had the ability and the marks which three subjects would ou most prefer to study (or have preferred to studyI during high school? Which hrdE‘SUbJects would you least prefer (or have preferred) to study during high school? Mark an X in the box of your choice. Remember that you will have only one most preferred subject and on y one least preferred subject, etc. _ PREFERRED LEAST PREFERRED E E E E 35 35 :3 at :8 as :8 s3 22 as as as :5 :5 English LiteratureF I ) I l I l I l I l I l 2. Mathematics M 2. I I I I I I I I I I I I 3. Home Economics F 3. I I I I I I I I I I I I ll. Mechanical Drawing F’\ 1l. I I I I I I I I I I I I 5. Physical Education H 5. I I I I I I I I I I I I 6. Foreign LanguagesF I I I I I I I I I I I I 7. Science ]\4 7. I I I I I I I I I I I I 8. Art or Music F 8. II II II II II II VIII. CAREER PREFERENCES Mark an x in the box of your choice. Remember that you will have only one most preferred career and only one least preferred career. etc. — l.Nurse F 1.()()()()()() 2.Chemist(V( 2.(lI)I)I)I)I) 3. Engineer M 3. I I I I I I I I I I I I ll. Social Worker F II. I I I I I I I I I I I I 5. Teacher F 5. I I I I I I I I I I I I 6. Mathematician \\II 6. I I I I I I I I I I I I remnant/l 7.I)(lI)I)I)Il 8. Air Hostess F 8. I I I I I I I I I I I I 9. Surgeon (VI 9. I I I I I I I I I I I I 10. Home Economist F 10. I ) I ) I l I l ( l I ) 11.ActressF 11.()I)(lI)I)() 12.Farm0wnerM 12.()<)()()()() 13. Secretary F 13. I I I I I I I I I I I I lll. Business Owner [VI 11*. I I I I I I I I I I I I 15. Physicist M 15. I l I l I I I l I l I l 15.1mm F 16.()I)I)Il(l(l QUESTIONNAIRE This uestionnaire is concerned with a great many different attitudes. agree ng strongly with some statements or disagreeing Just as strongly with ot ers. and You.ma find yourself erhaps uncertain about others. Whether you agree or disagree with any statement, 0. e sure that many other peafige feel the same way that you answer to any statement. t is needed is ygur personal opinion about each statement. Mark an x in the box of your choice. It is fun to take care of children All girls should take home economics in Junior and senior high. Most women think it's hard to get married if they have a career. Boys don't like smart girls. Most parents feel that a son's education is more important than a daughter's. c. c. c. a. ..pretty'much There is no one righ v c. .. .. -a little can DISAGREB RI: V U u v v' 11 A as A A Jiaa pret §;’:uon A A A A ADisagree vwvvv very much mdmmkumu . O .O. an no hi hi no la \n a: u: n: as <3 :0 O l“ I» n) #0 no hi h‘ n: h‘ C) u: do ~a (h Girls should have as many chances in life as boys. A woman's true happiness lies in her home and family. A woman with a successful career ought to delay marriage. women should seek feminine Jobs (for example. nurse. teacher. secretaryl Parents should let their children decide when to marry. . Girls should go to college mainly to prepare for a profession. . Most young children are lovable and interesting. . There is no real social position for an unmarried women. . Men have a more exciting life than women do. . ledly any man would want to be a bachelor. . Parents should encourage the idea of marriage from childhood. . Large families are best. . A woman should be gentle and quiet. . Woman's place is in the home. . women are less competitive than men. . women should be encouraged to go into any occupation they want to. . Most girls go to college to find a husband. AAAAAAAAAA I I I I I I I “9“”vava vvvvvvv AAAAAAA Vvvvvvvvvv VVUVVVV AAAAAAA VVVUUUUQ'VV Vvvvvvv AAAAAAAAAA vvvvuvvvvv vvvvvvv AAAAAAA VUUVVVBUVV vvvvvvv AAAAAAAAAA UVVVVVUVUV “wwwvvv 23. 2h. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. women should be willing to give up their career for marriage. Parents should encourage their daughters to date during high school. Little girls ought to play with dolls. Most mothers usually prefer to have their daughters marry early. Colleges should prepare girls for homemaking more than they do. A girl should be married before she is 25 years old. Most fathers usually prefer to have their daughters marry early. Little girls ought to be encouraged to play house. AAA “AAA“ Agree g, g, ‘,very much ~v c, .,pretty'muoh vvvvv a little vvv UUvUV A A ADisagree U so v‘ little A A “Dis agree “AAA“ ”pretty much as as sabisagree very much wuvvvlvv“ 31. 32. 33. an. 35. Most women feel that other women should get married. Girlsl mothers should teach them to be good housekeepers. Girls should work a little while and then get married. Most women dislike smart women. Men think women should settle down and get married. vvvvv AAARA UVVUV Aflflflfl VVVUV “vs-ave “AAA“ vvvvw “AAA“ uvvvv 36. 37. 38. 39. no. In. uz. u}. an. ”5. u6. #7. u8. “9. so. 51. 52. 53. 5n. 55. 56. 57. If couples do not have children. they should adopt some. Men and women are equal in every way. Women were intended to be wives and mothers. not career women. Men and women think differently. Most parents would rather have a son than a daughter. Most women envy unmarried women who have careers. Career women are not really happy. Most women think that men dislike career women. Men should never have to compete with their wives in work. There is no real social position for an unmarried man. Women are too independent today. No marriage is complete without children. Most women think that men feel other men should be married. Men think a woman can't manage a home and a career. Women should stop trying to imitate men. Men avoid "brainy” women. There will always be wide differences between men and women. women should accept their role in life as wives and mothers. Education stands in the way of a girl getting married. Boys like dumb girls who are pretty. Hardly any woman would want to stay single. Boys like quiet. meek little girls. AAAAAAAAAAAAARA AAAAA “99"“ A “A “A A A‘AAA “AAA“ AAAAA vvvvv AAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAA A ”save-av vvvvvvvvvv figs-Iggy AAAAA AAAAAARAAA “AAA“ vvvvv VVUVV AAAAAARAAAAAAAA “AAA“ VVVVVvUVVV vvvvv eve-avg UV AAAAA “AAAAAAAAA AAAAA vwvvvvv Ross an own ‘iN. '|