LOCAL  PERCEPTIONS  OF  RISK  AND  VULNERABILITY  ASSOCIATED  WITH  HUMAN-­‐ WILDLIFE  CONFLICTS  IN  NAMIBIAN  CONSERVANCIES       By     Jessica  Siders  Kahler                                           A  THESIS     Submitted  to     Michigan  State  University   in  partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements   for  the  degree  of     MASTER  OF  SCIENCE     Fisheries  and  Wildlife     2010 ABSTRACT     LOCAL  PERCEPTIONS  OF  RISK  AND  VULNERABILITY  ASSOCIATED  WITH  HUMAN-­‐ WILDLIFE  CONFLICTS  IN  NAMIBIAN  CONSERVANCIES     By     Jessica  Siders  Kahler     In  northeastern  Namibia  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts  (HWC)  pose  risks  to  livelihoods  and   wildlife,  creating  challenges  for  conservancies  mandated  to  promote  conservation  and   sustainable  development.    Insights  about  factors  influencing  local  stakeholders’  risk   perceptions  and  vulnerability  associated  with  HWC  is  lacking;  such  information  is  crucial   for  effective  management  strategies.    To  better  understand  stakeholders’  perceptions  of   HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife,  I  (a)  assessed  the  effects  of  conservancy   status  on  residents’  HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions  in  an  emerging  (n=  61)  and  established   (n  =  65)  conservancy,  (b)  evaluated  stakeholders  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  relative   to  non-­‐HWC  related  risks,  and  (c)  described  the  conceptual  and  physical  space  between   assessed  and  perceived  poaching-­‐related  risks.    Results  show  that  the  establishment  of  a   conservancy  influenced  study  residents’  characterization,  prioritization  and  perceived   severity  of  HWC-­‐related  risks.    Additionally,  non-­‐HWC-­‐related  risks,  such  as  lack  of   employment,  were  cited  as  exacerbating  human  and  wildlife  vulnerability  to  and   decreasing  stakeholder  tolerance  of  HWC.    Conservancy  residents  described  the  spatial  and   conceptual  relationships  between  HWC-­‐risks,  such  as  crop  damage  and  poaching,  that  may   undermine  conservation  and  development  in  their  conservancies.      Understanding  local   stakeholders’  perceptions  of  risks  and  vulnerability  can  inform  the  content,  format,  and   design  of  HWC  interventions  and  prioritize  risk  management  and  mitigation  to  assist  the   conservancies’  most  HWC-­‐vulnerable  residents  and  promote  wildlife  conservation.     ii   DEDICATION       To  the  diverse  people  and  wildlife  of  the  conservancies  of  Mudumu  South,  Tatumeri.                                           iii   AKNOWLEDGEMENTS         There  are  a  number  of  individuals,  agencies,  and  organizations  that  have  made  this   research  possible.    First  and  foremost,  thank  you  to  the  Department  of  Fisheries  &  Wildlife,   The  Graduate  School  at  Michigan  State  University  and  The  School  of  Criminal  Justice  for   financially  giving  me  the  ability  to  pursue  graduate  education  and  research.    Additionally,  I   have  a  great  deal  of  gratitude  for  the  Namibian  organizations  and  agencies  that  so  willingly   provided  invaluable  advice  and  in-­‐kind  support  to  “another”  researcher:  Caprivi’s   Integrated  Rural  Development  and  Nature  Conservation  (IRDNC),  Chief  Sifu’s  Traditional   Authority,  Dzoti  Conservancy,  the  Namibian  Ministry  of  Environment  and  Tourism  (MET)-­‐   Caprivi,  Shikhakhu  Conservancy,  World  Wildlife  Fund  (WWF)-­‐Namibia  and  Wuparo   Conservancy.       One  of  the  most  rewarding  aspects  of  my  experience  in  Namibia  was  meeting  the   men,  women  and  children  of  Dzoti  and  Wuparo  conservancies.    Thank  you  for  sharing  your   knowledge  and  experiences  related  to  co-­‐existing  with  wildlife,  and  your  culture,  language,   dance,  food,  living  space  and  most  importantly  your  company.    Without  your  hospitality   and  willingness  to  take  valuable  time  out  of  your  lives  to  share  your  views,  this  project   simply  wouldn’t  have  happened.     I  would  like  to  acknowledge  the  un-­‐sung  heroes  of  my  research  project:  the  research   and  field  assistants  from  Caprivi.    To  Mulonga  Chris,  Sinasi  Hasken,  Nkwazi  Lasken,  Elvis   Liswaniso,  Fidelis  Lizumo,  Robert  Makanyi,  Courley  Mutabani,  Ophelia  Tama,  and  Joseph   Ziezo,  I  thank  you  for  your  dedicated  assistance,  professionalism,  friendship  and  your   guidance  in  navigating  the  politics,  culture,  language  and  many  ‘flat  tires’  (literally  and     iv   figuratively)  during  my  research.    Additionally,  special  thanks  to  Richard  Diggle  (WWF-­‐ Namibia),  Dr.  Jonathan  Barnes,  and  Beaven  Munali  for  their  advice,  feedback  and  interest  in   this  research.  Thank  you  to  Lise  Hanssen,  for  not  only  taking  me  out  to  radio  collar  a  hyena,   but  also  sharing  her  vast  experience  and  knowledge  about  conserving  large  carnivores   amongst  farmers  and  cattle.     Also,  to  my  ‘lab  mates,’  Shauna  Hanisch,  Michelle  Lute,  Bret  Muter  and  Brent   Rudolph,  thank  you  for  your  feedback,  friendship  and  camaraderie  that  has  made  my   experience  at  MSU  an  enjoyable  one.  A  big  thank  you  is  owed  to  my  undergraduate   research  assistant,  Alyssa  Berger,  for  the  immense  amount  of  data  entry  she  completed.    To   my  numerous  peers  and  friends  that  have  supported  me  during  various  stages-­‐  you  know   who  you  are  –  thank  you.     I  am  especially  grateful  to  my  graduate  committee  (members  past  and  present)-­‐  Dr.   Meredith  Gore,  Dr.  Robert  Hitchcock,  Dr.  Kelly  Millenbah,  and  Dr.  Gary  Roloff.    Meredith,   thank  you  for  your  support  and  dedication  to  this  research  despite  all  the  unforeseen   setbacks  and  roadblocks  along  the  way.    Gary,  I  want  to  thank  you  for  the  technical   assistance,  extra  time  and  effort  you  have  provided  during  my  data  analysis  and  write-­‐up   phase.    Thank  you  to  Paul  Curran  for  statistics  advice  and  consultation.    Also  to  Dr.  Joe   Arvai,  Dr.  William  McConnell,  and  Dr.  Shawn  Riley,  thank  you  for  your  advice  and   consultation  at  various  stages  of  my  research.       To  my  family  and  friends,  thank  you  for  your  patience  and  support  and  sharing  this   experience  with  me.    Last  but  certainly  far  from  least,  to  my  husband,  my  best  friend,  my   rock-­‐  Benjamin,  this  wouldn’t  have  happened  without  your  love  and  support,  thank  you.       v   TABLE  OF  CONTENTS     List  of  Tables.……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..ix     List  of  Figures  ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………xi     Key  to  Abbreviations…………………………………………………………….....................................................xiii     Chapter  1:  Human-­‐wildlife  conflict,  risk  perception,  and  vulnerability  in  Caprivi,   Namibia…………………………………………………………………………………....................................................1     1.1.  Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..………..…..1       1.1.1.  Human-­‐wildlife  conflicts………………………………………....................................1       1.1.2.  Managing  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts………………………………….……………...2     1.2.  Conceptual  Background……………………………………………………………..………….........4       1.2.1.  Risk  perception…………………………………………………………………………......4       1.2.2.  Vulnerability…………………………………………………………………………….…...6       1.2.3.  Integrating  risk  perception  and  vulnerability…………………………..……...9     1.3.  Study  Area……………………………………………………………………………………………..….10       1.3.1.  The  Republic  of  Namibia……………………………………………….………….......10       1.3.2.  Namibian  communal  conservancies………………………….............................11       1.3.3.  The  Caprivi  Strip…………………………………………………………………….….…14     1.4.  Research  Statement  and  Objectives…………………………………………………………….16     1.5.  Thesis  Organization………………………………………..……………………………..…..……….18     Chapter  2:  Does  conservancy  establishment  affect  residents’  human-­‐wildlife  conflict     related  risk  perceptions?  Insights  from  Namibia………………………………………..…………….…...24     2.1.  Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….….…..24     2.2.  Background………………………………………………………………………………….………........25       2.2.1.  Community-­‐based  natural  resources  management………..…..……..….....25       2.2.2.  Risk  perceptions…………………………………………………………….……………..26       2.2.3.  Namibian  conservancies………………………………………………..………………28     2.3.  Methods………………………………………………………………………………………………...…..29       2.3.1.  Study  location…………………………………………………………..…………………..29       2.3.2.  Data  collection……………………………………………………….…..………….……..29       2.3.3.  Data  analysis……………………………………………………………..………..…….….33     2.4.  Results…………………………………………………………………………………...…………..……..36       2.4.1.  Effect  of  conservancy  status  on  risk  and  vulnerability                              perceptions…………………………………………………………………..……………...37       2.4.2.  Human-­‐wildlife  conflict  risks  relative  to  other  risks  to                              livelihoods  and  wildlife……………………………………………………………..…..40             vi           2.5.  Discussion……………………………………………………………………………………………..…..41     2.5.1.  Conservancy  effects  on  HWC-­‐related  risk  perception……………………..41     2.5.2.  Human-­‐wildlife  conflict  relative  to  other  risks………….….………………...44     2.5.3.  Conclusions………………………………………………………………………..…………46     Chapter  3:  A  conservation  criminology  approach  to  estimating  poaching  activities:     Co-­‐mapping  risks  and  characterizing  motivations  in  Namibian  conservancies……………….57     3.1.  Introduction…………………………………………..……………………………………………….….57     3.2.  Background……………………………………………………………………………………………….58       3.2.1.  Perception  of  poaching  risks…………………………..………………….………….59       3.2.2.  Stakeholder  motivations  to  poach………………………...……………………….60       3.2.3.  Management  interventions  to  increase  compliance………………………..61       3.2.4.  Poaching  in  Namibia’s  conservancy  system………………………….………...63     3.3.  Methods……………………………………………………………………………………………..…..….64       3.3.1.  Study  location…………………………….…………………………………………………64       3.3.2.  Data  collection………………………….……………………………………………….….65       3.3.3.  Data  analysis………………………………………………………………………………...67     3.4.  Results……………………………………………………………………………………………..………..69       3.4.1.  Perceived  poaching  risk…………………………….………………………………….69       3.4.2.  Assessed  poaching  risk……………………………..…………………………………..70       3.4.3.  Poaching  motivations………………………………….………………………………..70       3.4.4.  Co-­‐mapping  assessed  and  perceived  poaching  risks…………….………...70     3.5.  Discussion………………………………………………………………………………………...…….…72       3.5.1.  Estimating  poaching  risks……………………………..……………………………...72       3.5.2.  Local  motivations  for  poaching………………..……………………………………73       3.5.3.  Co-­‐mapping  poaching  risks……………………….……………………………….…75       3.5.4.  Conclusions…………………………………….……………………………………………76     Chapter  4:  Summary  of  research  findings:  implications  for  theory,  methods,  and   practice……………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..84     4.1.  Theoretical  implications………………………………………………...…………………………..84       4.1.1.  Conservancy  effects  on  risk  perception  and  vulnerability…..…………..84       4.1.2.  Multidirectional  perceptions  of  risk………………………………………………85       4.1.3.  Similarities  and  differences  between  assessed  and  perceived                            human-­‐wildlife  conflict  related  risks…………………..………………..….…….86     4.2.  Methodological  implications……………………………………………………………………….87       4.2.1.  Visual  interview  aids……………………………………………………………………..87       4.2.2.  Focus  group  procedures………………………………………………..………………88     4.3.  Practical  implications………………………………………………………………..……….……….89       4.3.1.  HWC  interventions……………………………………………….……………….………89       4.3.2.  Fostering  compliance…………………………………………………………………….91     Appendix  A:  Focus  group  protocol……………………………………………………………..………………...95     Appendix  B:  Interview  guide……………………………………………………………………………………...114       vii   Appendix  C:  Visual  aids…………………………………………………………………………….………………..133     Appendix  D:  Coding  protocol……………………………………………………………………………………...135   Appendix  E:  Interview  respondent  demographic  information  by  conservancy…..………....144   Appendix  F:  Data  on  species-­‐specific  vulnerability………………………………………………..…….147   Appendix  G:  Additional  co-­‐mapping  risk  maps……………………………………………………………154   References.…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……161                                       viii   LIST  OF  TABLES     Table  1.1     Table  2.1     Table  2.2             Table  2.3             Table  2.4             Table  2.5                         Table  2.6             Table  3.1         Table  3.2             Table  3.3             Table  3.4                 Definitions  of  research  concepts  and  terminology…………………………………..19   Characteristics  of  study  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,  Namibia………..…….47   Risk  categories,  select  category  attributes  and  risk  themes  (direct,     indirect,  non-­‐HWC)  generated  during  risk  ranking  activity  in  two       conservancies  (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)………..……48   Perceived  ranking  and  severity  of  risks  to  local  livelihoods  and  wildlife     in  two  conservancies  (emerging  =  20;  established  =  30)  in  East  Caprivi,     Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)…………………………………………………………….49   The  effect  of  conservancy  status  (emerging  =  41;  established  =  35)  on       attitudes  towards  human-­‐wildlife  conflict  (HWC)  as  expressed  by  odds     ratio:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (2009)…………………………………………………………..……51   Ordinary  least  squares  (OLS)  regression  coefficients  (±  standard  error)   for  estimated  affects  of  conservancy  status  on  HWC  perception  scores     (n=73)  for  dread  risk  (DREAD),  frequency  (FREQ),  consequence     (CONSQ),  vulnerability  (VUL)  and  risk  (RISK)  to  livelihoods  (XLH)  and     wildlife  (XWL)  controlling  for  age,  decision-­‐making  authority,  education,     gender  and  wealth:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (2009)……………………………………..……52   Results  of  two-­‐sample  independent  t-­‐tests  for  equality  of  means  for     total  and  mean  annual  incidents  of  wildlife  damage  in  an  emerging  and     established  conservancy  (Event  Book  Data,  2003-­‐2008)…………………………54   Characteristics  of  the  Mudumu  South  Complex  in  East  Caprivi,     Namibia…………………………………………………………………………………………………77   Local  perceptions  (n=48)  about  the  seriousness  of  risks  to  wildlife  as       identified  by  focus  groups  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South     Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)………………………………….78   Participant-­‐generated  (n-­‐48)  and  ranked  motivations  for  poaching  in     two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­‐     September,  2009)……………………………………………………………………………………79   Conservancy  participants’  (n=48)  cited  motivations  for  poaching       conceptually  sorted  using  Muth  and  Bowe’s  (1998)  typology  of  the       motivations  for  poaching  (categories  underlined):  Mudumu  South     Complex,  Namibia  (2009)………………………………………………………………….…….80   ix   Table  E1               Table  F1               Table  F2                     Demographic  information  from  interviews  in  two  conservancies     (emerging  =  41;  established  =  35)  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,     Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)…………………………………………………………..144       Perceived  and  reported  species  implicated  in  crop  damage,  livestock     loss  and  human  attack  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South     Complex  (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)…………………...147       Wildlife  species  vulnerability  to  poaching  according  to  conservancy     incident  reports  (Event  Book,  2001-­‐2008)  and  local  perceptions  from     a  risk  ranking  activity  (Focus  Group,  2009;  n=50)  in  two  conservancies     in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia.........................................................150                                                                 x   LIST  OF  FIGURES     Figure  1.1         Figure  1.2             Figure  1.3         Figure  2.1               Figure  2.2             Figure  3.1                 Figure  3.2             Figure  3.3                 Figure  C1                 Figure  F1                     Conceptual  framework  of  stakeholders’  risk  perception  associated   with  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts  (HWC)……………………………………………..……….21   Map  of  study  area,  the  Caprivi  Strip,  Northeastern  Namibia.  For       interpretation  of  the  references  to  color  in  this  and  all  other  figures,     the  reader  is  referred  to  the  electronic  version  of  this  thesis  ………………......22   Map  of  study  conservancies,  Dzoti  and  Wuparo,  in  Mudumu  South     Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia……………………………………………………………………..23   Conservancy  residents’  perceptions  (n=50)  about  the  incidence  and       importance  of  risks  to  livelihoods  in  two  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,     Namibia  (Focus  groups:  July-­‐September,  2009)………………………………………55   Conservancy  residents’  perceptions  (n=48)  about  the  incidence  and       importance  of  risks  to  wildlife  in  two  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,       Namibia  (Focus  groups:  July-­‐September,  2009)……………………………………….56   Recorded  incidents  of  poaching  (e.g.,  number  of  snares  confiscated,     firearm  and  traditional  incidents)  in  two  Mudumu  South  Complex       conservancies:  East  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Dzoti  &  Wuparo  Event  Books     2001;  2003-­‐2008)…………………………………………………………………………………..81   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  poaching  and       Event  Book  data  for  poaching  incidents  (2001-­‐2008)  in  two  Mudumu     South  Complex  conservancies:  East  Caprivi,  Namibia.  ……………………..……….82   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  wildlife  attack     and  livelihood  damage  that  motivated  retaliatory  poaching  and  Event     Book  data  for  poaching  incidents  by  incident  type  (2001-­‐2008)  in  two     Mudumu  South  Complex  conservancies:  East  Caprivi,  Namibia…………………83   Developed  visual  Likert-­‐type  scales  (a.  intensity  or  amount;     b.  frequency)  for  use  with  semi-­‐structured  interviews  and  focus     groups  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia     (July-­‐September,  2009)…………………………………………………………………………133   Top  fifteen  most  threatening  wildlife  species  to  local  livelihoods  as       perceived  by  residents  in  two  conservancies  (n=50)  in  Mudumu     South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  Groups;  July-­‐September,       2009)……………………………………………………………………………………..…………......151       xi   Figure  F2                 Figure  G1                 Figure  G2                 Figure  G3                 Figure  G4                 Figure  G5                 Figure  G6                 Top  fifteen  most  threatened  wildlife  species  from  conflicts  with  people     as  perceived  by  residents  in  two  conservancies  (n=48)  in  Mudumu     South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  Groups;  July-­‐September,       2009)………………………………………………………………………………………………........152   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  crop  damage       incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  crop  damage     incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South       Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia…………………………………………………………………….154   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  human-­‐attack       incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  human-­‐attack       incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South       Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia  ……………………………………………….…………..……….155   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  livestock       depredation  incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)     livestock  depredation  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)     conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia  ………….….………156   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  crop  damage       incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  poaching         incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South       Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia..……………………………………………………………….…..157     Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  human-­‐   attack  incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  poaching       incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South       Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia  ……………………………………………………………….……158   Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  livestock       depredation  incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)     poaching  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:     Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia  ……………….…………………….……...159                           xii   KEY  TO  ABBREVIATIONS           Community-­‐based  natural  resources  management  (CBNRM)     Human-­‐wildlife  conflicts  (HWC)     Human-­‐wildlife  interactions  (HWI)     Integrated  Rural  Development  and  Nature  Conservation  (IRDNC)     Ministry  of  Environment  and  Tourism  (MET)     Mudumu  South  Complex  (MSC)     Namibian  Association  of  Community  Based  Natural  Resource  Management  Support   Organizations  (NACSO)     National  Park  (NP)     Non-­‐governmental  organization  (NGO)     Participatory  risk  mapping  (PRM)     Participatory  risk  ranking  and  scoring  (PRRS)     Problem  animal  incident  (PAI)     World  Wildlife  Fund  (WWF)                                 xiii   CHAPTER  1:    HUMAN-­WILDLIFE  CONFLICT,  RISK  PERCEPTION,  AND  VULNERABILITY   IN  CAPRIVI,  NAMIBIA   1.1.  INTRODUCTION   1.1.1.  Human-­wildlife  conflicts.   Globally,  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts  (HWC)  pose  risks  to  human  livelihoods  and   wildlife  conservation;  HWC  occurs  when  the  actions  of  either  humans  or  wildlife  have   adverse  effects  on  the  other  (Conover,  2002).    Concerns  about  HWC  can  shape  public   attitudes,  beliefs,  and  support  for  wildlife  management  activities  (Knuth,  Stout,  Siemer,   Decker,  &  Stedman,  1992),  influence  wildlife  tolerance  among  stakeholders  (e.g.,  Knuth  et   al.,  1992;  Marker,  Mills  &  MacDonald,  2002)  and  stimulate  stakeholder  action  (Decker,   Lauber  &  Siemer,  2002).    Often,  when  HWC  occurs,  it  represents  a  lose-­‐lose  situation  for   both  humans  and  wildlife  (Conover,  2002)  through  its  myriad  negative  effects,  discussed   below,  on  both  natural  systems  and  human  livelihoods  (Woodroffe,  Thirgood  &  Rabinowitz,   2005).    Reducing  risks  to  both  people  and  wildlife  from  HWC  is  a  conservation  imperative.       The  direct  effects  of  HWC  on  human  livelihoods  occur  across  a  continuum  and  range   from  nuisance  behavior  (e.g.,  bears  eating  from  birdfeeders)  to  life-­‐threatening  interactions   (e.g.,  wildlife-­‐vehicle  collisions,  wildlife  attack)  (Conover,  2002;  Ogra  2008;  Thirgood,   Woodroff  &  Rabinowitz,  2005).    Direct  HWC  effects  on  livelihoods  can  include  crop  raiding,   livestock  predation  (Conover,  2002;  Ogra,  2008),  attacks  on  humans  (Aust,  Boyle,   Fergusson  &  Coulson,  2009;  Dunham,  Ghiurghi,  Cumbi  &  Urbano,  2010),  and  zoonotic   disease  (e.g.,  bubonic  plague)  transmission  (Swift,  Hunter,  Less  &  Bell,  2007).    These  HWC-­‐ related  risks  may  reduce  food  security  and  livelihood  resources  and  threaten  human  health   and  safety.    HWC  has  the  potential  to  result  in  indirect  effects  as  well,  including  increased     1   labor  burdens,  economic  hardship,  or  fear  to  leave  home  in  search  of  livelihood  resources   (Ogra,  2008).    Ogra  (2008)  noted  indirect  HWC  effects  often  go  uncompensated,  are   temporally  delayed  and  can  lead  to  negative  psychological,  health  or  social  consequences.     Additionally,  although  they  are  not  discussed  extensively  in  the  extant  literature  or   incorporated  into  conservation  action,  conflicts  between  people  about  HWC  are  also  part  of   the  spectrum  (Peterson,  Birkhead,  Leong,  Peterson  &  Peterson,  2010).   When  wildlife  is  involved,  or  thought  to  be  involved,  in  HWC,  the  resultant  human   response  may  be  lethal  control  (legal  or  illegal).    This  is  especially  true  in  instances  where   wildlife  is  viewed  as  a  threat  to  human  livelihood  systems  (e.g.,  agriculture,  ranching),   health  and  safety,  or  property  (Treves,  Wallace,  Naughton-­‐Treves  &  Morales,  2006a;   Woodroffe  et  al.,  2005).    Orders  of  wildlife,  such  as  Carnivores,  are  often  the  target  of   predator  eradication  efforts  (Carpaneto  &  Fusari,  2000;  Kissui,  2008),  which  has  led  to   population  suppression,  range  collapse  or  extinction  for  some  predators  (Woodroffe  et  al.,   2005).    Indirectly,  increases  in  human  and  livestock  populations  can  change  the  availability   of  resources  upon  which  species  depend  for  survival  (Vaughan  &  Long,  2007).     Additionally,  altering  wildlife  habitats  can  affect  species  structure,  composition,  and  overall   biomass  (Foley,  DeFries,  Asner,  Barford,  Bonan,  Carpenter  et  al.,  2005).     1.1.2.  Managing  human-­wildlife  conflicts.   Early  HWC  studies  focused  on  measuring  and  mitigating  impacts  from  HWC  on  local   livelihoods  and  were  framed  within  the  context  of  wildlife  damage  management.    Overall,   these  studies  focused  on  evaluating  the  effectiveness  of  wildlife-­‐focused  methods  for  HWC   management  (e.g.,  wildlife  deterrence,  relocation,  lethal  control)  (Conover,  2002).    HWC-­‐ related  research  then  began  examining  the  effectiveness  of  human-­‐focused  methods  for     2   HWC  management  such  as  economic  incentives,  compensation  schemes,  or  other  efforts   designed  to  increase  human  tolerance  of  problem  wildlife  and  foster  co-­‐existence  of  human   and  wildlife  populations  (Bulte  &  Rondeau,  2007;  Fascione,  Delach  &  Smith,  2004;   Woodroffe  et  al.,  2005).    Most  recently,  HWC  has  examined  stakeholders’  perceptions  of   risks  from  wildlife  to  their  livelihoods  (Aust  et  al.,  2009;  Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis  &  Shanahan,   2007;  Marker  et  al.,  2003),  stakeholder  attitudes  towards  various  wildlife  species  (Kissui,   2008;  Kuriyan,  2002;  Romañach,  Lindsey  &  Woodroffe,  2007),  human  vulnerability  to   direct  (e.g.,  economic)  and  indirect  (e.g.,  psychological)  impacts  of  HWC  (Ogra,  2008),  and   stakeholder  preferences  for  HWC  management  and  interventions  (Ogra,  2009;  Treves,   Wallace  &  White,  2009).    These  newer  studies  focus  on  how  people  cope  with  living  with   wildlife.     HWC-­‐related  interventions  can  be  people-­‐focused,  wildlife-­‐focused,  or  focused  on   both  people  and  wildlife.    Many  types  of  wildlife-­‐focused  interventions,  such  as  lethal   control  (e.g.,  poisoning,  sharp  shooting),  may  be  incompatible  with  conservation  goals.    For   example,  wildlife-­‐focused  interventions  designed  to  reduce  the  rate  and  magnitude  of  HWC   (e.g.,  fencing,  habitat  modification),  may  result  in  changes  to  the  availability  of  resources   upon  which  wildlife  depend  for  survival  (Woodroffe  et  al.,  2005).    Additionally,  wildlife-­‐ focused  interventions  can  impact  disease  transmission  between  livestock  and  wildlife   (Daszak,  Cunningham  &  Hyatt,  2000),  disrupt  foraging  and  breeding  behavior,  and  alter   migration  patterns  (Woodroff  et  al.,  2005).       People-­‐focused  interventions  can  include  direct  methods  to  reduce  interactions   with  wildlife  (e.g.,  excluding  people  from  wildlife  habitat)  or  indirect  methods  to  change   human  attitudes,  tolerance  or  behavior  (e.g.,  compensation,  education)  (Treves  et  al.,     3   2009).    For  instance,  programs  that  compensate  farmers  for  crop  damage  or  livestock   depredation  often  aim  to  increase  tolerance  of  wildlife  species  that  damage  livelihood   resources  and  decrease  the  use  of  lethal  methods  on  wildlife  (Bulte  &  Rondeau,  2007).       State  and  federal  agencies  can  create  regulations  (e.g.,  no  feeding  wildlife  in  protected   areas)  to  decrease  the  likelihood  of  a  negative  encounter,  or  provide  outreach  to  ease  fear   about  wildlife  and  increase  tolerance  (Conover,  2002).    People-­‐focused  interventions  are   often  linked  with  broader  conservation  and  development  projects,  such  ecotourism   ventures,  and  are  implemented  by  diverse  stakeholders  (Gore,  Knuth,  Scherer  &  Curtis,   2008).     Empirical  insight  about  the  human  dimensions  of  wildlife  is  essential  for  developing   more  effective  HWC  interventions  (Manfredo  &  Dayer,  2004;  Ogra,  2009;  Treves  et  al.,   2006a)  as  well  as  evaluating  their  ability  to  achieve  objectives  (Gore  et  al.  2008).       Information  about  stakeholders’  vulnerability  and  risk  perception  associated  with  HWC  can   enhance  practitioners'  ability  to  respond  to  the  social  consequences  of  HWC  and  foster  co-­‐ existence  between  people  and  wildlife.   1.2.  CONCEPTUAL  BACKGROUND     This  research  integrates  theories  of  risk  perception  and  vulnerability  to  better  understand   stakeholder  attitudes  associated  with  the  negative  effects  of  HWC  on  local  livelihoods  and   wildlife.    Below,  I  highlight  key  principles,  review  the  historical  significance,  and  identify   key  gaps  in  understanding  associated  with  each  theory.    Table  1  summarizes  key  concepts   and  definitions.           4   1.2.1.  Risk  Perception.     Risk  can  be  defined  as  an  estimation  of  both  the  likelihood  of  a  hazard  (e.g.,  nuclear   disaster,  HWC)  and  the  magnitude  and  character  of  the  negative  consequences  of  the   hazard  if  it  occurs  (Sjöberg,  2000a).    Estimations  of  risk  can  be  made  through  technical   assessments  or  intuitive  perceptions.    Risk  assessments,  or  technical  estimations,  are   objective  calculations  about  the  probability  of  occurrence  and  magnitude  of  the   consequences  related  to  a  given  hazard  (Renn,  1992).    The  psychometric  risk  paradigm   defines  risk  perceptions  as  subjective  judgments  about  the  characteristics  of  particular   hazards,  such  as  perceived  control  over  a  risk,  the  amount  of  dread  a  risk  elicits,  or  the   perceived  severity  of  consequences  associated  with  risk  exposure  (Slovic,  1987;  Willis  &   DeKay,  2007).    Originally,  risk  perception  research  focused  on  technological  hazards  (e.g.,   nuclear  power  generation,  toxic  waste  disposal).    Today,  the  notion  is  more  broadly   applied.       Risk  perception  has  both  theoretical  and  practical  relevance  to  HWC.    Theoretically,   risk  perception  offers  a  lens  with  which  to  consider  how  individuals  think  and  behave  in   response  to  risks.  Practically,  risk  perception  can  foster  deeper  understanding  of   psychological  factors  that  influence  decision-­‐making.  Further,  risk  perception  can  be  used   to  measure  stakeholder  support  for  management  actions  (Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis  &  Shanahan,   2006;  McFarlane,  2005;  Weber,  2006)  and  is  important  for  predicting  behavior  (Knuth  et   al.,  1992;  O’Connor,  Bord  &  Fisher,  1999).  For  example,  Gore  et  al.  (2006)  asserted  that   understanding  public  perceptions  of  risk  associated  with  HWC  could  inform  policies   designed  to  change  human  behavior  and  reduce  HWC-­‐related  risk.    Understanding   stakeholders’  risk  perceptions  can  inform  the  content  and  format  of  communication  and     5   education  messages  (Gore  et  al.,  2006;  Gore  et  al.,  2007;  Knuth  et  al.,  1992;  Schmidt  &  Wei,   2006;  Weber,  2006)  and  improve  risk  communication  efforts  by  better  anticipating  how   messages  may  be  interpreted  (Gore  et  al.,  2006).    Finally,  risk  perception  may  improve   research  design,  policy  development  and  institutional  decision-­‐making  (Gore  et  al.,  2006;   Knuth  et  al.,  1992;  Quinn,  Huby,  Kiwasila  &  Lovett,  2003).    For  example,  Knuth  et  al.  (1992)   said  that  understanding  stakeholder  perceptions  of  risk  and  benefits  of  wildlife  could   inform  the  development  of  alternative  management  actions  that  better  balance  positive   and  negative  outcomes  associated  with  human-­‐wildlife  interactions  (HWI).     The  literature  notes  diverse  factors  influence  stakeholder  perceptions  of  risk   associated  with  HWC  (see  Gore  et  al.,  2007;  Muter,  Gore  &  Riley,  2009;  Riley  &  Decker,   2000)  and  has  been  primarily  focused  on  stakeholder  perceptions  of  HWC  impacts  on   human  livelihoods  (e.g.,  economics,  health,  safety)  and  acceptance  of  wildlife  species,   abundance  and  management  (e.g.,  Aust  et  al.,  2009;  Gore  et  al.,  2007;  Hill,  2004;  Riley  &   Decker,  2000).    However,  it  appears  that  few  scholars  or  practitioners  have  identified  the   difference  between  factors  that  influence  stakeholder  risk  perceptions  to  and  from  wildlife   associated  with  HWC.    This  is  problematic  because  understanding  stakeholders’  risk   perceptions  to  wildlife  could,  much  like  livelihood-­‐related  HWC  risk  perceptions,  influence   stakeholders’  responses  to  HWC  incidents  (Hill,  2004)  and  influence  preferences  for  HWC   policy  and  management  (McFarlane,  2005).   1.2.2.  Vulnerability.    While  psychometric  risk  perception  research  tends  to  focus  on  judgments  about  the   characteristics  of  a  particular  hazard  (e.g.,  hurricanes,  nuclear  technology)  (Slovic,  2000),   vulnerability  research  focuses  on  the  factors  that  influence  a  system’s  (e.g.,  individual,     6   wildlife  species,  country)  exposure  and  sensitivity  (i.e.,  condition  of  susceptibility  to  harm)   to  a  hazard  (Schmidtlein,  Deutsch,  Piegorsch  &  Cutter,  2008).    In  the  broadest  sense,   vulnerability  is  the  potential  for  a  loss  when  exposed  to  a  hazard  (Cutter,  Boruff  &  Shirley,   2003;  Schmidtlein  et  al.,  2008).      Vulnerability  can  manifest  at  a  variety  of  social  (e.g.,   individuals,  groups,  countries)  and  environmental  (e.g.,  species,  taxonomic  groups,   systems)  scales  (Smit  &  Wandel,  2007).    Vulnerability  is  influenced  by  a  combination  of   environmental  (i.e.,  biophysical)  and  social  factors  that  determine  the  propensity  of  being   exposed  to  and  constraining  the  ability  to  recover  from  exposure  to  a  hazard  (Smit  &   Wandel,  2006).     Early  vulnerability  studies  generally  focused  on  the  biophysical  characteristics  (e.g.,   geographic  location)  of  a  system  and  how  those  characteristics  influenced  vulnerability   (Schmidtlein  et  al.,  2008).    Later,  sociological  characteristics  (e.g.,  ethnicity,  gender,  wealth)   of  communities  and  individuals  were  studied  (Cutter  et  al.,  2003).    Contemporary   vulnerability  research  integrates  biophysical  and  sociological  theories  to  assess  a  system’s   overall  vulnerability  (Chazal,  Quétier,  Lavorel  &  Van  Doorn,  2008;  Cutter  et  al.,  2003;  Flint   &  Luloff,  2005).     We  know  that  different  species  and  ecosystems  vary  in  their  vulnerability  and   ability  to  adapt  to  environmental  hazards  such  as  drought  and  human  hazards  such  as   overharvesting  (Beier,  Patterson  &  Chapin,  2008;  Kissui,  2008;  Thuiller,  Broennimann,   Hughes,  Alkemades,  Midgley  &  Corsi,  2006).      For  example,  Kissui  (2008)  found  that  the   vulnerability  of  carnivores  to  retaliatory  killing  in  Tanzania  was  driven  by  both  biological   factors  (e.g.,  nocturnal  predatory  behavior)  and  social  factors  (e.g.,  human  intolerance).     Both  biophysical  and  social  factors  are  known  to  affect  human  vulnerability  to  HWC  as  well.       7   For  instance,  Naughton-­‐Treves  (1997)  found  that  stakeholders’  biophysical  vulnerability  to   crop  damage  from  wildlife  among  Ugandan  farmers  increased  with  proximity  to  protected   area  boundaries  and  varied  depending  on  crop  type.    However,  social  determinants  also   influenced  overall  stakeholder  vulnerability  to  HWC,  as  migrants  and  ethnic  minorities  in   the  community  were  only  given  access  to  the  most  HWC-­‐prone  land;  many  did  not  have  the   resources  to  conduct  HWC  prevention  activities  (Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997).     Resource  wealth,  gender,  ethnic  affiliation  and  the  capacity  to  engage  in  HWC   deterrence  activities  (e.g.,  construct  sturdy  fences)  may  predict  social  vulnerability  to  HWC   (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997;  Ogra,  2008).    Variables  such  as  decision-­‐ making  authority,  age,  education,  marital  status,  household  size  and  livelihood  strategy   affect  vulnerability  to  environmental  hazards  such  as  hurricanes  (Cutter  et  al.,  2003;   Schmidtlien  et  al.,  2008)  and  warrant  further  consideration  within  the  context  of  HWC.       Additionally,  it  is  necessary  to  understand  the  broader  context  of  local  risks,  as  the   presence  and  combination  of  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  (e.g.,  climate,  HIV/AIDS)  may  heighten   vulnerability  of  stakeholders  and  wildlife  to  HWC-­‐related  risks  (Reid  &  Vogel,  2006;   Tschakert,  2007).     Increased  understanding  about  local  livelihood  and  wildlife  vulnerability  to  HWC-­‐ related  risks  would  be  advantageous  for  improving  the  management  of  those  risks,  as  it  can   guide  the  prioritization  of  interventions  designed  to  mitigate  loss  (Hill,  2004;  Nathan,  2008;   Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997)  and  help  identify  opportunities  for  adaptation  (Smit  &  Wandel,   2006;  Tschakert,  2007).    Jones  &  Barnes  (2006),  Ogra  (2008)  and  World  Wildlife  Fund   (WWF)  (2008)  identified  the  need  to  better  understand  what  drives  disparate  HWC   vulnerability  of  local  communities  and  individuals  so  that  HWC  can  be  better  managed.       8   The  likelihood  of  exposure  to  a  HWC-­‐related  hazard  as  well  as  the  sociological  drivers  that   constrain  or  enable  the  human  response  when  encountering  wildlife  are  not  well   understood.     1.2.3.  Integrating  risk  perception  and  vulnerability.       The  concepts  of  risk  perception  and  vulnerability  appear  to  be  intertwined,  however   the  relationship  is  nebulous.    The  concept  of  vulnerability  emerged  through  the  study  of   risk  assessments  (Marandola  &  Hogan,  2006).    Local  risk  perceptions  are  often  used  to   identify  disparately  vulnerable  or  influential  stakeholders  in  regards  to  a  specific  hazard   (Ogra,  2008;  Quinn  et  al.,  2003;  Smith,  Barrett  &  Box,  2000).    However,  few  studies  of  risk   perception  overtly  address  the  relationship  between  perceived  risk  and  perceived   vulnerability;  most  interpret  high-­‐risk  perception  as  being  equivalent  to  high  vulnerability   perception  (Satterfield,  Mertz  &  Slovic,  2004).    Satterfield  et  al.  (2004)  found  that  people   with  high  perceptions  of  vulnerability  also  exhibited  higher  perceptions  of  risk.      However,   Ogra  (2008)  found  stakeholders  with  a  higher  assessed  vulnerability  to  HWC  risks   perceived  themselves  to  be  equally  affected  by  HWC  as  their  less  vulnerable  counterparts.     To  explore  the  relationship  between  perceived  risk  and  vulnerability,  I  developed  an   integrated  risk  and  vulnerability  conceptual  framework  (Figure  1).    In  relation  to  HWC-­‐   related  risk  perceptions,  I  measured  judgments  about  HWC  characteristics  for  a  variety  of   factors  (e.g.,  control,  dread,  risk  fairness).    I  considered  perceived  HWC  vulnerability  to  be  a   function  of  exposure  risk  (i.e.,  perceived  frequency  of  personal  exposure  to  HWC)  and   perceived  consequences  (i.e.,  anticipated  losses  associated  with  HWC  exposure)  of  HWC-­‐ related  risks  (see  Nathan,  2008;  Satterfield  et  al.,  2004),  ultimately  embedding  perceived   vulnerability  as  a  factor  influencing  risk  perception.    I  also  investigated  the  influence  of     9   demographic  characteristics  (e.g.,  gender,  age)  on  stakeholders’  perceptions  of   vulnerability  to  HWC.    Additionally,  I  investigated  HWC-­‐related  risks  relative  to  other  risks   to  human  livelihoods  and  wildlife.    Lastly,  I  assessed  the  influence  of  risk  management   regime  (e.g.,  conservancy  establishment)  on  stakeholder  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks.     1.3.  STUDY  AREA   1.3.1.  The  Republic  of  Namibia.     Namibia  is  a  democratic  republic  in  southwestern  Africa.    A  former  South  African   territory  that  achieved  its  independence  in  1990,  Namibia  encompasses  approximately   824,000  km2  and  has  over  two  million  residents  (Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).    The  economy  in   Namibia  is  highly  dependent  upon  renewable  and  non-­‐renewable  natural  resources,   particularly  the  export  of  minerals,  livestock,  and  marine  resources  (Wardell-­‐Johnson,   2000).    The  exploitation  of  key  minerals,  particularly  diamonds,  has  fuelled  the   accumulation  of  wealth  in  Namibia  (Krugmann,  2001).    However,  Krugmann  (2001)  stated   that  the  rate  of  resource  exploitation  and  lack  of  economic  diversification  has  put  Namibia   at  risk  for  unsustainable  development.    Additionally,  there  is  great  economic  disparity   among  Namibians;  the  country  has  one  of  the  world’s  most  inequitable  distributions  of   income,  wealth  and  access  to  resources  (Krugmann,  2001).    Further,  although  state-­‐owned   communal  lands  comprise  40%  of  the  country  (Nott  &  Jacobsohn,  2004),  more  than  65%  of   the  population  lives  as  subsistence  farmers  on  these  lands  (Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).     Historically,  communal  area  residents  have  depended  on  subsistence-­‐based  agricultural   and  livestock  to  support  local  livelihoods.    Today,  these  areas  have  integrated  wildlife   utilization  and  tourism  into  their  economic  development  (Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).       10   Namibia  is  home  to  over  250  species  of  extant  mammals  (Griffin,  1998),  including   Africa’s  largest  cheetah  population  (Acinonyx  jubatus)  (Marker,  2001)  and  644  species  of   birds  (Robertson,  Jarvis  &  Brown,  1998).    Currently,  greater  than  38%  of  Namibia’s  land  is   under  some  form  of  conservation  management  regime  including  state  protected  areas   (17%),  communal  conservancies  (15%),  privately  owned  conservancies  (6%)  and   conservation  concession  areas  (1%)  (Namibian  Association  of  Community  Based  Natural   Resource  Management  Support  Organizations  (NACSO),  2009).    Namibia  faces  numerous   conservation  challenges  including  invasive  alien  species,  habitat  alteration  (Griffin,  1998)   and  human-­‐wildlife  conflict  (Marker,  2001;  O’Connell-­‐Rodwell,  Rodwell,  Rice  &  Hart,   2000).    Some  wildlife  species  continue  to  persist  widely  (e.g.,  leopard,  brown  hyena)  while   other  species  (e.g.,  lion,  spotted  hyena)  have  been  largely  eliminated  due  in  part  to  conflicts   with  agriculture  and  livestock  operations  (Barnes  &  Jones,  2009).    Reducing  HWC  in   Namibia  is  a  critical  development  and  conservation  issue  (Ministry  of  Environment  and   Tourism  [MET],  2009).   1.3.2.  Namibian  communal  conservancies.       Namibia’s  communal  conservancies,  a  form  of  community-­‐based  natural  resource   management  (CBNRM),  are  joint  management  ventures  between  rural  communities,   relevant  government  agencies  and  non-­‐governmental  organizations.  Local  communities   maintain  the  right  to  financially  benefit  from  local  wildlife  (Stuart-­‐Hill,  Diggle,  Munali,  Tagg   &  Ward,  2005).      Although  tourism  (e.g.,  trophy  hunting,  lodges,  campsites)  provides  the   majority  of  economic  benefits  to  conservancy  residents  (Suich,  2010),  selling  crafts,  veld   products  (e.g.,  thatch,  commercial  plant  products)  and  wildlife  products  (e.g.,  meat,  skins  or   trophies  from  hunting)  provide  additional  income  to  conservancy  residents  (NACSO,  2009).       11   Namibia's  conservancies  are  often  lauded  as  a  successful  example  of  a  CBNRM  regime  in   that  they  simultaneously  conserve  natural  resources  and  preserve  livelihoods  (Hoole  &   Berkes,  2010;  Suich,  2010).     The  legislative  precedent  for  conservancies  in  Namibia  was  set  in  1968  when   commercial  farmers  were  granted  limited  rights  over  wildlife  found  on  their  land  (Weaver   &  Skyer,  2005).    However,  the  model  for  what  would  become  the  conservancy  program   emerged  in  the  1980’s  in  the  form  of  Community  Game  Guards,  which  was  a  CBNRM   program  administered  by  the  non-­‐governmental  organization  (NGO)  Integrated  Rural   Development  and  Nature  Conservation  (IRDNC)  (Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).    After  majority   rule  was  enacted  in  post-­‐apartheid,  independent  Namibia,  there  was  political  and  social   backing  to  extend  the  wildlife  use  rights  conferred  on  white  commercial  farmers  to   communal  area  residents  (Hoole  &  Berkes,  2010;  Roe,  Nelson  &  Sandbrook,  2009).    In  1992   the  MET  began  drafting  policies  that  would  extend  rights  over  wildlife  and  other  natural   resources  to  communal  land  residents.    The  legislation  passed  in  1996  and  was   implemented  in  1998  (Suich,  2010).    Today,  the  conservancy  program  includes  over  50   registered  conservancies  covering  approximately  12.2  million  hectares  of  communal  land   and  over  224,000  residents  (NACSO,  2009).     Key  features  of  the  Namibian  conservancy  system  include:  1)  legally  secure   communal  rights  over  the  management  of  natural  resources,  with  no  term-­‐limits  (Roe  et  al.,   2009);  2)  a  legislative  basis  for  consumptive  use  of  wildlife1  (e.g.,  subsistence  and                                                                                                                   1  The  Ministry  of  Environment  and  Tourism  (MET)  retains  the  right  to  grant  permission  to   harvest  ‘specially  protected  game’  (i.e.,  giraffe,  elephant,  rhinoceros,  hippopotamus)  and   ‘protected  game’  (i.e.,  roan,  cheetah,  leopard,  tortoises,  most  bird  species).     12   commercial  hunting)  (Corbett  &  Daniels,  1996);  3)  100%  of  economic  benefits  retained  at   the  local  level  (e.g.,  no  government  tax  on  revenue,  direct  revenue  sharing  between   conservancies  and  private  sector)  (Roe  et  al.,  2009);  and  4)  codified  wildlife  damage   management  procedures  (MET,  2009).    In  accordance  with  regulations  governing   conservancies  in  Namibia,  each  conservancy  must  engage  in  the  sustainable  management   of  their  natural  resources  (Stuart-­‐Hill  et  al.,  2005);  the  rights  to  manage  resources  through   a  conservancy  are  conditional  and  can  be  revoked  (Roe  et  al.,  2009).   A  change  in  predominantly  negative  local  attitudes  towards  wildlife  is  often  cited  as   one  of  the  conservancies’  greatest  conservation  successes  (e.g.  Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).       Whereas  wildlife  under  state  ownership  was  considered  a  liability  to  local  livelihoods   because  residents  were  burdened  with  the  economic  costs  of  living  with  wildlife,   conservancies  created  a  situation  in  which  wildlife  could  become  an  economic  asset   (Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).  The  establishment  of  the  conservancy  system  has  been  credited  as   a  major  contributing  factor  in  the  reduction  of  poaching,  which  was  high  in  the  1980s  and   early  1990s  and  has  recently  declined  (Nott  &  Jacobsohn,  2004;  Vaughn  &  Long,  2007).       Human  and  wildlife  populations  are  growing  in  Namibia,  which  has  led  to  reports  of   increased  frequencies  and  magnitudes  of  HWC  both  inside  and  outside  of  conservancies   (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  MET,  2009).    In  2009,  in  response  to  increasing  reports  of  HWC,  the   federal  government  established  a  nationwide  policy  for  HWC  management  (MET,  2009).       This  legal  framework  mandated  conservancies  compensate  farmers  for  livestock  losses  and   crop  damage  under  the  Human  Wildlife  Self  Reliance  Scheme  and  devolved  the  authority  to     13   destroy  problem  animals  to  regional  MET  staff  members  and  conservancies  (MET,  2009).2         The  policy  put  the  onus  of  taking  preventative  measures  to  avoid  HWC  on  all  citizens  and   mandates  that  a  portion  of  conservancy  trophy  hunting  revenues,  not  governmental  funds,   be  used  to  fund  the  compensation  program  (MET,  2009).    This  legislation  further  devolved   not  only  rights  over  wildlife  but  also  the  responsibility  of  HWC  management  to   conservancies.   1.3.3.  The  Caprivi  Strip.     This  research  was  conducted  in  East  Caprivi,  part  of  the  Zambezian  Baikiaea   woodlands  and  flooded  grasslands  (Burgess,  Hales,  Underwood,  Dinerstein,  Olson,  Itoua  et   al.,  2004)  (Figure  1.2),  in  an  emerging  (Dzoti)  and  established  (Wuparo)  conservancy   (Figure  1.3).    The  Caprivi  region  has  a  mild  climate  (O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000),  the   highest  rainfall  in  Namibia  (Wardell-­‐Johnson,  2000),  and  proximity  to  four  major  rivers   (i.e.,  Okavango,  Kwando,  Chobe,  Zambezi)  and  their  tributaries.    Local  livelihoods  in  Caprivi   are  largely  supported  by  natural  resources,  including  agriculture,  fisheries,  forestry,   livestock,  and  hunting  and  gathering  activities  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  Murphy  &  Mulonga,   2002).    Despite  Caprivi’s  rich  natural  resource  base  and  favorable  climate,  the  region   remains  one  of  Namibia’s  most  impoverished  and  least  developed  (Suich,  2010).     Additionally,  Caprivians  struggle  with  one  of  the  nations'  highest  infection  rates  for   HIV/AIDS  and  malaria,  natural  disasters  that  damage  agriculture  and  spread  disease,  and   poor  access  to  health  services  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006).                                                                                                                     2  Crop  damage  is  compensated  only  if  caused  by  elephant  or  hippopotamus.    Livestock   losses  are  compensated  only  if  they  meet  the  criteria  related  to  the  location  of  the  incident   (no  national  park  or  wildlife  exclusive  zone),  reporting  and  verification  and  precautionary   measures  have  been  taken  (MET,  2009).     14   Caprivi  has  many  systems  of  conservation  and  land  tenure,  including  communal   areas  supporting  11  conservancies,  state  land  holdings  supporting  6  national  parks  and   game  reserves  (MET,  2009),  private  land  holdings  supporting  game  farms  and  tourist   ventures  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006),  and  a  transnational  wildlife  corridor  shared  with  Angola,   Zambia,  and  Botswana  (WWF,  2008).    Currently,  Caprivi’s  registered  conservancies  cover   16%  of  the  region;  approximately  29%  of  the  Caprivian  population  resides  in  a   conservancy  (NACSO,  2009).   There  is  nowhere  in  Namibia  where  the  issue  of  HWC  is  more  salient  than  Caprivi;   indeed  Caprivi  has  the  highest  estimated  incident  rates  of  HWC,  including  high  livestock   depredation  and  crop  damage  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000).    HWC   in  the  region  is  estimated  to  cause  an  annual  loss  of  US  $770,000  (WWF,  2008).    Numerous   species  are  implicated  in  conflicts  with  people  in  Caprivi,  however  two  species,  elephants   and  lions,  contribute  to  the  greatest  number  of  incidents  reported  and  the  highest   economic  losses  (O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000).    While  the  total  annual  per  capita  value  of   losses  due  to  wildlife  in  Caprivi  is  $75  USD  or  approximately  7%  of  household  income,   these  losses  are  unequally  distributed  among  households  and  do  not  take  into  account   agricultural  products  not  sold  at  market  but  needed  for  subsistence  (WWF,  2008).    Jones   and  Barnes  (2006)  asserted  that  lethally  removing  problem  animals  did  not  appear  to  be   threatening  population  levels.    However,  they  (ibid)  cautioned  that  increasing  perceptions   of  threats  from  wildlife  conflict  could  undermine  positive  local  attitudes  towards  wildlife  in   Caprivi,  potentially  resulting  in  increased  retaliation,  problem  animal  removals,  and   ultimately  affecting  wildlife  population  levels  in  the  long  term.       15   The  high  levels  of  HWC  in  Caprivi  are  due  in  large  part  to  its  high  human  and  wildlife   population  densities.    Caprivi  boasts  the  second  most  densely  populated  area  in  Namibia,   with  over  4  people  per  square  kilometer  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006).    It  also  supports  high   concentrations  of  wildlife,  including  one  of  the  largest  populations  of  free  ranging   elephants  in  Africa  (O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000).    The  dependence  of  the  majority  of   Caprivians  on  subsistence  farming  increases  their  vulnerability  to  HWC  and  exacerbates   livelihood  insecurity  already  affected  by  environmental  risks  (e.g.,  floods,  drought)  and   socio-­‐economic  challenges  (e.g.,  limited  market  access,  HIV/AIDS)  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006).       1.4.  RESEARCH  STATEMENT  AND  OBJECTIVES     Deeper  theoretical  understanding  about  the  factors  that  influence  perceptions  of   HWC-­‐related  risk  and  vulnerability  may  inform  local  HWC  management  by  facilitating   greater  integration  of  stakeholders’  risk  priorities  into  decision  making.    Practically,   wildlife  stakeholders  have  expressed  a  need  for  more  effective  HWC-­‐related  interventions,   which  requires  understanding  of  both  how  stakeholders  differentially  prioritize  risks  as   well  as  identifying  those  most  vulnerable  to  risks.    This  research  provided  knowledge  on   risk  perception,  vulnerability,  and  HWC  in  Caprivi.     Objective  1:  Characterize  HWC-­related  risks  and  risk  perceptions  to  and  from  people  and   wildlife.       Approach:    I  explored  stakeholders'  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  and  from  people   and  wildlife.    Risk  perceptions  were  quantified  and  described  by  querying  perceived   severity  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  in  regard  to  other  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife,  describing   risk  intensities  in  a  spatially  explicit  way,  and  examining  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risk   and  vulnerability  to  livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife.    Risk  perceptions  and     16   vulnerability  were  queried  using  both  local  livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife  as  a  risk   target  (i.e.,  the  subject  toward  which  the  risk  is  directed).     Objective  2:  Evaluate  factors  influencing  risk  perception  associated  with  HWC.   Approach:    I  adapted  Gore  et  al.'s  (2007)  factors  influencing  risk  perception  to  measure   stakeholders’  perceptions  of  risk  associated  with  HWC.    I  used  seven  constructs  to  measure   risk  perception:  dread,  environment,  frequency,  control  (Gore  et  al.,  2007),  risk  fairness   (McDaniels,  Axelrod,  Cavanagh  &  Slovic,  1997;  Schmidt  &  Wei,  2006),  acceptability  and   consequence  (Slovic,  1987).    Additionally,  I  assessed  the  extent  to  which  conservancy   establishment  influenced  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks.    Five  demographic  factors  (age,   decision-­‐making  authority,  education,  gender,  resource  wealth)  were  assessed  to   determine  their  influence  on  stakeholders’  perception  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  (Cutter  et  al.   2003;  Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997;  Ogra,  2008).    I  measured  risk  perception  relative  to  two  risk   targets:  local  livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife.     Objective  3:  Evaluate  factors  influencing  vulnerability  to  HWC.   Approach:    I  assessed  the  extent  to  which  conservancy  establishment  and  demographic   factors  influenced  perceptions  of  vulnerability  to  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods  and   wildlife.    I  considered  perceived  HWC-­‐related  vulnerability  to  be  a  function  of  the   frequency  and  perceived  consequences  of  exposure  to  HWC  (see  Nathan,  2008;  Satterfield   et  al.,  2004)  and  considered  perceived  vulnerability  to  be  a  factor  influencing  risk   perception  (Figure  1).    Five  demographic  variables  theoretically  linked  to  HWC-­‐related   vulnerability  were  tested,  based  on  Cutter  et  al.  (2003),  Naughton-­‐Treves  (1997)  and  Ogra   (2008):  age,  decision-­‐making  authority,  education,  gender,  and  resource  wealth.    I  also   described  perceptions  of  spatial  vulnerability  related  to  HWC  within  the  conservancy  and     17   stakeholders’  perceptions  of  exposure  of  livelihoods  and  wildlife  to  multiple  HWC-­‐related   and  non-­‐HWC  related  risks.   1.5.  THESIS  ORGANIZATION     Chapter  two  of  this  thesis  examines  local  stakeholders'  conceptualization  of  HWC-­‐ related  risks  relative  to  other  risks  affecting  local  livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife,   describes  local  perceptions  of  risks  both  to  and  from  wildlife  due  to  HWC,  and  examines  the   effect  that  conservancy  establishment  has  on  perceptions  of  risk  and  vulnerability  to  HWC-­‐ related  risks.    Chapter  three  explores  local  perceptions  of  poaching  as  a  risk  to  conservancy   wildlife  and  examines  stakeholder  motivations  to  poach.    This  chapter  also  demonstrates  a   participatory  method  for  identifying  HWC  vulnerability  hotspots  in  the  landscape,  which   has  implications  for  targeted  enforcement  and  interventions  meant  to  increase  compliance.   Chapter  four  summarizes  the  theoretical,  methodological  and  practical  implications  of  this   research.    Points  for  future  research  are  discussed.  Appendices  provide  information  on   research  procedures  and  provide  breadth  and  depth  to  research  findings.         18     Table  1.1:  Definitions  of  research  concepts  and  terminology   Concept       Definition   Biophysical  vulnerability   The  likelihood  of  a  system's  exposure  to  and  ability   to  adapt  to  a  hazard  based  on  the  biological,  physical     and/or  geographic  characteristics  of  the  system   (adapted:  Cutter  et  al.,  2003;  Hogan  &  Marandola,   2005).     Community-­‐based  natural   resource  management   (CBNRM)   A  system  of  management  of  natural  resources,  for     commercial  and/or  subsistence  uses,  by  collective,   local  institutions  for  local  benefit  (Roe  et  al.,  2009).   Compliance   Behavior  of  people  to  conform  to  rules,  which  may     be  formal  laws  or  informal  norms  that  have  been   formulated  to  influence  their  actions  (Hauck,  2008).   Hazard   Anything  with  a  potential  to  harm,  injure  or  damage     (Kerns  &  Ager,  2007)  human,  environmental  or   wildlife  systems.   Human-­‐wildlife  conflict   (HWC)   An  action  by  either  humans  or  wildlife  that  results  in     a  negative  effect,  realized  or  perceived,  upon  the   other  (Conover,  2002).   Management  interventions   Methods  used  to  mitigate  human  wildlife  conflicts,   which  include  direct  methods  that  are  designed  to   reduce  the  frequency  and  severity  of  encounters     between  people  and  wildlife  and  indirect  methods   that  attempt  to  raise  human  tolerance  for   encounters  (Treves  et  al.,  2009).   Risk   An  estimation  of  both  the  likelihood  of  a  hazard  and   the  magnitude  and  character  of  the  negative     consequences  of  that  hazard  given  that  it  occurs   (Sjöberg,  2000a)   Risk  assessment   A  technical  estimation  of  the  probability  and     magnitude  of  consequences  related  to  a  given   hazard  (Renn,  1992).   Risk  perception     Intuitive  judgments  about  a  hazard  made  by   stakeholders  (Slovic,  1987)       19   Table  1.1(continued):  Definitions  of  research  concepts  and   terminology   Concept       Definition   Social  vulnerability   The  likelihood  of  a  system's  exposure  to  and  ability   to  adapt  to  a  hazard  based  on  the  demographic,     social  and/or  cultural  characteristics  of  the  system   (adapted:  Cutter  et  al.,  2003;  Hogan  &  Marandola,   2005).     Vulnerability   A  system's  potential  for  a  loss  in  response  to   exposure  to  a  hazard  (Cutter  et  al.,  2003)  and  the     ability  to  recover  or  adapt  to  losses  (Schmidtlein  et   al.,  2008).   Vulnerability  perception   A  judgment  of  likelihood  and  sensitivity  to  harm   from  exposure  to  a  hazard,  which  may  include     beliefs  about  the  system's  fragility,  social  or  physical   vulnerability  (adapted:  Satterfield  et  al.,  2004).       Wildlife  stakeholder   Any  person  affected  by  or  will  affect  decisions   related  to  wildlife  management;  includes  those  that   benefit  or  are  negatively  effected  by  wildlife  and/or       those  that  have  a  vested  or  latent  interest  in  wildlife,   wildlife  conservation  or  wildlife  management   (Decker,  Brown  &  Siemer,  2001).                   20   Figure  1.1:  Conceptual  framework  of  stakeholders’  risk  perception  associated  with  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts.     Demographic characteristics of the stakeholder ! 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Figure  1.3:  Map  of  Study  Conservancies,  Dzoti  (emerging)  and  Wuparo  (established),  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,   Namibia.   !"#"$"% !"#"$"% !"#"$"% !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+,(-%.(/01 0$1+2+$' &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 2(-34/5( ,&*-.$/$' !"#"$"% !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+',%-'./% !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 2(-34/5( 2(-34/5( 2(-34/5( 2(-34/5( 67*07(07" '(&)* 0 1 5 0 10 0 5 5 0 0 5 5 10 10 '(&)* 2(-34/5( !"#$%& 20 Kilometers !"#$%&' !"#$%& 20 20 20 Kilometers 2(-34/5( 20 10 5 10 10 20 5 20 0 5 10 0 Kilometers Kilometers !"#$%& Kilometers Kilometers Kilometers '(&)* ()&*+' 67*07(07" 67*07 67*07(07" '(&)* '(&)* 67*07(07" '(&)* '(&)* !"#$%& !"#$%& !"#$%& !"#$%& !"#$%& 2(-34/5( 0 67*07(07" 67*07(07" '(&)* !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 0 5 10 20 Kilometers !($*-* !($*-* !'$),)% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !($*-* !"#$%& 0 5 10 20 Kilometers +,-,./ 67*07(07" 2(-34/5( &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+',%-'./% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !($*-* &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !($*-* !"#"$"% &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+,(-%.(/01 '(&)* +,-,./ ±± ± +,-,./ '()*+,(-%.(/09 '()*+,(-%.(/09 '()*+,(-%.(/09 +,-,./ 6)"#3%;+,94/<(,;*49 6)"#3%;+,94/<(,;*49 !($*-* +,-,./ 6)"#3%;+,94/<(,;*49 ± !($*-* !($*-* 8$4/=*,=%;+,94/<(,;*49 8$4/=*,=%;+,94/<(,;*49 8$4/=*,=%;+,94/<(,;*49 '()*+,(-%.(/09 &'()*+,(-%.(/01 !($*-* '()*+,(-%.(/09 6)"#3%;+,94/<(,;*49 8$4/=*,=%;+,94/<(,;*49 89)(:-*974#%;+,94/<(,;*49 &'()*+,(-%.(/01 &'()*+,(-%.(/01   &'()*+,(-%.(/01   2(-34/5( 23   !"#$%& '(&)* 89)(:-*974#%;+,94/<(,;*49 89)(:-*974#%;+,94/<(,;*49 89)(:-*974#%;+,94/<(,;*49 6)"#3%;+,94/<(,;*49 8$4/=*,=%;+,94/<(,;*49 89)(:-*974#%;+,94/<(,;*49 67*07(07" +,-,./ +,-,./ +,- '()*+,(-%.( '()*+, 6)"#3%;+,9 6)"#3%; 8$4/=*,=%; 8$4/= 89)(:-*974# CHAPTER  2:  DOES  CONSERVANCY  ESTABLISHMENT  AFFECT  RESIDENTS’  HUMAN-­ WILDLIFE  CONFLICT  RELATED  RISK  PERCEPTIONS?  INSIGHTS  FROM  NAMIBIA.     2.1.  INTRODUCTION     Negative  human-­‐wildlife  interactions  [i.e.,  human-­‐wildlife  conflicts  (HWCs)]  pose   risks  to  human  livelihoods  and  wildlife  species  globally  and  have  been  the  subject  of   numerous  studies  within  the  context  of  livelihood  development  and  wildlife  conservation   (see  Hill,  2004;  Kissui,  2008;  Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997;  O’Connell-­‐Rodwell,  Rodwell,  Rice  &   Hart,  2000).    Practitioners  have  a  large  volume  of  best  practices  for  managing  HWCs  in   myriad  contexts.    Regardless  of  management  strategy,  species  involved,  or  context,  HWC   management  commonly  aims  to  reduce  risks  to  both  people  and  wildlife.    However,  even   with  a  substantial  knowledge  base,  HWC  persists  and  continues  to  be  a  high  conservation   and  development  priority  for  diverse  stakeholders  (Hill,  2004;  O’Connell  et  al.,  2000;   Treves,  Wallace  &  White,  2009).    Management  strategies  that  reduce  HWC-­‐related  risks  are   of  particular  importance  in  landscapes  managed  under  community-­‐based  approaches  [i.e.,   community-­‐based  natural  resource  management  (CBNRM)]  as  the  success  of  economic   development  and  wildlife  conservation  initiatives  depend  on  coexistence  of  people  and   wildlife.    Some  scholars  have  suggested  that  because  the  outcomes  of  HWCs  are  ultimately   rooted  in  human  perceptions,  actions,  and  reactions  (Manfredo  &  Dayer,  2004)  human   dimensions  insight  about  HWC-­‐related  risks  is  an  essential  but  often  overlooked  part  of  the   HWC  management  equation  (Treves,  Wallace,  Naughton-­‐Treves  &  Morales,  2006a).    This   research  aims  to  contribute  to  the  human  dimensions  knowledge  base  about  HWC-­‐related   risks  in  CBNRM  systems.       24   2.2.  BACKGROUND   2.2.1.  Community-­based  natural  resource  management.   CBNRM  is  the  management  of  natural  resource  (e.g.,  wildlife,  forest  products)  by   collectives  or  local  institutions  to  derive  local  benefits  (e.g.,  commercial,  subsistence  use)   (Roe,  Nelson  &  Sandbrook,  2009).    Theoretically,  the  primary  incentive  for  locals  to  change   unsustainable  behaviors  (e.g.,  poaching)  hinges  on  the  ability  of  CBNRM  to  develop  and   distribute  benefits  (Vaughan  &  Long,  2007).    For  example,  using  the  case  of  wildlife,   CBNRM  should  create  benefits  from  the  use  of  wildlife  (e.g.,  selling  trophy  animals)  that   exceed  the  costs  of  living  with  wildlife  (e.g.,  HWC-­‐related  risks)  (Hoole,  2010).    CBNRM   systems  may  employ  a  suite  of  HWC  management  strategies,  such  as  compensation   schemes  and  preventative  livestock  husbandry  practices,  to  reduce  livelihood  costs   associated  with  living  with  wildlife.    When  benefits  outweigh  costs,  CBNRM  regimes  may   engender  pro-­‐conservation  attitudes  (i.e.,  greater  tolerance,  acceptance  and  conservation   concern  for  wildlife)  among  stakeholders.       CBNRM  has  been  used  as  a  conservation  tool  for  decades,  however  practitioners  and   scholars  have  extensively  questioned  its  success  in  terms  of  providing  either  sustainable   development  or  adequate  biodiversity  conservation  (Shackleton,  Willis,  Brown  &  Polunin,   2010).  Additionally,  despite  the  fact  that  CBNRM  approaches  are  theorized  to  positively   influence  local  attitudes  towards  conservation  initiatives,  empirical  evidence  about  the   effects  of  CBNRM  schemes  on  stakeholders’  risk  perception  associated  with  HWC-­‐related   risks  to  and  from  wildlife  is  scant  (see  Schumann,  Watson  &  Schumann,  2008).    Although   Schumann  et  al.  (2008)  found  that  farmers  who  were  members  of  a  commercial   conservancy  (e.g.,  type  of  CBNRM  program  in  Namibia)  reported  greater  tolerance  for     25   carnivores  regardless  of  their  farming  enterprise  (e.g.,  livestock,  mixed  livestock/game),   additional  research  is  needed  to  evaluate  whether  CBNRM  schemes  can  deliver  similar   results  across  diverse  economic,  environmental  and  social  conditions,  and  stakes.   Ideally,  CBNRM  initiatives  lower  stakeholders'  vulnerability  to  HWC-­‐related  risks   and  increase  community  members'  ability  to  cope  with  the  costs  of  living  with  wildlife   through  wildlife-­‐derived  benefits  (Naughton-­‐Treves,  1997).    These  benefits  are  thought  to   lower  wildlife  vulnerability  to  HWC  by  increasing  stakeholder  tolerance  of  wildlife  when   HWC  occurs  (Schumann  et  al.,  2008)  and  reduce  stakeholders'  propensity  to  engage  in   unsustainable  resource  use  (e.g.,  poaching)  (Robertson  &  Lawes,  2005).    Understanding   vulnerability,  an  individual's  sensitivity  and  ability  to  recover  from  losses  when  exposed  to   a  hazard  (e.g.,  HWC)  (Cutter,  Boruff  &  Shirley,  2003),  requires,  in  part,  knowledge  about  the   multitude  of  risks  that  stakeholders  and  wildlife  face  that  may  aggravate  sensitivity  to  a   harmful  event  (Reid  &  Vogel,  2006)  such  as  HWC.    Research  that  incorporates  local   stakeholders’  perceptions  associated  with  multiple  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife  can  aid   in  understanding  local  vulnerability  to  specific  risks  (e.g.,  HWC)  (Reid  &  Vogel,  2006;  Smith,   Barrett  &  Box,  2000;  Tschakert,  2007).    2.2.2.  Risk  perceptions.         Risk  perceptions  are  intuitive  judgments  made  by  stakeholders  (Slovic,  1987);  risk   perceptions  can  influence  stakeholders’  risk-­‐related  decision-­‐making  (Gore,  Wilson,   Siemer,  Hudenko,  Clarke,  Hart,  Maguire  &  Muter,  2009)  and  may  ultimately  influence  how   individuals  think  and  behave  in  response  to  risks  (Baird,  Leslie  &  McCabe,  2009).   Stakeholder  risk  perceptions  contribute  to  evaluating  trade-­‐offs  between  natural  resource   management  alternatives  (Gore  et  al.,  2009)  and  may  influence  overall  stakeholder  support     26   for  management  actions  (Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis  &  Shanahan,  2006;  Knuth,  Stout,  Siemer,   Decker  &  Stedman,  1992).    The  value  of  risk  perception  research  in  characterizing   stakeholder  attitudes  towards  wildlife,  HWC  and  conservation  initiatives  has  increasingly   been  demonstrated  through  empirical  investigations  in  a  variety  of  contexts  (e.g.,  Baird  et   al.,  2009;  Gore  et  al.,  2006;  Hill,  2004;  Knuth  et  al.,  1992;  LeBreton,  Prosser,  Tamoufe,   Sateren,  Mpoudi-­‐Ngole  et  al.,  2006;  Muter,  Gore  &  Riley,  2009).       Although  we  have  a  solid  understanding  of  factors  influencing  stakeholders'  risk   perceptions  associated  with  HWC,  the  target  (i.e.,  the  subject  towards  which  the  conflict   consequences  are  directed)  of  those  perceptions  has  always  been  people.    There  is  a  lack  of   understanding  about  factors  influencing  HWC  risk  perceptions  with  wildlife  as  the  target   (see  McFarlane,  2005).    Systematic  investigations  of  local  stakeholders’  perceptions  of   HWC-­‐related  risk  to  wildlife,  within  a  CBNRM  context  or  otherwise,  are  largely  absent  from   the  literature.    A  question  of  interest  to  diverse  stakeholders  and  practitioners  is,  "How  do   stakeholders  perceive  risks  to  wildlife  from  HWC?"    Answering  this  question  is  important   because  perceptions  of  risk  to  wildlife  could,  much  like  livelihood-­‐related  HWC  risk   perceptions,  influence  stakeholders’  responses  to  HWC  incidents  (Hill,  2004)  and  influence   preferences  for  overall  policy  and  management  (McFarlane,  2005)  of  HWC;  however,  they   may  do  so  in  different  ways.   The  literature  about  stakeholders’  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods   and  wildlife  relative  to  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  is  nebulous  and  ill  defined  (see  Baird  et  al.,   2009).    This  is  problematic  because  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  may  increase  both  people's  and   wildlife's  vulnerability  to  HWCs.    Indeed,  risks  are  not  experienced  as  discrete  entities   (Baird  et  al.,  2009)  and  exposure  to  one  risk  may  aggravate  sensitivity  to  or  lessen  one's     27   ability  to  adapt  to  another  risk  (Tschakert,  2007;  Reid  &  Vogel,  2006).    Increasing  our   understanding  about  the  broader  context  in  which  HWC-­‐related  risks  occur  and  the   influence  of  CBNRM  schemes  on  stakeholders’  HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions  can  inform   HWC  theory  and  practice.    Accordingly,  I  set  two  research  objectives:  1)  investigate  the   influence  of  CBNRM  on  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  and  vulnerability;  and  2)   contextualize  HWC-­‐related  risks  relative  to  other  livelihood  and  wildlife–related  risks,   according  to  the  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐vulnerable  stakeholders.     2.2.3.  Namibian  conservancies.   In  1996,  Namibia  adopted  a  communal  conservancy-­‐based  approach  to  natural   resource  management.    Key  features  of  the  Namibian  conservancy  system  include:  1)   collaboration  between  government  agencies,  national  non-­‐governmental  organizations  and   rural  communities  living  on  communal  land  (Stuart-­‐Hill,  Diggle,  Munali,  Tagg  &  Ward,   2005);  2)  devolved  rights  over  natural  resources,  including  wildlife,  to  local  communities   (Barnes,  MacGregor  &  Weaver,  2002);  3)  a  legislative  basis  for  consumptive  wildlife   utilization  (e.g.,  subsistence  and  commercial  hunting);  and  4)  codified  HWC  management   procedures  (Ministry  of  Environment  &  Tourism  (MET),  2009).     Namibia's  conservancies  are  often  considered  successful  CBNRM  regimes  in  that   they  simultaneously  conserve  natural  resources  and  preserve  livelihoods  (Hoole  &  Berkes,   2010).    Residents  of  Namibian  communal  conservancies  directly  benefit  from  the   sustainable  use  of,  and  decisions  about,  wildlife  resources  (Barnes  et  al.,  2002).    Literature   on  Namibia’s  conservancies  often  anecdotally  assert  that  conservation  success  is,  in  large   part,  due  to  the  positive  effects  of  conservancies  on  local  attitudes  towards  wildlife  (e.g.,   Weaver  &  Skyer,  2005).    While  many  Namibian  conservancies  report  increased  wildlife     28   populations  (Nott  &  Jacobsohn,  2004),  many  also  report  increased  frequencies  and   magnitudes  of  HWC  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  MET,  2009).    In  2009,  in  response  to  increasing   reports  of  HWC  across  the  country,  the  federal  government  established  a  legal  framework   for  HWC  management  (MET,  2009).    The  legislation  stipulated  that  HWC  management  and   financial  compensation  to  HWC-­‐affected  citizens  residing  in  conservancies  was  the   responsibility  of  the  conservancies  (MET,  2009).     2.3.  METHODS     2.3.1.  Study  location   Two  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,  Wuparo  (hereafter  established  3)  and  Dzoti   (hereafter  emerging),  were  selected  for  this  research  based  on  the:  1)  recommendation  of   local  and  regional  nongovernmental  organizations  with  a  long-­‐term  presence  in  the  region;   2)  permission  of  local  and  relevant  traditional  authorities;  3)  willingness  of  conservancies   to  participate;  4)  variation  in  conservancy  management  structure  and  function;  and  5)   comparability  of  conservancies  based  on  similar  habitat  types,  wildlife  species   composition,  and  presence  of  HWC  (Table  2.1).     2.3.2.  Data  Collection     This  research  used  a  case  study  approach  (Yin,  2009),  focus  groups,  and  semi-­‐ structured  interviews  to  achieve  the  objectives.    Both  objectives  were  addressed  using  a   multidirectional  approach  consistent  with  the  notion  that  wildlife  is  both  a  source  and   recipient  of  the  negative  consequences  of  HWC-­‐related  risks.    An  identical  research   protocol  was  implemented  in  each  conservancy.    Six  local  research  assistants  were  hired                                                                                                                   3  Wuparo  was  established  in  1999  and  Dzoti  was  established  in  2009,  after  research   concluded.       29   based  on  the  following  criteria:  (1)  fluent  in  English,  Lozi,  and/or  Sheyeyi;  (2)  completed   secondary  school;  (3)  were  not  members  of  the  conservancy  committees  or  traditional   authority;  and  (4)  agreed  to  work  the  entire  duration  of  research  activities.    All  research   assistants  participated  in  a  day-­‐long  training  session  before  data  collection  commenced   and  in  accordance  with  MSU  Human  Research  Protection  Program  requirements.     Focus  group  and  interview  participants  were  solicited  from  each  of  the  village  zones   (i.e.,  distinct  residential  areas)  in  proportion  to  the  respective  village’s  population  using  a   random  sampling  technique  (i.e.,  cluster  sampling  technique  with  probability   proportionate  to  size)  (Bernard,  2006).    Given  that  there  were  no  reliable  lists  (e.g.,   property  tax  records)  of  residents  in  the  conservancies,  this  technique  entailed  identifying   population  clusters  (i.e.,  village  zones)  and  then  assigning  a  given  number  of  interviews  to   each  cluster  based  on  their  population  size  relative  to  other  clusters  (Bernard,  2006).    All   village  zones  within  each  conservancy  were  sampled.    Convenience  sampling  was  used   within  each  village  zone  (Bernard,  2006).    This  sampling  protocol  facilitated  inferential   statistical  analysis  that  could  be  generalized  to  all  residents  of  the  study  conservancies.   However,  results  herein  may  not  be  generalized  to  the  regional  or  national  conservancy   level.     Interview  and  focus  group  participants  were  all  permanent  residents  of  their   respective  conservancies  and  18  years  of  age  or  older;  ethnic  affiliation,  educational   attainment,  or  socio-­‐economic  status  were  not  prerequisites  for  participation.    Gender   parity  was  maintained  by  specifying  an  allotted  number  of  participants  to  each  gender   within  each  cluster  sampled.    Only  one  participant  per  household  was  eligible  to   participate.    Participation  in  one  research  activity  (interview/focus  group)  did  not  exclude     30   participation  in  the  other.    However,  interview  and  focus  group  participants  were   independently  selected  using  the  above-­‐defined  sampling  protocols.   Focus  Groups.  In  each  conservancy,  the  lead  researcher  and  six  research  assistants   facilitated  a  two-­‐day  focus  group  (see  Appendix  A  for  protocol).    Focus  group  participants   were  divided  into  three  groups  comprised  of:  1)  male  residents;  2)  female  residents;  and  3)   local  environmental  decision-­‐makers  of  either  gender  to  promote  a  non-­‐threatening  and   permissive  environment  for  dialogue  (Smith  et  al.,  2000)  and  help  diffuse  power   differentials  between  participants  (Morgan,  1993).         The  purpose  of  the  focus  group  was  to  conduct  participatory  risk  ranking  and   scoring  (PRRS)  activities  (Quinn,  Huby,  Kiwasila  &  Lovett,  2003;  Smith  et  al.,  2000;   Tschakert,  2007).    During  the  four-­‐step  PRRS  process,  the  participants  first  individually   free-­‐listed  risks  associated  with  a  target.  Second,  participants  assigned  ordinal  values  to   rank  the  importance  of  each  risk.    Third,  participants  rated  the  severity  of  each  risk  on  a   five-­‐point  Likert-­‐type  scale  (1=not  severe,  5=life  threatening).    Fourth,  within  their  groups,   participants  shared  and  discussed  their  results,  identifying  what,  if  any,  risks  were  related   to  HWC.    The  PRRS  process  was  completed  independently  for  two  risk  targets:  local   livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife.       Semi-­structured  Interviews.  Semi-­‐structured  interviews  (Bernard,  2006)  were   conducted  with  conservancy  residents  concurrently  with  focus  group  activities.    Interview   questions  elicited  information  related  to  non-­‐demographic  and  demographic  factors  found   to  influence  risk  perception  and  vulnerability  related  to  HWC  (see  Appendix  B  for  interview   guide).  Most  questions  were  measured  using  four-­‐point  visual  Likert-­‐type  scales  (0  =  no   risk,  1  =  low,  2  =  medium,  3  =  high),  which  have  been  shown  to  lessen  culturally-­‐driven  bias     31   towards  neutral  or  extreme  response  categories  (Reid,  1990;  Roster,  Albaum  &  Rogers,   2006)  and  are  appropriate  in  situations  of  low  literacy  (Chachamovich,  Fleck  &  Power,   2009).  Likert-­‐type  scales  were  depicted  visually  to  aid  participant  interpretation  of  scales   in  instances  of  low  literacy  (Appendix  C).     I  used  seven  constructs  to  measure  non-­‐demographic  factors  that  influence  risk   perception:  dread,  environment,  frequency,  control  (Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis  &  Shanahan,   2007),  risk  fairness  (McDaniels,  Axelrod,  Cavanagh  &  Slovic,  1997;  Schmidt  &  Wei,  2006),   acceptability,  and  consequence  (Slovic,  1987).    Each  construct  was  queried  using  at  least   one  close-­‐ended  question  designed  to  measure  respondent’s  attitude  and  across  three  risk   targets  (i.e.,  general  risk  from  HWC,  risk  to  livelihoods,  risk  to  wildlife).    Risk  perceptions  to   local  livelihoods  were  defined  as  risks  posed  to  individual  livelihoods  or  immediate  familial   relations,  while  risks  to  wildlife  were  defined  as  risks  posed  to  wildlife  within  the   conservancy.    Perceived  HWC  vulnerability  was  measured  as  a  function  of  exposure  risk   (i.e.,  frequency  of  personal  exposure  to  HWC)  and  perceived  consequences  (i.e.,  anticipated   losses  associated  with  exposure  to  a  hazard)  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  (see  Nathan,  2008;   Satterfield,  Mertz  &  Slovic,  2004).         Five  demographic  variables  were  queried  based  on  Cutter  et  al.  (2003),  Hill  (2004),   Naughton-­‐Treves  (1997)  and  Ogra  (2008):  age  (years),  decision-­‐making  authority   (dichotomous),  education  (12  ordinal  categories),  gender  (dichotomous),  and  resource   wealth  (agricultural,  land  and  livestock  holdings).    Conservancy  status  (dichotomous)  was   recorded  and  two  HWC  deterrence  behaviors,  actively  guarding  crops  and/or  livestock   against  wildlife  damage,  were  also  queried.           32   Event  Books.  The  Event  Book  system  is  the  Namibian  conservancy-­‐based  monitoring   program  used  to  monitor  stochastic  events  (e.g.,  problem  animal  incidents,  poaching)   (Stuart-­‐Hill  et  al.,  2005).    Event  Book  data  represent  reported  HWC  incident  rates  and  were   used  to  aid  interpretation  of  conservancy  effects  on  HWC-­‐related  risks  and  vulnerability   perceptions.    The  date,  species,  location,  incident  type,  specified  damage  and  quantity  of   damages  are  recorded  for  each  reported  HWC  incident.    Event  Book  data  between  2003   and  2008  were  digitally  photographed  and  transcribed  with  permission  of  relevant   conservancy  authorities.     2.3.3.  Data  Analysis   Focus  Groups.  An  iterative  process  guided  coding  and  analysis  of  individual   participants'  free-­‐listed,  ranked  and  scored  risks  generated  during  the  PRRS  activity   (Bernard,  2006).    First,  I  reviewed  all  text  produced  during  the  free-­‐listing  stage  to   generate  a  wide  range  of  response  categories  (Saldaña,  2009).    Next,  I  compared  responses   within  categories  and  created  a  coding  protocol  to  systematically  transcribe  each  risk  into   an  exclusive  categorical  variable  (Bernard,  2006).    Then,  I  coded  all  risks  according  to  the   protocol,  revised  protocol  rules  where  appropriate,  and  conducted  a  final  iteration  of   review  coding  to  validate  findings  (Saldaña,  2009)  (Appendix  D).    Three  HWC  risk  themes   were  generated  based  on  participant  descriptions:  direct,  indirect  and  non-­‐HWC.    Direct   HWCs  included  conflicts  with  unambiguous  negative  outcomes  for  humans  or  wildlife  (e.g.,   crop  damage,  poaching),  while  indirect  HWCs  included  conflicts  with  ambiguous  outcomes   (e.g.,  habitat  alteration,  increased  human-­‐wildlife  interaction).    Non-­‐HWC  related  threats   included  risks  not  mediated  through  human-­‐wildlife  interactions  (HWI)  such  as  local   climate  (e.g.,  drought,  flood).       33   I  adapted  statistical  methods  from  Tschakert  (2007)  to  analyze  PRRS  data.    I   calculated  an  incident  index  (I),  importance  index  (P),  joint  risk  index  (R)  and  severity   index  (S)  for  each  livelihood  and  wildlife-­‐related  risk.    The  incident  index  (I),  ranging  from   0  to  1,  is  the  proportion  of  participants  that  identified  a  particular  risk.  The  importance   index  (P),  which  also  ranges  from  0  to  1  (1=highest  importance),  reflects  the  ordinal  rank   that  participants  assigned  to  a  particular  risk  in  relation  to  the  total  number  of  risks  listed,   where  r  is  the  rank  and  n  the  total  number  of  threats  identified  by  that  participant:       # (r "1) & Pj = % ( ) ("1) +1 $ (n "1) '   !  The  joint  risk  index  (Rj)  represents  the  most  critical  risk  and  is  a  function  of  a  risk’s   average  incident  index  score  (Ij)  and  average  importance  index  score  (Pj);  it  ranges  from  0   ! to  1  (1=most  critical)  and  is  calculated  Rj=  Ij/  (2-­‐Pj).    The  severity  index  (Sj),  represents  the   mean  severity  score  assigned  to  each  risk  by  participants  that  mentioned  that  risk  and   ranges  from  0  to  5.  Mean  incidence  (Ij),  importance  (Pj),  joint  risk  (Rj),  and  severity  (Sj)   index  scores  were  calculated  for  each  conservancy.         Semi-­structured  Interview.    Responses  from  four-­‐point  Likert-­‐type  scales  (0=no  risk;   1=  low  risk;  2=  medium  risk  and;  3=high  risk)  were  recoded  as  dichotomous  variables   (1=low  risk;  2=high  risk).    All  variables  were  cross-­‐tabulated  to  assess  the  percentage  of   positive  (yes  or  high)  responses  within  each  conservancy  and  Pearson  chi-­‐square  tests   were  performed  to  test  for  statistically  significant  differences  between  the  conservancies   (Vaske,  2008).    Binary  logistic  regression    (p  ≤  0.05)  was  used  to  calculate  the  odds  of   positive  responses  in  the  established  conservancy  compared  to  the  emerging  conservancy     34   (Schumann  et  al.,  2008).    Conservancy  membership  was  set  as  the  independent  variable  in   all  analysis  and  the  emerging  conservancy  served  as  the  reference  group.     Summative  scales  were  created  using  multiple  questions  in  the  survey  conceptually   related  to  dread  (DREAD),  frequency  (FREQ),  and  consequences  (CONSQ)  of  HWC  for   livelihood  and  wildlife  risk  targets.    Cronbach’s  alpha  was  calculated  as  a  measure  of   internal  consistency  for  all  summative  scales  related  to  concepts  of  dread,  frequency  and   consequence;  a  value  of  0.60  or  higher  was  considered  satisfactory  (Vaske,  2008).     Multiplicative  scales  were  created  for  perceived  vulnerability  to  livelihoods  (VULLH)  and   wildlife  (VULWL)  by  calculating  a  respondent’s  mean  index  scores  for  frequency  and   consequence  question  responses.    Scales  for  perceived  risk  to  livelihoods  (RISKLH)  and   wildlife  (RISKWL)  were  created  by  multiplying  the  mean  index  scores  for  dread  and   vulnerability.    A  wealth  score,  representing  a  per  capita  wealth  measure,  was  developed   based  on  Baird  et  al.  (2009)  and  calculated  as  a  function  of  a  household’s  livestock  assets   and  size  of  agricultural  land  holdings  divided  by  the  total  number  of  people  in  the   household  4.       Linear  [Ordinary  least  squares  (OLS)]  regression  5  was  used  to:  1)  assess  how  well   conservancy  status  predicted  the  resulting  dread,  vulnerability  and  risk  indices;  and  2)                                                                                                                   4  Livestock  and  agricultural  land  values  (price/hectare)  were  calculated  using  the   Namibian  Ministry  of  Environment  and  Tourism’s  (MET)  payment  scheme  for  livestock  and   2009  crop  damage  estimates  published  in  the  Human  Wildlife  Self  Reliance  Scheme  (MET,   2009).  Price  for  fowl,  not  covered  in  compensation  payments,  was  determined  by  local   prices  during  field  season,  July-­‐September  2009.   5  To  assess  the  appropriateness  of  OLS  regression,  I  checked  the  distribution  of  variables   for  normality  (skewness),  examined  residual  plots  to  check  for  heteroscedasticity  and     35   control  for  confounding  predictors  theoretically  linked  to  risk  perceptions  (Vaske,  2008).     Independent  variables  in  the  model  included  demographic  factors:    (1)  conservancy  status   (1=established,  2  =  emerging);  (2)  education  (12  ordinal  categories);  (3)  membership  in   local  environmental  decision-­‐making  body  (0=  no;  1=  yes);  (4)  respondent’s  gender   (0=male;  1=female);  (5)  respondents  age  (in  years);  and  (6)  respondent’s  wealth  (index   score).    Pearson  r  tests  were  used  to  diagnose  multicollinearity;  values  greater  than  0.7   were  considered  correlated  (Vaske,  2008).  Independent  variables  were  tested  for  entry   into  the  model  at  p  ≤  0.05  and  removal  from  the  model  at  p  ≥  0.10  using  a  forward  stepwise   procedure  (Vaske,  2008).       Event  Book.    Reported  HWC  incidents  were  analyzed  using  a  series  of  two-­‐sample   independent  t-­‐tests  for  equality  of  the  means  between  conservancies  based  on  six  years   (2003-­‐2008)  of  data  collected  on  crop  damage,  livestock  depredation  and  fatal  human   attacks.  Additionally,  t-­tests  were  performed  on  the  total  HWC  incidents,  per  capita  HWC   incidents  and  per  area  (km2)  HWC  incidents.    A  Levene’s  test  was  used  to  test  for  the   equality  of  variances  (Vaske,  2008).    All  data  was  analyzed  using  PSAW  18  (SPSS  Inc.,   2009).    The  methods  for  this  research  were  approved  for  the  duration  of  the  project  by  the   Michigan  State  University  (MSU)  Committee  on  Human  Subjects,  Protocol  ID#  X09-­‐443.     2.4.  RESULTS   Fifty  stakeholders  (established  conservancy  =  30;  emerging  conservancy  =  20)  participated   in  PRRS  activities  related  to  livelihoods.  Forty-­‐eight  stakeholders  (established  =  31;   emerging  =  17)  participated  in  PRRS  activities  related  to  wildlife.    Focus  group  participants                                                                                                                   performed  a  Durbin-­‐Watson  test  for  independence  (Norušis,  2010).    Non-­‐normally   distributed  variables  were  log-­‐transformed.     36   ranged  in  educational  background  from  no  formal  schooling  to  college  educated,  age  (18-­‐ 60+  years),  and  all  participated  in  some  form  of  subsistence  based  activities  or  rural   industries  (e.g.,  artisanal  fisheries,  vegetable  farming,  thatch  roof  harvesting).    A  total  of  76   local  stakeholders  (emerging=  41;  established=  35)  were  interviewed.    Demographic   information  was  collected  from  interview  participants  (Appendix  E).    Interview   participants  ranged  in  formal  education  from  no  school  to  college  educated,  age  (18-­‐88),   and  all  participated  in  some  form  of  subsistence-­‐based  activity  or  rural  industry.       2.4.1.  Effect  of  conservancy  status  on  risk  and  vulnerability  perceptions.       Livelihoods.  Emerging  and  established  conservancy  participants  differed  in  their   perceptions  of  which  HWC-­‐risks  were  the  most  critical  and  severe  to  livelihoods.    Emerging   conservancy  participants  rated  crop  damage  and  livestock  loss  as  the  most  critical  risks;   socio-­‐cultural  insecurity  and  habitat  modification  were  rated  as  the  most  severe  (Table   2.3).    Established  conservancy  participants  rated  poor  human  health  and  financial   insecurity  as  the  most  critical;  the  most  critical  direct-­‐HWC  was  crop  damage  (Table  2.3).     Established  conservancy  participants  rated  poaching  of  conservancy  wildlife  and  poor   human  health  as  the  most  severe  (Table  2.3).    However,  poaching  was  reported  by  only  3%   of  established  conservancy  participants.       Emerging  and  established  conservancies  differed  in  their  perception  of  acceptability   of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods.    Established  conservancy  participants  were  nearly  four   times  as  likely  to  perceive  risks  to  livelihoods  as  more  acceptable  than  those  in  the   emerging  conservancy  (Table  2.4).  Overall  worry  about  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods   was  high  in  both  conservancies,  with  71%  of  established  conservancy  and  85%  of  emerging   conservancy  residents  judging  these  risks  as  high  (Table  2.4).     37     Conservancy  status  predicted  the  proportion  of  positive  responses  associated  with   the  equality  of  benefit  distribution  in  the  conservancy  (e.g.,  meat  allocation  from  trophy   hunts,  problem  animal  removal);  emerging  conservancy  participants  reported  higher   perceived  consequences  of  HWC  in  terms  of  losses  to  household  food  supply,  income,  labor   and  happiness  (Table  2.4).  Conservancy  status  did  not  influence  beliefs  about  the  level  of   personal  control  of  experiencing  a  conflict  with  wildlife,  the  frequency  of  HWC  in   conservancy,  or  propensity  of  respondents  reporting  that  they  guard  livestock  (Table  2.4).       Conservancy  status  and  education  level  predicted  livelihood-­‐related  dread  and   consequences  associated  with  HWC;  residents  of  the  established  conservancy  and  those   with  higher  educational  attainment  perceived  HWC  effects  on  livelihoods  as  less  dreaded   and  of  less  consequence  (Table  2.5).    Conservancy  status  did  not  predict  perceptions  of   vulnerability  to  HWC;  participants  with  less  education  and  those  having  local  decision-­‐ making  authority  held  higher  perceptions  of  vulnerability  (Table  2.5).    Residents  of  the   established  conservancy,  those  with  higher  education  and  non-­‐decision  makers  held  lower   HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions  to  livelihoods.  These  demographic  factors  explained  20%  of   the  variance  related  to  HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions  to  livelihoods  (Table  2.5)   Wildlife.  Emerging  and  established  conservancy  participants  differed  in  their   perceptions  about  relative  severity  and  critical  nature  of  risks  to  wildlife;  they  revealed   more  agreement  about  the  criticalness  of  a  variety  of  risks  (e.g.,  agricultural  activities,   habitat  modification)  (Table  2.3).    The  emerging  conservancy  rated  wildlife  deterrence   activities  and  agricultural  activities  as  most  critical;  agricultural  activities  and  legal  hunting   were  considered  most  severe  (Table  2.3).    The  established  conservancy  participants  rated     38   poaching  and  agricultural  activities  as  most  critical  risks  to  wildlife;  ecological  threats  and   poaching  were  viewed  as  most  severe  (Table  2.3).     Conservancy  status  did  not  influence  the  acceptability  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to   wildlife  (emerging  =  51.4;  established=  68.3),  both  conservancies  judged  these  risks  as   more  acceptable  to  wildlife  than  livelihoods  (Table  2.4).    Established  conservancy   participants  rated  risks  to  wildlife  from  HWC  as  being  high  74%  of  the  time  whereas  the   emerging  conservancy  participants  rated  risks  to  wildlife  as  high  50%  of  the  time  (Table   2.4).  There  were  no  differences  between  conservancy  participants  in  regard  to  their   perceived  consequences  of  HWC  on  wildlife.  Both  conservancies’  participants  rated  the   consequence  of  reduced  resources  for  wildlife  due  to  HWC  as  high  concern  (emerging=   92.7;  established  =  88.6)  (Table  2.4).       Conservancy  status  did  not  enter  into  any  model  to  predict  wildlife-­‐related  risk   perceptions  (Table  2.5).    Age  of  participants  influenced  their  beliefs  about  the  frequency  of   HWC  incidents  directed  towards  wildlife,  vulnerability,  and  risk  perceptions  to  wildlife.     The  older  the  participant,  the  more  likely  they  were  to  perceive  HWC  incidents  as  being   less  frequent,  wildlife  as  less  HWC-­‐vulnerable,  and  HWC  as  less  risky  to  wildlife  (Table  2.5).   Overall  risk  perception  to  livelihoods  (mean  =11.41;  SE=5.93,  n=73)  was  over  five  times   higher  than  risk  perception  to  wildlife  (mean  =2.00;  SE=2.19,  n=76).   Assessed  HWC.  The  mean  number  of  total  reported  HWC  incidents  varied  according   to  conservancy  (emerging  =  126.67;  established  =  71.83;  t  =  3.98;  df  =10;  p  <  0.05).    The   difference  is  largely  driven  by  livestock  depredation  incidents  (emerging=  56.33;   established=  27.33;  t  =  2.81;  df=10;  p  <  0.05)  (Table  2.6).  Although  there  was  no  difference   in  the  mean  number  of  total  HWC  incidents  per  area  (km2),  the  emerging  conservancy     39   reported  higher  per  capita  rates  of  problem  animal  incidents  than  the  established   conservancy  (emerging  =  0.32;  established  =  0.03;  t  =  10.44;  df=5.23;  p<0.05)  (Table  2.6).     2.4.2.  HWC-­related  risks  relative  to  other  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife.     Participants  listed  165  risks  to  livelihoods  (mean=  3.3,  range  2-­‐11)  that  were   grouped  into  15  risk  categories.  Participants  also  generated  a  total  of  157  risks  to  wildlife   (mean=  3.3,  range  1-­‐9)  summarized  by  14  risk  categories.    Nine  risk  categories  were  cross-­‐ listed  as  affecting    both  livelihoods  and  wildlife;  21  discrete  risk  categories  were  generated   and  included  direct  (n=8)  and  indirect  (n=6)  HWC  and  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  (n=7)  (Table   2.2).    Pooling  data  between  conservancies,  non-­‐HWC  risks  (Rj=0.65)  were  considered  the   most  threatening  to  livelihoods,  followed  by  direct-­‐HWC  risks  (Rj=  0.59)  and  indirect-­‐HWC   risks  (Rj=0.24).    Direct-­‐HWC  risks  (Rj=0.65)  and  indirect-­‐HWC  risks  (Rj=  0.60)  were  seen   as  the  most  critical  to  wildlife  but  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  (Rj=0.34)  were  also  considered   threatening  to  wildlife.   Livelihood  risk  categories  were  plotted  using  increasing  incidents  (Ij)  against   increasing  importance  (Pj)  (Figure  2.1).  No  risk  was  rated  as  having  low  importance  and   high  incidence.    The  risk  to  livelihoods  with  the  highest  incidence  was  crop  damage;   poaching  was  rated  most  important  to  livelihoods  (Figure  2.1).    Direct  HWCs  tended  to   have  high  importance  (>0.4)  and  the  largest  range  of  incidence  (0.02  to  0.52).    Indirect   HWCs  were  rated  as  having  low  incidence  (<0.4)  and  increased  in  a  linear  fashion  with   increasing  importance.    The  majority  of  non-­‐HWC  risks  were  rated  as  moderately   important  (0.34  ≥  0.57)  with  a  wide  range  of  incidence  (0.18  ≥  0.50).    The  most  severe  risk   was  crop  damage  (Figure  2.1).       40   The  distribution  of  plotted  risks  to  wildlife  was  non-­‐linear  with  the  majority  of  risks   rated  as  moderate  to  high  importance  (3.0  >  7.0)  and  ranging  from  low  to  high  incidence   (Figure  2.2).    The  wildlife  risks  with  the  highest  incidence  were  agricultural  activities  and   poaching.    Human  financial  insecurity  and  legal  hunting  were  ranked  the  highest  in  terms   of  importance.    Poaching  and  wildlife  deterrence  activities  were  rated  as  high  incidence  (≥   0.50),  hunting  was  of  moderate  incidence  (<  0.4)  and  retaliation  was  of  low  incidence   (<0.2)  (Figure  2.2).    Indirect  HWCs  were  widely  dispersed  in  terms  of  incidence  (I  =  0.04  to   0.67)  yet  moderate  in  terms  of  importance  (Pj=  0.32  to  0.56).    Non-­‐HWC  related  risks  were   rated  as  low  incidence  (<0.4);  ecological  threats,  local  climate  and  human  financial   insecurity  were  of  moderate  to  high  importance  (Figure  2.2).     2.5.  DISCUSSION   2.5.1.  Conservancy  effects  on  HWC-­related  risk  perceptions.   Conservancy  status  affected  overall  perceptions  of  risk  related  to  livelihoods  and   consequences  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  local  livelihoods,  but  conservancy  status  it  did  not   have  the  same  effects  on  risk  perceptions  to  wildlife.    Conservancy  status  also  influenced   the  prioritization  of  HWC-­‐related  risk  to  both  livelihoods  and  wildlife  and  preferences  for   management.    Residents  of  the  established  conservancy  found  the  distribution  of  HWC-­‐ related  benefits  more  equitable,  risks  to  livelihoods  less  dreaded,  and  more  acceptable  than   residents  of  the  emerging  conservancy.    There  was  no  effect  of  conservancy  establishment   on  residents’  feelings  of  control  over  experiencing  HWC  events.    Nearly  60%  of  residents  in   the  established  conservancy  and  40%  in  the  emerging  conservancy  felt  they  had  little   control  over  experiencing  HWC.    This  finding  may  be  of  high  relevance  to  conservation   practitioners.      Perceptions  that  HWC  are  largely  uncontrollable  may  lead  to  conservancy     41   residents  failing  to  take  preventative  measures,  even  if  risk  management  practices  (e.g.,   chili  bombs,  lion  proof  fencing)  exist  and  are  promoted  at  the  conservancy  level  (McDaniels   et  al.,  1997).    However,  perceived  control  over  experiencing  HWC  may  not  be  the  only   factor  influencing  residents’  participation  in  wildlife  deterrence  activities.  For  example,   emerging  conservancy  residents  ranked  wildlife  deterrence  activities  as  the  most  critical   risk  to  wildlife  in  their  conservancy.    This  may  indicate  that  managers  need  to  evaluate  the   social  acceptability  of  interventions  designed  to  reduce  conflict  (Treves  et  al.,  2009),  as   current  methods  may  be  deemed  effective  in  terms  of  reducing  risks  to  humans  but  too   risky  to  wildlife.       Residents  in  the  established  conservancy  may  be  displaying  attitudes  consistent   with  the  notion  that  devolved  rights  over  wildlife  promote  more  positive  attitudes  towards   wildlife  conservation  (Hoole,  2010).    There  was  a  higher  propensity  for  residents  in  the   established  conservancy  to  report  higher  “overall  worry”  about  HWC-­‐effects  on  wildlife.   Additionally,  established  conservancy  residents  ranked  poaching  as  a  threat  to  wildlife  and   local  livelihoods,  which  may  indicate  that  the  devolution  of  wildlife  ownership  to  local   communities  may  be  affecting  local  attitudes  towards  wildlife  as  a  resource.    However,   conservancy  status  did  not  influence  factors  affecting  risk  perception  to  wildlife,  such  as   acceptability,  dread,  consequences  and  vulnerability.    This  may  indicate  that  changes  in   local  attitudes  towards  wildlife  may  be  more  broadly  tied  to  individual  rights  to  use  wildlife   as  an  economic  resource,  and  the  perceived  fairness  of  benefit  distribution  (Robertson  &   Lawes,  2005),  rather  than  concerns  over  wildlife  conservation  or  ecological  sustainability.   Interpreting  the  effects  of  conservancy  status  on  HWC-­‐risk  perceptions  also   necessitates  understanding  historical  HWC  incidents  (realized  risk)  (Sjöberg,  2000b).       42   Although  established  conservancy  residents  had  overall  lower  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related   risks,  they  also  experience  significantly  lower  historical  incidents  of  reported  HWC   (hereafter  realized  risk).  Differences  in  realized  risk  between  conservancies  were  largely   influenced  by  livestock  depredation  rates  in  the  emerging  conservancy.    Residents  in  the   two  conservancies  did  not  differ  in  their  perceptions  of  the  frequency  of  HWC  events  and  in   their  livestock  guarding  behavior,  despite  the  emerging  conservancies  higher  realized  risk.     This  suggests  that  conservancy  status  may  have  a  greater  effect  on  the  emotional,  value-­‐ laden,  factors  that  influence  risk  perception  (dread,  acceptability)  rather  than  more   calculated,  analytical,  cognitive  factors  (frequency,  control)  (Slovic,  Fiucane,  Peters  &   MacGregor,  2004).       Greater  understanding  about  differences  between  realized  and  perceived  HWC-­‐risks   could  lead  to  effectively  deconstructing  the  ‘conservancy  effect’  into  various  components   that  may  affect  residents’  perceptions  and  attitudes.  Is  it  the  resource  tenure  system  (i.e.,   devolved  resource  rights)  (Sutherland,  Adams,  Aronson,  Aveling,  Blackburn,  Broad  et   al.,2009)  that  is  affecting  HWC-­‐related  attitudes  in  the  conservancies?    Is  it  the  economic   incentives  (e.g.,  HWC  compensation,  trophy  hunting  revenues)  (Sutherland  et  al.,  2009)   associated  with  conservancy  establishment?  What  part  does  the  provision  of  education,   outreach  or  information  (Sutherland  et  al.,  2009)  play  in  shaping  HWC  and  conservation-­‐ related  behavior?  What  role  does  realized  risk  (Sjöberg,  2000b)  play  in  the  affects  of   conservancy  status  on  stakeholders’  HWC  risk  perceptions?    Ultimately,  answering  these   questions  may  lead  to  improved  HWC  management  in  existing  CBNRM  areas  and  inform   the  appropriateness  of  using  CBNRM  to  manage  HWC  in  additional  contexts.           43   2.5.2.  Human-­wildlife  conflict  relative  to  other  risks.     A  diversity  of  risks  impact  local  livelihoods  and  wildlife.    Both  direct  and  indirect   HWCs  figured  prominently  into  conservancy  residents'  conceptualization  of  threats  to  local   livelihoods.    However,  when  taken  together,  risks  characterized  as  being  unrelated  to   wildlife  (non-­‐HWC)  were  most  threatening  to  livelihoods.    Given  that  vulnerability  may   emerge  or  be  exacerbated  by  multiple  stressors  (Reid  &  Vogel,  2006;  Tschakert,  2007),   understanding  the  larger  risk  context  of  an  individual  stakeholder  or  wildlife  species  could   provide  an  indication  of  their  overall  vulnerability  to  HWC  events.    For  example,   participants  often  mentioned  flooding  increased  human-­‐wildlife  interactions  because   flooding  forced  wildlife  and  people  to  compete  for  less  space,  resulting  in  increased   frequency  and  sensitivity  to  crop  raiding.       Examining  HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions  in  a  multidirectional  manner  is  consistent   with  the  evolution  away  from  synonymous  treatment  of  HWC  as  a  wildlife  damage  event   (Peterson,  Birckhead,  Leong,  Peterson  &  Peterson,  2010)  and  gives  a  forum  for  local   stakeholders  to  demonstrate  their  understanding  of  the  negative  consequences  of  HWC  on   not  only  their  livelihoods  but  wildlife  as  well.    For  example,  technical  assessments  of   anthropogenic  risks  to  wildlife,  such  as  poaching  (Waltert,  Meyer  &  Kiffner,  2009),  habitat   alteration  (Laurance,  Croes,  Guissouegou,  Buij,  Bethier  &  Alonso,  2008)  and  human  socio-­‐ economic  conditions  (Dudley,  Ginsberg,  Plumptre,  Hart  &  Campos,  2002),  are  common  in   the  conservation  literature.    Results  presented  herein  about  the  risk  ranking  exercise   indicated  that  conservancy  residents  also  perceive  ties  between  human  socio-­‐economic   conditions  and  wildlife  conservation.    For  instance,  stakeholders  cited  that  high     44   unemployment,  poverty,  land  and  agricultural  insecurities  all  exacerbated  human  and   wildlife  vulnerability  to  and  decreased  stakeholder  tolerance  of  HWC.     What  extent  does  conservancy  residents’  prioritization  and  quantification  of  HWC-­‐ related  risks  overlap  with  those  of  conservation  agency  and  organizational  professionals’   risk  assessments?    Identifying  overlapping  concerns  may  aid  in  prioritization  of  risk   management  interventions  and  help  further  promote  the  role  of  conservancy  stakeholders   as  influential  in  wildlife-­‐related  decision-­‐making  (Treves  et  al.,  2006a),  which  aligns  with   the  ideals  of  CBNRM.    Identifying  risk  priorities  of  mutual  concern  to  communities  and   managers  may  bolster  community  support  for  management  and  foster  cooperation   between  conservancy  residents  and  managers  to  more  effectively  address  local  risks  to   wildlife  (Treves  et  al.,  2006a).     Taken  together,  the  results  of  conservancy  residents’  characterization  of  risks   suggest  that  successful  HWC  management  may  necessitate  addressing  non-­‐wildlife  related   risks  (e.g.,  poor  human  health)  as  the  social  acceptability  and  tolerance  of  HWC  appear  to   be  closely  tied  to  overall  gains  in  human  livelihood  development  and  security.    Further,   conservationists  interested  in  improving  human  welfare  through  sustainable  development   projects  will  need  to  consider  the  ramifications  of  such  projects  on  relationships  between   local  people  and  wildlife  in  order  to  avoid  unintentionally  exacerbating  conflict  or   negatively  affecting  wildlife  resources.    Given  that  completely  eliminating  HWC-­‐related   risks  is  untenable  (MET,  2009)  and  even  undesirable  in  many  circumstances,  identifying   non-­‐HWC  related  risks  that  may  be  more  efficiently  managed  could  help  reduce   vulnerability  to  HWC-­‐related  risks.   3.5.3.  Conclusion.       45   This  research  extends  the  current  HWC  literature  by  exploring  stakeholder-­‐ perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  wildlife  in  addition  to  risk  perceptions  from  wildlife,   and  includes  empirical  investigation  of  conservancy  membership  as  a  factor  influencing   HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions.    Understanding  local  stakeholder  perceptions  of  risks  and   vulnerability  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife  may  help  managers  better  design  HWC-­‐ interventions,  prioritize  threats  for  management  and  mitigation,  and  create  vulnerability-­‐ reducing  management  plans  that  assist  the  most  HWC-­‐sensitive  individuals  and  wildlife   species  in  conservancies.    Important  questions  remain.    There  is  less  understanding  of  the   factors  that  influence  the  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  wildlife  versus  those  that   influence  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods.  Further  inquiry  is  also  needed  to   understand  the  adaptive  capacity  of  communities  in  the  face  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  and   should  incorporate  community  perceptions  of  risk  and  vulnerability  (Flint  &  Luloff,  2005).     Greater  understanding  of  how  HWC-­‐related  and  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  interact  to  shape   stakeholders’  responses  would  have  both  theoretical  and  practical  applications  on   understanding  the  effect  that  conservation  initiatives  (e.g.,  conservancies)  have  on   attitudes  and  behaviors  (Baird  et  al.,  2009).                                   46       Table  2.1:  Characteristics  of  study  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,  Namibia       Dzoti  &  Wuparo  Conservancies   Climate   Semi-­‐arid  (Average  annual  rainfall  ≥625  mm)   Biome  classification   Mosaic  of  mopane  (Colophospermum  mopane)   woodland,  Kalahari  grassland  with  floodplains   Major  wildlife  resources  a   Buffalo,  Duiker,  Elephant,  Impala,  Kudu,   Leopard,  Lion,  Reedbuck,  Roan,  Tsessebe,   Warthog,  Wildebeest       Dzoti   Wuparo   Registered   October  2009  b   December  1999   Management  classification   Emerging  b   Established   Size   245  km  2   148  km  2   Approximate  population  density   1.6  per  km  2   14.2  per  km  2   Village  zones   5   3   HWC  compensation  scheme   No   Yes   Hunting  concessions   No   Yes   Problem  animal  removal     Yes   Yes   Alternative  income  generation   No   Yes   Traditional  authorities  (kutas)   Chief  Mbambo;  Chief   Sifu   Chief  Sifu   a  Based  on  Conservancy  Profile  (NASCO,  2009)  for  Wuparo;  Conservancy   information  for  Dzoti  not  available  at  this  time  yet  Wuparo  information  is  an   appropriate  proxy  due  to  their  continuity  in  the  landscape   b  Conservancy  not  established  during  research  timeframe;  table  treats  remaining             characteristics  as  pre-­‐registration  condition.   47   Table  2.2:  Risk  categories,  select  category  attributes,  and  risk  themes  (direct,   indirect,  non-­HWC)  generated  during  risk  ranking  activity  in  two  conservancies   (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­September,  2009)   DIRECT  HUMAN-­WILDLIFE  CONFLICT   Crop  damage     INDIRECT  HUMAN-­WILDLIFE   CONFLICT     Buffalo,  elephants,  porcupine     Human  attack   Elephants,  lions     Hunting   Commercial,  local  subsistence   Monetary  utilization  of  wildlife     Habitat  modification     Deforestation     Environmental  Damage     Increased  human-­wildlife  interaction     Increased  proximity,  intimidation     Resource  competition     Human-­wildlife  conflict  (general)     Subsistence  insecurity   Buffalo,  elephants,  hippopotamus,  lion   Livestock  loss   Elephants,  hyena,  lion     Agriculture,  food,  land     Livestock  disease     NON-­HUMAN-­WILDLIFE  CONFLICT   Poaching     Climate   Firearms,  snares  and  traps   Retaliation   Poisoning  wildlife,  retaliation   Wildlife  deterrence  activities   Chili,  fence,  shooting  firearms     Drought,  flooding     Ecological  threats     Insect  pests,  natural  predation     Wildlife  disease     Education  and  training   INDIRECT  HUMAN-­WILDLIFE  CONFLICT   Agricultural  activities   Farming,  fire,  livestock  operations   Conservancy  service  &  management   Insufficient  benefits,  compensation   Lack  of  infrastructure,  zonation   Poor  enforcement  and  patrolling   Development   Development  in  wildlife  corridors   Pollution-­‐waste   Roadways  and  transportation           Lack  of  education,  training     Financial  insecurity     Lack  of  money,  work,  social  security     Poverty     Poor  human  health     Bad  Health,  malaria     HIV/  AIDS     Rural  services  &  infrastructure     Lack  of  potable  water,  infrastructure     Poor  healthcare,  living  conditions     Socio-­cultural  insecurity     Alcohol,  domestic  violence       Social  conflict,  war   48   !"#$%&'()*&+%,-%./%0&,"12.13&"10&4%/%,.56&78&,.424&57&$7-"$&$./%$.97704&"10&:.$0$.8%&.1&5:7& 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AP(/'%6(&--G-C +,&-.$". +/'012$/3&% +,&-.$". +/'012$/3&% ' %4 5$.6 7.-$#82'8-&(%0,0.& 9:; <=> =;6?@ A:B6= E$F&/'G#H(%&*-&%0'$G" @@? :=9 @ D LG'02(JMN($"#$%&"'/ D=> 9@: LG'02(JMN(*&-(#0*$'0 :6;9 >6<: >6@< A>6>@C >6>@ A>6>>C :>69 B6< II @6:> <6;: >6B< A>6>9C >69; A>6>=C >69@ :> J8,0"/(0''0#H&% LG'02(JMN(*&-(H,( < B=6@@ A:B6@@C 6B A>6<898:"5$0*!1"%!.2!&4$"?")@,?(!A=1$"=,,1$+")?)$(); <<=>898:"5*&$0*!1"%!.2!&4$"?")@,?(!A=1$"*&?=,,1$+")?)$();                       :6:D A>69?C K:6 :<=6=D A:>6D@C D:6?@ A?6=BC !" 54   <6?: :> I @6;? :> I                                               Figure  2.1:  Conservancy  residents’  perceptions  (n=50)  about  the  incidence  and  importance  of  risks  to  livelihoods  in   two  conservancies  (n=  50)  in  East  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  groups;  July-­September,  2009).  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    55     Figure  2.2:  Conservancy  residents’  perceptions  (n=48)  about  the  incidence  and  importance  of  risks  to  wildlife  in  two   conservancies  in  East  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  groups;  July-­September,  2009).   CDL' 236.*'7"*.*+".#' "*;&+3)"(<' 23*("*0' CDK' 8&9&#-:6&*(' A-*;&)9.*+<';&)9"+&;'' CDJ' 1&(.#".("-*' CDI' !"#$%&'(")*(+,-$.&"#%*/012* <=>*?%'()"&.(-"* ,-.+/"*0''' !"#$#"%&'$&(&))&*+&' M-*B2!A' 2.5"(.('6-$"7"+.("-*' ?+-#-0"+.#'(/)&.(;' =*+)&.;&$'/36.*' >"#$#"%&'"*(&).+("-*' CDG' 8%9%$(.:*!"3%;*/812* CDF' 4* 236.*';-+".#'+-*7#"+(;' CDE' 564* 7* C' BCDE' C' BCDE'   8")&+( ! =*$")&+(' @-+.#'+#"6.(&' 236.*';35;";(&*+&' "*;&+3)"(<' CDH' 40)"+3#(3)&' CDE' CDF' CDG' CDH' !"#$%&'(")*("#(3%"#%*/!12* CDI' CDJ' CDK'   56   CHAPTER  3:  A  CONSERVATION  CRIMINOLOGY  APPROACH  TO  ESTIMATING   POACHING  ACTIVITIES:  CO-­MAPPING  RISKS  AND  CHARACTERIZING  MOTIVATIONS  IN   NAMIBIAN  CONSERVANCIES       3.1.  INTRODUCTION   Poaching,  the  illegal  harvest  of  wildlife,  may  have  myriad  biological,  ecological  and   social  consequences  and  implications  for  natural  resource  management.    For  example,   wildlife  species  subjected  to  poaching  can  experience  population  suppression,  range   collapse  and  extinction  (Woodroff,  Thirgood  &  Rabinowitz,  2005).    These  outcomes  may   threaten  ecosystem  function  (Waite,  2007;  Wright,  Stoner,  Beckman,  Corlett,  Dirzo,  Muller-­‐ Landau  et  al.,  2007)  and  ecological  services  (e.g.,  pollination)  (Bruno  &  Cardinale,  2008;   Wright  et  al.,  2007).    The  loss  of  wildlife-­‐related  resources  may  threaten  rural  livelihoods   by  decreasing  food  security  (Bowen-­‐Jones,  Brown  &  Robinson,  2003;  Robinson  &  Bennet,   2004)  and  disrupting  human  cultural  practices  that  depend  on  wildlife  (Basset,  2005;   Bowen-­‐Jones  et  al.,  2003).    In  community-­‐based  natural  resource  management  (CBNRM)   systems,  poaching  may  negatively  affect  stakeholders  by  reducing  the  capacity  of  CBNRM   to  deliver  economic  improvements  through  sustainable  wildlife  use    (Sethi  &  Hilborn,   2008).   The  illicit  nature  of  poaching  has  long  made  monitoring,  enforcement  and   deterrence  cumbersome  in  terms  of  time,  expenditure  and  reliability  (Solomon,  Jacobson,   Wald  &  Gavin,  2007).    Monitoring  and  deterrence  activities  require  significant  financial  and   human  resources  (Keane,  Jones,  Edwards-­‐Jones  &  Milner-­‐Gulland,  2008;  Kuperan  &   Sutinen,  1998;  Nielsen,  2003)  and  managers  must  prioritize  monitoring  and  assessment   activities  relative  to  other  natural  resource  issues  (Sheil,  2001).    Ultimately,  the  decision  to     57   direct  resources  toward  combating  poaching  is  based,  in  part,  on  tradeoffs  between  the   nature  of  the  poaching  risk  relative  to  other  risks  and  the  relevance  of  reducing  poaching   for  achieving  conservation  objectives  (Sheil,  2001).       The  goal  of  this  research  was  to  explore  the  conceptual  and  physical  space  between   a  technical  assessment  and  local  perceptions  of  poaching  as  a  risk  to  wildlife  in  a  CBNRM   system  with  the  hopes  that  such  understanding  can  inform  more  effective  wildlife  decision-­‐ making,  including  monitoring  and  enforcement.    I  used  conservation  criminology,  an   interdisciplinary  conceptual  framework  applying  theories  from  the  disciplines  of   criminology,  natural  resources  management  and  risk  and  decision  sciences  (Gibbs,  Gore,   McGarrell  &  Rivers,  2010),  to  guide  my  research.     3.2.  BACKGROUND   Conservation  practitioners  regularly  face  two  challenges  when  attempting  to   manage  risks  to  wildlife,  including  poaching:  1)  a  lack  of  adequate  information  about  local   stakeholders'  attitudes  about  risks  to  wildlife,  and;  2)  a  deficit  of  spatially  explicit   information  about  risks  to  wildlife  (Treves,  Andriamapianina,  Didier,  Gibson,  Plumptre,   Wilkie  et  al.,  2006).    Understanding  stakeholders'  perceptions  about  risks  to  wildlife  is   essential  for  encouraging  compliance  with  anti-­‐poaching  regulations  (Hampshire,  Bell,   Wallace  &  Stepukonis,  2004;  McFarlane,  2005).    Additionally,  identifying  the  spatial   distribution  of  poaching  activities  is  essential  because  failing  to  delineate  the  extent  and   location  of  poaching  may  lead  managers  to  expend  limited  resources  combating  poaching   in  areas  where  poaching  activities  are  low  at  the  expense  of  areas  where  poaching  may  be   higher  (Knapp,  Rentsch,  Schmitt,  Lewis  &  Polasky,  2010).         58   3.2.1.  Perception  of  poaching  risks.     Different  stakeholders,  whether  they  are  trained  experts  or  experienced  publics,  will   think  about  risks  such  as  poaching  differently  (McFarlane,  2005).    Experts'  technical   estimates  about  the  probability  and  consequences  of  a  risk  are  termed  risk  assessments   and  are  based  on  objective  measures  (Renn,  1992).    Alternatively,  risk  perceptions  are   intuitive  judgments  made  by  stakeholders  (Slovic,  1987)  and  may  be  informed  by   subjective  measures  (e.g.,  outrage,  trust,  perceived  control  over  exposure)  (Slovic,  2000)  in   addition  to  experiences  related  to  the  risk.    Risk  perceptions  are  important  for  determining   behavioral  intentions  (i.e.,  whether  a  stakeholder  plans  to  engage  in  a  behavior)  and   support  for  management  actions  (Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis  &  Shanahan,  2006;  Knuth,  Stout,   Siemer,  Decker  &  Stedman,  1992;  McFarlane,  2005;  Weber,  2006)  and  predicting   compliance  with  natural  resource  laws  (Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998).       Compliance  is  the  behavior  of  people  conforming  to  rules  that  were  created  to   influence  their  actions    (Hauck,  2008).    Without  compliance,  rules  may  fail  to  achieve   management  objectives  (Keane  et  al.,  2008).    Diverse  management  interventions,  such  as   provision  of  alternative  livelihood  options  (Kühl,  Balinova,  Bykova,  Arylov,  Esipov,   Lushchekina  et  al.,  2009),  animal  damage  compensation  programs  (Bulte  &  Rondeau,  2007)   and  educational  outreach  programs  (Eliason,  2003),  can  influence  stakeholders'   willingness  and  ability  to  comply.    The  effectiveness  of  these  interventions  are  dependent,   in  part,  on  understanding  stakeholders'  motivations  for  engaging  in  an  activity  such  as   poaching  (Kühl  et  al.,  2009;  Muth  &  Bowe,  2009)  and  their  risk  perceptions  associated  with   the  illegal  activity  (Bell,  Hampshire  &  Topalidou,  2007).    Spatial  analysis  of  poaching  risks   has  led  to  greater  understanding  of  poachers’  motivations  and  more  effective  interventions     59   (Sánchez-­‐Mercado,  Ferrer-­‐Paris,  García-­‐Rangel  &  Rodríguez-­‐Clark,  2008)  yet  there  is  a  lack   of  integration  between  stakeholders’  spatially-­‐explicit  risk  perceptions  and  experts’   assessments  of  illegal  activities.   3.2.2.  Stakeholder  motivations  to  poach.   Stakeholders’  decisions  to  comply  with  poaching  rules  are  highly  complex  in  large   part  because  of  the  diverse  economic,  geographic,  social,  and  psychological  contexts  within   which  poaching  occurs  (Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998).    Poaching  can  manifest  itself  in  a  variety   of  ways,  from  an  individual  poaching  for  home  consumption  or  trade  in  a  local  market   (Bassett,  2005)  to  commercial  poachers  selling  wildlife  trophies  in  international,  illegal   markets  (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐Gulland,  1993).    Animal  damage  incidents,  such  as   livestock  depredation,  may  motivate  retaliatory  (Bulte  &  Rondeau,  2007)  or  preventative   (e.g.,  setting  snares,  poison)  (Naughton,  1997)  poaching  among  affected  stakeholders.     Opportunistic  poaching  may  occur  due  to  chance  encounters  between  humans  and  wildlife   in  the  landscape  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008)  or  be  related  to  unemployment  (Knapp,   2007).     Poaching  incidents  may  not  always  be  the  result  of  intentional  violations  of  wildlife   law,  such  as  incidents  where  hunters  are  unaware  of  regulations  (Sethi  &  Hilborn,  2008).   Poaching  is  not  always  driven  by  economic  necessity  (Bell  et  al.,  2007).    For  example,   poaching  may  manifest  as  an  act  of  social  defiance  or  symbolic  protest  of  local  natural   resource  management  practices  (Bell  et  al.,  2007)  or  as  an  act  of  rebellion  towards  specific   laws  or  local  authority  (Muth  &  Bowe,  1998).    Many  poachers  likely  have  multiple   motivations  for  engaging  in  illegal  behavior  (Bassett,  2005).    Characterizing  stakeholders'   motivations  to  comply  with  wildlife  poaching  rules  can  guide  management  decisions  and     60   aid  in  designing  responses  aimed  at  reducing  illegal  activity  (Hampshire  et  al.,  2004;  Kühl   et  al.,  2009;  Muth  &  Bowe,  1998).     3.2.3.  Management  interventions  to  increase  compliance.   Risks  to  wildlife  from  poaching  can  be  addressed  through  a  variety  of  interventions   intended  to  increase  compliance  and  reduce  poaching,  such  as  formal  legislative   regulations  (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐Gulland,  1993);  informal,  locally  supported  rules  or   agreements  (Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998);  provision  of  alternative  livelihood  options  (Kühl  et   al.,  2009);  animal  damage  compensation  programs  (Bulte  &  Rondeau,  2007);  or   educational  outreach  programs  (Eliason,  2003).    Traditional  law  enforcement   interventions,  such  as  increasing  detection  through  patrols  and  adjusting  penalties  to   discourage  offenders,  can  also  reduce  or  prevent  poaching  (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐ Gulland,  1993).    For  example,  increasing  the  intensity  of  anti-­‐poaching  patrolling  units,   through  community  schemes  (e.g.  local  game  guards)  (Vaughn  &  Long,  2007)  or  state-­‐level   authorities  (e.g.,  wildlife  officers),  has  shown  to  increase  offenders’  perceived  risk  of  being   detected  and  lower  poaching  rates  in  a  variety  of  contexts  (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐ Gulland,  1993).      In  addition  to  traditional  law  enforcement  frameworks  for  combating  poaching,   normative  approaches  can  be  used  to  understand  compliance  and  evaluate  monitoring  and   enforcement  interventions  (Keane  et  al.,  2008;  Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998).    Normative   factors  include  moral  obligations  (e.g.,  standards  of  personal  morality,  ethics),  social   environmental  influences  (e.g.,  peer  opinion,  social  influence)  and  perceived  legitimacy  of   laws  implemented  by  authorities  (e.g.,  procedural  fairness,  perceptions  of  how  just  the   laws  are)  (Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998).    For  example,  Eliason  (2003)  proposed  increasing  the     61   discourse  and  content  related  to  hunting  ethics  in  hunters’  education  courses  as  a  means  to   reduce  poaching  and  increase  the  likelihood  of  poaching  being  treated  as  a  serious  offense   by  hunters.       The  spatial  vulnerability  of  wildlife  to  poaching  is  another  key  dimension  for   monitoring  and  enforcement  efforts  that  can  contribute  to  increased  compliance  with  rules   (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008).    The  spatial  vulnerability  of  wildlife  to  poaching  varies   according  to  the  distribution  of  human  and  wildlife  populations,  their  overlap  in  the   landscape  (Jachmann,  2008;  Knapp  et  al.,  2010),  and  the  distribution  of  limiting  resources   such  as  water  (O’Connell-­‐Rodwell,  Rodwell,  Rice  &  Hart,  2000).    Poaching  pressure  may  be   lower  for  wildlife  that  occur  in  remote  areas  with  difficult-­‐to-­‐access  terrain  because  the   landscape  can  increase  the  effort  needed  to  successfully  poach  (Wilkie,  Shaw,  Rotberg,   Morelli  &  Auzel,  2000).    Conversely,  deterrence  activities  (e.g.,  patrolling)  and  detection   rates  for  poaching  in  remote  areas  is  often  lower  than  easy-­‐to-­‐access  areas,  which  may   result  in  increased  poaching  activity  in  those  areas  (Knapp  et.  al.,  2010).   Ultimately,  knowledge  related  to  the  diversity  of  local  poachers’  motivations   (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008),  the  cultural  context  of  poaching  (Hampshire  et  al.,  2004),   local  poaching-­‐related  economic  conditions  (e.g.,  market  prices  for  poached  species)   (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐Gulland,  1993),  law  enforcement  capacity  (Robinson  &  Bennet,   2004),  and  the  context  of  human-­‐wildlife  interactions  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008)   should  guide  the  choice  between  management  interventions  aimed  at  increasing   compliance.    Importantly,  such  choices  between  management  interventions  must  be   informed  by  empirical  data  about  these  local  conditions  (Eliason,  2003).    Given  the   contextual  and  spatial  complexity  of  poaching,  it  is  unlikely  that  one  approach  (e.g.,  only     62   increasing  patrolling  or  adjusting  fines  and  penalties)  will  suffice  to  greatly  alter  local   compliance  rates.     3.2.4.  Poaching  in  Namibia’s  conservancy  system.   In  1996,  the  government  of  Namibia  launched  a  CBNRM  program,  devolving  rights   over  wildlife  to  local  communities  (Barnes,  MacGregor  &  Weaver,  2002).    Key  features  of   the  CBNRM-­‐based  conservancy  system  include:  1)  collaboration  between  government   agencies,  national  non-­‐governmental  organizations  (NGOs)  and  rural  communities  living   on  communal  land  (Stuart-­‐Hill,  Diggle,  Munali,  Tagg  &  Ward,  2005);  2)  a  legislative  basis   for  consumptive  wildlife  utilization  (e.g.,  subsistence  and  commercial  hunting),  and;  3)   wildlife  damage  management  procedures  (Ministry  of  Environment  &  Tourism  (MET),   2009).    Namibians  residing  in  conservancies  directly  benefit  from  the  consumptive  use  of   wildlife  and  integrate  wildlife  into  local  economic  development  (Barnes  et  al.,  2002);   theoretically,  conservancies  and  their  residents  have  a  vested  interest  to  insure  that   wildlife  use  is  sustainable.     Poaching  in  Namibia  was  unsustainably  high  in  the  1980s  and  early  1990s  (Nott  &   Jacobsohn,  2004).    Exacerbated  by  drought  and  volatile  periods  of  political  instability   (Bruchmann,  2002;  Vaughan  &  Long,  2007),  poaching  threatened  to  virtually  exterminate   populations  of  Black  rhino  (Diceros  bicornis)  and  African  elephants  (Loxodonta  africana)  in   the  northwestern  regions  (Nott  &  Jacobsohn,  2004),  and  wildlife  numbers  in  the  north   central  and  eastern  regions  of  Namibia  declined  as  well  (Jones,  2003).    In  Caprivi,  northeast   Namibia,  South  African  Defense  Force  personnel  poached  heavily  in  previously  declared   reserves  leaving  wildlife  populations  in  the  region  greatly  reduced  at  the  time  Namibia   achieved  independence  (Bruchmann,  2002).    Poaching  levels  decreased  after  independence     63   in  1990  (Nott  &  Jacobsohn,  2004)  and  Namibia’s  expanding  conservancy  system  has  been   credited  with  contributing  to  this  reduction  (Vaughn  &  Long,  2007).    Each  Namibian   conservancy  is  charged  with  monitoring  poaching  incidents  in  their  conservancies  using  a   system  developed  for  community-­‐based  monitoring  called  the  “Event  Book”  (Stuart-­‐Hill  et   al.,  2005).    Community  game  guards  are  hired,  trained  and  deployed  on  regular  patrols  in   each  registered  conservancy  (Vaughn  &  Long,  2007).  Game  guards  enter  their  findings  into   Event  Books.   Jones  and  Barnes  (2006)  asserted  poaching  does  not  currently  appear  to  threaten   populations  of  the  many  commonly  implicated  problem  species  (e.g.,  elephant,  lion)  (see   Appendix  F  for  resident  and  Event  book  species-­‐specific  information).    However,  they  also   (ibid)  cautioned  that  positive  local  attitudes  toward  wildlife  could  be  undermined  by   increasing  perceptions  of  risks  from  wildlife  conflicts,  particularly  in  the  Caprivi  region,   potentially  resulting  in  increased  poaching.    Indeed,  Caprivi  boasts  high  human  (Jones  &   Barnes,  2006)  and  wildlife  (O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000)  population  densities,  is  one  of   Namibia’s  poorest  regions  (Suich,  2010)  and  has  the  highest  incident  rates  of  human   wildlife  conflicts  (Jones  &  Barnes,  2006;  O’Connell-­‐Rodwell  et  al.,  2000)  (refer  to  chapter  1   for  more  information  on  Caprivi).       3.3.  METHODS   3.3.1.  Study  location.     Two  conservancies  in  East  Caprivi’s  Mudumu  South  Complex  6,  Wuparo  and  Dzoti,   were  selected  for  this  research  based  on  the:  1)  recommendation  of  local  and  regional                                                                                                                   6  Mudumu  South  Complex  (MSC)  is  a  geographically  clustered  group  of  conservancies  with   similar  environmental,  economic  and  cultural  features.    MSC  can  interact  with  agencies  and     64   NGOs  with  a  long-­‐term  presence  in  the  region,  2)  permission  of  relevant  traditional   authorities,  3)  willingness  of  conservancies  to  participate,  4)  comparability  of   conservancies  based  on  similar  habitat  types  and  wildlife  species  composition,  and  5)   presence  of  poaching  and  animal  damage  records.    These  conservancies  are  contiguous  in   the  landscape,  located  between  two  national  parks,  and  share  a  boundary  with  the  Kwando   River  (Table  3.1).   3.3.2.  Data  Collection.     This  research  used  focus  groups  (Morgan,  1993)  and  secondary  data  analysis  (Aust,   Boyle,  Fergusson  &  Coulson,  2009)  from  Event  Books  in  two  conservancies.  Focus  groups   were  used  to  elicit  information  about  stakeholders’  perceptions  of  poaching  risks,   motivations,  and  perceived  location  of  poaching  events  (Bell  et  al.,  2007)  because  direct   questioning  related  to  sensitive  subjects  (e.g.,  illegal  activities)  may  generate  mistrust  and   concealment  from  respondents  (Solomon  et  al.,  2007).    Event  Book  data  from  2003  to  2008   were  acquired  with  permission  from  the  Dzoti  and  Wuparo  Conservancy  offices  and  were   used  to  assess  poaching  risks.   Focus  groups.  Focus  group  participants  were  all  permanent  residents  of  their   respective  conservancies  and  ≥18  years  old.  No  person  was  excluded  from  participating   based  on  ethnic  affiliation,  educational  attainment,  or  socio-­‐economic  status.    Only  one   person  per  household  was  eligible  to  participate.  Participants  were  solicited  from  each  of   the  village  zones  (i.e.,  distinct  residential  areas)  in  proportion  to  that  village  zone's   population  using  a  cluster  sampling  technique  with  probability  proportionate  to  size                                                                                                                   organizations  as  a  larger  management  body,  negotiate  for  translocation  of  wildlife  into  the   area,  resolve  disputes  and  pursue  economic  development  projects.     65   (Bernard,  2006)  (see  Chapter  2  for  sampling  protocol  methodology).    Each  conservancy’s   staff  provided  census-­‐type  information  (e.g.,  number  of  households,  approximate   population)  about  their  village  zones  to  facilitate  sampling.  Six  research  assistants  were   selected  and  trained  to  aid  facilitation  of  focus  group  activities  (see  Chapter  2  for  research   assistant  selection  and  training  criteria).   Each  conservancy  completed  an  identical  two-­‐day  focus  group  (see  Appendix  A  for   focus  group  protocol).  Participants  were  divided  into  groups  (e.g.,  men,  women,  and  male   and  female  decision-­‐makers)  to  promote  a  non-­‐threatening,  permissive  environment  for   dialogue  (Morgan,  1993;  Smith,  Barrett  &  Box,  2000).    Each  group  engaged  in    participatory   risk  ranking  and  scoring  (PRRS)  (Baird,  Leslie  &  McCabe,  2009;  Quinn,  Huby,  Kiwasila  &   Lovett,  2003;  Smith  et  al.,  2000;  Tschakert,  2007)  and  participant  risk  mapping  (PRM)   (Treves  et  al.,  2006)  activities.    PRRS  is  useful  for  documenting  stakeholders'  risk   perceptions  in  a  way  that  allows  participants  to  self-­‐generate  and  prioritize  major  risk   themes  while  not  constraining  discussion  about  risks  to  researcher-­‐defined  concepts   (Smith  et  al.,  2000).  Participants  conducted  the  PRRS  process  for  two  risk  targets:  local   livelihoods  and  conservancy  wildlife.     After  participants  completed  PRRS  activities  they  began  PRM  activities.    Participants   mapped  the  perceived  location  and  frequency  of  poaching  activities  onto  transparent   overlays  secured  over  "basemaps"  created  by  the  lead  researcher  and  assistants.    During   PRM  participants:  1)  identified  important  local  features  (e.g.,  community  resources,  rivers)   on  the  map,  2)  added  any  features  absent  on  the  basemap,  and  3)  mapped  where  and  with   what  intensity  risks  identified  from  PRRS  (e.g.,  poaching,  crop  damage)  took  place.    Risks   were  ranked  according  to  the  intensity  of  occurrence  (rarely  (1-­‐5  times  a  year);  sometimes     66   (6-­‐12  times  a  year);  often  (more  than  12  times  a  year)  (Treves  et  al.,  2006).    Finally,  each   group  discussed  motivations  for  poaching.    Participants  free-­‐listed  motivations  and  then   rank-­‐ordered  them  from  the  most  to  the  least  prevalent.   Event  Book.  Digital  photographs  for  six  years  (2003  through  2008)  of  Problem   Animal  Incident  (PAI)  and  Poaching  Event  (PE)  cards  were  aquired  from  each  conservancy   and  transcribed.  PAI  cards  included  information  about  the  incident  date,  damage  type  (e.g.,   crops,  livestock,  human  attack),  specific  crop  or  livestock  type,  number  of  livestock  or   humans  attacked  (if  applicable),  wildlife  species  implicated,  descriptive  notes  and  location   within  a  4  km2  grid  cell.  PE  cards  included  information  about  the  date,  species  affected  (if   applicable),  number  of  animals  involved  in  the  incident,  type  of  incident  (e.g.,  firearm,   snare,  traditional)  7,  number  of  incidents,  descriptive  notes  and  location.     3.3.3.  Data  Analysis.   Participatory  risk  ranking  and  scoring.  Coding  of  free-­‐listed  risks  generated  during   the  PRRS  activity  followed  an  iterative  process  (Bernard,  2006).  First,  I  reviewed  all  risks   to  generate  categories  (Saldaña,  2009).    Next,  I  assigned  each  risk  into  a  category  and  coded   each  risk  into  an  exclusive  categorical  variable  (Bernard,  2006).  I  conducted  a  final   iteration  of  coding  to  double-­‐check  findings  (Saldaña,  2009)  (see  Appendix  D  for  coding   protocol).     Following  Tschakert’s  (2007)  methods  for  PRRS  analysis,  I  calculated  an  incident   index  (I),  importance  index  (Pj),  joint  risk  index  (Rj)  and  severity  index  (Sj)  for  each                                                                                                                   7  The  conservancies  define  the  designation  of  firearm,  snare  and  traditional  poaching   incidents.    Traditional  incidents  include  poaching  by  means  of  traditional  methods  such  as   spears,  bows  and  arrows,  and  traps.     67   livelihood  and  wildlife-­‐related  risk.    The  incident  index  (I),  ranging  from  0  to  1,  is  the   proportion  of  participants  that  identified  a  particular  risk.  The  importance  index  (Pj)  also   ranges  from  0  to  1  (0=not  important;  1=most  important)  and  reflects  the  rank  that   participants  assigned  to  a  particular  risk  in  relation  to  the  total  number  of  risks  they  listed,   where  r  is  the  rank  and  n  the  total  number  of  risks  identified  by  that  participant:     # (r "1) & Pj = % ( ) ("1) +1 $ (n "1) '   !  The  joint  risk  index  (Rj)  is  a  function  of  a  risks'  average  incident  index  score  (Ij)  and   average  importance  index  score  (Pj).    The  joint  risk  index  ranges  from  0  to  1  and  is   ! calculated  as  Rj=  Ij/  (2-­‐Pj).    Finally,  the  severity  index  (Sj)  represents  the  mean  severity   score  assigned  to  each  risk  by  participants  that  mentioned  that  risk  and  ranges  from  0  to  5   (0=not  severe;  5=most  severe).    An  incident  index  (Ij),  importance  index  (Pj)  and  joint  risk   index  (Rj)  were  calculated  for  all  the  poaching  motivations  identified  by  participants  during   the  PRRS  activity.     Participatory  risk  mapping.    Digital  photographs  of  participants'  maps  were  overlaid   and  rectified  with  georeferenced  conservancy  boundary  layers  (CONINFO,  2009)  using   ArcGIS  9.2  (Environmental  Systems  Research  Institute,  2004).    Participants’  maps   contained  discrete  locations  (e.g.,  villages,  schools),  linear  features  (e.g.,  roads,  rivers),  and   risk  points,  lines,  and  polygons.    Risk  features  (e.g.,  poaching,  crop  damage)  that  were   initially  drawn  as  polygons  by  participants  were  converted  to  patches  of  points  (10  m   spacing).    Line  features  were  similarly  converted  to  points.    The  risk  points  were  combined   to  form  a  single  risk  point  layer.    Subsequently,  the  distance  from  each  location  (10  m   spacing)  within  the  conservancy  boundaries  to  the  closest  risk  point  was  measured.    A     68   separate  distance  layer  was  generated  for  each  intensity  of  occurrence  score  (ranging  from   1-­‐3).      Distance  layers  were  interpolated  using  an  inverse  distance  weighted  (IDW)  method   resulting  in  continuous  surfaces  (10  m  resolution)  of  distance  to  nearest  threat  point  by   risk  intensity  (Childs,  2004).    The  interpolated  surfaces  were  subsequently  combined,   weighted  by  perceived  risk  intensity  (high,  moderate,  low),  into  a  single  risk  surface.                   Event  Book.    Event  Book  poaching  data  from  each  conservancy  was  pooled  and   analyzed  by  year  and  incident  type  using  descriptive  statistics.    Locations  (4  km2)  from  the   PAI  and  PE  cards  were  overlaid  on  the  interpolated  participant  maps  in  ArcGIS.     3.4.  RESULTS   Fifty  local  stakeholders  participated  in  PRRS  and  PRM  activities  with  livelihoods  as   the  risk  target  and  48  stakeholders  completed  the  activities  with  wildlife  as  the  risk  target.     Participants  ranged  in  educational  background  from  no  formal  schooling  to  college   education,  age  (18-­‐60+  years),  and  all  participated  in  some  form  of  subsistence  based   activities  or  rural  industries  (e.g.,  artisanal  fisheries,  vegetable  farming,  thatch  roof   harvesting).   3.4.1.  Perceived  poaching  risk.       Participants  generated  a  total  of  157  risks  to  wildlife  (3.3  threats  per  participant   average;  range  1-­‐9)  that  were  coded  into  14  categories.    Participants  identified  eight  of  14   risks  to  wildlife  as  being  anthropogenic  (i.e.,  resulting  from  human  activity).    Three  of  these   anthropogenic  risks  were  direct  forms  of  mortality:  poaching  (i.e.,  illegal  hunting  or   trapping),  legal  hunting  (i.e.,  commercial,  trophy,  subsistence)  and  retaliation  (i.e.,  legal  or   illegal  lethal  removal  for  damage).    Participants  ranked  poaching  (Rj=  0.37;  Sj=  3.5)  as  the   most  critical  anthropological  risk  and  the  second  most  critical  risk  overall  (Table  3.2).    Over     69   half  of  all  participants  (Ij=0.52)  cited  poaching  as  a  risk  to  conservancy  wildlife  and   poaching  ranked  as  the  most  severe  threat  to  wildlife  (Table  3.2).     3.4.2.  Assessed  poaching  risk.       Fifty-­‐three  discrete  poaching  events  were  recorded  between  2001-­‐2008  in  the   Event  Books,  of  which  62%  were  snares,  28%  firearms,  and  9%  traditional  methods   (Figure  3.1).    Game  guards  collected  147  snares  in  study  conservancies  during  this  time;   there  was  a  peak  in  snares  collected  in  2007  (n=67).  More  than  95%  of  documented   poaching  incidents  have  occured  since  2006  (Figure  3.1);  alone,  these  data  suggest  an   increase  in  poaching,  particularly  in  the  use  of  illegal  snares,  since  2005.         3.4.3.  Poaching  motivations.      Participants  identified  14  motivations  to  poach  (Table  3.3).  The  top  two  poaching   motivations  were,  income  generation  (Rj=  0.48)  and  food  (Rj=  0.47).  Income  generation   and  food  were  perceived  as  nearly  twice  as  prevalent  a  motivation  to  poach  than  protecting   fields  (Rj=0.24)  (Table  3.3).  Three  motivations  to  poach  were  driven  by  retaliation   (protecting  fields,  protecting  human  lives  and  protecting  livestock)  and  were  of  particular   importance  to  study  participants.  Retaliation  was  identified  as  being  an  important  threat  to   wildlife  (Table  3.2).    Protecting  livestock  and  human  lives  ranked  low  among  all   motivations  to  poach,  yet  protecting  agricultural  fields  was  important.    Two  poaching   motivations  provided  by  participants  were  related  to  conservancy  management  and   services:  protesting  conservancy  regulations  or  establishment  and  lack  of  conservancy   benefits.    Firearm  training  and  entertainment  were  also  cited  as  motivations  for  poaching   in  the  conservancies  (Table  3.3).           70   3.4.4.  Co-­mapping  assessed  and  perceived  poaching  risks.       Participants  created  6  maps  for  the  wildlife-­‐as-­‐risk  target.    All  mapped  poaching  as  a   risk  to  wildlife  and  livestock  loss,  crop  damage  and  wildlife  attack  as  threats  to  local   livelihoods  (see  Appendix  G  for  additional  maps).  There  was  little  spatial  overlap  between   the  PRM-­‐generated  (hereafter  perceived)  and  Event  Book-­‐generated  (hereafter  assessed)   poaching  maps  (Figure  3.2).  Assessed  poaching  risk  maps  indicated  poaching  events  were   primarily  concentrated  around  residential  areas  and  along  main  roads  (Figure  3.2).   Perceived  poaching  risk  maps  depicted  the  highest  levels  of  poaching  at  the  southern   conservancy  boundaries  near  Mamili  NP,  the  northern  boundary  near  Mudumu  NP  and  east   of  Mudumu  NP  (Figure  3.2);  those  areas  also  had  the  highest  perceived  occurrence  of   wildlife.    Participants  in  Dzoti  conservancy  (Figure  3.2)  identified  highest  levels  of  poaching   as  occurring  within  the  residential  zones  south  of  the  main  road.    Perceived  poaching  risks   were  lowest  near  the  southeastern  boundary  with  the  Kwando  River  (Figure  3.2).         Perceived  risk  maps  for  livestock  loss,  crop  damage  and  humans  attacked  by  wildlife   were  combined  into  a  single  map  representing  wildlife  vulnerability  to  poaching  motivated   by  retaliation  (Figure  3.3).  The  perceived  risk  of  wildlife  attack  on  humans  and  livelihood   damage  (hereafter  perceived  retaliation  risk)  was  highest  near  residential  areas  and  along   roads  and  trails  with  the  exception  of  high-­‐perceived  retaliation  risk  along  the  southwest   portion  of  the  shared  conservancy  boundary  (Figure  3.3).    There  was  a  high  level  of  overlap   between  the  assessed  poaching  risk  and  perceived  retaliation  risk  (Figure  3.3).    The   majority  of  snares  were  found  close  to  areas  with  higher  levels  of  perceived  retaliation   risks  and  the  majority  of  firearm  incidents  were  clustered  near  the  southern  border  with     71   Mamili  NP  and  the  Kwando  River,  and  the  northeastern  region  of  the  conservancy  adjacent   to  Mudumu  NP  (Figure  3.3).     3.5.  DISCUSSION   3.5.1.  Estimating  poaching  risks.     Conservancy  residents  feel  that  poaching  is  adversely  affecting  conservancy  wildlife.     Participants  rated  poaching  as  the  second  most  critical  threat  to  wildlife  and  the  highest  in   terms  of  severity.    Beyond  poaching,  participants  are  aware  of  other  risks  affecting  wildlife;   these  factors  provide  additional  detail  about  the  wildlife  conservation  climate  within  which   poaching  exists.    For  example,  human  financial  insecurity,  subsistence  insecurity   (Jachmann,  2008;  Kühl  et  al.,  2009),  and  socio-­‐cultural  insecurity  (e.g.,  war)  (de  Merode,   Smith,  Homewood,  Pettifor,  Rowcliff  &  Cowlishaw,  2007)  have  been  linked  to  increased   poaching  and  illustrate  that  fluctuations  in  local  poaching  activities  may  be  tied  to  dynamic   economic,  political  and  social  conditions.    Conservancy  residents  reported  high  perceptions   of  poaching  risks.    These  perceptions  may  translate  into  high  levels  of  local  willingness  to   support  poaching  rules  and  sanctions  and  act  against  a  behavior  they  have  deemed  an   unacceptable  risk  to  local  wildlife  resources  (Bell  et  al.,  2007;  Hampshire  et  al.,  2004).       However,  Kühl  et  al.  (2009)  warned  that  poaching  behavior  could  continue  despite   stakeholders  voicing  concern  for  wildlife  and  support  for  management.    Livelihood  needs   may  override  these  sentiments.   According  to  the  conservancy  Event  Books  the  assessed  poaching  risk  over  the  last   seven  years  is  low  and  may  not  represent  a  technical  threat  to  wildlife  resources  in  the   area.    However,  Event  Book  data  also  suggest  an  increase  in  documented  poaching   incidents  with  a  greater  number  of  snares  confiscated  and  firearm  and  traditional  incidents     72   since  2006.    Deriving  poaching  trends  from  enforcement  records,  such  as  Event  Books,   however,  may  not  wholly  portray  actual  poaching  incidence  as  such  monitoring  data   depend  on  the  surveillance  effort  exerted  by  anti-­‐poaching  staff  over  time  (Kangwana  &   Mako,  2001).    In  addition  to  challenges  associated  with  monitoring,  Vaughan  and  Long   (2007)  reported  community  game  guards,  responsible  for  reporting  poachers  in   conservancies,  may  not  arrest  an  offender  with  whom  they  have  strong  social  ties  due  to   fear  of  being  socially  ostracized  within  the  community.    Combining  Event  Book  data  with   the  data  gathered  from  community  focus  groups  provides  a  more  holistic  portrayal  of  the   potential  extent  of  poaching  activities  in  the  conservancies.    High  perceptions  of  poaching   risk  among  stakeholders  coupled  with  an  unexplained  trend  of  increasing  assessed   poaching  risk  indicate  a  need  for  continued  yet  integrated  approach  to  monitoring   poaching.     3.5.2.  Local  motivations  for  poaching.   Conservancy  participants  identified  diverse  motivations  for  poaching.  Muth  and   Bowe’s  (1998)  typology  of  poaching  motivations  provides  one  method  for  interpreting   these  results;  it  is  useful  in  guiding  the  transition  between  stated  motivations  and   recommendations  for  management  interventions.  Participant-­‐cited  motivations  for   poaching  fit  into  eight  of  Muth  and  Bowe's  (1998)  ten  categories,  although  conceptually,   many  participant  motivations  fit  into  multiple  categories  (Table  3.4).  The  most  often  cited   motivations  related  to  commercial  gain  (e.g.,  income  generation,  lack  of  employment)  and   household  consumption  (e.g.,  meat)  (Table  3.4).    Although  protecting  fields  was  identified   as  the  third  most  prevalent  motivation  for  poaching,  protecting  human  lives  and  livestock   were  low  in  terms  of  prevalence.    This  may  be  an  artifact  of  Namibian's  legal  right  to  use     73   lethal  force  against  wildlife  found  immediately  threatening  livestock  or  human  lives;   wildlife  in  agricultural  fields  are  to  be  reported  to  local  game  guards,  who  initially  remove   them  using  non-­‐lethal  methods  (MET,  2009).     Poaching  acts  motivated  by  rebellion  or  disagreements  with  regulations  are  related   to  negative  local  attitudes  regarding  the  establishment,  governance  or  benefit  distribution   scheme  of  the  conservancy.    The  extent  to  which  these  motivations  drive  local  poaching   activities  would  be  of  particular  interest  to  conservancy  managers  given  that  such   motivations  are  rooted  in  public  perceptions  of  regulations,  local  decision-­‐makers,  and   effectiveness  of  the  conservancy  to  provide  benefits  to  stakeholders.    No  participant  cited   thrill  killing  (i.e.,  the  psychological  excitement  of  killing  an  animal)  or  gamesmanship  (i.e.,   desire  to  outwit  law  enforcement)  as  motivations  for  poaching  in  their  conservancies   (Muth  &  Bowe,  1998).     The  diversity  of  motivations  for  poaching  may  seem  daunting  in  terms  of  generating   management  interventions.  However,  one  management  intervention  may  address  multiple   related  motivations.  For  example,  conservancy  managers  may  focus  on  generating   additional  employment  opportunities  such  as  ecotourism  to  reduce  poaching  (Knapp,   2007).    The  increased  income  provided  by  employment  could  reduce  poaching  motivated   by  economic  gains,  lower  dependency  on  poaching  as  a  source  of  protein  and  decrease   opportunities  for  recreational  poaching.    Increasing  outreach  activities  to  prevent  animal   damage  events  could  reduce  poaching  motivated  by  crop  damage,  human  attacks  and   livestock  depredation  in  addition  to  addressing  sentiments  that  there  is  a  lack  of  benefits   from  the  conservancy.    However,  reducing  poaching  incidents  motivated  by  larger  profits,   such  as  those  related  to  the  illegal  sale  of  skins,  horns  or  ivory,  will  likely  require  more     74   traditional  methods  of  increasing  compliance  such  as  increased  patrolling  and  fines   (Leader-­‐Williams  &  Milner-­‐Gulland,  1993).     3.5.3.  Co-­mapping  poaching  risks.   Co-­‐mapping  offers  a  multifaceted  tool  for  conservation  planning  in  CBNRM  areas   such  as  study  conservancies.    Examining  the  spatial  patterns  associated  with  risk  to  both   local  livelihoods  and  wildlife  may  assist  in  understanding  poaching  motivations  and   identifying  more  effective  enforcement  strategies  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008).    There   was  a  high  degree  of  consistency  between  participant-­‐generated  and  ranked  motivations   for  poaching  and  the  geographic  depiction  of  said  poaching  risks.  For  instance,  the   stakeholder-­‐identified  areas  of  poaching  near  national  park  boundaries  corresponded  with   areas  perceived  to  have  high  densities  of  wildlife.    This  could  represent  poaching  activities   aimed  at  harvesting  particular  species  prized  for  meat  or  trophies.    Stakeholder-­‐generated   maps  may  prove  to  be  a  valuable  monitoring  tool  to  reduce  poaching  motivated  by   commercial  gain  or  acquisition  of  trophies  as  this  requires  identification  of  areas  where   relevant  species  are  concentrated  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008).     Considering  the  spatial  relatedness  of  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife  may  aid  in   identifying  more  appropriate  enforcement  and  management  strategies  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado   et  al.,  2008)  and  aid  in  addressing  the  criminology  of  conservation.  For  example,  there   appeared  to  be  a  spatial  relationship  between  participant-­‐mapped  retaliation  risk  and   Event  Book  records  for  poaching  events.    Additionally,  the  prevalence  of  confiscated  snares   and  traditional  poaching  methods  within  these  perceived  risk-­‐retaliation  zones  is   consistent  with  Muth  and  Bowe's  (1998)  protection  of  self  and  property  (e.g.,  crops,   livestock)  motivation.    Co-­‐mapping  risks  to  livelihoods  from  wildlife  could  aid  in     75   identification  of  areas  of  the  highest  likelihood  of  retaliation-­‐motivated  events  (legal  or   illegal)  and  better  prioritize  intervention  efforts  in  those  high-­‐risk  areas.      Additionally,  the   use  of  spatially  explicit  risk  maps  may  also  improve  risk  communication  between   stakeholders  and  managers  about  interventions  in  the  conservancy  (Dransch,  Rotzoll  &   Poser,  2010).    For  example,  as  managers  approach  individual  farmers  to  discuss  crop   damage  or  livestock  depredation  preventative  practices,  maps  can  illustrate  areas  of  high   likelihood  of  risk  exposure  and  aid  individuals  in  contextualizing  their  risk  perceptions   (Dransch  et  al.,  2010).       3.5.4.  Conclusions.       Uncertainty  surrounding  the  extent  and  intensity  of  local  poaching  can  constrain   managers  and  conservation  practitioners’  ability  to  set  sustainable  legal  harvest  quotas  on   wildlife  (Sethi  &  Hilborn,  2008).    This  is  a  critical  problem  in  CBNRM  systems  where   financial  and  human  resources  for  monitoring  poaching  may  be  limited  yet  economic   development  objectives  are  dependent  on  sustainable  use  of  wildlife.  Using  conservation   criminology  as  an  analytical  framework  [i.e.,  applying  notions  of  compliance  (criminology),   risk  perception  (risk  and  decision  sciences)  and  wildlife  management  (natural  resources   management)  (Gibbs  et  al.,  2010)]  ,  was  advantageous  in  dealing  with  the  contextual   complexity  surrounding  poaching  activities  and  their  physical  manifestation  in  the   landscape.    Integrated  approaches  that  increase  communication  between  local   environmental  decision-­‐makers  and  local  stakeholders  in  relation  to  poaching  risks  could   help  further  prioritize  monitoring  efforts,  target  vulnerable  wildlife  habitats  and   stakeholders,  influence  local  policies  and  management  strategies  and  educate  the  local   stakeholders  about  the  biological,  ecological  and  socio-­‐cultural  consequences  of  poaching.     76     Table  3.1:  Characteristics  of  the  Mudumu  South  Complex  in  East   Caprivi,  Namibia     Characteristic   Mudumu  South  Complex  a   Adjacent  conservation   Mudumu  National  Park  (north);  Mamili  National   areas   Park  (south)   Approximate   population     Balyerwa  (1500),  Dzoti  (391),  Shikhakhu   (unknown),  Wuparo  (2100)   Biome  classification   Mosaic  of  mopane  (Colophospermum  mopane)   woodland,  Kalahari  grassland  with  floodplains,   riverine  (Kwando  River)   Climate   Semi-­‐arid  (Average  annual  rainfall  ≥625  mm)   Conservancies   (registered)   Balyerwa  (2006),  Dzoti  (2009),  Shikhakhu   (stalled)  b,  Wuparo  (1999)   Major  wildlife   resources   Black-­‐backed  jackal,  buffalo,  bush  pig,  crocodile,   duiker,  elephant,  hippopotamus,  hyena,  impala,   kudu,  leopard,  lion,  reedbuck,  roan,  tsessebe,   warthog,  wildebeest,  zebra   Size  (km  2)   Balyerwa  (223),  Dzoti  (245),  Shikhakhu   (unknown),  Wuparo  (148)   a  Information  available  on  the  Namibian  Association  of  CBNRM  Support   Organizations'  (NASCO)  online  database  (http://www.nasco.org.na/)   b  Establishment  of  conservancy  has  been  stalled  due  to  internal  conflicts.                 77   Table  3.2:  Local  perceptions  (n=48)  about  the  seriousness  of  risks  to  wildlife  as   identified  by  focus  groups  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:   Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­September,  2009).   Overall  Rank   Incidence   Importance   Threat  category   Severity   (Joint  Risk   Index   index   Index)   Agricultural  activities   1   (0.46)   0.67   0.54   3.2   Poaching   2   (0.37)   0.52   0.59   3.5   Wildlife  deterrence  activities   3   (0.34)   0.50   0.52   3.1   Development  (e.g.,  roadways)   4   (0.31)   0.44   0.56   3.2   Increased  human  wildlife   interactions   5   (0.29)   0.48   0.32   2.9   Habitat  modification  (e.g.,   deforestation)   6   (0.28)   0.42   0.47   2.9   0.31   0.67   3.4   7   (0.23)   0.33   0.58   3.3   0.10   0.52   2.8   0.08   0.41   2.8   0.06   0.68   2.7   Hunting   Climate  (e.g.,  drought)   Retaliation  a   Ecological  threats  (e.g.,   predation)   8   9   (0.07)   (0.05)   Financial  insecurity   Subsistence  insecurity  (e.g.,   food  insecurity)   10   (0.04)   0.06   0.52   2.0   Conservancy  service  and   management   11   (0.03)   0.04   0.55   3.0   Socio-­‐cultural  insecurity  (e.g.,   war)   12   (0.02)   0.04   0.10   1.5   a    Legal  or  illegal  removal  of  problem  animals  due  to  damage  to  crops,  livestock,   infrastructure  or  human.       78     Table  3.3:  Participant-­generated  (n=48)  and  ranked  motivations  for   poaching  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,   Namibia  (July-­September,  2009).   Motivations  for  poaching   Overall  Rank   (Joint  Risk  Index)   Incidence   Index   Importance   Index   Income  generation  a   1   (0.48)   0.54   0.88   Food  (Meat)   2   (0.47)   0.54   0.85   Protecting  fields   3   (0.24)   0.38   0.41   Skins  (pelts)   4   (0.19)   0.31   0.38   0.15   0.38   0.15   0.25   0.15   0.25   0.15   0.00   0.08   0.50   0.08   0.50   Firearm  training   0.08   0.13   Entertainment   0.08   0.00   0.08   0.00   0.08   0.00   Trophies  b  (antlers)   Lack  of  employment   5   (0.09)   Protesting  regulations/   conservancy   Medicine   Elephant  ivory   Protecting  human  lives   Lack  of  benefits  from   conservancy   6   (0.08)   7   (0.05)   8   (0.04)   Protecting  livestock   a  Income  generation  was  kept  separate  from  skins,  trophies,  medicine  and   elephant  ivory  due  to  the  fact  that  these  wildlife  products  may  be  utilized  by   local  people  for  non-­‐economic  purposes  (e.g.,  subsistence  based,  cultural).     b  Trophies  refer  to  non-­‐ivory,  non-­‐pelt  based  products  (e.g.,  antlers,  teeth  and             head  mounts).   79   Table  3.4:  Conservancy  participants'  (n=48)  cited  motivations  for  poaching   conceptually  sorted  using  Muth  and  Bowe's  (1998)  typology  of  the  motivations   for  poaching  (categories  underlined):  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Namibia  (2009)     Poaching  for  commercial  gain         Poaching  to  protect  self  and  property   Elephant  ivory  a     Lack  of  benefits  from  conservancy   Income  generation     Protecting  fields   Lack  of  benefits  from  conservancy     Protecting  human  lives   Lack  of  employment     Protecting  livestock   Medicine     Skins  (pelts)     Protesting  regulations/  conservancy   Trophies  b  (antlers,  mounts)     Lack  of  benefits  from  conservancy     Poaching  as  a  traditional  right  of  use   Poaching  for  household  consumption   Poaching  as  rebellion   Food  (Meat)     Elephant  ivory   Lack  of  benefits  from  conservancy     Medicine     Skins  (pelts)   Entertainment     Trophies  b  (antlers,  mounts)   Firearm  training     Disagreement  with  specific  regulations   Trophy  poaching     Lack  of  benefits  from  conservancy   Elephant  ivory     Protesting  regulations/  conservancy   Skins  (pelts)       Trophies  b  (antlers,  mounts)             Recreational  poaching       a  Italicized  motivations  cannot  be  exclusively  designated  under  one  category  using  Muth   and  Bowe's  (1998)  typology.   b  Trophies  refer  to  non-­‐ivory,  non-­‐pelt  based  products  (e.g.,  antlers,  teeth  and  head   mounts).             80   Figure  3.1:  Recorded  incidents  of  poaching  (e.g.,  number  of  snares  confiscated,  firearm  and   traditional  incidents)  in  two  Mudumu  South  Complex  conservancies:  East  Caprivi  Namibia   (Dzoti  &  Wuparo  Event  Books  2001;  2003-­‐2008).     *!" !"#$%&'()*+,&"-&.'/.0+'#1& )!" (!" '!" +,-./0/12-3" /24/.5206" &!" 7/,5-,8" /24/.5206" %!" 92-,56" 412:/64-05." $!" #!" !" $!!#" $!!%" $!!&" $!!'" $!!(" $!!)" $!!*" 2+$,&&                                 81     Figure  3.2:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  poaching  and  Event   Book  data  for  poaching  incidents  (2001-­‐2008)  in  two  Mudumu  South  Complex   conservancies:  Caprivi,  Namibia.   Mudumu National Park b) Dzoti Conservancy ! " ! " # a) Wuparo Conservancy ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " ! " ! " #! ! # ! " # # !! "" ! " !! ! " ! !! ! " # # ! ! " ! " # ! " ! ! !! ! !! ! # ! " ! " # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! " # ! " ! " ! " ! " " " ! #!! # ! ! ! # # ! ! " ! ! # ! !! !! ! # # ! # ! # ! # ! " ! " ! ! " # # Kwando River # Mamili National Park ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence # 1 Wildlife Occurs Rarely # 2 Villages # 3 Roads and Trails # 4-6 Water # 7 - 10 Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Low High ! Conservancy Boundaries 0 1 2 6 8 Kilometers       4 82   Figure  3.3:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  wildlife  attack  and   livelihood  damage  that  motivates  retaliatory  poaching  and  Event  Book  data  for  poaching   incidents  by  incident  type  (2001-­‐2008)  in  two  Mudumu  South  Complex  conservancies:   Caprivi,  Namibia.   Mudumu National Park b) Dzoti Conservancy ! " ! " a) Wuparo Conservancy ! " ! " ! " ! ! ! " ! " ! " ! " !! ! " " ! ! ! ! " ! ! ! !! ! " ! " ! ! " ! ! " ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! " ! " ! ! " ! " ! " !! "" ! " ! " ! " ! ! " ! ! " ! " ! " !! ! !! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! !! ! " ! ! ! " ! ! " Kwando River Mamili National Park ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Event Book Incidents Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Snares Wildlife Occurs Rarely Firearms Villages Perceived Incidence Low Traditional ! High Roads Water Conservancy Boundaries 0 1 2 4 6 8 Kilometers     83   CHAPTER  4:  SUMMARY  OF  RESEARCH  FINDINGS:  IMPLICATIONS  FOR  THEORY,   METHODS,  AND  PRACTICE     This  thesis  fills  knowledge  gaps  related  to  the  influence  of  conservancy  status  on   perceptions  of  human-­‐wildlife  conflict  (HWC)  risks  and  vulnerability,  local   characterizations  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  relative  to  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  (e.g.,  flooding)   and  differences  between  perceived  and  assessed  risks.    In  producing  new  knowledge,  this   research  makes  theoretical,  methodological,  and  practical  contributions  to  the  extant   literature  on  risk  perception,  vulnerability,  and  HWC.    Data  herein  provide  novel   understanding  about  local  stakeholders'  perceptions  of  wildlife-­‐related  risks  and   vulnerability,  the  influence  of  conservancy  membership  on  HWC-­‐related  risk  perceptions,   and  participatory  approaches  that  enhance  understanding  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  both  to   and  from  wildlife.    Below,  I  discuss  key  implications  for  theory,  methods,  and  practice  from   this  research.   4.1.  THEORECTICAL  IMPLICATIONS   4.1.1.  Conservancy  effects  on  risk  perception  and  vulnerability.   Naughton-­‐Treves  (1997)  and  others  suggested  that  decentralizing  wildlife   management  [i.e.,  community-­‐based  natural  resource  management  (CBNRM)]  from  state  or   federal  levels  to  local  communities  reduces  human  vulnerability  to  HWCs  by  offsetting  the   costs  of  living  with  wildlife  with  economic  benefits.    There  was  previously  a  lack  of   empirical  evidence  surrounding  the  effects  of  such  decentralized  systems  (e.g.,  communal   conservancies)  on  stakeholders'  livelihood  and  wildlife-­‐related  risk  perceptions  and   vulnerability  associated  with  HWC  (Schumann,  Watson  &  Schumann,  2008).       84     Research  in  chapter  two  highlights  conservancy  status  effects  on  stakeholders'   prioritization,  characterization,  and  perceived  severity  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  and   vulnerability.    Although  results  provide  evidence  that  the  establishment  of  a  conservancy   may  reduce  risk  perceptions  to  livelihoods  from  HWC,  conservancy  effects  on  HWC-­‐related   risk  perceptions  to  wildlife  are  less  clear.    Established  conservancy  residents  perceived   more  equitable  distribution  of  benefits  and  less  risks  from  living  with  wildlife;  they  failed,   however,  to  differ  from  emerging  conservancy  residents  regarding  their  sense  of  control   over  HWC  and  participation  in  anti-­‐HWC  related  animal  husbandry  practices.    Established   conservancy  membership,  higher  education  level  and  not  being  a  local  environmental   decision-­‐maker  strongly  predicted  lower  stakeholder  perceptions  of  risk  to  livelihoods   from  HWC.    Age  moderately  predicted  lower  perceptions  of  risk  to  wildlife  (i.e.,  older   participants  perceived  lower  risks  to  wildlife),  while  established  conservancy  membership   marginally  predicted  higher  risk  perceptions  to  wildlife.   4.1.2.  Multidirectional  perceptions  of  risks.       We  know  multiple  factors  influence  stakeholders'  risk  perceptions  to  livelihoods   associated  with  wildlife  such  as  dread,  responsiveness  of  managers,  and  control  over   exposure  (Gore,  Knuth,  Curtis,  &  Shanahan,  2007);  factors  influencing  stakeholders'   perceptions  of  risk  to  wildlife  were  previously  less  clear  (McFarlane,  2005;  Treves,   Andriamampianina,  Didier,  Gibson,  Plumptre,  Wilkie,  et  al.,  2006).    Further,  distinctions   between  stakeholders’  risk  perceptions  associated  with  HWC  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife   relative  to  non-­‐HWC  risks  have  largely  been  unevaluated  (Baird,  Leslie  &  McCabe,  2009).     Stakeholders'  risk  perceptions  to  wildlife  may  influence,  much  like  risk  perceptions  to   livelihoods,  their  motivations  to  comply  with  HWC-­‐related  rules  (Hampshire,  Bell,  Wallace     85   &  Stepukonis,  2004;  McFarlane,  2005).    Research  herein  considers  HWC-­‐related  risk   perceptions  with  both  human  livelihoods  and  wildlife  as  risk  targets.   Chapter  two  presents  data  about  conservancy  residents'  perceptions  and   characterizations  of  multidirectional  HWC-­‐related  risks.    Residents  characterized  a  variety   of  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife  related  and  unrelated  to  interactions  between  people   and  wildlife.    Taken  together,  these  risks  influence  the  vulnerability  of  conservancy   residents  and  wildlife.    For  example,  residents  stated  that  local  climate  conditions  intensify   crop  damage,  threatening  local  livelihoods,  which  can  lead  to  retaliation  towards  wildlife.     Participants  noted  that  although  risks  to  livelihoods  are  both  related  and  unrelated  to   wildlife,  the  most  critical  risks  are  unrelated  (e.g.,  anthropogenic).    Risks  to  wildlife  were   also  perceived  as  mostly  anthropogenic  in  nature.     4.1.3.  Similarities  and  differences  between  assessed  and  perceived  HWC-­related  risks.   Research  in  chapter  three:  a)  presents  data  about  risk  perceptions  associated  with   specific  types  of  HWC  such  as  poaching,  b)  compares  these  perceptions  to  those  associated   with  non-­‐HWC  related  risks  to  wildlife  (e.g.,  agriculture),  c)  explores  stakeholder   motivations  for  poaching,  and  d)  co-­‐maps  risk  assessments  and  perceptions  associated   with  HWC.    In  comparing  maps  of  conservancy  residents'  risk  perceptions  of  conservancy   poaching  and  animal  damage  records,  I  provide  a  unique  picture  of  the  relationship   between  risk  perceptions  and  assessments,  specifically  differences  in  severity  and  the   extent  of  poaching  risk  in  the  study  conservancies  (Knapp,  Rentsch,  Schmitt,  Lewis  &   Polasky,  2010).    Co-­‐mapping  risks  in  this  way  facilitates  examining  patterns  (e.g.,  areas  of   overlap)  associated  with  risk  to  local  livelihoods  and  wildlife.    Further,  such  examination   can  increase  our  understanding  of  the  interrelatedness  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  (e.g.,  crop     86   damage,  poaching)  and  may  aid  in  identifying  appropriate  management  strategies   (Sánchez-­‐Mercado,  Ferrer-­‐Paris,  García-­‐Rangel  &  Rodríguez-­‐Clark,  2008).   New  questions  emerge  and  warrant  further  inquiry.  Factors  that  influence   perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  wildlife  remain  more  ambiguous  than  our   understanding  of  factors  that  influence  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods   (McFarlane,  2005);  more  information  is  needed  to  elucidate  what  these  factors  may  be.   Deeper  understanding  about  the  relationships  between  risk  perception  and  HWC-­‐related   behavior  would  be  beneficial  for  theory  and  practice.    For  example,  how  do  HWC-­‐risk   perceptions  affect  an  individual's  HWC-­‐risk  preventing  behavior,  such  as  adoption  of  best   practices  for  reducing  conflict?    How  do  HWC-­‐related  risk  beliefs  towards  wildlife  affect   compliance  with  wildlife  management  laws  and  conservation  norms  (e.g.,  not  retaliating   for  animal  damage)?    Finally,  it  would  be  useful  to  explore  how  stakeholders  conceptually   map  relationships  between  direct,  indirect  and  non-­‐HWC-­‐related  risks  to  livelihoods  and   wildlife.     4.2.  METHODOLOGICAL  IMPLICATIONS   4.2.1.  Visual  interview  aids.     This  research  produced  a  novel  method,  a  visual  Likert-­‐type  scale,  to  maximize  data   collection  in  a  cross-­‐cultural,  low  literacy,  English  as  a  second  language  context.  Visual   Likert-­‐type  scales  used  multiple  visual  indicators  (e.g.,  color,  size,  numeric  and  non-­‐ numerical  quantitative  measures)  of  increasing  intensity  (Appendix  C).    This  approach   proved  useful  and  efficient  for  data  collection  in  the  field.    Visual  aids  were  also  developed   to  supplement  interview  questions.  Illustrations  were  provided  to  interview  participants  to   insure  construct  validity.    In  providing  line  drawings  of  what  I  considered  wildlife  to  be     87   (and  not  to  be),  I  was  able  to  minimize  confusion  between  respondents  and  myself  about   the  construct  of  wildlife.  I  was  also  able  to  maximize  understanding  among  different   participants  about  the  construct  of  wildlife.     4.2.2.  Focus  group  procedures.   This  research  adapted  risk  ranking  (Tschakert,  2007;  Smith,  Barrett  &  Box,  2000)   and  threat  mapping  (Treves  et  al.,  2006)  techniques  to  capture  local  perceptions  of  HWC-­‐ related  risks.  Tschakert's  (2007)  risk  ranking  methodology,  which  allows  for  a  participant-­‐ centered  conceptualization  and  relative  weighting  of  risks,  was  adapted  to  aid  in  the  spatial   depiction  of  risk  perceptions  (Appendix  A).      Treves'  et  al.  (2006)  spatially  explicit   methodology  for  capturing  stakeholder  perceptions  of  risks  to  wildlife  was  maintained;   however,  the  unidirectional,  researcher-­‐constrained  approach  was  modified  to  account  for   stakeholders’  conceptualizations  of  HWC-­‐related  risks.    While  both  methods  were   developed  to  investigate  perceptions  in  a  unidirectional  manner  (e.g.,  Tschakert’s  (2007)   livelihood  risk  target;  Treves’  et  al.  (2006)  biodiversity  risk  target),  they  were  adapted  to   investigate  HWC-­‐related  risks  in  a  multidirectional  manner  in  accordance  with  research   objectives.    Synthesizing  both  approaches  proved  useful  for  this  research  context;  they   proved  effective  and  efficient  for  data  collection.   Future  research  may  employ  or  adapt  these  methods;  with  additional  field-­‐testing,   visual  aids  may  significantly  improve  a  researcher's  ability  to  collect  valid  data  in  the   context  of  low  literacy  or  English  as  a  second  language  contexts.    Comparative   methodological  research  between  the  developed  visual  Likert-­‐type  scale  and  extant   alphanumeric  Likert-­‐type  scales  could  lead  to  further  developments  to  improve  scale   validity  in  capturing  attitudinal  responses  in  a  variety  of  demographic  and  cultural     88   contexts.    Additional  research  employing  the  adapted  focus  group  methodology  is  needed   to  assess  its  effectiveness  not  only  as  a  data  collection  methodology  but  also  as  a   participatory  tool  in  risk  management.     4.3.  PRACTICAL  IMPLICATIONS   4.3.1.  HWC  interventions.   Risk  perceptions  about  HWC  can  inform  the  design,  implementation,  and  evaluation   of  more  effective  interventions  designed  to  reduce  negative  HWC  consequences  on   livelihoods  and  wildlife.    For  example,  practitioners  may  leverage  information  provided  on   combined  risk  perception  and  assessment  maps  to  more  accurately  target  HWC-­‐related   services  to  the  areas  that  need  it  most  (e.g.,  regions  of  greatest  frequency  of  HWC,  regions   experiencing  HWC  but  previously  ignored).    The  use  of  spatially  explicit  and  colorful  risk   maps  could  improve  risk  communication  in  the  conservancy  (Dransch,  Rotzoll  &  Poser,   2010).    For  example,  when  communicating  HWC  mitigation  strategies  to  stakeholders,   maps  can  illustrate  areas  of  high  likelihood  of  risk  exposure  and  aid  individuals  in   contextualizing  their  risk  perceptions  based  on  their  unique  situation  within  the   conservancy’s  landscape  (Dransch  et  al.,  2010).     Detailed  insights  about  local  livelihood  and  wildlife  vulnerability  to  HWC  may  be   used  to  guide  prioritization  of  HWC  management  to  focus  on  the  most  sensitive  people  and   wildlife  resources  (Smith  et  al.,  2000;  Tschakert,  2007).    For  example,  conservancy   residents  reported  concerns  about  the  negative  consequences  of  retaliation  on  wildlife  yet   they  did  not  prioritize  managing  that  risk  over  other  risks  (e.g.,  agricultural  activities,   poaching).    Characterizing  HWC-­‐related  risk  perception  and  vulnerability  may  provide  new   opportunities  for  mitigation  and  strategies  for  improved  risk  management  (Smit  &  Wandel,     89   2006;  Tschakert,  2007).    For  example,  conservancy  residents  identified  the  agricultural   interface  between  people  and  wildlife  as  highly  problematic  for  managing  HWC  risks.    The   lack  of  land  use  zoning  within  the  conservancy  was  cited  as  increasing  vulnerability  at  this   interface.      Zoning  areas  for  agriculture  and  wildlife  could  improve  management  of  crop   damage  risk  and  reduce  agricultural  encroachment  into  wildlife  habitat.         Vulnerability  is  an  important  concept  for  evaluating  the  efficacy  of  HWC   management  strategies;  participatory  evaluation  strategies,  especially  those  that  involve   the  most  vulnerable  stakeholders  in  addition  to  experts  and  decision-­‐makers,  are   considered  to  be  more  accurate  than  those  that  do  not  involve  vulnerable  stakeholders   (Treves,  Wallace  &  White,  2009).    While  residents  in  the  two  study  conservancies  failed  to   differ  in  their  perceptions  of  the  likelihood  of  their  households  experiencing  an  HWC-­‐ related  risk,  this  research  identified  emerging  (versus  established)  conservancy  residents   as  having  higher  perceptions  of  vulnerability  to  the  negative  consequences  of  such  risks.     Emerging  residents  also  viewed  some  HWC  management  strategies  (e.g.,  conservancy-­‐ prescribed  use  of  chili  as  a  wildlife  deterrent)  as  a  significant  threat  to  wildlife.      Being   aware  of  the  existence  and  nature  of  vulnerability  perceptions  among  conservancy   residents  can  aid  decision  makers.    Decision-­‐makers  may  then  opt  to  explicitly  address,   through  communication,  educational  or  other  efforts,  how  different  HWC  management   strategies  will  affect  members'  and  wildlife’s  vulnerability.    Such  understanding  may  help   decision-­‐makers  better  anticipate  the  extent  to  which  stakeholders  will  accept  certain  HWC   interventions  (Treves  et  al.,  2009).    If  decision-­‐makers  are  able  to  more  aptly  respond  to   local  stakeholders,  there  is  the  potential  for  them  to  increase  stakeholders'  perceived   legitimacy  of  management  interventions  (Kuperan  &  Sutinen,  1998).     90   Finally,  characterizing  stakeholder  perceptions  of  multiple  risks,  both  related  and   unrelated  to  human  wildlife  interactions,  can  foster  understanding  about  how  discrete   wildlife-­‐related  risks  may  most  effectively  be  managed  (Baird  et  al.,  2009).    Data  herein   indicate  that  stakeholders’  perceptions  of  risks  from  HWC  are  connected  to  and  contingent   upon  a  wide  range  of  risks  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife.    For  example,  stakeholders  perceived   risks  such  as  human  financial  insecurity,  local  climate,  inadequate  conservancy  services   and  socio-­‐cultural  insecurity  (human-­‐human  conflict)  as  threats  to  livelihoods  and  wildlife   within  their  conservancies.    This  information  could  be  used  to  formulate  interventions   seemingly  unrelated  but  very  applicable  to  HWC,  such  as  human-­‐human  conflict  resolution   or  improved  disaster  planning,  with  the  benefit  of  lessening  human  and  wildlife   vulnerability  to  HWC  risks.    Given  the  financial  and  social  resources  some  HWC   interventions  require  (e.g.,  compensation  schemes),  anticipating  the  intervention’s  social   viability  before  it  is  implemented  and  employing  indirect  interventions  when  appropriate   could  be  invaluable  to  decision-­‐makers  with  limited  resources.     4.3.2.  Fostering  compliance.   Illegal  conservancy  activities  such  as  poaching  are  of  concern  to  both  conservancy   residents  and  decision-­‐makers.    Unfortunately,  there  are  significant  logistical,  economic,   and  sociopolitical  constraints  to  measuring  poaching  activities  in  conservancies  (Solomon,   Jacobson,  Wald  &  Gavin,  2007;  Vaughan  &  Long,  2007).    Equipped  with  an  increased   understanding  of  the  local  context  of  human-­‐wildlife  interactions,  including  locally  relevant   motivations  for  poaching,  conservation  practitioners  could  explore  alternatives  to   financially  costly  deterrence  measures.    Combining  Event  Book  data  with  residents’   perceptions  captured  in  focus  groups  can  provide  a  rapid  and  cost  effective  way  to     91   holistically  and  more  accurately  assess  the  conservation  impact  and  geographical  extent  of   illegal  activity.    Such  information  can  prove  essential  for  conservancy  game  guards  who  are   tasked  with  monitoring  and  enforcing  anti-­‐poaching  rules.    Understanding  the  variety  of   motives  to  poach  (Hampshire  et  al.,  2004),  the  geographic  extent  and  patterns  of   interactions  between  people  and  wildlife  (Sánchez-­‐Mercado  et  al.,  2008)  in  the   conservancy  may  allow  conservation  practitioners  to  more  deliberately  select  optimal   management  strategies  for  reducing  poaching.   A  number  of  pragmatic  questions  were  generated  and  necessitate  further  inquiry.     More  research  is  needed  to  understand  the  relationship  between  risk  perceptions,   vulnerability  and  the  willingness  of  stakeholders  to  participate  in  specific  HWC-­‐related   intervention  programs.    For  instance,  do  high  perceptions  of  risk  influence  stakeholders’   willingness  to  adopt  alternative  agriculture  or  animal  husbandry  practices?    What  effects   will  high  perceptions  of  risk  to  wildlife  have  on  acceptability  of  wildlife  deterrence   programs  such  as  the  use  of  chili?    Additionally,  understanding  how  different  interventions   influence  the  behavior  and  attitudes  of  conservancy  stakeholders  could  be  of  interest  to   practitioners.    For  example,  do  monetary  compensation  schemes  decrease  negative   attitudes  towards  wildlife  within  conservancies?    Do  monetary  compensation  schemes   influence  stakeholder  participation  in  HWC-­‐related  prevention  activities  within   conservancies?    Lastly,  monitoring  the  effectiveness  of  research  informed  interventions  in   terms  of  decreased  HWC  vulnerability  and  increased  compliance  would  be  essential  to   evaluate  such  approaches  in  terms  of  their  practical  and  theoretical  significance  in   improving  HWC-­‐management.           92   APPENDICES                                                       93   APPENDIX  A     Focus  Group  Protocol                                                                                       94   HWC FOCUS GROUP Facilitator’s Handbook Research funded by Michigan State University’s Department of Fisheries & Wildlife ! "!       95   HWC: Risk Perception, Vulnerability & Compliance FOCUS GROUP ACTIVITY: COMMUNITY MAPPING (CM) & PARITICPATORY RISK RANKING (PRR) Rationale Community mapping (CM) is an effective way to spatially locate the areas within a community that are most vulnerable to human-wildlife conflict (HWC). CM is adaptable and can explore gender and age-stratified division of labor, which spatially influence the distribution of various people. These constructs may be a useful in exploring the interactions between spatial and socio-demographic vulnerability to HWC. CM can be used to explore people’s perceptions, needs, and access to important resources within the community. Community maps may be left with a community to aid in the HWC planning, monitoring, and evaluation. CM also serves as a good community entry exercise. Participatory risk ranking (PRR) is an effective way to quantify perceptions of risks to livelihoods and biodiversity. PRR has been used successfully in developing countries, where participants may have low literacy rates. PRR can explore similarities and differences between the risk perceptions of local men, women and decision makers. Results from PRR can be mapped conceptually or spatially and can inform discussions about solutions and response strategies, and evaluation metrics for intervention measures intended to reduce risks from HWC. Activity Objectives Conducting the community mapping and participatory risk ranking activities has the following objectives: 1. Identify risks to local biodiversity and livelihoods utilizing local perceptions. 2. Identify risks to regional biodiversity and livelihoods from HWC utilizing local perceptions. 3. Compare the perceived importance and severity of threats from HWC relative to threats unrelated to HWC. 4. Depict threats to biodiversity and livelihoods from HWC spatially in order to assess vulnerability. Time Workshop (two full-days; one day prep); each day- 6 hours of activity; 1-hour lunch and two 15minute breaks Session Outline I. Introduction & Consent (day one); Question & Answers (day two)- (15-20 minutes) II. Risk Ranking & Scoring- Livelihoods (day one); Biodiversity (day two)- (90-120 minutes) BREAK (15 MINUTES) III. Discussion- vulnerabilities – (30-40 minutes) LUNCH (1 HOUR) ! "!       96   IV. Community Mapping- Part 1 (day 1); Part II (day 2) (60-90 minutes) V. Discussions group (40-60 minutes) BREAK (15 MINUTES) VI. Debrief (25-30 minutes) !"! Participants • All participants must be of 18 years of age. • Participants will be chosen through consultation with leaders and opportunistically. • Total number of participants will be 30: environmental decision makers (n <8-10), men (n< 810) and women (n< 8-10). • Can be completed with up to 15 people in each group; men, women and key decision makers complete the activities separately • Only one participant per household unit. Materials Risk Ranking Activities • Mylar or acetate transparent film (3 sheets large enough to cover maps) • Large butcher paper or poster paper • For relative HWC frequency, small colored stickers of 3 different colors • Large index cards of different colors • Markers • For social vulnerability, 3 different shapes of colored stickers (same approximate size; in three different colors per shape-one shape needed for each group mapping) • Pebbles or beans (several hundred) • Tape or glue • Stickers • For species involved in HWC, 2 small sticky note pads • Post-it notes • Digital camera (for both activities • For facilitator, small (11 x 8) print out of larger map Risk Mapping Activities • Large aerial photograph, Arc View or other GIS reference base map of the community • Grease pencils (assorted colors- 3 for severity ranking and additional for mapping features), markers of assorted colors ! "!       97   FACILITATOR’S NOTE: You will need at least two people to facilitate this workshop. All facilitators need to receive training on procedures before hand, receive a copy of this booklet and recording instruments. Decision-makers may be surveyed prior to general workshop. Materials should ultimately be left with the community or conservation area once facilitators have adequately recorded information. Lead facilitator should provide a final report of finding to the community/conservation area in an appropriate format. Procedure DAY ONE I. INTRODUCTION & CONSENT (15-20 minutes) You are being asked to participate in a research project related to understanding opinions of threats to local livelihoods and wildlife from human-wildlife conflicts. I am required to make sure that you understand that your participation in this workshop is voluntary, to explain the risks and benefits of participating and answer any questions you have at any time. I am a graduate student from the United States and my name is Jessica Kahler. I attend Michigan State University and study human-wildlife interactions. By human-wildlife interactions I mean I study the benefits and risks to both people and wildlife that live and interact in an area. This research helps me complete requirements for my education, but more importantly may help improve management of conflicts or negative interactions between people and wildlife. I am very interested in hearing what you think about this topic. There are no wrong answers to the questions and discussions that will take place at this workshop. I ask only for your honest opinion. Your participation will help regional and local decision-makers better understand what local people and communities think about conflicts between people and wildlife. Your responses are completely confidential, as I will not record the names of people attending the workshop and all posters and maps that are created will be created by the group, so no one person will be responsible for the information on the maps and posters. The entire workshop should take two full days. You will be provided with lunch, refreshments and all materials needed to complete the activities. I would like to use my voice recorder and digital camera during the workshop. The voice recordings will not be available for any local person or group to review. My American advisor and I will be the only people to review the recording. I will take digital photographs of the maps and posters that the group creates and I may also take photographs of participants or the group. If you are uncomfortable with being photographed I will not photograph you. These activities are voluntary, which means that you may choose not to participate in the workshop at any time. If you do not understand the questions or activities please ask me and I will explain in ! "!       98   greater detail. You have been given some materials in a folder for the workshop. The folder also has my contact information both here in Namibia and at my school in the US, if you should need to contact me later. You must be at least 18 years of age to participate in this workshop. By remaining here at the workshop you are telling me that you at least 18 years of age and want to participate. Do you have any questions before we get started? Before we start I will go over the schedule for the day. !SCHEDULE SHOULD BE POSTED AT THE FRONT OF THE ROOM II. RISK RANKING & SCORING- LIVELIHOODS (90-120 minutes) 1. INTRODUCE THE ACTIVITY “A person’s livelihood is the way they come by or get the things they need to live. Many things can threaten people and the things they value or rely on to live. These threats, sometimes called worries, concerns, risks or dangers, may be of different importance to the community. Some worries may be very serious and threaten human life or health, while others cause only small problems or hassles. The reason we are going to do this activity is to find out what the worries or threats of the community are and how important you think these worries are in threatening local people’s wellbeing. This should take about 2 hours.” 2. FACILITATOR GIVES EACH PARTICIPANT A SET OF CARDS AND MARKERS AND GIVES THE FOLLOWING INSTRUCTIONS • On these cards I want you to write or draw a threat or worry that affects the entire community. • Each card should have only one worry or threat on it. • You can write or draw as many threats to the community as you want. • These worries can be big problems or small problems; whatever you think worries the community. The worries you list should be worries for the entire community not your individual worries. • If you need to write in your local language please feel free or if you need help please ask. I will walk around the room to answer questions. • Please take 20 minutes to write down as many worries as you can think of that threaten the community and the lives of people in the community. Remember we are listing worries that affects the entire community not your individual worries. 3. RANK THE LIVELIHOOD THREATS; USE A LARGE SHEET OF PAPER • Now I want you to bring your cards with your worries, around this large piece of paper. The paper has most important written at the top and least important written at the bottom. • I want you to rank your worries starting with the most important worry to the community, then the second most important and ending with the least important worry at the bottom. ! "!       99   • Everyone will get a chance to rank his/her worries and there is no wrong or right answer. Remember the most worrisome threat will be at the top and the least worrisome will be at the bottom. • After you are happy with your ranking use this tape to attach your card to the paper. 4. FACILITATOR TURNS THE DISCUSSION TOWARDS HUMAN-WILDLIFE CONFLICT “Human-wildlife conflicts are bad or negative interactions between people and wildlife. By wildlife I mean all animals in the area, including birds and reptiles (i.e., such as snakes and lizards) that are not domesticated animals or insects. Lets look at these pictures that show what animals are wildlife and what animals are not wildlife.” !FACILITATOR HAS PRE-PREPARED VISUAL WITH WILDLIFE, DOMESTICATED ANIMALS AND INVERTEBRATES. • It is important to remember that not all interactions or relationships between people and wildlife are bad. Can you think of some benefits to living close to wildlife? • However, bad interactions or negative relationships may threaten both people and the animals themselves. Can you think of different threats to people’s livelihoods from bad interactions between people and wildlife? (i.e., What about wildlife injuring people? How about threats from wildlife to gardens or livestock? Does wildlife ever make people in the community feel afraid or scared?) • Are human-wildlife conflicts a worry for the local community? • Lets look at our worries and rankings again. Are any of the worries that you listed humanwildlife conflicts? If so, lets put a sticker on the cards that are or could be human-wildlife conflicts. • Are there any worries from human-wildlife conflicts that are not on your lists? If there are, lets put them on a card and put them in your rankings where you feel they belong in relation to threats that are not related to wildlife conflict. 5. QUANTIFY THE THREAT SEVERITY • Some worries or threats may be very harmful to people’s wellbeing or livelihoods, while others may not be very harmful but are much smaller problems or hassles. • I am going to give you five beans for each of the worries you listed. You are going to use these beans to give a score to the worries; giving five beans to a worry means that that worry is life threatening, while giving one bean to a worry means that the worry is very little problem or only a hassle. Giving a worry four beans would mean that the worry is less threatening than a five but more threatening than a three, while giving a worry two beans means it is more than a small hassle but less threatening than five, four and three beans. • You can give your worries each a score of 1,2,3,4 or 5. Now you can score your worries; remember a score of 5 means it is life threatening while the lowest score of one the smallest problem or hassle. ! "!       100   • There are no right or wrong numbers of beans. !FACILITATOR ALLOWS PARTICIPANTS TO SCORE THEIR RISK RANKING; AFTER SCORING IS COMPLETED THE ASSISTANT NEEDS TO RECORD THE NUMBER OF BEANS ON EACH CARD OR RECORD SHEET !BREAK 15 MINUTES (REFRESHMENTS) 6. DESCRIBING AND QUANTIFYING THE THREATS • Lastly, lets talk about the threats to your livelihood from human-wildlife conflict. I am going to list all the HWCs; that you listed and scored in your ranking as threats to local livelihoods on these large sheets of paper. • We are going to discuss these threats and write down some important information regarding these threats. !THESE ARE GROUP DISCUSSIONS AND WILL BE RECORDED THROUGH A CONCENSUS. FACILITATOR WILL GUIDE PARTICIPANTS TO ANSWER EACH OF THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS FOR EACH HWC THREAT (ANSWERING ALL QUESTIONS FOR ONE THREAT THEN MOVING TO THE NEXT THREAT. VISUAL SCALES WILL BE USED FOR QUESTIONS A, C AND D. A. How often does this activity or threat happen? Lets use this scale to give this threat a number score. 0-NEVER, 1-RARELY, 2-SOMETIMES & 3- OFTEN B. When during the year does this threat happen (i.e., certain months or wet/dry seasons)? Does it happen the same time every year? C. Overall, how threatening is this human-wildlife conflict to community livelihoods? 0- NO THREAT, 1-LOW THREAT, 2-MEDIUM THREAT AND 3-HIGH THREAT D. How important is it for the community to take steps to reduce this threat? 0-NOT IMPORTANT, 1-LOW IMPORTANCE, 2- MEDIUM IMPORTANCE, 3- HIGH IMPORTANCE E. What animals (i.e., species or types of animals) are involved with this particular threat? FACILITATOR HAS COMMON SPECIES CARDS AVAILABLE AND AS DISCUSSION PROCEEDS THE SPECIES ARE PRESENTED. ! "!       101   • Now, that you have chosen the animals please rank them from the most important animal involved in this threat to the least important. Feel free to talk among yourselves and come to a decision. • Once you have a decision, please attach your animals to the sheet in the order from the most important to the least important. III. DISCUSSION-VULNERABILITITES (30-40 minutes) 1. FACILITATOR INTRODUCES IDEA OF VULNERABILITY AND LEADS DISCUSSION OF HWC VULNERABILITY !THIS IS A GROUP DISCUSSION AND FACILITATOR MODERATES THE DISCUSSION AND TAKES NOTES; VULNERABILITY FACTORS THAT HAVE STRONG SUPPORT ARE LISTED ON THE THREAT DESCRIPTION POSTERS WITH BRIEF DISCRIPTIONS “Lets look at each of the threats and discuss who in the community faces the most threat from this conflict. People in your community may have different chances of experiencing a conflict with wildlife. People in your community may also be different in their ability to cope or recover from a conflict with wildlife after a conflict has happened.” • Are there different traits that make people more likely to have a conflict with wildlife in your community (e.g., where their land is located, how large their land may be, if they take measures to scare away wildlife)? • Are there different traits that make some people suffer more than others once a conflict with wildlife has happened (e.g., how many people live in the household, gender, wealth, landholding size)? "LUNCH (1 HOUR) IV. COMMUNITY MAPPING PART 1 (60-90 minutes) 1. INTRODUCTION TO COMMUNITY MAPPING “Community maps can be important to show where in the area many of the conflicts with wildlife happen and who lives and works in those areas. This is a map of your community and the surrounding area. The purpose of this activity is for you to show where the important areas and resources are in your community, where there have been conflicts with wildlife, which animals are involved in those conflicts, how often these conflicts occur and where in the community particular community members spend time to work and live. Once we are done with this activity we will have a good picture of where in the community conflicts with wildlife occur. This activity should take less than two hours. “ • Lets gather around and look at this map. Has anyone ever seen a map before? On this map let’s locate some important areas for the community. FACILITATOR WILL USE A GEOREFERENCED BASE MAP WITH PRE-MAPPING OF KEY AREAS IN THE COMMUNITY BY CONSULTING LOCAL LEADERS. ! "!       102   Lets quickly locate some important features on the map that are found in the community: a. Locate rivers, lakes, ponds and community water sources. b. Locate important community areas, places to gather for meetings, schools, clinics, roads, businesses, guest areas and community projects. c. Locate houses, village boundaries, fences, gardens and livestock areas. • Are there any important community areas are not on the map? If so, lets take this pencil and add the important areas to the map. 2. MAPPING SOCIAL SPACES 1. Next, I am going to give each of you a set of stickers and we are going to discuss where you spend the most time completing tasks and activities. • The blue stickers indicate areas where you spend the least amount of time, such as an area visited only a few times a year. • The yellow sticker indicates an area that you visit more often, such as an area you may visit nearly monthly. • Finally, the red sticker indicates and area that you spend a great deal of time completing tasks and activities, an area that you visit almost weekly or more than once a week. • Lets discuss which places you and other women in your community spend their time and when you have decided please put your stickers on the map. • Remember, blue stickers are places you spend the least amount of time, yellow stickers are areas you more time and the red are areas you are in almost every day. !THIS ACIVITY IS COMPLETED ON TRANSPARENT SHEETS SECURED TO THE ORIGNAL BASEMAP OF COMMUNITY RESOURCES AND ACTIVITIES. ALL LAYLERS NEED TO BE PHOTOGRAPHED USING A DIGITAL CAMERA FOR LATER ANALYSIS. 3. MAPPING HWC “We are now going to use the HWC threat posters that we created and map these threats onto the community map. First lets number the threats from human wildlife conflict to your livelihoods starting with number one. Write the number on each poster.” • I am going to give you each a set of three different markers. Lets look at the posters and the numbers related to how threatening this threat is to community livelihoods. • We are going to draw where these threats occur on the map. This may be a circle, a line or a dot depending on how large of an area this threat happens in. • The blue marker is for the low threat worries; an area where wildlife conflict occurs yet has little impact on the community or families, as the damage from the conflict is minimal. These are threats that were ranked as a one. ! "!       103   • The yellow marker will represent medium threat or an area where the wildlife conflict occurs and has some impact on the community or families, as the damage from the conflict is moderate or more severe. These threats are those that were ranked as a number two on our number scale. • The red marker is for areas where the wildlife damage is the most severe, area of high threat, and has a great impact on the community or families. These are threats listed scored as a three on our number scale. • Make sure to write the number of the conflict in the circle or next to the line or point. • You can talk with each other about the map and share your ideas. However, remember that each have your individual knowledge of where wildlife conflict occurs. Please be respectful of everybody’s thoughts. You may have some areas where you share conflict and others that are different from your peers. • After you have made your final comments and collected your thoughts you may draw the threat areas on the map with the color that corresponds to the level of threat on its poster. !FACILITATOR WILL, AT A LATER TIME TRANSFER INFORMATION FROM THE HWC THREAT POSTERS (FREQUENCY, IMPORTANT SPECIES INVOLVED) ONTO THE THREAT MAP IN THE CORRECT POLYGON OR ON THE CORRECT LINE OR POINT. V. GROUP DISCUSSIONS (40-60 minutes) 1. GROUP DISCUSSION ABOUT RESULTS OF MAPPING ACTIVITY • Are there any surprising things that you see from looking at the maps? • What are some ways that the community has tried to lessen the threat from human-wildlife conflict or solve human wildlife conflicts? • For each worry related to a human wildlife conflict, the posters we have created, lets write a few common ways that the community or individuals cope or deal with the conflict. • For each strategy or way the community has tried to solve or lessen the conflict lets talk about how good this strategy is at helping the community or individuals deal with the conflict. • Sometimes there are people who benefit from certain solutions (i.e. winners, gain a benefit) and others that do not or are actually harmed even more (i.e. losers, do not benefit). For each solution lets discuss who benefits and who does not benefit. • What do you think are the best things the community could do to help reduce or solve the most worrisome problems related to human-wildlife conflict? Thank you for completing this activity. I will work to make one list with total scores for each worry and present it to community before I leave the village. ! "#!       104   We need a couple volunteers to present our posters and maps to the large group after break. Select a reporter from the group to discuss the final map with the entire group. Now lets take a short break and we will come back in one large group to close the day’s activities. !BREAK 15 MINUTES VI. DEBRIEF (25-30 minutes) 1. GROUP DISCUSSIONS OF RISK RANKING AND MAPPING ACTIVITY • Now lets look at the maps created. Each group’s reporters please briefly discuss your maps and posters with the entire group. Please describe the map to the group. • Are there areas within the community that have more severe conflicts with wildlife? • Are there areas within the community that have conflicts more often than others? • Do any areas overlap with areas often used in completing daily tasks and activities? • Are there concerns about conflicts with particular animals? IF THE ACTIVITY WAS CONGRUENTLY COMPLETED BY MEN AND WOMEN: Now that we have looked at both group’s maps, discuss the similarities and differences between these two maps. • What do you think are the reasons for the differences and the similarities? • Are the areas that men and women use the same in terms of frequency and severity of conflicts with wildlife? If not, why might that be? • What do you think are the best things the community could do to help reduce or solve the most threatening problems for wildlife related to human-wildlife conflict? Thank you for completing that activity. I will work to complete one community map based on the two maps that you completed and make one list with total scores for each threat and present it to community before I leave the village. Are there any questions? CLOSING DAY ACTIVITIES, REMARKS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS ! !"#$%&'()*+*#(#",&-./#&#(0$&$1#$!/*2$&3*4*#(+&56"#"4,(56/&"'$&-(5/7& 5"/#$,/&(!3&"#6$,&".#5.#/&),$(#$3&'",&#,(!/5",#(#*"!&(!3&(!(+8/*/9&& ".#5.#/&(,$&+$'#&:*#6$&)"--.!*#8&#"&6$+5&(*3&+")(+&5+(!!*!49& DAY TWO I. ICEBREAKER, QUESTIONS & ANSWERS (15-20 minutes) FACILITATOR MAY CHOOSE APPROPRIATE ICEBREAKER ACTIVITY OR ASK SOMEONE TO OPEN WITH PRAYER IN ACCORDANCE WITH LOCAL CUSTOM ! ""!       105   • Does anyone have any questions from yesterday’s activities? • Does anyone have any comments from yesterday’s activities? FACILITATOR PRESENTS THE SCHEDULE FOR DAY TWO’S ACTIVITIES AND SPLITS THE GROUPS INTO TWO. II. RISK RANKING & SCORING-BIODIVERSITY (90-120 minutes) 1. INTRODUCE THE ACTIVITY “Today we are going to discuss threats to local wildlife in your area. By wildlife I mean all animals in the area, including birds and reptiles (e.g., such as snakes and lizards) that are not domesticated animals or insects. Lets look again at these pictures that show what animals are wildlife and what animals are not wildlife. Many things can threaten wildlife and the things they rely on to live. These threats, sometimes called concerns, risks or dangers, may be of different importance to the wildlife. Some threats may be very serious and threaten to reduce wildlife numbers, reduce the types or diversity of wildlife found in the area or make them go extinct, while others cause only small problems for wildlife. The reason we are going to do this activity is to find out what the threats to wildlife are and how important you think these threats are in reducing healthy wildlife numbers and types of wildlife found in the area. This should take about 2 hours.” 2. FACILITATOR GIVES EACH PARTICIPATN A SET OF CARDS AND MARKERS AND GIVES THE FOLLOWING INSTRUCTIONS • On these cards I want you to write or draw a threat that affects or threatens wildlife in this area. • Each card should have only one threat on it. • You can write or draw as many threats to the wildlife as you want. These threats can be big problems or small problems; whatever you think threatens the local wildlife. • If you need to write in your local language please feel free or if you need help please ask. I will walk around the room to answer questions. • Please take 20 minutes to write down as many threats as you can think of that endanger or threaten local wildlife. • Remember we are listing threats from people or not from people that affects wildlife. • If you write down an activity that people do that threatens wildlife this does NOT mean that you do this activity. • Try to think about regional or local threats, not just large global threats, such as global warming, but threats that are manageable by local people. 3. RANK THE LIVELIHOOD THREATS; USE A LARGE SHEET OF PAPER AND TAPE • Now I want you to bring your cards, the threats, around this large piece of paper. The paper has most important written at the top and least important written at the bottom. ! "#!       106   • I want you to rank your threats starting with the most important, the most threatening to wildlife on top, then the second most important and ending with the least important threat at the bottom. • Everyone will get a chance to rank his/her threats and there is no wrong or right answer. Remember the most worrisome threat will be at the top and the least worrisome will be at the bottom. • After you are happy with your ranking use this tape to attach your card to the paper. 4. FACILITATOR TURNS THE DISCUSSION TOWARDS HUMAN-WILDLIFE CONFLICT Human-wildlife conflicts are bad or negative interactions between people and wildlife. It is important to remember that not all interactions or relationships between people and wildlife are bad, as we discussed yesterday. However, bad interactions or negative relationships may threaten both people and the animals themselves. • Can you think of different threats to wildlife that result from a conflict with people? (i.e. What about people killing wildlife because of threats to gardens or livestock? How about threats from people to the places wildlife depend on to live? What about poisoning or pollution? What about disease from livestock?) • Are human-wildlife conflicts a threat to local wildlife? • Lets look at our threats and rankings again. Are any of the threats that you listed humanwildlife conflicts or are these threats on wildlife because of a bad interaction with people? If so, lets put a sticker on the cards that are human-wildlife conflicts. • Are there any threats to wildlife from human-wildlife conflicts that are not on your lists? If there are, lets put them on a card and put them in your rankings where you feel they belong. 5. QUANTIFY THE THREAT SEVERITY • Some threats may be very harmful to wildlife, while others may not be very harmful but are much smaller problems that wildlife may easily recover from. I am going to give you five beans for each of the threats you listed. You are going to use these beans to give a score to the threats. • Giving five beans to a threat means that that threat is very serious and may result in the loss of a species or type of animal in the area, while giving one bean to a worry means that the worry is very little problem and does not affect overall wildlife numbers or types of wildlife in the area. • Giving a threat four beans would mean that the threat is less threatening than a five but more threatening than a three, while giving a threat two beans means it is more than a small problem but less threatening than five, four and three beans. • You can give your threats to wildlife each a score of 1,2,3,4 or 5. ! "#!       107   • Now you can score your worries; remember a score of 5 means it is very threatening while the lowest score of one the smallest problem. !FACILITATOR ALLOWS PARTICIPANTS TO SCORE THEIR RISK RANKING; AFTER SCORING IS COMPLETED THE ASSISTANT NEEDS TO RECORD THE NUMBER OF BEANS ON EACH CARD OR RECORD SHEET !BREAK 15 MINUTES (REFRESHMENTS) 6. DESCRIBING AND QUANTIFYING THE THREATS • Lastly, lets talk about the threats to wildlife from human-wildlife conflict. I am going to list all the HWCs that you listed and scored in your ranking as threats to local wildlife on these large sheets of paper. • We are going to discuss these threats and write down some important information regarding these threats. !THESE ARE GROUP DISCUSSIONS AND WILL BE RECORDED THROUGH A CONCENSUS. FACILITATOR WILL GUIDE PARTICIPANTS TO ANSWER EACH OF THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS FOR EACH HWC THREAT (ANSWERING ALL QUESTIONS FOR ONE THREAT THEN MOVING TO THE NEXT THREAT. VISUAL SCALES WILL BE USED FOR QUESTIONS A, C AND D. A. How often does this activity or threat happen? Lets use this scale to give this threat a number score. 0-NEVER, 1- RARELY, 2-SOMETIMES, 3- OFTEN B. When during the year does this threat happen (i.e., certain months or wet/dry seasons)? Does it happen the same time every year? C. Overall, how threatening is this human-wildlife conflict to wildlife? 1-LOW THREAT, 2-MEDIUM THREAT AND 3-HIGH THREAT D. How important is it for the community to take steps to reduce this threat to local wildlife? 0-NOT IMPORTANT, 1-LOW IMPORTANCE, 2-MEDIUM IMPORTANCE, 4- HIGH IMPORTANCE E. What animals (i.e. species or types of animals) are threatened the most by these conflicts? FACILITATOR HAS COMMON SPECIES CARDS AVAILABLE AND AS DESCUSSION PROCEEDS THE SPECIES ARE PRESENTED. • Now, that you have chosen the animals please rank them from the most threatened animal involved to the least important. Feel free to talk among yourselves and come to a decision. • Once you have a decision, please attach your animals to the sheet in the order from the most threatened to the least threatened. III. DISCUSSION-VULNERABILITITES (30-40 minutes) ! "#!       108   1. FACILITATOR INTRODUCES IDEA OF VULNERABILITY AND LEADS DISCUSSION OF HWC VULNERABILITY !THIS IS A GROUP DISCUSSION AND FACILITATOR MODERATES THE DISCUSSION AND TAKES NOTES; VULNERABILITY FACTORS THAT HAVE STRONG SUPPORT ARE LISTED ON THE THREAT DESCRIPTION POSTERS WITH BRIEF DISCRIPTIONS “Lets look at each of the threats and discuss which animals face the most threat from this conflict. Different species or kinds of animals may have different chances of experiencing a conflict with people. Different species in your area may also be different in their ability to cope or recover from a conflict with people after a conflict has happened.” • Are there different traits that make certain animals more likely to have a conflict with people in your community (e.g., where these animals forage or drink water, how large their territory needs to be, migration patterns, cultural factors, hunting or foraging patterns)? • Are there different traits that make some animals suffer more than others once a conflict with wildlife has happened (e.g., how long it takes to reproduce, other threats they face, behavioral factors)? "LUNCH (1 HOUR) IV. COMMUNITY MAPPING PART 2 (60-90 minutes) FACILITATOR IS TO CLEAN OR REMOVE THE MYLAR SHEET FROM DAY ONE ACTIVITIES AND REPLACE WITH A CLEAN SHEET 1. MAPPING THREATS TO WILDLIFE We are now going to use the threat posters that we created and map these threats onto the community map. • First lets number the threats from human wildlife conflict to wildlife starting with number one. Write the number on each poster. • I am going to give you each a set of three different markers. Lets look at the posters and the numbers related to how threatening this threat is to wildlife. • We are going to draw where these threats occur on the map. This may be a circle, a line or a dot depending on how large of an area this threat happens in. • The blue marker is for the low threat worries; an area where wildlife conflict occurs yet has little impact on local wildlife, as the damage from the conflict is minimal. These are threats to wildlife that we gave a score of one. • The yellow marker will represent medium threat or an area where the wildlife conflict occurs and has some impact on the wildlife, as the damage from the conflict is moderate or more severe. These threats had a score of two. ! "#!       109   • The red marker is for areas where the damage or threat to wildlife is the most severe, area of high threat, and has a great impact on the local wildlife numbers or variety. These threats are the ones that you gave a score of three. • Make sure to write the number of the conflict in the circle or next to the line or point. • You can talk with each other about the map and share your ideas. However, remember that each have your different knowledge of where these threats occur. Please be respectful of everybody’s thoughts. • After you have made your final comments and collected your thoughts you may draw the threat areas on the map with the color that corresponds to the level of threat on its poster. V. GROUP DISCUSSION (40-60 minutes) 1. GROUP DISCUSSION ABOUT RESULTS OF MAPPING ACTIVITY • Are there any surprising things that you see from looking at the maps? • What are some ways that the community has tried to lessen the threat from human-wildlife conflict or solve human wildlife conflicts? • For each worry related to a human wildlife conflict, the posters we have created, lets write a few common ways that the community or individuals cope or deal with the conflict. • For each strategy or way the community has tried to solve or lessen the conflict lets talk about how good this strategy is at helping the community or individuals deal with the conflict. • Sometimes there are people who benefit from certain solutions (i.e. winners, gain a benefit) and others that do not or are actually harmed even more (i.e. losers, do not benefit). For each solution lets discuss who benefits and who does not benefit. !FACILITATOR WILL RETURN TO THE THREAT MAPS AND RECORD GROUP RESPONSES IN TERMS OF STRATEGY EFFICIENCY AND WHO IS BENEFITING FROM THE STRATEGY. THIS IS A GROUP DISCUSSION. • What do you think are the best things the community could do to help reduce or solve the most worrisome problems related to human-wildlife conflict? Thank you for completing this activity. I will work to make one list with total scores for each worry and present it to community before I leave the village. We need a couple volunteers to present our posters and maps to the large group after break. Select a reporter from the group to discuss the final map with the entire group. Now lets take a short break and we will come back in one large group to close the day’s activities. !BREAK 15 MINUTES ! "#!       110   VI. DEBRIEF (25-30 minutes) 1. GROUP DISCUSSIONS OF RISK RANKING AND MAPPING ACTIVITY Now lets look at the maps created. Each group’s reporters please briefly discuss your maps and posters with the entire group. Please describe the map to the group. • Are there areas within the community that have more severe conflicts with wildlife? • Are there areas within the community that have conflicts more often than others? • Do any areas overlap with areas often used in completing daily tasks and activities? • Are there concerns about conflicts with particular animals? If the activity was congruently completed by men and women: • Now that we have looked at both group’s maps, discuss the similarities and differences between these two maps. What do you think are the reasons for the differences and the similarities? • Are the areas that men and women use the same in terms of frequency and severity of conflicts with wildlife? If not, why might that be? • What do you think are the best things the community could do to help reduce or solve the most threatening problems for wildlife related to human-wildlife conflict? Thank you for completing that activity. I will work to complete one community map based on the two maps that you completed and make one list with total scores for each threat and present it to community before I leave the village. • Are there any questions? CLOSING DAY ACTIVITIES, REMARKS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS !"#$%&'()*+*#(#",&-./#&#(0$&$1#$!/*2$&3*4*#(+&56"#"4,(56/&"'& #6$&-(5/7&5"/#$,/&(!3&"#6$,&".#5.#/&),$(#$3&'",& #,(!/5",#(#*"!&(!3&(!(+8/*/9&&".#5.#/&(,$&+$'#&:*#6$& )"--.!*#8&#"&6$+5&(*3&+")(+&5+(!!*!49& Relevant Methodological References • Model Sessions: PACA Tools (Booklet #5). U.S. Peace Corps Training Sessions. ICE: GED5_pacatools.pdf, p. 3-8. • Treves, A. et al., (2006). A Simple, Cost-Effective Method for Involving Stakeholders in Spatial Assessments of Threats to Biodiversity. Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 11, 43-54. ! "#!       111   • Tschakert, P. (2007). Views from the vulnerable: Understanding climatic and other stressors in the Sahel. Global Environmental Change – Human and Policy Dimensions, 17 (3-4), pp. 381-396. • Tschakert, P.I. (2009). Participatory Assessment and Learning Tools: Participatory Risk Mapping, Ranking, and Scoring. Climate Change Collective Learning and Observatory Network Ghana. (In press, acquired through personal communication with author). • Smith, K., Barrett, C.B., and Box, P.W. (2000). Participatory Risk Mapping for Targeting Research and Assistance: With an Example from East African Pastoralists. World Development, 28 (11), pp. 1945-1959. • Quinn, C.H., Huby, M., Kiwasila, H. and Lovett, J.C. (2003). Local perceptions of risk to livelihood in semi-arid Tanzania. Journal of Environmental Management, 68, pp.111-119. • Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), September (2004). Technical Manual 1: Participatory spatial assessment of human activities- a tool for conservation planning. Living Landscapes Program-Human Activities Mapping, 1-12. ! "#!       112   APPENDIX  B     Interview  Guide                                                                                       113   Opinions of Risks to Local Livelihoods & Wildlife from Human-Wildlife Conflict ! Research funded by Michigan State University’s Department of Fisheries & Wildlife !     114   INTERVIEW GUIDE- VERBAL CONSENT SCRIPT I am a graduate student from the United States and my name is Jessica Kahler. I attend Michigan State University and study human-wildlife conflicts. By human-wildlife conflicts I mean a bad or negative interactions between people and wildlife. This research helps me complete requirements for my education, but more importantly may help improve management of conflicts between people and wildlife. I am very interested in hearing what you think about this topic. There are no wrong answers to the questions that will be asked. I ask only for your honest opinion. Your participation will help researchers, regional and local decision-makers better understand the threats to local people, communities and wildlife from conflicts between people and wildlife. Your responses are completely confidential, as I will not record your name in association with your answers. I will only give your interview a number. The entire interview should take about 1 hour - 1.5 hours. This interview is voluntary, which means that you may choose not to participate in interview at any time. You may also chose not answer a particular question of the interview. If you do not understand the questions please ask me and I will be happy explain in greater detail. You must be at least 18 years of age to participate in this interview. By saying “Yes I understand,” you are telling me that you at least 18 years of age and want to participate. Do you have any questions before we get started? HWC INTERVIEW: Risk Perception, Vulnerability & Compliance Case Study Code: _03- ______Language: ___________ Date:___________________ Interview #: ______________ Time Start: ____________ Setting (circle one): Residential Outdoors ! Commercial Community "!     Time End: ____________ 115   Introduction & Ice-Breakers Many of the questions that I am going to have you answer will have a number as an answer. This picture illustrates the numbers (SHOW IMAGE). Larger numbers indicate more or greater, which can mean that you have more concern, you think there is more threat or you think it always happens. Lower numbers indicate you have less concern, you think there is a little threat or you think it never happens. First you get a chance to practice using the number scale. [INTERPRETERS EXPLAIN SCALE] 1. How often did you eat porridge last year? 0 1 2 Never Rarely Sometimes 3 Often 2. Please tell me how concerned you are that South Africa’s football team will beat Namibia’s football team during the world cup in 2010. 0 1 2 3 No Low Medium High concern concern concern concern Section 1: Factors influence HWC Human-wildlife conflicts (HWC1) are bad or negative interactions between people and wildlife. [INTERPRETER AND RESEARCHER SHOW VISUAL AID THAT CLARIFIES WILDLIFE]. HWCs can threaten the health and safety of either people or wildlife. I am going to ask you how you feel about human-wildlife conflicts. 3. How often does HWCs happen in your community? 0 Never 1 Rarely 2 Sometimes 3 Often 4. Do you think that the current threat from conflicts with wildlife to your community is low enough (i.e., is the risk of HWC to your community okay)? YES or NO IF NO: Are the threats from wildlife to your community? 1 2 3 Low Medium High !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! HWC will be used as shorthand through the remainder of the document. Investigator will say “human-wildlife conflict” throughout interview. 1 ! "!     116   5. Do you think that the current threat from people to local wildlife populations is low enough (i.e., is the risk of HWC to local wildlife populations okay)? YES or NO If NO, are the threats to local wildlife populations from people? 1 2 3 Low Medium High 6. How much do you think that natural factors (i.e., drought, or floods) increase conflicts with wildlife in your area? 0 1 2 3 No Low Medium High increase increase increase increase 7. How much do you think that your community’s development (i.e., where people build housing or plant crops) increases conflicts with wildlife in your area? 0 No increase 1 Low increase 2 Medium increase 3 High increase 8. How much control do you think you have over whether your family has a conflict with wildlife? 0 No control 1 Low control 2 Medium control 3 High control 9. Does everyone in your community have the same chance to benefit from local wildlife? YES or NO IF NO: In your community, how much are the benefits from wildlife shared? 0 1 2 3 No Low Medium High sharing sharing sharing sharing ! "!     117   10. Does everyone in your community have the same risk of experiencing a conflict with wildlife? YES or NO IF NO: In your community, how much are the risks (threats) from conflicts with wildlife shared? 0 No sharing 1 Low sharing 2 Medium sharing 3 High sharing Section 2: Perception of risks to livelihoods from HWC I am now going to ask you questions about the threats from wildlife to your livelihood. By livelihood I mean your way of life and your quality of life. Seeing a wild animal is not necessarily a conflict unless you feel bad or threatened. 11. People have different levels of concern about living with wildlife. How concerned are you personally about: No concern Low concern Medium concern High concern Being injured by wildlife 0 1 2 3 Damage to agricultural products caused by wildlife (e.g., crops, fisheries) 0 1 2 3 How concerned are you personally about: Loss of livestock to wildlife 0 1 2 3 Damage to your property caused by wildlife (e.g., equipment, fence, house) 0 1 2 3 1 2 3 How concerned are you personally about: The work needed to keep wildlife away from your agricultural property (e.g., crops, livestock, fisheries) 0 ! "!     118   How concerned are you personally about: Feeling threatened by wildlife 0 1 2 3 Conflicts with other people in your community over wildlife issues 0 1 2 3 Livestock getting a disease from wildlife 0 1 2 3 12. People have different levels of concern about loss that may result from humanwildlife conflict. How concerned are you that a conflict with wildlife that would: No concern Low concern Medium concern High concern Reduce your household food supply 0 1 2 3 Reduce family income (i.e. lost marketable products) 0 1 2 3 How concerned are you that a conflict with wildlife that would: Reduce household labor available due to injury caused by wildlife 0 2 3 0 Increase labor needs due to agricultural damage by wildlife 1 1 2 3 How concerned are you that a conflict with wildlife that would: Reduce your family’s ability to meet cultural obligations (e.g., festivals, weddings, pay fines) ! 2 3 1 2 3 "!     1 0 Reduce your family’s social status (e.g., reduction in livestock #’s or wealth) 0 119   How concerned are you about losses from conflict with wildlife that may: Reduce your family’s happiness due to worry 0 1 2 3 Reduce future wildlife resources to benefit your grandchildren (i.e., future generations) 0 1 2 3 13. Now I am going to ask you about how often you come up against certain types of threats from conflicts with wildlife. We are going to use this scale [SHOW SCALE AND GO THROUGH CATEGORIES]. How often has your family come up against: Never Rarely Sometimes Often Agricultural crop loss to wildlife 0 1 2 3 Livestock predation by wildlife 0 1 2 3 Damage to your property by wildlife (e.g., equipment, fences, house ) 0 1 2 3 Injury due to wildlife 0 1 2 3 How often has your family come up against: How often has your family come up against: Never Rarely Sometimes Often Feeling threatened by wildlife 0 1 2 3 Conflicts with other people in the community over wildlife issues 0 1 2 3 Livestock getting a disease from wildlife 0 1 2 3 14. Overall, please rate how often you worry about threats from wildlife to your livelihood. 0 Never 1 Rarely 2 Sometimes ! "!     3 Often 120   15. Can you give me an example of something that you or your family does to reduce the threats to your livelihoods from conflicts with wildlife (i.e. can you give me an example of ways you protect yourselves against wildlife)? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Section 3: Perceptions of risk to wildlife from HWC I am now going to ask you questions about threats that people cause to wildlife. By threats to wildlife I mean that things that people do have a negative effect on the overall numbers of wildlife, the diversity of wildlife (i.e., different types of wildlife) or harm the environment wildlife needs for survival. 16. People have different levels of concern about the negative effects on wildlife due to conflicts that wildlife has with people. Using this scale [SCALE CHANGE SHOW IMAGE], how much threat to local wildlife in this area is: No threat at all Low threat Medium threat High threat People killing wildlife for food 0 1 2 3 People killing wildlife because of conflicts with people (i.e., agriculture, injury, water) 0 1 2 3 People killing wildlife because of cultural beliefs (i.e., taboos, trophies, rites of passage) 0 1 2 3 People killing wildlife for money (i.e., tourism, meat) 1 2 3 In your area, how threatening to wildlife is: 0 ! "!     121   No threat at all Low threat Medium threat High threat In your area, how threatening to wildlife is: People using the resources wildlife need for survival (i.e., water, pasture) 0 1 2 3 Wildlife getting a disease from domestic animals 0 1 2 3 In your area, how threatening to wildlife is: People changing wildlife areas to support their livelihoods (i.e., agriculture, fuel wood) 0 1 2 3 People changing wildlife areas to exclude wildlife (i.e., putting up fences, clearing brush) 0 1 2 3 Poaching 0 1 2 3 17. OMITTED QUESTION 18. People have different levels of concern about losses that wildlife may face as a result of conflict with people. How concerned are you about that the following types of losses are happening to wildlife in your area: No concern Low concern Medium concern High concern Reduce overall wildlife numbers 0 1 2 3 Reduce the number of different wildlife species in the area (i.e., losing diversity) 0 1 2 3 Loss of a certain wildlife species (i.e., losing one kind of animal in the area) 0 1 2 3 ! "!     122   How concerned are you about wildlife losses from conflict with people that may: Reduce wildlife health 0 1 2 3 Reduce resources to support future wildlife populations 0 1 2 3 19. Now I am going to ask you about how often you think wildlife comes up against certain types of threats from HWC. [SHOW SCALE AND GO THROUGH CATEGORIES]. How often does the following happen in your area: Never People killing wildlife due to damage to agricultural products (i.e., crops, livestock) Rarely Sometimes Often 0 1 2 3 People killing wildlife due to damage to property (i.e., housing, fences, water tanks) 0 1 2 3 People killing wildlife that threaten to injure people 1 2 3 0 How often do you think the following threatens wildlife in your area: Wildlife getting a disease from domestic animals 0 1 2 3 People using resources wildlife needs for survival (e.g., water, pasture) 0 1 2 3 How often do you think the following threatens wildlife in your area: People changing wildlife areas to support their livelihoods (e.g., clearing land for agriculture, removing fire wood) 0 1 2 3 People changing wildlife areas to exclude wildlife (e.g., putting up fences, clearing bush) 0 1 2 3 Poaching 0 1 2 3 ! "#!     123   20. Overall, how often you do you worry about threats to wildlife from people in your area? 0 Never 1 Rarely 2 Sometimes 3 Often 21. Can you give me an example of something that your community or conservancy does to reduce the threats to wildlife from conflicts with people (i.e., Can you give me an example of something your community is doing to protect wildlife)? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Section 4: Compliance and Legitimacy Now I am going to talk to you about your feelings about wildlife rules. The rules I am interested in tell you how you should and can interact with wildlife populations and include both laws and community rules. I will ask you about how good you think wildlife rules are at reducing threats to people and to wildlife. I will also ask you about your opinion on how these rules and laws are created but I will not ask you about whether you break wildlife rules. 22. Are you aware there are rules in relation to wildlife? YES or NO IF YES: Can you give me an example of a wildlife law (i.e., enforced by government or local decision-makers that you are aware of)? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Can you give me an example of a local rule (i.e., enforced by community or culture)? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ! ""!     124   23. I am now going to ask you to use this scale to measure importance [SHOW SCALE]. People may choose to follow wildlife rules for different reasons. How important do you think the following reasons are in relation to why people in your community may follow rules regarding wildlife? Not important Low importance Medium importance High importance Because the rule is doing the right thing 0 1 2 3 Because following rules is the right thing to do 0 1 2 3 Respect for authority 0 1 2 3 When people decide to follow wildlife rules how important is: Fear of getting caught 0 1 2 3 How severe the punishment is (i.e., the punishment is serious) 0 1 2 3 Shame if caught 0 1 2 3 24. Do you think that decision makers are doing the right thing by creating rules in relation to wildlife? YES or NO 25. How good do you think decision makers are at enforcing the rules about wildlife? 0 Not at all good 1 Low good 2 Medium good ! "#!     3 High good 125   26. How good do you think decision makers are at enforcing the rules about wildlife in a fair way? 0 Not at all good 1 Low good 2 Medium good 3 High good 27. How good do you think the rules are now at lowering the threats from conflicts with wildlife to : Not at all good Low good Medium good High good All people in your community 0 1 2 3 People like yourself 0 1 2 3 How good are these wildlife rules at lowering the threats to: All wildlife species in the area 0 1 2 3 Wildlife species at high risk (i.e., wildlife of conservation concern, endangered animals) 0 1 2 3 28. Some people may feel they are not able to participate in decision-making about wildlife rules as much as they want to. In your opinion, how important are the following factors in deciding whether people in your community are able to participate in decision making related to wildlife rules: Not at all important Low important Medium important High important Their desire to participate 0 1 2 3 Being male (i.e., being a man, gender) 0 1 2 3 Being a community elder 0 1 2 3 ! "#!     126   In deciding whether people are able to participate in decision making related to wildlife how important is: Having a formal education 0 1 2 3 Whether their family lived in area for a long time 0 1 2 3 What tribe they belong to 0 1 2 3 29. How good are local decision makers at taking the views of people like you into account when making wildlife rules (i.e., how good are the decision makers now at listening to opinions of people like yourself)? 0 Not at all good 1 Low good 2 Medium good 3 High good 30. How good are decision makers not at considering threats to your livelihood when making wildlife rules? 0 Not at all good 1 Low good 2 Medium good 3 High good 31. How good are decision makers now at considering threats to wildlife populations when making wildlife rules? 0 Not at all good 1 Low good 2 Medium good ! "#!     3 High good 127   Section 4: Vulnerability I am now going to ask some questions that are personal in nature. This is a very important part of the interview. Remember, I will not ask for your name or any questions that would indicate who you are. 32. Respondent’s gender [OBSERVED]: 33. Ethnic affiliation: [ ] [ ] Kavango Kwanyama [ ] [ ] Totela Twana [ ] Lozi [ ] Yeyi Male or Female [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] Mafwe Mbukushu Ndonga Subiya [ ] Other: __________________________________ 34. What would you say is the primary way that you make a living: (check no more than two) [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] Agriculture Livestock Fishing Hunting Trading/ Rural industry (beer vending brewing, handicraft) Wage or salary work [ ]; If wage or salary check one below: [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] Agricultural/ Tourism Childcare/ Business Government Service/ livestock industry homecare NGO [ ] Other (specify): _________________________________ 35. How old are you? ______ (IF UNSURE): What year were you born? ______________(IF UNSURE CONSULT THE CAPRIVI HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY FOR GROSS GENERATIONAL ESTIMATES): I was born before: ____________________________________ 36. What is your highest level of formal education that you completed? _________ (check one) Did not complete lower primary [ ] Completed lower primary [ ] Some upper primary [ ] Completed upper primary [ ] Some junior secondary [ ] Completed junior secondary [ ] Some senior secondary [ ] Completed senior secondary [ ] Some college [ ] Completed college [ ] Adult vocational training (adult education courses) [ ] ! "#!     128   37. How long has your family been living in this community? (UTILIZE THE CAPRIVI HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY FOR GROSS GENERATIONAL ESTIMATES) Have lived here since: _________________________ 38. Are you a member of any decision-making body such as a committee, council or elected position (e.g., Village development committees (VDC), Farmer’s committees, health committees, parent-teacher associations, women’s group, water committee, conservation committee)? YES or NO (IF NO ! SKIP TO NEXT QUESTION; IF YES ANSWER FOLLOWING TWO QUESTIONS) IF YES: What decision making group do you belong to: _____________________________________________________________________ What is your position in that group? ________________________________ 39. What is your current marital status? [ ] Never Married [ ] Married [ ] Divorced [ ] Widowed IF MARRIED: How many spouses do you have? _______ 40. How many people are currently living in your household? _______ 41. Of the people living in your household how many are under 18 years of age? ________ 42. Do you own any land? YES or NO IF NO LAND OWNERSHIP OR NO AGRICULTURAL/ GRAZING LAND !SKIP TO QUESTION 44 IF YES: Is the land that belongs to you: (check all that apply) [ ] Residential [ ] [ ] Arable/ Grazing agriculture [ ] Business sites ! "#!     [ ] Other (hunting, collecting) 129   43. How large is your agricultural and/or grazing land? ________________ [ ] Small Less than 5 hectares [ ] Medium 5-10 hectares [ ] Large Greater than 10 hectares 44. Is any of your agricultural/ grazing land fenced, including bush fence? YES or NO IF YES, is the fence: [ ] Bush (Acacia, thorn) [ [ ] Other:________ 45. Do you rent or lease land for agriculture? ] Barbed Wire [ YES or ] Electric NO 46. Does your household currently grow agricultural crops? IF NO ! SKIP TO QUESTION 48 YES or NO 47. Are your agricultural crops regularly guarded? IF NO ! SKIP TO QUESTION 48 YES or NO IF YES: Of the following, who in the household is responsible for guarding the crops (check all that apply): [ ] Everyone/ anyone [ ] Paid labor [ ] Household men [ ] Guard animal [ ] [ ] [ ] Household ChildrenChildrenwomen boys girls [ ] Other: _______________________ 48. Do you have livestock? IF NO!SKIP TO QUESTION 50 YES or NO IF YES: Can you tell me what kind of livestock you have and approximately how many head of each? [ [ [ [ ] ] ] ] Cattle: Estimation of #: ________ [ ] Goats: Estimation of #: ________ Donkeys: Estimation of #:______ [ ] Horses: Estimation of #:________ Pigs: Estimation of #: _________ [ ] Fowl (chickens, ducks): #: ______ Other: ____________: Estimation of #: __________________ ! "#!     130   49. Does anyone or anything, such as a guard animal, in your household guard your livestock? YES or NO IF NO !SKIP TO QUESTION 50 IF YES: Who in the household is responsible for guarding the livestock and what livestock do they guard (CHECK ALL THAT APPLY AND INDICATE LIVESTOCK GUARDED-LG): [ ] [ ] [ ] Household men Household women Children-boys LG: _____________________ LG: _____________________LG: _______________ [ ] [ ] [ ] Children-girls Paid labor Guard animal (specify): LG: _____________________LG: ______________________LG: _______________ [ ] Other: ___________________LG: __________________________ 50. Do you have any other comments you would like to share with me related to HWC? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Thank you for your time. That concludes the interview related to human wildlife conflict. Please feel free to contact me later if you think of anything else you would like to add. If you would like to contact the researcher I can provide you with contact information including a Namibian cell phone number. If you are interested in learning about the results of this research the researcher will be happy to share them with you when she is finished in August 2010. (Time End: _____________) ! "#!     131     APPENDIX  C     Visual  aids                                                                                       132   Figure  C1:  Developed  visual  Likert-­‐type  scales  (a.  intensity  or  amount;  b.  frequency)  for  use   with  semi-­‐structured  interviews  and  focus  groups  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi   Namibia  (July-­‐September,  2009)      a.   ! ! 0 ! ! 1 2 3 ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! NO ! ! LOW MEDIUM HIGH ! !  b.   ! ! ! ! ! !     ! ! 0 NEVER ! 1 2 3 RARELY SOMETIMES OFTEN ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! NEVER HAPPENS ! ! LESS THAN 1- 5 TIMES A YEAR SEASONALLY! 6-12 TIMES A YEAR MONTHLY ! ! !   !   133   MORE THAN 12 TIMES A YEAR WEEKLY   APPENDIX  D     Coding  Protocol                                                                                       134   Focus Group Data - Coding Protocol Human dimensions of HWC Research East Caprivi, Namibia (July-September, 2009) Author: Jessica Kahler Revised: February 21, 2010 A. IDENTIFYING HEADERS & DESCRIPTIONS Participants recorded their opinions about risks onto index cards (hereafter cards). For the purpose of coding text on the cards it is necessary to break each card into its component parts. Every card had at least one risk, depicted as a single word, phrase or sentence (header); some cards had additional information (descriptions) related to the risk. Sample Index Card: HEADER Floods destroy crops and limits living space DESCRIPTION ! Header ! The lone text on the index card or the subject of the text to follow; often written at the top of the card or above accompanying text below and may be distinguished by being underlined, written in capital letters or other. Description! Text written in addition to the header; text elaborates on the header, may list additional risks that are perceived to be causally related to the header risk or give examples or additional explanation.       135   B. RULES REGULATING THE TREATMENT OF HEADER AND DESCRIPTIONS: A) Priority is given to the participantsʼ header on the index card when assigning a primary category; if the card contains additional risk categories in the description the header risk will remain as the primary category. Example: (Header) Flooding Primary category ! (Description) destroys crops and limits living space Flooding B) If description text is present and it contains additional keywords and concepts related to risk categories (Table 1), it should be coded for a secondary categorical variable. Secondary categories must be distinct from the primary category assignment. Example: (Header) Bridges Primary category ! (Description) During construction of bridges large machines can scare [wildlife][sic]. Development Secondary category ! Increased human-wildlife interaction C) If the description contains multiple examples of additional risk categories related to the header risk category (primary category), the first example given will become the second category. Example: (Header) Cash benefits Primary category ! (Description) Cash benefits [are] not enough to feed the family OR take [children] to school [sic]. Insufficient benefits from conservancy Secondary category ! Subsistence insecurity ! "!       136   D) If a participant has listed the same risk category as a header on more than one of their cards (replicating risk headers), the description (if available) on the second, replicated card will be used to reassign a primary category and the header on the replicated card will become the secondary category. Example: (1st Header) Flooding (1st Description) decreases food security (2nd Header) Flooding (2nd Description) brings wildlife closer to people (1st Primary category) !Flooding (1ST Secondary category)! Food insecurity (2nd Primary category)!Increased (2nd Secondary category)! Flooding wildlife proximity C. RISK CATEGORY CODING RULES Individual cards with text generated during the risk ranking and scoring activity must be coded into categories for analysis. Below are yes or no question for coding “text” on cards into categories generated during the initial, iterative review of text (see Table 1 for list of categories). “Text” refers to headers in the first round of coding in which the primary category is assigned. If there are descriptions available on cards (text in addition to the header), then the card is subjected to a second round of coding in which the secondary category is assigned from the description. Therefore, “text” in the second round of coding refers to descriptions on cards. 1) Does the text mention a wildlife species, a problem animal damage incident, activities to control wildlife or human-induced wildlife death? IF YES ! NEXT QUESTION IF NO ! SKIP TO QUESTION #8 ! "!     137   2) Does the text mention more than one type of human-wildlife conflict (HWC) (e.g., crop damage and livestock depredation) or HWC in general? IF YES ! Card will be coded as a generalized designation of HWC IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 3) Does the header-text mention a specific wildlife species or wildlife in general? IF YES ! Card will be coded using the description (secondary category). If the description contains more than one type of conflict, refer to rule #2. If the description contains one risk category in the text, that category becomes the primary category (refer to next question). IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 4) Does the text mention a specific type of wildlife damage incident (e.g., crop damage, livestock depredation, people injured or killed by wildlife)? IF YES ! Card will be coded as the specific category of wildlife damage type as generated by the initial review of all text (crop damage, human attack, livestock loss). IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 5) Does the text mention illegal harvest of wildlife or use of illegal harvest methods (e.g., snares, poison)? IF YES ! If the text mentions the illegal act in terms the context of a problem animal incident, card is coded as “retaliation.” If text does not mention the illegal act in the context of a problem animal incident, card will be coded as “poaching.” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION ! "!     138   6) Does the text mention hunting or wildlife harvest sanctioned by the conservancy? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “hunting.” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 7) Does the text mention preventative activities meant to avoid conflict with wildlife or scare wildlife away from property? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “wildlife deterrence activities.” IF NO ! STOP. Coding should be complete for all cards for which the answer to question #1 was ʻyes.ʼ For coding of secondary categories (descriptions), return to question #1 and follow all rules accordingly. 8) Does the text mention services or management activities that are related to conservancy function or fall under conservancy management duties or authority (e.g., translocation of wildlife, compensation)? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “conservancy services and management” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 9) Does the text mention human activities within the conservancy related farming, animal husbandry, or anthropogenic use of fire? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “agricultural activities” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 10) Does the text mention anything that results in changes in the interaction between, the proximity of or the competition between people and wildlife for space or resources? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “increased human-wildlife interactions” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION ! "!     139   11) Does the text mention the development of infrastructure (e.g., housing, roads) within the conservancy or the negative consequences of development activities? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “development” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 12) Does the text mention human or wildlife activities (e.g., deforestation) that modify or change the environment not related to development of infrastructure (question #11)? IF YES ! Card will be coded as “habitat modification” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 13) Does the text mention a lack of subsistence-based resources (e.g., land, food, skills, livestock) or conditions that reduce subsistence-based resources? IF YES ! Card will be coded “subsistence insecurity” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 14) Does the text mention lack of economic development, financial resources, employment opportunities or chronic deficiencies in monetary resources? IF YES ! Card will be coded “Financial insecurity” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 15) Does the text mention a lack of education opportunities, educationalrelated infrastructure or adult training in job-related skills? IF YES ! Card will coded “education and training” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 16) Does the text mention a lack of non-education related services (e.g., health care), inadequate infrastructure or unsatisfactory living conditions? IF YES ! Card will be coded “rural services and infrastructure” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION ! "!     140   17) Does the text mention poor human health related to disease, chronic conditions or reduced physiological health conditions? IF YES ! Card will be coded “poor human health” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 18) Does the text mention conditions related to social welfare (e.g., alcoholism), social or cultural conflicts or concerns about cultural or theological deterioration? IF YES ! Card will be coded “socio-cultural insecurity” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 19) Does the mention text mention climatic conditions, natural climaterelated disasters or changes in weather patterns? IF YES ! Card will be coded “climate” IF NO ! NEXT QUESTION 20) Does the text mention non-anthropogenic competition between or among wildlife species for resources (e.g., predation) or biotic (nonclimatic) related environmental risks (e.g., wildlife disease outbreak)? IF YES ! Card will be coded “ecological risks” IF NO ! STOP: ALL CARDS SHOULD BE CODED FOR A PRIMARY CATEGORY. IF CARDS REMAINS UNCODED, REVISIT CODING RULES FOR VERIFICATION. RULES MUST BE REVISED IF ANY TEXT REMAINS UNCODED FOR A PRIMARY CATEGORY AFTER FINAL VERIFICATION. FAILURE TO CODE FOR SECONDARY CATEGORIES IN THE DESCRIPTION DOES NOT WARRANT REVISION OF CODING RULES (ENTER “OTHER” AS SECONDARY CATEGORY). ! "!       141   Table 1: Risk categories generated by reviewing participant generated text during risk ranking and scoring activities; Caprivi HWC research (JulySeptember, 2009) Risk Category Coding Agricultural activities 01 Climate 02 Conservancy service and management 03 Crop damage 04 Development 05 Ecological risks 06 Education and training 07 Financial insecurity 08 Habitat modification 09 Human attack 10 Human-wildlife conflict 11 Hunting 12 Increased human-wildlife interaction 13 Livestock loss 14 Poaching 15 Poor human health 16 Retaliation 17 Rural services and infrastructure 18 Socio-cultural insecurity 19 Subsistence insecurity 20 Wildlife deterrence activities 21 Other- description (does not fit categories) 22 ! "!         142     APPENDIX  E     Interview  respondent  demographic  information  by  conservancy                                                                                   143   Table  E1:  Demographic  information  from  interviews  in   two  conservancies  (emerging  =  41;  established  =  35)  in   Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­ September,  2009)   Characteristic   Emerging     Established   Educational  attainment   No  schooling   Some  primary   Completed  primary   Some  secondary   Completed  secondary   Some  college  education   Adult  vocational  training   Ethnic  group   Kwanyama   Mafwe   Mayeyi   Totela   Gender   Female   Male   Language  (used  in   interview)   Percent  of  participants  (%)   12     23   5     6   20     6   44     40   12     25   5     0   2     0         0     3   0     3   100     86   0     8         49     49   51     51     English  a   Lozi   Shiyeyi   Subiya   Totela   Missing  (unknown)       24     34   12   59   0   0   5             6   51   3   3   3   Local  environmental  decision-­maker  b   No       71     Yes   29       86   14   a  Includes  English  and  English  with  Sheyeyi  or  Lozi.   b  Members  of  conservancy  staff  or  traditional  authority.         144     Table  E1  (continued):  Demographic  information  from   interviews  in  two  conservancies  (emerging  =  41;   established  =  35)  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,   Namibia  (July-­September,  2009)   Characteristic   Emerging   Marital  status     Established   Percent  of  participants  (%)   Never  married   20     20   Married   68     60   Divorced   2     3   Widowed   10     17   Primary  livelihood  strategy     Agriculture       98     89   Livestock   2     0   Rural  industry   0     6   Wage  (Service/NGO)   0     3   Other   0     2   Age  (years)   People  (#)   Mean   43     43   Minimum   18     18   Maximum   84     88   Household  size             Mean   6     6   Minimum   1     1   Maximum   10     15   Wealth  index  c   Household  ($NAD/capita)   Mean   5024     3513   Minimum   50     0   Maximum   85160       43900   c  The  wealth  index  was  calculated  using  a  household's   livestock  assets,  size  of  agricultural  land  holdings  divided  by   the  total  number  of  people  in  the  household.       145     APPENDIX  F     Data  on  species-­‐specific  vulnerability                                                                                       146   Table  F1:  Perceived  and  reported  species  implicated  in  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and  human  attack  in   two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex  (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­September,  2009)   Perceived  (Focus  Group,  2009)       Crop  damage  a   Elephant   Hippopotamus   Baboons   Porcupine   Buffalo   Monkeys   Bush  pig   Kudu   Jackal   Fox   Duiker   Impala   Rank   Incidence  index       0.52   1   2   3   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   9   10   Reported  (Event  Book,  2001-­2008)   Importance   index   0.61   1.00   1.00   1.00   1.00   0.83   0.83   0.67   0.50   0.50   0.33   0.33   0.17           Crop  damage     Elephant     Hippopotamus     Buffalo     Porcupine     Bush  pig     Monkey     Baboon     Duiker     Spring  hare     Kudu     Jackal       Reed  Buck   1.00   0.79   0.49   0.49   0.73   0.23   0.37   0.47   0.07   0.11   0.06   0.11   Total  #   incidents   678   Percent   56.8   290   176   79   41   32   18   18   9   6   4   4   1   42.8   26.0   11.7   6.0   4.7   2.7   2.7   1.3   0.9   0.6   0.6   0.1   a  Incidence  and  importance  index  scores  for  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and  injury  or  death  based  on  participants   overall  ranking  and  scoring  for  all  threats  to  livelihoods.               147   Table  F1  (continued):  Perceived  and  reported  species  implicated  in  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and   human  attack  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex  (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­September,   2009)   Perceived  (Focus  Group,  2009)           Livestock  loss   Hyena   Lion   African  wild  dog   Crocodile   Snakes   Leopard   Jackal   Birds  of  prey   Cheetah   Genet   African  wild  cat   Caracal   Fox   Rank           1   2   3   4   4   5   6   7   8   9   9   9   9   Reported  (Event  Book,  2001-­2008)   Incidence   index   Importance   index           0.34                                 0.46   1.00   1.00   1.00   0.67   0.67   0.50   0.33   0.17   0.17   0.17   0.17   0.17   0.17     0.91   0.87   0.34   0.41   0.40   0.19   0.27   0.71   0.60   0.13   0.00   0.00   0.00           Livestock  loss   Hyena   Lion   Elephant   Crocodile   Leopard   Cheetah   Hippopotamus   Jackal   Snake           Total  #   incidents   Percent           352   137   5   3   3   1   1   1   1             42.2   69.8   27.2   1.0   0.6   0.6   0.2   0.2   0.2   0.2           504   a  Incidence  and  importance  index  scores  for  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and  injury  or  death  based  on  participants   overall  ranking  and  scoring  for  all  threats  to  livelihoods.             148   Table  F1  (continued):  Perceived  and  reported  species  implicated  in  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and   human  attack  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex  (n=50):  Caprivi,  Namibia  (July-­September,   2009)   Perceived  (Focus  Group,  2009)       Human  attack   Elephant   Lion   Hippopotamus   Snakes   Crocodile   Buffalo   Leopard   Rank   Incidence  index       1   2   3   3   4   5   6   0.20   1.00   1.00   0.80   1.00   1.00   0.80   0.20   Reported  (Event  Book,  2001-­2008)   Importance   index     0.60     1.00     0.33     0.65     0.30     0.26     0.48     0.50       Total  #   incidents       Human  attack   Elephant   Hippopotamus               Percent   10   8   2               0.8   80.0   20.0               a  Incidence  and  importance  index  scores  for  crop  damage,  livestock  loss  and  injury  or  death  based  on  participants   overall  ranking  and  scoring  for  all  threats  to  livelihoods.                           149     Table  F2:  Wildlife  species  vulnerability  to  poaching  according  to  conservancy  incident  reports   (Event  Book,  2001-­2008)  and  local  perceptions  from  a  risk  ranking  activity  (Focus  Group,  2009;   n=50)  in  two  conservancies  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia.   Perceived  (Focus  Group,  2009)   Species     Incidence   Importance   Overall     index   index   rank  b   Reported  (Event  Book,  2001-­2008)   Incident   type(s)   Species   Total  #   Incidences   Buffalo   0.88   0.84   1     Hippopotamus   Firearm   4   Kudu   1.00   0.45   2   Firearm   3   Elephant   0.88   0.60   3     Duiker  a     Wildebeest   Firearm   3   Hippopotamus   0.88   0.56   4     Buffalo   Firearm   2   Warthog   0.75   0.50   5     Elephant   Firearm   2   Guinea  fowl  a   Zebra   0.63   0.63   6   Snares   2   0.50   0.37   7     Partridge  a     Warthog   Traditional   2   Spring  hare   0.25   1.00   8     Bird  a     Firearm   1   Duiker  a   0.38   0.44   9     Quail  a   Snares   1   Hyena   0.38   0.38   10   Snares   1   Lion   0.25   0.56   11     Snake  a     Pangolin   Traditional   1   Pangolin   0.25   0.50   11           Porcupine   0.25   0.44   12                   a  Wildlife  taxa  not  reported  to  species-­‐specific  level  (i.e.,  genus,  family  or  order  level  classification).   Genus  level  reporting  may  not  represent  the  lone  species  found  in  Caprivi.   b  Overall  rank  is  based  on  the  joint  risk  score;  calculated  from  the  importance  and  incidence  index   scores.     150   Figure  F1:  Top  fifteen  most  threatening  wildlife  species  to  local  livelihoods  as  perceived  by  residents  in  two           conservancies  (n=  50)  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  Groups;  July-­September,  2009)   1.00! Elephant! 0.90! Hyena! 0.80! Buffalo! 0.70! Hippopotamus! Lion! Increasing importance (P)! 0.60! Kudu! Porcupine! 0.50! Bush pig! Threat Diversity Index! Crocodile! 0.40! Snakes! Baboons! Wild dog! 0.30! Leopard! 5! Monkeys! 0.20! 2! Jackal! 0.10! 0.00! 0.00! 1! 0.10! 0.20! 0.30! 0.40! 0.50! 0.60! 0.70! 0.80! Increasing incidence (I)!     151     Figure  F2:  Top  fifteen  most  threatened  wildlife  species  from  conflicts  with  people  as  perceived  by  residents  in  two   conservancies  (n=  48)  in  Mudumu  South  Complex:  Caprivi,  Namibia  (Focus  Groups;  July-­September,  2009)   0.9! Elephant! 0.8! 0.7! Buffalo! Guinea fowl! 0.6! Baboons! Increasing importance (P)! Rabbits! Hippopotamus! 0.5! Kudu! Lion! Impala! Porcupine! 0.4! Warthog ! 0.3! Hyena! Threat Diversity Index! Duiker! 9! Zebra! 0.2! Springbok! 4! 0.1! 1! 0! 0! 0.1! 0.2! 0.3! 0.4! 0.5! Increasing incidence (I)!     152   0.6! 0.7! 0.8!   APPENDIX  G     Additional  co-­‐mapping  risk  maps                                                                                           153   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G1:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  crop  damage  incidents   and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  crop  damage  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti   (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.     ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " a) Wuparo ! ! " ! " #! ! ! ! # # ! ! " # # # ! " !! "" ! ! ! ! ! " ! ! !! " ! ! ! ! " ! ! ! ! ! " ! ! ! ! !! !! ! ! ! ! ! ! " # ! ! # ! Mamili National Park ! ! ! # ! " ! # ! ! Villages Roads ! Roads and Trails Water ! Kwando River ! ! ! ! ! ! Wildlife Occurs Often ! ! ! ! # ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " ! ! !! ! !! ! ! ! ! # ! ! # ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! " ! !! ! ! # ! ! ! !! ! ! ! !!! ! ! ! ! # ! ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! " # # ! # ! " # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! ! ! " # !! ! " ! !! ! " ! " ! ! ! ! ! " ! # ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " " " ! #!! # ! ! Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! Kwando River ! Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence ! Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Wildlife Occurs ! Villages Rarely Water Conservancy Boundaries # 1 # 2 Event Book Crop Damage # 1 -3 5 Low Perceived Crop Damage Low High ! ! # 6 -415 6 ! # ! ! 16 - 35 7 - 10 High 36 - 59 60 - 126 0 1 2 0 4 1 2 6 4 6 8 Kilometers 8 Kilometers     154   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G2:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  human-­‐attack  incidents   and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  human-­‐attack  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti   (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.     ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " ! " ! " ! # " ! ! ! " " " ! #!! # ! ! ! a) Wuparo ! " ! " #! ! # # ! " # # ! " ! !! " ! ! " ! " ! ! ! ! ! !! ! # ! ! " ! " ! ! ! ! " # ! # ! " # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! ! ! !! "" # !! # ! ! # ! ! " ! " Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! " # ! " ! " ! ! " ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !! # Mamili National Park ! ! ! ! ! # !! ! ! !! ! " !! ! !! ! ! # # !! ! ! ! ! # ! " ! ! # !! ! ! " ! !! # Kwando River # ! ! !! ! # ! ! Kwando River ! ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Villages Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Wildlife Occurs Rarely ! Roads and Trails Water Villages Roads Water Conservancy Boundaries Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence # 1 # 2 Event Book Human Attacks # 3 # 14 - 6 ! 2 # 3 7 - 10 ! ! Low Perceived Attacks on Humans High High 0 1 2 0 4 1 2 6 4 6 8 Kilometers 8 Kilometers       ! ! Low 155   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G3:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  livestock  depredation   incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  livestock  depredation  incidents  in   Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.   ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " ! ! ! ! " " #! ! ! # # ! " # # # ! " ! " ! " ! ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! # ! " ! # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! " ! ! ! " !! "" # ! " ! " ! " # !! ! " ! !! ! " ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " " " ! a) Wuparo ! # #! Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! " ! # ! ! !! ! ! ! ! # !! ! ! !! ! ! # ! ! ! # # !! ! ! !! ! " ! # ! Mamili National Park # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! " ! !! ! ! # ! ! " ! ! ! Kwando River # ! ! Wildlife Occurs Often Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Wildlife Occurs Rarely ! Villages Roads and Trails Villages Roads Water Water Conservancy Boundaries Kwando River Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence # 1 # 2 Event Book Livestock Damage # 3 Low Perceived Livestock Loss High 1-4 # ! ! Low # 5 -412 6 137 21 - - 10 High 22 - 35 36 - 95 0 1 2 0 4 1 2 6 4 6 8 Kilometers 8 Kilometers     156   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G4:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  crop  damage  incidents   and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  poaching  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)   conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.     ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " ! ! ! ! " " #! ! ! # # ! " # # # ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! # ! " ! # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! " ! ! ! " !! "" # ! " ! " ! " ! # ! ! !! ! ! ! ! # !! ! ! !! ! ! # # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! " ! !! ! ! # ! ! " ! ! ! ! # # !! ! ! !! ! " ! # ! Mamili National Park ! " # !! ! " ! !! ! " ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " " " ! a) Wuparo ! # #! Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! Kwando River # ! ! ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Villages Wildlife Occurs Rarely ! Roads and Trails Water Villages Roads Water Conservancy Boundaries # 1 # 2 # Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Kwando River Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence 3 Event Book Incidents 4# Snares6 # Low High ! ! Perceived Crop Damage Low 7 - 10 Firearms Traditional High 0 1 2 0 4 1 2 6 4 6 8 Kilometers 8 Kilometers     157   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G5:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  human-­‐attack  incidents   and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  poaching  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and  Dzoti  (b)   conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.   ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " ! ! " " #! ! ! # # ! " # # # ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! # ! " ! # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! " ! ! ! " !! "" # ! " ! " ! " ! # ! ! !! ! ! ! ! # !! ! ! !! ! ! # # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! " ! !! ! ! # ! ! " ! ! ! ! # # !! ! ! !! ! " ! # ! Mamili National Park ! " # !! ! " ! !! ! " ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " ! " a) Wuparo!! # #" ! ! Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! Kwando River # ! ! ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Villages Wildlife Occurs Rarely ! Roads and Trails Water Villages Roads Water Conservancy Boundaries # 1 # 2 # Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Kwando River Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence 3 Event Book Incidents 4# Snares6 # Low High ! ! Perceived Human Attacks Low 7 - 10 Firearms Traditional High 0 1 2 0 4 1 2 6 4 6 8 Kilometers 8 Kilometers     158   b) Dzoti Conservancy Mudumu National Park Figure  G6:  Perceived  geographic  incidents  (Focus  Group,  2009)  of  livestock  depredation   incidents  and  location  of  Event  Book  (2003-­‐2008)  poaching  incidents  in  Wuparo  (a)  and   Dzoti  (b)  conservancies:  Mudumu  South  Complex,  Caprivi,  Namibia.   ! " b) Dzoti ! " ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! " ! # " ! ! " " #! ! ! # # ! " # # # ! " ! " # ! ! ! " ! # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! # ! " ! # !! ! !! ! ! ! " ! " ! ! ! " !! "" # ! " ! " ! " ! # ! ! !! ! ! ! ! # !! ! ! !! ! ! # # ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! " ! !! ! ! # ! ! " ! ! ! ! # # !! ! ! !! ! " ! # ! Mamili National Park ! " # !! ! " ! !! ! " ! ! ! ! " ! " ! " " " ! a) Wuparo ! # #! ! ! Mudumu National Park a) Wuparo Conservancy # ! Kwando River # ! ! ! " ! " ! " Wildlife Occurs Often ! Villages Wildlife Occurs Sometimes Wildlife Occurs Rarely ! Villages Roads and Trails Roads Water Water Conservancy Boundaries Kwando River Mamili National Park Event Book Incidence Perceived Incidence # 1 # 2 # 3 Event Book Incidents 4# Snares6 # Low High Perceived Livestock Loss ! ! 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