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ABSTRACT
JOVELLANOS STUDIES
(1902-1973)

A CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
By
Lilian Libby Rick

The literature of Eighteenth Century Spain has been to a
large extent neglected by scholars, but during the last two decades
an upsurge of interest in this period has produced the need for a re-
assessment of its literature. The Spanish Enlightenment represented
a reverence for tradition along with a spirit of reform impelled by
a consciousness of Spanish backwardness, a faith in science as well
as profound Catholic orthodoxy; a critical attitude toward the nobility
and at the same time a belief in enlightened despotism; a spirit of
philanthropy and optimism together with a faith in the efficacy of
education. These tenets, to an extent typical of the century, but
at the sale the uniquely Spanish. are to a remarkable degree embodied
in the person of Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. a man who partook of
both worlds. the scholastic and scientific, the age of faith and the
age of scepticism, the traditional and absolutist as well as the liberal
and revolutionary. His contribution was accomplished through his a-
bility to aooouodate and harmonize these patently disparate elements
into a cohesive and functional plan for the betterment of Spain and
unkind. Because of the wide-ranging resonance of his ideas on future
generations. Jevellanos deserves more careful study and critical at-
telrtion than he has received in the past century and a half. But such

 

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investigation should begin with a careful assessment of what has been
accomplished in the past in this field, particularly during the present
century. The present thesis, therefore, evaluates the scholarship on
Jovellanos and concentrates on studies written since the publication of
Julie Somosa's Inventario do un jovellanista (Madrid, 1902) .

Part I of the thesis includes an introduction, in which J ove-
llanos' position in Eighteenth Century Spain is assessed and evaluated,
and a bibliographical essay, in which are traced the currents of criticism
concerning Jovellanos since his death. dealing especially with that
written during the present century. Any apparent changes in attitude
or emphasis, runner or style of criticism, nationality of the critics,
volume of material published, etc., have been pointed out, and, where
possible, related to existing social, political or economic conditions,
as well as rhilosoliiical trends and literary modes operative at the time
these studies were written.

Part II of this study consists of a critical bibliography of
studies about Jovollanos. Works are listed alphabetically by author, each
with a code number to facilitate reference. Following each bibliographic
entry is a brief descriptive resume and usually this writer's critical
observations on the work which point out its contribution to Jovellanos
studies. These reviews are not of uniform length, and some are longer
than one might expect to find in a bibliography of this kind. It was
felt, however, that the thoroughness of the treatment, as well as the
occasional direct quotations included, were warranted in view of the in-

creased value they night thus have for future Jovellanos researchers.

 

 

 

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JOVEHANOS STUDIES, 1901-1973:
A CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

by
Lilian Libby Rick

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Acknowledgments

Much of the material for this study has been

obtained through the Interlibrary Loan Department of
Michigan State University, whose director, Walter J. Burinski,
has been most helpful.

My special gratitude goes to Dr. George Mansour for

his generous expenditure of time and effort in assisting in

the preparation of this study. His constant help and encour-

agement have made this work possible.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Part I page
Introduction 1
An Essay on Jovellanoa Studies 20
Bibliography to Part I 144
Part II

Critical Bibliography of Jovellanos Studies
(1901-1973) #8

Studies on Jovellanos prior to 1902 not listed
by Julio Somoza in his Inventario de un

wellanista 306

Subject Index 321

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Introduction

The literature of Eighteenth Century Spain has been to a
large extent neglected by scholars, but within the past two decades
a renaissance of interest in this period has prompted a recognition
of the need for a reassessment of its literature. Critics have
begun to view it as a century in which were laid the foundations of
subsequent periods and to find in its writings relevance for today's

world . 1

 

1 During the past twenty years renewed interest in the
Eighteenth Century has received great stimulus from J ean Sarrailh's
Ionumsntal work, L'Es e dclaire' de la seconds moitié de la
XVIII° sibcle (Paris, 195“ which appeared in Spanish translation
as La Es ilustrada de la se a mitad del 51 lo XVIII (Mexico,
19575. Political and social aspects of Eighteenth Century Spain
Vere discussed by Antonio Dominguez Ortiz in his La sociedad
Osflola en el siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1955). Luis Sinchez Agesta
wrote an excellent study of political ideas current during the
latter part of the century with his El pensamiento Elitico del
4. Olmtismo ilustrada (Madrid, 1953): two years later he attempted
to analyze Spain's situation with respect to Europe as reflected
in the thought of Foijoo, Cadalso and Jovellanos in his "Espafia y
Europa en el ponsamiento espafiol del siglo XVIII", _(_3_C_F_‘, Oviedo,
1955. In the same year Vicente Rodriguez Casado published his
”El intento espafiol do ilustraci6n cristiana" in Estudios Americanos
(1955). In a more popular and artistic vein Juan Reglfl and
sentiago Aloolea brought out their profusely illustrated Historia
L1. 1a oultura espa_n”ola: El siglo XVIII (Barcelona, 1957). Juan

chal analyzed the personality, thought and style of J ovellanos,
cldalso and Feijoo in his Voluntad de estilo (Barcelona, 1957), and
Ril-Gharcl Herr soon afterwards published an excellent study of the
Med in The Eighteenth Centu_ry Revolution in SEin (Princeton,
1953). Another American, John Cook, wrote a detailed study of
n“classical theatre, Neoclassic Drama in 3311:, Theory and Practice
(Denna. 1959), the first study of importance in this field since
Ina HeClelland's treatise of 1937, The Ori ins of the Romantic
in S in (Liverpool, 1937). Rodolfo Raguoci published
‘0 es la: si lo XVIII 1a rimera mitad del XIX (Buenos
1

 

 

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Literary critics are realizing that failure to appreciate

the contribution of Eighteenth Century Spain has been at least par-
tially owing to lack of scholarly research and the repetition,

until recently, of the negative and at times malevolent comments of

 

Aires, 1961), in which he, like other recent commentators, has
rHiempted to combat the negative assessment of the period prev-
elent, up to this time.

During the early sixties Russell Sebold published several
critical essays on Torres Villarosl and an important study, "Contra
108 mites anti-neocldsicos espafioles", Papeles de Son Armadans, 103
(196“), in which he refuted the adverse criticism of Nineteenth
c°lntury critics concerning this period. His edition of Fray Gerundio
(Madrid, 1960-6“) is one of the few Eighteenth Century works to be
I“lblishod by Clasicos Castellanos during the last fifteen years.
Julia.

\ , __,_.__ -af‘

Marina pointed to the opportunity missed by Spain in his
La Esafl Esible en tiempg de Carlos III (Madrid, 1963). and in

same year Nigel Glendinning brought out Vida y obra de Cadalso
(Ht-Arid, 1962), which contains a superb introduction by Lucien
Dupuis. More recently Gregorio Palacin Iglesias has published a
1‘ he reevaluation of the Eighteenth Century in his Nueva valoracién
i- la literature esafiola del siglo XVIII (Madrid, 19 7 . J. A.
val also offered a positive assessment of the period in his
‘l‘tiole, ”Lac tendencias de reforms politica en el siglo XVIII",
\mta do Occidente, V, 2‘ (pass 52 (julio, 1967). More recently
P‘ul Ilie has published important articles concerning Torres
villlaroel and Jovellanos, in which the grotesque aspects of the
Mk of the formor and the esthetic perception of that of the
ll"tter are lucidly discussed. Inez McClelland has recently pub-
liahed a twodvolume study of Eighteenth Century drama in Saish
of Pathos (Toronto, 1970), and an extremely useful treatise
“‘1 Feijco, Benito Jeronimo Feijoo (New York, 1969). Nearly all of
the above-untioned studies involve an affirmative assessment of
period: the theory of Spanish decadence during these years is
r~‘9if‘uted, and, with the exception of Sarrailh's work, French influ-
‘hee, especially in the field of literature, is minimized. (I have
1011: unnentionod the many fine studies on J ovellanos pub-
, lithed recentl , since those are treated at length elsewhere in
this study, but needless to say, they reflect the same positive
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With regard to the renewed interest in Eighteenth Century

Spanish literature during the past two decades, one should mention
the fine studies published in Oviedo as a part of the series,
Shades-nee de la Citedra Fsijoo, and Nigel Glendinning's excellent
mibutien to the series, A Litera Histo of S in, his mono-
mfi titled The Eighteenth Cantu ELondon, 1972), especially
likable for its analysis of the book trade during these years and

~ 3%.: sons fins critical comentary on style.

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3
Romantic theoreticians,2 who considered the period to be shackled

by over-zealous imitation of French literary modes and lacking in

actively inspired innovation. Scholars are now finding in the

2 Alcall Galiano, in his 183‘! prologue to E1 moro

Mg (Obras do don Angel de Saavedra, Madrid, 1857, pages

-XXIV , evaluated Spanish neoclassical literature as "la
Inncesa, vestida de la diccion y estilo de los antiguos y buenos
Oscritores castellanos, puss su tedrica es la de nuestros vecinos
dunno. los siglos XVII y XVIII". Russell Sebold, in his article,
”Contra los mites neoclasicos espafloles", observes that no dictum
has been passed so directly or frequently from book to book,
chough it was actually the Spanish classics that were looked to

t 01‘ models of style and versification rather than the French, {2nd
Agust

SM}: history was largely used as thematic material.
Dur‘n (Discurso sobro e1 influ 'o no ha tenido la critics moderna
\.h la, decadencia del teatro ant—1.5230 esfiol, Madrid, 13235 saw in
r"‘<D~¢slassical drama an antichristian materialism because of its

‘1‘- of wthological and classical themes, failing to note that
of the works of this period actually used national themes.

Th. negative assessment of these and other Romanticists, e.g.,
1%). ("Literatura. Rtpida oJeada sobre la historia e indole do
33‘" Buostra", Obras co etas, Paris, 1870), Espronceda ("Poesia",
M, (enero, 18%; also PAE. t.LXXII), was echoed during the
ghetoenth Century by George Ticknor, Juan Valera ("Do lo castizo
‘ mestra cultura en el siglo XVIII y en o1 presento”, Obras,
W , 1961, t.XXIII), Cueto (e1 Marqqu do Valmar) and to a large
by Mon‘ndoz Polayo. canons del Castillo in Historia do In.
W (Madrid, 1852-54) asserts that this decadence
‘ 'debida a la indiscreta importacidn do leyes y costumbros y
New“ extranjeras". (pp. 758-759). Cotarelo y Mori continued

% treni into the Twentieth Century with his Iriarte en 4 ca
Juan Marichal 2p. 199;

 

(1897 and Don Ruin do la Cruz (1899).

‘“ s Ortega y Gasset concerning the "desastrosa ausencia (en la
Mrs. espafiola) del siglo XVIII”. More recently Miguel Oliveira
XVIII espaflol, lo que no fuo". .83, 300, 1956, 54-67,

"81 siglo
N Palacio ital-d (Del-rota a otamionto decadencia en la Es
G. e Madrid. 195 ; Lee as los do la ilustracion,
1‘.dri.d fig have continued in this veg. A. Owen Eggs, in
en la America del Sur sobre la ilustracidn espan'ola",

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k‘ ta M22 , 1 , 283-297 asserts that Spain was cul-
behind her colonies during the Eighteenth Century and in
'Da cloudy Spanish Enlightenment”. Modem we Journal, Feb..
1968, 1.13-1.16, co-ents on the backwardness of Spanish universities
(hi-ii; this period.

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Eighteenth Century, rather than a time of intellectual sterility,
a period in which Spanish Seventeenth Century self-sufficiency was
replaced by a salubrious and refreshing cosmopolitanism. 3

This new interest in European ideas and modes received

its impetus from the necessity imposed by the political and cultural

 

3 Gumersindo Laverde in "De la Filosofia en Espafia",
“EJ- Diario Esflo , 1 Octubro, 1856, was perhaps the first to at-
tQ-pt to show that the ilustrados ”venian todos por distintos
We a onsanchar prodigiosamente e1 circulo do nuestras ideas,
3- nos velvimes a poner en contacto con la civilizacion general de
pe". Manuel Silvela, “Velista”, ("Disertacidn acerca do la
j—“fluenoia ejercida en el idioms. y en el teatro por la escuola
cisa que florecio desde mediados del siglo pasado", Artos
\I‘flzras. Madrid, 1890) was, according to Sebold, the first to
.‘ttonpt to rehabilitate the reputation of the Spanish neoclassical
k Oats-e. Pedro Salinas' edition of the poetry of Melendez Valdés,
m, (Madrid, 1925), did much to focus new and more favorable
ttention on the poetry of this period. Likewise Inez. McClelland,
‘1'th The Origins of the Romantic Movement in Sain, although over-
h‘hasising French influence, has helped to restore esteem for
Iii-thunth Century literature, as has Jefferson Rea Spell in his

Ween: in the S h World before 18 (Austin, 1938). Gaspar
“.111: (L'EIE et 1'esErit ourogon, Paris, 1936: Bibliograaie
\Q‘ sources francaises do Foijoo, Paris, 1936), with his studies on
Q 13“, Constantino Egu Ruiz, who examined the rel ious crisis

r the late Eighteenth Century (Los esuitas o1 mot de Es uilache,
w, 193?). and also Joan Sarrailh La criso r61 ieuse on Es no
\la fin du Mlle si‘ocle. Oxford, 19515 have likewise made signifi-

“m eomtr tions in this area. Federico Snares Verdoguer in g
\Ql‘isis 21 tica del antigo ro'gimen (Madrid, 1998) has demonstrated
“at the snll, select group of ilustrados attempted to renovate
the old Spanish monarchy through “modes espaflolos" as well as
the stimlation of foreign ideas. Rodriguez Casado With
‘1‘. roveluoi‘n burguesa en el siglo XVIII”, Arbor, (enoro, 1951)
mil-u that the Eighteenth Century revolution in Spain was social
hther than ideological. The long-overdue reassessment of the
‘khteenth Century has increased in scope and voluno during the past
hasty years (v.nete 1).

 

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situation at the end of the Seventeenth Century. Previously the
Renaissance had likewise been a time of great responsiveness to
foreign influence, but the Counter Reformation brought with it an
herneticism which initially was enormously fruitful, producing
some of Man's noblest writings. By the end of the Seventeenth
Century, however, this impetus had run its course, and Spanish let-
ters fell into the decadence of the post-Baroque, much in need of
11" inspiration from foreign sources.

With the advent of the Bourbon Dynasty and during the
first half of the century thoughtful men began to abandon their
low-hold xenophobia and to think of themselves as Europeans rather
than exclusively Spaniards, absorbing the economic, sociological
"II, more importantly, the philosophical thought not just of France,
but of England, Germany and Italy as well, especially during the
reign of Carlos III (1759-1788).

During the first half of the century French influence in
the esthetic real: as well as in that of political, economic and sec-
ial theory was in the ascendancy, but towards mid-century there was
a trend away from French precepts and models and toward greater
interest in English, Italian and even German ideas. But more
ilpertantlg, during the second half of the century appreciation for
the Spanish past and for its literature increased, and writers dev-
eloped new self-confidence in their ability to create literature
enlating indigenous rather than foreign norms. 1" Thus, inter-
aatienalism produced no slavish imitation of foreign models, but

 

1‘ ll e1 Glondinning, The Eighteenth Contm, p. 22-28.
Also see Pelao Iglesias, Ch. II.

 

    
  
  
  

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6

rather a naturalization or hispanizaticn of those commonly-held
European modes of thought, which produced in Spain a unique pho-
nic-non, the Spanish Enlightenment, or, as it has also been called
with sole Justification, the Christian Enlightenment. 5

Most recent historians and critics have tended to agree
on the uniqueness of the Spanish experience, and have likewise
”fitted the notion of French intellectual and esthetic domination,
'lpecially during the latter part of the century. Although Palacin
Islesias my exaggerate in denying any foreign stimulus in the
9113111 of the Spanish Enlightenment,6 one cannot fail to recognize
the essential casticismo of this phenomenon. The ilustrados them-
..lves gradually became aware of this uniqueness, turning to national

 

5 Paul Hazard (La crisis do conciencicia euro E1 nsamiento
0mm del siglo XVIII, Madrid, 1 was one of the first to use the term
"oristianismo ilustrada”, defining it as a religidn liberal and European
in nature, free from stratification and obscurantism, stressing moral
purity and practical efficiency. In 1953 Patricio Peflalver Simo in
Hodornidad tradicionel on o1 Pensamionto do Jovellanos (Seville, 1953)
quoted Hazard and extrapolated this theme, asserting that, although
Ortega y Gasset, Americo Castro, Madariaga and others have exaggerated
the extent of Spanish Eighteenth Century Europeanisation, there existed
a certain degree of Enlightenment, but that this never implied any loss
of religious conviction on the part of the ilustrados. More recently,
Rodriguez Casado has written an article, "El intento ospa‘r'iol do ilustracidn
cristiana", Estudios Anoricanos, 1955). Gregorio B. Palacin Iglesias
states: ”Do a que la Ilustracich espafiola fuora siompre ilustracicn
oetflica, rospetuosa con la fo tradicional do Espafla". (p. 46).

6 Palacin Iglesias states:

He atrevo a afirmar que la Ilustracio’n naci6 on Espan'a
come un movinionto totalnento independiento do 1a
Ilustracidn francesa y do la inglosa. Naoid aquol
mimiento en los dias del padre Foijoo come resultado
del ensia do saber, do progreso intelectual y do avance
seeial y economico. Postoriormente, la. entrada on
Espaia do ebras francesas e inglosas ostimlc, sin
duda, equel moviaionto, poro on nodo alguno podemos
supeditarlo a1 similar do aquellos otros paises. (pJ-lé).

 

 

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7
themes in drama and to traditional ballad forms in poetry, and re-
Jecting the ideas of the Philosomes and of Rousseau, tentatively
after the Mgtin do Esguilache (1766) and violently following the
French Revolution.

The Ilustracidn, then, represented a reverence for trap
dtion along with a spirit of reform impelled by a consciousness of
Spanish backwardness; a faith in science as well as profound Catho-
11c orthodozq; a critical attitude toward the nobility and at the
Sine time a belief in enlightened despotism; a spirit of philanthropy
‘nd optimism together with a faith in the efficacy of education.
These tenets are, to an extent, typical of the century, but at the
“no time are uniquely Spanish in that their proponents continued to
ldhere to traditional religious values. To a remarkable degree the
thought and spirit of the Spanish I1ustraci6n is embodied in the per-
son of Gaspar Melchor do Jovellanos, one of the century's outstand-
ing thinkers and writers.

Jovellanos was born in 1741+ when the exciting, yet dis-
concerting effects of new scientific discovery and enlightened
scepticism were being felt in Spain. The place of his birth was
the port city of GiJo’n, open to commerce with the rest of Europe
and a source of supply for books, scientific instruments and ideas
from the outside. Asturias at this time was a center of intellectual
ferment, especially Oviodo, where Feijoo, although no longer teach-
ing. was still active, writing and stimulating new and enlightened
currents of thought. It is conceivable that J ovollanos may have met

and talked with the highly-revered old scholar-monk whose spirit still

 

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dominated the university commmity.7 Thus, he must certainly have
been familiar, as was Feijoo, with Francis Bacon's recommendation
of ”asthodic doubt” and experimentation, and with Decartes' the-
cry of knowledge which gave primacy to consciousness. 8 It may
Well have been at this point that J cvellanos began to call into
Nation the scholastic method, so out of tune with experimental
'01enco and the Age of Reason. Like Feijoo, Jovellanos, tacitly,
‘1? least, accepted the necessity of separating these two widely
disparate epistemological methods, the abstract, deductive and
l"taphysical approach of Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas on the
One hand, and the new reliance on doubt and sensual perception on
the other.

Alcall, where Jovellanos completed his ecclesiastical
Oduoation and came to know Cadalso, was also a center of intel-
lectual stimlation, where traditional scholasticism was being
Ghellenged by the scepticism of the Age of Reason. That Jovellanos
was caught up in this troubling dilennna is evidenced by his decision

.8 Shortly afterward to abandon the ecclesiastical career for which he

had been destined by his family and trained since childhood, in
rotor of one in the field of jurisprudence.

 

  
 
  
 
 
 
  
  
 
  

- r“ 7 Manuel Ruiz Lagos (no. 310) has recently demonstrated
‘- that Jovellanos studied for the bachilleratc in Oviedc rather than
film. as previously supposed, and that he left there only in
A a year before Feijoo's death. The influence of the latter

‘ ‘ former say not have been sufficiently taken into account by
‘v‘ on Jovellanos.

'7 .‘ refl‘uilw'i

has McClelland, in Bonito Jerdnimo Foijoo (p.18, 19)
,. to the general ineffectiveness of the Inquisition
possibly heretical foreign writings from Spain. See

f io for the wide scope of Foijoo's reading
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9
However, it was in Seville, that J ovellancs received the full

intact of the ideas of the Enlightenment as he joined the tertulia of
the progressive-minded Pablo de Olavide and read freely in the writings
of the Philosophes and the English pragmatists and economists. It is

true that Jovellanos, as an eclectic, did not accept, or if he did, he

‘sfifi
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leter rejected, many of the ideas proposed by these writers, especial-
ly the scepticism and deism of the Philosophes and the political and
Social ideas of Rousseau (although not entirely his educational the-

ories and certainly not his preromanticism). Other concepts he re-

*h

tuned, e.g., Montesquieu's notions concerning governmental organiza-

tion (constitutional monarchy, separation of powers, etc.). In the

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lasting influence on Jovellanos, as is being increasingly recognized

by scholars,9 who note that many "Frenchu innovations in the philosophic,
Social and economic fields, as well as in that of esthetic and dramatic

i theory, were, partially at least, importations from England. Hobbes

, Was among the first to set forth a rationale for materialism and for

absolute monarchy, while Locke advanced the notion of a social compact,

 

ideas which Jovellanos explored but eventually rejected. Locke's
concept of sensationalism, as well as his interpretation of natural
law, with its corollary of personal liberty, remained, however, as
important bases for Jovellanos' political thinking in many areas.

 

9 See Edith Holman (no. 183 d), Paul Ilie (no.19l) and
Jehn Pelt (no. 279). For English influence on the literature of ,
Eighteenth Century Spain see Palacin Iglesias, and McClelland,

m. ‘V \ of the Ronntic Movement in Sain.

   

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10

Angel del Rio (no. 299) has correctly pointed out that
Jovellanos well reflected the ideological conflict characteristic of
his age, a time in which traditional religious and social values were
assailed by materialism and atheism. Sensationalism (sensualismo) ,
the idea that all knowledge is received through the senses, although,
01’ course, basically in conflict with Catholic doctrine, made its
impact on the social, esthetic, and especially on the educational
theories advanced by J ovellanos.

Similarly, natural law, derived by St. Thomas Aquinas from
Aristotle and seen by him as participating in eternal law and compre-
hensible to Man through reason, forms an important part of J ovellancs'
Philosophical credo. Man, as a rational being, endowed with freedom
0f will, freely complies with divine will because of the necessity
Which natural law imposes upon him. Man's innate tendency toward per-
fection, he believed, would lead him, when properly guided by education,
toward morality and benevolence. “Tienen los hombres grabados en sus
oorasones una ley sagrada, que aprueba lo justo y reprueba lo injusto".lo
The mprene Being has engraved on Man's understanding the eternal prin-
ciples of honesty, justice and beneficence, he asserted in his 19.82.:

lento era e1 Colegio de Calatrava and in Tratado tedrico-Egictico de
enseflansa. 11

 

1° Curso de humanidades castellanas, w, Rivadeneyra,
T.I., (Madrid, 13535, p. 165

11 pg, T.I, p. 206. 2u9.

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11

St. Thomas and natural law ethics are also called to mind in
Jovellanes' attitude toward rebellion. 12 Although opposed in principle
to violence and revolution, the existence of unusual circumstances
forced him to declare his approval of the insurrection of 1808, as-
serting that the people possess "1m derecho extraordinaric y legitimo
de insurreccién", available to any group "que se halls repentinamente
ataoado por un enemigo exterior, que siente e1 iimninente peligro de la
sociedad de que es miembro, y que reconoce sobornados o esclavizados
los administradores de la authoridad." 13 Thus, while generally anti-
revolutionary and anti-democratic in political philosophy, J ovellanos,
at this point at least, conceded that the people have the right to
overthrow a tyrannical monarch (or even one who fails to function as

 

12 Aristotle was somewhat equivocal concerning rebellion:
although decrying tyranny, he believed that insurrection was almost
never warranted. St. Thomas declared that "all human power is from
God .‘ e e therefore he that resisteth the power . . . resisteth the
ordinance of God” (The Basic Writ s of Thomas uinas, New York,
196, p. 795). Nevertheless, he declared, as did Jovellanos, that
unjust or oppressive laws need not be obeyed (p. 794). These asser-
tions have been variously interpreted by his commentators. Jove-
llanes, in his Defensa de la J ta Central, quotes from the Partidas
as precedent for his defense of insurrection in extraordinary circum-
stances, i..e., when the people revolt against a government not duly
constituted. Jovellanos, like St. Thomas, posited the existence of
a social contract, but unlike Locke and Rousseau, he believed that
Man is by nature a social being, and that such a past is inherent as
an aspect of natural law, rather than a creation of Man. Therefore,
for Jovellanos Man's right of insurrection is more limited than for
nest English and French theoreticians of the time.

13 Defense de la Junta Central, Apendioe v, pg: T. I.
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12

ruler), and to seek other government for themselves (such as the Junta
Central, which assumed power in Seville after the departure of Fernando
VII for Bayonne).

Belief in natural law leads logically to a belief in natural
rights and duties, an important cornerstone of Jovellanos' political
and social philosophy. But, differing from Locke, Jovellanos denied
that men are born free and equal. Man, as a social being, must surrender
some of his freedom, and a natural social hierarchy is essential for an
orderly society. Men are equal, however, in the eyes of the law, and
possess the right to its protection and to enjoy the benefits of so-
cioty. 1“

As well as a certain amount of personal freedom, Man pos-
sesses the right to work for a livelihood, a conviction which led
Jovellanos to advocate suppression of the power of the guilds, whose
exolusiveness he considered unjust and counterproductive. More com-
plex, however, was the matter of the right of private property, a

dereoho natural which Jovellanos always upheld in principle. But

 

in practice Jovellanos regarded the use of entailmsnt and mortmain
as socially unjust and economically unsound, since large tracts of
land were thus left largely untilled and unproductive. Jovellanos'
advocacy of disentailmont has been a source of much controversy
concerning his economic policy (and even his religious orthodoxy),
since his critics have Qeen land reform as incompatible with the

 

259 1“ Tratado tedrico-pglctico do ensefiansa, §A§, T. I,
Po e I

 

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13

natural right to property. But actually, in his more euphoric moments
Jovellanos envisaged in the distant future a day when men would live
in such peace and harmony that private property would cease to exist.

This utopian state could eventually be achieved, Jovellanos
believed, through universal education, an optimistic view shared by
most ilustrados. Thus, he dedicated himself unreservedly, especially
during his years of banishment in Gijdh (1790-1797) to the task of
extrapolating his theories of education, especially training in the
experimental sciences and in technical studies, even founding a model
technical school and writing textbooks, which were, at that time, in
extremely short supply. For the practical yet idealistic Jovellanos,
economic and technical progress would lead naturally to prosperidad comdh,
given Man's innate tendency toward perfection.

Human perfectibility and a just society are possible, be-
lieved Jovellanos, through Man's comprehension of the duties inherent in
derecho natural (human rights and responsibilities). Founded on jug:
ticia natural and stemming from natural law, and thus ultimately from
eternal law, derecho natural is the principal source of Man's knowledge
of his obligation toward God, toward himself and toward his fellow
man. 15 Related to natural law, and more specifically to Man's con-
dition as a member of society, is benevolence, or amor pfiblico, a virtue
which, Jovellanos believed, lede men to voluntarily work for the common

 

15 Carta a descenocida Eggsona, gag, T. II, p.360.

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prosperity and to the happiness of each citizen. 16

This belief in Man's potentiality and in his natural good-

ness and benevolence became more evident in J ovellanos' later years,
especially during the Mallorcan imprisonment (1801-1808) , when

T Jovellanos' preromantic sensibility was displayed in such writings
as the Descrimién del castillo do Bellver 17 and Descripci6n do la
oatodral do Palm do Mallorca 18, works in which sentiment and picture-

 

.pness came close to triumphing over neoclassical reasonableness.

‘ In earlier, more neoclassically-oriented, works on the
theory of art, Jovellanos had asserted that esthetic principles in-
herent in nature could be determined from the study of great works of
poetry, drama, painting or architecture, but in the later essays,
while not abandoning his neoclassic faith in reason, he perceived a
spiritual quality, especially in the great Gothic structures, which
could not be entirely explained by logic.

Jovellanos, living as he did at the crossroads of two his-
toric periods, therefore, partook of both worlds, the scholastic and

the scientific, the age of faith and the age of scepticism, the

 

I 16 Tratado te6rico-Egctioo do ensefiansa, gag. T. II. p.360.
’ 17 9.1!. T. 1+6. pp. 391409: T. 87. pp. 344-365; T. 46. lno»

 

18 ga_s. r. 87. pp. 382403.

   

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15
traditional and absolutist as well as the liberal and revolutionary.
His contribution was accomplished through his ability to accomodate
and harmonise those patently disparate elements into a cohesive and
functional plan for the betterment of Spain and of mankind. Always
moving toward the goal of the ”good society”, his ideal was harmony
on every level: harmony among individuals, among social classes,

among nations, harmony between Man and nature and between Man and God.

Because of the perfection of his prose style as well as
the esthetic value of his poetry and drama, and because of the wide-
ranging resonance of his ideas on future generations, J ovellanos
deserves more careful study and critical attention than he has received
in the past century and a half. But such investigation should begin
with a careful assessment of what has been accomplished in the past
in this field, particularly during the present century. A study of
twentieth century commentary on J ovollanos has not been provided until
now.

At the beginning of this century Julio Somoza compiled an
excellent critical bibliography, which included nearly all published
works by and about Jovellanos prior to 1902. His Inventerio de un
Jovellanista (Madrid, 1902)19. although omitting a few studies published
outside Spain, can be considered a definitive work. The Twentieth

 

19 For evaluation of this bibliography see Part II, No. 341.

 

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1 6

Century, however, has produced fewer bibliographical studies such as
Somoza's. Martinez Cachero and Simon Bias in 1951 published a list-
ing of works by and about J ovellanos during the first half century,
"Bibliografia do Jovellanos, 1902-1950", Boletin del Instituto de
Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. XIII (agosto, 1951). 131-152. 20
Also in 1955 Martinez Cachero appended a bibliography to Constantino
Suires's biographical study of Jovellanos in Escritores y Artistes
AsturianosI Indice bio-bibliografico, Edicidn, adiciones y prologo
do Joso’ Martinez Cachero, Tomo IV (Oviedo, 1955), 21 a bibliography
based largely on the work of Somoza and Suarez. Neither the 1951
bibliograflly nor that of 1955 is complete, and neither contains crit-
ical description or commentary on the material listed. Only Jose’ Caso
Gonsfles, with his "Notas criticas de bibliografia jovellanista,
1950-1959", Boletin do la Biblioteca Mene’ndez Pelayo, XXXVI (1960),
179-213. 22 has made any attempt at bibliographical criticism, and
his work includes only thirty-three studies published between 1950
an! 1959.

There is a need, then, for a more complete critical biblio-
graphy of studies on Jovellanos published since 1901, the date of

Sonoaa's work. This need has prompted the writing of the present study.

 

2° See Part II, No. 335

21 See Part II, No. 3&5

22 See Part II. No. 83

 

 

      
   
   
  
  

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1?

This work is divided into two parts. Part I includes this
introduction and a bibliographical essay in which I have traced the
currents of criticism concerning J ovellanos since his death, dealing
especially with that written during the present century. Whenever
possible I have pointed out any apparent changes in attitude or
emphasis, manner or style of criticism, nationality of the critics,
volume of material published, etc. , and have attempted where possible
to relate such changes to existing social, political or economic con-
ditions, as well as philosophical trends and literary modes operative
at the time these studies were written.

Part II of this study consists of a critical bibliography
of studies about Jovellanos. No bibliography can claim, of course to
be complete or definitive, and more especially one that deals with a
writer as dynamic or as controversial as J ovellanos, who continues
to inspire critical investigation. However, I have attempted to make
this work as complete and as functional as possible.

A bibliography of this kind poses some special problems.
Since much of Jovellanos' writing deals with economic and political
thought, one is confronted with the problem of distinguishing between
literary and non-literary studies concerning him. But often in books
all articles predominantly involving non-literary aspects of Jove-
llanos' writings there are allusions to or Judgements concerning his
11m 'ork‘. Almost inevitably these articles include biographic-
::.1 reform of importance to the understanding of his writings,
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Thus, in order to make this bibliography as complete and as useful
as possible, most of the available material has been reviewed. Twenty-
two articles have been listed but not commented upon. These are mostly
works of a panogyrical nature, commemorative poems and dramas, etc.,
or else studies of purely economic or political importance. Fifteen
of the more important or literarily-oriented studies included in Caso
Gonz‘lez's “Notas criticas do bibliografia jovellanista" have also
been reviewed in this bibliography, but the eighteen remaining studies
have been listed but not commented upon, since the excellence of Case's
treatment or the non-literary nature of the work involved makes this
unnecessary. Unfortunately, there are a few studies that I was unable
to locate; nevertheless, I have listed them and have cited the source
of reference. Most articles included in standard reference books have
not been listed or commented upon unless they were judged to have some
special relevance. Works emitted by Somoza have been listed separ-
ately, but for the most part have not been discussed since they are
largely unavailable. Studies by major commentators in this group,
i.e., Mirimeo, Blanco White, Balbin, Melehdez Pelayo, have been dis-
cussed, nevertheless, and in the case of Menehdez Pelayo, even some
works treated briefly by Somoza have been included, since they are
significant for the understanding of subsequent criticism.

works have been listed alphabetically by author, each with
a code number to facilitate reference. Some authors have been listed
according to the maternal surname rather than the patronymic since
these writers preferred to sign their studies in this way and their

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In the case of a few articles the pagination could not be
included since it was not visible on the microfilm reproduction
available to me.

Following each bibliographical entry is a brief descrip-
tive resume and usually my critical observations on the work, which
point out its contribution to Jovellanos studies. These reviews are
not of uniform length, and some are longer than one might expect to
find in a bibliography of this kind. It was felt, however, that the
thoroughness of the treatment, as well as the occasional direct quo-
tations included, were warranted in view of the increased value they

might thus have for future Jovellanos researchers.

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An Essay on Jovellanos Studies

As one views the whole spectrum of Jovellanos studies
during the past century and a half, it becomes evident that these
writings form a panorama in which are reflected the changing social,
political and intellectual conditions in Spain. Although probably
true of the criticism concerning many writers, this is particularly
applicable in the case of Jovellanos, whose commentators have tended
to interpret his works according to their own religious and political
tenets, at times to the point of losing sight of the writer's stated
intent and the intrinsic literary merit of the work. Among notable
exceptions to this generality must be included several competent
scholars of the past two decades.

Jovellanos' first biographer was his friend and protege’,
Coin Bermidez, an art historian of some repute. His testimony, which
refracts the life of Jovellanos through adoring and somewhat uncritical
eyes, is not always accurate, yet it is the best contemporary record
anilablo, and has served until recently as the basis of scores of
biographies and studies, which are often, as Julio Somoza (no. 3+1)
says, sheer plagiarism. other contemporary accounts are J ovellanos '

own biography appended to his Defensa do la Junta Central, and accounts

 

by Sempere y enemies, Posada, Antillo'n, Sampil and Blanca White
(no. 371). The memoirs of Godoy concerning his relations with
Jovellanos have been shown by Case Gomflez (no.8ll) to be entirely
meliable.

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Little was written concerning J ovellanos during the first
third of the Nineteenth Century, and no edition of his works appeared
until 1830. This was of course partially due to the low intellectual
ebb in Spain under Ferdinand VII, and to the onus cast upon Jovellanos'
memory by the inclusion of his Informs sobre la Loy Agraria on the
M of 1827, (some thirty-two years after its publication). Between
1830 and 1884, however, ten editions of the works of Jovellanos ap-
peared, and with them a corresponding increase in interest in his life
and writings. There were dozens of panogyrioe as well as eulogistic
poems and even dramas during the latter part of the Nineteenth Century
and the first decades of the Twentieth, often delivered on the occasion
of the moving of Jovellanos' gravesite, the erection of a statue in
his honor, or in commemoration of the centenary of his death in 1911.

In nineteenth-century Europe there was special interest in
literary biography, in collecting a myriad of facts concerning the
writer's life and his moral, emotional and philosophical development
in an attempt to relate this material psychologically or conceptually
to his writings. Critics sought literary sources and environmental
factors, investigating the social milieu as well as the political and
economic circumstances that conditioned the writing of the work. This
historical and positivist trend, related to the scientific spirit of
the age and to its preoccupation with biological evolution, is re-
flected indirectly in Spanish literary criticism. To relate European
nor. an! currents of thought to the Spanish situation is often risky,

and to. speak of positivism and determinism in this regard is patently

 

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22
inexact, but Spanish men of letters were not entirely unaware of
literary currents outside Spain, and whereas literary tendencies
assumed their own particularly Spanish characteristics in the Nine-
teenth Century they generally followed European trends, literary
criticism being no exception.

As in the rest of Europe, literature was not only approached
by critics from an historical perspective, but was even viewed as a
facet of history itself. The quest for the autocthonous, for the
spirit (M) of the people, their heritage and native genius is
reflected in Jovellanos' search for historical precedents for a
constitutional monarchy. It may also be related to the intense
interest of Nineteenth Century (and even Twentieth Century) com-
mentators, e.g., Cantera (no. 65), Casariego (nos. 71,72), Garcia
Rendueles (no. 150), Mariano Gomez (no. 156), Oliver (no. 235),
Pefialver (nos. 264, 265), Villota (no. 362), who sought in the
political, economic and social writings of Jovellanos support and
precedent for what they personally believed to be the authentic
Spain. Within the hopeless division of the dos Es ” 3, instead
of a national spirit, literary historians believed they found in the
writings of J cvellanos the true spirit of either Liberal Spain or
of Traditionalist Spain.

The writings of J ovellanos, principally expository in
nature and concerned with political, social and economic problems,
were fertile ground for the kind of historicism imposed upon them
by oomentators often more interested in making a political point

than in discussing the literary aspects of the work of Jovellanos.

 

 

 

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Thus much of the commentary concerning him can hardly be considered
as literary criticism but falls rather into the category of polemi-
cism or of political pamphleteering (nos. 65, 156, 181, 2140, 253,
262).

In accordance with the general European trend toward lit-
erary biography, the facts of Jovellanos' life were recorded by many
writers during the Nineteenth Century, but one must remember that
mush of this biographical production was only remotely related to
Jovellanos' literary output; his life was not only looked on as
exemplary but fascinating in itself as a subject for biography, and
its political implications were considered extremely important. In
addition to many biographies, there were a fair number of studies of
Jovellanos' political and educational ideas, but less than a dozen
writers occupied themselves with his drama and poetry, and several
of those discussions formed part of general histories of literature.
Even in the more ambitious of these studies the treatment of don
Gaspar's drama and poetry had been approached intellectually rather
than esthetically, writers being concerned with the juridical and legal

ideas expressed in E1 delincuonte honrado, with the social comment

 

expressed in his satires or with his influence over the Salamancan
School. There was no attempt to analyze these writings stylistically
or structurally.

. The first to cement on J ovellanos' poetry were his younger

contemporaries, Quintana and Go’mea do Hermosillo, the former offering

 

 

 

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24
qualified praise and the latter, a strict neoclassicist, faulting
Jovellanos for the familiarity of his expressions and use of ar-
chaisu; neither, however, attempted to explicate his poetry critically.

Later in the century Leopoldo Augusto Cueto, Marques de
velar, although equivocal in his assessment of don Gaspar's poetry,
did attempt to relate it to the norms of the period in which it was
written, thus evincing a tendency toward historicism and critical
relativism which was to become increasingly more important in the
following decades. Unfortunately, a number of subsequent comenta-
tours on the poetry of Jovellanos tended to accept Cueto's largely
negative judgement; even Menendez Pelayo was to some extent influ-
enced by it, as Arce (no. 21) demonstrates, although he did note in
Jovellanos' best poems, especially in the satires, signs of true
poetic inspiration and even passion.

With the exception of the studies mentioned above and an
excellent article in French by Ernest Mdrimée (no. 392) , J ovellanos
studies during the Nineteenth Century were undistinguished, much of
the criticism deteriorating into arguments over his religious ortho-
doxy or heteredoxy. Menendes de Luarca (Franquet) (no. 240) and
Miguel Slashes wrote scurrilous diatribes against J ovellanos, accusing
him of being anti-Catholic, anti-Christian and insurrectionist,
largely because of his advocacy of disentailment, and because of
his early association with such liberals as Olavide and Cabarrfis.

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Other critics, however, came to Jovellanos' defense, often
swinging the pendulum to the other extreme and finding in Jovellanos
only the most perfect religious orthodoxy and most complete politi-
cal traditionalism. Paradoxically, both groups, the defamers of Jove-
llanos led by Menéndez de Luarca, and his avid defenders, led by
Ca’ndido Nocedal, were extremely traditionalist. Yet each was able to
interpret Jovellanos' writings in the light of his own convictions
and arrive at conclusions which were equally extreme but diametrically
opposed. These politically-inspired commentaries, then, mirrored only
indirectly the Liberalist-Carlist struggle, reflecting more precisely
the clinte of violent political emotionalism and spirit of intoler-
ance characteristic of much of Nineteenth Century Spain.

Toward the end of the Nineteenth Century a great admirer
and defender of Jovellanos, Julio Somoza de Montsorifi (also Julio
Selena Garcia Sala: see no. 7?) began to research and edit material
by and concerning his fellow-Asturian. The first great Jovellanista
dedicated his life to the project of investigating, editing and cata-
loguing the writings of don Gaspar. The work he did in preparing
his carefully researched Inventario do un jovellanista (no. 341) is
.1... sufficient to mks him deserving of the lasting gratitude of
scholars. Although Somosa was not a great writer, and at times allowed
his own bias and irascibility to obscure the basic soundness of his
dgt-ats. this work, as well as his several fine studies and col-
lections of unpublished manuscripts are important land-.rks in J ove-
llanos studies. Somoaa, a bibliographor rather than a critic, never

 

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attempted to discuss the style or idealogy of J ovellanos' writings;
be limited his study of the poetry to an effort to date some of the
major poems and to identify the person or persons to whom the early
love lyrics might have been addressed. Although Somoza's work was
essentially extrinsic and in the positivist tradition of the Nine-
teenth Century, it provided the very necessary preparation for the
literary studies which hopefully would follow.

Aside from Somoza's Inventario only six brief studies
concerning Jovellanos (nos. 46, 207, 241, 330, 331, 332) were pub-
lished in Spain during the first decade of the Twentieth Century.

But in England the publication of the lively journals of Lord and

Lady Holland (nos. 189, 188) provided intimate and often signifi-

cant insights into the last years of don Gaspar's life. In so far

as I have been able to ascertain, these documents have never been trans-
lated to Spanish (Bibliographers have consistently copied the title

of Lord Holland's memoirs of "Forcing Reminiscences").

The one hundredth anniversary of his death in 1911 brought
with it a surge of interest in Jovellanos, and stimulated a remark-
able outpouring of articles and monographs, the count soaring from
fewer than ten during the first decade of the century to nearly fifty
in the second. Although the centenary oomemoration played its part,
one not also take into account the relative economic prosperity in
Spain, partly occasioned by the First World War, which made funds
available for publishing. The rise in interest in historicismo (see

no. 31) was another contributing factor, along with the general social

 

 

 

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27
unrest of the second decade of the century, often frightening to con—
servative thinkers. One might draw an analogy between the wave of
fear and conservative reaction in Spain following the French Revolu-
tion with a similar unease produced by revolutionary stirrings through-
out Europo during this period, which had their culmination in the
Russian Revolution. Writers of a conservative bent turned to the past,
and specifically to the writings of J ovellanos for corroboration of
their anti-revolutionary and traditionalist views. In a world threaten-
ed by atheism and determinism such writers as Garcia Rendueles (no. 150)
Glass Centurion (nos. 159, 161), Martinez Norval (no. 234), Manuel
Higufles (no. 2111+), Miguel Oliver (no. 253) and Yaben Yaben (no. 366),
as evidenced in their works, took comfort in pointing to J ovellanos'
deep religious faith and complete orthodoxy.

In the introduction to his Inventario Somoza had urged that
the most fitting tribute to J ovellanoe on the occasion of his centenary
would be a written one. Thus the Real Sociedad de Ciencias Morales y
Politicas announced a contest with prizes for the best work on the
moral and political ideas of Jovellanos. The result was the publica-
tion of several important book-length studies, generally of high quality,
although by virtue of the topics none, of course, was without bias.
Garcia Rendueles (no. 150) especially used his study as a platform
for railing against what he considered the moral degeneracy of his day,
and ethos-swore loss than reticent in expounding their own conserva-
tive views. Gaucho y Perea's treatment (no. 63) made the most bal-
eased and dispassionate contribution, while that of Juliln Juderias

 

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28
(no. 19?) was notable for the clarity of its presentation of politi-
cal and philosophical concepts, and Artifiane y Galdéeano's (no. 26)
was valuable for its knowledgeable presentation of Jovellanos' pel-
itical thought. Yaben Yaben (no. 365) took advantage of the occasion
to expound learnedly on Catholic dogma and to criticize what he was
convinced was error in Jovellanos' political and religious beliefs.
Gensilez Blance (no. 171), whom Joaquin Arce (no. 21) has accused of
being less than original in certain areas, is the only one of the
group to deal with Jovellanos' verses, and although he is extremely
negative in his assessment of the poetry of the Eighteenth Century,
and with it that of Jovellanos, his interest in this area indicated
a new trend toward modern literary criticism, with explication of
texts, an aspect of Jovellanos studies which up to this time had been
almost entirely lacking. Significantly, perhaps, in the same year
(1911) there appeared an excellent treatment of Jovellanos' poetry by
the Augustinian, P. Jesus Delgado (no. 113), in which E1 delincuente

honrado is also lucidly discussed. He is perhaps the first to actual-

 

1y attempt a discussion of the intrinsic aspects of the poetry of den
P Gaspar, seeking to sound the well-springs of his poetic inspiration:

Pore 1a poesia de Jovellaxoa no es poesia de la
imaginaci6n, no es descriptiva, no se despertd
a1 contacto de la Naturaleza; sine que es pees
interior, profunda, que sale del alma; y data so despertd
mis tarde, no tanto en su cultisime entendimiento come
en su nobilisimo cerazdn, a1 contacto de la vida real,
{ ‘ de la vida social, de la Vida del mundo. A Jovellanos
no le hicieren poeta las aves y los besques, sine la
(visit de la miserias y las injusticias humanas; per
ese no oanta con la trompa 6pica los nobles hechos de
..q_ _los hombres, sine gime y suspira per e1 triunfo de la
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While Delgado never goes beyond descriptive generalities, and al-
though his assessment is perhaps unduly laudatory, the sensitive—
ness of his treatment and his determination to delve beneath the sur-
fhce mark a turning point in the criticism of Jovellanos' poetry.

Another presentation in commemoration of the centenary was
Bernardo Martinez's serialized study, which, although offering a good
overall biography, added little new in the field of literary analysis.
In this regard he may have relied to some extent on his fellow August-
inian, Delgado (no. 113), whose ideas and even phraseelogy he appears
to echo, e.g., Delgado: "la diferencia que existe entre el hombre
instruide y el verdadere poeta"; Martinez: "la distancia que separa
a1 poeta del hombre instruido".

The Real Academia de la Historia also took cognizance of
the centenary by publishing many hundreds of pages by and about
Jovellanos, even printing a special edition of its Boletin (Vol. LXI)
in his honor, as well as a large volume of unpublished papers and
documents (no. 163). Much of this material was concerned with Jove-
llanos’ associations with the Real Academia and with the military
orders, as well as with his work as a censor of literature. In a
period when traditional cultural values were felt to be threatened
this recording of minutiae apparently seemed to conservative ele-
ments exceedingly important for the preservation of the prestige of
eruditien and of noble bleed.

' During this second decade of the century, the work of

Julie Selena continued to provide a vital and perhaps dominant part

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30

of |1evellani.sta studies. His fine two-volume edition of the cor-
respondenoe behteen Jovellanos and Lord Holland (no. 339) was of
biographical value, serving to set in focus the lives and thought
of these two great liberal thinkers. Historically, the detailed
account of the war years mmished by these letters illuminated
the whole panorama of war-time Spain, especially the international
ramifications involved. But more importantly, the publication of
this correspondence for the first time pointed to a new appreciation
of letters as a literary genre.

The most controversial literary event of the decade concerned
with Jovellanos was the Gij6n edition of the Diaries. During
the entire Nineteenth Century efforts to publish those diaries were
thwarted by these who felt the ideas expressed therein to be too
progressive. cindido Nocedal in 1868 planned and edited a third vol-
um of the works of Jovellanos fer the Biblioteca de Autores Esgholes
do Fivadenoyra, but for political reasons never released them to the
public. Men‘ndez Pelayo, however came into possession of a copy,
which he shared with Someza. other attempts were likewise frustrated,
so that, except for some excerpts published by Somoza in 1884, this
laterialg was still unavailable to the public until the manuscripts
were finally released for publication in 1915 by the widow of Menendez
do Luaroaflne. 2&0), who stipulated that an article by her husband be
included. which had originally been intended as a prologue to an
edition of the diaries which failed to appear. These "Apuntes para un
prlloge", published separately in 1891. attacked Jovellanos violently
tabs'ifi insurrectionist, jansenist and atheist.

Preceding this prologue by Men‘ndez do Luarca was another
W the editor of the diaries, Adellac (no. 3). who sought to apologise

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for his colleague's vituperation and to some extent vindicate J ove-
llanos of the charges brought against him. The text of the diaries,
however, was filled with misprints, errors and improvisations; over
three thousand are listed in the "Fe de erratas", whose author is
thought to be Semoza (no. 258). It was not until nearly four decades
later that a satisfactory version appeared (nos. 297, 298). Adellac
(nos. 1+, 5, 6, 7) published several other studies concerning Jove-
llanes during this period, as did Miguel Miguélez (nos. 245, 2114),
but neither occupied himself with the literary aspects of Jovellanos'
writings.

By far the most unusual and perhaps the most important
studies on Jovellanos during the second decade of the century were
two brief essays by Azorin, one dealing with El delincuente henrado
Asorin considers how a work of art may be changed by successive gen-
erations of interpreters, thus initiating a whole new concept of
literary criticism, a mid-point between false absolutism and false
relativism which René Wellek has termed "perspectivism".1 With
”an poeta" Azerin evokes by indirection the spirit of the man and the
poet in an essay which itself constitutes a prose poem in praise of
don Gaspar as poet. Defending the use of such vulgarities as 1n_11a_s
and 2E, which Cueto had so strongly criticized, and pointing to
this new realism and to don Gaspar's vehement and visionary indivi-

dualism as heralding the romantic revolution, Azorin not only

 

1 Ron! Wellek and Austin Warren. Thee of Literature,
Third edition, 11.1.: Harcourt, Brace & World, (1956). p. 43.

 

32

expressed a new and surprising appreciation for Jovellanos as poet,
but showed the way toward a new sensitivity in literary analysis.

After the great outburst of enthusiasm for Jovellanos
studies during the second decade of the century, the following ten
years (1920—1930) also were extremely disappointing both in quantity
and in quality. Only a dozen articles appeared, most of them bio-
graphical sketches or bibliographical notes. The one significant
piece of literary criticism was Torres Rioseco's perceptive recog-
nition of Jovellanos' romantic tendencies (no. 351) in which poems
are analyzed conceptually and stylistically. The dearth of material
during this decade may be partially due to adverse political and
economic conditions, but one cannot discount the fact that, after such
an outpouring as that of the preceding decade, critics turned their
attention in other directions for a while, e.g., the Gdngera centenary.

The years 1930-l9h0 were somewhat more productive, in spite
of the political turbulence during the first part of the decade and
the tragic and fratricidal war of the latter part, when virtually
nothing was published. In 1931 Julie Semeza presented for publication
his last collection of manuscripts by Jovellanos, together with a
valuable prologue exploring the causes of Jovellanos' banishment and
imprisonment (no. 3H3). The important literary event of the decade
for Jovellanos studies was the three-volume edition of the works of
don Gaspar published by Clisicos Castellanos. The excellent bi-«
*phy and critical study by Angel del Rio stands as a landmark in

 

 

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33 ‘_
the field for its scholarly approach and deeply probing analysis
(no. 299). In it the name of the author of the prologue is duly noted.
In a reprinting of the same work ten years later, contrary to the
practice with other lesices Castellanos editions, all identification
of the editor, del Rio, then residing in the United States, has been
completely removed, conceivably for political reasons.

The only work on Jovellanos published during the war years
was a shaming book written by a womn concerning J ovellanos as
feminist (no. 255).

The years between 19% and 1950 brought another centenary
celebration, in honor of the two hundredth anniversary of the birth
of Jovellanos in 17114, and another burst of interest and outpouring
of cement and criticism. But political and social conditions had
changed since 1911; consequently, these literary manifestations were
quite. different. Spain was recovering from one of the greatest dis-
asters ef its history, a large percentage of its writers had left,
all! its intellectual life was at a low ebb. Nevertheless, nearly
eighty books and articles concerning Jovellanos were published, some
of then of high quality. In 19% the newspaper, Ar_rib_a, devoted an
entire issue of its literary supplement, g, to J evellanos with many
distinguished writers contributing articles in his memory (nos. 66,
70, 109.118, 128. 172. 177. 262, 305. 3%, 358). These included
several brief‘but perceptive studies of various aspects of Jovellanos'
pectic shd‘d’i-mtie production, the most outstanding being that of
GM ie'go’(ne. 118).

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Toward the end of the decade the Marques de Aledo (no. 187)

compiled three large volumes containing the valuable historical docu-
ments which Jovellanos had copied and collected in his travels through-
out Asturias; their publication provides just recognition of Jovellanos'
ability and interest as philologist and antiquarian. But the most sig-
nificant commemorative effort came from outside Spain in the form of

an extensive collection of essays on Jovellanos published in Buenos
Aires in 1945 (nos. 32, #3, 49, 105, 156, 166, 192, 238, 256, 285, 321,
329). It was as though these writers, many of them expatriates, wished
to honor a man whom they considered to be the embodiment of Spanish
liberal and progressive tradition. Their interest, however, lay largely
in the fields of politics, sociology and economics; the lone article
concerning Jovellanos as a man of letters (no. #9) is somewhat weak,

and contributes few new insights.

Two book-length studies concerning Jovellanos appeared in
Spain during the forties, one a lively and gossipy biography by Joaquin
Bonet (no. 51) and the other a treatise by Casariego (no. 71), who, in
an attempt to prove Jovellanos' complete traditionalism succeeded in
displaying his own mental rigidity.

Asturians (nos. 50, 55, 176, 263, 358) took the occasion of
Jovellanos' bicentenary to express their pride in their illustrious
native son and to explore his special contributions to his patrig
ghigg. Gonzalez Garcia (nos. 174, 175) published in Gijdn a serialized
biography in nearly forty installments, and Joaquin Bonet (no. 50)

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35

province. Also in the spirit of local interest was Sureda y Blanes'
(no. 347) detailed study of Jovellanos' years in the Castle of Bellver.

Interest in Jovellanos' poetry increased significantly dur-
ing the forties, and the intent of the criticism showed movement away
from purely external aspects. Although Giménez Caballero (no. 154)
still remained bound by political concerns in his analysis of Jove-
llanos' satires, he displayed interest in periodization in his attempt
to chart the course of Spanish humanism. Gerardo Diego (nos. 11?,
118, 119) in his assessment of Jovellanos as poet in prose as well as
in verse and in his discussion of don Gaspar's sentiment for nature,
descriptions of landscapes and use of romantic imagery and diction
moved closer to contemporary stylistic and conceptual analysis. In
his careful comparison of Jovellanos' poetry with that of Fray Luis,
Joaquin Arce (no. 22) showed similarities in thought and word usage,
and thus provided one of the first attempts at intrinsic poetical
criticism.

During this decade there was, in general, less interest in
Jovellanos as dramatist; Azorin, however, contributed another essay
on the subject. In 1913 he had been concerned with the concept of
honor and justice as revealed in El delincuente honrado (no. 36); in
his study thirty years later he demonstrated an interest in dramatic
theory (no. 35). But in each essay the reader senses the static

quality, the timelessness, which both Jovellanos and Azorin saw as the

 

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source of true greatness in the Spanish theatre. In dramatic criti-
cism as elsewhere Azorin consistently led the way toward an analysis

of the work in itself rather than of its exterior circumstances. At
the same time others were continuing in the environmental and ideo-
logical approach, Sarrailh (no. 3214) seeking sources for E1 delincuente
honrado in French drama and the Buenos Aires commentators (nos. 1&9, 156,
256) interesting themselves with Jovellanos' ideas concerning penal
reform and justice as presented in this play.

Although Jovellanos' relation to the arts was still of little
interest to critics, Ricardo del Arco's study in this field (no. 2h)
was probing and significant. Lizaro Carreter (no. 203) and Angel del
Rio (nos. 301. 302) evinced new interest in Jovellanos as a linguist,
and there was some slight concern with his educational ideas (nos. 153,
172, 213) , while Yaben (no. 36‘?) continued to repeat his opinions
concerning J ovellanos ' religious orthodoxy.

Significantly, considering the political situation in post-
war Spain, nothing was written within the Peninsula during this decade
that dealt with the economic, sociological or political writings of
Jovellanos, the only studies treating these areas being published in
the Buenos Aires collection (nos. 32, 166, 192, 285, 329). The bi-
centenary, nevertheless, while less brilliant than the 1911 observance,
can be considered quite respectable in the light of existing circum-
stances, and nrked a reawakening of interest in Jovellanos which has
continued to the present.

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Although the decade 1950-1960 produced only a slight increase

in the total number of books and articles concerning Jovellanos, a defi-
nite shift of emphasis developed; interest was now being centered on

his political and economic writings, an area almost completely neglect-
ed in the preceding three decades. Eight economic studies were pub-
lished, while eighteen were concerned with Jovellanos' political
writings.

The renewed interest in these aspects of the work of Jove-
llanos coincided, of course with the relative easing of political
tensions throughout Spain, but there were perhaps other reasons as
well. ‘With the entrance of Spain into the United Nations and some
interest being shown in the possibility of joining the European Com-
mon.Market, certain writers, e.g., Sanchez Agesta (nos. 317, 318,

319) found in Jovellanos analogous ideas concerning world brother-
hood and cooperation. The advent of financial aid from abroad focused
new attention on Spain's economic conditions, especially the long-

standing problem of the latifundios. In Jovellanos' Informs sobre

 

 

la Loy Agraria writers found stimulating and pertinent ideas concern-
ing land reform, as evidenced by a number of articles by such writers
as Prados Arrarte (no. 285), Andres Alvarez (no. 17) Chiareno (no. 101),
Helman (no. 138a) and Smith (nos. 13?, 138, 139).

In the political area some writers saw in Jovellanos' re-

jection of revolution and violence support for their own rightist

viewpoint.

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In general, these writers saw in Jovellanos a man who under-
stood the importance of history and tradition in the evolution toward
a more prosperous society and a more just and equitable government, a

kind of Eighteenth Century razo’n histo’rica. In a country whose war

 

wounds had yet to be healed perceptive writers saw in J ovellanos a
spirit of equanimity and harmony, a figure who could symbolize the
best of both worlds, the traditional and the modern.

Although interest in the political and economic aspects of
Jovellanos' work predominated in the fifties, other areas were not
entirely neglected. The most outstanding work of literary criticism
during these years was Polt's excellent comprehensive analysis of
Edelincuente honrado (no. 280) which dealt with intrinsic as well
as extrinsic aspects of the play. In addition to dealing extensively
With the history, criticism, theme and especially the sources of the
Play. Pelt was the first to discuss its structure, characterization
and dramatic technique. Casalduero (no. 67) also contributed to the
understanding of the relation of the play to the classic unities in
his Penetrating discussion of the sense of time in the Eighteenth
Century. Poetry, however, was largely neglected, only a few brief
studies by Arce (nos. 20, 23) and Caso (nos. 91, 92) being written.

During this decade several other important publications
appeared Which gave evidence of the increasing interest in the writings
°f Jovellanos, among them two bibliographies (1103. 335, 345), the
first since Somoza's, and nine of the diaries with posthumous notes

by S°m°28 and an excellent introduction by Del Rio (no. 297). In

 

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39

addition three new volumes of the Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles,

 

85, 86, 87, were devoted to Jovellanos' unpublished works, accom-
panied by a less-than-satisfactory introductory study by Artola
(no. 30).

The decade 1960-1970 has seen an even greater output of
books and articles concerning Jovellanos, the total nearing the one
hundred mark. In general the works have been comprehensive and of
high quality, giving evidence of the more serious attention he has
recently been receiving from critics.

In this decade Jovellanos' poetry has for the first time
provoked substantial interest among critics. In 1960 Joaquin Arce
(no. 21) published a comprehensive study of the neoclassical and pre-
romantic tendencies in the poetry of Jovellanos, seriously discussing
themes, motifs, versification and poetic technique.

A great stimulus to Jovellanos studies has been provided
by'José Caso Gonzélez, who without doubt has become the leading con-
temporary scholar in the field. His excellent edition of the poetry
of Jovellanos (no. 87) provides extensive notes and appendices as
well as an introduction in which each poem is carefully analyzed
using techniques of modern literary criticism. Caso published as
well separate studies, one conerning Jovellanos' metrical theory
(no. 90), and another (no. 77) in which through meticulous investi-
gation and comparison he showed that don Gaspar suppressed a per-

sonal and lyrically beautiful version of Epistola del Paular for a

 

more stylized one, less revealing of his intimate sentiments.

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Without doubt Caso's work has awakened interest in Jovellanos'
‘verses on the part of other critics, (nos. 21, 59, 68, 120, 155, 191,
2367), Zavala's study (no. 367) being especially valuable for its
identification of bourgeois elements in his poetry.

As for dramatic criticism, Caso provided the only studies
in Spanish, his discussions of 231312 (no. 75) offering an excellent
analysis of theme, characterization, style and dramatic technique. His
treatment of El delincuente honrado (no. 76) presented a valuable sty-
lhtic interpretation of this play. Caso, likewise, edited a fine selection
of Jovellanos' letters (no. 74), thus encouraging interest in this long-
neglected area of his literary production. He also has edited and au-

thored a prologue for a new edition of the Reglamentogpara e1 Colegio

 

de Calatrava (no. 89) and written another penetrating article concerning
Jovellanos as an educational theorist (no. 78). His studies of the re-
ligious beliefs of Jovellanos (78, 80, 84) have done much to remove long-
standing misconceptions in this area.

7 A noteworthy characteristic of the sixties in Jovellanos
studies has been the trend toward more international involvement. With
Caso himself new teaching at the University of Lyon and interesting his
students there in Jovellanos, and at least ten foreign scholars con-
tributing worthwhile books and articles, it seems evident that Jovellanos'
renown has spread far beyond the borders of Spain. Frothermany has
come a fine book-length study of Jovellanos with emphasis on the eco-
nomic and political aspects of his work (no. 3ou). In England Inez

McClellAnd has carefully analyzed Jovellanos' dramatic production in her

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41

two-volume work, Spanish Drama of Pathos, (no. 235) and Glendinning has

 

written concerning his poetry (no. 155). In the United States John

Polt's study of E1 delincuente honrado continued the international

 

trend initiated by'Mérimée, Torres, Sarrailh and others. He has since

come to be regarded as a leading jgvellanista with excellent books and

 

studies concerning many phases of Jovellanos' life and work. Paul

Ilie (no. 191) has contributed a study on Jovellanos' esthetic theory
which has brought new insight in this area, while Edith Holman has
written concerning Jovellanos' humanism (no. 182) and republished others

of her studies in Jovellanos y Goya (no. 183). Marcia Davidson wrote

 

about Jovellanos' economic theories in her doctoral dissertation
(no. 110).

At the same time interest was not lagging within the Penin-
sula, especially in the area of economics, where apparently the prejudice
against economists, expressed so vehemently by Menéndez Pelayo (no. 388),
fortunately seems to have disappeared. Twelve books and studies con-
cerning Jovellanos' economic theories were introduced (nos. 1, 8, 68,
110, 121, 210, 269, 285, 304, 336, 337, 338), attention centering as before

on the Informs sobre la Ley'Agraria. Jovellanos' political thought was

 

also analyzed by sixteen writers (nos. 19, 28, 33, 64, 84, 125, 165, 208,
219, 220, 246, 247, 264, 304, 327, 352), but emphasis here continued to
be somewhat partisan.

Literary regionalism was strong during the sixties, with re-
newed interest being evinced in Jovellanos' work on behalf of his native
Asturias. In this area the Asturian, Jesfis Martinez Fernandez, published

several biographical studies of some interest (nos. 228, 229, 230, 231,

 

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42
232). Mallorcans as well called attention to Jovellanos' stay at
Valldemosa and Bellver by publishing several related studies (nos. 16,
164, 205, 261, 263, 269, 313).

Among the book-length biographies Angel Dotor's (no. 125)
was doubtless the most balanced and comprehensive, and included a
valuable bibliography. deez de la Serna's study (no. 165), mostly
concerned with Jovellanos' political and social thought, was extremely
perceptive, as was Caso's fine introduction to Jovellanos' Obras en
fgggg (no. 85), which offered excellent literary interpretations of
the works included.

The most recent contribution to Jovellanos studies is Polt's
fine biographic, conceptual and literary analysis published in the
Twayne series (no. 278), his chapter on Jovellanos the dramatist being
especially valuable. The work serves as a fitting complement to his
previous study on Jovellanos' English sources (no. 279).

In reviewing critical commentary on Jovellanos since 1901,
one must conclude that the perceptiveness and scholarship of the stud-
ies has gradually increased; its range of interest has broadened to
include some excellent literary criticism as well as treatment of
Jovellanos as economic and educational theoretician. Recently fine
studies have appeared concerning Jovellanos' interpretation of the
arts. Treatment of Jovellanos' political thought has generally be-
come less emotional and more factual, as have studies on his religious

tenets.

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43
All this is indicative of greater appreciation for the
timeliness and applicability of Jovellanos' thought today. It is
to be hoped that this trend may continue and produce more of the

excellent interpretive studies such as those which have recently

been appearing.

 

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Bibliography to Part I

Alcald Galiano, Antonio. Prologue to E1 Moro Exposito. Obras de don
Angel de Saavedra, Madrid: BAE, Tomo 100, 1857, pp. XXIII-XXIV.

 

Aldridge, A. Owen. "The cloudy Spanish Enlightenment". Mgdern
Language Journal, Feb. 1968, 113-116.

 

. "Las ideas en la America del Sur sobre la Ilustracidn espafiola".
Revista Iberoamericana, 1968, 283-297.

 

thovas del Castillo, A. Historia de la decadencia de Espafia, Madrid,
1852-54; also Madrid: J. Ruiz, 1910.

 

Cook, John A. Neoclassic Drama in Spain. Theory and Practice. Dallas:
Southern.Methodist University, 1959.

 

Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio. Iriarte y su época. Madrid: Suc. de
Rivadeneyra, 1897.

 

. Don Ramon de la Cruz. Madrid: Suc. de Rivadeneyra, 1899.

Cuadernos de la Cdtedra Feijoo. Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, U. de
Oviedo, 1955-1973.

 

Cueto, Leopoldo Augusto de (El Marques de Valmar). "Bosquejo hist6rico-
critico de la poesia castellana en el siglo XVIII". egg, Tomo LXI, 1952,
pp. v-ccxxxvi.

Delpy, Gaspar. Bibliographic des sources francaises de Feijoo, Paris:
Hachette, 1936.

. L'Espagne et 1'Esprit Européen. L'oeuvre de Feijoo (1725-1760),
Paris: Hachette, 1936.

Dominguez Ortiz, Antonio. La sociedad espeh’ola en el siglo XVIII.
Madrid: CeSeIeCe ’ 1955.

 

Durén, Augustin. Discurso sobre el influjo que ha tenido 1a critica
moderna en la decadencia del teatro antiguo espafiol. Madrid: Ortega
y Compania, 1828.

Eguia Ruih, C. Los jesuitas y el motin de Esquilache. Madrid: C. S.
I. C., Instituto Jer6nimo Zurita, 1947.

Espronceda, José de. "Poesia". El siglo, enero de 1834; also Egg
Tomo LXXII, 1954, pp. 579-580.

Lu),

n' ‘~ .o r; q .
seer.-:¢~‘:' .‘ J—e -
‘a’s ‘
of“.

 

 

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45

Glendinning, Nigel. Vidagy obra de Cadalso. Madrid: Gredos,
1962 .

. The Eighteenth Century. A Literary History of Spain. London:
Ernest Benn, 1972.

Hazard, Paul. La crisis de conciencia eurOpoa, Elpensamiento europeo
del siglo XVIII. Madrid: Guadarrama, 1946.

Herr, Richard. The Eighteenth Century Revolution in Spain. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1958.

Ilie, Paul. "Grotesque Portraits in Torres Villaroel". Bulletin of
Hispanic Studies, XLV, 16-37.

Jovellanos, Gaspar Melchor de. Obras. _I_3_A_E_2, Vol. 46, 50, Madrid:
Rivadeneyra , 1856.

Larra, Mariano José de. “Literature. Rlpida ojeada sobre la historia
e indole de la Nuestra". Obras completas, Paris: Garnier Hermanos,
1870.

Laverde, Gumersindo. "De la Filosofia en Espa’na". El Diario Espa’nol,
1 octubre, 1856.

McClelland, Ines L. Benito J erdnimo de Feixm. New York: 'I‘wayne,
1969.

. The Origins of the Romantic Movement in Spain. Liverpool:
Institute of Hispanic Studies, 1937.

. San—13h Dram of PathosI 1250-1808. Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1970.

 

 

Maraval, J. A. "Las tendencies do reforms politica en el siglo XVIII".
Revista de Occidente, V, 23 (poca, 52 (julio, 1967).

Marias, Juliln. La Es fla sible en tiem de Carlos III. Madrid:
Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1963.

Marichal, Juan. La voluntad de estilo (Tooria e historia del ensaflsmo
hisinoo). Biblioteca breve, Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1957.

Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino. Estudios z discursos de critics literaria.
W: Ce So Is Ce. 1%2e

Oliveira, Miguel. ”E1 siglo XVIII espafiol, lo que no me". _S_1_1r_, 300
(1956). M7.

Ortega y Gasset, Jose. ”El siglo XVIII educador". Obras completes,
Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1932.

 

 

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46

Palacin Iglesias, Gregorio. Nueva valoracidn de la literatura
espaflola del siglo XVIII. Madrid: Leira, 1967.

Palacio Atard, Vicente. Derrota, agotamiento,gdecadencia en la
ESpafla del siglo XVII. 23 ed., Madrid: Rialp, 1965.

. Los espafioles de la ilustracidn. Madrid: Guadarrama, 1964.

Pefialver Simd, Patricio. Modernidad tradicional en el pensamiento
de Jovellanos. Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevilla,
Coleccidn "Mar adentro", LXX, Seville: Seminario de Historia del
Pensamiento, 1953.

 

 

Ragucci, Rodolfo. Literatura espafibla: siglo XVIII y la primera
mitad del XIX. Buenos Aires: Nacional, 1961.

 

Regla, Juan and Alcolea, Santiago. Historia de la cultura espafiola.
El siglo XVIII. Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1957.

 

Rodriguez Casado, Vicente. "E1 intento espafiol de ilustraci6n
cristiana". Estudios Americanos, 1955.

 

"La revolucidn burguesa en al siglo XVIII". Arbor, enero,

 

1951.

Salinas Pedro (ed.). Melendez Valdés, Poesias. hadrid: Espasa
Calpe , 1925 e

Sinchez Agesta, Luis. El pensamiento politico del despotismc
ilustrado. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1953.

 

. "Espafla y Europa en el pensamiento espafiol del siglo XVIII".
Cuadernos de la Catedra Feijoo, Oviedo, 1956.

Sarrailh, Jean. La crise religiouse en Espagne h 1a fin du XVIII
siecle. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951.

. La Espaha ilustrada de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII.
(Translated by Antonio Alatorre) México: Fondo de Cultura Econdmica,

1957.

. L'Espagne éciairée de la seconds moitié du XVIIIe siecle.
Paris: Imp. Nacionale, 1954.

Sebold, Russell. "Contra los mites anti-neoclasicos espafibles".
Papeles de Son Armadans, 105 (1964).

 

 

e
. .. . :_ ‘-
I 0 ”Ne .
' ~’ 'U..dadd.. I
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47

. (ed.). Frangerundio de Campazas, 4 vols., Clasicos
Castellanos, iadrid: ESpasa Calpe, 1960-64.

 

 

Silvela, Manuel. "Disertacidn acerca de la influencia ejercida en el
idioma y en el teatro por la escuela clasica que floreci6 desde mediados
del siglo pasado". Artes y Letras, Madrid, 1890.

 

Spell, Jefferson Rea. Rousseau in the Spanish World before 1833.
Austin: U. of Texas Press, 1938.

Suarez Verdeguer, Federico. La crisis politica del antiguo regimen.
Madrid: Rialp, 1948.

Saint Thomas Aquinas. The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas. New
York: Random.House, 1945.

Ticknor, George. History of Spanish Literature. Boston: Ticknor and
Fields, 1863.

Valera, Juan. "De lo castizo de nuestra cultura en el siglo XVIII y
en 61 presents". Tomo II, Obras Completas, Madrid: Aguilar, 1961.

Wellek, René and Warren, Austin. Theory of Literature. Third ed.,
New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1956.

Part II

Critical Bibliography of

Jovellanos studies, (1901-1973)

48

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49
Acerete, Julio C. Introduction, notes and appendices to Informs

sobre la LeygAgraria by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Colecci6n

 

"Notas de Sociedad", Barcelona: Edicidh de Materiales, 1968, 254

pages.

Acerete succinctly reviews agriculture in Spain from.Roman
times to the present, focusing eSpecially on Eighteenth Century re-
forms and their at least partial negation during the two subsequent
centuries.

The writer affirms, as does Helman (no. 182), that Jove-

llanos insisted that the ideas expressed in Informs sobre la Lgy

 

Agraria were those of the Sociedad Econémica in order to avoid censure
by the Inquisition. He is doubtless correct in assuming that Jove-
llanos' own ideas were more radical yet, although other more con-
servatively oriented commentators, e.g., Miguel Oliver (no. 253),

have believed them to be less liberal. This work, says Acerete,
formed the basis for the social philosophy of the Cortes de Cadiz

and for the progressive liberalism of the past century. The proposed
reforms failed because the Spanish people were essentially conser-
‘vative and non-revolutionary, declares Acerete, probably over-
Simplifying an exceedingly complex issue.

The writer, nevertheless, has compiled a valuable refer-
exmw table, a cronologia circunstancial, in which the events of the
life of Jovellanos are juxtaposed with important events of the times.
Irianother appendix the author charts the revolutionary-counter-

revolutionary pendular movement of Spanish politics between 1810 and

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50
1931, years during which neither group was sufficiently strong to
dominate effectively, thus creating a state of almost perpetual
civil war. In this way Acerete convincingly supports the thesis
of his essay: the unwillingness or ineffectiveness of modern Spain

in carrying out meaningful reform.

Acevedo, Bernardo. 'Un heroe olvidado". Trabajo leido e1 27 de
noviembre de 1911, E1 Ateneo de Gijdn en el primer centenario de

Jovellanos, Gijdn, 1911, pages 77-81.

 

The author recalls the loyalty of Jovellanos' majordomo,
Domingo Garcia de la Fuente, who never swerved in his devotion, even
during his master's imprisonment in Bellver. Acevedo diminishes the
effect of his panegyric by attacking Jovellanos' detractors and by
complaining quite irrelevantly about some minor problems of the cen-

tenary celebration.

Adellac y'Gonzalez de Agflbro, Miguel. Introduction to Diaries,
(Memorias ihtimas), 1790-1801. Instituto de Jovellanos de Gijdh,

bmdrid: Imp. de los Sucesores de Hernando, 1915, 413 pages.

After more than a century of delays and false starts the
[Diaries of Jovellanos were finally published in 1915 by Adellac,
vwho narrates in his introduction the sorry tale of these memoirs
(Inrhaps somewhat inaccurately labeled "memorias intimas", since
they'contain few confidences). Upon Jovellanos' imprisonment the

diaries were impounded by Cabellero and later rescued by Cash, whose

 

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IR'EI‘;y ‘ l e e ‘

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51

heirs sold them. Bought in a pawnshop by Abello, they were inherited
by Luarca, who published an article attacking J ovellanos as heretic,
atheist and revolutionary. Luarca's widow allowed the diaries to be
published providing her husband '3 remarks be included, as well as the
notes which Abello and Nocedal had prepared for a §A_E edition which
failed to appear. The 1915 edition proved to be scandalously inac-
curate, filled with misprints and even willful alterations, and was
apparently little read.

In his introduction, which deals with the diaries histori-
cally, but provides little thematic analysis. Adellac attempts to
apologise for Luarca's intolerance and vindictiveness . but cannot re-
train from contrasting this spirit with the absence of reorimination
in the diaries of J ovellanos , who had every reason for bitterness

because of his patently unjust treatment.

Adellac, Miguel. "Jovellanos y la ouestidn social de su tiempo".
Conferencia explicada el dis 9 de septiembre de 1911. St Ateneo de
G_i;ldn en el Jriner oentenario de J ovellanos, Gijdn, 1911. pages
43-60.

Adellac, director of the Instituto de Gijdn, calls M-
].isimas Jovellanos' ideas concerning land reform as expressed in his
mom sobre la I_._ez Aggaria.

The writer is inexact in categorizing J ovellanos as a
Phfliocrat: in his concern for the individual, especially the peasant

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52
he goes far beyond these earlier economic theoreticians. He might be
more adequately classed as a post-merchantilist (see No. 17).

Adellac points to the similarities between the economic
ideas of Jovellanos and Twentieth Century English ideas concerning
small land holding as proposed by Lloyd George. But the writer ex-
aggerates in his assessment of the international effect of Jovellanos'
writings in the field of economics and agriculture: most of the ideas
he expressed were current throughout Europe during the late Eighteenth

Century}

Adellac y Gonzalez de Agfiero, Miguel. Preliminary study to Manuscritos

 

inéditos de Jovellanos: Plan de educacidn de la nobleza, Trabgjp de

Orden del Rey en 1798. Gij6n: Sangerflk, 1915, 236 pp.

Like Somoza (no. 341) Adellac doubts that Plan de Educacion

 

de la Nobleza was entirely the work of Jovellanos. He asserts, however,
that the work was certainly inspired by Jovellanos while he was Minister
of<3race and Justice in 1798. Although there is no reference to this
‘work in don GaSpar's diaries, it is ideologically similar to his other
'writings on education. Adellac suggests that Bishop Tavira of Salamanca
hwy have been his collaborator.

As director of the Instituto de Gij6n and speaking as an

taducator interested in the reform of the bachillerato in Spain, Adellac

 

armlyzes the Elan with a view to making its curriculum more practical.
Headiffers with Jovellanos, however, in that he believes the study of
Latin‘tobe indispensable in preparing for most professions. His analy-
sis and criticism of Jovellanos' work, which comprises well over half

the book, is also a declaration of Adellac's own educational ideas-

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Adellac y Gonzalez de Agfiero, Miguel, Prologue and brief notes to
"Oracion inaugural a la apertura del Real Instituto Asturiano que
leyé su promotor en 7 de enero de 1794”. El Noroeste, 1911.

Bib. Ref. in: Simon Diaz, Jose and Martinez Cachero, Jose Maria.
"Bibliografia de Jovellanos (1902e1950)". Boletin de Estudios

Asturianos, Oviedo, No. .XIII (agosto, 1961), (no. 335), 131-152.

 

“Adhesiones". El Ateneo de Gijdn en el primer centenario de

 

Jovellanos, Gijon, 1911, pages 99-106.

 

A series of letters eulogizing Jovellanos on the occasion
of his centenary by Faustino Rodriguez San Pedro, Rafael Altamira,

Rafael Maria de Labra and Valentin Escolar.

Agramonte, Roberto D. "Jovellanos, planificador". Torre, XXII,

1965. 155-169.

Agramonte reviews the plans and recommendations of Jove—
llanos for a more prosperous and happy Spain, emphasizing eSpecially
his patriotism and his somewhat over-optimistic conviction that in-
telligence leads necessarily to virtue. He points out as well his
mistrust of the metaphysics of Llull: "Vertid'al odre castellano la
Geometria de Raimundo Lulio".

The writer notes that Jovellanos was both modern and Euro-
pean, corresponding with French intellectuals as well as with Jeremy

Bentham, whose utilitarian ideas he found eSpecially applicable in the

10

54

field of educational reform. Agramonte calls attention to parallels
between Jovellanos and Benjamin Franklin, although one might argue
that, unlike his American counterpart, Jovellanos was ultimately un-
successful as a man of action.

Aguilar Pifial, Francisco. La Real Academia Sevillana de Buenas Letras

 

en el Siglo XVIII. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones

 

Cientificas, 1966, 392 pages.

This extensive study of the intellectual life of Eighteenth
Century Seville discusses, among many other subjects, the tertulia of
Pablo de Olavide, Asistente of Seville, at which Jovellanos read his
E1 delincuente honrado.

The book provides a fine background for the understanding of
the place where Jovellanos spent some of his formative years, and
descriptively presents the intellectual climate conducive to the pro-
duction of the type of poetry and drama in which don Gaspar was, at

that time, much interested.

Aguirre Prado, Luis. Jovellanos. Colecci6n "Temas espafioles", No.

 

2&1, Madrid: Publicaciones sepafiolas, 1956.

This monograph presents a standard biography of Jovellanos,
usually factual, but offering few insights and no new information.

The writer makes clear his scorn for bourgeois values and
for disentailment, but otherwise engages in little partisan propaganda.
Although the study provides resumes of E1 delincuente honrado, Pelayo,

Lgy’Agraria and Espectdculos y diversiones pdblicas, as well as parts

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55

of some poems and extracts from the diaries, there is little literary
criticism.or attempt to delve beneath the surface of Jovellanos' poli-

tical, social or philosophical thought.

Alberich, Jose. "Un hispanista temprano: Lord Holland". Revista de

 

Literatura, VIII (1942), 295-308.

Jos‘ Alberich presents a brief biography of Lord Holland to-
gether‘with.an analysis of his Vida de Lope. The article, however, does
include about two pages of useful information concerning Lord Holland's
relations‘with.Jovellanos.

Alberich, who describes Jovellanos as "uno de los espafioles
més inteligentes y'mis puros de aquella epoca tan pr6diga en insignes
botarotes”, recounts their first meeting in 1793, Lord Holland's efforts
to have Jovellanos released from prison, and their frequent meetings
and almost daily correspondence while Jovellanos was serving in Seville
'with the Junta Central. Although Jovellanos was ideologically more
conservative, their relationship always remained cordial and even af-
fectionate, Holland admiring Jovellanos as a good and intelligent man
and Jovellanos finding in.his English friend simplicity, nobility and
generosity. It is noteworthy that Holland never appears to have ex-
erted undue political influence over Jovellanos, although one suspects
he may have been in a position to do so. But Alberich correctly
points out that neither exerted great influence in his government, and
that Jovellanos, at least, lacking leadership ability, exerted influence

only through his example and his writing.

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56
Alberti, J. WSijdn proyectado a la busca y descubrimiento de Jove-

llanos". La Nueva Espafla, Oviedo, 9 de febrero de 1960.

 

Bib. Ref. in: Perez de Castro, JoseC "Deseo y esfuerzo de Jovellanos

por Gijon", (no. 269), 182.

Alcizar Molina, Cayetano. Don Pablo de Olavide (e1 colonizador de la

 

Sierra Morena). Madrid: Voluntad, 1927. Cap. VII: "La tertulia

 

de Sevilla y'el recuerdo de Jovellanos". pages 95-104. (From the

series, Los hombres del reinado de Carlos III).

 

Alcdzar Molina describes the group of intellectuals who met
regularly in the home of the Asistente of Seville. A discussion on
neoclassic dramatic theory among them led to the writing of El delin-

cuente honrado, which the author describes as "tierna y languida,

 

bien escrita y declamatoria", although one might question the use of
"languida" in this regard. The writer alludes to the influence of
the Salamancan poets over Jovellanos, but neglects to mention that
this influence was reciprocal.

Somoza, (no. 3hl) perhaps with some political bias, has
affirmed that Jovellanos and.olavide were never special friends, but
Alcazar asserts that Jovellanos proved his loyalty by standing by
Olavide when the latter was imprisoned because of his liberal leanings.
He also mentioned Olavide affectionately in his poem of leave-taking
to his friends in Seville. Alcizar quotes in its entirety the lovely

Sapphic ode on the death of Engracia, whom the research of Defourneaux

'm. 1.1 has 5%.:
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57
(no. 111) has shown to be the daughter of Olavide, rather than his

111000 e

Alonso Bonet, Joaquin. See nos. 50-58.

Alonso, Alfredo. ”Orsuela y Jovellanos". Trabajo leido e1 27 de
noviembre de 1911, E1 Ateneo de Giid’n en el primer centenario de

Jovellanos, Gijdn, 1911, pages 62-70.

The writer speculates on a letter written by J ovellanos
from Valldemuza, which alludes to the disloyalty of a young man
named Orsuela ”aquel muchacho torpe y rudo que tanto protegi". What
was the ultimate effect of this disafeccidn which don Gaspar found

so difficult to forget, Alonso wonders.

Alumnia, Joaquin. "Jovellanos y la siderurgia vascongada". Zumarraga,
revista de estudios vascos, No. 2, 1954.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (G-K), Oviedo:
Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, 1955, (no. 34425), 592.

Alvarez Gendin, Sabina. See no. 153.
Alvarez Santullano, Luis. See No. 3212.

Alvarez Solar-Quintes , N icolls. “Jovellanos en Mallorca". Boletin del
Iirgtituto de Estudios Asturianos, XIX, 1965, 103-122.
This pleasantly nostalgic visit to Mallorca recreates J ove-

llanos ' seven years of imprisonment there. The writer provides a

 

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17

58

description of the town of Valldemosa, where Jovellanos spent his
first year of confinement not unpleasantly sharing the life of the
monks of the Cartuja. The author erroneously states that Jovellanos
spent three years in Valldemosa: he arrived on Mallorca April 18,
1801, although Alvarez puts his arrival as April 18, 1799. This
article, which appears to rely heavily on one published by Sureda y
Blanes (no. 347) in the same periodical in 1907, provides minor bio-

graphical data concerning Jovellanos.

Andres Alvarez, Valentin. Prologue to Informe sobre la Ley Agraria
by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios

Politicos, 1955, 291 pages.

In his prologue Andres Alvarez deals with Spanish thought
concerning economic theory and land reform during the century pre-
ceding Jovellanos, showing that the ideas set forth by him in his
Informe sobre la Ley.Agraria, although in large part not new, were more
lucidly and precisely explicated here than previously. He affirms
that in the Eighteenth Century most of the progressive ideas came
from.France and were in conflict with Spanish traditionalism. Thus
in El delincuente honrado the paradox of the title is reflected in a
Situation in which the hero is a criminal by French standards but
honorable to Spanish eyes. Jovellanos was much aware of this
dichotomy and tried to harmonize these conflicting ideas and adapt

'Uiem to the exigencies of the Spanish situation. Thus he advocated

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59

democracy on the unmicipal level, but more authoritarian government
on the national level. He saw in many of the French political in-
novations only reinterpretations of ancient Spanish institutions.
The Seventeenth Century saw Spain's problem as economic, asserts
Andres Alvarez, but the Eighteenth viewed it as political.

The writer has approached the Informe sobre la Lgy Agraria

 

from an historical rather than from an economic point of view. Al-
though the study is informative, the author is inaccurate in finding
little new in the Ley Agraria: Campomanes' report of twenty years
before approached the problem from a mercantilist standpoint, whereas
the Informe of Jovellanos is postmercantilist, incorporating Smith's

laissez-faire philosophy and a new preoccupation with social welfare.
Andreu Valde's-Solis, Martfix. See no. 353.

Ant6n, Rubin. "Menéndez Pelayo y J ovellanos". Re idn, Oviedo, 11
de octubre, 1956.

Bib. ref. in: Martinez Cachero. Menéndez Helayo y Asturias,
(no. 2212), 210.

Aranguren, Jos6 Luis. "Jovellanos desde el castillo de Bellver".
Eagles de Son Amdans, XVII (1960), 221-237.

Aranguren postulates that Jovellanos' thinking was consider-
ably altered during his seven-year imprisonment in the Castle of

Bellver.

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The writer's qualification of Jovellanos as the first
Spanish intellectual "propiamente dicho" may be open to serious ques-
tion, but use of the terms "solidario y solitario" is apt: Jovellanos'
deep-seated loneliness is an aSpect of his personality which has been
little commented upon. He was deeply involved in society and at the
same time spiritually distant from it.

Although Jovellanos was a regalist in an age when this term
was often equated with Jansenism,.Aranguren affirms that Jovellanos
‘was never a heretic. Actually, in Bellver Jovellanos became more
deeply religious, paradoxically almost happy (at least in comparison
with the years that followed). He became something of a romantic,
with his new interest in nature and appreciation for the Middle Ages
and its art.

Before Mallorca Jovellanos was not at all democratically

inclined, believing as did most ilustrados that reform must come from

 

above. But as he viewed events within Spain, Aranjuez, etc., Jove-
llanos, declares Aranguren, came to believe in democracy rather than
enlightened despotism. It is true that the former enemy of all revol-
ution was constrained to accept this one, and to take part in the

Junta Central, which received its power directly from the people.

But this was about the extent of his "democratic" commitment. He cited
as precedents for this body and for the Cortes de Cidiz Spains ancient,
“internal” constitution, unwritten but valid. But this advocacy of

constitutional monarchy is very different from sanctioning democracy,

 

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61
a term he always used scornfully, associating it with the radicalism
of the French Revolution.

Aranguren perceptively notes J ovellanos' great preoccupation
with time as he passed the seven long years on Mallorca; he frequent-
ly mentioned the swiftness of the passage of the years, bringing with
it illness and old age. The writer associates this tendency with
Romanticism, although it may indicate more specifically J ovellanos '
preoccupation with his own increasing age and ill health. He is per-
haps somewhat inaccurate in comparing this point of view with ”intemporal
neoclasicismo”: neoclassic dramatists, in their adherence to the classic
unities were enormously conscious of time. One might conclude, rather,
as does Casalduero (no. 67) that the two centuries were equally concerned
with time, but thought of it in a different way.

In this article Aranguren has researched and set in focus a
traumatic period in J ovellanos ' life, and has shown that J ovellanos
continued openminded. His thinking may have altered significantly
during these years, but probably not to the extent indicated by the

writer.

Arce y Fernlndez, Joaquin. ”Cuando Gijo’n estaba a la sombra del cerro
de Santa Catalina”. El Comercio, Gijo’n, 15 de agosto, 1953.

Bib. ref. in:

Case Gonzalez, (no. 83), 211(note).

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62

Arce y Fernéndez, Joaquin. "Jovellanos y la sensibilidad prerromah-
tica". Boletin de la Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo, XXXVI (1960),

139-177 e

In this analysis Arce y Fernandez discusses the poetry of
Jovellanos from several perspectives: a) neoclassical and preromantic
tendencies, especially the latter, b) the major criticism of his
poetry, c) influence on his contemporaries and on the Nineteenth
Century poets, d) sensibility, 6) other significant aspects of his
poetry.

Preromanticism and Neoclassicism, coinciding chronologically
during the last quarter of the Eighteenth Century and the first decade
of the Nineteenth, are for Arce terms which designate tendencies and
attitudes rather than movements. Far from antithetical, they share a
common rebellious spirit and a yearning for innovation and liberty,

he asserts. Here Arce distinguishes between ggloclasicismo (pseudo-

 

clasicismo), which placed emphasis upon precept, and neoclasicismo,

 

which implied a rebellious and innovative attitude.

Arce reviews and comments upon the major criticism of Jove-
llanos' poetry to the present time. He points out that Torres Rioseco
has labeled Jovellanos "romantico", but insists that preromanticism
is quite different from romanticism. In reality, though, Arce's
definitions of romanticism and preromanticism are as imprecise as
the ones he proposes for neoclasicismo, seudoclasicismo, and 5313-

clasicismo, and are little more helpful in clarifying the issue.

 

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Arce assesses Jovellanos' stature among his contemporaries,
pointing especially to his influence with the Salamancan group, whom
he urged to elevate their poetry, "haciendola gloria de la patria y

del bien de la sociedad”.

Living in an age of sentiment when the shedding of tears was
no sign of weakness but of a "sensible ccrazdh", Jovellanos displayed
his own "alma sensible" in his poetry and especially in his El delin-

cuente honrado. Although in many ways defective, this play is inter-

 

esting for Arce for its sentimentality and use of gesture which presage
the romantic movement, and for its ideas concerning justice, later re-
flected in the work of the Cortes de Cadiz. Arce sees influences of
Jovellanos on his successors, especially el Duque de Rivas and Espronceda.
He points to certain romantic themes which recur in don GaSpar's
poetry, such as leave-takings, Autumn as a time of parting and sadness,
open countryside as a symbol of loneliness, popular picturesqueness,
and in places, a certain unaristocratic bourgeois sentiment.

Arce's analysis of literary currents is thought-provoking
for his attempt to articulate the nuances of their complexity. His
identification of certain romantic themes in Jovellanos' poetry is

perceptive.

Arce y Fernéndez, Joaquin. "La poesia de Fray Luis de Ledn en Jove-

llanos". Revista de la Universidad de Oviedo, facsiculo de la Facultad

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Joaquin Arce has analyzed stylistically the poetry of Jove-
llanos and has shown conclusively its direct relationship to that of
Fray Luis de Le6n.

Even though Jovellanos always tended to be apologetic about
his verses, feeling such a pursuit unworthy of a magistrate of his
standing, Arce believes that a dominant characteristic of Jovellanos
was his intellectual cosmopolitanism, his sensitivity and openminded-
mess to all kinds of tendencies and ideas. Aside from the Latin clas-
sics, Jovellanos' two great admirations were for Garcilaso and Fray
Luis de Lech, especially the latter, whose popularity increased greatly
during the Neoclassical period: there were three editions of his poe-
try between 1761 and 1791. Arce finds Jovellanos' poetry imbued with
the spirit of Fray Luis, although he does not elaborate on this point.
He notes as well that each suffered imprisonment largely because of
the envy of his contemporaries.

The writer points out that in his Memoria sobre la educacidn

 

publica and in his Curso de humanidades Jovellanos recommended the

 

reading of the poetry and prose of Fray Luis over all others.
Admittedly, there is no relationship in metric form, since
Fray Luis' liras were ill-adapted to don Gaspar's dfifuse temperament,

which led him instinctively to avoid consonantal rhyme, observes Arce.

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23

24

65
The writer carefully analyzes the verses of the two poets
and points out dozens of undeniable stylistic and conceptual parallels.
The combining of the definite article with a possessive adjective is

often used by both, e.g., la su lira. Each uses exclamations such as

 

iay! and ioh! with great frequency, as well as bipartition of the final

word of a verse, e.g., miserable-manta. It might be observed, however,

 

that these latter two usages were fairly common during both the Seven-
teenth and Eighteenth Centuries.

Arce compares Epistola del Paular with Vida Retirada, A

 

 

Melendez with A Felipe Ruiz, as well as A sus amigos de Salamanca and

 

Epistola a Batilo with Noche Serena, pointing out many similarities

 

indicating the influence of Fray Luis on Jovellanos.

Arce y Fernéndez, Joaquin. "Notas a una poesia desconocida de Jove-

llanos". Publicaciones de la Real Sociedad Geogréfica, Serie S. No.

 

386, Madrid, 1957, 36 pages.

Bib. ref. in: Caso Gonzélez (no. 83), 188

Arco, Ricardo del. "Jovellanos y las bellas artes". Revista de Ideas

 

Estéticas, IV, 1946, 31-64.

 

In this detailed study Arco analyzes Jovellanos' criticism of
art and architecture, and to a lesser extent, his views concerning lit-
erature.

Arco feels that although he never professed to be an art ex-

pert, Jovellanos was one of the most capable art critics of his day:

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66

he was perhaps superior to Azara and Mengs, the two leading Eighteenth
Century critics. Arco calls J ovellanos a "prerroma’ntico calificado"
in his predisposition for the medieval and Gothic in architecture, but
declares that this tendency was always at odds with the neoclassicism
of his day, which the enlightened J ovellanos rationally accepted. He
points out accurately that these romantic leanings have their begin-
nings much earlier than the period of his imprisonment, as Menéndez
Pelayo (no. 387) had assumed. It is true, however, that on Mallorca
this romantic predisposition was intensified by his reading of the
early English and French romanticists and by his surroundings, es-
pecially the Castle of Bellver and other Gothic structures which stimu-
lated his interest in the late Middle Ages.

Although, like his contemporaries, J ovellanos praised Mengs,
"el mejor pintor de la tierra" (#1), he objected to the German painter's
strict neoclassicism, insisting that the artist's primary task is to
imitate nature rather than to idealize it. Thus he disagreed with
Mengs' assessment of Vellsquez, and advised young artists to follow
the latter 's example:

la verdad es el principio de toda perfecciJn y la

belleza, e1 gusto, 1a gracia, no pueden existir fuera

de ella. Buscadlas en la naturaleza, eligiendo las

partes m‘s sublimes y perfectas, las formas ma’s

bellas y graciosas, los partidos mas nobles y elegantes:

pero sobre todo aprended de Velasquez e1 arte de

animarlas con el encanto de la ilusi6n; con este

portentoso encanto, que la naturaleza habfa vinculado

en los sublimes toques de su magico pincel". (#3).

These remarks, made in 1781, indicate that J ovellanos was

already moving beyond strict classicism in his assessment of the artist's

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67

role, and toward a more nearly romantic conception. It is true that
a new interest in the Middle Ages was manifesting itself also among
Jovellanos' contemporaries, as well as a certain sentimentality which
foreshadowed Romanticism. Nevertheless, as Arco perceptively points
out, in some respects Jovellanos' romantic tendencies actually pre-
ceded the movement elsewhere.

Although Arco has made little attempt to determine the
reasons for his judgements, he has done well in summarizing Jovellanos'
criticism of the fine arts and in pointing out the struggle for domi-

nance between foreign and traditionally Spanish ideas in his thinking.

Artigas, Miguel. "Los manuscritos de Jovellanos de la Biblioteca
Menéndez Pelayo" (Texto de la conferencia pronunicada en el Paraninfo
de la Universidad de Oviedo por el autor, el dia lfi de junio de 1921).

Boletin de la Biblioteca Menéhdez y Pelayo, Afio III, No. 3 (Mayo-junio,

 

1921) 9 1.18-152 e

Artigas enumerates and briefly describes all of the material,
largely unpublished, by and concerning Jovellanos in the Biblioteca
Menéndez y Pelayo. He affirms that it contains everything written by
Jovellanos that has been printed, and the most important of the work

of the jovellanistas, as well as most of the manuscripts belonging

 

previously to Candide Nocedal. Artigas concludes by discussing an

unedited discourse by Juan de Herrera concerning Raymundo Llull for

 

 

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68

which Jovellanos wrote an advertencia. He describes also certain

 

letters of Coin Bermfidez to Jovellanos concerning this manuscript.
In an appendix the following documents appear:
I. Carta latina de Jovellanos a su hermano.
II. Avisos amistosos de Jovellanos a Saavedra.
III. Censura de varias obras literarias.
IV. Carta del Sr. (Juan) Junquera (Huergo) a1 Sr. D.A.F. Vallin
(Gijdh, 28 de abril de 1860). (Concerning certain manuscripts

of Jovellanos).

Artifiano y'de Galdacano, Gervasio de. Jovellanosgyrsu Espafia. Madrid:

 

Jaime Rates, 1913, 186 pages.

This book, which was justly awarded a prize by the Real
Academia de Ciencias Morales y Politicas in the competition of 1912,
is especially valuable for its fine background information on Eighteenth
Century Europe, on Spain before 1700, and on Eighteenth Century
Spain. In addition, the author has included excellent chapters on
Jovellanos' social, economic and pedagogical ideas.

Even though he considers briefly the artistic merits of Jove-
llanos"writings, it is as innovator and man of science with which
Artifiano interests himself in this book. The author affirms that Jove-

llanos was not an expounder of new theories or systems, suggesting that

in politics Jovellanos had ever before him the English constitution:

 

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27

69

in economics he followed the lead of Adam Smith and other contem-
porary economic theoreticians: in the field of morals he could look to
Catholic dogma. In the area of education, however, J ovellanos, ac-
cording to Artifiano, was truly on his own, and was therefore a more
independent thinker.

Artifiano confirms the view of others that J ovellanos was not
an innovative theoretician but rather a man concerned with directing
the pragmatic application of contemporary thought for the betterment
of his countrymen.

Artifiano points out that in all of their criticism of society
and suggested reforms, the Spanish ilustrados never evinced the slight-
est disloyalty to their religion or to their monarch. But it was ac-
tually a superficial enlightenment for most of the upper class, while
the masses remained in total ignorance. Thus well-meant reforms were
often incomprehensible or thought to be subversive. Among the loyal
band of ilustrados whose attempts at reform and regeneration were thus
in large measure thwarted, was Jovellanos, whom Artin’ano aptly describes
as a nun who combined a fine intellect and a love of study and investi-
gation with enthusiasm, self-abnegation, patriotism, a noble character
ani great religious faith.

This monograph is clearly-written and relatively impartial

as well as probing and thought-provoking .

Artola, Miguel. ”America en el pensamiento espafiol del siglo
dieciocho”. Revista de Indias, Madrid, XXIX, Nos. 115-118.

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Bib. ref. in: Artola, Miguel. "Vida y pensamiento de D. Gaspar

Melchor de Jovellanos”, Vol. 85 of RAE. Madrid, 1956 (no. 28).

Artola, Miguel. "E1 pensamiento politico de J ovellanos segdn 1a
instrucci6n inddita a la 'Junta de la Real Hacienda y Legislacio‘n' ".

Archivum, Oviedo, XII (1962) 210-216.

Artola publishes an unsigned manuscript which he is sure
was written by J ovellanos since its title is mentioned in Defensa de
la Junta Central. Artola finds here proof of J ovellanos' liberal
philosophy and a convincing argument against those who would paint
him as a traditionalist. In it Jovellanos advocates a unified po- -
litical constitution, an integrated legal code, and the abolition of

special privileges.

Artola, Miguel. Los afrancesados. Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y

Publicaciones , 1953-

Artola unjustly asserts that Jovellanos' writings reveal
his 1.231: of political determination, ”que 1. tuvo varios dias a 1.
puerta de Madrid dudando acerca del partido m‘s conveniente". (21) .
This cynical observation is vehemently refuted by J ovellanos ' many
assertions of fervent patriotism, e.g. , his letters to Cabarnis and
to Sabastiani.

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Artola, Miguel. "Vida y pensamiento de D. Gaspar Melchor de Jove-

llanos”, preliminary study to Vol. 85 of Biblioteca de Autores

 

Espafioles. Madrid, 1956, pp. 1-87.

The first part of this study is devoted to a factual and
generally competent biography, although Caso (no. 83) has pointed out
several errors, mostly of a minor nature. The second part, con-
cerned with Jovellanos' thought, correctly shows him to be a man of
his times, affected to an extent by the ideas of encyclopedism and
the Enlightenment. Although in later years he modified his liberal

thinking somewhat, he remained essentially an ilustrado.

Ayala, Francisco. "Jovellanos en su centenario". Experiencia e

 

invencidn (Ensayos sobre el escritor y su mundo), Madrid: Taurus,

1960, pages 205-256.

In this essay Francisco Ayala has provided his readers
with a probing study of the political and religious thought of Jove-
llanos.

As has been often observed, Jovellanos' at times nostalgic
mood and his sensitivity to nature qualify him as a preromantic.

Ayala, however, goes a step further, seeing in the historicismo of

 

Jovellanos a presaging of the spirituality of the Nineteenth Century:

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Para 61, la Historia se encuentra penetrada de sentido,

y esto en un modo tal, que se acerca mucho a las

concepciones hoy predominates (en todo caso a la sensi-

bilidad historica de nuestros dias), resultando asf tanto

més sorprendente en los que 61 vivid. (p. 237).

For Jovellanos, then, history represents an indiSpensable link: "el
vinculo secreto que enlaza costumbres y tiempos".

Ayala traces Jovellanos' ideological formation, showing that
politically he followed quite closely the ideas of the Encyclopedists,
those very ideas which resulted in the French Revolution, even though
Jovellanos never espoused such a radical expedient, always advocating
prudence and gradualism.

In his discussion of Jovellanos' religious tenets, Ayala
reiterates his previously expressed belief (no. 32) that he was a
Jansenist sympathizer and that this suspected heresy was the principal
cause of his banishment and later imprisonment. Ayala affirms, how-
ever, that Jovellanos was a sincere and orthodox Catholic. This is
one of the most valuable sections of the essay, for Ayala's lucid

discussion of Jansenism helps to clarify this complex issue, quite

confusing in the history of the Eighteenth Century.

Ayala, Francisco. "Jovellanos, socidlogo". Jovellanos, su vida y

 

9235, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicenten-
ario de su nacimiento, con la adhesion de los Centros Asturianos de
la Habana y'México, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medica Argentina. 1945.
Pages 283-330.

 

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Ayala explores Jovellanos' concept of the nature of Man
and his position in the natural order. Man's duty, says don Gaspar,
is to study the universe since he is the only creature capable of
understanding its immensity and penetrating its laws. Although he
warned that this knowledge may be used as a tool of oppression and
destruction, he believed that men are generally guided by reason.

Ayala also discusses at length Jovellanos' concept of the
role of the nobility in society, as well as that of women. He deals
too with Jovellanos' ideas concerning sovereignty and his espousal of
constitutional monarchy with balance of power and a bicameral legis-
lature.

Ayala vindicates to a large extent the position of the

afrancesados. Like del Rio (no. 299) he believes that Jovellanos had

 

strong Jansenist leanings, although he was at the same time a sincere
Catholic. He emphasizes as well Jovellanos' insistence on the impor-
tance of tradition in preserving the spiritual unity of Spain.

Ayala sees an analogy between Jovellanos' brief service in
the Ministry in 1797-98 and his work as a member of the Junta Central
a decade later. Each task was assumed through a profound sense of
duty, although with grave misgivings, and each was answered with re-
criminations and abuse rather than with gratitude.

Although at times moving outside the strict limits of his
subject, Ayala has provided an excellent summation of Jovellanos'

views on man's position in society and in the universe.

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74
Azcérate, Pablo. "Jovellanos y Lord Holland". Insula, XVIII, No.

197 (1963). 1. 10-

Azcérate in this concise and informative article, recounts
the intimate and long-continued friendship between Jovellanos and
Lord Holland, the British hiSpanist and liberal thinker. The writer
interests himself principally with biographical and historical as-
pects of this correspondence, but includes as well an account of the
vicissitudes which these letters have undergone. They fortunately
survived the bombings of the Second werld War and are now the property
of the British Museum, from which photocopies were obtained for their

recent publication.

Azcérate, Gumersindo de. "Jovellanos y su tiempo". Conferencia

explicada el 24 de agosto de 1911, El Ateneo de Gijdn en el primer

 

centenario de Jovellanos, Gijdn, 1911, pages ll-24

 

Azcérate correctly states that Jovellanos was a man of his
times in his efforts to harmonize the modern with the traditional,
but he exaggerates in declaring that he was never a supporter of the

antiguo regimen: in spite of the progressive reforms he advocated,

 

Jovellanos remained esentially an ilustrada and a believer in the
enlightened despotism of the reign of Carlos III.
Azcérate accurately points out that the terms "liberal"

and "conservative" do not apply during this period, and that com-

 

 

 

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75
mentators err in their attempts to catagorize Jovellanos. Neverthe-

less, he paints Jovellanos as more radical than he was in actuality.

Azorin (José'Martinez Ruiz). "Jovellanos". Los clasiccs redividos,

los clasicos futuros, 1945, Obras Completas, 2nd edition, Tomo VIII,

 

 

Madrid: Aguilar, 195U-63, pages 77-80.

In this unusual and imaginative essay Gaspar Melchor de
Jovellanos has apparently moved to the Twentieth Century and is con-
versing with Martinez Sierra concerning drama, especially that of
Unamuno. Azorin utilizes Jovellanos and a performance of El delin-

cuente honrado to expound on some of his favorite themes: nonsequential

 

time, Spanish tradition and its static qualities.

Azorin (José'Martinez Ruiz). “Las ideas antiduelistas". Los Valores

 

Literarios, Madrid: Renacimiento, 1913, p. 205-212.

 

In this thought-provoking essay Azorin ponders man's uneven
course toward more humane and civilized behavior, eSpecially in regard

to dueling. He observes that in El delincuente honrado Jovellanos ex-

 

pounded a doctrine ironically quite opposed to what he intended to
demonstrate.
After reviewing some contemporary treatises against dueling,

Azorin observes that in El delincuente honrado Jovellanos was not

 

absolutely opposed to the custom, sanctioning it in the case of a

 

 

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grave offense involving one's honor. Thus don Simdn, the apparent
traditionalist, who argues that both participants should be pun—
ished equally, is the truly progressive spirit, while don Justo,
who argues for the extenuating circumstances in this case, is really
upholding this traditiondworn Spanish custom. Torquato, presented
as the epitome of honor and virtue, marries the unsuspecting widow
of the man he has killed, admitting: "Te he conseguido por medio de
un engaflb". But Azorin suspects that Jovellanos may have inadver-
tently furthered public opinion against dueling through this confused
presentation, and muses concerning the ability of successive gener-
ations of readers to alter a work of literature according to its own
interpretation: "Las obras literarias suelen tener una eficacia
distinta de la que imagina el autor . . . las generaciones y genera-

ciones suelen ir formando 1a verdadera obra" (211).

 

One could argue in don Gaspar's defense, however, that honor
and dueling are onlv a secondary theme of the play. Jovellanos' pur-
pose was more ample: to promote justice with mercy and a humane
moderation in the execution of the law. He actually never entirely
rejected don Simdn's interpretation of justice nor pretended that
either Torquato or his father, don Justo, were always above reproach:
they were all three fallible human beings wrestling with a very com-
plicated and perplexing problem, that of the fair and equitable ad-

ministration of justice.

 

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Azorin (José'Martinez Ruiz). "Rasgos de Jovellanos". El Espafiol,

 

Madrid, 30 enero, 1943.

In this somewhat rambling series of impressions Azorin
asserts that Jovellanos' diaries, being without the affectation of
some of his other writing, are his most truly literary work. He
points to Jovellanos' endorsement of the liberalism of Christian Wolfe

and to his admiration for the Nouvelle Heloise which one sees re—

 

flected in his Mallorcan prose. Azorin may be speaking also for
himself when he likens the ideological conflict experienced by Erasmus
and Goethe to that of Jovellanos, as he struggled with the "dualismo
patético", both ethical and esthetic, which he was never able to
resolve. But he exaggerates the extent of Jovellanos' alleged oscil-
lation, at leastin regard to his rejection of the blandishments of

the Napoleonic regime.

Azorin (José'Martinez Ruiz). "Un poeta". Clasicos y modernos, Madrid,

 

1913, pages 23-29. Also in Obras Completas, 2nd edition, Vol. II,

 

Hadrid: Aguilar, 1959-63, pages 748-52.

In his inimitable style,monotonous yet lilting, with brief
subject-predicate sentences, almost devoid of adjectives, adverbs and

conjunctions, Azorin evokes the old and pensive Jovellanos gazing out

 

 

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78

from.Gij6n across the limitless and timeless Cantabrian Sea.

The first surprise which the reader encounters is the title,
"Un poeta", and the second, Azorin's reaffirmation of this judgement:
"Poeta es, ante todo este anciano". Perhaps, however, he overemphasizes
the role which nature plays in Jovellanos' verses. Actually, aside
from the EpiStola del Paular and a few other poems, his poetical pro-
duction contains few descriptions of nature as such. One would have to
conclude that the poetry of Jovellanos is essentially one of ideas
rather than of descriptions of nature, his real feeling for the natural
world being more fully and more apparently expressed in some of his
prose works, such as Castillo de Bellver. But perhaps in the broadest
sense a sentiment for nature does dominate all Jovellanos' writing,
poetry and prose. From this fundamental concept of nature springs his
thirst for knowledge and understanding of natural phenomena, as well
as his love of rectitude, justice and humanity.

Azorin concludes by calling attention to a poem in which Jove-
llanos finds in property the origin of all evil: "dia vendré en que
ese obstaculo formidable desaparezca. 'El fatal nombre sera detestado
primero, y luego desconocido'. 'Infame, funesto nombre--exclama e1
poeta--, fuente y sola causa de todo mal' ”. Yet in his prose works on
economics Jovellanos invariably upheld the fundamental right of man to
own property. Here is one of the seeming contradictions that make one
realize that Jovellanos was not always single-minded, and which make the
study of his writings so fascinating. As the practical man of the Eight-
eenth Century who had read and absorbed Wealth of Nations Jovellanos

believed firmly in the right to private property. As a visionary and

39

40

79

sentimental utopian dreamer (and poet) he foresaw on some far-off
horizon a better day when men might live in such harmony that private
property would no longer be necessary.

This lovely prose poem by Azorin has said more in a few
pages about the meaning of the man and the poet than many lengthy

dissertations.

Balbin de Unquera, Antonio. "Jovellanos y la gramatica inglesa“.
Asturias (Revista ilustrada del Centro Asturiano), Madrid, Afio XXXV,

u‘ época (julio de 1918), 109, 110.

Balbin points to Jovellanos' part-Irish ancestry in an at-
tempt to explain his great interest in English from his earliest
youth. He describes the English grammar which Jovellanos wrote for
his students in the Instituto de Gijdn, noting that he recommended the
study of English for commercial rather than literary purposes. He
concludes with a passage from Jovellanos' translation of Milton's

Paradise Lost.

Balil, A. "Los manuscritos epigraficos de Jovellanos”. Zephyzps,

XIV (1963), 101-102.

Jovellanos took great interest in the Roman manuscripts he came
upon in his travels through Asturias and Leon, and often recorded them
in his diaries and attempted to decipher them. Present-day epigraphers
have found his assumptions concerning their meaning to be surprisingly
exact, in Spite of the fact that modern tools of investigation were

then unavailable.

 

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Ballesteros Gaibrois, M. Preliminary note for Colecci6n de Asturias,
reunida por D. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, (Ed.y notas por M.G.B.),

4 vols. Madrid: Graficas Reunidas, 1947-1954, Vol. I, 307 pages.

Volume one contains over two hundred ancient documents copied
and assembled by Jovellanos in his travels and investigations throughout
his native province. The majority are in Latin, and many others are in
old Spanish. That some of these latter are from the early Twelfth
Century testifies to don Gaspar's linguistic and paleographic erudition.
They form a valuable fount of information for linguists and historians,
and some are interesting even to laymen (such as those listing rules
for the Chapter of the Cathedral of Oviedo).

After presenting a brief biography of Jovellanos as well as
sections on major criticism and on the personality of don GaSpar,

Ballesteros Gaibrois continues with a chapter on the historicismo of

 

Jovellanos. He calls attention to the enormous interest in history
during the latter part of the Eighteenth Century, and to Jovellanos'
great and continuing preoccupation with this discipline.

Ballesteros carefully reviews more than thirty historically
oriented works by Jovellanos, dividing these into nine categories:
1) Historia del derecho, instituciones, etc. 2) Geografia histdrica
o Historia geografica. 3) La Historia, en tanto precedentes juridico
o institucional. 4) Etnologia, Arqueologia y Arte (unido muchas veces
a lo propiamente histdrico). 5) Historia en si. 6) Critica histdrica

bibliogrdfica. 7) Archivos. 8) Documentacidn. 9) Filologia.

 

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With this introduction Ballesteros has provided an adequate
review and catalogue of Jovellanos' historical writings together with

the reasons for his collecting of historical documents.

Barcia Trelles, Augusto. El pensamiento vivo de Jovellanos. (Biblioteca

del Pensamiento Vivo), 38 Buenos Aires: Losada, 1951, 198 pages.

This volume includes a biography of Jovellanos and several
chapters in which his thought in various fields is summarized and explicat-
ed by the author. He has carefully selected and included portions of the
writings of Jovellanos which he considers representative and significant.
Much emphasis is placed on Jovellanos' political thought, although most
other areas are included, except those concerned with literature and with
jurisprudence which are entirely omitted.

In his biography Barcia agrees almost completely with Angel del
Rio (no. 297) whom he cites and quotes liberally. Although rather brief,
his section dealing with Jovellanos' activities as a censor of literature
is noteworthy, this phase of his work having been little discussed else-
where. Of interest also is Barcia's emphasis on the importance of friend-

ship as a facet of the sensibilidad of Jovellanos. Likewise, Barcia sees

 

as basic to Jovellanos' personality his profound sense of honor and his
fortitude and stoicism in the face of adversity: “la fuerza y la grandeza
moral de este hombre, que en plena tortura material, sufriendo indescrip—
tibles angustias espirituales, mantiene su mente en niveles de tal
elevacidn y'su conciencia en planos de sobrehumana serenidad, donde e1
propio dolor, no enturbia el sentimiento ni desorienta la idea del pensa-

dor y del politico". (p. #8)

82

Most extensively analyzed is Jovellanos' work as a member of
the Junta Central, and especially his subsequent defense of this body.
Jovellanos in this work painstakingly explores Spanish history and
tradition in explaining the legal basis for the formation of this body,
declaring that all authority lies ultimately in the people themselves.
(But don Gaspar refutes the notion of national sovereignty, since this
sovereignty has been delegated by the people to their monarch).

Barcia points out Jovellanos' great philosophical influence
on behalf of the emancipation of the colonies, especially Argentina
(although don Gaspar probably never realized that his arguments in favor
of resistance in the face of injustice and in support of the Junta
Central would be used on behalf of this movement for independence).
Barcia attempts to explain why Jovellanos supported so vehemently equal
representation of the colonies in the Cortes, yet ultimately voted a-

gflnst it:

Fue Jovellanos victima, come 10 fueron otros hombres

de su espiritu y'de su temple moral, de esa fatalidad
que en la politica se produce, separando mediante
contradicciones terribles y tragicas politicamente,

la idea del hecho, el pensamiento de la vida, el afan
puro y sublime de la realidad incomovible e inexorable.

(p. 113)

Barcia continues with informative chapters on Jovellanos'
thinking conerning education and the humanities, and concludes with one

on economics in which he summarizes and analyzes the Informe de la Ley

 

Agraria. Most noteworthy is the section in which Barcia proves con-
vincingly that Jovellanos, in his opposition to latifundios, did not

follow the economic thought of the Physiocrats.

“3

“5

83

Barcia Trelles, Augusto. “Jovellanos Politico". Jovellanos,_su vida
y obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicentenario
de su nacimiento, con la adhesidh de los Centros Asturianos de La

Habana y'México, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medica Argentina, 1945,

pages 57-134.

This fairly complete coverage of Jovellanos' political life
and thought has an added section concerning the relations of Spain with
her colonies and their rights of representation in the Cortes. In
theory Jovellanos considered these areas as integral parts of the
Spanish nation and therefore deserving of equal rights, but in practice
he felt the problems of fair representation were too great because of

the distances involved and the necessity of speed in convening the Cortes.

Barefio y Arroyo, Felipe. Ideas pedagdgicas de Jovellanos (doctoral

 

thesis) Gijdn: Imp. La Fe, 1910, 86 pages.
Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tome IV, (no. 345),

597.

Bauer, Ignacio. Prologue to Obras Selectas de Gaspar Melchor de Jove-

 

llanos. Las Cien.Mejores Obras de la Literatura Espafiola, Vol. 29,
Bibliotecas Populares Cervantes, Madrid: Ibero-americana (C.I.A.P.)

n.d., (1928?) 290 pages.

This anthology inclues E1 delincuente honrado and hemoria

para el arreglo de lapolicia de espectaculosydiversionespfiblicas,

 

 

 

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y sobre su origen en Hepafia, plus the first Satira a Arnesto and six

 

 

sonnets. In his brief prologue Ignacio Bauer sketches the biography
of Jovellanos and lists some of his major works. Bauer notes Jove-
llanos' influence on.Meléhdez Valdés, who said of him, “Obra soy tuya",
but he exaggerates when he calls Jovellanos "principal mantenedor de

la escuela salmantina“.

Beeker, Jerdnimo. "La prisidn de Jovellanos". La Ilustracidn

 

Espafibla y Americana, Madrid, Afio 48, No. 16 (30 abril, 1904), 246-247.

 

Becker recounts the details of Jovellanos' capture by the
regents, Lasauca, and his journey to Ledn and thence to Mallorca,
quoting extensively from.Lasauca's official report. The writer believes
that Jovellanos was completely innocent of French sympathies, and that

his imprisonment was the result of personal rivalries.

Bellini, Guiseppe. Saggisti Spagnoli del Secolo XVIII. Milano: La

 

Goliardica, 1965.

This volume contains sample writings from.Eighteenth Century
Spain translated to Italian and preceded by an introduction in which
Bellini discusses briefly the authors of the anthologized works.

In his section concerning Jovellanos the writer lists his
principle writings and assesses his importance in Spanish thought and
letters. His judgement concerning Jovellanos' poetry is especially

favorable:

 

 

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I titoli degli scritti di Jovellanos sono ben lungi
dal denunciare tutta la poesia obs in essi si rinserra.
Le qualita di scrittore di Jovellanos sono in piu

casi superiori a quelle dei maggiori nomi del suo secolo.
Il suo entusiasmo di riformatore e di educators reca i
dati della sua diretta esperienza, di un' indiscussa
competenza, trasportandoli su un piano altissimo di
poesia, come 9 possible vedere, ad esempio, dalle
pagine cosi ricche di lirismo dell'intervento intorno
allo studio delle scienze presso DIstituto Asturiano.
(VIII).

Bellini notes that Jovellanos exhibited enthusiastic patriot-
ism, especially during the time of the Napoleonic invasion and of the

Junta di Cadice.

 

This book brings Eighteenth Century Spanish thought within
reach of Italian speaking readers, and the introduction serves well to

acquaint them with its writers.

Berkowitz, H. Chonon and Wofsy, Samuel A. Introduction to El delincuente

 

honrado by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. New York: The Century Co.,

1927 9 Pp. V-xxvi.

This student text contains notes, exercises, questions and

vocabulary as well as the text of E1 delincuente honrado and a generally

 

comprehensive introduction.

Despite the lament of the editors that the Eighteenth Century
was formerly condemned by students of Spanish literature without a fair
hearing, their commentary concerning its literature is so negative and
that concerning Jovellanos' play so luke‘warm.that one wonders why they
expended the effort of editing it for students, especially since it

would appear to be ill-suited for such use.

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The authors incorrectly characterize the century as one of
political decadence. They also make the exaggerated and unduly pejora-
tive assertion that the ineffectual adherence to tradition, productive
of worthless indigenous drama, on the one hand, and the blind worship
of innovation which resulted in boring neoclassical plays on the other
had the effect of interrupting the development of the national theatre.
Nevertheless, the writers do except Huerta, Ramdn de la Cruz and the
Moratins from this general condemnation. With regard to the Diario de

los literatos, one is surprized to learn that the short-lived journal

 

“proved helpful in checking the Spread of neoclassicism". (p.xvii).

The writers' assessment of El delincuente honrado, although

 

unenthusiastic, is adequate: they see it as a good model of a senti-

mental drama and one of the most readable of the neoclassical school.

Blasco Garzdn, Manuel. "Jovellanos literato". Jovellanos su vidagy

 

su obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicentenario
de su nacimiento, con la adhesidn de los Centros Asturianos de La Habana
y Mexico, Buenos Aires: La prensa medics argentina, 1945, pp. 435-481.

This essay, although treating principally Jovellanos' literary
production, includes biographical material and other non-literary com-
mentary. The author carefully analyzes various definitions of literature
and points out that especially with Jovellanos it is difficult, of course,
to make a definite division between literary and non-literary works, and
to discuss only literary aspects without dealing as well with the ideas

expressed.

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Blasco Garzdh divides Jovellanos' writing into works of in-
vention and ones of exposition, subdividing the first group into lyrical
and dramatic works. Jovellanos in his Lecciones de_p9ética defines
poetry as "el lenguaje de la pasidn 0 de la imaginacidh animada, for-
mada por lo comfin en numeros regulares (451). In Jovino a sus amigos

de Salamanca he affirms the utilitarian purpose of poetry, stipulating

 

what subjects should properly be within its province. Insisting that
the ultimate aim of poetry must be essentially esthetic, Blasco asserts
that Jovellanos was indeed a noteworthy lyric poet of his time, es-
pecially when, according to his own definition, he allowed himself to
express his true emotion.

In the dramatic category Blasco discusses El delincuente
honrado briefly and, unlike other writers, deals with Pglgyg_more ex-
tensively, judging the latter to be "digna por su asunto, por su
versificacidn, por su planteo y por su realizacidn, del talento inn-
egable del Alcalde del Crimen en la Real Audiencia de Sevilla".

Blasco finds esthetic characteristics in much of Jovellanos'
expository writing which would thus qualify it as literature. In this

regard he analyzes especially Informe de la Ley Agraria and the Defensa

 

de la Junta Central and outlines Jovellanos' literary theories as ex-

pressed in the Elogio de las bellas artes. Blasco finds marked literary

 

value in the diaries of Jovellanos and in his letters, which he finds
notable for their dignity. Jovellanos himself, in a letter to Ponz,
declared that each person's style is as immutable as his face or his
character: "el hombre puede cultivarle, pulirle, mejorarle, pero cambiarle,

no." For Blasco, here lies the reason for the literary greatness of

 

 

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50

88
Jovellanos: "un escritor que sabe lo que dice y dice lo que sabe, con
la sirena dignidad de su alma y con la noble tranquilidad de su espiritu

superior".

Bonet, Joaquin A. Asturias en el pensamiento de Jovellanos. Seleccidn

 

de la obra del gran poligrafo y apunte preliminar de Joaquin A. Bonet.

Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo: La Cruz, 1947, 280 pages.

Bonet has selected more than sixty brief excerpts from the
writings of Jovellanos to compile this anthology of Asturiana.

In his introduction Bonet rightly qualifies the language of
Jovellanos as “limpido, claro y de una clasica serenidad". This volume
is the first collection exclusively devoted to Jovellanos' writings
concerning Asturias. Although it offers only samplings of the volumnious
writings of don GaSpar in this area, the editor has chosen carefully in
order to provide the reader with a general idea of its content, as well
as some notion of the depth of thought and great scope of interests of
the author.

The anthology is divided into three sections which contain
passages dealing with (l) the history of Asturias and several of its
cities, its art and architecture; (2) natural wealth of Asturias, and a
rationale for an Asturian institute to promouaits industries; (3) the
Asturian dialect, Bable, and Asturian folklore.

The selections of this anthology are in general well chosen,
but are often too brief to be really significant. The author might well

have supplied additional information, indicating the date and circumstances

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51

89
under which these fragments were written. In his introduction Bonet,
with his affection for his native province and his admiration for his
fellow ggtgg, has interpreted sympathetically this phase of Jovellanos'

work.

Bonet, Joaquin A. Grandezas y desventuras de Don Gaspar Melchor de Jove-

llanos. Madrid: Afrodisio Aguado, 1944, 358 pages.

This somewhat fictionalized and extremely readable biography
was written perhaps with the casual reader in mind rather than the Jove-
llanos expert. Although the work shows much careful research it often
assumes more the aspect of an historical novel than of a scholarly dis-
sertation. The author includes many details and minutiae, often imagi-
natively recreating extensive conversations and scenes. In essence,
however, the known facts of Jovellanos' life and those of his associates
are adhered to scrupulously.

Most fascinating and best executed, perhaps, are Bonet's
chapters concerning Jovellanos' life at court and his relations with the
Royal Family and with Godoy, which the author has vividly and even sus-

pensefully recounted. Jovellanistas, however, may argue with Bonet's

 

insistence that don Gaspar's removal from office was entirely due to

the machinations of the Queen and Godoy. Although the writer captures
and holds the reader's attention with this tale of palace intrigue and
moral laxitude, he fails to take into consideration other powerful
behind-the-scenes interests which were at the same time bringing pressure

to bear for Jovellanos' dismissal. The author probably gives too much

 

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90
emphasis to the personal relationships between Godoy and members of the
Royal Family, so that for a time the reader loses sight of Jovellanos.
One can only smile at the important role given to the continued efforts
of the Queen and Godoy to keep their liason secret from the King.

This chatty and informal biography tends to ignore the broader
social, political and ideological forces operating within Jovellanos'
life and circumstances, and deals only very sketchily with his thought
and writings. However, within the limits set for himself, the author
has provided his readers with a gracefully written narrative which in
some ways captures the spirit of the man and his times even though it

lacks scholarly presentation.

Bonet, Joaquin A. Jovellanos, biografia escénica en cuatro actos en

 

verso. (Unpublished).
Bib. ref. in: J. A. Bonet. Asturias en elgpensamiento de Jovellanos,

(no. 50), 280.

Bonet, Joaquin A. Jovellanos, poema dramdtico en tres actos y en verso,

 

estrenado en.Gij6n en 1952. (Unpublished).
Bib. ref. in: J. A. Bonet, Asturias en el pensamiento de Jovellanos,

(no. 50), 280.

Bonet, Joaquin A. La musa didactica de Jovellanos, loa en dos estampas,
dedicada a1 Centro Asturiano de Mexico, 1951 (Unpublished).
Bib. ref. in: J.A. Bonet. Asturias en el pensamiento de Jovellanos,

(no. 50) , 280e

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57

91
Bonet, Joaquin A. La poesia en Asturias, discurso leido por el autor
en el acto de su solemne recepcidn academics el dia 15 de marzo de
1949. Oviedo: Instituto de Estudios Asturianos (C.S.I.C.), 1950.

Part concerning Jovellanos: pages 7-9.

This speech, delivered on the occasion of Bonet's entrance
into the Asturian Academy, deals with several Asturian writers, the
first of these being Jovellanos. Bonet situates Jovellanos as histori-
cally bridging two contradictory centuries and as temperamentally
astride two disparate vocations, one for seeking "verdades dtiles",
and the other for perceiving and creating beauty. In his poetry, says
Bonet, this esthetic bent is often masked by cold and academic rhetoric,
but his real poetic propensity is revealed best in his diaries. He
quotes Jovellanos' famous description of a spider's web, and also Azorin's
defense of Jovellanos as a poet. He concludes by comparing Jovellanos'
prose with_certain descriptive passages by Ortega y Gasset.

Bonet finds the charm of Jovellanos' prose to be in the use of
everyday language, and in its simplicity and purity: "una versidn de la

Naturaleza astur, al travds de un temperamento excelso”.
Bonet, Joaquin A. Mi calle, Gijon, 1948.
Bib. ref.: P6rez de Castro, J.L. "Deseo y esfuerzo de Jovellanos por

Gijdn", (no. 269), 182.

Bonet, Joaquin A. Prgyeccidn nacional de la villa de Jovellanos. Gijdh:

 

Ayuntamiento, 1959, 324 pages. Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no.83), 211.

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58

59

92

Bonet, Joaquin A. ”Semblanza de Jovellanos”. Voluntad, Gijdh, 6,7,
y 8 de enero, 1944.

Bib. ref. in: J.A. Bonet. Asturias en el pensamiento de Jovellanos,

 

(no. 50) , 280.

Buylla, Jose Benito A. “La traduccidn de Jovellanos del Libro primero

del Paraiso Perdido de Milton“. Filologia Moderna, Ano IV, No. 10

 

(enero de 1963), pages 1-47-

This article, which includes a fully annotated text of the
translation, with variants from the three extant manuscripts, dis-
cusses stylistically and textually Jovellanos' Spanish version of
Eggadise Lost, and analyzes his reasons for choosing to put this long
work into his native language. Buylla believes that there existed an
affinity between the two writers which he describes in terms of ideology,
esthetics and personality traits.

The writer observes that, as with his original poetry, Jove-

llanos revised his translation of Paradise Lost many times. Aside from

 

the beauty and concision of expression in certain passages superior to
that of Milton, Buylla says that the translation displays amazing hon-
esty and fidelity. Buylla notes an excessive use of cultismos and a
certain coldness caused by Jovellanos' strict adherence to the sense
of the original, but in places he observes a romantic tone.

This careful analysis of Jovellanos' translation of Milton

provides a new and important perspective on the personality and thought

process of Jovellanos.

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Cabal, Constantino. "Academia”. Contribucidn a1 Diccionario Fclkldrico

 

de Asturias, Oviedo, 1951. 77-107.

 

This article traces the history of the Asturian Academy from its

inception to the time of writing (1951), narrating in some detail and in

L

vivid dramatic style Jovellanos' largely unsuccessful efforts to found
such an academy.

Jovellanos, in conjunction with his friend, Posada, formed a
plan for an academy in 1790, with three projects in mind: a dictionary
of the Asturian dialect, Bable, and encyclopedias of Asturian geography
and history. Posada left for Ibiza, however, and in Oviedo there was lit-
tle cooperation or interest, so that most of the investigation was carried
out by Jovellanos himself. In his travels throughout Asturias and else-
where he copied hundreds of historically important documents and collected
material concerning customs, folklore and dialect. After 1801 he tried
to continue this work even from his prison cell, but without resources
he could accomplish little. The plan for an academy had to be abandoned,

as well as his research, and was revived only much later by others.

Cabezas, Juan A. "Glosario provinciano: Gijdn contra Jovellanos".

El sol, Madrid, 8 de mayo, 1935.

This article emphasizes Jovellanos' great contribution to his
native province and the lack of comprehension and gratitude of his fel-

low Asturians. The writer includes a brief biography and an outline

 

 

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94
of Jovellanos' personality and thought, as well as his activities on
behalf of Asturias. His attempts to educate the people were met by the
poisonous calumnies of lazy-minded reactionaries who instigated a
"perversidn colectiva", which Cabezas emotionally likens to the biblical
"crucificarle", unnecessarily stretching the analogy by asserting inex-
actly that Jovellanos arrived on Mallorca during Holy Week. The writer

declares somewhat euphorically that Jovellanos' dreams have been realized:

vim-‘1

“los suefios andan por el mundo hechos realidades victoriosas”. He regrets,

nevertheless, that Asturian ingratitude continues to be much in evidence.

Cabot Llompart, Juan. Jovellanos confinado en Mallorca. Palma de

 

Mallorca: Imp. de F. Soler, 1936, 94 pages.

Bib. ref. in: Simdn Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335), 144.

Camacho y Perea, Angel Maria. Estudio critico de las doctrinas de Jove—

 

llanos en lo referents a las ciencias morales y politicas. Madrid:

Jaime Rates, 1913, 293 pages.

This straight-forward and unemotional exposition of Jovellanos'
economic, political, juridical and educational ideas deserved the prize
it won in the competition associated with the Jovellanos centenary. The
author has lucidly explained each of Jovellanos' tenets in the light of
historical precedents as well as current circumstances and thinking,

following this in each instance with his own criticism of these ideas.

Here Camacho y Perea has been remarkably fair, although he himself admits

to the near impossibility of complete impartiality in making such judge-

ments.

 

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95

Camacho disagrees with Menehdez Pelayo (no. 389), who saw an
evolution in Jovellanos' thought from liberalism to conservatism. He
has shown that a quotation cited by Mensndez as contained in Memoria
sobre la educacidn de la nobleza (Tratado tedricofpr5ctico) (1802) was
actually from an earlier work, Oracidn inaugural del Instituto Asturiano,
(1794), thus weakening don Marcelino's argument that Jovellanos moved
from complete faith in reason as the only source of natural law ethics
to a mistrust of its weakness and obscurity. Camacho believes, as does
Caso, (no. 80), that Jovellanos always viewed human reason as fallible,
and thought that morality must depend rather on divine revelation.
Statements made by Jovellanos in support of pure reason, says Camacho,
only reflected the spirit of an age in which even orthodox theologians
paid hommage to it.

Camacho's sound knowledge of political and social philosophy
serves him.well in his treatment of Jovellanos' ideas, especially as he
shows their relation to natural law ethics. He repeatedly points out
that Jovellanos must be considered as a man of his times, embued with
economic individualism and other typically Eighteenth Century ideas
which have since been modified or discarded. As have other commentators,
Camacho assesses Jovellanos to be not a great innovator but an eminently
practical man whose ideas, particularly in the fields of education and

economics, have had wide-ranging effect.

Campoamor, Jose Maria. "Tres escritores franceses ante el tema de Jove-

llanos y su patriotismo". ABC, 3 octubre, 1963.

 

 

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65

96

Campoamor defends Jovellanos' honor as a staunch patriot against
attacks of three French writers who declared him to be sympathetic to the
ideals of the French Revolution and the cause of Napoleon.

Andre Malraux, in a book about Goya entitled Saturno (Pleiade),
wrote, "Habia (Goya) visto anteriormented en los francesss a los defensores
de la Libertad. Su protector, Jovellanos, habia sido muerto por ssrvirles".
Likewise, Eduard Herriot, in a study of Beethoven, indicated that Jove-
llanos was among those who welcomed revolutionary ideas enthusiastically
and placed their confidence in Napoleon. But the most damning and most

patently false was the assertion of Jacques Chastanet in his Manuel Godoy

 

et 1'Espagne de Godoy (Chapter IV): “Jovellanos, socidlogo, economista,

 

jurista, autor dramético, poeta y una de las mejores sensibilidades de su
tiempo . . . el pueblo ls asesinara en 1812 como vendido a los franceses“.
Campoamor reviews the many proofs of Jovellanos' complete loy-

alty to country in an emotional refutation of these accusations.

Cantera, Francisco. Preliminary study to Obras Selectas de Jovellanos.

 

Tercera sdicidn ilustrada, Biblioteca Clasica Ebro, XXXI, Zaragoza:

Editorial Ebro, 1957.

The introduction to this anthology contains a chronological
resume of Jovellanos' life and of the principal religious, political and
literary events of his age. In a brief essay on the philosophical and
literary currents of the era Cantera especially decries the advent of
French influence, Freemasonry and Jansenism, as well as the expulsion of
the Jesuits, implying, quite erroneously that Jovellanos concurred with

this opinion.

 

‘3’. .4

a

97

Cantera's essay on the writings of Jovellanos contains an
enumeration, brief description and assessment of his major works. He
cites as defects of his nglamento literario e institucional para el

Colegio de Calatrava (1790) his recommending of French-orientated texts

 

and his manifest disregard for scholasticism. Concerning the Ley q}
{7.

i
L

Agraria, Cantera regards as a grave error “el de juzgar indispensable
que se prohibiese a las Ordenes religiosas adquirir por los medios
legitimos ordinarios“. Obviously, Cantera's criticisms of Jovellanos
are dogmatic rather than literary ones, based on political and religious
grounds.
Among Jovellanos' special virtues Cantera makes reference to
the following:
vid'y anuncid con tiempo el cancer que iba en politica
corroyendo rapidamente el sistema social, moral y
religioso de Europa; clamd'animoso contra la licencia
de filosofar, contra 1as sectas corruptoras, contra la
desenfrenada libertad de imprimir y contra 1as falsas
tsorias del Pacto Social.
Here again Cantera has tended to exagerate, or misjudge Jovellanos'

thought in line with his own political and religious convictions.

El delincuente honrado is described as "ensayo de su juventud,

 

con mucha declamacidn filantrdpica, impropia del teatro, pen calor de
afectos verdaderos; sspecie de tragedia ciudadana, de donde nacid e1
moderno drama de costumbres". But the play might be more accurately de-
scribed as the forerunner of the thesis play than of the drama of customs.
This collection, originally edited in 1941 as a student text,

contains several excerpts from Jovellanos' better known works, but few

 

 

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67

98

annotations. It can be viewed as having been designed more for indoctri-

nation than for elucidation.

Cardenal y de Iracheta, Manuel. “Jovellanos, autor dramético“. §£,
suplemento semanal del diario, Arriba, Madrid, Numero homenaje a Jove-

llanos en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, Afio III (9 de enero de 19u4),

pp. 8-9o

Cardenal reviews the history of El delincuente honrado: the laws

 

against dueling, the polemic concerning this custom, the interest in penal
reform sparked by Beccaria, as well as the discussions in the tertulia of
Olavide. He suggests that Jovellanos was ashamed not only of his early
poetic efforts but of his dramatic ones as well, feeling them beneath the
dignity of the philosopher he wished to be. Jovellanos' attitude toward
his poetry is well documented by his letter to his brother, Francisco de
Paula, but I have never found evidence that he felt the same toward his

plays. After all, he did recommend his Delincuente honrado for study in

 

his Curso de humanidades.

 

Cardenal discusses Pelayo, "una tragedia de amor con fondo
hist6rico-patr16tico—epopeyico“, noting that the real protagonist was not

Pelayo but the Moor, Nunuza. He expresses the thesis of El delincuente

 

honrado succintly and well as “La justicia y la felicidad en este mundo

pasan por la via del corazdn, quien esclarece a la mente".

Casalduero, Joaquin. "El reld y la ley de las tres unidades, (Jovellanos

y Moratin)". Cuadernos Americanos, 159 (1959), 167-178.

 

1
th“

 

99

Casalduero discusses Spanish drama, especially Eighteenth
Century drama, in its conception and use of time, dealing specifically

with the emphasis on the classical unities found in El delincuente honrado

 

and in the plays of Moratin. He traces the history of the use of clocks
in the Spanish theatre, pointing out that in the Eighteenth Century they
were used strictly to mark the hour and to confirm the principle of unity

of time. El delincuente honrado, for example, begins at seven A.M. and

 

ends at eleven A.M. the next day, the time of each act being specifically
indicated. In an ample sense unity of place is observed, since the play
takes place entirely in Segovia, says Casalduero, although one could as
well understand all its action as occuring within the confines of the
Alcazar.

As in the dramas of Moratin, El delincuente honrado forms an

 

allegory of Man's vital trajectory as understood by the Eighteenth
Century: he must pass through the dark night of ignorance and error in
order to attain the sunrise of truth and reason. The romantic notion of
time and Man's course in life is quite different, says Casalduero: “Para
el romantico la vida comienza con la ilusidn primera, alcanza el momento
de plenitud del mediodia solo para caer como el sol en las tinieblas de
la noche, en las negruras de la desesperacidn del suicidio". (178).
Romanticism does not end with a lesson but with an agonized yet rebellious
cry, he says, and its clock serves only as an instrument of torment. The
Eighteenth Century clock, however, served to tell time, to give the pos-
ition of the ship which.Man must himself steer.

Casalduero has contributed here a new and penetrating explana-

tion of the use of classical unities in Eighteenth Century Spain, as

r-

 

 

41a:

68

100

well as a serious analysis of time in Spanish thought and drama.

Casalduero, Joaquin. "Las nuevas ideas economicas sobre la agriculture
en el siglo dieciocho y el nuevo sentimiento de la naturaleza”. Lg

Torre, XXV (1968), 45-60.

Although this article is not specifically about Jovellanos,
Casalduero mentions him frequently, and considers his thinking typical
of the age.

Casalduero briefly traces the history of man's relationship
with nature, noting especially the influence of Horace and Virgil on
Eighteenth Century thought. In this period there appears a new ap-
preciation of the individual object, "1a cosa en sf misma", and of
nature in and for itself. Thus the frequent and minute enumerations
and descriptions of scenes, buildings, animals, etc.

Jovellanos believed in the natural tendency toward perfection
in man as well as in nature, and thought that the role of education and
of government is to foster this innate goodness. He therefore advocated
popular education and adopted an ”estilo llano" in order to be under-
stood by the masses, whose reasonableness he believes in, says Casalduero.

Jovellanos saw in the natural sciences the possibility of pro-
gress, especially in agriculture. His optimism, says the writer, led
him to view the wealth thus produced as a source of happiness and of
moral perfection:

no 3610 se podrd'esperar de los labradores la aplicacidn,
la frugalidad, y la abundancia, hija entrambas, sino que

'-
0'

 

69

70

101

reinara también en sus familias el amor conjugal,
paterno, filial y fraternal, reinarén la concordia,
la caridad y la hospitalidad, y nuestros colonos
poseerian aquellas virtudes sociales y domesticas que
constituyen la felicidad de las familias y la verda-

dera gloria de los Estados".
The land, for Jovellanos a source of inexhaustible riches,

mmst be tamed and perfected through human industry: “la naturaleza

'de suyo nada produce sino maleza'." The natural world is a gift of

God, but it must be civilized through Man's efforts.
Casalduero thus delineates the philosophical posture of

Eighteenth Century Man concerning nature. Yet one can find in his

Descripcidn del Castillo de Bellver evidence that Jovellanos was not
entirely typical of his age, going far ahead of his time in his ideas

(Knucerning conservation and the necessity of coexisting with nature

rather than merely exploiting it.

U3iéaz) Casariego, Jesus Evaristo. E1 marques de Sargadelos o los

conliienzos del industrialismo capitalista en Espafia. Oviedo: Insti-

 

t‘Ito de Estudios Asturianos, 1950, 260 pages.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 190.

U3iaz) Casariego, Jesus Evaristo. "Jovellanos defensor de la fe y
133 tradiciones". §£¢ suplemento semanal del diario, Arriba, Madrid,

N(Imero homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, Afio

III (9 de enero de 19h4), p. 5.

Casariego, as elsewhere (no.7l) premises his remarks on

fines basic tenets: 1) that Jovellanos was a perfectly orthodox

k4. ‘ 'q

t
I-

 

71

102

2) that he was an avowed enemy of Masonry, of Rousseau's

that

Catholic,

concept of a social contract, and of the French Revolution, 3)
he supported the traditional Spanish monarchy against the liberalism
of the constitutionalists of Cadiz.

Taking each of these premises separately, Casariego has re-
produced carefully-chosen quotations to support his contentions. He
includes as well two opinions concerning Jovellanos' traditionalism
and orthodoxy, that of Nocedal and that of Menéndez y Pelayo. Quite
obviously, when dealing with a thinker of Jovellanos' innate modera-
tion and deliberation one could find quotations which would seem to
prove quite the contrary opinion. This is not to say that Jovellanos
was in any way equivocal, but merely to point out that brief quotations
Seldom.tell the whole story, and that Jovellanos modified his ideas in
the light of experience and changing times. A careful and unbiased

Stlldy of Jovellanos would convince one that Jovellanos at no stage of

his; life was as dogmatic as Casariego paints him.

(kaez) Casariego, Jesus Evaristo Fernandez. Jovellanos 0 el equilibrio.

(Ikieas, desventuras y virtudes del inmortal hidalgo de Gijdh). Madrid:

Perl‘itenciarios, 1939, 200 pages.

Professor Casariego's thesis for this study, prepared as a
tribute to Jovellanos on the two hundredth anniversary of his birth, is

that don Gaspar was politically a traditionalist and religiously com-

Pletely orthodox.

 

 

103

Jovellanos, Casariego believes, was connected only socially
with the Jansenists, heretics, French sympathizers and non-believers;
he was, says Casariego, unalterably Opposed to the encyclopedists and
constitutionalists, to national sovereignty and freemasonry. This is
doubtless all true, at least in reference to his mature (post Nallorcan)
years, but it is undeniable that the liberal and open-minded Jovellanos
of Seville and Madrid investigated and absorbed influences from some of
these credos of which Casariego so vehemently disapproves.

Although he sees great material progress in the Eighteenth
Century, Casariego decries the advent of foreign influences:

Y ese es, en resumen, el pecado y el maléfico error

que no podemos perdonarle a nuestros tatarabuelos de

peluquin y casaca. No fueron, por ejemplo, como

aquellos cabales antepasados que nos traian la tecnica

artillera de los tudescos para atacar con ella a los

luteranos, sino que, al contrario, nos importaron 1a

tdcnica hacendistica y naval de Paris y de Londres,

para meter hasta los tuétanos del Estado lo que por

francdfilo, angldfilo y genebrino teniamos en el

mundo la altisima misidh historica de combatir.

The violence of this diatribe seems remarkably different from the spirit
of equilibrium and tolerance characteristic of don Gaspar. One wonders
if the writer welcomed with equal satisfaction the second gift of Ger-
man arms and technology which arrived a scant two years after the writing
of this book.

Likewise Casariego sees the expulsion of the Jesuits as the
"desacierto miximo de la Ilustracidh”, averring (quite erroneously) that
Jovellanos was of like mind. He feels that the historians, especially
Llorente, have greatly maligned the Inquisition, "uno de los mas

gloriosos y de los mas tremendamente calumniados titulos de la obra

de Espafia", and finds no basis for the assumption that Jovellanos was

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fur

 

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72

104
opposed to this institution. (Had the writer read the diaries and
letters of Jovellanos, notably that addressed to Carlos IV on this
subject?) Casariego affirms that the Inquisition was in no way in-
volved in the persecution and imprisonment of Jovellanos, quoting
Yaben (no. 366) to the effect that they were the result of Godoy's
vindictiveness involving his relations with Maria Luisa.

Jovellanos was never a scholastic, but, declares Casariego,
he was in error in rejecting speculative theology. Here Casariego
again cites Yaben: "en ningun ramo de conocimiento humane se manifesto
Jovellanos tan pobre y raquitico como en la Filosofia". Jovellanos,
says Casariego, had predicted the death of scholasticism, but actually
it is today alive and well:

el tiempo mismo ha servido para poner de manifiesto

lo equivoco de su posicidh teoldgica y filos6fica,

pues, entre otras cosas, él predijo la muerte del

escolasticismo, que hemos visto resurgir potente

para mantener su rango y*su tradicidn frente a las

diversas y dispares directrices del pensamiento

filosdfico contemporaneo.

Obviously the interpretation here presented of Jovellanos’
political and religious philosophy is greatly at variance with that of
contemporary scholars such as Caso, Polt and Del Rfo. With his enthu-
siastic defense of intolerance, scholasticism and the Inquisition and

his xenophobic mistrust of foreign influences one could well count him

as quite contrary to the man he purports to be describing.

(Diaz) Casariego, Jesus Evaristo Prologue to Jovellanos: Patobiografia

 

y_pensamiento biol6gico by Jesus Martihez Fernahdez, Oviedo: Instituto

de Estudios Asturianos, 1966.

73

105

In this prologue the writer reaffirms his conviction of Jove-
llanos' complete religious orthodoxy, assessing him as the finest figure
in Asturian history and one of the most noble and notable of that of
Spain and Europe.

Casariego summarizes Jovellanos' political thought as in his
previously-published Jovellanos 0 e1 equilibrio (no. 71), emphasizing
his traditionalism and explicating this political dogma at some length:

Los europeizadores---y nada digamos de los norte-

americanizadores---han sido siempre funestos. En

la Edad.Media nos trajeron el feudalismo, en la

Moderna e1 absolutismo, y en la contemporanea el

demoliberalismo. Tres pestes que asolaron a1 pueblo

espafiol, desviandolo de su tradicidh. Con el

primero retrasaron siglos 1a Reconquista. Con el

segundo desviaron nuestra trayectoria nacional y nos

arruinaron. Con el tercero nos dividieron y enfrentaron,

creando un pais de pandereta con guerras civiles, milicia
nacional y caciques, y con la desamortizacidh de

Mendizébal impidieron una evolucidn social y

entregaron 1a riqueza a unos cuantos capitalistas y

nmfifidores electorales . . . . Frente a todo eso, no

hay mas remedies que los que nos ofrece la tradicidn.

For no querer admitirlos Espafla lleva dando tumbos

siglo y media may los que le queda todavia! . (XVII).

The writer makes plain his own traditionalist leanings and

abhorrence of disentailment, for him a ”disparate criminal".

Casielles, Ricardo. "Jovellanos y Casal". Boletin del Instituto de

Estudios Asturianos, XVII, No. 43 (1963), 137-lh8.

Dr. Casal, an eminent physician of the first half of the
Eighteenth Century, wrote the book, Historia Natural Medica de Asturias,
in which he criticized Asturias quite severely, complaining of its un-

healthful climate and describing various illnesses typical of the region.

74

106

Casielles tells of a letter in his possession written by
Jovellanos which is a veritable hymn of praise of Asturias and which
refutes most of Dr. Casal's allegations. In it he writes:

De cuantas provincias de Espafia he visto, no

hallo otra de tantas primicias, ni que pueda

mAs facilmente enriquecerse. La Nacidn es

numerosa, fecunda, agil, robusta, caprichosa,

honrada, resuelta, fiel y de genio comerciante

y su suelo variado a cada paso, es feraz,

dispuesto a todas las producciones naturales.

As a loyal and somewhat prejudiced Asturian, Jovellanos could

not bear to hear criticism of his beloved patria chica.

 

Caso Gonzélez, Josef "Cartas inéditas de Jovellanos". Archivum,

(Oviedo), XIII (1963), 292-310.

Previous to the publication of the Epistolario in 1970,

 

edited by Caso Gonzalez, there was no edition of Jovellanos' letters
as such. Thus, beginning in 1963 Caso started to edit and publish
some of them in Archivum.

Caso declares that since Jovellanos' fine correspondence is
filled with ideas and valuable information, it deserves careful and
scientific editing. He notes in the first two letters Jovellanos'
independence of thought, firmness in defending his opinions, plus a
certain lack of flexibility and diplomacy (traits that at times
caused don Gaspar some difficulty). Letters three and four deal with
Jovellanos' participation in the artistic life of'Madrid.

The fifth letter is the only one not by Jovellanos: it is

from Campomanes concerning the founding of the economic society in

 

L

1!... .... 7» 411‘
. ..

 

75

107
Ledn. Elsewhere Caso regrets that more of such letters by don Gaspar's
correspondents cannot be included.
There are fourteen lettensincluded in the series, each one
pointing up important phases of Jovellanos' political and intellectual
activity. These include a request for intervention by the Ordenes

Militares in the matter of his banishment, as well as letters concerning

 

his defense of literature and the arts and others which reflect his

important position within.Gij6n and Asturias.

Caso Gonzfilez, Jose. "E1 comienzo de la reconquista en tres obras
draméticas" (Ensayo sobre estilos de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII).
E1 Padre Feijoo_y su siglo, Ponencias y comunicaciones presentadas a1
simposio celebrado en la Universidad de Oviedo: Facultad de Filosofia

y Letras, 1966, pages 499-509.

In this stylistic and conceptual study, Caso reviews and com-
pares three Eighteenth Century dramatic treatments of the Pelayo legend:

the Hormesinda of Meratin, padre, and the Pelayg of both Quintana and

 

Jovellanos.

Caso notes that although Jovellanos' play is more accurate
historically than the other two, and unlike the others, maintains a
linear structure without secondary problems, its defects stem from the
author's inexperience and his attempts to maintain classical unities which
consequently produced a certain unreality and falseness of expression.

Jovellanos' treatment of the Moor, Achmet, subscribes, of
course, to enlightened thought: a person of another religion may be

virtuous and praiseworthy.

76

108
This analysis by Caso is virtually the only study that treats

Pelayo in depth.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. "El delincuente honrado, drama sentimental".

 

Archivum, Oviedo, XIV (1964), 103-133.

Caso Gonzalez gives the reader a penetrating historical, con-
ceptual and stylistic analysis of a play which, in spite of some obvious
defects, may well be considered one of the century's outstanding dramatic
works.

In the play Don Simon exemplifies justice according to the
letter of the law, while for don Justo what matters is the spirit of the
law. Don Simon's concept of justice is to punish the criminal as sev-
erely as possible, Caso observes; don Justo, however, although reSpecting
the laws, believes those concerned with dueling to be unjust. But, as
Azorin has aptly pointed out (no. 36) don Gaspar may be here revealing
his own innate conservatism in his resistance to progressive social legis-
lation, if indeed, as Caso affirms, don Justo represents Jovellanos
himself.

Jovellanos has created conditions, not characters, asserts Caso,
each person representing a set role: the traditional judge, the unjustly
accused prisoner, etc. Yet upon careful analysis, it appears that these
are characters of some complexity: a French translator, a strict neo-
classicist questioned their "inconsistency". Don Simon, for example, is

described as a person of “muy buen corazdn pero muy malos principios"; as

 

77

109
Caso elsewhere observes, don Simon switches from the constructionist
magistrate to the aggrieved father reacting to the deception of his
son-in-law. The “innocent“ Torquato has married the widow of the
man he killed without informing her of this fact. Don Justo, the
seducer of Torquato's mother, is defined by his son as "recto, ilus-
trado y humane". Really, all these characters are more complicated,
more human and less stereotyped than Caso indicates.

Caso perceptively calls attention to the use of rhythmical
speech on the part of Laura, Torquato and don Justo, noting that don
Simon and the lesser characters do not speak in this way. He notes also
the use of monologue at the end of each act except the last to allow
the spectator to participate in the sentiments of the protagonist.

The development of the action, says Caso, is extremely simple, many
scenes being merely discussions indeas. He points out also the use
of static scenes in the manner of an oil painting, observing that all
these dramatic techniques are much in line with the precepts of
Diderot.

Aside from Polt's excellent study of five years before, this
is the best literary discussion of the play, and includes stylistic

analysis not available elsewhere..

Caso Gonzalez, Jose: "Entretenimientos juveniles de Jovino“, Un

manuscrito de Menéndez Pelayo y una versidh inedita de la “Epistola

110
del Paular”. Boletih de la Biblioteca henehdez Pelayo, XXXVI

(1960), 109-138.

In this article Caso attempts to determine the dates of cer-
tain poems by Jovellanos and compares the style and content of two
versions of these poems. Much of the material of this study was later
included in Caso's critical edition of Jovellanos' poetry.

Shortly after the beginning of the Civil War the Instituto
de Gijdn was burned, and with it the manuscript of a number of youthful
poems by Jovellanos which he had sent to his brother, Francisco de
Paula, with the admonition that they not be published. Fortunately,
there existed a fairly exact copy of these, signed by a certain A.J.
Cavanilles, which ultimately came into the possession of.Menéndez
Pelayo. By an assiduous process of investigation and deduction Caso
has been able to show that the manuscript of the Instituto was copied
in 1779, and that of Cavanilles somewhat later.

In the light of these and other data, Caso analyzes several
0f the poems included, showing how they differ from the version pub—
lished by Nocedal, which he had taken largely from Cafiedo's earlier

edition. Among those discussed are the six Idilios de Anfriso a

 

Belisa, the translation of Milton's Paradise Lost and the Epistola

 

del Paular, differing versions of parts of the latter two works being
included.
While the first version was a poem of passion, the second,

nmre restrained and contemplative, was one of introspection. It was,

78

111

affirms Caso, a work de gabinete, reconstructed much later with all

 

references to his personal suffering replaced by a quiet melancholy
assuaged by the consolations of religion and of nature. Here Caso
disagrees with Nocedal (Vida de Jove Llanos, Madrid, 1865), who
believed this later version to have been written within the monastery
and to have sprung spontaneously from the heart. Caso would agree with
Gerardo Diego (no. 119), who pointed to the poem's"ademan cldsico y ...
1as reminiscencias de Fray Luis." Caso notes that where these influences
are most obvious is in the forty-nine lines later added to the original.
Although the later version is more correct and polished, and is ad-
mirable for its intimate relation of nature to the states of the human
Spirit, the first one, says Caso, “sera uno de los més maravillosos
poemas amorosos de ese siglo y una joya poetica“. High praise indeed
from a critic not given to hiperbole.

Scholars have often regretted the fact that Jovellanos'
Poems are largely undated, thus making them more difficult to interpret.
Caso has performed an important service in solving this riddle to a

great extent. His analysis of the two versions of the EpIStola del

 

Paular is outstanding for its sensitivity as well as for its fine scho-

larship.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. "Escolasticos e innovadores a finales del siglo

XVIII, Sobre el catolicismo de JovellanOS' ". Papeles de Son Armadans,

 

XXXVII, no. 109 (abril de 1965), 25-48.

 

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Much has been written concerning Jovellanos' alleged hetero-
doxy. In this article Caso Gonzalez throws new light on the problem by
carefully examining the various editions of supposedly heretical books
recommended by Jovellanos in his Reglamento para el Colegio de Calatrava.
Two of the works in question pose no special problem, for Caso has shown
that Jovellanos advocated only expurgated or otherwise approved editions.
But the many and widely different editions of the Curso teolégico

lugdunense, which Jovellanos also recommended, present greater dif—

 

ficulties. Jovellanos warned that students should use only those texts
'hue lleven 1as sefiales acordadas para acreditar su legitimidad”. But
on the basis of a very different and much more radical edition than
that proposed by Jovellanos he was denounced to Godoy as a Jansenist,
and was probably imprisoned partially on these grounds.

The subject of Jovellanos' catholicism is certainly a difficult
one to approach from a distance of nearly two centuries, and inevitably
critics have tended to discuss this problem in the light of their own
social, religious and political situation. Caso has brought his many

years of research as a jovellanista to bear fruitfully on this difficult

 

question. He sees in the work of this great "catolico ilustrado" or
’watdlico del centro" the essential ideas which have developed into

today's advanced religious thinking.

Casot3onzglez, Josefl "Jovellanos y la inquisicidh". Archivum, VII

(1957). 231-259.

 

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80

113

In this article Caso Gonzalez has inquired into the frus-
trated attempts of the Inquisition to prohibit the publication of
Jovellanos' Informe sobre la Ley ggraria in 1797. He quotes at length
from the records of the Santo Oficio, and concludes that the principal
objection to the document was its advocacy of disentailment, and
that the effort failed either because of the existence of powerful
defenders of Jovellanos or because of the weakness of the Santo Oficio.

This study, which treats the reception of the Informe sobre

 

1a Ley Agraria, Jovellanos' concern for governmental recognition and

 

reinstatement, and his relationship with Godoy, the Queen, and the
Inquisition, is, perhaps, the best yet for its careful documentation

of this enigmatic phase of Jovellanos' biography.

Caso Gonzalez, Josefl "Jovellanos y la nueva religiosidad”. Estafeta

Literaria, Nos. 402-h0fl (1968), 14-17.

 

Jose Caso Gonzalez discusses Jovellanos' attitude toward
ignorance and superstition, eSpecially superstitious religious practices,
as well as don Gaspar's own religious credo, based primarily on diary
entries, and the “nueva religiosidad" which he desired for Spain.

In a separate section entitled "La vida religiosa de Jove-
llanos", Caso affirms that one might assume don Gaspar to be coldly
rationalistic and scarcely pious, at least before his imprisonment,
but that actually he always heard mass daily, and frequently retired
to a monastery during Holy Week. In Bellver, however, he increasingly

sought the consolation of religion, as is manifest in such writings

 

h... ‘2 /
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81

82

83

11h

as Epistola primera a Posidonio and in his paraphrase of Judica me Deus.

 

 

His reading of the Bible and of Kempis became more constant and his

religious faith deepened.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. "Las humanidades en el pensamiento pedagdgico de
Jovellanos". Conferencia editada en el Real Instituto de Jovellanos,

Memoria del curso, 1961-62, Gijon, 1963.

 

Caso Gonzalez, Jose: Review of Menéhdez Pelayo y Asturias by'Martinez

 

Cachero, José'Maria. Oviedo: Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, 1957.

In Bulletin Hispanique, l, LX (1958), 407-411. Also in Boletin de la

 

Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo, XXXVI (1960), 205, ff.

 

In this book on Menéhdez Pelayo and Asturias Caso finds most
interesting Chapter VIII, entitled "E1 jovellanismo de Menéhdez Pelayo“.

In it is recounted the contention among jovellanistas concerning the

 

failure to publish the Diarios of Jovellanos.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose: "Notas criticas de bibliografia jovellanista

(1950-1959)". Boletin de la Biblioteca Menéhdez Pelayo, XXXVI (1960)

 

179-2130

In 1960 Caso Gonzalez prepared a bibliography of the preceding
ten years which analyzed and commented upon many of the works published
during this period. Although only about half of the works published

during these years are listed, and less than one-third are actually

 
 
 
 

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.5 ... y . ... .9... . :\ ... s .... 3. to. .n.
a .u‘ t. s ‘ . o . a Q- s A. H n b N . \

 

115
discussed, this is a valuable contribution since it brings to bear
on many of the more important studies Caso's fine critical judgement
and years of research as a jovellanista.

Caso sensitively demonstrates a lively talent for pointing
out error, exaggeration and bias, but at the same time shows fairness
and readiness to recognize excellence where he finds it.

The dominant theme of Caso's criticism is the fundamental
harmony of Jovellanos' thought. Several writers have attempted to see

in Jovellanos' thinking dos caras or even multifaceted and constantly

 

changing attitudes. Caso rejects all of these notions, as well as

the partisan efforts of writers like Villota (no. 362) to see Jove-
llanos as a scholastic and a Thomist, or of some others who profess to
find in him extreme traditionalism, puritanism, protestantism, rigid
catholicism, narrow egotism, etc. Caso here as always rightly main-
tains that this alleged dichotomy or extremism never existed, but that

Jovellanos' goal was ever “e1 justo medic", equilibrium within diversity.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose} "Notas sobre la prisidn de Jovellanos en 1801”.

Archivum, Oviedo, XII (1962), 217-237.

Although the complete story will perhaps never be known, Caso
here presents a most plausible and convincing explanation for Jovellanos'
imprisonment. By means of extensive research among existing documents
he has clarified to a considerable extent a very confusingissue, which
involves not only Jovellanos, but ultimately the whole history of the

period, European as well as Spanish.

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116

Caso has found many contemporary sources to be inaccurate,
notably Llorente and Godoy, the memoires of the Principe de Paz being
quite at variance with the facts as revealed in his own letters written
at the time of the events in question. Thus commentators such as Seco
Serrano, who have taken these reminiscences at face value, may have been
deluded into picturing Godoy more favorably than he deserves. In spite
of his later denial, it was really Godoy who, with the aid of Caballero
and the inquisitor General, instigated charges against certain liberal-
minded bishops and reformers within the government, charges which Caso
believes to be entirely unfounded:

El verdadero delito de la condesa de hontijo y de sus

contertulios, como el de Jovellanos, era ser mAS sabios

y mAS virtuosos que aquellos que entonces detentaban el

poder. Su crimen de creer que el catolicismo era cosa

bien distinta de lo que los ultramontanos y los aris-

totélicos sostenian; pensar que 0 se avanzaba o todo era

inutil, y que 5610 se avanzaba poniéndose a la altura

de los tiempos y cristianizando lo que se presentaba

como no cristiano, si era cristianizable. (221).
Caso, however, rejects the idea that Jovellanos was involved in Godoy's
fall from power. Neither does he give credence to the notion that
either the Queen or Godoy'was involved in the supposed poisoning of
don Gaspar or in his dismissal from the ministry, the causes being
ideiogical rather than personal.

To prove Godoy's complicity in the plot against Jovellanos,
Caso quotes from letters of Godoy, among them one to the King and Queen:
“86, Senora, que los enemigos de VV.NM. y mics aprovechan la ausencia y

se hacen corrillos de continuo. Pienso que este mal debe cortarse

ahora mismo: Jovellanos y Urquijo son los titulares de la comunidad;

A — O 1 A d

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85

117
sus secuaces son pocos, pero mejor es que no exista ninguno". (235)
Caso, then, concludes that the causes of Jovellanos' imprisonment were
both political and religious in nature, and that he himself was blame-

less.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. Introduction to Obras en prosa by Gaspar Melchor

de Jovellanos. Madrid: Clésicos Castalia, 1969, 345 pages.

This biography and introduction to the thought and writings of
Jovellanos is sensitive and probing, reflecting its author's lifelong
study of Jovellanos.

The biography is packed with information concerning not only
Jovellanos' activities, his reading, his friends and associates, but also
with excellent background material concerning the political and social
climate of the times. ESpecially illuminative is his assessment of
Jovellanos' exile to Asturias, his appointment to the ministry, his
dismissal and subsequent imprisonment.

Caso has chosen for this anthology works which are not only
representative of Jovellanos' thought, but complete in themselves. Thus
the works included are relatively brief, but well chosen; Caso's intel-
ligent explanations of these selections are helpful and frequently
original.

A facet of Jovellanos' technique which has been little com-

mented upon by critics is his frequent use of irony. Caso finds this

note especially prominent in his Elogio del Marques de los Llanos de

 

Alguazas, in which he apparently praises the father who chooses his

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118
son's profession, and recommends that children of nobleman should
attend Separate schools in order not to be contaminated by plebeians.
Other commentators have taken these remarks at face value, but Caso
sees them as subtle irony, since Jovellanos' ideas were quite different.

In the Cartas a Ponz Caso notes in Jovellanos‘ elegiac des-

 

criptions of country life and rural customs an influence of Rousseau,

as well as of Platonic ideas:

Me refiero a la insistencia de Jovellanos en la

“inocencia” del pueblo campesino, que se puede

relacionar con la idea de Rousseau de que la

civilizacidn pervierte a los hombres, aunque

también con esquemas renacentistas y platdhicas,

en los que 10 natural se consideraba superior

a lo artificioso, y por tanto preferible lo que

estaba en contacto con la naturaleza a lo que se alejaba

de ella, es decir, mas puro lo eSpontaneo natural que

lo convencional artificioso. (34).

Caso's analysis of Descripcidh del Castillo de Bellver is
especially revealing, perhaps because the work itself is the most sty-
listically and artistically innovative of Jovellanos' literary production.
Caso points out that it is wrong to consider as neoclassical everything
written in the last half of the Eighteenth Century, since really there
are three tendencies: rococco, preromantic and neoclassical, in all
of which Jovellanos participates. One finds preromantic traces even in
his youthful poetry and drama, but this tendency is intensified in
hallorca, especially in his Descripcidh. But even more important in

this work is his feeling for nature, now no longer stilted and bookish,

but real and deeply felt:

 

Pero ‘
paisa
I 0 O
sent:
acaba
abanfi
tn se
Jove:
sent~
honhr
(5%).
This
(

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.v-iSlcos Cast.-

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am par‘cem> «.8

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86

119
Pero en esta obra nos encontramos con algo mas: el
paisaje sentido en funcidn de su estado de dhimo.
. . . todo esto no son 5610 elementos observados y
sentidos, sino vida que se une a la suya, y que
acaba expresando su soledad, su tristeza y'su
abandono. No es un paisaje creado en funcidh de
un sentimiento: es un paisaje real que a
Jovellanos 1e emociona y a través del cual e1

sentimiento expresa toda la dolorida carga del
hombre injustamente perseguido y desamparado.

(58)-
This introduction to Jovellanos stands with del Ric's
(Clasicos Castellanos) (no. 299) as two of the most comprehensive

and perceptive works on the subject.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. Prologue to Obrasl_I: Epistolario, by Gaspar
Melchor de Jovellanos. Textos Hispanicos Modernos, Barcelona: Edi-

torial Labor, 1970, 2&2 pages.

Jose Caso Gonzalez has carefully chosen and edited this group
of 71 letters from among some thousand extant, attempting to make his
selection representative of Jovellanos' life and thought; the collection,
he aptly observes, might well be entitled "Ideario de Jovellanos".

Caso divides his discussion among several fundamental themes:
biographical, literary, historical, pedagogical, religious and political,
delineating them in relation to Jovellanos' correspondence. Of special
significance is his treatment of the abuse accorded Jovellanos as a
result of the violent reaction against the ilustrados, among whom Jove-
llanos was generally considered most important. He describes the climate

of fear and suspicion following the outbreak of the French Revolution:

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87

120
the vicious calumnies, the attempted poisoning, the desertion by
friends, and his eventual imprisonment.

In concluding this prologue Caso discusses Jovellanos as
critic of drama and poetry and as a political thinker whose progressive
ideas were tempered by prudence and moderation. It is to be hoped that
the title, Obras, I, indicates that Caso is planning to extend this

series to include others of Jovellanos' works.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. Introduction to Poesias by Gaspar Melchor de Jove-
llanos. Diputacidn de Oviedo, Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo:

Graficas Summa, 1962.

This extremely complete and scholarly analysis covers all
phases of Jovellanos' poetical production, including a fine study of the
literary scene inflkmeeEighteenth Century Spain and the poetical norms then
in vogue, as well as Jovellanos' own esthetic theories.

Caso reviews Jovellanos' reading of other poets and poetic
theories, noting his reading of Aristotle (in translation), as well as
Horace, Virgil, Juvenal, Ovid, Berceo, Garcilaso and Fray Luis. He
analyzes, often even paraphrases, most of Jovellanos' major poetry,
starting with the love (and other lyric) poetry, then moving to the
satirical, didactic and philosophical poems.

In his discussion of the Satiras a Arnesto Caso explores Jove-

 

llanos' social philosophy and criticism of the nobility, as well as his
poetical style, which he calls "sfitil y ductil" combined with a "sagrado

ira".

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a e :1. .hl a . w .. s I. .l. u
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.MW MM. ..%~ .‘t. - u ... a h». i «\- e s d a . e
9‘ ' O
_

88

121
One of the most valuable chapters of this introduction, and
certainly one of the most fascinating, is that devoted to the manuscripts
and editions. This excellent introduction combined with the extensive
notes accompanying each individual poem make the volume an exceedingly

valuable one.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. "Rectificaciones y apostillas a mi articulo

'Jovellanos y'la Inquisicidn'“. Archivum, Oviedo, IX (1959), 91-9h.

In this addendum to a previous study, (no. 74), Caso apologizes
for not having given credit to Edith Helman for having previously brought
to public attention the attempted suppression of Jovellanos' Informe

sobre la Lgy Aggaria; he was unable to obtain a copy of her article,

 

published in 1952 dealing with the subject.

Caso adds that in investigation subsequent to publication of
his 1958 article he has uncovered evidence that Jovellanos was especially
charged by Godoy to undertake the reform of education (as well as deal-
ing with disentailment and the reform of the Inquisition). This, af-
firms Caso, was one of the decisive reasons that caused his enemies to
have him deposed from his ministry.

Because of his research concerning this controversial dis-
missal, Caso concludes by warning scholars to beware of taking literally
statements concerning palace politics that cannot be proved by docu-
ments. He points out that one must first analyze carefully all available
documents, and turn to personal testimonies only after the facts have

been well established.

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89

122

Caso Gonzalez, Josefl Prologue and notes to Reglamento para el Cologio

 

de Calatrava by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Gijdh: Stella, 1964,

 

254 pages.

Caso briefly traces the history of the Eighteenth Century
proposals for university reform which culminated in Jovellanos'
Pegalamento para el Colegio de Calatrava. He describes the decadency
into which ecclesiastical education had fallen, noting that promotion
was based on favoritism rather than on merit, conditions which resulted
in a lethargic and anti-intellectual attitude among students and ultimate-
ly in an ill-prepared and inefficent clergy.

The author justly ranks Reglamento as equal to or even more

 

important than his Ley Agraria, asserting that its influence was felt

 

throughout Europe and that its ideas are still applicable.

In preparing this edition Caso has used the Cafiedo text of
1830 as well as the official manuscript, which Caso believes to have
been hastily prepared because of Jovellanos' precipitous return to
Madrid at the time of the imprisonment of his friend, Cabarrus. This is
truly a critical edition, for the editor has carefully noted all the
discrepancies between the two texts. Explanatory footnotes, however,
are, unfortunately, scarce, since the author expresses his intention to
explicate Jovellanos' educational ideas in more detail elsewhere. (In

Obras en prosa (no. 85) Caso lists as "libro en prensa" Jovellanos y'la

 

reforma de la enseflanza, but to my knowledge this work has not yet

appeared.)

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l
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9O

91

123
Caso has included four valuable appendices which reproduce
documents sanctioning Jovellanos' visit and a provisional study on the

subject made by Jovellanos.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose: "Teorias métricas de Jovellanos en dos cartas

inéditas". Boletin del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, XIV (1960),

125-1540

Caso Gonzalez in this article reproduces two letters con-
cerning poetical criticism from Jovellanos to his friends, Juan Melendez
Valdés and Francisco de Paula Caveda y Solares. These are introduced by
an exposition and analysis of don Gaspar's ideas concerning literary
criticism as well as his theories on metrics and the cesura.

Caso contrasts neoclassical literary criticism with modern
impressionist criticism, pointing out that the former is notable for its
rigorous method and severe judgements, as well as its belief in rules
which have been deduced from the study of nature and of the best lit-
erary models.

In his analysis of poetical technique Caso judges Jovellanos
to be far ahead of his time, even entering into the field of so-called
literary science.

The printing of these two hitherto unpublished letters and
Caso's clear and incisive explication of the literary theories they ex-
pound form.a welcome addition to the literature concerning a man whose

wide-ranging interests and accomplishments never cease to amaze.

Caso Gonzalez, Jose. "Una satira inédita de Jovellanos". Archivum,

"I -,-v ’
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a a. . s . v! I... D. an e TU ‘1‘ x ‘ t a Q»
... . h. S S
. u. Av . 9 a V a A» B» . d
1‘ ’17.. A .U ‘1‘ .Tv an.“ ' 0 Rue
e u . aim H. a... 4 a . Q .... S a ..
. . . D. .. y
. u . fin.“ A.» o ... e ”A (Mi Na 4”» 39-“ ha
iv ... 9 MH— .F‘ 5' an. ‘5' v”...- M N s v .\\\\
...... ...“ .... .a an. ...... . . ~.. . ...... as ...... 5. ..Q

124

Oviedo, Tomo III (1953), 49-62.

Caso here publishes a hitherto unedited "Satira contra los
letrados", a poem in which Jovellanos lashes out at the legal pro—
fession of his day:

iEres locuaz? pues metete a letrado: miente, cita,
vocea, corta y raja, y seras, sin pensarlo, afortunado.

It lacks grace and polish, probably because its author never took time
to perfect it. Caso is able to present cogent evidence to support this
contention. But, he affirms, if it lacks esthetic beauty it has other
redeeming qualities.

Caso remarks that there are two sides to Jovellanos' personality:
one is that of the tender-hearted lover of peace and justice; the other
is that of the man of action who fights for truth, attacks his enemies
directly, and takes part in literary controversies. This second facet
of don Gaspar's personality is frequently forgotten, says Caso, pointing
especially to a recent dramatic effort (that of Alonso Bonet?):

No podemos estar conformes con el Jovellanos que se

nos ha retratado tantas veces. Hay que decir que a fuerza

de sublimarle se la ha rebajado, hasta el punto de que

en una deplorable versidh dramdtica contemporanea,

Jovellanos podria ser un santo, sino fuera un tonto.(50).
The writer points to the “punzantes” and'Sangrientas” satires against
Garcia de la Huerta as evidence of the more agressive side of don GaSpar's
makeup.

In this thoughtful commentary Caso has not only analyzed the
content, style, verseform and intrinsic value of an unfamiliar satire,

but also sets in focus an important facet of Jovellanos' personality

which this poem serves to accent.

92

93

125
Caso Gonzalez, Jose y Demerson, Georges. “La satira de Jovellanos
sobre la mala educacidh de la nobleza (versidn original corregida por

Melehdez Valdés)". Bulletin Hispanique, Tonm;LXI, n. 4 (Octubre-

 

Dicimbre. 1959). 365-385.

Caso Gonzalez, today's leading jovellanista, and Demerson,

 

who has made an extensive study of Meléhdez Valdés, combine efforts to
study a similar cooperative venture on the part of their respective
subjects of investigation.

The authors, who label this “Satira sobre la mala educacidh
de la nobleza“ one of the best satires of the whole Eighteenth Century,
agree with Gerardo Diego (no. 119) and others in this evaluation. They
examine carefully two manuscripts of the poem which vary markedly, one
being in the handwriting of Meléhdez Valdés. It is likely, they believe,
that Jovellanos sent a first draft oftie poem to his friend, "Batilo",
in Salamanca for revision and polishing before its publication. The
two versions are counterpoised by Caso and Demerson, and the alterations
noted. These changes, the authors conclude, do not always improve the
original, which they believe to be "mAS seco, mas directo”, but do

make it poetically superior.

Castafidh, Luciano. “Recuerdo de Jovellanos en el aniversario de su
fallecimiento". E1 Comercio, Gijdn, 27 de noviembre, 1959.

Reviewed by Case Gonzalez (no. 83), 211.

Castro, America. Semblanzas_y estudios espafioles. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1965, pages 407-411. Reprint from.El Sol,

hadrid, July 21, 1933.

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This essay deals largely with Jovellanos' basic ideas con-
cerning education, concepts which Castro believes might serve well for
present-day Spain.

Jovellanos never propounded any dangerous ideas, asserts Castro,
either in the field of religion or of politics; his life was above crit-
icism. But he aroused the envy of those who could not tolerate his
"mansa y correcta superioridad", Castro sagely observes: WEequiere
mAs heroismo ser eclesiastico esclarecido que heterodoxo revolucionario“.
(408). He concludes by observing that because of the applicability of
his ideas to today's problems Jovellanos deserves to be more widely read.

This succinct and well-constructed essay deftly illuminates
the importance of Jovellanos for Spain and captures the essence of his

personality.

Castro, Cristobal de. “Glosas a Jovellanos", (El hombre idea,---El
hombre accidn). Trabajo leido e1 27 de noviembre de 1911, El Ateneo de

Gijdn en el primer centenario de Jovellanos, Gijdh (1911), pages 7l-75.

The author asserts that, being a man of ideas as well as a man
of action, Jovellanos can really qualify as a complete man. One must
admit, however, that don Gaspar was never very successful as a man of
action, and that he truly excelled only as promulgator of ideas and as
a motivator of others.

Misquotations such as "Epistola al_Paular" mar this brief

essay.

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97

127

Catena, Elena. Introduction to Teatro espafibl del siglo XVIII. Ladrid:

 

La Muralla, 1972.

In her introduction to this anthology Catena points out that

El delincuente honrado wasperformed before the King and his court in the

 

theatres of the Reales Sitios in order to present to them the new ideas
concerning justice and the punishment of crime. Her brief remarks
emphasize the didactic nature of the play and Jovellanos' debt to

Beccaria.

Caveda y Nava, José. ”Memorias de varones célebres asturianos"

(Manuscrito inédito del siglo XIX). Biblioteca Histdrico-Geneoldgica

 

Asturiana (publicada bajo la direccidh de Senén Alvarez de la Rivera

 

Monckeberg), Vol. I, Santiago de Chile: Cervantes, 1924, 217-223.

This somewhat effusive eulogy and biographical sketch, com-
bined with a brief mention of Jovellanos' principle works, is included
in this series concerned with the lives and geneology of famous
Asturians. For Caveda Jovellanos is one of Spain's most elegant
writers:

Pensador profundo, preciso y ldgico en sus deducciones,

su talento, sin sobresalir precisamente en la originalidad

de los pensamientos, daba novedad a cuanto trataba y era

felicisimo para describir y poner en su verdadero punto

de vista las relaciones de las ideas, para ampliarlas y

perfeccionarlas, para hacer de ellas exactas y luminosas

aplicaciones, e imprimiendoles siempre el sello de la

originalidad y'de la utilidad publica". (222-223).

Despite the rather antiquated declamatory style, Caveda has quite
adequately summarized the contribution of don Gaspar to Spanish thought

and letters.

98

99

100

128

Cean Bermudez A. 'GaSpar helchor de Jovellanos“. Revista de Economia

Politica (Instituto de Estudios Politicos, Seccidn de Economia), No.29

(1961), 847-880.

The Fevista de Economia Politica has here republished this
first biography of Jovellanos as part of its series titled “Perspectiva
historica del pensamiento economico“.

This biography was written by Cean Bermfidez shortly after the
death of Jovellanos, his close friend and mentor. Composed in clear,
factual prose, it is valuable as a first-hand report of the more impor-
tant events of don Gaspar's life. Although Caso Gonzalez (no. 79) has
found Cean to be inaccurate, or perhaps biased in some details, e.g.,
Jovellanos' relationship with Godoy, this account has served as the

basis for a considerable number of subsequent biographies.

Chamorro, Bonifacio. "Breve historia de la biblioteca de Jovellanos".
Bibliografia Hispanica, Madrid, No. 11 (1944), pages 7&4-776.
Bib. ref. in: No 3995 of Bio-Bibliografia del Cuerpo facultativo de

Archivos Bibliotecarios y Arqueologos,1858-19§8, 1958, Madrid: Estades.

 

Chamorro, Bonifacio. "Jovellanos y las mujeres". Letras, Afio VIII,

No. 85 (agosto de 1944), 1-3.

The writer reviews the possible reasons advanced by others for
Jovellanos' never having married, suggesting, as does Nocedal, that he
concurred with the philosophy of Godwin, who rejected the institution

of marriage.

101

129
Chamorro indicates that Jovellanos may have been somewhat
equivocal with regard to the acceptance of women into the societies of
Amigos del Pais, his belief in the theoretical equality of women being
tempered by his practical observation of their frequent pettiness and
frivolity. He concludes by quoting from Jovellanos' emotional charge
to womankind to fulfill their preordained role as shapers of the heart

of their progeny.

Chiareno, Osvaldo. "Jovellanos economista e la lingua del suo
'Informe sobre la Ley Agraria' ". Bollettino dell' Instituto Estere,

Genoa, III (1952-53), 46-60.

Chiareno analyzes linguistically the writings of Jovellanos,
which he describes as an harmonious synthesis of form and content.

His use of language did not possess the purity of that of the precedi-
ing century, since he employed provincialisms to lend picturesqueness,
as well as new scientific terminology and lexical and syntactic gal-
licisms, especially in his earlier works. In his later writings,
however, Jovellanos abandoned French usage, says Chiareno, and was
more influenced by English culture.

The writer notes the use of architectural terms and a romantic
feeling for landscape in Jovellanos' Nallorcan prose, and also the use
of antithetical prepositions and the coupling of adjectives and sub-
stantives. In his writings, says Chiareno, Jovellanos harmonized func-
tionalism with beauty, the classic with the modern: "... Jovellanos

scrive pagine che possono rivaleggiare con quelle dei migliori autori

102

130
classici; prosa que pur non senza impurezze, conserva la richezza del
vocabulario del secolo d'oro aggiungendovi modernita de espressioni e
una nuance pih personale e colorita, quasi come fusione di stili vari

come quelli di Quevedo e di Campomanes, di Cadalso e Feijoo". (57).

Chiareno, Osvaldo. Review of Poesias of Gaspar helchor de Jovellanos,
Edicion critica y notas de Jose Caso Gonzalez, Oviedo: Instituto de

Estudios Asturianos, 1961. In Studi di Lingue e Letteratura Spagnola,

Turin, 1965, 341-349.

The writer reviews the contents of this volume and summarizes
the introduction by Caso Gonzalez, noting that although scholarship has
been largely negative concerning Jovellanos' poetry, modern critics are
now reassessing it more favorably.

Chiareno believes that the Enarda to whom Jovellanos dedicated
some early lyrics conceals an anagramatic reference to Andrea. He also
aludes to a letter of Melehdez Valdés in which a child is mentioned in
connection with Alcmena, to whom don Gaspar also wrote verses (although

she may have been identical with Andrea-Enarda). In his Patobiografia,

 

however, Martinez Fernandez rejects the notion that Jovellanos may have
fathered a child. Chiareno, who seems especially interested in the
romantic aSpects of Jovellanos' poetry, also recounts his brief at-
traction for Ramona, "la Majestuosa", the daughter of a Leonese friend.

This review, although perhaps demonstrating undue inquisitive-
ness in inconsequential areas, adequately summarizes and interprets

Caso's study.

103

104

131

Chiareno, Osvaldo. Three chapters on Jovellanos in Scritori Spagnuoli

 

del Settecento. Genova: Tolozzi & C., 1962, pp. 27-40.

 

In this monograph on writers of Eighteenth Century Spain
Chiareno devotes three chapters to Jovellanos, the first discussing his
life and personality, the second his thought, and the third his diaries.

Chiareno mistakenly calls the diaries intimate: “nella quale
vediamo muoversi il nostro autore, ne auscultiamo l'intimo battito
del cuore"; he aptly points out, however, that the biographical parts
are always closely related to the political situation of the country and
to the responsibility of Jovellanos toward it.

The writer alludes to a number of Spanish critics, but fails

to include bibliographical references.

Cienfuegos, Francisco. Introduction (“Necesaria explicacion") to

Jovellanos, antologia editada por F.C., Gijdh: Artes Grafica, 1969,

 

264 pages.

This anthology, sponsored by the Ayuntamiento of Gijdh,

 

contains brief extracts from the writings of Jovellanos arranged ac-
cording to subject and especially designed for the more casual reader.
In his introduction Cienfuegos calls Jovellanos a product of the
Eighteenth Century with a mentality of the Twentieth in his intense
interest in education and in his advocacy of experimental science and

the observation of nature.

Cienfuegos has included in his anthology several portraits

of Jovellanos and his contemporaries, including Napoleon, Wellington

105

106

132
and Nelson, as well as some members of the Cienfuegos family related
to Jovellanos. Especially delightful are several sketches supposedly
executed by don Gaspar himself; however, I have never seen mention of

them elsewhere.

Cimorra, Clemente. "La obra asturianista de Jovellanos". Jovellanos,

su vida y obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el

 

bicentenario de su nacimiento, con adhesidh de los centros Asturianos

de la Habana y'México, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medica Argentina,

1945 . Pages 595-642.

Cimorra asserts that Jovellanos always found comfort and re-
newed strength in contemplating and recalling the Asturian landscape
with its free and simple life, its "calma y eternidad". He calls at-
tention to Jovellanos' frequent trips throughout Asturias during which
he studied Asturian history, customs and folklore as well as its
economic problems and recorded what he saw and learned in letters and
diaries. The writer summarizes Jovellanos' treatise on Asturian econ-
omy as well as his Asturian tragedy, Pelayo, making no critical asses-

sment, but attesting to the essential historical accuracy of the play.

Conde, Lorenzo. Several sections concerning Jovellanos in Letras

espafiolas, Historia ilustrada de la literatura espafibla con adicion

de fragmegtos de diversos ingenios segfig orfienacidh de L.C. Barcelona:

Ediciones Hymsa, 1936, 1038 pages.

 

133

Lorenzo Conde concurs with the commonly-held opinion that
Jovellanos was in error in advising his Salamancan friends to abandon
artificialitqr, falseness and conventionality in their poetry, yet as
the pendulum of poetic style has swung widely during the centuries it
is difficult to make this kind of a judgment with any certainty: the
change which was doubtlessly inspired by Jovellanos' advice may have
seemed disastrous at the moment but ultimately have provided a needed

corrective.

107 Conde Gargollo,,Enrique. "Diario de D. GaSpar Melchor de Jovellanos
en el Balneario de Carlos III". Boletin de la Sociedad Espafibla de

Hidrologia Hedica, Vol. II, No. 4 (junio, 1963).

 

Bib. ref. in: Martinez Cachero, Jesus. Jovellanos, patobiografia y

pensamiento bioldgico (no. 230), p. 138.

108 Cook, John A. Neoclassic Drama in Spain. Theory and Practice.

 

Dallas: Southern.Methodist University, 1959, pages #22-25 and others.

Cook briefly discusses Jovellanos' dramatic theories, his
work as a censor of the theatre, the Memoria sobre espectdculos y

diversiones, El dilincuente honrado as a neoclassical drama and its

 

acceptance by contemporary critics.
Cook believes that the great critical acclaim for E1 delin-

cuente honrado was due to the fact that it had a happy ending, tragedy

 

only being threatened, that it observed classic unities, was free from

linguistic affectation, and taught a moral lesson. Yet El delincuente

 

109

134

honrado was a sentimental comedy in prose, and thus did not fit en-
tirely into the neoclassical mold, says Cook, but observes that Jove-
llanos "probably felt that his work met the neoclassical requirements
for this genre, since it conformed to the unities and was designed to
correct human defects”. (423). Cook points out that horatin called
the play a tragi-comedy and believed it to be too far removed from
the nature of good comedy.

It is interesting that Cook in his treatise on neoclassic

drama fails to mention Pelayo (Kunuza) which probably better exempli-

 

fied Neoclassicism than the more romantically inclined El delincuente

 

honrado.

Cossio, Jose’Maria de. “Jovellanos y los toros“. Si, suplemento semanal
del diario Arriba, Madrid, Nfimero homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario

de su nacimiento, Afib III (9 de enero de 1944), 16.

Cossio comments succinctly on Jovellanos' expressed aversion
to bullfights, reviewing in some detail his Memoria sobre la policia de
los espectaculosy diversiones publicas. He declares that its discussion
of the Corrida is the slightest and least solidly considered part of the
work, yet the best known and most popular. Cossio believes that Jove-
llanos' best reasoned statement on the subject is contained in a letter
to Vargas Ponce in which he questions whether the bullfight is a rational
form of diversion, whether it contributes to the glory or benefit of the
country, whether it has a salutory influence on the Spanish character,

and whether it produces any advantage or disadvantage for the nation.

110

111

135

Davidson, Marcia Dell. Three Spanish Economists of the Enlightenment:
Campomanes,Jove11anos,Fldrez Estrada. Duke University, 1962. Un-

published doctoral dissertation.

In this Ph.D. thesis in Economics, Davidson traces the trans-
ition from mercantilism in Spain during the last part of the Eighteenth
Century and the first part of the Nineteenth as reflected in the writ-
ings of its leading economists.

Jovellanos in general agreed with the ideas of Campomanes,

whose Industria pgpular had been published some twenty years before Ley

 

agaria: the concept of wealth as goods and services, the advantage of
competition and liberty as a guide to prosperity, and the advocacy of
the restriction of large land holding by nobility and clergy, as well as

curtailment of guilds, taxation and price-fixing.

Defourneaux, Narcelin. "Pablo de Olavide et sa Famille (A propos d'une

 

Ode de Jovellanos)". Bulletin Hispanique, 1954, 249-259.

Of all the classical poetry of Jovellanos Defourneaux finds

this Ode saphique, ”En la muerte de Dofia Engracia de Olavide" the most

 

moving. In mythological guise Engracia appears as “Filis" and don Pablo
de Olavide as “Elpino”. The relationship between the two, however, has
never been clear: was she daughter, mistress or illegitimate daughter

of the Asistente of Seville, noted founder of the Colonies of the Sierra

 

Morena? Defourneaux establishes that she was actually the daughter of
his second marriage, but unfortunately he neglects to divulge Jove-
llanos' connection with her, nor for what reason he wrote this lovely

ode.

112

113

114

115

136

Defourneaux, Narcelin. Pablo de Olavide ou l'afrancesado (1725-1803).

 

Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959, 500 pages.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 210.

Delgado, P. Jesus. "Jovellanos poeta“. Espafia y America, XXXI, afio

 

IX, Tomo III, No. 18 (1911), 418-492.

The writer briefly but perceptively surveys and evaluates
Jovellanos' literary production, discussing in addition to his composi-
tions in verse some prose works which he finds of a poetical nature.
Delgado points out that Jovellanos’ is not a poetry of imagination nor
of description of nature, but rather "poesia interior, profunda" which
treats of human misery and injustice, and of virtue humiliated and op-

pressed.

Demerson, Georges. "Quatre poemes inédites de Jovellanos". Bulletin

Hispanique, LVIII (1956), pages 36-47.

 

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 188.

De Onis, Federico. Ensayos sobre el sentido de la cultura espahola,

 

Madrid, 1932.

De Onis makes several allusions to Jovellanos in this col-
lection of essays. He brings out especially his decisive influence
over his friends, the poets of the Salamancan group. He also notes
that a large proportion of the reformers of Eighteenth Century Spain

were, like Jovellanos, Asturians. De Onis might have added that this

116

117

137
was also true of some of its men of letters: Lelénd<3z Valdés, Cien-
fuegos and Quintana were all of Asturian origin.

Diaz Casariego, Jesus Evaristo. See nos. 69-72.

Diaz-Jiménez y Molleda, Eloy. Jovellanos en Ledh. hadrid: Pevista de

 

Archivos, Bibliotecas y Huseos, 1925, 37 pages. Also in Boletin de la

Academia de la Lengua, Tomo XII, diciembre de 1925.

 

In this monograph the author has used the diaries, letters and
poems of Jovellanos, together with local records to reconstruct the sev-
eral extensive visits don Gaspar made to Ledn, as well as his travels
throughout the province.

Diaz-Jiménez quotes liberally, eSpecially from the diaries,
minute descriptions of buildings, streets, art objects, walks through
the city and its environs, views of the countryside, etc. He calls
attention to an intriguing aspect of Jovellanos' personality in citing
passages from the diaries that allude to a frustrated romance with
Romona, ”la Majestuosa (also referred to by Jovellanos as “la encantadora

fea“).

Diego, Gerardo. "De Asturias a hallorca". La Nacidn, Buenos Aires,

 

6 de agosto de 1944, Sec. 2, pp. 1-2.

Diego points to the frequently poetical descriptions of land-
scapes, night, storms and other natural phenomena included in the Diarios,
noting that Jovellanos was typical of his age with respect to the pro-

saic nature of his poetry as well as his poetic prose. The writer also

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118

138
reviews Jovellanos' selection of texts in the humanities, noting es-
pecially his preference for Fray Luis de Ledh and Heléhdez v.1dés.
Jovellanos' move from the North of Spain to Andalucia must have been
of great importance, comparable to Goethe's visit to Italy, believes
Diego, the two areas being much like foreign countries.

With the change of centuries Diego sees a swing in Jovellanos'
style toward romanticism, pointing out ingeniously that the incumbent
figure 8 is the sign of infinity. The writer might well have elaborated
on this interesting point: is he referring to the Eighteenth Century
or to the 1800's?

The style of this article dealing with poetical aspects of
Jovellanos' work is itself highly poetic. Although it repeats some of
the ideas expressed in an article published in Si earlier the same year
(no. 118) it is a valuable assessment of an Eighteenth Century writer

by a sensitive and knowledgeable contemporary poet.

Diego, Gerardo. "Jovellanos y el paisaje“. Si, suplemento semanal del
diario, Arriba, hadrid, Numero homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario

de su nacimiento, Afio III (9 de enero de 1944), p. 7.

Gerardo Diego assesses Jovellanos as a poet in both verse
and prose, calling attention to his descriptions of landscapes and of
nature, noting their authenticity, originality and enthusiasm. Diego
also points interestingly to the stylistic similarities between the
works of Jovellanos and other Spanish authors.

Diego calls Fabio a Anfriso austere and rigid, noting, as

 

have others, the influence of Fray Luis de Leon. In the diaries he

 

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notes the similarity to Fray Luis de Granada, and more surprisingly,
to Azorin; in this regard Diego quotes Jovellanos' delightful descrip-
tion of a Spider web.
The writer affirms that in Oracidh sobre el estudio de 1as

ciencias naturales one can understand the true spirit of Jovellanos,

 

that here the prose reaches extremes of radiant beauty. But for Diego
the loveliest of all is Jovellanos' Descripcidh de la Catedral de

Palma de Mallorca, which displays his “hiperestesia para los mensajes

 

de cielos, auras, mares“. Diego sees characteristics in the sensitive

and lyrical prose of Jovellanos which remind him of Unamuno and hachado.

Diego, Gerardo. "La poesia de Jovellanos". Boletin de la Biblioteca

Menéndez Pelgyo, XXII (1946), 209-235.

Diego studies the poetry of his fellow gijonés, interesting
himself especially in the influence upon his poetry of predecessors
and contemporaries, and to a lesser extent with the techniques employed
in the poetry itself.

If poetry is defined as the "arte de escribir en verso con
un dhico propdsito de lograr la belleza del espiritu y de la materia
verbales", asserts Diego, then Jovellanos was "poeta, pero no fue 3g
poeta". But in terms of Twentieth Century poetry, his verses do not
fit at all, for the Eighteenth Century was radically incompatible with
the bareness of pure poetic intuition.

Diego quotes and comments upon the description of the night
in Epistola del Paular, noting especially the equating of the exterior

landscape with the state of the soul, recalling Fray Luis and presaging

 

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Enrique de Hesa. Diego makes the surprising and possibly exaggerated
assertion that Jovellanos, a poet "en potencia peor, menos poeta“,
ruled over and was the center of Spanish poetry for nearly half a
century. In the matter of satires, however, Diego rightly declares
that only Leandro horatin surpassed him.

Diego agrees with Quintana and Valmar that don GaSpar lacked
a sense of music, and that he struggled with versification; he once
admitted candidly: "no puedo negar que escribiria en consonants si
no hallase una resistencia invencible en acomodar a 61 mis ideas“.(232).

Diego concludes by affirming that Jovellanos' loveliest
poetry is to be found in his Rallorcan prose, especially in his 225:

cripcidn del Castillo de Bellver, and in certain passages from his diaries.

 

Although this study was originally delivered as a speech, and
as such tends to be somewhat digressive, it is redeemed by its intimacy
and by the profound sensitiveness to lyrical expression that a fellow

poet can adequately provide.

Diego, Gerardo. “Tres hechizados". Estafeta Literaria, nos. 426-428

 

(1969), 22-24.

The tres hechizados discussed by Gerardo Diego are Jovellanos,

 

Unamuno and Chopin, all three entranced by the beauty of hallorca. In
a few paragraphs Diego characterizes Jovellanos the romanticist ( or
preromanticist), commenting briefly on his poetry and prose, especially

Epistola del Paular and Castillo de Bellver.

 

 

Doering, Johann Anton. "Un precursor espahol de las ideas modernas

sobre el desarrollo de la agricultura: Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos

141

(1744-1811)”. Folia Humanistica; cienciasi artes letras, Barcelona,

 

III, (1965), 631-6390

Johann Doering summarizes and analyzes in detail the Informe

sobre la Ley Agraria. This study is preceded by a discussion of politics,

 

commerce, agriculture and ideas concerning land reform during the Eigh-
teenth Century. Doering eSpecially points to the Eighteenth Century
conflict between the ideologies of tradition and progress, exacerbated
by Spanish passions, which the clear-headed Jovellanos with his equ-
animity and moderation was called upon to mediate:

Lo extraordinario y unico de sus ideas y proyectos

de mejora radica justamente en el hecho de que

contienen pensamientos y exhortaciones que concuer-

dan ampliamente con los principios y directrices

actuales de la ayuda para el desarrollo, 0 sea, que

se anticipan a estos en casi 200 afibs. (632).

Aside from the patent modernity of Ley Agraria it is notable as well for

 

its constant recourse to historical precedent in its recommendations,
and for its insistence on the role of education for social betterment
and the improvment of agriculture in Spain. Doering also calls attention
to the constructive nature of Jovellanos' ideas, to his beneficent pat-
riotism and breadth of vision, as well as to his valor in the face of
formidable opposition. In regard to his style Doering affirms:

El lenguaje en el que expresa sus pensamientos, que

surgieron, en parts, a lo largo de las discusiones

en el seno de la "Sociedad de Econ6mia Nacional" de

Madrid, pertenence a lo mejor que la prosa castellana

puede ofrecer. (639).

Even though he fails to make clear the fact that Jovellanos

was in this treatise expressing the ideas of the Economic Society of

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142
Madrid, which may have been somewhat more radical than his own, Doering
succinctly presents a careful and relatively comprehensive study of this

important‘work.

Domergue, Lucienne. Jovellanos et la société economique des amis du

 

pays de‘Madrid 1788-1290. Doctoral thesis presented to the Faculté

 

des Lettres of Tolouse. Toulouse 1969 National Union Cat. 1970, Vol.

4. p. 261, no. NUC70-108854.

Domergue, Lucienne. Review of Jovellanos: Patobiografiagy'pensa-

 

miento bioldgico, by'JesfisIMartinez Fernéndez. Oviedo: Instituto

 

de Estudios Asturianos, 1966 In Cahiers du monde hispanique et luso-

 

bresilien (Caravelle), 9 (1967), 175-177.

 

Lucienne Domergue reviews Martinez Fernandez' previous
jovellanista studies and notes that this biography was doubtlessly
inspired by Maraflo'n's biography of Feijoo. She praises highly Martinez

Fern£ndez' patobiggraffa of Jovellanos, noting that the abundance of

 

details serve to supplement the sparce biographical material on Jove-
llanos. One could as well argue, however, that some of this minutiae
serves no purpose except to satisfy the curious. (See my review,
no. 230).

Domergue believes most of the information to be factual,
but rightly urges caution in regard to the inferences of Martinez
Fernandez concerning the wife ofIMelendez Valdés,‘whom<Georges Demerson
has portrayed as completely respectable (Don Juan.Melehdez Valdés et

son temps, Paris, 1962).

124

143
Domergue, Lucienne. “Une Censure Inédite de Jovellanos“. télanges,

Madrid: Casa de Velasquez, II (1966), 311-331.

The activities of Jovellanos as a censor of contemporary writ-
ing proposed for publication is a subject scarcely touched upon by his
commentators. Lucienne Domergue, however, calls attention to a censure
by Jovellanos not mentioned by either Cean Bermudez or Julio Somoza.

She quotes the letter of censure in its entirety, as well as the pamphlet
by Pedro Francisco Sotelo which don Gaspar found unworthy of publication.
She draws from these documents conclusions concerning the mood of the
times as well as Jovellanos' own thoughts on custom, propriety, and
literature, especially concerning French influence and classical dra-
matic precepts.

The tract in question was titled Bando a favor de toda moda

 

y Clorinda sindicada, actually two different treatises combined in one

 

pamphlet.

Domergue points out that in this censure Jovellanos is guilty
of some of the faults of which he accuses Sotelo: making unsupported
charges and assertions and failing to use moderation. Were Jovellanos'

attacks upon Huerta or Forner, or even his Satiras a Arnesto completely

 

courteous and always moderate? "Avec Sotelo, ggyigg a la partie belle;
une simple lecture lui donne raison", she observes.

Ironically, Clorinda did not adhere to the unities of . time
and place which Sotelo and Jovellanos so heatedly discuss. Domergue
concludes that Clorinda was a pleasant, witty comedy which Jovellanos
happened to like, and besides it maintained unity of action and adhered

to Jovellanos' other criteria for a good comedy.

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Domergue's analysis of this hastily-written censure throws new

light on Jovellanos' dramatic theories, as well as on his essential human-

ness.

Dotor y Municio, Angel. Jovellanos, Estudio y Antologia. (Un autor en

un libro) Madrid: Compafiia Bibliografica Espafibla, 1964, 232 pages.

This comprehensive and clearly written study of Jovellanos,
his life and works is composed of a factual Esquema biogréfico, a chrono-
logical presentation of the historical events, European and Spanish,
which occurred during Jovellanos' lifetime, and a penetrating and well-
thought-out treatise on the life of Jovellanos and on his writings,
which Dotor has discussed according to categories: literature, art and
architecture, economics, etc. Then follows a brief anthology (63 pages)
which includes some important letters and poetry. The book concludes
with a select bibliography.

Dotor‘s analysis of the reasons for Jovellanos' banishment,
persecution and imprisonment sheds new light on a subject apparently
avoided until recently by Jovellanos scholars, showing by means of
quotations from diaries and letters that the causes were complex, in-
volving relations with government and Church officials as well as those
with the Santa Oficio.

Jovellanos' much-polemicized Jansenist leanings, which del
Rio (no. 299) and others have shown to have contributed to his ill-

treatment, as well as the question of Jansenism.in Spain is treated

lucidly and dispassionately. Quoting Santullano (no. 323), he

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concludes that because of its wide diffusion during this period, Jan-
senist doctrines (which Jovellanos never adhered to completely) could
not have been the sole reason for his exile.

In his discussion of the Junta Central, Dotor points out
that Jovellanos, whose role was that of mediator and harmonizer between
the two extreme factions, had three principal preoccupations: the
establishment of a bicameral Cortes, freedom of the press (within limit-
ations), and the improvement and dissemination of education. He sees

. . . /
Jovellanos as a regeneraCionista, a reformista and an europeista, be-

 

 

 

lieving that Spain could move into the mainstream of Europe without
losing her own individualityz“. . . alguien ha sefialado, que es abso-
lutamente actualizable el tipo deenropeismo jovellanista, un europeismo
no 'de fuera adentro', sino enraizado con el peculiar modo de ser
espafibl, 0 sea a Europa desde nuestra tradicién".

Dotor discusses also the literary style of Jovellanos, com-
menting especially on the Informe en el expediente de la Ley Agraria,
and he concludes that style was a constant preoccupation of Jovellanos.

This well-organized book forms a worthy addition to Jove-
llanos studies and qualifies its author as a leading contemporary

jpyellanista.

 

Dowdle, Harold Lowe. The Humanitarianism of GaSpar Melchor de Jove-

 

llanos. Unpublished dissertation, Stanford University, 1954, 297 pages.

Dowdle agrees with Ticknor (History of Spanish Literature,

 

Boston, 1872) and.Mérimée (no. 392) that humanitarianism was a dominant

trait of Jovellanos' character, and refutes Nenehdez Pelayo's suggestion

 

127

146
(no. 388) that this was only an evidence of his compliance with the
literary mode of the Enlightenment. The writer includes a brief cul-
tural survey of the Eighteenth Century, then analyzes the humanitarian
elements in Jovellanos' published writings. Using a biographical ap-
proach, he points to evidence of Jovellanos' concern for his fellow
men in his life as a public servant and as a writer. Dowdle investi-
gates also the appraisals of Jovellanos' character made by his con-
temporaries, and then considers these assessments in the light of the
data yielded by his research.

Dowdle supports his thesis concerning the humanitarianism of
Jovellanos with a discussion that treats Jovellanos' ideas on the
noble class and its role in society, class discrimination, political
and ecclesiastical reforms and the Inquisition.

The thesis includes two appendices, one concerning the author-
ship of “Economia civil“, and the other a useful chronological listing
of Jovellanos' writings.

This dissertation reflects the assessment of most Twentieth

Century critics concerning Jovellanos.

Duran, Manuel. "Jovellanos, Moratin y Goya: una nueva interpretacidn
del siglo XVIII espafiol". Cuadernos Americanos, Vol. 138 (1965),

193-198.

I am not sure why Jovellanos and Goya were listed in the
title of this study since they are mentioned only in passing; it is

actually a review of Edith Helman's Trasmundo de Goya. The writer

 

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129

147
mentions Jovellanos as being a friend of Goya (but perhaps not an
intimate one, since he is barely mentioned by Jovellanos). He notes
also that the ideas for some of the Caprichos were taken from the
Diarios and that Goya, Loratih and Jovellanos shared a common indig-
nation in the face of the reactionary and obscurantist forces of the
period.
Entrambasaguas y Pena, Joaquin. “La mas alta empresa de Jovellanos“.
2i, suplemento semanal del diario Arriba, hadrid, Ndmero homenaje a
Jovellanos en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, Afib III (9 de enero

del?W),p.3.

The writer discusses Jovellanos' poetry, especially empha-
sizing its didactic aspects, noting that don Gaspar was ever the
utilitarian reformer, even at his most lyrical. Entrambasaguas analyzes

especially Jovino a sus amigos de Salamanca, affirming that “la mAS

 

alta empresa" is succinctly expressed in the stanza of this gpigtglg
beginning with "Acaso vais . . .". Jovellanos' contribution, he af-
firms, lies in his “transparencia cientifica y moral puesto a1 servicio
del pais“.

Although the importance of precept in the poetry of Jove-
llanos is obvious, the writer may go a bit too far: one would perhaps

want to except some of the early love lyrics from this judgment.

Entrambasaguas y Pena, Joaquin. "La musa didactica de Jovellanos".

Pevista de la Universidad de Oviedo, No. 4 (1940), pages 5-43.

trans fer-r:
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148

In this speech, presented in Oviedo on the occasion of the
transferral of the remains of Jovellanos, Entrambasaguas quotes ex-
tensively from.the satiras and epistolas, calling attention to their
didactic nature.

Entrambasaguas blames most of the ills of modern Spain on
foreign influences introduced during the Enlightenment, which served
to alienate it from the "authentic" Spain of the Golden Age, forgetting
that the Sixteenth and early Seventeenth Centuries were great, in part
at least, because of the inspiration of new ideas entering Spain from
Europe and elsewhere. For him the Eighteenth Century was "ajeno,
intruso, false", "monstruoso de hipocresia y contradicciones"; the
Nineteenth, which followed its precepts, was ridiculous, characterized~
by:

su extranjerismo amanerado, su indecisidh cobarde y

su resentimiento, culminantes en la roflosa “generacidn

del 98", que también, como una guillotina taimada---

sin brillo valiente del acero, pero con los files

encubiertos del odio, ---intent6 cortar 1as frégiles

ataduras que adh unian a la gloria y al ser de otros

tiempos o p. 60

Paying homage to the Falangist hero of the hour, Entramba-
saguas indicates that JosJ'Antonio represents a generation dedicated
to restoring the truelSpanish heritage and to undoing the harm wrought

by the ilustrados and their successors; he compares the Napoleonic

 

invasion to that of the "rojos", which, he says, Jovellanos would

have combatted with equal determination. The Eighteenth Century

would not have ended in the disgraceful manner in which it did, says
‘the writer, had there been more men like Jovellanos.

Entrambasaguas, of course, is right in pointing to Jovellanos'

desire that Spanish society return to its former simplicity and

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authenticity, but may exaggerate in regard to his casticismo: his

 

cosmopolitanism and internationalism are continuously in evidence in
the poetry quoted in the study.

The first half of this article constitutes an impassioned
political tract; the second is a somewhat routine literary study which
does little to sustain the thesis of what precedes, and really bears

little relationship to it.

Escobar Ulloa, Ramiro. El_pensamiento_juridico, politico y econdmico

 

de Jovellanos. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1959.

 

Bib. ref. in: Catalog of Library of Congress, no. 62.38783.

Escribano e Iglesias, Antonio. Nuevas aportaciones a1 estudio de la
personalidad politica de D. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Doctoral
thesis, 1931. Bib. ref. in:
Dotor, Angel. Jovellanos, Estudioy Antologia. kadrid: Compafiia

Bibliografica Espafibla, 1964 (no. 125), 228.

Esperbé de Arteaga, Enrique. Diccionario enciclopédico ilustrado y

 

critico de los hombres de Espana. hadrid, 1947. Bib. ref. in:

Dotor (no. 125), 229.

F. de 0. Review of Jovellanos: Nanuscritos inéditosJ raros o dispersos

 

(nueva serie). Madrid: Hijos de deez Fuentenebro, 1913. In Revista

de Filosofia Espafibla, Tomo I (1914).

 

The writer of this review comments upon the story of the

vicisitudes of the Diarios throughout the Nineteenth Century.

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150

Fernandez Almagro, h. Prologue to Jovellanos (Anthology), Brevarios

 

del pensamiento espafibl, Madrid: Ediciones Fe, 1940, 279 pages.

This modest anthology contains brief excerpts, up to three
pages in length, from the writings of Jovellanos, grouped under the
headings of “Religidn",“Patria“, ”Estado”, “Economia”, "Educacidh", and
"Temas varios". The selections have been chosen so as to give the
casual reader a general notion of Jovellanos' thought. There are no
footnotes or editorial comment other than the prologue, although the
sources of the quotations are listed in an appendix.

Fernandez notes that Jovellanos, as a precursor of the moderates,
tried to maintain contact with tradition while seeking to lift Spain
from its cultural prostration and provide adequate answers for the
blandishments of Encyclopedism and the French Revolution. He shared the

preference of other ilustrados for the practical over the speculative,

 

the learned over the created and the municipal over the national, as
well as a naive faith in education, all of which Fernahdez views as
weaknesses. The writer is not always sure of his facts (Jovellanos
spent seven years on hallorca rather than eight) and displays evidence

of the adulation of Ortega typical of his generation.

Fita, Fidel and Ldpez de Ayala, Jerdhimo (E1 Conde de Cedillo). Pro-
logue to “Numero extra” honoring Jovellanos on the bicentenary of his

birth. Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, (Nov., 1911),

 

5-12.

This prologue describes the process of planning and executing

a special commemorative issue of the Boletin de la Peal Academia de la

 

Historia, in honor of Jovellanos.

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151

Frances, Jose. "Jovellanos, escultor de su alma“. Madre Asturias,

 

Fadrid, 1945, pp. 31-36.

The writer describes busts of Jovellanos placed in his memory
in the Castle of Bellver and in Puerto de Vega. He then describes the
personality of their subject, attempting to fathom the soul sculptured
by Jovellanos himself. He finds here ”una optimista ansia estética de
la belleza pura, la armonia sana y equilibrio fuerte“, as well as “in-
quietud especulativa, actividad creatriz, desasosiego fisico y profundo,

suprema serenidad en la supervivencia secular“.

Fucilla, Joseph G. "Relaciones hispanoitalianas“. Revista de Filologia

 

Espaflbla, Madrid, Anejo LIX (1953).

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 194.

Galindo Garcia, Francisco. El espiritu del siglo XVIII ygla personalidad
de Jovellanos (su criterio acerca de la ganaderia en el "Informe sobre

la Ley Agraria”: Oviedo: Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, 1971, 309

 

pages.

The first third of the book consists of a discussion of the
ideas current in the Eighteenth Century, a biography of Jovellanos, and
an exegesis of his economic and political thought. The author finds
applicable to present-day economic problems the ideas promulgated by

Jovellanos in his Ley Agraria with which the remainder of the book is

 

concerned.
Galindo may show Jovellanos to be more inimical to the nobility

than was actually the case; but in his assessment of French influence

 

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152
he is exact: like most of his enlightened colleagues in the Court of
Carlos III, Jovellanos was much more deeply affected by the ideas of
Rousseau, Montesquieu and other foreign theoreticians than many of his
Spanish commentators have wished to admit.

The writer points out Jovellanos' interest in the Nesta and
his influence in the curtailment of its privileges. He calls attention
also to what he considers fundamental errors in his recommendations:
his support of the cultivation of grain to the detriment of cattle
raising and his failure to advocate textile production rather than the
exportation of wool.

This otherwise well-written and informative book is marred

by a number of misprints and bibliographical errors.

Galino, Maria Angeles. Tres hombres y un problema, Feijoo, Sarmiento

 

ngovellanos ante la educaci6n moderna. Consejo Superior de Investi-

 

gaciones Cientificas, Madrid: Instituto "San José de Calasanz“, 1953,

423 pages.

This is a factual report which covers all phases of Jove-
llanos' educational writings. Basically, Galino presents no new ideas,
but concludes that Jovellanos' precepts formed the basis for Nineteenth
Century educational thinking and that his modernity belies his much-

commented moderation: his equilibrium was more apparent than real.

Gandia, Enrique de. “Las ideas politicas de Jovellanos”, Nueva Demo-

 

cracia, Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, New York, 39

(julio, 1959): 36‘450

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From a distance of several thousand miles Gandia has investi-
gated Jovellanos' political thought with a certain freedom and candor
not evident in some of his Spanish commentators. Gandia rightly main-
tains that Jovellanos' biographers have nearly always twisted the truth:
“No convenia decir que su ortodoxia no era pura, no convenia, tampoco,
divulgar sus choques, casi continuos, con el clero“. (37). In a figure
of such literary importance and such moral exemplariness it was not fitting,
they felt, that he should be less than the perfect believer. Gandia is
right in his doubt of Jovellanos' complete orthodoxy, but he certainly
exaggerates in his denomination of don Gaspar as ”un buen jansenista” and
"un perfecto antijesuita“. Jovellanos was too tolerant and too much of
an eclectic to espouse either of these credos unreservedly; it is well
known that he advocated that the Jesuits be permitted to return from
exile. I have not been able to ascertain that he ever openly professed
Jansenism, as Gandia asserts.

Gandia is somewhat careless as well in some minor details:

Obras escggidas (Clasicos Castellanos) comprises three volumes rather

 

than two. Jovellanos' imprisonment did not, of course, follow im-
mediately upon his dismissal from the ministry, as Gandia indicates,
and Godoy and Jovellanos were certainly never friends (in spite of some
terms of endearment used by the latter in his letters).

Gandia's analysis of the political situation at the beginning
of the Nineteenth Century is especially penetrating: the misnamed Re-
volution of 1810 was really a civil war, he believes, European as well
as Spanish. The article is important as well for its emphasis upon the
great and continuing influence of Jovellanos' ideas in Latin America

and especially in Argentina.

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154

Garcia Garcia, Jose. Review of Poesias de Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos.

 

Edicidn critica, prdlogo y notas de Jose Caso Gonzalez. Instituto de
Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, (1961). In Archivum, Oviedo, XIV (1964),

300-301 0

The reviewer outlines and summarizes the introduction and
format of the body of the work, as well as its appendices. He rightly
calls this the best edition of Jovellanos' poetry, “Un trabajo minucioso,

logrado, impecable en su genero“.

n I I T, . .
GarCia GarCia, Jose. .aev1ew of Reglamento para el Colegio de Calatrava.

 

Primera edicidn critica, prdlogo y notas de José Caso Gonzalez. Gijdn,

1964. In Archivum, Oviedo, XVI (1964), 302,303.

This review summarizes Caso's intloduction and outlines the
work itself. The writer concludes by paying just tribute to Caso
Gonzalez: ”Es, en resumen, una logradisima edicidh de este tan intere-
sante como olvidado escrito del ilustre patricio gijones que tenemos
que agradecer a la eficiencia y al talento critico del entusiasta

jovellanista Sr. Caso Gonzalez".

Garcia Pelayo, hanuel. "El estamento de la nobleza en el despotismo

ilustrado espafibl“. Noneda y Credito, no. 17 (1946). Bib. T‘f- in:

 

Hitter. Ranfred. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos (1744-1811), (no.304)o3“1o

 

Garcia Hercadal, J. Historia del Romanticismo espafibl, Section on Jove-

 

llanos in Chapter II, "La escuela salmantina”. Fadrid: Ed. Labor,

1943, pages 86-88.

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The writer finds considerable evidence of incipient roman-
ticism in Jovellanos' Rousseauvian sentimentality. Relying heavily on
the literary history of Valbuena Prat, (1935) he notes romantic ten-

dencies in Jovellanos' art criticism, in his El delincuente honrado,

and in certain of his verses.

Garcia Prado, Justiniano. “Jovellanos en la Rioja”. Berceo, Logrofio,
II (1947), pages 275-302. Bib. ref. in:

Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 602.

Garcia Prado, Justiniano. ”Jovellanos geografo". Estudios Geograficos,

 

Madrid, X (1949), pages #77-496. Bib. ref. in:

Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 602.

Garcia Prado, Justiniano. ”La geografia local en Jovellanos". I & 2.
Boletin del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. XVII (dic. de

1952), 913-424; No. XVIII (abril de 1953), 82-91.

Although Jovellanos never wrote a work specifically on geo-
graphy, his writings, especially his diaries, are filled with observations
and speculations concerning geographic phenomena. He pointed out the
many common errors and false notions concerning the geography of Asturias
and recommended that a complete geographic survey and description of the
area be made, and maps and charts be prepared using modern scientific
techniques.

Garcia Prado discusses at length Jovellanos' economic theories,

considering them closely related to geography. He appears somewhat

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148

M9

156
confused, however, in this area, apparently equating the Physiocrats
with the English advocates of a free market whose leader was Adam Smith

(c.f., Polt, Jovellanos and his English Sources, no. 279).

 

Garcia Prado points out certain erroneous arguments forwarded
by Jovellanos concerning a ravine which he insisted was man-made, and
concerning the oceanic origin of certain mountains.

In these articles Garcia Prado has graphically set in focus
another of don Gaspar's interests, and to an extent another of his areas

of competence, little mentioned by other commentators.

Garcia Prado, Justiniano. “Las ideas geograficas de Jovellanos“.

Boletin del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. XI (1950),

 

pages 233-291. 35113 79f M:

Simon Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335), 144.

I .‘ 0 O O \a O
Gar01a Puertas, Manuel. Jovellanos. montev1deo: Organizacidn hedina,

 

1954 (folleto galardonado con el "Premio Ministerio de Instruccidn

Publica", correspondiente a l953), 87 pages.

This monograph gives a good overall survey of the thought and
writings of Jovellanos, plus a brief biographical sketch. Garcia Puertas
begins by giving a concise and informative background study of Eighteenth
Century.Europe and Spain, its culture and ideology. He then discusses
Jovellanos as a poet and dramatist, referring eSpecially to Satira a
Arnesto, with its allusions to the immorality of the Court, and to the
love sonnets. Like many others, Garcia sees the influence of Fray Luis
in the poems of Jovellanos and in his Descripcidh del castillo de Bellver,

but he is possibly alone in noting also a similarity to Jorge Manrique.

150

157

Garcia asserts that Jovellanos' influence in the New World
was great: “el més grande precursor ideoldgico de la Pevolucion amer-
icana“. As has been often observed, the effect of one's writings may
be quite other than what he intends: Jovellanos, ever the foe of vio-
lence and revolution might have been surprised to know of his great
influence in this area. Yet his unqualified hatred for injustice and
oppression would certainly make him sympathetic to the cause of in-
dependence. He did believe in fair and equal representation for the
colonies in the Cortes, but, inexplicably, he actually prevented this
from becoming a reality. Apparently he believed that at that stage of
developments such a harmonious resolution was no longer possible.

In this essay Garcia Puertas, quoting liberally from Valbuena
Prat, del Rio, Barcia and others, has adequately synthesized the opinions

of these scholars and added his own perspective, that of Spanish America.

Garcia Eendueles, Enrique. Jovellanos y las ciencias morales_y politicas,

estudio critico. Ladrid: Jaime Rates, 1913, 82 pages.

 

This study was awarded honorable mention in a contest spon-
sored by the Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Politicas, and was one
of several published by this body in 1913 on the subject of “Jovellanos
y las ciencias morales y politicas“.

In separate chapters Rendueles discusses the various facets
of Jovellanos' thinking: Jovellanos y el derecho, J. Economista, J.
politico, J. y la educacidn pfiblica, J. y las costumbres, J. patriota,
J. historiador y critico de artes, J. religioso.

Although Rendueles is fairly comprehensive and objective in

his treatment, he cites Candido Nocedal frequently, and generally echoes

151

158
his traditionalist views. He does, however, criticize Jovellanos for
his recommendation that trade guilds be done away with, pointing out
that: "es mAS dificil de llenar el vacio de una institucidh que se
destruye que el amoldarla a las nuevas necesidades“. (23). Fendueles
differs with Jovellanos in his ideas on disentailment, but asserts
that in later life Jovellanos modified his extreme individualist stance.

Rendueles does not concur with Jovellanos‘ contention that
the study of classical languages should be required only in certain
areas, such as study for the priesthood, but asserts that it is of
benefit as preparation for most professions.

The writer agrees with Jovellanos (or perhaps fails to note
his irony) when he discusses the right of youth to choose a vocation:
"éQué'seria de una republica donde fuese licito a los nifios arrojarse
inconsideradamente a la profesion que les hiciese preferir su capricho?
éQué’de males no resultarian de un sistema tan irracional y pernicioso!"
(52). Caso Gonzalez has noted in his introduction to Obras en Prosa
(Clésicos Castalia, no. 85) that Jovellanos himself eschewed the ec-
clesiastical career for which he had been destined.

In this study, the author, while adding little to current
understanding of Jovellanos' thought, has provided interesting personal
reactions to his writings, which serve to illuminate early Twentieth

Century patterns of traditionalist thinking.

Garrén, Constantino. “Efemérides nagerinas: Viaje de Jovellanos".

La Rioja, Logrofib, mayo a julio de 1925.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no.345).602.

152

153

154

159
Geneste, Paul. Unpublished study on the sources of El delincuente
honrado.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 212.

(Alvarez) Gendin, Sabino. “Jovellanos didactico”. Boletin del

Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, No. l (1947), 3-l9.

Sabino A. Gendin, director of the Instituto de Estudios
Asturianos, gives in this article a fairly comprehensive survey of the
writings of Jovellanos in the field of education.

In separate sections he discusses his works on style (grammar,
rhetoric, etc.), his general studies on education, his treatises on
primary and secondary education, and his worms concerning religious and
moral instruction. (where Gendin compares don Gaspar's ideas with
those of Jaime Balmes). The author continues with discussions of Jove-
llanos' writings on physical education and higher education, as well as
the teaching of the humanities. He concludes with the customary sec-

tions concerning Jovellanos' religious and political orthodoxy.

(3iménez Caballero, Ernesto. “El centenario de Jovellanos. Su mensaje
a Arnesto". Fevista de Estudios Politicos, Vol. IX (1944), 149—169,

{Also published separately in Afirmaciones sobre Asturias, Oviedo, l9Q5,

pages 25-48.

In this essay Giménez Caballero discusses the five poems ad-
dressed to Arnesto, whom.Giménez identifies as Vargas Ponce, and analyzes

the social satire they contain. He also examines Jovellanos' political

160
and social ideas, especially his humanism, and relates them to the
course of Spanish thought throughout the centuries.

Jovellanos, a "corazon epico" rather than an "alma lirica",
says Gimenez, sought to reestablish the purely Spanish humanistic
tradition interrupted by the Counter-reformation. But did not the
humanism of the Renaissance have its origins partially in Greek and
Roman culture transmitted to Spain through Italy? Some would assert,
e.g., Sinchez Albornoz (no. 320), that the Baroque constitutes the real
essence of Spain. There is no doubt that the Counterreformation shifted
the course of Spanish thought and expression from humanistic to baroque
forms, but it might be more exact to count these two tendencies as both
essential aspects of the Spanish literary and cultural tradition, co-
existing and often inharmoniously interacting.

Giménez believes that the effects of the Enlightenment in
.Spain were in final analysis malevolent: "el nuevo medic elegido por
Jovellanos y los dieciochistas espafibles resultara mas castastrdfico
que el del barroquismo contrarreformista . . . Tan catastrdfico que
abocaria a la mismisima revolucidn". (150). But so far as I have been
able to ascertain, the ilustrados, eSpecially Jovellanos, always favored
reform.and gradual improvement rather than insurrection. In his Sitiras
.a.Arnesto Jovellanos pointed to the many ills of Spain, but never ad-
'vocated violence as a solution, as Gimenez seems to indicate:

Los remedies que sefiala Jovellanos tienen dos

etapas. Una, racionalista y cientifica (neo-

cllsica). Pero, fracasada ésta, no ve otra solucion

que la violenta,y;rom£ntica: el barrefib en la

mina. La revolucidn inaplazable! (161).

Giménez Caballero invokes an imaginative series of metaphors:

Jovellanme is a new Prometheus, another Jove who decends from.01ympus,

 

155

161
from the Covadonga of his Instituto to bring enlightenment (the coal
from his mountains) to benighted Spain. He is a new Cid bent on the
(economic) conquest of Spain: “el don Pelayo de la Economia“. But
failing to redeem Spain by means of rational evolution, this Asturian
Goethe enters into his period of Sturm und Drang, I'roméntico y atroz",
says Giménez, and evokes the “revolucion de las masas“. But here
Giménez is inaccurate: Jovellanos perhaps foresaw the day when the
bourgoisie, and ultimately the proletariat would gain control, but
although recognizing the validity of the popular uprising of 1808, he
never advocated violence or revolution.

Giménez draws an analogy between Napoleon and “el nuevo
tirano rojo de Europa“, referring to Spain's recent civil war. He
insists upon the European and antioriental ("antiroja") nature of
Asturias, taking Jovellanos as exemplary of this tendency. Giménez,
with the mind of an historian and the soul of a poet, has approached
Jovellanos' poetry of social criticism from a novel viewpoint, but
perhaps he was too close to the Sturm und Drang of Spain at the time of
'writing this study to speak unemotionally on another traumatic period

of Spain's history with which he could find so many parallels.

(Ilendinning, Nigel. "Jovellanos en Bellver y'su ‘Hespuesta a1 mensaje
(fie Don.Quijote' ”. kelanges a la memoirs de Jean Sarrailh,Paris:
Centre de Recherche de l'Institut d'Estudes Hispaniques, 1966, pages
379-395.

Nigel Glendinning reproduces a long-lost poem by Jovellanos

'which the latter wrote while imprisoned in the Castle of Bellver.

156

162

The writer points out that although Jovellanos' incarceration
brought him.much misery, especially during the first years, the last
part of his stay was not entirely unpleasant. There were conversations
with church and military officials, walks, dinners, visits, opportunities
to read and write, etc. In fact, says Glendinning, he led a more or
less normal life after mid-l80h.

The poem, which was considered lost, was recently found by
Glendinning in a compilation of Eighteenth Century poetry in the Biblio-
teca Nacional. It satirizes the lack of judgment and system of certain
‘writers on historical themes, criticizes the opinions expressed in

Nicolls Perez' AntieQuijote, and ridicules Astarloa, who believed Basque

 

to be the primitive language of Spain.

Glendinning concludes by asserting that this poem not only
reflects Jovellanos' readings and preoccupation with reason, but also
something of his intimate life, especially the happy, fun-loving side,
so often neglected by commentators. This publication and commentary
on a nearly unknown poem thus illuminates a little-discussed facet of

don Gaspar's character.

(}6mez, Mariano. "Jovellanos, magistrado". Jovellano§,gsu vida y obra,
liomenajo del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicentenario de su
nacimiento, con la adhesién de los Centros Asturianos de la Habana y

Héxico, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medics Argentina, 1911-5, pages 331-432.

This article traces the history of Church-State relations in

:Spain, calling attention to the efforts of Carlos III to correct the

 

157

163
excessive domination of the Roman Church, and the political power of
the Inquisition. The writer attacks Spanish religious fanaticism,
giving credence to the addage that "Espafia es el pais mas catolico
y menos cristiano del mundo”. (349). He affirms that Jovellanos was
what he was in spite of his religious education. Here as elsewhere in
the W0 rk Go'mez bitterly proclaims his own religious bias.

The writer exposes his political sympathies as well by fre—
quently comparing post-Napoleonic Spain to the contemporary post-Civil
war scene, both examples, he says, of the “inacable tragedia de Espafia".
The writer quotes from Jovellanos' descriptions of rural Spain, point—
ing to the sad state of justice in these areas, and also from the

Epistola del Paular, in which Jovellanos expresses his hatred for op-

 

pression and injustice.

Gomez concludes with a long analysis of El delincuente honrado,
which he calls "de primorosa factura literaria de fondo atrayente y de
trama entretenida e ingeniosa“. Its defects, says G6mez, lie in its
lengthy deliberations, its difuseness, and its declamatory style.

Caso Gonzalez may be overly harsh in calling this article
“deplorable", but its digressiveness and constantly acerbic political

and religious bias leave little to recommend it.

deez Centurion, Josg. "Causas del destierro de Jovellanos“. Boletin

de la Peal Academia de la Historia, LXIV (febrero, 1914), 227-231.

This difuse and rather vague article discusses Jovellanos'

banishment from court, his appointment to the ministry, and his

a

f.‘ .71.:- ”a n

158

164
subsequent dismissal. Gomez Centuridn believes that his banishment
to Asturias was due to his progressive ideas and to his support of
Cabarrds, accused of mismanaging funds of the newly-formed Banco de
San Carlos. He declares that Jovellanos' appointment as ambassador
to Russia was the work of the Queen, who wished to remove this high-
nunded reformer as far as possible from the court. Gomez affirms that
don Gaspar's appointment to the ministry was through the influence of

Cabarrfis, who had been restored to favor. His dismissal, he suggests,

may have been caused by certain ladies of the court, resentful of

J ovellanos ' uprightne s s .

Gomez' analysis of the causes of Jovellanos' persecution does
little more than scratch the surface of the vastly complicated political
and ecclesiastical reasons for his mistreatment. But without the bene-
fit of Somoza's later research (no. 343), as well as that of del Rio

(no. 299), Helman (no. 183A), and Caso (no. 84), he should perhaps not

be judged too harshly.

deez Centuridn, Jose'. "El concepto de la nobleza de linaje, segmin D.
Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos". Boletin de la Real Academia de la

We LXV (julio-agosto, l9l4), 5-11.

This essay serves as introduction to the speech made by Jove-
llanos before the Junta Central concerning the concept of nobility in
Vhlch d°n Gaspar gives specific reasons for not sanctioning the founding
61‘ a I~ionte ’ ' ‘ ‘ ' ' ”I '

w for the aid of indigent members of the nobility of Iuadrid,
ass .
erting that it would be unconstitutional, useless and prejudicial

to the State.

 

160

165
The introduction by deez Centuridn discusses in somewhat

abstruse terms the origin and idea of nobility, and recommends more

detailed study of the subject.
Although criticizing Jovellanos' advocacy of disentailment,
he gives him credit for possessing one of the finest talents of his

time and for presenting ideas still worthy of consideration in the

4m.-

Twentieth Century.

deez Centuridn, Jose. "Idea general de los actos de Jovellanos
resultantes de las sesiones de la Academia". Boletin de la Real

Academia de la Historia, LIX (1911), 13-401.

deez Centurion narrates in detail Jovellanos‘ relations
with the Real Academia de la Historia, his election and entrance into
membership. He also comments upon Jovellanos' acceptance speech, en-
titled Sobre lggislacidn espafibla y la necesidad de unir a su estudio
el de la Historia y las Antigfiedades, noting especially its author's
great erudition, lucidity and classic style.

This study would, perhaps, be of interest to those concerned

'with the annals of the Real Academia de la Historia.

(}dmez Centuridn, Jose. “Jovellanos. Apuntes biograficos ineditos
por Cean Bermfidez“. Boleti’n de la Real Academia de la Historia, LIX

(1911), 483~487.

This brief and factual biography was found in the Biblioteca

Nacional by deez Centuridn, who believes its handwriting to be that

161

162

166
of Cean Bermfidez. It contained considerable information concerning Jove-
llanos not current at the time of its publication. It is interesting as
we11,as a reflection of the worshipful deference with which Cean wrote

of his great mentor and friend.

Gomez Centurion, Jose. “Jovellanos en el Real Consejo de las Ordenes

Militares“. Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, LIX (dic., 1911)

...-““1.‘ ‘

387, 388, 487, LA (enero, abril, mayo, julio—sept., oct, nov, 1912), 322-

379, 426, LXI (feb, 1913), 20-101, 233-314. 370-431.

deez Conturidn offers a traditional panegric in honor of the
centenary of Jovellanos‘ birth. He also calls attention to the fact that
Jovellanos was admitted to the Orden hilitar de Alcantara and is listed
in the catalog of the Order. Gomez indicates his intention of publishing
in a future issue of the Boletin the “expediente de probanzas de limpieza
de sangre y nobleza“, until then unedited in the Archivo Hist6rico Nacional.

This is accomplished in succeeding issues of the Boletin (LX, LXI).

Gomez Centuridn, Jose. "Jovellanos en la Guerra de la Independencia“,
Invitacidn del general francés Horacio Sebastiani y patri6tica respuesta.

Boletin de la Heal Academia de la Historia, hadrid, LXIV (febrero, 1914),

 

231-235.

Gomez Centuri6n has reproduced here the letter by horacio
Sebastiani inviting Jovellanos to become a part of the French government
of occupation and that of Jovellanos rejecting the offer. Gomez Centuridh

refers to the indignant yet well-reasoned letter as a model of patriotism

163

167
and a great source of inspiration for Spaniards to continue their
struggle against the invador. He notes that the French withdrawal
was as much due to the exigencies of the war elsewhere in Europe as to
Spanish resistance. Academic in style, Gomez is fair-minded in his

assessment of the total Spanish situation.

Gomez Centuridn, Jose: Jovellanos y los colegios de las drdenes mili-
tares en la Universidad de Salamanca, Coleccioh de documentos intere-
santes, en su casi totalidad ineditos, con notas y comentarios, insertos
en el Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia. Tomos LXVIII-LKIV.

Hadrid: Establecimiento tipografico de Fortanet, 1913, 389 pages.

This volume, assembled by do’mez Centuridn in commemoration of
the centenary of Jovellanos' death, and authorized by the Real Academia
de la Historia, contains nearly all the documents relative to Jovellanos'
work in reorganizing the Colegio de Calatrava in Salamanca. It contains
the complete text of the Reclamento, plus many other documents of some
interest to researchers. The volume contains as well a collection of
letters and documents concerning Jovellanos' imprisonment in Bellver,
his statement concerning nobility in connection with the proposed hontepio
for nobles, and concludes with the letter of Horacio Sabastiani inviting
Jovellanos to join forces with the French invaders and don Gaspar's
patriotic reply.

deez Centurion has supplied headings for the various documents
and letters, but has included almost no footnotes or other explanatory

material. His introduction consists largely of a panegyric notable for

its academic eloquence.

 

 

165

168
,, . . I
deez de la oerna, Gaspar. ”Asturianismo de Jovellanos: su raiz, su

obra, su nostalgia“. Estafeta Literaria, Nos. 402-404 (1968), 18-20.

 

Although in many ways cosmopolitan and well versed in the
enlightened thought proceeding from France and England, Jovellanos, says
the writer, always remained loyal to his native province and intimately

concerned with its problems.

run-Wk. r‘l
A

deez de la Serna points out don Gaspar's interest in Asturias,
mentioning his availability for consultation on Asturian affairs while in
Madrid; his study of the arts; his establishing of the Asturian Academy
of the Fine Arts; his preparing of a dictionary of Bable as well as one

on Asturian geography.

deez de la Serna, Gaspar. Jovellanos entre cuatro fuegos. Madrid:

Colegio Nayor Diego de Covarrubias, 1946, 43 pages.

In this probing monograph the writer seeks to situate Jove-
llanos within the great social, political and ideological currents of
Spain and Europe during the last years of the Eighteenth Century and the
beginning ones of the Nineteenth.

Jovellanos, says Gomez, was a true prototype of the Spanish
ilustrado, but as an eclectic, dispassionately practical, especially in
political matters, and essentially tolerant, he was able to accomodate
and harmonize seemhnly disparate ideas. The War of Independence re-
presented the demise of the Enlightenment in Spain, even though Jove-
llanos cherished the hope of reviving its ideals after the war; it

began as well the liberal-absolutist dichotomy which was to plague

166

169
Spain during the next century and even after. This study constitutes

a lucid analysis of a complicated historical epoch, and of Jovellanos’

position in it.

Gonzalez, Julio V. "Jovellanos y la emancipacidh argentina“. £933-
1lanos, su vida y obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires
en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, con adhesidn de los centros Astur-
ianos de la Habana y'Néxico, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medica Argentina,
1945, pages 643-694. (Title listed in index as: “Influencia de las

ideas de Jovellanos en la gesta emancipadora argentina“).

The writer compares the Spanish revolution to the struggle
for independence in Argentina. He traces the course of Spanish liberalism
and economic thought in the Eighteenth Century as well as Jovellanos'
economic concepts, declaring that the causes of the Argentine rebellion
were fundamentally economic. The work of Jovellanos of most influence
in Argentina, says Gonzalez, was his Informe sobre la Ley Agraria, but
Iflemoria sobre la educacidn pfiblica and Nemoria sobre el libre ejercicio

de las artes were also much read.

 

Gonzalez Blanco, Andres. ”Cartas de Moratin a Jovellanos“. (Prologo
y notas de A.G.B.) La Lectura, Revista de Ciencias y de Artes, Ladrid,

setiembre y octubre de 1910, Nos. 117, 118. 53-66.

Moratin's letters are discussed and analyzed, but Jovellanos
is mentioned little. horatin once described Jovellanos as "todo miel,

y azficar, y manteca de Flandes, y huebos moles”. One might assume that

 

168

169

170

170
these purportedly intimate letters were written more with posterity in

mind than to communicate with Jovellanos.

Gonzalez blanco, Edmundo. “Asturias en la Diplomacia: Los tratados

de Espafia y Jovellanos”. Norte, enero de 1931.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no.345), 603.

Gonzalez Blanco, Edmundo. “El patriotismo de Jovellanos". Conferencia
explicada e1 31 de agosto de 1911, El Ateneo de Gijdn en el primer centen-

ario de Jovellanos, Gijdn, 1911, pages 25-42.

Gonzalez Blanco points out that Jovellanos' supreme confidence
in education and in material progress was not entirely warranted, for
they at times bring war rather than peace and prosperity. In this some-
what oratorical panegyric the writer may exaggerate the similarities of
thought between don Gaspar and Joaquin Costa. He asserts that the ideas
of these two innovators are finding fruitation in contemporary (early
Twentieth Century) Spain.

The writer calls attention to the fact that Jovellanos, in
spite of possessing the modesty of a truly wise man, never shunned renown.
This natural aspiration to be well thought of and remembered by posterity,

says Gonzalez, is a “vasto corollrio" of intense patriotism.

(Eonzalez Blanco, Edmundo. "Glories asturianas: Jovellanos y la ideologia
de su epoca:. Norte, Revista mensual asturiana, Madrid, Afio 11, n0. 4

(febrero, 1930), p. 1, 2.

171

171
Gonzalez sees Jovellanos as completely a man of his time, a

posibilista and a reformer, although never a revolutionary. But Jove—

 

llanos was not so completely out of sympathy with the antiguo regimen
as Gonzalez implies. Also, his economic philosophy differed somewhat
from that of the physiocrats and he was opposed to the principle of
national sovereignty, always insisting that supreme power resided in
the monarch rather than in the people.

Jovellanos was, as Gonzalez asserts, in tune with the philo-
sophical thought of the epoch; nevertheless, he remained essentially an
eclectic who espoused or rejected ideas and concepts according to his
own perspective, enlightened and optimistic, yet at the same time prudent

and pragmatic.

Gonzalez-Blanco, Edmundo. Jovellanosiisu vida y obra. hadrid: Imprenta

Artistica, 1911, 154 pages.

Gonzalez-Blanco affirms in his prologue that in preparing this
little book as a tribute to Jovellanos on the centenary of his death he
did not aim to analyze his doctrines, but rather simply to outline his
personality in its various aspects. He begins with a biographical sketch
in which he notes especially Jovellanos' friendship with the progressive
Conde de Aranda, who convinced him to perform.his judicial duties in
Seville without the traditional wig. He mentions the Sevillian writings
of Jovellanos in the field of penal reform, in which he advocates humane
treatment of criminals.

In his lengthy discussion of Jovellanos' ideas on economics,

Gonzalez-Blanco notes especially the influence of Buckle, and Jovellanos'

pun-In-

172
objections to baldios and to the power of the fiesta. In his comments
on drama the writer points out the quasi-literal phrases of Kontesquieu
and Beccaria found in El delincuente honrado, and Jovellanos' imitation
of French drama in Pelayo.

Gonzalez, like other critics of the early Twentieth Century,
concludes with little positive to say about the literature of the Eigh-
teenth Century. Except for the prose of Jovellanos and the poetry of
Quintana, he finds it a period of “palidez literaria y poesia descolorida“,
(69) characterized by puerility, frivolity, hypocritical affectation,
lack of real emotion, and by the erroneous notion that beauty and sym-
metry are synonymous. In spite of this negative assertion concerning the

century, the book is a relatively comprehensive survey of Jovellanos'

life and works.

172 Gonzalez Cobo, A. ”La obra predilecta de Jovellanos". Si, suplemento
semanal del diario Arriba, Hadrid, Numero homenaje a Jovellanos en el

bicentenario de su nacimiento, Afib]II(9 de enero de 1944), p. 14.

The "obra predilecta” of Jovellanos waspublic education, de-
clares Gonzélez, pointing especially to his profound understanding and
original ideas in this field. The writer recounts the founding of Jove-
ILLanos' Real Instituto Asturiano and outlines the educational ideas pro-
;xnanded by Jovellanos in his speech inaugurating the new school, noting
particularly his high hopes for a Spain redeemed from poverty and cul-
‘tural decadence. The writer, however, is extremely negative concerning
the ultimate result of these proposed reforms, asserting bitterly: “La

misma memoria del insigne patricio no ha inspirado ni inspira a los

173

espafioles salvo alguna excepcidn, la admiracidn y el amor que merece”.

173 Gonzalez Gale, J. “Jovellanos y los problemas econdmico-sociales“.
Cursosgy Conferencias, Buenos Aires, XXVI (n.d.), pages 177-191.
Bib. ref. in: Hitter (no. 304), 342.

lflt Gonzalez Garcia, L. Fabriciano (Fabricio). “Charla semanal semi~

jovellanista”. El Comercio, Gijdn, 29 de enero, 1944.

 

Bib. ref. in: Simdh Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335), 147.

a I , . . T, . . .
175 Gonzalez GarCia, L. BabriCiano, (:abriCio). “Charlas Jovellanista“°
E1 Comercio, Gijdn.

Bib. ref. in: Simon Diaz and hartinez Cachero (no. 335), 145, 146.

I. Del antiguo Gijdn docente. 2~VII~1943.

II. La familia. 4-IX—43.

III. Afinidades familiares. 12-IX—43

IV. Jovellanos: su retrato. 6-A—43.

V. Primeras orientaciones de Jovellanos. lZ—K-43.

VI. E1 alcalde del crimen, l7-X-43.

VII. Jovellanos, asturianista. 17-XII-43.

VIII. Jovellanos y la misa del gallo. 26-AII-43.

IX. Sugerencias. 30-XII—43.

X. El natalicio. 6~I~l944.

XI. 7 enero 1794. Peal Instituto Asturiano. 7-I-44.

XII. Del Instituto Asturiano: Efimérides del 8 a1 13 enero 1794.
9-I-44e

XIII. 6Con que se lo pagaremos? 16-I-44.

176

174

XIV. Contra envidia, caridad: contra ira, paciencia. 23-I-44.
XV. Charla jovellanista. 27-I-44.

XVI. For 105 fueros de la verdad. 30-I-44.

XVII. Jovellanos, pacificista. 8-II—44.

XVIII. Jovellanos, poeta. 15-11-44.

XIX. Jovellanos, gijonés. 20-II-44.

XX. Jovellanos y la Ley Agraria. 15-III-44.
XXI. Jovellanos y harzo. 22-III-44.

XXII. Jovellanos, cat6lico. 18-IV-44.

XXIII. Labor ministerial. 25-IV-44.

XXIV. Causas de su exoneracidn y prisidn. 2-V-44.
XXV. Jovellanos en el destierro. 9-V-44.
'XVI. Del Instituto. 30-V-44.

XXVII. Jovellanos, carbonero. 27-VI-44.

XXVIII. Politica carbonera. 4-VII-44.

XXIX. Jovellanos y la guerra. ll-VIIe44.
XXX. Jovellanos y 1as mujeres. 25-VII-44.
XXXI. Las mujeres y Jovellanos. 22-VIII-44.

XXXII. “De re rustica“. 5-IX-44.

XXXIII. Jovellanos en la escultura. l3-X-44.

XXXIV. Jovellanos en la pintura. l8-X-44.

XXXV. Jovellanos, humorista. 8-XI—44.
XXXVI. Jovellanos, patriota. lO-XI-44.

XXXVII. Puerte de Jovellanos. 30-XI-44.

Gonzalez Garcia, L. Fabriciano (Fabricio).

E1 conercio, Gij6n, 19 de diciembre, 1943.

”La Real Academia asturiana”.

Bib. ref. in Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no.345), 604.

rw- m-n. -

177

179

175
Gonzalez Garcia, L. Fabriciano, (Fabricio). “Somoza, jovellanista“.
Si, suplemento semanal del diario, Arriba, Madrid, Numero homenaje a
Jovellanos en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, Afib III (9 de enero de

19%), P0 130

“Fabricio” has here competently delineated the enimigatic
personality of Julio Somoza, the great bibliographer to whom jovellanistas
owe so much. He offers an opinion concerning the confusion caused by the
two different names Somoza used to sign his publications. This is a
remarkably revealing vignette of a man without whom Jovellanos studies

would be inestimably poorer.

Gonzalez Llana, Jose. “El sistema social de don Gaspar Melchor de Jove-
llanos”. Revista General de Legislacidn y Jurisprudencia, hadrid, no. 77,

CLII (1928), 540-550.

This article provides a good overall resume of Jovellanos'
thought concerning the nature of man and his relation to society. Gonzalez
Llana emphasizes especially Jovellanos' ideas on man's need for society,
his rights and obligations, legal equality but natural heirarchic order.

Somewhat surprisingly the author speaks of Jovellanos' radical-
ism in juridical matters. Although moderation and equilibrium were es-
sential to Jovellanos' personality, Gonzélez may be somewhat justified,
for Jovellanos' opposition to all unnecessary abridgement of freedom,
his advocacy of judicial reform, abolition of torture and improvement of

the social status of women must have seemed radical indeed in his day.

Gonzalez Palencia, Angel. “Jovellanos y el patriotismo". Consigna,

Madrid, Afib I, No. 38, pages 37-38.

 

 

176

Bib. ref. in: Escritores_y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345),

 

604.

Gonzalez Palencia, Angel. “Tonadilla mandada recoger por Jovellanos“.

Revista de la Biblioteca, Archivo_y Museo del Ayuntamiento de hadrid,

 

Vol. I (abril de 1924), 138-142. Also in Entre dos siglos (Estudios

 

literarios), Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas,

19439 125-1350

This article reprints a popular tonadilla which Jovellanos

 

heard sung at a theatrical performance he witnessed in 1799 whilegglf

calde de Casa y Corte in Madrid. Titled Tonadilla del guapo, it was

 

 

sung by the popular comic singer, Polonia. The theme was an alter-

cation between a contrabandista and a judge, in which the judge became

 

the object of much hilarity.
Offended by the performance, Jovellanos the next day had the

tonadilla confiscated and decreed that it should not be used in the

 

theatre again. Gonzalez Palencia notes that contrabandistas were not

 

commonly considered to be dishonorable unless caught, and that then as

now this was a very difficult problem to deal with.

Gonzalez Prieto, Francisco. Monografia de Jovellanos, Vida y obras del

 

insigne gijonés, gloria de Asturias y honra de Espafia; conmemorando su
Primer Centenario dedicado a la Colonia Americana, y precedida ie una

Oda por su paisano, e1 autor, F.G.P. Gijdn: La fe, 1911, 16 pages.

{-9.63 '1'

177
The monograph, part of an unpublished manuscript concerning
Gijdn, provides a brief biography and mentions most of Jovellanos' more
important writings, examining briefly his criticism of art, architecture
and literature. The writer affirms that Jovellanos had great influence

on Spanish literature through his elegant prose and his efforts to re-

a

novate the Spanish theatre. He seems somewhat confused, however, in

. . . / ,4 e, .
speaking of Jovellanos' influence over horatin, melehdez, rray Diego

my.» ..

Gonzalez, Forner, "y otros muchos con quienes fundd'la escuela sevillana
sobre 1as tradiciones poeticas de Herrera” (9). The poets of Jovellanos'
generation received their inspiration largely from.Horace and Fray Luis,

while the escuela sevillana, active nearly a quarter century later, a1-

 

though cognizant of the great Golden Age Sevillian poet, was more in-
debted to Rioja than to Herrera. Jovellanos' influence over horatin was
probably slight, even though they corresponded, and it is well known
that Jovellanos and Forner were ideologically much opposed.

The writer criticizes Jovellanos for advocating political and
civil liberty and for recommending scientific studies without moral and
religious training:

Todo su afdn se reducia a hacer de Espafia una nacidn

rica, poderosa, ilustrada y libre; lo cual es imposible

sin honradez, nobleza, dignidad, fe virtud y catolicismo

practice. (11).

Had Gonzalez read Jovellanos' treatises on education?

The writer also excoriates the Informe sobre la Ley Agraria,
"unica obra que no debiera publicarse”, especially attacking Jovellanos'
statements on disentailment. "AdemAS era semilla perniciosa, la exagerada

preferencia que daba a1 estudio de las ciencias fisiconaturales, y la

creacidn de escuelas en vez de seminarios, desterrando de las aulas el

182

183

178
espiritu escolastico, y las practicas que él llamaba rutinarias".
Gonzalez also finds objectionable Jovellanos' criticism of the guilds
and his belief in freedom of work. Religious sentiment and the spirit
of Christianity are abandoned, he says, in favor of positivism and
"espiritu frio y egoista". He commends the Inquisition for placing

Ley Agraria on the Index in 1827 and agrees with the Bishop of Lugo

 

who in 1799 called him liberal and encyclopedist.
This somewhat partisan and ill-informed commentary forms a
poignant corroboration of the dictum of a contemporary scholar that

the beginning of wisdom is reading the text.

Helman, Edith. “Some consequences of the Publication of the Informe

de la Ley Agraria by Jovellanos". Estudios Hispénicos (Homenaje a

 

Archer M. Huntington), Wellesley, Mass., 1952, 253-273. (See 183a).

Helman, Edith. Jovellanos y Goya, Madrid: Taurus, 1970.

 

Four essays in this collection by Helman treat Jovellanos:
(a) "Algunos antecedentes de la persecucidn de Jovellanos",
pp. 33-69.

This essay is an amplified version of one originally pub-
lished in English (no. 182). It discusses the possible reasons for
Jovellanos' banishment in 1790, for his appointment to the ministry
in 1797 and dismissal nine months later, as well as for his subsequent
imprisonment.

The writer points out that Jovellanos was loath to publish

his Informe sobre la Ley Agraria and also his Hemoria sobre la policia

 

 

 

179
de espectéculos y diversiones pfiblicas for fear of the Inquisition,
but took comfort in the realization that one is better off writing for
posterity rather than for his contemporaries.

For the imprisonment of Jovellanos Helman gives the blame to
Jovellanos' successor, Caballero, whom.Godoy called “hombre de Satanas“,
supported by other powerful elements, among them the returning Jesuits,
the universities, and the Santo Oficio.

(b) ”El humanismo de Jovellanos, pp. 15-31, An amplified version

of an article with the same title published in Nueva Pevista de Filologia

 

Hispénica, XV (1961), 519-528.

In this article Edith Helman draws parallels between the in-
tellectual and philosophical climates of Sixteenth and Eighteenth Cen-
tury Spain, and between the humanism of Juan Luis Vives and that of
Jovellanos two and one-half centuries later.

Both the Renaissance and the Enlightenment were periods when
humanism predominated in intellectual circles, says Helman, but in the
Eighteenth Century, along with interest in the ancient classics, a new
sense of social responsibility developed. Juan Luis Vives, with his
lively social consciousness, was not typical of the Renaissance but more
akin to enlightened humanists such as Jovellanos. Both Vives and Jove-
llanos were educators by temperament; both believed in the harmonious
development of the total personality and in the articulation of humanism
with Christianity, looking toward the perfection of the individual; both
were concerned with practical education for all men, as well as in pure
science; both sought purer and more authentic religious forms.

Helman points out that both lived in risky times marked by

spiritual crisis and the desire to expand Fan's horizons. She notes

1

'1-

_'I

180

that both were exiles, Vives from his country and Jovellanos from his
time, but one could as well put it the other way: Vives was certainly
an exile from his time and Jovellanos from his country, at least during
his hallorcan period (banishment to one's homeland is not really exile).
Helman likewise points out that both were keen social critics, Vives
using irony and Jovellanos satire, but here again the obverse may be
equally true.

The second part of the study deals with the humanism of Jove-

llanos: his insistence on noblesse oblige, his antimonasticism and

 

criticism of superstitious religious practices. But unlike his French
contemporaries, don Gaspar's aim was to strengthen and purify religion
rather than destroy it, Helman observes. Jovellanos, she notes, recom-
mended the study of both the sciences and humanities, especially of
Spanish antiquity when the nobility and clergy felt real social res-
ponsibility. Always believing in reform rather than revolution, Jove-
llanos looked for gradual progress toward a distant but forseeable
perfection.

In most of the above-mentioned categories Vives and Jovellanos
were kindred spirits as well, and one could with little difficulty
extend the analogy even further. Helman, in drawing a parallel bet-
ween these two great thinkers as each viewed and commented upon the ills
of his century, has helped Twentieth Century readers to understand not
only those distant periods, but perhaps in some measure their own con-
temporary society as well.

(0) "Una 'Satira' de Jovellanos sobre teatro y toros"., pp.7l-90.

Also in Papeles de Son Armadans, LIII (1969), 9-30.

 

181
Helman comments upon a satire by Jovellanos publiShed in 1797

in the Diario de Madrid bearing the initials “J. Ll.". This poem, ap-

 

pearing not long after the first public reading of his Lemoria para el

. I . .
arreglo de la polic1a de los espectaculosgpfiblicos y sobre St origen en

."fi M ' ' '
aspana, expresses Virtually the same opinions as the much longer prose
work, originally commissioned by the Supremo Consejo de Castilla. [7

In this article Holman discusses in detail Jovellanos' defense

fl! .0 .tflfly‘: --

of the theatre and his attacks on the corrida, concluding quite accurate-
ly that the criticism of the ilustrados neither served to reform the one
nor proscribe the other.

In her commentary on the satirical poem Helman makes an inter-
esting comparison between the social commentary of Jovellanos and the
visual one found in Goya's Caprichos.

(d) “Jovellanos y el pensamiento ingles”, pp. 91-109.

The author here deals with Jovellanos' English sources, giving
especial attention to the personal relations between Jovellanos and the
British consul to La Corufia, Alexander Jardine, and to his friendship
and correspondence with Lord Vassall Holland.

Based on her own research in England, Helman recounts Jove-
llanos' relationship and correspondence with Jardine, which continued
sporadically between 1793 and 1799.

Helman points out that although Jovellanos and Lord Holland
agreed in many areas, the latter was much more vehement in his defense
of freedom of the press than was his Spanish friend. Jovellanos, says
the writer, became more conservative in his later years, failing to
realize that with the new century times had changed, and that after his
release from Bellver he continued to repeat ideas formulated in the

eighties and nineties which no longer served.

184

,‘

152
Helman, Edith. Trasmundo de Goya. Eadrid: Revista de Occidente, 1963,

261 pages.

This book studies in depth the painting and drawing of Goya,
focusing especially on the Caprichos and relating them to the thought
and spirit of the Spanish Enlightenment. Helman believes that when Goya

began to receive recognition from the ilustrados he adopted their liberal

 

and reformist way of thought, viewing the life of the common people with

a certain detachment. Here the writer is developing an idea propounded
by Ortega, with whom she studied, and to whom she gives due credit.
Jovellanos is mentioned frequently throughout the book, and
Chapter III, “Perspectiva de la ilustracidh: Jovellanos y Goya“, is
devoted almost entirely to an analysis of the Caprichos in the light of
Jovellanos' thinking, which Helman believes affected Goya profoundly.
In his Capricho number 2, which Helman calls “uno de los mas
trascendentales", Goya quotes literally from Jovellanos' first gétigg
a Arnesto: “El Si pronuncian y la mano alargan/ Al primero que llega“,
but Helman is careful to point out that the artist's intention is not
to illustrate the text, but rather to "apuntar una situacidn de la
actualidad, analoga a la de la satire, de una palpitante realidad y
de gran trascendencia, para Jovellanos y para la patria". (126).
Helman has been able to show convincingly that in many of the
Caprichos and in some of the paintings there is definite influence of

Jovellanos, e.g., Resguardo del tobaco and El albafiil herido. In the

 

 

diaries of Jovellanos she fixb many social comments which are echoed in
the CaErichos. The drawing of the criminal being flogged through the

streets bears the title “No hubo remedio" which Helman interprets to

183
mean that social conditions left the victim no other choice. She also
relates this epigraph to Jovellanos' unhappy experience in the Ministry,
which he began with the aprehensive remark: "no hay remedio", and to
his unsuccessful attempt to reform the Inquisition.
At times it seems that Helman's analogies are a bit strained.
Judging from the notable infrequency with which Jovellanos mentions Goya

in his diaries and other writings one wonders if the relationship was

 

really as intimate as she implies. But her point is well taken: the
similarity of the social comment of the two is undeniable.

The book is illustrated with 138 fine black and white illus-
trations, but these might have been better indexed to facilitate referring
to them as one reads the text.

There is included an excellent bibliography concerning Goya.

The appendix, which quotes some of the more important "explanations" of
the Capgichos is illustrative of the complete obfuscation offered by
Goya's well-meaning but somewhat vapid critics.

This book is indeed a real contribution to the understanding

not only of the art of Goya but of Jovellanos' relationship to it.

185 Herr, Richard. The Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain. Princeton:

Princeton University Press, 1958, #84 pages.

This fine treatise on Eighteenth Century Spain mentions Jove-
llanos often; Chapter XV is entitled "Jovellanos, Urquijo, and the
Jansenist offensive". Here the author, who has done extensive research

in the annals of the Inquisition and in numerous other primary sources,

5f)
L7\

187

1

3

134

explores the controversy between the Jansenists and the ultramontanes,

 

who were allied with the Jesuits and the Santo Oficio, and especially
Jovellanos' relation to this altercation.
This book not only gives an excellent overall view of poli-

tical and philosophical currents in Eighteenth Century Spain, but intel-

“

J
n .

ligently probes the religious and ideological controversy which led to

.ix I

’1.“ awn-Y

the persecution of Jovellanos. It presents an important perspective on

this and other aspects of Jovellanos' life and thought.

L“

Herr, Pichard. aspafia y la revolucidn del siglo XVIII. Translator:

 

E. Fernandez Mel, hadrid: Aguilar, 1964.

Herrero de Collantes, Ignacio, harqués de Aledo. Prologo a Coleccidh

de Asturias, reunida por D. Gaspar Eelchor de Jovellanos, 4 vols.,

 

Nadrid: Gréficas Reunidas, 1947—1954. Vol. I, 307 pages.

Volume one contains the transcripts of some 219 documents,
over half written in Latin, which were originally collected by Jove—
llanos, principally between 1790 and 18Cl, and which are now Stored in
the archives of the Real Academia de Historia in Madrid. The fiarqués de
Aledo, who is responsible for their publication has written a brief
foreword in which he calls attention to Jovellanos' love of his native
province, his interest in its history, traditions and customs, and his

vocation and ability as an historian. (See no. U1).

Holland, Lady Elizabeth Vassal Fox. The Spanish JournalS' of Lady Holland,

 

ed. Earl of Ilchester. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1910, 420 pgs.

185
This charming Journal presents a panorama of the years of the
Mar of Independence through the eyes of an intelligent and extremely
perceptive young woman. During the two years she spent in Spain with
her husband and son, Jovellanos was a frequent visitor in their home,
and shared with Lord and Lady Holland all his preoccupations concerning
the conduct of the war and the government of Spain. g

Lady Holland recounts her husband's efforts to have Jovellanos

fr .n 11.1“;
.

released from prison, attempts which were always frustrated by the hatred
of Godoy, she affirms. She intuitively surmises that the reason for Jove-
llanos' being transferred from Valdemosa to Bellver was that Godoy re-
sented don Gaspar's appealing directly to the king for a fair hearing.

She likewise intuits that the cause of Jovellanos' dismissal from the
ministry was the personal relationship between Laria Luisa and Godoy.

One is continually impressed with the important part played
by Jovellanos in the conducting of the war: generals reported to him
directly, requesting reinforcements or supplies. Jovellanos is mentioned
with great frequency throughout the journals, and always with the great-
est affection and admiration.

Lady Holland makes the surprising assertion, perhaps colored
by her own boundless devotion, that were he younger, he would destroy the
Junta "which is in its form vicious”, and direct the government himself.
She indicates the popular disgust with the Junta, but excepts Jovellanos
from this judgment, noting the esteem of the public for his moderation
and firmness.

These diaries are important as the lively account of a discern-
ing although not entirely impartial spectator, privy to much of the cor-

respondence and deliberations concerning a crucial period in Spanish his-

tory.

159

190

191

186
Holland, Henry Richard Vassall, Third Lord. Further Temoirs of the Whi
Party, 1807-1821, with some miscellaneous reminiscences. New York:

Dutton, 1905, pages 13, 368-369.

Lord Holland lists the many accomplishments of his “amiable

philosophical friend“, calling his El delincuente honrado a work of great

 

merit, but referring to Pan y Toros as "generally attributed to him“.

 

(The attribution was, of course, erroneous.) Holland mentions as well
Jovellanos’ versatility of talent, correctness of taste and purity of
style, noting also that as a connoisseur of painting Jovellanos published

many articles in the Biblioteca de bellas artes.

 

The sincere and unqualified praise from this foreigner is a

fine tribute to Jovellanos' character.

Iden, Otto. Article concerning Jovellanos in Handwdrterbuch der

§2pialwissenschaften, Vol. 5, G6ttingen, 1956.

 

Bib. ref. in: Hitter (no. 304), 3&2,

Ilie, Paul. "Picturesque Beauty in Spain and England: Aesthetic Rapports

between Jovellanos and Gilpin“. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism,

XIX, No. 2 (Winter, 1960), 167-174.

In this innovative and even brilliant study Ilie demonstrates
the depth of his understanding not only of Jovellanos' thought and sensi-
bility, but also of esthetic theory in general.

Ilie points out that despite his fundamental neoclassical-
preromantic duality, Jovellanos is notably free from inconsistencies in

his thinking, due largely to the persistance of neoclassic principles,

1:37
even during his later years. He finds in the earlier Jovellanos (pre-
1790) three sets of counterpoised tendencies: a) Sensationalist doctrine
and Catholicism, b) the idealism of Fengs and the realism of Velazquez,
c) reverence for the classics and the belief in the use of nature for

literary and artistic production, with the more staid neoclassical influ-

i

ences and French rationalism in the ascendency. But with the disillusion-

ment of exile and imprisonment, the more emotional romantic tendencies

i
. .
has

such as descriptions of untamed nature and scenes of desolation, as well
as melancholic introspection became dominant, although still coexisting
with thoughts concerning geometrical order and moral beauty, together with
philosophical and historical contemplation.

while imprisoned, says Ilie, Jovellanos read Londres et les

 

Anglais by Count Jean-Louis Ferri de Saint Constant, being especially
impressed with the author's references to English landscape gardening and
the picturesque school of beauty fathered by William Gilpin. Jovellanos
was essentially subjective and sensationalist in his view of reality,
although like Condillac, he never relinquished belief in a supreme being
and in the existence of the soul. The English landscape garden tended to
abolish the atemporality and spacial limitations of the formal classical
garden, intimating, rather, the awesomeness of nature and man's relative
fraility.

Jovellanos the poet intuited the potentialities of this new
romantic trend, but as an economist and pragmatist he combined with it
a moral-didactic sense and a belief in progress, particularly in agri-

culture, often essentially equating beauty with fertility. With his

 

2

U.)

18
great faith in human potentiality he believed nature could be encouraged
to be productive as well as ornamental, and that the natural state could
be improved. Believing that rules of aesthetics and proportion apply to
nature as well as to art, he found in architecture a way to the under-
standing of nature, art and even man himself.

Since Jovellanos was deprived of direct participation in nature
because of his imprisonment, his attention turned inward, and became a
sort of spiritual communication. Ilie asserts, however, that this inti-
macy with nature, combined with his belief in man's ability to alter it,
precludes a sense of awe, essential to the esthetic perception of the
beautiful and the sublime.

Although participating in many of its characteristics, Jove-
llanos remained “on the shores of Romanticism“, Ilie declares, “standing
at the turn of the century apart from the agitated waters into which

picturesque theory was a brief and tentative immersion".

Infiesta, Ramdh. "Jovellanos y la nacionalidad cubana". Jovellanos,

 

Eu vida y obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el

 

bicentenario de su nacimiento, con la adhesidh de los centros Asturianos
de la Habana y'fiéxico, Buenos Aires: La Prensa lédica Argentina, 1945,

pages 695-703. (Title listed in index as: "Jovellanos en los origenes

de la nacionalidad cubana").

The author points out the great influence of Informe sobre la

 

Ley Agraria in the stormy course toward Cuban nationalism, showing that

 

some agricultural producers twisted its intent, and found in it support

for their practical metwgantilism and at times high-handed practices.

 

193

195

189
Insausti, Sebastian de. ”Visita a la iglesia del convento de S. Fran-

. -z / i .
Cisco de Tolosa en compania de Jovellanos". Boletin de la Baal sociedad

 

. . I ,.., .q. . .
Jascongada de Amigos del Pais, nan beoastiah, Tomo II (1953), pages 537-

 

54a.

Bib. ref. in: Caso Gonzalez, (no. 83), 213. “qr

 

J. I. Review of “Espectaculos y diversiones pdblicas”. El Castillo de L
Bellver, (Austral, 1937) Eadrid: Espasa Calpe, 1966, In Pazdh y Ee,

"LXI? (1967), 105.

“Espectaculos y diversiones pdblicas“ is included in a volume

1

titled El castillo de Bellver, but only Espectaculos is discussed in this

 

 

review. The reviewer points out that Jovellanos was originally commis-
sioned to write a treatise on public entertainment by the Consejo Supremo
de Castilla in 1786. The substance of the review is found in his refer-
ence to Jovellanos as "e1 numero uno de los hombres publicos de entonces"
and to his work as “un documento histdrico inestimable de la riqueza

coreografica de Espana“.

. ./ n _
J. L. C. PeView of PoeSias de Jasper Lelchor de Joyellanos, EdiCidn
/. 6 P Q . h+.
critica, prdlogo y notas de Jos Caso Jonz ez. Instituto de estudios

Asturianos, Oviedo, (1962). In Insula, No. 209 (1964), 3.

The reviewer rightly calls splendid this edition of Jovellanos'
. . . w I . .
poetry, and an “acto de Justhla que se decia a1 gran humanista asturiano“.
He remarks that much of the material was available, but it remained for

Caso with his fortitude and determination to organize it and provide a

’14
\1)
U\

197

19C
definitive critical edition. The author outlines Caso's introduction
and the format 0 the book and concludes with well—deserved praise for

Caso's achievement.

J.B.L. ”Eovimiento de l Biblioteca lunicipal. Donativo jovellanista

h'L'~

del Doctor Marco“. Levista de la Biblioteca, Archivo y Iuseo del Ayunta-

{hm

miento de Tadrid. Vol. I (1924), 263.

 

The writer recounts the receipt by the Hunicipal Library of a
collection of books by and about Jovellanos, several of them first edi-

tions.

( 0 rfi 1 -' V 0 o
Juderias, Julian. Don Gaspar relcnor de Jovellanos, su Vida, su tiempo,
. O O ‘ - C O -‘ v I
sus obras, su influenCia social. hadrid: Jaime Hates martin, 1913, 136

pages.

Of the several works concerning Jovellanos published in 1913 by
the Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Politicas this is one of the more
factually presented and one of the more clearly written and readable. The
book is also notable for its lucid, yet concise background information and
for its explication of some of the basic philosophical and political con-
cepts current in this period, as well as those espoused by Jovellanos.

Love of nature during the Eighteenth Century was much in vogue,

thanks to the French philosophes, but in them it was a bit artificial; in

 

Jovellanos, on the contrary, this feeling was entirely sincere and compel-
ling, inspiring his most beautiful pages of both prose and poetry. The

writer points out that this passion imbues profoundly all of Jovellanos'

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199

191

thought. From the love of nature is derived a passion for justice,
which Jovellanos sees as the basis for individual happiness and for
social prosperity. This system, says Juderias, is much more humane and
logical than that proposed by Rousseau: Jovellanos' love of nature,
culture and the public good, together with his realism, prevent his
falling into the contradictions and exaggerations of the latter. Because
of his integrity there never existed in Jovellanos discrepancies between
man and writer that are to be found: in Rousseau.

Jovellanos‘ third great love was for the Enlightenment, which,
says Juderias, ”es una consecuencia ldgica de su amor a la naturaleza y
al hombre, de su inclinacidn hacia lo bello y de su pasidn por el bien
y por la justicia”. (71). The first duty of government, believed Jove-
llanos, was to promote this enlightenment.

For Juderias, Jovellanos' most outstanding characteristics
were his universality, his sense of harmony and serenity of judgment.

Juderias' faculty for clarifying difficult philosophical con-

cepts makes this book well worth reading.

Juretschke, Hans. “Los supuestos histdricos e ideoldgicos de 1as Cortes
de Cadiz”. Nuestro Tiempo, 2, Padrid, no. 18 (1955), pages 13-35.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 198.

Kany C.E. Peview of El delincuente honrado by Gaspar helchor de Jove-
llanos, (Edition with introduction, notes exercises and vocabulary by
H.C. Berkowitz and S.A. Wofsy. The Century Co. N.Y. and London, 1927).

In Podern Language Journal, Vol. XII, no. 3 (Dec., 1927), 238-2QO.

 

200

2C1

192

In this review Kany comments on the style of El delincuente

 

honrado, pointing out that it imitates, but lacks the grace of the French

comedie larmoyante. He affirms that its style is usually clear and sim-

 

ple, and the ideas of its author bold and lofty, but “the play . . .,

like most of his poetry is mediocre, uninspired and disappointing". l

Jovellanos, says Kany, was among the first to attempt the thesis play,

discussing therein social problems of his time. He finds the play marked

a» .3" -

by ”cloying sentimentality panoplied by a spirit of romanticism“. The
plot of the drama lacks interest for hany, and for him the style is cold
in spite of the floods of ldmrimas. Since it is bereft of humor and of
useful modern idiom the reviewer finds it unsuitable for use as a student
text.

.fi

Knowlton, John r. "Two Epistles: Nunez de Arce and Jovellanos". Eomance

Notes, VII (1965), 130-133.

Knowlton compares stylistically Jovellanos' “Fabio a Anfriso“
with Nunez de Arce's "La duda“ (1868), showing the probable influence of
the former on the latter, and more importantly, illustrating the basic

differences between the poetry of the early and late Nineteenth Century.

Lain Entralgo, Pedro. Prologue to Jovellanos, anthology edited by Fran-

 

cisco Cienfuegos. Gijdh: Artes Gréficas, 1969, 264 pages.

In this brief prologue Lain suggests that for Spaniards of the
Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Jovellanos has represented the missing

of a great opportunity for the rational and peaceful transition from the

202

203

193

Antiguo Regimen to the modern world of political pluralism, democracy,

 

religious tolerance, experimental science and industrialization. But,
says Lain, his spirit of openmindedness, patriotism, tact, industry,
patience, honesty, sense of duty, lives in many Spaniards, and is still
potentially useful in solving the problems of late Twentieth Century

Spain.

Lama y Lefia, Rafael. Fesefia histdrica del Instituto de Jovellanos de

G136 . Gijdn: Imp. Sangenés, 1902, 167 pages.

Bib. ref. in: Simdh Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335), 148.

Lazaro Carreter, Fernando. "Las ideas linguisticas en ESpafia durante
el siglo XVIII“. Anejo XLVIII de la Revista de Filologia Espafiola,
1949, Paragraphs 25, 26, 68, 69. Also: Las ideas linguisticas en

Espafia durante el siglo XVIII, Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1949.

For his Instituto Asturiano Jovellanos wrote a Curso de humani-

dades castellanas, which contained guidelines for the teaching of gram-

 

mar, languages, rhetoric and declamation. Nenéndez Pelayo has affirmed

that these were merely adaptations of Hugh Blair's Lectures on Ehetoric
ggg_53;l§§_L§tt;§§, but Lazaro Carreter refutes this notion, asserting
that differences exist, notably ones of a theological nature. Although
Blair admitted the possibility of divine origin of language, Jovellanos
indicated that it was created by'Man himself, with only the oral faculty
‘being received from God: Lazaro somewhat inaccurately views Jovellanos
as a complete rationalist, sensualist and nominalist, all departures
from strict Catholic dogma, although , he says, we cannot doubt his sin-

cere religiousness. In his Lecciones de retdrica Lazaro finds that

l

I?“

20k

205

206

191+
Jovellanos follows Blair completely in his explanation of the development

of language and is entirely in line with Eighteenth Century rationalist

philosophy.
Basing his commentary on Jovellanos' attitude toward the study

of Latin and Greek, initially recommending it and eventually attacking it

vehemently, Llsaro Carreter sees a steady evolution in Jovellanos' linguis- }

d

tic ideas toward a surprising modernness of thought.

“I...

Lira Urquieta, Pedro. Jovellanos y Belle (Un paralelojuridico). Santiago

 

de Chile, l9fih, 68 pages.
Bib. ref. in: Simdn Dias and.Martinez Cachero (no. 335). l48.

Llabr‘s, Gabriel. "Jovellanos en.Mallorca (1801-1808)”. Boletin de la

Sociedad Agguedlogica Luliana, Tome 4, Nos. 136 and 137 (1961), 112-117.

Gabriel Llabr‘s discusses Jovellanos' year of confinement in
the Cartuja de Valldemosa, where he composed his unfinished Membria sabre
educacidn‘pdblica. The writer describes also the deprivations suffered
by Jovellanos during his six-year imprisonment in.Be11ver and discusses
his writings during this period. Llaers doubts that the courses in
French and English grammar promulgated by Jovellanos were actually used
in the Instituto de Gijdh, as Nocedal supposed.

Llabrdb Bernal, Juan. ”Diarie de don.Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos en el
Castillo de Bellver”. Bolleti de 1. Socitat Amelo'gioa Luliana, XXII.
(1929) 9 373-3823 XXIII (1930) e 75‘790 173‘1760 187.1890

In 1903 Julie Somoza began to publish Jovellanos' diaries
written‘while in Bellver (February 20, 1806 to January at, 1807) in the

195

Revista de Huesca founded and directed by Gabriel Llabrés, father of the
present writer, but publication was halted the following year. Thus, in
1929 Juan Llabrés Bernal decided to complete his father 's work by pub-
lishing the remaining entries (July 7, 1806 to January 24, 1807). This
was accomplished in several installments, the final one consisting of a
useful appendix which lists J ovellanos ' reading during this period, friends
he mentions, places he visited, etc.

This diary was apparently written by J ovellanes ' secretary,
Manuel Martinez Marina, and contains little of the ”vida intima" which
its editor claims for it.

20? Llabr‘s y Quintana, Gabriel. "Diarios de Jovellanos”. Revista de Huesca,
1903.
Bib. ref. in: Llabrds Bernal, Juan (no. 205), XII, 373.

208 Llorens , Vicente. "Jovellanos y Blanca: en torno a1 Semanario Patridtico

de 1809". Nueva Revista de Filologia Hisflca, XV (1961), 262—278.

This article deals from an historical perspective with the news-
paper published fron May through August of 1809, and illuminates the poli-
tical climate of wartime Seville as well as the thinking of Jovellanos
during the period of his participation in the Junta Central.

According to J ovellanos , the suspension of the Semanario Patri6-
M was voluntary on the part of its editor, Blanca White, and was caus ed

b y hi 5 pique at being reproved for his candidness. Llorens, however,
proves with convincing documentation that the facts were somewhat dif-
ferent and much more complicated. The censor of the Journal was para-
doxically its founder, the liberal-minded Quintana, sympathetic to Blanco,

209

196
but eventually forced to bow to the (wishes of the Junta Central and order
its suspension.

There is no doubt that J ovellanos was misinformed in this matter,
says Llorens: ”no estaba muy a1 tanto de las maniabras 'rateras' que
otros urdieron contra el Semanario". (273) . Thus Llorens in no way im-
putes J ovellanas' veracity on this point, but does note that his political
thought was far more conservative than that of Blanca White or Lord
Holland. He mistrusted the liberal-minded young supporters of the
Semanario with their revolutionary ideas , believing that education rather

than revolution was the answer to Spain's ills.

Ldpes, Francois. Review of Egglamento para el Colegio de Calatrava.
Primera edicidn critics. Prdlogo y notas de J os‘ Caso Gonsfles. Gijo’n:
Stella, 196;. In your; Hispanique, mm (1969), #07408.

The reviewer believes that Reglamenta Ea e1 Colegio de
Calatrava, a work which presents a totally new educational plan, is one
of Jovellanos' most important. In his introduction Caso Genetics details
the regressive tendencies and disorder reigning in Eighteenth Century
preparatory schools of the military orders , a situation which J ovellanos ‘
was striving to set straight.

It is interesting that in an 1831 edition of this text certain
references to textbooks are omitted, notably the Teologia ngd_u_n.ns..
commonly thought to be Jansenist inspired. Caso, however, believed that
this emission was not willful, but due to the use of an earlier manu-
script.

Ldpes, as have other comentators , praises Case for his rich

contribution to J ovellanos studies .

 

210

211

212

197
Lopez-Guests Egocheaga, Teodoro. "El pensamiento econdmico de Jove-

llanos". Boletin delggnstituto de Estudios Asturianos, XXI, No. 61

(Draw. agostO. 1967). 67-92.

This text of a lecture given in Gijdn deals with Jovellanos'
ideas on economics, the economic problems of Asturias at that time, the
foreign influences on the economic thought of Jovellanos, and his pro-
posals for the improvement of the Asturian economy. He emphasises that
Jovellanos, "in spite” of the French influences during the period, was

very Spanish, owing, of course, to his being an unusual Asturian.

Lopez Ndhez, Juan. "Asturias y la democracia: D. Melchor, Gaspar de
Jovellanos". Norte, Revista mensual asturiana, Madrid, Aflb IV,

(diciembre, 1932), n. peg.

In this panegyric and brief biography the author speaks of
Jovellanos as the successor of Feijoo and the antecedent of Costa. He
mistakenly attributes to Jovellanos a famous pamphlet entitled Pan y;toros.
Ldpes also errs in asserting that Jovellanos "combatid'a 1as humanidades":
although he favored practical education and argued against the study of
Latin and Greek by technical students, he always urged the study of the

humanities, especially the Spanish classics for all students.

Laredo Aparicio, Josd. Prologue to Jovellanos. Biblioteca Enciclapddica

Popular, 96, Mdkico: Secretaria de Educacidh delica, 19fl6, pages I-

XXIII.
This modest volume which contains selections from.Jovellanas'

writings on education, fine arts, political economy, etc., includes a

 

198
well-written prologue which contains a brief biography and study of
J ovellanos ' principal works as interpreted from the relatively dispas-
sionate viewpoint of a resident of another continent.

Laredo discusses the Spanish Enlightenment, which had its
origins in Asturias with Feijoo. and continued strong there throughout
the Eighteenth Century without much governmental interference because ."""
of the relative isolation of this area. He also calls attention to the l
clear-mindedness of Asturians, a characteristic previously noted by
Ortega y Gasset. Laredo points to Jovellanos' efforts on behalf of
legal and penal reform, noting his opposition to the excessive deference
paid to Roman law.

The writer asserts that J ovellanos' diaries continue to be a
valuable prime source for historians, pointing out that this genre was
almost completely new in Spain. His great concern for Spanish problems,
says Laredo, forshadowed the loss of her colonies: ” come 31 J ovellanos
presintiera que estaba pro'xina la pe’rdida del continente americano! “.
(XII).

He sees, perhaps with some justification, in the reformism and
Jansenisn of J ovellanos an Eighteenth Century continuation of the Erasmist
tradition. The author 's assertion that J ovellanos' romantic tendencies
were largely the result of reading Byron is questionable, but he is correct
in calling attention to the direct line of descent between Jovellanos
and Joaquin Costa.

The writer has relied heavily on Angel del Rfe (299) for bio-
graphical naterial, especially that concerning the causes of don Gaspar 's
persecution. Anticipating the work of Jean Sarrailh (no. 326), Laredo

213

211}

215

199
calls for a more complete study of the Spanish Enlightenment, observing

correctly that this was a manifestation quite different from its French

counterpart.

Loynasq-Oria, F. de. "Obra pedagdgica de Jovellanos". Ecclesia, Madrid,
No. 154 (1955) 18-21.

The author summarizes succinctly J ovellanos' ideas concerning
education, discussing especially his suggestion, expressed in his Informe
sobre la L31 Agraria, that the village priest serve as schoolmaster in

rural commnities.

Marafidn, Gregorio. Prologue to E1 Cidiz de las Cortes by Ramon Solis.
El Libro de Bolsfllo, Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1969, pages 7-31.

The writer in this prologue makes two references to J ovellanos ,
the first to ”1as aguafllertes rudas de Campomanes, de J ovellanos, de
Cabarrlfs“, and the second, much more favorable, concerning don Gaspar 's
exemplary patriotism, which he refers to as ”espafi'olismo 'Jovellanista' ,
que fue mis importante para Espafia que el ciego de la multitud”. (20).

While defending repeatedly the sincerity of the French sym-
pathisers , Marafio’n expresses his admiration for the profound yet reasoned
love of ceuntry exemplified by J ovellanos.

Marafit’m, Gregorio. ”Jovellanos”. Obras comgetas, Vol. III. Madrid:
Espasa Calpe, 1965, pp. 869-880. (Conferencia pronunciada en el teatro
de Jovellanos, de Gijo'n, e1 2# de sept. do 1958).

200
In this speech Marafidn assesses the importance of the life and
works of Jovellanos and attempts to situate him historically and ideo-
logically within his times.
Narafidn Judges the Eighteenth Century to be vastly more pro-
ductive for Spain than historians have customarilly admitted. He believes
.an

its monarchs to have been excellent, and declares that the material

quality of life improved greatly during this period.

The writer calls "sin caracter, soso, como per compromiso"
Goya's highly praised portrait of Jovellanos, an unusual assessment, but
one shared.by this reviewer. Likewise, he disagrees with biographers who
have declared that Jovellanos died embittered by the failure of his ideals.

Although not absolving the Inquisition,‘Marafidn asserts that it
'was no more cruel than other courts of its day, its shortcomings being
its tendency to Judge as sinful inconsequential nuances of thought and
conscience, and its use of anonymous denunciations.

Differing with Torres Rioseco,(no. 252) Angel del Rio.(no. 299)
and Joaquin Arce, (no. 21) Marafidn insists that Jovellanos was an anti-
romantic. Although the sensibility and easy tears of the Eighteenth
Century led to the Romanticism.of the early Nineteenth Century, the two
are quite different, he says. The efficient and practical Jovellanos
had none of the egotism and disorderliness of the romantics: "Si.Jove-
llanos hubiera sido un romlhtico no hubiera podido ser tan eficas: ni
tampoco tan desgraciado. Los rom‘nticos decian constatemente que eran
desgraciados sin serlo; los varones altruistas, come Jovellanos, suelen
ser desgraciados de verdad. pero no suelen decirlo”. (875). Marafidn
has here succinctly stated one of the fundamental differences between

the two centuries, and also set in focus Jovellanos' essential nature:

216

217

218

201

in spite of some romantic tendencies, especially in the sentimentality
of his poetry and later prose, he always remained primarily an Eighteenth
Century Spanish ilustrada.

Viewing the impact of the program.Jovellanos proposed for
Spain, Marafion rightly asserts that far from being a failure, it has
become more and more applicable and cogent. Reading this study one is
impressed by the fine intellect and independence of thought it reveals:

that of Marafi’o’n as well as that of his subject.

Marafidn, Gregorio. Prologue to Los afrancesados, by Miguel Artola.

Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1953, p.XVII.

Marafi6n asserts that J ovellanos was one of the few true liberals
of his epoch: "Verdaderos liberales no hubo en aquella Jpoca mis que el
pequeflo grupo que vivid y sufrid persecuciones sin cuenta, acosado por

las doe fuersas extremistas, de Jovellanos y los suyos".

Marafidn, Gregorio. ”Pablo de Olavide”. Obras Gangstas , Vol. III.

Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1965, p. 929.

Marafldn notes many groundless accusations brought against Olavide,
among them innuendoes concerning an affair with his niece, Gracia (Engracia) .
Marafldn points out that J cvellanos, who, like Olavide, was exiled and
unjustly persecuted by both traditionaliste and liberals, wrote some verses
in memory of the deceased mgracia.

Marias, Juliefn. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos: Diarios, Seleccidn y prdlogo
de Juliln Mei-if... El Libro de Bolsillo, Madrid: Alianaa Editorial, 1967,

287 pages.

202
Julidn Marias has made an excellent choice of materials for
this condensed version of the diaries of Jovellanos (1790-1801). He
has thus made them more accessible to the casual reader, as well as to
the student of Jovellanos, who can refer as well to the. more detailed
edition of 1953 (prologue by Angel del Rio, no. 297). 7‘"
Marius traces in his introduction the uncertain history of

these writings, pointing out that their relative inaccessibility until
1953 was largely due to political considerations, since they were held
by extreme traditionalists who found the liberalism of J ovellanos un-
acceptable.

Marias calls J cvellanos the first intellectual of his era,
pointing out that his formative years took place during the enlightened
despotism of Carlos III , but that the great opportunity was lost with the
accession of Carlos IV and the advent of the French Revolution and of
Napoleon. Ironically, it was almost precisely at this fateful moment
when J ovellanos , exiled to Gijon, began his serious literary production,
and with it his Diarios. Msriss, like Angel del Rio (no. 297). considers
these diaries J ovellanos ' ”obra capital”, but others might want to give
equal status to the Elogios, for example, or perhaps to the best of the
Mallorcan prose.

J cvellanos was neither personally nor socially precocious ,
Meriss remarks . his prestige until his banishment extending little beyond
the borders of his native Asturias. Sadly, he came into his period of
greatest influence only after the great opportunity for Spain was all

but 1081': e

219

203
In spite of the subtitle, "memorias intimas", given to the
extremely defective edition of 1915, Marius affirms that they contain few
confidences, that J ovellanos was extremely reticent: ”ve16 puderosamente
on yo”, affirms Marias. But gradually, as one reads, he becomes aware

of the wonderfully human personality shining through the narrations and

descriptions of what may seem to be minutiae, but in reality form a {r‘W‘
panorama which serves to illuminate marvelously the last decade of the L
Eighteenth Century. L .1

Marias points out perceptively that the lack of fiction has
impeded the understanding of this period, and that it is only through
works like the Diaries of J ovellanos and some of the novel-like prose of
Cadalso that its real essence begins to come clear. But perhaps one
would find equally revealing certain of J cvellanos' best poems, his
Epistolas and Sltiras, for instance, and especially his correspondence.

Marias, Julidn. “Jovellanos: concordia y discordia do Espafi'a“. L23
”angles, Madrid: Revista do Occidente, 1962, pages 23-71.

This excellent study, included in a volume of essays dealing
with Spanish history and concerns, discusses the nn Jovellanos as he
grapples with Spain's problems during the period of transition between
the antiggo rJgimen and the modern world, and of the beginning of the
tragic phenomenon often referred to as ‘.'1as dos Espafias".

Marisa correctly affirm that J ovellanos was not a creative
thinker, but is unjust in his assertion that he was not a great writer:
few writers have achieved the beauty and clarity of J ovellanos ' prose

style.

20h
The writer avers that Jovellanos was limited by his desire to
avoid error, a trait which to my knowledge has not been mentioned by

other commentators:

Por esto, intelectualmente, J ovellanos so queda siempre
corto. Su claro entendimiento estd siempre frenado, no
so abandona, esti trabado por sus propias virtudes.

( 27 ).
But one might well argue that moral integrity and respect for duty may

I: :l h-' f“!

not be signs of timidity, but of fortitude, and the facts of Jovellanos'
life seem to bear out this contention. Marias makes the thought-provoking
assertion that though J ovellanos had doubtless never read Kant, he was in
his devotion to duty one of the few Kantians who have ever existed.

The writer oxplicates in some detail J ovellanos ' ideas concern-
ing pedagogy and his founding of the _Ir:istituto Asturiano, devoted to the
teaching of science, both theoretical and applied. He recounts as well
the persecutions which almost immediately thereafter besieged him because
of the progressive nature of his undertaking. Marias rejects the often-
expressed notion that by the end of the Eighteenth Century the Inquisition
was weak and powerless. Its very existence was a threat to free thought
and expression. as Jovellanos fearlessly observed.

Although relations between Jovellanos and.Godqy always appeared
cordial, Marias, differing with Seco Serrano (no. 328), believes that J ove-
llanos was not unhappwaith.Godqy's temporary fall from.grace in March of
1798. Likewise, Godoy never made great efforts to have Jovellanos freed
from prison, he asserts.

Marisa quotes extensively from three letters sent by J ovellanos

to Carlos IV recommending reforms for the universities and the return of

220

221

205
duties of censorship from the Santo Oficio to the bishops and regular
clergy. He analyzes as well the causes both foreign and domestic for
Jovellanos' fall from favor and dismissal from the ministry, and for
his imprisonment, pointing out that Jovellanos' personal tragedy was
far smaller than that of Spain upon being deprived of J ovellanos' guid- 1

ance during seven crucial years.

PW“.

Although his essay is weakened by the lack of bibliographical
reference, Marias has succeeded well in locating Jovellanos historically

and in relating his life and thought to Twentieth Century problems .

Marias, Julidn. _L_a Espafiajosible en tiempo de Carlos III. Madrid:

Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1963, 233 pages.

Marias quotes extensively from a treatise in favor of intoler-
ance bearing the initials ”L.D.P.L.B." and titled La intolerancia 9:11;.
The style of this article, asserts the writer, closely resembles that
of the denunciation of J ovellanos to the King and Queen which was the
direct cause of his seven-year imprisonment on Mallorca. This interest-
ing supposition, however is not in accord with that of Julie Somoza
(no. 3‘8), who believes the author of the attack against don Gaspar to

be his distant relative and fellow-Asturian, Jove Navia.

Marichal, Juan. La voluntad de estilo (Teoria e historia, del ensayismo
hisp‘nico) , Biblioteca breve, Barcelona: Editorial Seix Barral, 1957,
Chapter IX, ”La originalidad histo’rica de J ovellanos", pages 199-2115.

222

223

206
This lucid discussion of Jovellanos as ilustrada and as
europeizante calls attention to the long-standing finisterrismo of
Spain which don Gaspar combatted with his enlightened andprogressive
point of view. Marichal notes especially J ovellanos' distress upon
viewing the limitless expanses of Castile: for him true beauty lay
in the well delimited and cultivated plots of individuallybowned land.

His insistence upon order and limited space, characteristic of Eighteenth

rim minim}: ”‘1
I

Century thought, separated J ovollanos , says Marichal, from the romantics ,
who saw ideal beauty in wild, untamed landscapes.

Marichal points out that J ovollanos was concerned with the
redundancy of his own style, yet realized that one's style is a very per-
sonal quality which always remains essentially unchanged, even though it
may be improved to some extent.

This essay constitutes a valuable contribution to the under-
standing of Jovellanos' conception of space and of his notions concern-

ing the importance, yet imutability, of style.

Martin Granite, Lean. "De Ledn a Oviedo en 1800“. Bolotfn del Instituto

do Estudios Asturianos, Tome IX, No. XXIX (1955), 97-122.

In this rambling description and history of the road from Leo'n
to Oviedo the writer quotes extens ively and cements upon J ovellanos '
third letter to Pens , written in 1792.

Martinez Cachero, Joel Mari/a. Jovellanos ante la poesia. Gijdn, 1963.

Bib. ref. in: Dotor (no. 125), 230.

207

2214 Martinez Cachero, José Maria. Mene’ndez Pelayo y Asturias. Oviedo:

225

Institute do Estudios Asturianos, 1957, 322 pages. Chapter 8: "El

jovellanismo do Menéndez Pelayo", pages 209-2142.

Martinez Cachero reviews the several articles written by
Mendndez Pelayo concerning J ovellanos, agreeing with don Marcelino that
although don Gaspar was a man of his time and subject to foreign politi-
cal, economic and social thought of the late Eighteenth Century, these
ideas never affected his religious convictions , which were always com-
pletely orthodox.

Especially noteworthy is Martines' account of the efforts of
Mendndez Pelayo and of Julie Somoza to have published an acceptable
edition of the diaries of J ovellanos , and of the frequently inharmonious

relations between the two scholars .

Martinez Cachero, Josef Maria. Review of Modernidad tradicional en el
pensamiento de J ovellanos by Patricio Pefi’alver. Seville: Publicaciones
do la Escuela do Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1953. In Boletin del
Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. XXI (abril,l95’+), 134-136.

Martinez Cachero points out that J ovellanos has often been
labeled falsely impig and enciclopedista, this misconception perhaps
beginning with his having been declared beneerito de la Patria by the
liberally-oriented Cortes do Cédis. Pefialver 's book, he says , shows
that J ovellanos was actually a prudent critic who wished to ”conservar
o1 ospiritu intacto pero transformar el cuerpo", and to ”realisar una

intogracidn lo mis armoniosa posible". He remarks , as others have done ,

226

227

228

208
that J ovellanos' _Irnformo do Ley Agraria is one of his least personal
writings, since it was composed "con arreglo a las opiniones do los
oncargados do extender el informs”, and may not necessarily represent

J ovellanos ' own views.

Martinez Cachero, Luis Alfonso. "Una interpretacidn del pensamiento
do Jovellanos”. Review of "Vida y pensamiento do J ovellanos", pre-
liminary study to Vol. 85 of the Biblioteca do autoros espafi’olos. In

Boletin del @tituto do Estudios Asturianos, No. xxx: (1957), 332-334.

Luis Alfonso Martinez Cachero provides a resume of Artola's
introduction to the works of J ovellanos included in Vol. 85 of B.A.E.
He exaggerates somewhat in qualifying as ”splendid" this rather undis-

tinguishod work.

Martinez Elorza, Jesus F. Origonos y estado actual do la Biblioteca
del Instituto Jovellanos. Gijdn: Imp. singenés, 1902. 200 pages.
Bib. ref. in: Simon Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335). 1A8.

Martinez Fern‘ndez, Jesus. "El primer director del Real Instituto

Asturiano”. goloth del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, No. 51
(1951‘) o 11-38-

This article, concerned with J ovellanos ' brother, Francisco
do Paula, speaks of don Gaspar only tangentially, but quotes liberally
from his diaries. The writer outlines don Francisco '3 education, years

of service in the Navy, and his activities as first director of the

I
ALL

 

 

 

 

 

 

229

230

209
Real Instituto Asturiano, where he also gave instruction in Mathematics
and Astronomy. Don Francisco's marital problems are investigated in
great detail, as well as his many illnesses and those of his wife and
servant. As elsewhere Martinez appears to have a real penchant for dis-
intorring the inconsequential, the excessively personal and the patho-

logical.

Martinez Fernindez, Jesus. "El ultimo viaje do Jovellanos" Bolotin del

 

Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, 20, lviii (1966), 27-36.

Martinez Ferandez, who in 1964 wrote an article on J ovellanos'
loyalty (no. 231), now writes on the loyalty of his servant, Francisco
Garcia do la Fuento. He tells of their landing at Puorto do Vega where
shortly afterward Jovellanos succumbed to an attack of pneumonia. Mancisco,
who stayed on board to guard the luggage and papers, was caught in a storm
and shipwrecked, but escaped to care for his beloved don Gaspar during
his last illness, and to guard his belongings until they could be properly
disposed of.

Three years later Francisco accompanied those who were commis-
sioned with returning Jovellanos' remains to Gijdn. His diary-account
book of the trip, which Martinez Fernandez has quoted almost in its entirety,
serves to illuminate not only the loyalty of the old servant, but the cus-

toms and travel conditions of the day.

Mu‘tinez Fernfindez, Josie. Jovellanos: patcb ibgraffa 1 pensamiento

Mold ice. Oviedo: Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, 1966. 275 Pages.

210

This work deals with the pathological aspects of Jovellanos'
life as revealed in writings by and concerning him. Martinez Fernandez
has availed himself of his medical training to interpret this evidence
in terms of modern medicine. He discusses at length Jovellanos' heredity,
his illnesses, including his final one, as well as those of other family
members. The chapter headings give an idea of the book's contents:

I. La dimonsidn do Jovellanos. Su muerto.

II. Retratos y bustos do Jovellanos. El biotipo: soporto orgénico y
cardctor.

III. Los padres y hermanos do Jovellanos. La horencia biol6gica.

IV. Las enformodados do Jovellanos.

V. Enformedades circulatorias y reuméticas.

VI. Afecciones neuroldgicas.

VII. Enformodades ajenas.

VIII. Vida, enfermodades y muerto en ol pensamiento biologico de Jovellanos.
Ix. Los hibitee higiénicos.

X. Medicos y boticarios en la vida do Jovellanos.

XI. Jovellanos y'ol amor.

XII. Religiosidad, ciencia, virtud y honradez en Jovellanos.

In his attitude toward life, sickness and death Martinez affirms
that Jovellanos' thought was completely in line with Catholic dogma. Al-
though ho read quartos, the French Encyclopedists and other nonconformist
writers he never accepted their precepts, adhering always to those of
the Church. Jovellanos, says Martinez, was much preoccupied with death,
but he never feared it, accepting it as a cessation of vital activities,
the end of a biological cycle, and believing firmly in the existence of an

inMortal soul.

211
It is interesting that Jovellanos never had much good to say
concerning doctors, often noting in his diaries the ineffectiveness or

contraproductive results of their remedies.

Strangely, Martinez, in his treatment of Jovellanos' biological
thought, fails entirely to mention his extensive botanical studies and
investigations conducted while confined in the Cartuja of Valldemosa.

He does, however investigate extensively Jovellanos' relationships with
women, concluding that some mildly scandalous imputations concerning
these associations are groundless.

This, to some extent, scientific investigation into the most
intimate aspects of Jovellanos' life and personal relations may perhaps
be of some value to those interested in the history of medicine, as well

as to students of Jovellanos.

231. Martinez Fernandez, Jesus. ”La lealtad do Jovellanos”. Boletin del

instituto do Estudios Asturianos, no. 53 (196“), 63-82.

This article serves to illuminate the absolute loyalty of Jove-
llanos in all facets of his existence. The author points out don Gaspar's
loyalty to country, quoting especially his famous rebuff to Cabarrds
umon'being invited to Join forces with Napoleon.

Jovellanos' complete loyalty to his religious faith is proven
by'quoting from several of his writings, notably his will, written while
in Bellver. The author points also to Jovellanos' great devotion and
Preoccupation with death during the last decade of his life.

Martinez Fernandez also discusses in detail Jovellanos' un-
flltering loyalty to his friends, some of whom he lists and quotes

°rtonsive1y.

232

233

212
The second half of the article is concerned with Jovellanos'
servant, Francisco whom he dearly loved and treated nearly as an equal.
In his will J ovellanos not only left him a substantial sum of money, but
many of his most valued personal effects, later bequeathing to him as

well a property of his in Gijdn called "Las Figares".

Martinez Fernandez, J esus. "Los nifi'os en la obra do Jovellanos".
Boletin del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, XVII, no. as (1963) , 106-

119.

Martinez Fernandez reviews J ovellanos' attitude toward children
as revealed in his diaries, letters and treatises on education. He de-‘-
scribes the low estate of children in the Eighteenth Century, the mal-
nutrition, illness, raggedness and uncleanliness which was uniformly
their lot. The writer then recounts a number of incidents in which Jove-
llanos displayed his love and concern for children, quoting especially
his descriptions of children in the homes where he vis ited.

J ovellanos ' life was a series of ronunciations, says Martinez
Forn‘ndez, imposed by his love for children, for his Instituto, for
Gijdn and for Spain. Oddly enough, the writer begins his study with a
detailed narration of J ovellanos ' last illness and death. It is also
strange that he fails to mention Constantino Suiroz, Martinez Cachero
or Simdn Diaz among J ovellanos ' principal bibliographers.

Martinez Kloisor, Luis. "Luz y sombra do una figure patria”. Age.

Madrid , 11 de abril , 19149.
Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Toma IV (no. 3%),207.

 

 

 

 

 

234

213
Martinez Naval, P. Bernardo. "Jovellanos". ESpaffa y America, XXXI.
Aflo IX, Tomo III (1911), 38fl-395; XXXII, Afib IX, Tome IV (1911), 24-34;
XXXII, Affo IX, Tomo IV (1911), 503-511; XXXV, A170 X, Tomo II (1912),
#15-422; XXXV, Aflb X, Tome III (1912), 119-129; XXXV, Aflo X, Tome III
(1912), 300-313; XXXV, Aflo X, Tome III (1912), 502-510; XXXVI, Afib X,
Tomo IV (1912) 313-319: XJOCVI, Afi'o X, Tome IV (1912), (416-1426.

This series of nine articles was written by the Augustinian,
Father Bernardo Martinez, and published successively in nine installments
during 1911 and 1912 as part of the Jovellanos centenary celebration.
Beginning with his childhood, each article deals with a successive phase
of Jovellanos' life. Besides extensive biographical material, the series
treats Jovellanos' ideas in the fields of religion, politics and education
as expressed in his prose writings, as well as offering some discussion
of his poetry and dramatic works.

Although Father Martinez writes from.an occlestiastical point
of view, this work is actually one of the better balanced of the many
centenary presentations. He, of course, disapprovos of Jovellanos' op-
position to his sister Josefa's decision to enter an Augustinian convent
in later life, and discredits don Gaspar's suggestion that she may have
been unduly influenced by her confessor. JMartinoz points out that Jove-
llanos himself was directed by his family toward an ecclesiastical career,
but was disuadod by friends after having completed his theological studies
and received his ”primera tonsura”. In discussing Jovellanos' early'
poetry'Martinez concludes that the love poems were actually directed to-

ward a sweetheart who existed only in fantasy. (Caso, who has studied

214
this poetry profoundly, would disagree with this idealistic interpre-
tation, nos. 77.78). Martinez concurs with Nocedal, quoting him to the
effect that: ”mur16 celibe, por creer que, habiendo rocibido la primera
tonsura, parecia mis digno consagrarse voluntariamente a la castidad"
(XXXI. 365).

In discussing poetry Martinez regrets that the dates of the
composition of most of his poems are unknown; Caso, however, has recently
arrived at a tentative dating, no. 77. Even Juvenal would have envied
J ovollanos' poetry, Martinez asserts somewhat euphorically, for, he
says, his verses reflect "la grandeza de un alma que sabe sontir y
trasladar a1 papel 1a inmensidad do su dolor”. (XXXII, 32). There is
certainly restrained grief expressed in his poem concerning the death
of Engracia, and a measure of disillusioned melancholy in his Epistola
del Paular, but one could hardly qualify £12123; as the dominant motif of
don Gaspar's poetry.

Unlike most commentators, Martinez appears to approve of J ove-
llanos' recommendations in Ley Agraria, even that concerning disentail-
ment: ” Otra seria la situacidn econdmica do la Iglesia on Espana do
haberse oscuchado algunas do 1as observaciones del insigne jurisconsulto! "
(XXXIV, #16). In speaking of Jovellanos' letter to the King criticizing
the activities of the Inquisition, Martinez mentions "oxpres iones duras
y poco respotuosas para los que constituian aquel augusto aunquo no
impecable Tribunal” (XXXV, 126). Very likely here he is referring to
J ovellanos' imputation of inefficiency, ineptitude and lack of education

concerning the Holy Office.

235

215
Although contributing little new to knowledge or comprehension
of the subject, Martinez has clearly and at times sensitively presented
to his readers the main facts of Jovellanos' life and a synthesis of his

thought .

McClelland, Inez L. Spanish Drama of Pathos, 1750-1808, 2 vols., Toronto:
U. of Toronto Press, 1970. Article on Pola 0, Vol. I, pages 189-191;

article on E1 delincuente honrado, Vol. II, pages non-423.

In Volume I, "High Tragedy”, McClelland treats the play £2133,
discussing the style and content of this youthful tragedy by J ovellanos
and pointing out the influence of Aranda and of foreign literary thought.

Jovellanos composed his tragedy 1331213 in 1769 at the age of
twenty-five, but it was revised in 1771 and 1772 and finally produced as
m only in 1792. It is an idealistic work which Jovellanos may have
written knowing of Moratin's Hormesinda, suggests McClelland, in order to
"reclaim the Asturian hero for the Asturians”. ”In fact", she affirms,
"his patriotic rhetoric is infinitely more convincing than Moratin's and
his Pelayo a man of better mental balance". (189).

McClelland believes Jovellanos' model to be a French neo-
classical tragedy by DuBolloy, Le Siege do Calais, but she also notes in
his best lines the stylistic influence of Tirso, although elsewhere he
falls victim to artificial elegance. As with his contemporaries, interest
in exterior regularity impeded concentration on thought and content:
"m is a not despicable manifestation of patriotic thunder, but, what
with proud local war-cries of Asturias surging up here, and the national

war-cries of Spain swelling there, it can scarcely accomodate much

reasoning". (191) .

216
The writer finds in Jovellanos' special interest in the villain
as a real person with a certain degree of dignity echoes of Shakespere,
Voltaire and again Tirso.
The second part of this work deals with "low tragedy", and

Chapter 11 is devoted almost entirely to El delincuente honrado, the most

 

worthy representative of this genre, which was distinguished from."high
tragedy" by concerning itself with bourgeois themes and problems, by
recognizing the tragic potentialities in the commonplace, and by using
sentiment and emotion in the manner of the French comedie larmoyanto.
Although El delincuente honrado shows foreign influence in the
ideas expressed, it presents an intensely Spanish problem of current
interest to its audience. In it, says McClelland, Jovellanos employs
classical rules sensitively so as to provide a “nervous concentration
of urgency“ and a "suggestion of the inevitability of explosion". Un-
fortunately, the external instruments of tension were exaggerated and
misused by his followers with disastrous results. E1 delincuente honrado
was far superior to all the other low tragedy produced in the last part
of the century, says McClelland, for don.Gaspar's contemporaries "never
caught up with his inner and most essential intention”. (#07).
McClelland analyzes the characters of the play carefully, ob-
serving that some seemed inconsistent according to French neoclassical
standards, but were actually normal men behaving with individuality and
humannoss: "Certainly Jovellanos produced his most life-like effects
when his characters individualistically tried to wrest from him his
control over the dramatic partnership he has established with them”.

(#10). Unfortunately'the writer does not persuo this point or give

236

237

217
examples of this struggle between author and characters. McClelland
also points to the use of humor to provide comic relief (although it seems
to me the humorous aspects are few and very weak). She notes that humor
is very unusual in the Age of Reason, being a technique originating in
England but unfortunately employed by few writers of tragedy of the
period.

The first three acts of the play, observes McClelland, are
extremely coherent and well written, the last two less so: especially
during the last act "melodramatic exhibitionism" is allowed to dominate.

Later verse adaptations of the play, says the writer, suffer
from a change of emphasis from thought to plot, reasoning, tension and
characterization disappearing in the process.

In her complete and assiduous analysis of all aspects of the
play, its plot, thesis, characterization, action and style, as well as
its later translations and adaptations McClelland has provided the most
comprehens ive and perhaps the most valuable treatment of this outstand-
ing dramatic work. Her treatment of both plays is knowledgeable and

perceptive.

Meitzel, C. Article on J ovellanos in Handwo'rterbuch dor Staatswisson-
schaften, ll. Auflago, Bd. 5, Jena, 1923.
Bibo ref. 1113 Ritter. (nae 3%). We

Méndoz Bejarano, M. Historia de la Filosofia en Espafia. Madrid, n.d.

Bib. ref. in: Pofialvor Simd, Patricio. Introduction to Obras sociales

ypoliticas (no. 261+), 16.

238

218
Mendez Calzada, Luis. "Vida de Jovellanos". Jovellanos, su vida;
21331, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano do Buenos Aires en el bicentenario
de su nacimiento con la adhesidn de los Centros Asturianos do la Habana

y México, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Mddica Argentina, 1945, pp. 11-56.

This study, in spite of its title, is not a standard biography
as such, but rather a more ample discussion of Jovellanos' ideas as
reflected in his life and writings. Like many of the contributors to
this collection, this native Asturian unobtrusively makes clear his
Republican leanings.

J ovellanos, that rare combination of the intellectual with the
man of action, represented the fusion of two epochs: the relatively
peaceful enlightened despotism of Carlos III and the reactionary and
chaotic reigns of Carlos IV and Fernando VII. Jovellanos qualifies, says
Mdndez Calzada, as a cldsico of Spain because of the literary works of
his youth, because of his elegant style which helped to revitalize Eigh-
teenth Century prose, and because of his economic and political ideas.

MJndoz Calzada includes in his essay a brief biographical
sketch, listing some of the principal Nineteenth Century biographies and
editions of the works of J ovellanos .

In a rather extensive analysis of the Ley Agraria MJndez Calzada
reiterates the well-known fact that this , like others of J ovellanos' ex-
pository writings, was composed by request, expressing to a certain extent
the collective thinking of other liberal Spanish economists. Differing
from Joaquin Costa in his interpretation, Mdndez sees J ovellanos as phil-

osophically an individualist in his desire to limit governmental power

219
and abolish unjust laws, special privileges (especially those of the
Mesta), amortization and entailment. Méndez, however, overestimates
the concrete results of Jovellanos' recommendations:
Su mojor ologio consiste en decir que todas 1as
fellas sefialadas por 61 fueron reconocidas y
removidas por la posteridad, pocos aflos después:

algunas por las Cortes do Cddiz y, luego por
diversas leyes desamortizadoras del siglo 19.

(39).
Even from a distance of nearly two centuries it is impossible to as-

certain what has been the total result of Jovellanos' proposals. Would
that these reforms had occurred (and been made permanent) as Mendez
Calzada seems to indicate!

This study forms a worthy introduction to a collection of es-
says published in Buenos Aires, some of them by expatriates, in honor
of the Jovellanos bicentenary. Although of uneven quality, as might be
expected in such a cooperative venture, this volume forms an important

contribution to Jovellanos studies.

239 M‘ndez y'Rodriguez, Manuel Isidore. Relacionos do Francisco Arango y
Parreflb con.Gaspar Melchor do Jovellanos y;con Alejandro Ramirez. La
Habana: Imp. El Siglo XX, l9u3, 383 pages. Included in Vol. II of the
'works presented at the Primer Congreso do Historia.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 3u5)e608.

240 Menéndoz do Luarca, Alejandrino (W. Franquot). “Apuntes para el prdlogo".
Diariosimemorias intimas) 1790-1801, Instituto do J ovellanos do Gijdn.

Madrid: Imp. do los Sucesores do Hernando, 1915.

220

This article, originally intended to accompany an edition of
Jovellanos' Diarios, was published separately in 1891 in La Victoria de
la CruzI the author using the pseudonym of W. Franquet. During the
entire Nineteenth Century the publication of the diaries was prevented
by those in control of them, either because of the traditionalist con-
victions of the latter, or .from fear of being judged to be liberal
politically. Luarca asserts that the two traditionalists who had con-
sidered publishing those diaries, Cdldido Nocedal and Vicente Abello,
ultimately decided against it because of the Jansenist views they ex-
pressed. Nocedal declared, "No hard diablura ninguna con el Tomo III
do J ovellanos”.

Luarca himself declared that they would never be published in
his lifetime unless they were published in their entirety and unaltered
(implying that this would be unthinkable). In 1915 , however, his widow
finally permitted their publication, provided that her husband's prologue
accompany them, together with the notes of Abello and Nocedal.

This invoctive-filled prologue, at times emotional almost to
the point of incoherence, accuses Jovellanos of every sort of heresy
and radicalism. The author has combed through the diaries , quoting out
of context, in an attempt to prove J ovellanos ' J ensenism, atheism, regal-
ism and insurrectionism. It is evident, however, that for Luarca J ove-
llanos' most heinous crime was his advocacy of disentailment. Caso
Gonzdloz has observed concerning Luarca: "epenas encuentra materia que
no morezca su condenacidn". (Notes criticas do bibliografia jovellanista) ,
(no. 83).

This shocking diatribe, which has earned the condemnation of
lovellanistas ever since its first publication, stands as a monument to

crit icel infam.

2&1

242

221
Mondndez Pelayo, Marcelino. Bibliografia Hispano-Latina Clasica, Sec.
CCXLVII, Vol. II, (Obras, Vol. U5), Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1950, page #16.

Originally in Revista do Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos, ledrid, (1902),

889 pp.

Menéndez Pelayo records the fact that in 1801 Jovellanos wrote
a resume of Cicero's De Officiis. Don Marcelino quotes Somoza (no. 3&1)
concerning the circumstances under which it was written. Somoza in turn
quotes from.the Apéndices XXVI of the Memoria on defense do la Junta

Central in which Jovellanos acknowledges his debt to Cicero.

Menéndez Pidal, Ramon. Introduction to "Defense do la Junta Central".
Antologia do prosistas espafioles, Quinta ed. corregida, Centro do Estudios

Hist6ricos, La Revista do Filologia Espanbla, Madrid, 1928, pages 331-333.

Menéndez Pidal points to the decadence of Eighteenth Century
prose, its lack of style, its many defects of language, and its extreme
use of gallicisms. Jovellanos, however, especially in his later writings,
used few cultismos and was without French affoctation in either word
usage or syntax, says don.Ramdn, in this brief linguistic analysis of the
Defense do la Junta Central.

Jovellanos' prose, which, asserts Monéndez Pidal, is the best
the Eighteenth Century had to offer, mixed classical language with the
new elements necessary to express modern thought. Although he sought to
restore classical purity, he was never rigid, being the first to use pro-
vincialisms as an artistic device.

243

294

222
Miguelez, P. Manuel Fraile. "Documentos ineditos sobre la Guerra do
Independencia y las Cortes de Cédiz". La Ciudad do Dios, El Escorial,

LXXXVIII (marzo, 1912), h01-h15.

This article serves to introduce several letters and other
documents bearing the signature of Jovellanos, el.Marqués do Campo
Sagrado, Quintana, e1 Marqués do 1e Romana, General Blake, Garey,
Escosura, etc. concerning the struggle to throw off French domination
and to form a workable constitution for Spain. The writer points out
two tendencies made apparent by these papers: the poor understanding
between generals and the lack of agreement on the part of the legislators
of the Cortes de Cédiz, good intentioned men but unduly visionary, es-
pecially, given the essential conservatism of the Spanish people.

The letters written by Jovellanos to his good friend, the
Mallorcan aristocrat, don Tomis do Veri are illuminating in this regard,
since they recount many of the events of the War and the deliberations
of the Junta Central. Miguélez has reproduced several of these letters,
thus revealing Jovellanos' reaction to the often momentous events they

deal'with.

Migudlez, P. Manuel Fraile. "Fisionomia moral do Jovellanos”. Lg_
Ciudad do‘Qios, El Escorial, LXXXVII (1911), 241-250: LXXXVIII (1912),

321-332-

I. Migudlez calls Jovellanos the greatest man of his time, lists his

varied talents and accomplishments, and recounts his mistreatment and im-

prisonment, the causes of which had been little investigated at the time

223
of the writing (1911). Ho lauds Somoza's extensive investigations and
quotes extensively from Monéndez Pelayo.

Of special interest is his reference to the letter of don Gaspar's
sister, Sor Josefa, to the prior of the Cartuja do Valdomosa urging him to
teach the prisoner to "onamorarso do Dios, a gustar 1as dulzuras do 1a
soledad, donde so ve cudn suave y bueno es el Soflbr, y'cuAn amablo cosa
es el virir los hermanos on uno". (247). Padre Miguelez adds, perhaps with
some exaggeration, that Jovellanos learned these lessons so well that he

left Mallcrca transformed.

II. IMigudlez asserts that Jovellanos lent great service to Religion by
helping to eradicate superstitious beliefs and practices, but that he
never divorced religion from science, ”antes veia esto siempre come
iluminada por los rayos do la fe“. (323). He relates Jovellanos' early
training, noting especially the fact that ho was destined by his family,

and perhaps by temperament as well for a religious vocation, receiving

three benefices plus scholarship aid so that he might complete his occlo
:flsstical education. Miguelez believes that Jovellanos must have under-
gone a violent internal struggle in deciding to forsake the Church for a
judicial career and that his friends did him a great disservice in dis-
suading him.frcm.it, since his real calling was the priesthood. He
suggests that Jovellanos retained the benefices until 177# in order to
be sure of his choice of vocation, but that his spiritual anguish con-
tinued, as evidenced by his celibacy and the religious and even mystical
sentiment expressed in Epistola del Paular.

Because of his own religious calling Father Migueles may have
overstated his case; he has, nevertheless, advanced an hypothesis worthy'

of consideration.

245

2&6

224
Ministerio do Comercio. "Jovellanos y'la educacidh publica".
Informacion Comercial Espafibla, No. 3&5 (mayo, 1962).

Bib. ref. in: Hitter (no. 301$), 3111+.

Miramdn, Alberto. "De Gaspar Melchor do Jovellanos a Camila Torres".

Boletin Cultural Bibliografica, Bogota, Ix (1966), 2,150 - 2,165.

The author of this study points out the influence of Jove-
llanos on the great Colombian patriot, Camila Torres, and the many
similarities in their lives and thought. Torres' most noted work,
Memorial do agravios, one of the immediate causes of the liberation
movement in Colombia, was suppressed immediately after being written and
was ndzpublished until sixteen years after its author's death. In it
Miramon sees great stylistic similarities with the writings of Jove-
llanos, as well as analogous points of view expressed with equal firms
noss. In their respective countries during their revolutionary periods
each served in the role of "un interpreto cabal, una inteligencia més
dospierta que comprende los fencmenos que en turno suyo so desarrolla".
(2,152). More than this, however, the two were joined spiritually by
a common concern for justice and well-being in their respective nations,
as well as mental independence and dignity. Each suffered persecution
and imprisonment because of his beliefs, although Jovellanos died a
natural death, albeit in exile, while Torres was executed by firing squad.

This article serves to emphasize the great influence of Jove-
llanos in the New world, especially with respect to its movement for

independence.

2147

225
Miramdn, Alberto. "Dos originales perdidos do Jovellanos. Un hallazgo
inosperadc en el Archivo Nacional de Colombia". Boletin Cultural

Bibliografica, Bogota, x (1967), Lost» - 1,062.

This article deals with two letters sent by J ovellanos to the
King protesting his incarceration in the Cartuja of Valldemosa. The
writer recounts the details of don Gaspar's being surprised at night
in his home and transported to Mallorca without being informed of the
charges against him.

The first letter of protest and inquiry to the King was sent
in care of Jovellanos ' cousin, the Marquos of Valdecaranza, who never
delivered it because of fear of roprisal. Six months later J ovellanos
sent another, with a copy of the first one attached, which the chaplain
Sampil was to deliver, but the letter was intercepted by the Queen's
favorite, Manuel Mallo, and for his loyalty its bearer was sent to jail
for seven months .

The whereabouts of these letters was unknown until recently.
The author of this article, however, came upon them quite by chance in
the National Archives of Colombia while seeking material concerning
Napoleon’s spies in the Viceroyalty of New Granada. Miramon believes
that these embarrassing documents were thus neatly disposed of by Manuel
Mallc, ”e1 efimero valido criollc do la roina Maria Luisa, amigo del
Marques do Caballero y alter ego del todopoderosc Principe de la Paz,
los encarnizados enemigos del ilustre o infortunado hombre de letras".

The two letters are not only important in their own right, ro-

voaling much concerning J ovellanos' situation and reaction to his

248

249

250

226
imprisonment, but the story of their loss and chance recovery provides

an interesting anecdote in the annals of scholarly research.

Moran Bayo, Juan. Tres agraristas espafioles, Jovellanos, Fermin Caballero,

Costa. Hacia la rovolucion espafiola. Cdrdoba: La Union, 1931, 126 pages.

One can conclude from the date of publication as well as from
the content and attitudes expressed therein that this study was written
with the current (1931) Spanish political situation in mind: the study
does in essence advocate radical and immediate agricultural reform.

The writer outlines Jovellanos' tenets concerning agriculture
as set forth in his Informe sobre la Ley;Agraria, exaggerating when he
speaks of the "triunfal realizacidn" of these ideas in the succeeding
century: he asserts that desamortizacidn was almost completely effective.
There still remains, he declares,tho problem of the farm too small for
successful cultivation, as well as "1as furias del intores privado“.

This monograph includes no footnotes or other reference material.

It is more of a political tract than a scholarly study.

Mufiiz (y) Vigo, Acisclo. Arbolggonooldgico y rasgos biobibliogrdficos
do Jovellanos. Oviedo: Imp. La Comercial, 1911.

Bib. ref. in: Simon Diaz and Martinez Cachero (no. 335), 149.

Muflbz do Diego, Alfonso. "Nuostros grandes hombres: Los amores do

Jovellanos". Norto, Rovista mensual asturiana, Madrid, octubre do 1932,

no P‘S-

251

252

253

227
The writer refers to the speculations of various critics
concerning J ovellanos' celibacy and his youthful love affair as revealed
in his lyrics. Although he avers that the bitter-sweet memory of this
passion remained with him, even during his imprisonment, he asserts
that far greater was J ovellanos' love for humanity and for his family,
especially for his younger sister, Josefa, who, against his will, entered

an Augustinian convent in later years.

Nava Valdés, Antonio. Centenario do Jovellanos, Amores do un Magistrado,

Drama. Madrid, 1911.
Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345). 609.

Niova y Ayala, Francisco do. Embloma literaric. Manuscript in the
Instituto do Jovellanos: poetry in his honor. (n.d.).

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tome IV, (no. 345), 609.

Oliver (do los Santos) Miguel. . "Jovellanos". ngas del Sabado, II:

Revisionos y Contonarios, Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1918, pp. 5-28.

This monograph was written in 1911 as a contribution to the
homage paid to Jovellanos on the centenary of his death. In an crat orical
and, at times, turgid style, the author analyzes and comments upon the
nature of don Gaspar's political conservativism. The author quotes ex-
tensively from a letter written by J ovellanos containing the following
lines: "Jami! concurriré 8 Sacrificar. sores inccentes a mis cpinicnes
personales”. This statement has been quoted many times by those wish-

ing to posit an extreme ccnsorvativism for J ovellanos , but one should

254

228
note that this letter was written during Jovellanos' last years of life,
*when he leaned more strongly toward traditionalism than in his earlier
years.

Oliver asserts that originally conservatism in Spain was quite
different from traditionalism: the conservatives were the reformers of
their day who, like Jovellanos, advocated slow steady progress, but were
unalterably opposed to violence and revolution. Oliver repeatedly uses
the term templado in describing Jovellanos, noting especially his pro-
gressive yet moderating influence on the Cortes do Cadiz.

The writer concludes his essay'by applying the lessons of the
Napoleonic era to the exigencies of his own day, a full century later:

Jovellanos no creia on ninguna mejora que no fuese

adaptable al estado actual, conveniente para los hombres

do ahora. Poniondc la finalidad del moviemiento fuera

do nuestrc tiempo, queda condonadc el mundo a un continue

trastornc y la revolucion so hace permanente.

As with many other commentators on Jovellanos, the writer of this piece
interprets don,Gaspar's moderation as extreme conservativism, thus lead-
ing nicely into an extrapolation of his own reactionary political
philosophy in which deliberate progress may come to mean no progress at

..lle

Oliver do los Santos, Miguel. "Otro centenario". El Ateneo do Gijon en
el primer centenario do Jovellanos, Gijon, 1911, pages 109-125.
Bib. rot. in: Revista do Literatura, 33-3Q (1968) 217, no. 36.880.

Oliver sees Jovellanos as the epitome of’Spanish conservatism
and the spiritual antecedent of present-day moderates and rightists,

whose cause Oliver vehemently defends in this article, maintaining that

255

229
the true reformers are the conservatives rather than the liberals, who
only foment chaos.
The writer makes a curious allegation concerning the nature
of Jovellanos' literary and political writings:

Una zona do su.mentalidad, por ventura toda la zona
estrictamente literaria, poetica, do orudicidn y
enciclopodismo, pertenence sin reserves a1 siglo
XVIII. Al siglo XIX corrospondo por su conoepcidn
politics, a partir del Informe do la Ley Agraria,

y aun con anterioridad a Zl, como es facil do
domostrar recurriendo a sus obras. (110).

 

Most literary critics, e.g., nos. 21, 298, 351, tend to see Jovellanos'
literary production as quite Nineteenth Century in its preromanticism,
although it must be admitted that both his poetry and drama contain
notable neoclassical elements as well. In political philosophy, he was,
at least during the post-Bellver years, more Eighteenth Century than
Nineteenth and far from.reprosontativo of the thought of the delegates
to the Cortes do Cadiz. At any rate the dichotomy made by Oliver is
erroneous both methodologically and factually. .Attempting to categorize
the thought and writings of Jovellanos by centuries constitutes a serious
ovorsimplication. Standing on the threshold of the Modern Age, Jove-
llanos represented in both literary and political writings an amalgam

of the old and the new, the traditional and the progressive.

Oflate, Maria del Pilar. ”La posicidn.de Jovellanos respecto a lacnmstion
feminista”. El fominismo en la literatura ospaflbla, Madrid: Espasa
Calpe, 1938, pages 189-191.

In this study on feminism the author devotes a section to Jove-
llanos, who, she declares, took a forward step toward the feminine pene-

tration of the professional world.

256

230

In referring to the royal decrees of 1779 and 178# permitting
‘women the exercise of all professions "que no repugnason a su delicadeza
ni su docoro", Jovellanos remarks that feminine delicacy is largely a
matter of custom.and education, and that in primitive societies women
'worked side by side with their men.

The enlightened don Gaspar, however, still looks back nostalgi-
cally to the days when a proper lady was never seen on the street un-
escorted. Miss Ofiato wryly notes that this encerramiento feminino is a
typically Spanish point of view: "dogma este tan espaflbl que no so
libran do profesarlo los pensadores do espiritu amplio y'progrosivo,
como ol ilustre politico asturiano". (190). She also points out that
Jovellanos merely recommends free entrance of women into the oficios

(trades), completely avoiding mention of the liberal professions.

Ossorio y’Gallardo,.Angel. "Jovellanos, jurista". Jovellanos,_su vida
z obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicentenario
do on nacimiento, con la adhesidn do los Centros Asturianos do Is Habana

y'Mexico, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Medics Argentina, 1945, pages 135-162.

The writer emphasizes that Jovellanos as a judge was a realist,
never boringly erudite and always opposed to extremes. Ossorio sees a
certain dichotomy in Jovellanos' view of Spanish literature: as a moral-
ist he condemned Golden Age drama, but as a lover of beauty he appreciated
it and realized that it reflected the society of its time. Ossorio makes
an unjustly sweeping evaluation of El delincuente honrado when he calls
it a bad play because of its inverisimilitude. Nevertheless, he finds in
it interesting juridical ideas which he believes to be challenging and at

times prophetic. He analyzes at length Jovellanos' ideas on national

257

258

231
sovereignty and other basic political concepts as well as his studies

on political law and his Informe sobre la ley agraria.

 

Ovejero y'Maury, Eduardo. Prologue to Jovellanos: Obras osccgidas.

Biblioteca do Fildsofos Espaflblos, Madrid: La Rafa (1930), 288 pages.

Ovejero offers a rather complete resume of Informe sobre la
Ley Agraria, although it is not included among the works selected for
this volume, concerned with Jovellanos"works of a more philosophical
nature. The writer believes that the economic reforms expounded in
Ley;Agraria, as well as Jovellanos proposals concerning education had
strong although indirect influence during the Nineteenth Century.

Ovejero states categorically that a servant was bribed either
by the Queen or by officials of the Inquisition to poison Jovellanos,
but this allegation has never been proven. It is also unlikely Godoy
supported Jovellanos against this and similar attacks as Ovejoro alleges.
The biographical material presented by the author is otherwise reliable
and emphasizes the vonoration in which Jovellanos was held by the people
after his imprisonment, but also, paradoxically, the abuse to which he

was subjected as a member of the despised Junta Central.

P. do A. "Fe do Erratas cometidas en la transcripcidh e impresidn del
Diario do Jovellanos”. Boletin do la Biblioteca‘Menendez Pelayo,

Afio V abril-junio, 1923, no. 2, 102-116

Afio V julio-sopt.. 1923, no. 3, 1&1-258

Afib V oct. - dic., 1923. no. 4. 325.339

259

232
Afib VI enero-marzo 192#, no. 1, 20-35
Afib VI abril-junio 1924, no. 2, l3h-150

Afib VI julio-sept. 1924, no. 3, 250-258

P. do A. is reported by Sudrez and.Martinez Cachero (no. 347)
to be Serrano y Puonte. Angel del Rio (no. 299), however, affirms that

the author of this fe do erratas is the great jovellanista, Julio Somoza.

 

(Clasicos castellanos, vol. 110, page #6). These six articles, listing
over three thousand errors in the 1915 edition, may well be by Somoza.
His own efforts to bring out an adequate edition of the diaries were in
vain, and on many occasions (no. 324) he voiced his indignation concern-
ing the one which appeared in.Gij6n in 1915 and which these articles
criticize. It has been a scandal among Jovellanos scholars with its

many errors, misprints, inaccuracies and possiblwaillful alterations.

Palacio Atard, Vicente. Derrota, agotamiento,_docadoncia en la Espafla
del siglo XVII. Segunda edicidn aumentada, Madrid: Edicionos Rialp,

Biblioteca del pensamiento actual, no. 3, 1956, 232 pages.

The writer insists that Jovellanos is victim of a fundamental
dichotomy, the contraciiCtion between the ideals of the Enlightenment
and traditional Spanish values, between the worldly goal of human hap-
piness on Earth and the Catholic aspiration for salvation of the immortal
soul. Thus Jovellanos is for Palacio a "pobre iluso", an imprudent and
misguided reformer, who blindly espoused modern European ideas, in the
process fomenting a revolution whose results were so disastrous. But

‘with Caso ( no. 83) one wonders to what revolution Palacio has reference.

260

261

262

233
Palacios y Alvarez, Jose; Maria. La vida do Jovellanos a1 alcance do los

muchachos. Gijdn: Tip. Palacio, Gonzélez y Ca., 191?, 36 pages. Also:

 

Jovellanos. Vida l trabajo do tan excelsoJatricio a1 alcance do los

muchachos, 2" ed. ampliada, Gij6n: Cabuofi‘es, Ed. Autor, 1970, 185 pages.

 

Bib. ref. in: Simdn Diaz and Martinez Cachero., (no. 335). 150.

Pardo Canalis, Enrique. "Fray Manuel Bayou y J ovellanos". Revista do

Ideas Estéticas, xxrv (1966), 316-327.

This article treats an aspect of Jovellanos' thought and writing
which has been given little attention by critics: his esthetic apprecia-
tion and criticism of art, especially the technical aspects of painting.
The writer quotes extensively from six letters (BAE 46) of J ovellanos to
Fray Manuel Bayou, as well as from the Diario XII (BAE 86) and from Jove-
llanos' will (Documentos para escribir la biografia do Jovellanos, Madrid
1911) . Pardo offers little interpretation or critical cement concern-
ing the material presented. Nevertheless, he has performed an important
function in bringing to public attention those little-known documents
which serve to illuminate the mood and preoccupations of J ovellanos
while a prisoner in Bellver, as well as a new look at his practical
criticism of art.

Patac, Ignacio. "Jovellanos y la mineria". .Séo suplemento semanal del
diario, Arriba, Madrid, Ndmero homenaje a J ovellanos en el bicentenario

do su nacimiento, Afio III (9 do enero do 1944), p. 10.

Ignacio Patac, himself a mining engineer, lists the many con-

tributions made by J ovellanos to the economic progress of Asturias. Ho

263

234
points out that before the construction of highways, planned and supervised
by Jovellanos, Asturias was practically without communication with the rest
of Spain. Patac notes as well Jovellanos' insistence that education in
the practical arts and sciences alone could bring prosperity, and for this
purpose founded his Real Instituto Asturiano. But in spite of the fine work
accomplished by Jovellanos in the fields of mining, education, geography
and economics, Spain unfortunately "dojd ostorilizarse este enorme es-
fuorzo", says Patac, thus emphasizing the tragedy of the abandonment of

his noble and farsighted plans for both Asturias and Spain.

Pemin, Jose Maria. ”Jovellanos, e1 gran asturiano". Estafeta Literaria,
Nos. uoz-uoa (1968), 12-13.

In this article the author notes the essentially'romantic
characteristics of most Spanish literature, even that of its classical
period. Thus Jovellanos, while basically neoclassical, also partook of
a long romantic tradition. Pemin points to Epistola al Paular (sic) as
the best of Jovellanos' poetical production, affirming that it is "transida
do un absolute romanticismo", its "funeralismo" foreshadowing Lamartino
and Zorilla.

Although some critics prefer to makes more definite distinction
between romanticism and preromanticism, Peman avoids the problem. For
him.Jovollanos"writings while in the Castle of Bellver belong fully to
historical romanticism, reflecting Eighteenth Century Spain's interest in
”conocerse a si.misma” and her renewed sensitivenoss to natural beauty

and to the past.

235

The author recounts Jovellanos' frustrated efforts to promote a
viable constitutional monarchy for Spain, and his noble and patriotic
refusal to hold office in the government of Joseph Bonaparte.

Pemin concludes with the well-known incident of the wrecked
carriage, where Jovellanos became painfully aware that the villagers were
concerned only with saving "los suyos", ignoring the better-dressed upper.
class passengers. He now fully realized that enlightened dospotism.must
inevitably give way to democracy and even to a dictatorship of the pro-
letariat. Peman may go a bit far on this point, for to envisage such a
future would be extreme pessimism.in Jovellanos' way of thinking, and he
was ever the optimist.

The author notes that since Jovellanos was born on Twelfth
Night he was christened with the names of the three Magi: a sort of
Christmas gift for Spain. But like all playthings, this toy was broken
to see "lo que llevaba dontro". What was inside, declares Pomén, was
the future. The article, which illuminates Jovellanos' historical and
literary import for his country, concludes with this novel and somewhat

emotional or even irrational analogy.

Pefialver, Simd, Patricio. Introduction to Jovellanos, Obras sociales y

pgliticas. Madrid: Publicaciones Espafiolas, 1962, 356 pages.

Penalver reviews the criticism.of Jovellanos in the Nineteenth
Century and the first half of the Twentieth pointing out that the pendulum
has swung widely between those who saw in Jovellanos a liberal with ad-

vanced political and social ideas and those who attempted to find in him

265

236

only complete traditionalism. Those critics of the 1935-56 era whom
Pefialver criticizes for their interpretation of ”Presunto progrosismo
social” are Angel del Rio, Santillano (sic) and Méndoz Bojarano (no.237).
Pofihlver, however, lists his own monograph of 1953 (no. 265) among those
which have arrived at a new objectivity, although Caso (no. 83) would
scarcely agree. Pofialver makes clear his own traditionalism and finds
in the writings of Jovellanos a belief in the structural hierarchy of
society, the necessity to submit to sovereign authority, and a tho rough-
going traditionalism akin to his own. Thus, while attacking partiality
and claiming objectivity for his own work, Penalvor manages to continue
in the time-honored tradition of seeing in the writings of Jovellanos
exactly'what one wants to see.

This anthology contains fragments of the Elogio do Carlos III,
sobre o1 ostablecimionto do unJMontepiogpara los nobles do la Corte,
Informe sobre la LeygAgraria, and several poems of social import, as well

as parts of the Memoria sobre la Educacidn delica and the Defensa do la

 

Junta Central.

Pefialver, Simd, Patricio. Modernidad tradicional en el pensamiento do

Jovellanos.) Escuela do Estudios Hispano-Americancs do Sevilla, Colecci6n

 

"Mar adentro", LXX, Sevilla: Seminario do Historia del Pensamiento,

1953. 159 pages.

This interpretation of the social, religious and philosophical
thought of Jovellanos is written from a rigidly Catholic point of view.
The writer agrees with.Menéndez Pelayo that Jovellanos was a thoroughgoing

traditionalist, and argues that he was a fideista, although so far as I

237
know, there exists only one passage written by Jovellanos that would
lend credence to this assertion (Memoria sobre la educacidn publica,
§;§:§; p. 231); elsewhere Jovellanos eXpressed considerable reliance
upon rationalism and empiricism.

Pefialvor declares that Jovellanos was little affected by
foreign thought, and as he increased in maturity even these influences,
noxious in the opinion of Pefialver, were eliminated.

The thesis of the book is that while embracing traditionalism,

placing his faith in historical precedent (restauracionismo) and in

 

Catholic doctrine, Jovellanos was at the same time “modern", although
it is unclear what the meaning of this term is to thinkers of Penalvor's

conservative persuasion.

1266 Pefiuelas, Marcelino C. "Los diarios do Jovellanos, lmemorias intimaST".

Insula, XX, 224-225 (1965), 12, 20.

Pefiuolas here examines the Diarios and wonders why such critics
as Coin, Adollac and.Men6ndez y Pelayo have insisted upon labeling them
"memorias intimas" or even "confesiones" when they are really nothing of
the sort. They could be more accurately called ”la obra menos impersonal",
although even then, Peflhelas notes, they possess such coolness and re-
serve that one seeks in vain for intimate glimpses of the writer. But in
this respect Jovellanos is very Spanish: intimacy is something reserved
for one's dearest friends. Pefiuelas, quoting Unamuno, observes: "Los
diaries intimos son los enemigos do la verdadera intimidad. La matan".
(12).

260'

26%3

238

In his very copious correspondence, about half of which has
been preserved, there is likewise small indication of intimacy or of
personal revelations. Pefiuolas quotes a notation in Jovellanos' diary
of 1794: "A Jardines, prevenciones sobre nuestra correspondencia: que
no so puede tratar do todo; que sélo privada y ccnfidencial so dobon
exponer libremente 1as ideas . . .”. The writer interprets this as the
remark of a man sure of himself; he did not need ”e1 incierto calor do
la confesidn pfiblica, do la confidencia justificativa", believes
Pofiuolas. Other jovellanistas, e.g., Polt,(no. 284), Helman (nos. 182,
183 a), however, have attributed Jovellanos' statement to his caution,
since he was well aware that his mail was being opened and perused by
certain authorities.

In this examination of his diaries the author has attempted
to analyze Jovellanos' personality, and by extrapolation, the general

characteristics of the Spanish people.

Penzol, Pedro. ”Jovellanos en el diario espaflol do Lady Holland".
Bolotin del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, VII, No. xx
(diciembre do 1953), 570-576.

Reviewed by Case Gonzalez (no. 83), 190.

Penzol, Pedro. "Jovellanos, padre do 1a patria, (1744-1811)”.

Erudicidn There-Ultramarine, Madrid, IV (1933) , 148-162.

This somewhat discursive article, which has little to do with
the announced subject, sheds some interesting sidelights on the biography

of Jovellanos. In it, however, are a number of rather glaring inaccuracies.

239

The writer begins by stating: "No conocemos do 61 otra efigie
que la pintada por Goya . . ." . (148). Actually, Jovellanos sat for his
portrait several times: a number of fine ones are reproduced in a recent
anthology edited by Cienfuegos (no. 104) including another purportedly
by'Goya.

Elsewhere the author states: "Si hubioramos do dividir on
otapas representativas la existencia do Jovino, pondriamos la primera on
Sevilla, con on labor poética y artistica; on soguida la de Madrid,
siendo Ministro do Gracia y'Justicia, que culmina en las memorias o
informes do caractor econdmico; . . ." . Jovellanos served from 1778
to 1790 as Alcalde do Casa y Corte and in other advisory capacities in
Madrid, but it was only after a sevensyear exile in Asturias that he
'was appointed Ministro do Gracia y Justicia, and then for a period of
only eight months.

Ponzol seems to admire greatly'Menohdez do Luarca, to whom he
refers as the editor of the Diarios, although it was in fact Miguel
Adellac who finally edited them. Ponzol quotes Luarca liberally, but
what he refers to as a biography of Jovellanos is nothing more than a
scurrilous attack which has been denounced by most critics ever since.

Ponzol describes Jovellanos' poetry as decidoly neoclassical,
cold and affected, declaring that his real poetry appears in prose. The
author, however, is impressed with Jovellanos' poetical theories, and
carefully explicates his ideas concerning blank verse.

Ponzol quotes from.the diaries of Lady Holland, who believed
that had Jovellanos been younger he would have dissolved the Junta Central

and assumed the reins of government. He quotes as well from the diaries

:269

240
of Jovellanos regarding his relation with his servants. E1 delincuente
honrado is also discussed, along with his linguistic theories.
This monograph, although dflfuso and often inaccurate, presents

some minor biographical material as well as an unusual literary assessment.

Pdrez do Castro, J.L. "Deseo y esfuorzo do Jovellanos por Gijdn".
Boletin del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, LXI y LXII, No. 21 (1967),
93-126, 157-182.

I. Epistolario sobre los obras portuarias.

II. Apuntes sobro algunas obras pfiblicas.

These two articles recount in detail Jovellanos' activities on
behalf of his native Gijdn. The author insists that Asturias and es-
pecially Gijon were over uppermost in Jovellanos' thoughts and affections.

I. During the years of Jovellanos' public service in Seville
and in Madrid he was constantly involved in the promotion of the con-
struction of a port for his native city. Pérez has presented here the
nearly complete correspondence of Jovellanos concerning this project with
its promoters in.Gijdn. The article is accompanied by seven finely
detailed drawings and plans for this port facility, which Jovellanos was
finally able to see become a reality. Jovellanos also planned and pro-
moted a new church for Gijdh, to replace one torn down to make way for
the new port. Unfortunately, this dream was never realized.

II. The second article recounts Jovellanos' activities in the
promotion and construction of a highway between.Gij6n and Oviedo. It
also tells of Jovellanos' plans for a fine stone gate at either ond'of
the new road, a proposal which P6rez quite unjustly suggests was indicative
of J ovellanos’ desire for self-gmndizoment: “Su vanidad do rompor e1

olvido ante la Historia a1 golpe do su nombre". (171).

 

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241
Pérez do Castro, José Luis. E1 Diccionario Geografico Histdrico do
Asturias per Dr. D. Francisco Martinez Marina bajo ol patrocinio do 1a
Real Academia do 1a Historia, Tomo I, G6nosis y'colaboradores. Madrid:
Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, 1959, 316 pages. Chapter 5 concern-
ing Jovellanos.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 210.

Pérez do Castro, José Luis. ”Hallazgo e identificacidn do un manuscrito
do Jovellanos. Instruccidn para la formacidh do un diccionario geografico
do Asturias", Publicaciones de la Real Sociedad Geografica do Asturias,
Serie Bolotin, No. 386 (1957), 36 pages.

Bib. ref. in: PJrez do Castro, J.L. "Deseo y osfuorzo do Jovellanos

por Gijdh“ (no. 269), 125.

Pérez do Castro, Jose Luis. "Un asturiano intornacional: Jovellanos,
preocupacidn e inquiotud (Los libros do don.Gaspar Jovellanos y sus

amigos)“. Asturias (Bolotin del Centro Asturiano do Madrid), v, No. 42

(1955)e 13'160

P6rez do Castro discusses Jovellanos' celibacy, his collateral
descendants, friends and correspondents as well as his library. Especially
mentioned are Pinciano's Philosofia antiguapoética and the Historia do la

vida del hombre by Horvas y Panduro.

Péroz Embid, Florentino. Review of Jovellanos, pensador tradicional y
moderna, by Patricio Pefihlver, Vol. I do la coleccidn "Mar adentro",
Sevilla: Escuela do Estudios Hispinicos, XXXII, 1953. In Arbor, Madrid,

XXVI (1953). 307-313.

274'

242

This review of Penalver's monograph on Jovellanos' political,
sociological, economic and philosophical thought is generally laudatory,
although this book has been severely criticized elsewhere by Caso
Gonzélez in his bibliography, (no. 83) for its lack of objectivity.
Perez notes that Penalvor's conclusions concerning Jovellanos' religious
orthodoxy correspond to those of Monehdez Pelayo. The conclusions of
Penalver are synthesized by Pores Embid in the following terms:
"Jovellanos fue un moderno tradicionalista, o lo que es lo mismo, un
hombre modorno que quiore sorlo sin romper con la tradici6n nacional y
cultural”. (313).

This review is lengthy, uncritical and at times confusing.

Perez do Guzman, Juan. "E1 centenario do Jovellanos". La Ilustracidn

Espafibla y Americana, 74, No. XXIX (8 agosto, 1911), 71-74.

This centenary panegyric compares the chaotic situation in
Spain in 1811 to that a hundred years later. Perez narrates in detail
the frustrations and bad treatment accorded the members of the well-
meaning Junta Central. Forced to move their meeting place to the Island
of Le6n because the French occupation of Seville seemed imminent, they
were set upon enrouto by the hostile populace, urged on, says Péroz,
by the facciosos, and had to take refuge in a nearby monastery. Un-
thanked, unpaid, and nearly destitute, Jovellanos turned toward home,
discouraged by the failure of the Junta Central and mistrustful of the

newly constituted Cortes do Cadiz.

4
I

 

‘

'I

 

275

276

243
In his review of Jovellanos' major writings Perez refers to
his report on the "reglamento do Policia", apparently meaning the
Memoria para o1 arreglo do 1a policia do espectaculosgy'diversiones
pfiblicas y'sobre su origen on Espafia.
This author offers an emotional and at times inexact tribute,
which nevertheless serves to delineate the last unhappy phase of Jove-

llanos ' life.

Péroz Sanchez, Alfonso E. Instituto do Jovellanos,_Catalogo do 1a
coleccidn do dibujos. Madrid: Enrique Lafuente Ferrari, 1969.
Bib. ref. in: British Museum General Catalog of Printed Books, Vol.

119, no 11902.bbb5

Pitollet, Camille. " 'El delincuente honrado' do Jovellanos et 'L'Honnote
criminel' ". Bulletin do 1a Societé d'Etudes dos Profosseurs dos Languos

Méridionales, Paris, XXX (1935) No. 87, 19-21.

Pitollot briefly comments on the similarity of title between
the verse drama by'Fonouillot do Falbairo, L'HonnSto Criminel and the
prose work by Jovellanos, E1 delincuente honrado. Although the writer
points out that Fenouillot's work was first performed at Versailles in
1778 and that of Jovellanos was translated and performed in French the
preceding year, he does not suggest any direct connection between the
two plays. Pelt (no. 280), however, has averrod more recently that Jove-
llanos may have been familiar with the French play, written in 1767,

six years before his Delincuente honrado. Valcretien (BAE XLVI, 78),

277

278

244
Ticknor (III 324, n. 12) and Sarrailh (no. 324) find no connection
between the two plays, but Caso (no. 76) sees certain correspondence
of phrasoology, although he concedes that these may have been coin-

codental, as well as the similarity of title.

Planas Koechert, Rolf-Erich. Gerdnimo do Uztariz und Gaspar Melchor
do Jovellanos: ein Beitrag zur Dogmengeschichto der spanischen
Sozialbkonomie dos 18.Jahrhundorts. (Diss. Zurich), Zurich, 1940.
Bib. ref. in: Polt, John H.R. Jovellanos and his English Sources

(no. 279), 72.

Polt, John H. R. Gaspar Melchor do Jovellanos. New York: Twayne,

1971, 163 pages.

This comprehensive study of Jovellanos' life and works by a
man who is now considered as a leading jovellanista comes as a very
‘welcome addition to the field. One might well assume that this volume
would utilize the several fine studios already published by Polt on
Jovellanos' economic, philosophical and political thought, as well as
on his work as a dramatist and educational theorist. But actually Polt
has repeated himself surprisingly little and has added many fresh in-
sights into an area of criticism that has at times become tired and
repetitious.

I find especially'stimulating Polt's discussion of Jovellanos
as poet. English translation of all quotations is standard in tho
Twayne series, Polt's rendition of Jovellanos' verse is true to the

sense of the original and displays considerable esthetic charm. Although

245
indebted to Case (no. 87) (to whom he gives due credit), his conceptual
and stylistic analysis of the Epistola do Jovino a Anfriso is particu-
larly well done. Somewhat perplexing is Polt's assertion that "sin-
cerity is the most overrated virtue, and in poetry no virtue at all".
(56). But what of the poetry of Antonio Machado and certain of the
verses of Juan.Ram6n Jimdnez, for instance? Polt does admit that Jove-
llanos' poetry is at its best when it springs from some enthusiasme-
moral or esthetic. But is this not true of all poetry? One could add
that polishing alone never raised any poetry beyond ”discreet mediocrity",
not just that of Jovellanos.

Polt has carefully and perceptively analyzed 231222, a play
almost completely neglected by critics. Munuza, the most complex and
interesting character, although not the most admirable, is not a suc-
cessful tragic here, says Polt, for he is "essentially a small man
buffeted by events" who bonds with changing circumstances. Neither is
Pelayo admirable since his friendship with the unworthy Munuza has
compromised his position. Like El delincuente honrado, the ending of
the play is contrived, Polt points out.

Polt's chapter on the Arts is likewise informative and
thought-provoking. He shows that there existed in Jovellanos' concepts
of art a certain ambivalence, since his neoclassical background, in
which symmetry, proportion and order were the supreme criteria, never
could be completely harmonized with his preromantic sentiment, his love
of nature and his faith in originality rather than imitation. Like
Paul Ilie (no. 191), however, Polt believes Jovellanos to be essentially

neoclassic in his artistic and literary tastes.

279

246

Polt's chapters on education, economics, philosophy and politics
are equally informative, although containing less new material, since he
has already studied these areas comprehensively (nos. 279, 281). He
modestly expresses doubt that this book ”can say'much if anything new to
specialims in Jovellanos and his work”. Yet there are certainly new
ideas expressed here, and the gmthesiS'which Polt has provided is valuable
indeed. One would have to qualify it as one of the best recent works on

the subject.

Polt, John H. R. ngellanos and his English Sources: Economic, Philoso-
phical and Political writings. Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, December, 1964,

74 pages.

This excellent study explores Jovellanos' contacts with English-
men and with works written in.English, and it evaluates the influence of
British ideas on his economic, political and philosophical thought.

While still in Seville Jovellanos learned English and soon
became acquainted with Iocke's Essay on Human Understanding and his works
on education and government, as well as some other writings of the En-
lightenment. In Madrid, as a member of the Academia do Historia, Jove-
llanos was permitted to acquire and read otherwise proscribed books,
among them Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, a work which he read at least
four times, as well as many English‘works in other areas, Polt affirms.

In.Gij6n his meeting with the British consul, Alexander Jardine,

an exponent of civil and religious liberty, began a fruitful correspondence,

247
Jardine supplying Jovellanos with many English books and periodicals.
Thus Jovellanos became familiar with the writings of Godwin, Paine,
Burke and others. In 1792 he met the democratically-minded Lord Holland,
'who sent him English books and oven translated and published his Memoria
sobro espectdbulos_y1fiversionosppfiblicas. Their correspondence (1808-
1811) comprises nearly two-hundred letters.

Rejecting me rcantilist theory, Jovellanos was much influenced
‘by Adam.Smith, believing that economic policy should aim at increasing
individual consumption, and that private interests and property should
be protected. In his practical liberalism he advocated agrarian reform,
limitation of mortmain and ontailment, and the encouragement of manu-
facturing.

In his chapter on the philosophy of Jovellanos Polt deals
principally with epistemology, where he sees Locke and Condillac as his
chief mentors. Jovellanos, he says, emphasized observation, analysis and
reasoning, attacking scholasticism.for impeding the dissemination of
learning. Unlike most of Jovellanos' Spanish commentators, Polt entirely
avoids the matter of Jovellanos' religious convictions.

Like Adam.Furguson, Jovellanos rejected Locke's (and.Rousseau's)
notion of a social compact, believing that society'and government are
Man's natural state. A constitution was for him.institutionalizod tradi-
tion, says Bolt, which must provide liberty through political balance.
Polt asserts that Jovellanos came to believe that insurrection was justi-
fied under certain conditions, but so far as I know, he indicated this
belief in only one or two euphoric letters: it perhaps should not be

taken as typical of his thinking in more contemplative moments.

280

248
Polt, with his fine knowledge of both English and French
Eighteenth Century philosophers as well as of the writings of Jove-

11anos has made an important contribution with this work.

Polt, John H.R. "Jovellanos' E1 delincuente honrado”. Romanic Review,

L (1959). 170-190.

Polt reviews the circumstances under which E1 delincuente
honrado was written and evaluates its position in the history of the
Spanish theatre. He briefly summarizes the (mostly unfavorable)
criticism of the play, noting especially the Nineteenth Century attempts
to find in it support for either Liberal or Carlist political and relig-
icrus thinking. He calls attention to the play‘s obvious shortcomings:
its weak, largely irrelevant ending and its lack of characterization:
“The characters do not seem to have any core of personality: rather they
slip suddenly and sharply from one role into another, always fitting
perfectly the preconceived norms of that role. Their personalities
have facets, but no depth: like the title, they remain at the stage of
unresolved paradox. (182). Caso Gonzélez (Archivum, 1964) (no. 76)
agrees with this assessment, but one must remember that characteriza-
tion has not usually been considered an important aspect of the Spanish
theatre prior to Jovellanos, and that don Gaspar was far more inter-
ested in presenting ideas than in developing personality.

Polt asserts that the play does not adhere in form to either
neoclassic or romantic modes: "some liberties with the unitios, as
well as the precision of the setting, separate it from.the former,

while the number of acts and the relative adherence to unities separate

281

249
it from the latter, and contemporary setting from both". (171).
Conceptually, the play conforms to European thought of the late Eighteenth
Century, an optimistic period in which it was believed that Reason, ac-
companied by'a sentimental compassion for the unfortunate, could ul-
timately solve the world's problems, and that literature must play its
useful part in the process. Polt points out that the old precept of
"utile dulci" is here still operative, but now the sweetness has almost
entirely given way to the usefulness. Jovellanos has sacrificed the
potential dramatic effect of the moral conflict involved in the decision
which Torcuato and don Justo must make to the legal-philosophical aspects
of the situation.

Although outwardly, in its tears, sentiment and melodramatic
contrasts it resembles Romanticism, and in its adherence to classical
precepts it reflects Neoclassicism, it is ultimately social rather than
esthetic in intent, says Polt. His assertion that both of those move-
ments adhere to the principle of art for art's sake may be debatable,
but he is doubtless correct in his belief that the play is not the direct
antecedent of romantic drama. Rather one must look for its successors
in the social realism.of late-Nineteenth Century thesis plays, with
their contemporary setting and mixture of sentiment and moralizing.

In this carefully considered analysis Polt has competently

situated the play in relation to both its antecedents and its progeny.

Polt, John H. R. ”Jovellanos y'la educacidh”. E1_padre Foijoo ygsu
siglo, Cuadernos de la Citedra Feijoo, No. 18, Vol. III, Facultad de

Filosofia y Letras, Universidad de Oviedo, 1966, 315-338.

250

John Polt in this informative study reviews the deplorable
state of education in late Eighteenth Century Spain and then outlines
the educational reforms proposed by Jovellanos and his attempts at
practical application of these principles.

Jovellanos believed that the first requisite for the proper
function of an enlightened despotism, or for the constitutional monarchy
‘which he envisaged for Spain, was the careful preparation of its di-v
Enters, making mandatory the proper education of its upper and middle
classes. But since agriculture, for him the basis of national wealth,
is dependent upon instruction, the lower classes must also receive free
and universal education at public expense in order to promote ”una nacidn
justa, instruida y rica". Instruction must include teaching of civic
and moral virtue, thus contributing to man's physical and intellectual
perfection and loading eventually, Jovellanos optimistically thought,
to ”una confoderacidn universal y la paz perpetua". (321).

Agreeing with Locke, Jovellanos indicated his mistrust of the
study of metaphysics, of Thomistic theology and of the deductive methods
of Scholasticism, and turned to the secondary schools, badly depleted by
the expulsion of the Jesuits, with the intention of stimulating here
interest in the experimental and practical sciences, as well as economics,
business and history (historia civil).

Unhappily, says Polt, Jovellanos' educational reforms were
largely abandoned, but he provided above all a new approach to the prob-
lems of instruction and a live model of modern education in his Instituto.
Assessing the extent of influence of a thinker such as Jovellanos is ex-

tremely'difficult, of course, but Polt's judgement at this point is

282

283

251
probably sound, even though it is true that the Instituto. reverted to
a standard secondary school shortly after his death. But one would be
wrong to underestimate the long-term results of Jovellanos' attempts to
awaken his fellow countrymen to the needs and potentialities of education

for Spain.

Polt, John H. R. Review of Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Obras en Prosa,
Edicidn, Introduccidn y Notas do J056 Caso Gonzalez. (Clasicos Castalia,

18.) Editorial Castalia, Madrid, 1969. In Hispanic Review, 40 (Summer,

1972).

Polt justly praises this fine selection of Jovellanos' works,

noting especially the use of new data in the prologue and the avoidance

'of useless speculation.

The reviewer sees an evolution in the emphasis placed upon
certain ideas by Jovellanos, and is likewise accurate in insisting, as
does Caso, that there was never any basic contradiction among them, and
that the process was one of synthesis and harmonizing of divergent ideas

rather than the dichotomy and intransigence some have averred.

Polt, John H. R. Review of Poesias by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos,
Edicidn critica, prdlogo y notas do JosJ'Caso Gonzalez, and Reglamentc
para el Colegio do Calatrava by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Edicion
segfin e1 manuscrito oficial, prdlogo y notas do Jose Caso Gonzalez. In

Hispanic Review, XXXVI (1968), 177-181.

Polt points to the inadequacy and near illegibility of many

previous Eighteenth Century texts, especially those of the works of

284

252
Jovellanos, and congratulates Caso on these assiduously edited and
annotated volumes. Although calling attention to a few misprints and
taking issue on some minor issues and interpretations in the Poosias,

he rightly labels the work otherwise definitive. He finds Reglamentc

 

especially interesting for its support of royal rather than papal
authority, and of Spanish rather than Roman law, and for its mistrust

of the methods of education then used in Spanish universities.

Polt, John H. R. "Una nota jovellanista. Carta 'A desconocida persona' ".

Homenaje a Rodriguez Mofiino (69), II (1966), 81-86.

In this article Polt continues with the investigation of an
enignm.which has long puzzled jovellanistas: the intended destination
and the import of a certain letter known as ”A desconocida persona" which
appeared in Vol. L of B.A.E., edition of Nocedal. Somoza and others had
for some time agreed that Jovellanos had written this letter to Alexander
Hardings. It remained for Edith Helman to identify this person as
Alexander Jardine, British Counsul to La Corufia.

By'carefulLy examining the diaries and other letters, Polt has
concluded that this letter was a first draft of one written to Alexander
Jardine on.May 21, 1794, but never sent. It appears that Jovellanos
wrote another letter to replace it, which was sent to Jardine on.May 24.
It is possible, believes Polt, that Jovellanos, realizing that his mail
was being opened, may have felt that he had spoken too freely concern-
ing the Inquisition or about Danton and the French Revolution.

It is evident that the political and religious differences

between J ovellanos and J ardine were too great, and that the correspondence

2855

ZEMS

253

was interrupted not long afterward. Polt believes that Jovellanos,
fearing the Inquisition, destroyed all Jardine's letters, together with
the first drafts of his own. Since this letter was never sent, it must
have been kept separately from this file of correspondene, and thus
escaped destruction.

The evidence which Polt has presented is extremly convincing
and represents a fine piece of detective work on the part of a careful
scholar. Perhaps more significant, however, is the mood of fear and

repression which this investigation serves to illuminate.

Prados Arrarte, Jesus. "Jovellanos, economista“. Jovellanos,gsu Vida
y Obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano de Buenos Aires en el bicenten-
ario de su nacimiento, con la adhesion do los Centros Asturianos de la

Habana y'M‘xico, Buenos Aires, 1945, pages 163-282.

The author concludes that Jovellanos was not a physiocrat, nor

did he follow exactly the ideas of Adam Smith. He was rather a post-
mercantilist, defending agriculture as the best means of improving the
productivity of the economy, and insisting that the wealth of a nation
lies in its annual labor product. He believed in free domestic trade,
but in somo control over foreign exchange. However, he went beyond the
postmercantilists in his concern for social welfare. Because of its
lucid exegisis of Eighteenth Century economic theory and Jovellanos'
relationship to it this study is the most valuable one on the subject

before Polt's (no. 278).

Prados Arrarte, Jesus. ngellanos, economista. Madrid: Taurus, 1967,

139 pages.

287

288

289

254
This is a reprint in book form of the same study published in
Buenos Aires in 1945 (no. 285). The only additions are chapter titles

and an index, both of which are helpful.

Prieto, Ramon. "Campomanes y Jovellanos ante e1 regimen agrario de
Asturias". Anuario do Historia del Derecho Espafiol, Madrid, XXX (1964),
269-280 e

Bib. ref. in: Rovista do Literatura, 1966, 306.

 

Pulgar, flannel Garcia (Pulgarin). "Un ologio". Corroo de Asturias,
Buenos Aires, 30 do noviembre, 1935.
Bib. ref. in: Escritorosgy'artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 3fi5),

610.

Real do la Riva, Cesar. "La escuela poetica salmantina del siglo XVIII"

Boletin do la Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo, XXIV (1948), 321-364.

In a section of this article bearing the epigraph "E1 magisterio
incomprensiblo do Jovellanos", the author discusses the strange domination
Jovellanos seems to have had for a time over the Salamancan poets, some
of whom he had never met. He urged Fray Diego Gonzalez to use his
talents to write about moral philosophy, Melendez Valdés to exalt
glorious deeds of Spanish history and Fernando do Rojas to restore the
Spanishtmeatre. These recommendations of Jovellanos, says Real, did a

great disservice to his Salamancan friends, ill-adapted to such lofty

purposes:

290

255

Ni e1 epicureismo fécil y elegante do fray Diego

era adecuado para la poesia filosdfica, ni la

sensibilidad exquisita de Melendez para escribir

sobro temas guerroros, do los que habia abominado

cien veces en sus graciosas 1otrillas,ni e1

ingenio y agudeza del padre Rojas para vestir

"o1 conturno tragico" y restaurar do este modo

la escena espafibla. (360).
But in spite of don Gaspar's authoritarian protection his influence may not
have been as pervasive as Real assumes: neoclassicism during these years
was sweeping all before it. It is possible, too, that those poets were
not as respectfully submissive as Real indicates, but themselves may have
felt the need for new directions. The poetry subsequently produced by
them was doubtless inferior, but the change may have furnished a needed
corrective for the Arcadianism which had begun to run its course. Never-
theless, the undeniable influence of a man of only ordinary poetic

endowment over some very talented poets is a tribute to his persuasive

powers, as well as to the wide-ranging respect he commanded.

Redondo, Emilio. "La tendoncia secularizadora do Jovellanos“. Revista

Espafibla do Pedagogia, No. 95 (1966), 195-212.

Redondo provides a rather comprehensive study of Jovellanos'
conception of the educational process and of his plan for a free and
universal systom.of public instruction for Spain. The author relies for
material on two basic texts by Jovellanos, Memoria sobre la educacidn
pfiblica, written in 1802 while he was a prisoner in Bellver, and Ba§g§_
para la formacidn do un Plan General do instrucci6n publica, composed in
1809 while he was a member of the Junta Central. For the purposes of
comparison he might well have included in his sources Jovellanos' earlier

and more radical Plan para el reglamento del Colegio do Calatrava.

290.

1392

256

The program of education proposed by Jovellanos was so advanced,
says Redondo, that he not only opened the Nineteenth Century, but in a
sense closed it as well, since nothing more modern was suggested for many
decades.

The writer points out that all Jovellanos' proposals tended
toward a state-regulated and financed system of education, even on the
university level. But universities, which originally functioned as train-
ing institutions for ecclesiastics to direct the medieval theocratic
state, could not be expected to train scientists and technicians for the
modern age, Jovellanos believed; thus this function must be assumed by
lay institutions for the teaching of the exact and applied sciences.

Redondo's analysis is quite complete, although he fails to
mention that along with a patent tendency toward secularization Jovellanos
still recommended that primary instruction, since it should include moral

indoctrination, could well be handled by the clergy.

Ricard, Robert. ”De Campomanes a Jovellanos. Les courants d'idoes dans
l'Espagne du XVIII° siecle d‘apres un ouvrago recent”. (Sanchez Agesta,
no. 317). Les Lettres Romanes, Lovaina, XI (1957), 31-52. (Universit‘
Catholique de Louvain).

Reviewed by Caso Gonzdlez (no. 83), 203.

Ricard, Robert. "Jovellanos et 1'Afrique do Nord". Tamuda, Tomo V

(1957). 315-323.
Reviewed by Case Gonzalez, no. 83, 202.

£293

257
Ricard, Robert. "Jovellanos y'la nobleza". Atléntida, III (1965),

#56472 .

This study provides a careful analysis of Jovellanos' attitude
toward the nobility, as well as a comparison and criticism of two dis-
cussions of the same subject, one El‘pensamientopolitico del despotismo

ilustrada by Luis Sanchez Agesta, and the other L'Espagne eclairee de la

 

seconde moitie do XVIII° siecle by Jean Sarrailh. In general the writer
finds acceptable the conclusions of SJhchez Agesta concerning Jovellanos'
ideas, but finds certain deficiencies in the interpretation of Sarrailh,
who, says Ricard, misinterprets Jovellanos' stand on disentailment as
expressed in his Informe sobre la Ley;Agraria, as well as his general
attitude toward the nobility. Sarrailh criticizes don Gaspar for taking
such a weak stand against a group whom he found decadent. But actually
Jovellanos was restrained by his prudence and good sense, as well as by
a naturally aristocratic taste and sense of ”justo media“. He believed
that since the nobility can no longer conquer wealth militarily it is
only fair that they should be allowed to live on their inheritance, but

mayorazgos should nevertheless be limited to an essential minimum.

 

Nobility should be respected as necessary to the conservation and splendor
of the monarchy, but must maintain its former virtue and remember the
principle of noblesse oblige. Jovellanos decried the laziness, inefficiency
and immorality of certain members of the nobility, but Sarrailh has mis-
read or misinterpreted him.at this point, assuming that he condemned the
nobility on principle, Ricard observes. Sarrailh's faulting of Jove-

llanos for the weakness of his stand in this matter seems to constitute

a value judgement unworthy of an historian of his reputation.

294

295

258

But it must be pointed out that noithor’Sdnchez Agesta nor the
writer of this article, Robert Ricard, are completely accurate in their
assessment of Jovellanos: the former sees doanaspar as a man of two
faces, while Ricard would divide his personality even farther. But as one
studios more deeply into the life and writings of Jovellanos it becomes
evident that such a dichotomy is more apparent than real, and that he
was a truly integrated person who was able to find harmony and equilibrium
in seemingly disparate ideas.

It should be noted that Ricard is inexact in stating that
Jovellanos advocated that the Cortes be divided into three segments: he
wanted two, one for the nobility and clergy and the other for the people.

Ricard has well illustrated the pitfalls of hasty reading and

ill-considered judgements, his own as well as those of others.

Ricard, Robert. ”L'Espagne et la fabricacidn dos“bonnets tunisionsi

Apropos d'un toxto do XVIII° siSclo". Revue Africaine, Tomo C, Nos.446-

 

4&9 (1956), 423-h32.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 202.

Ricard, Robert. Review of Obras en Prosa, Edicidn, introduccidn y notas
do Jos‘ Caso Gonzalez. Madrid: Cldsicos Castalia, 1970. In Lettres

Romanos, XXIV (1970), 281-282.

Ricard, who rightly regards Jose Caso Gonzalez as one of the
most knowledgeable jovellanistas, calls this new edition elegant, and
especially interesting for containing Jovellanos' loss-known.works. Al-

though ho fails to share Caso's predilection for "Doscripcidn del castillo

296

259
do Bellver", he chooses as his favorites "Dos dialogos sobro critica

economica" (because it shows that the thinking in Ley'Agraria may not

 

have been entirely Jovellanos' own), and the paraphrase of the psalm,
"Judica me Dons? where Jovellanos'religious feeling is most eloquently
expressed. Ricard congratulates Caso for his inclusion of adequate
bibliography, but confesses perplexity concerning his references to

preromanticism.

Riora Clavillo, Manuel. Accion EuropoistaLCultura,Economiaj Politica.

 

Barcelona: Editorial Barna, S. A., 1963, 130 pages.

This series of essays discusses Spain’s tentative steps toward
participation in the political, economic and cultural affairs of Europe
and urges more positive action in this regard. Part I, "Cultura europea",
Chapter III discusses such "doctrinarios europeistas" as Jovellanos,
Feijoo, Balmes, Maragall and Olavide.

The writer, who is Vice President of the Instituto do Estudios
Europeos, correctly asserts that Modern Spain begins with Jovellanos, but
is unrealistic in his assessment of the positive effects of his recommenda-
tions: ”Representa el hombre cuyas ideas son tan focundas que rapidamente
so transforman on realidades a1 modo del proyectista que vo convertidos
sus disefios en magnificas construcciones". (43). Riora recounts bio-
graphically Jovellanos' concrete attempts toward reform and europeanization
but does not concern himself with the basic concepts and philosophy which

motivated this course of action.

 

~L |e,.

297

298

260
Rio, Angel del. Preliminary study to the Diarios of Jovellanos. Tomo I
Oviedo: Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, 1953, pages 1-112. Reviewed

by'Caso Gonzdlez (no. 83), 194. See also no. 298 of this bibliography.

Rio, Angel del. "El sentimiento do la naturaleza en los diarios de

Jovellanos". Nueva Revista de Filologia HisPJhica, VII (l953),603-637.

This article, which has also formed part of delIRio's "Estudio
preliminar" to the 1953 edition of the Diarios (no. 297), deals with
Jovellanos' love of nature as revealed in minutely detailed descriptions
of landscapes and natural phenomena in his diaries. They are, as del
Rio asserts, without doubt the only great diary in the Spanish language,
but whether they are his most important work may be debatable.

Because of its very sobriety the style of the diaries acquires
enormous expressiveness, says del Rio. He points out the unusual but
harmonious conjunction of the economist with the poet. Beauty is equated
with fertility, and both with.Man's well-being and earthly happiness.

Although he critized them severely, Jovellanos apparently was
profoundly affected by Rousseau's Confessions, especially in the attitude
toward the natural world they convey, Del Rio sees in the sensitivity
to the beauty of nature displayed in the diaries of Jovellanos not only
strong traces of preromanticism, but also echoes of Horace and Fray Luis.
The austerity and sobriety of style foreshadow Antonio Machado, he
believes. Interestingly, like other sensitive commentators, del Rio
finds in this lyrical prose of Jovellanos analogies with great poets

of both preceding and subsequent centuries.

299

261
The Diarios have been a much-neglected phase of Jovellanos'
work, since the extremely faulty edition of 1915 was apparently little
read. But with the edition of 1953 they are receiving well-deserved
critical attention. Angel del Rio’s keen assessment and sensitive

analysis are, of course, an important contribution in this area.

Rio, Angel del. Introduction to Jovellanos, Obras escogidas. Clasicos

 

Castellanos, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1955, pages VII-CXXXV.

This biography and analysis of the thought and works of Jove-
llanos, first published in 1935, is perhaps the best relatively brief
study available. Although not comprehensive (he has excluded many areas,
notably the poetry, and only touched on others), his judgements are
uniformly sound. He is perhaps the most quoted of any modern critic
of Jovellanos.

Jovellanos, says del Rio, represented in his life and works
the complex interlacing of often contradictory ideas of the Eighteenth
Century ideological revolution. Nineteenth Century critics, however,
in their efforts to categorize him within some particular ideology,
have failed to notice the essential ecclecticism which led him to at-
tempt to harmonize these conflicting currents.

Del Rio, better perhaps than any other critic, has recognized
and dealt with Jovellanos' sensitiveness, which affected every phase of
his thought and writing. Although he sees here a trace of French
influence, he believes that this sensibilidad became in Jovellanos more
free and original, reflecting Spain's literary heritage, his love of

nature and of regional culture and folklore.

262

The work done by Jovellanos as a literary censor, says del
Rio is one as yet little studied and worthy of greater attention.

More dispassionately than any of his predecessors del Rio has
studied the reasons for Jovellanos' banishment from court, his appoint-
ment to the ministry and subsequent fall from power, followed two and
one-half years later by his imprisonment on Mallorca. Jovellanos, he
says, was doubtlessly a Jansenist sympathizer and a foo of the Inquisition:
his acerbic criticism of court life, attacks against ecclesiastical land-
holding and his attempts to establish secular control and practical
studies in the universities were further causes of his unpopularity.

Del Rio minimizes the effects of'Rousseau on Jovellanos and
asserts that by the time of his imprisonment he had become wholly Spanish
in his Christian stoicism, devoid of the worldly pride exemplified by
the ilustrados.

During this period of oppression, del Rio notes, the Spanish
people looked upon Jovellanos as a symbol of patriotism and hope of
regeneration, and fervently prayed for his liberation.

Jovellanos, del.Rio believes, was not an especially original
thinker, but is great rather for his intelligent devotion to the noblest
ideals. His prose style, with its fluidity and richness of vocabulary,
with its abstract turns and personal tendencies, can be compared favor-
ably with that of the best Spanish classical writers.

This introduction is written in clear precise prose, and gives

evidence of the careful research and literary acumen of its author.

 

300

301

263

Rio, Angel del. "Jovellanos: vida y personalidad". La Nueva Democracia,

 

XXXV, iii (1955), 90-101. (Part of chapter on Jovellanos in Historia
general de 1as Literaturas HisPanicas, IV, 13 ed., Barcelona, 1956,

ppe 169-201) e

Del Rio calls Jovellanos a "sintesis de la dpoca", the first
economist and political theoretician, the finest art critic of his day
and the best representative of Spanish encyclopedism. He believes that l
Jovellanos' imprisonment (seven years rather than eight) was the work
of the reactionary element who saw in him a visible symbol of the reform
movement. As have other subsequent commentators, del.Rio here repeats
much of what he had previously written for his Cldsicos Castellanos

edition of 1935 (no. 299).

Rio, Angel del. "Los estudios do Jovellanos sobre el dialecto do
Asturias. (Notas acerca do la dialectologia en el siglo XVIII)”.

Revista do Filologia Hispanica, Buenos Aires, V, No. 3 (1943): 209-243-

Angel del Rio here investigates in detail Jovellanos' interest
in dialectology and his studies of Bable, the dialect of Asturias, as
'well as his encouragement of other scholars in this area.

In his probings in the field of dialectology Jovellanos shared
an interest of many Eighteenth Century philologists, especially those of
France. The attention of Jovellanos, however, was focused especially
on language as a source of understanding of the history and culture of
its speakers, his inclination being more toward the use of experimentation

and the study of particular phenomena than to abstract reasoning.

264

In 1800 with his friends Posada and Caveda, Jovellanos ten- I
tatively founded an Asturian Academy with the expressed purpose of
compiling a dictionary of Bablo as well as a dictionary of Asturian
geography. These plans were frustrated shortly afterward by his
imprisonment, but even from Bellver he corresponded with Posada con-
cerning the projects and wrote an Apuntamiento sobre el Dialocto. But
more than two hundred sheets filled.with words in Bablo which Jovellanos

had collected and studied are probably lost, believes del Rio.

 

The importance of Jovellanos' dialectical investigations lies
in his contribution to methods of linguistic research and in his conception
of language as a means of understanding the culture of a people:

Es do notar, por ejemplo, su rigor en el razonamiento;

su escrupulosidad on ceflirse a1 fenomono linguistico

pure, desochando 1as conjocturas poco fundadas y la

posada e impertinonto erudicidh que hace hoy ilegibles

obras como Origones do Mayans o, aun on otro terreno,

muchos do los ensayos do Feijoo. (241).

This comprehensive study contributes to the understanding of
Jovellanos as a brilliant yet practical man who could turn his mind

profitably to diverse fields of investigation, and points up as well his

predominantly historical and sociological orientation.

302 IRio, Angel del. "Una nota do Jovellanos sobre el artioulo en.Mallorquin".

Revista do Filologia Hispanica, Buenos Aires, V (19h3), 367-368.

Del Rio opines that Jovellanos' observations concerning the
article es,gsa,gson are among the first attempts to explain these

linguistic forms scientifically.

303

304

265

Rio Alonso, Francisco del. Ideas pedagdgicas do Jovellanos. Ledn,

 

1909, 23 pages. Pamphlet.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 3M5),6ll.

Ritter, Manfred. Gaspar Melchor do Jovellanos;(th4-1811), Seine

 

Porsdnlichkoit und sein Work in der Geschichte der spanischen Aufklarung, I

I1

" ‘ 1;- .'5

Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung dor Wfirde eines Doktors der

Wirtschaftswissenschafton dor Wirtschaftshochschule Mannheim. Ludwigshafen

q“. a.
4

am Rhein: Joseph Ruzicka, 1965, 350 pages.

This study of the life and writings of Jovellanos was presented
as a doctoral thesis in the field of Economics, and therefore deals much
more fully with the economic and political phases of his thought than
with the esthetic and literary ones, although all areas are discussed
to some extent.

The first part of the book deals with the political, economic
and social conditions of Spain and its history during the Hapsburg
regime as well as that of the Bourbon kings, and includes a factual and
comprehensive biography of Jovellanos, emphasizing especially his polit-
ical activities.

The second part, titled "Der Gedanke der Reform in den
Arbeiten von Jovellanos- Versudlseiner Systematisierung", deals largely
with Jovellanos' proposed social and political reforms, his plan for a
constitutional monarchy for Spain, and his ideas concerning the improve-
ment of education and the development of a free and vigorous economy.

It also studies his Memoria sobro ospoctéculos y divorsionespdblicas

266
and his criticism of art, architecture and literature. Rittor explains
Jovellanos' esthetic theories rather extensively, but mentions his
poetical and dramatic production only briefly, refraining from making
any independent judgements, but quoting such critics as Angel del Rio,
Torres Rioseco and.Menéndez Pelayo.

The final section of the book discusses the possible influences

of the work of Jovellanos in the Nineteenth Century. It deals with the

reforms proposed by the Cortescb Cadiz and with the political history of

 

the following decades, as well as the agricultural reforms proposed by
Jovellanos, disentailment, public works, irrigation, and the suppression
of the Mesta.

Fitter concludes that Jovellanos' proposals for economic reform
had greater impact during the succeeding century than those in the
political sphere. He remarks that many of the basic problems which
plagued Spain in Jovellanos' day have yet to be resolved, asserting that
today Spain is well developed in the field of artistic creation but lags
behind seriously in the area of popular education, commerce and political
development.

Ritter's study is fully annotated and includes an excellent
‘bibliography containing a number of books and articles not on other lists;
it has been useful in compiling the present bibliography.

Ritter's analysis of the economic, political and sociological
theories of Jovellanos is a significant contribution, and his study of the
influence of Jovellanos on subsequent generations is unique, although

necessarily speculative.

305

306

307

267
Rosales, Luis. "La poesia do Jovellanos". §é, suplemento semanal del
diario, Arriba, Madrid, Numoro homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario

do su nacimiento, Afib III (9 do enero do 19hh), p. 11.

Rosales calls Jovellanos typical of his century, a time of
great self-consciousness and self-assurance in regard to poetry. His

poetry is, he says, "atildada, acendada, pedagdgica, do buen gusto,

Fifi-W9.“ ‘1'

desprovista de invencidn, do riqueza animica y cordial, y aun mny
dudosa la eficacia y legitimidad de sus recursos expresivos, sobro
todo en sus romances amorosos". Rosales believes Jovellanos' most
successful poetry to be his satires, which show liveliness and origi-
nality, possessing "riqueza do vocabulario popular, plasticidad, precisidn
del dibujo (y) dolicadeza del color".

In this analysis Rosales is, in general, somewhat negative,
but one must confess that it well reflects the commonly held opinion of

the poetry of Jovellanos' day.

Rossi, Giuseppe Carlo. "Ancora su Jovellanos o l'emancipaziono

sudamericana". Filologia Romanza, Turin, Anno I, Fasc. 4°’(ottubre-

 

dicombre, 1954), b8-88.

Reviewed.by Caso Gonzdlez (no. 83), 196.

Rossi, Giuseppe Carlo. Review of Elpensamiento politico del despotismo
ilustrado by Sanchez Agesta. Madrid: Instituto do Estudios Politicos,
(1953). In.Filolggia Romanza, Turin, No. 6 (1955), 212-219.

Bib. ref. in: Caso Gonzdlez, (no. 83), 193.

308

309

310

268

Rossi, Giuseppe Carlo. “Jovellanos e l'emancipazione sudamericana".
Filologia Romanza, Turin, Anno I, Fasc. #0 (ottubre-dicembre, 1954),

79-83-
Reviowed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 196.

Rossi, Giuseppe Carlo. "Jovellanos nolla storia del 'despotismo i

ilustrado' in Spagna". Filologia Romanza, Turin, Anne I (l95h).

Ruiz Lagos, Manuel. Avila y Jovellanos (Datos para una biografia).

Tomas Abulenses, Avila: Instituto "Gran Duque do Alba", 1966.

In this brief monograph Ruiz Lagos performs an important
service in rectifying a misapprehension concerning Jovellanos' education.
H5 reports the discovery of documents showing that Candido Nocedal (Vidg
do Jovellanos, Madrid, 1865) was in error in asserting that Jovellanos
‘went to Avila at about the age of thirteen and studied there the career
of Leyes y Canones. It is evident that he spent at most a few weeks
there in 1793, taking examinations in Canon Law, He had already received
his degree from.the University of Osma, and had come to Avila perhaps at
the invitation of his relative, the prolate, Romauldo Velarde y Cienfuegos.

The writer errs in calling Nocedal one of Jovellanos' first
biographers: his introduction to the BA§_edition of his works appeared
in 1858, after many other similar studies. Like most of these, he was
merely repeating the apparently erroneous assertion of Jovellanos' first

biographer, Coin Bermudez.

311

312

313

269
Ruiz Pefia, Manuel. "La recta vida do Jovellanos". q§i, suplemento
semanal del diario, Arriba, Madrid, Numero homenaje a Jovellanos en

el bicentenario do su nacimiento, Afio III (9 do enero do 19h4),p.h.

The author supplies a brief factual biography of Jovellanos,

emphasizing that his outstanding qualities were rectitude, patriotism, 1

r1
:1

stoicism, moderation and pride of race. He accurately infers that the

memoires of Godoy are not entirely reliable, especially in the parts

P
i

dealing with his relations with Jovellanos.

S.A. Review of "Consequences of the Publication of the Loy Agraria".
by Edith F. Holman. Estudios Hispanicos Wellesloy, (Homanaje a Archer

A. Huntington), pages 253-273. In.Revista do Filologia Espafiola, XXXVII

(1953). 362.

The reviewer summarizes Helman's study without commenting on
the validity of its thesis (no. 183a). He points out, however. that
present-day problems were foreseen in the Eighteenth Century and
solutions suggested, but that the group of ilustrados was so small and

their ideas so little known that their influence was slight.

Sabater, Gaspar. E1 Castillo do Bellver. Su arte y'su historia.
Mallorca, 1962, pages 68-69.
Bib. ref. in: Alvarez Solar-Quintos, J. "Jovellanos en.Mallorca".

Boletin del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, XIX (1965), (no. l6),108.

31h

315

316

270
Sainz do Robles, F.C. Introduction to E1 delincuente honrado in Teatro

Espafiol del Siglo XVIII (Vol. V of El Teatro Espafiol, historia y

 

antelogia Desdo sus origenes hasta el Siglo XIX). Fadrid: Aguilar, 19U3.

 

The author quotes the judgements of henéndez Pelayo and
Valbuena Prat concerning the merits of the writings of Jovellanos and
adds his own assessment that his style was the best of his time, although
it was somewhat cold and lacked "inspiracidn feliz". He points out that
Jovellanos was a poet only by avocation, and that his writings are
representative of the struggle between authentic Spanish thought and

French education and tastes characteristic of the Eighteenth Century.

Salas, Javier do. "Dos cartas do Jovellanos". Archivo Espafiol do Arte

 

y Arqueologia, 1933, 65-67.

Salas has transcribed for publication two letters written by
Jovellanos to Cean Bermudez, his friend and first biographer, who was
also an art historian of some repute. In the first letter dated
August 2, 1795, Jovellanos tells of finding a book by Lézaro Diaz del
Valle written in 1659 concerning artists of the day. The second, dated
August 8, 1795, concerns a manuscript listing artists employed in Toledo,
probably in decorating the Basilica do Santa Loocadia, although this is
not made clear by Salas. In his brief commentary Salas fails to mention

the date of the second manuscript.

Salinas, Pedro. Chapter on the poetry of Meléndez Valdes in Ensayos

do la literatura hispanica,gde1 "Cantar do Mic Cid" a Garcia Lorca.

Madrid: Aguilar, 1958. P3805 236‘271°

«s

fir-3:». .
i
l

317

318

319

320

271
The author makes several references to Jovellanos, pointing
out that he served as friend, protector and advisor to Meléndoz Valdés.
Jovellanos recommended encyclopedist and philosophical themes typical of
the century: humanity, beneficence and justice. Salinas finds it
strange that Melendez chose the French side, since his enemies, Moratin

and Hormosilla were afrancesados, while his friends, Jovellanos and

 

Quintana, remained patriotic.

Sanchez Agesta, Luis. E1 pensamientopolitico del despotismo ilustrado,
Madrid: Instituto do Estudios Politicos, 1953. 317 pages.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 192.

Sanchez Agesta, Luis. "Espafla y Europa en el pensamiento espafiol del
siglo XVIII". Cuadernos de la Catedra Feijoo do la Universidad do
Oviedo, 1955, 28 pages.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 198.

Sanchez Agesta, Luis. "Jovellanos y la crisis del despotismo ilustrado".
Archive do Derecho Publico, Granada, IV, 1951, 89-122.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzdlez (no. 83), 191.

Sanchez Albornoz, Claudio. De gyergy'de hay, Coleccidh Persiles, No. 4,
Madrid: Taurus, 1958, 163 pages. This book includes "Jovellanos
historiador", 57-6h, (no. 322) and "Tres fobias do Jovellanos", 65-71.

Reviewed by Caso Gonzalez (no. 83), 206.

 

321

272
Sdnchez Albornoz, Claudio. “Jovellanos y la historia". Espgfibles
ante la historia, Biblioteca Contemporénoa, Buenos Aires: Losada,
1958, pp. 161-212. Also in: Jovellanos, su vida y;obra (Homenaje
del Centro Asturiano do Buenos Aires en el bicentenario do su

nacimiento), Buenos Aires, 19fi5, pp. 547-593.

In this essay Sanchez Albornoz explores the historical
aspects of the writings of Jovellanos, attempting to decide if don
Gaspar could rightly be called an historian, and if so, to what extent
and in what aSpects of his work.

In a style at times reminiscent of Azorin's, Sanchez Albornoz
invokes the history-imbued atmosphere of his native Avila, where Jove-
llanos is reported to have studied during his adolescent years. Though
never a student of history as such, don Gaspar read voraciously in all
fields and in many languages (Spanish, French, English, Italian and
Catalan). The Eighteenth Century, says Sanchez, may well be called the
century of history for its enormous interest in this field, and Jove-
llanos, as a child of this century and of the Enlightenment, shared
this enthusiasm, but with a difference:

Pero espanol hasta 1a medula, a1 escribir de historia

Jovellanos siguid fiel a la linea tematica y

metodoldgica en que so movieron en su epoca los

historiadores espafiolos. Y 1as llamaradas do su

genio 1e llevaron a imaginar 1a teoria do la

historia que habian do dosenvolver los romanticos

y liberales del siglo XIX con que so anticip6 varias

décadas a los historiografos do allende e1 Pirineo.

Sanchez-Albornoz has carefully researched the writings of the
leading Eighteenth Century historians, as well as the historical and

literary works which Jovellanos is known to have road. (He regrets

 

322

323

273
that don Gaspar could not have read the Libro do buen amor, which would
have served him well.)

Sdnchez points out that in some areas Jovellanos' knowledge of
history was deficient, and that his historical writings, especially those
concerning the Tenth, Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, are notably inaccurate.
He tended to over-romanticize life in the Middle Ages, says Sinchez, and
gave too little credit to the Moors in the formation of Spanish culture.

After careful analysis Sinchez concludes that, strictly speaking,
Jovellanos was not an historian, but in Spirit he must certainly qualify
as one:

Pero como negarle latu sensu la condicidn do historiador,

como negarle un honroso lugar en la cofradia do los que

han amado la historia, 1a han ostudiado con celo y han

escrito sobro ella con devocidn y constancia? No, cometeria-
mos injusticia con 41 a1 rogatearle tan morecido puesto.

 

Combining an historical perspective and method which recall
Menéndoz Pidal and Ortega with careful research into the writings and
reading of Jovellanos and others, this leading historian has made a

valuable contribution to Jovellanos studies.
Sdhchez Diana, José Maria. ”Ideas espaflblas sobre la ciencia do la
historia en el siglo XVIII". Theoria, Madrid, Nos. 7-8 (1954), 51-6h.

Reviewed by Case Gonzalez (no. 83), 196.

(Alvarez) Santullano, Luis. Jovellanos, Siglo XVIII. Madrid: Aguilar,

 

n.d., 1936, 260 pages.

This anthology, which contains several of the more important

treatises by Jovellanos, together with a number of letters, has been

32h

27#
edited by Luis Santullano. He has also written the brief prologue and
extensive introduction, which includes a biography of Jovellanos and a
discussion of his more important writings, as well as an explication of
his ideas.
Jansenism was extremely widespread during the reign of Carlos III,

especially within the universities and other intellectual circles.

:Lh

Santullano believes, as does del Rio,'whom.he cites, that Jovellanos was

sympathetic to Jansenist ideas, but he was too broadmindod to ever be

Ingmar.

trapped into espousing one Special ideology. He does not believe that
Jovellanos' supposed Jansenism could be the entire cause for his fall from
favor. One must take into account as well anti-intellectual sentiments,
together with personal envy and animosity against a vigorous and firms
minded reformer.

Santullano finds Jovellanos' prose "llena y facil", and his
poetry, though uneven in quality, is at times inspired and equal to the
best written in his time, he believes.

Santullano describes the inventory of books which Jovellanos
carried.with him to Puorto do Vega, an enumeration which testifies to
the breadth and catholicity of Jovellanos' reading.

This study, while providing little new information, furnishes

a good overall introduction to Jovellanos.

Sarrailh, Jean. "Apropos du 'Delincuente honrado' de Jovellanos".
Mdlanges d'études portugaises efforts a M. Georges Le Gentil, Chartres:
Imprimorie Durand, 1949. Pages 337-351.

Reviewed by Case Gonzdlez (no. 83), 189.

 

325

326

{327

275
Sarrailh, Jean. L'Espagne eblairee de la seconde moitie du XVIII:

sibcle. Paris: Imprimerio Nationale, 195#, 779 pages ( See no. 326).

Sarrailh, Jean. La Espafih ilustrada do 1a segunda mitad del Siglo

 

XVIII. (Translated by Antonio Alatorre) Mexico: Fondo do Cultura
Economics, 1957, 786 pages.

Reviewed by Case Gonzalez (no. 83), 196.

Sebold, Russell P. Review of Jovellanos and his English Sources:

 

Economic, Philosophical and Political Writings, by John H. R. Polt.
Philadelphia: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,

196A. In Hispgnia, XLIX (1966), 888-889.

Sebold rightly praises Polt's book as "solid, useful, well-
written", calling it the "first systematic book-length study of the
English sources of a major eighteenth-century Spanish writer". He notes
that Polt's systematic exposition of the thought of Jovellanos is one
of the most valuable parts of the book, calling attention especially to
its objectivity. Polt, he says, gives a clear idea of Jovellanos'
originality in naturalizing his borrowings, as well as his modernness,
practical sense, judgement, maturity and forebearance. The reviewer
adds that English influence on Jovellanos' criticism of art and literature

can be seen especially in his La naturaleza y el arte.

 

Sebold points out correctly that studies similar to that of
Polt are needed concerning other Eighteenth Century authors, especially
since scholarship is in the process of reevaluating this period. Formerly
it had been thought of as a period of overzealous French imitation, but
now is beginning to be seen as one of cosmopolitanism and international

orientation.

 

328

276
Seco Serrano, Carlos. "Godoy y Jovellanos". Archivum, Oviedo, XII

(1962), 238-266.

The political situation in Spain during the last decade of the
Eighteenth Century and the first decado<f the Nineteenth as it relates
to Jovellanos is the subject of this study.

Although the writer does not attempt to vindicate Godoy, he
shows him.to be much less of an ogre than some other historians have
presented him, and absolvos him completely of guilt in the matter of
Jovellanos' deposition from the ministry and imprisonment. Seco asserts
that this first dictator of modern times was a man of good will, whose
mistakes in renewing the Family Fact and agreeing to the partition of
Portugal were caused by poor judgement rather than by real malevolence.

In attempting to show a similarity between Godoy and Jovellanos,
Seco points to Godoy's optimistic efforts to seek equilibrium from the
scene of contention and chaos resulting from the polarization of Spain
into two groups of traditionalists and young intellectual reformers. The
similarity that Seco refers to is found in a belief in the possibility
of social and political regeneration and in the potentiality of education
for achieving this end.

Seco further discusses the relation between Godoy and Jove-
llanos mentioning the correspondence of Jovellanos and his expressed
desire to be exonerated from.the blemish of exile in Gijdh. Seco contends
that Godoy even intervened, but in vain.

With the end of the war with France (1797): Godoy sought a
tenuous equilibrium in external affairs and a resumption of the enlightened

reformism of the days of Carlos III. Thus Jovellanos was appointed a

:329

277
member of the new "Directorio Nonquuico". But with increasing submission
to French pressures and a trend toward rigid dictatorship and inquisitorial
practices, Jovellanos was necessarily forced from office:

Ese fracaso supuso que en el horizonte de una Espafia

mediatizada por 1as exigencias napolednicas, estuviose

ausente 1a dignidad objectiva, equilibrada, del unico

que pudo ser piloto, y no nAufrago, en la tremenda tempostad

politics que haria crisis on 1808. (266).

Seco in this study may have been overly kind to Godoy, whose
memoires Caso (no. 79) has shown to be entirely unreliable. Nevertheless,
the writer has done well to clarify the relationship between Jovellanos
and Godoy, a matter so often the subject of scurrilous conjecture. He
has likewise assessed with a certain degree of fairness the motives and
posture of the Principe do Paz, a man who suffered from the very human
defects of ambition, sensuality and imprudence, but who was not completely

a villain.

Serra Moret, Manuel. ”Jovellanos y'la reforma agraria". JovellanosJ su

 

vida y obra, Homenaje del Centro Asturiano do Buenos Aires en el

 

bicentenario do su nacimiento, con la adhesidn de los centros asturianos
do la Habana y'Eéxico, Buenos Aires: La Prensa Redica Argentina, 1945,

pages 483-546.

The writer grapples, as does Jovellanos, with the fundamental
paradox inherent in Informe sobre la Ley Agraria and in the general
problem of land distribution: how to justify disentailment without at the
same time negating the concept of the right to private property. Serra
Moret sees gradual progress toward more equitable distribution of land,
thanks in part the efforts of Jovellanos, and he is optimistic concerning

the future.

330

331

2332

278
Serrano y Sanz, Manuel. "Biografia do Josefa do Jovellanos y corres-
pondencia entre Josefa y GaSpar Melchor do Jovellanos". Apuntes para
una biblioteca, Biblioteca do escritores espafible§,1401-l833, Iadrid:

Suc. do Rivadeneyra, 1903, pages 610-628.

Serrano y Sanz has written a brief biography of Josefa Jove-
llanos. This is followed by a correspondence of 19 letters between

Jovellanos and his sister.

Serrano y Sanz, Manuel. “Cartas y memoriales do don Gaspar Felchor do
Jovellanos y de sus hermanas sor Josefa y dofia Catalina de Sena Jove-

llanos". Revista de Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos, hadrid, 1906, 112-117.

 

Serrano y Sanz has edited nine letters written by don Gaspar
and his sisters. The first is written by sor Josefa and done Catalina
and addressed to the King asking for clemency on behalf of their brother.
The others concern family affairs, health, etc. and are notable for
their extreme tenderness and affection. All were written during the

years of don Gaspar's confinement on Kallorca.

Serrano y Sanz, Manuel. "El consejo do Castilla y la censura do libros
en el siglo XVIII". Revista do Archivos, Bibliotecas y Musoos, Madrid,

XV (1906), p. U5, ff. and XVI (1907), p. #5, ff.

Serrano y Sanz analyzes some of the currents of thought in
Eighteenth Century Spain as revealed by the censure of its literature.

He notes much evidence of continuing scholasticism and narrowly religious

333

279
refutations of new scientific theory, but he also finds new directions
in investigation and criticism, and a desire to enter into the currents
of European science.
The introduction is followed by examples of Jovellanos' censure
of contemporary works: the Poesias lirico-sagradas of the Marqués do

Palacios (1784) and the Memorias del Margués do Pombal (1785).

Silva Melero, Valentin. "Actualidad del pensamiento do Jovellanos".

Boletin del Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, XIV (1960), 183-194.

This transcription of a speech delivered at the Instituto de
Jovellanos in Gijdn offers a compendium of Jovellanos' thought, especially
in the political field, and a comparison of his ideas with those current
in the second half of the Twentieth Century.

Silva points out that the three great European events of Jove-
llanos' lifetime were the Encyclopedist ”euphoria", the French.Revolution,
and the Napoleonic'Wars. Before this period philosophy had been the
servant of theology, but during the Eighteenth Century the roles were
reversed, and religious dogma was forced to undergo examination by
philosophy. Thus the Eighteenth Century, like the Twentieth, was a time
of social, technical and ideological upheaval, and of a radical changing
of systems of values.

In accord with the utopianism of the Eighteenth Century, Jove-
llanos hoped for ”una humanidad perfecta y pacifica, con la unidad do
religidn”, expressing an idealism similar to that embodied in the United

Nations, observes the author.

334

335

280

In most areas Silva sees Jovellanos as a conservative, possibly
less liberal than he actually was, e.g., he was probably a more convinced
feminist than Silva paints him. He characterizes Jovellanos as anti-
revolutionary, and anti-extremist, favoring only limited freedom of the
press. He believed in the right to private property, says Silva, but
opposed craft guilds; religiously he was always completely orthodox.

Silva concludes his comparison between the ideas of this Eight-
eenth Century thinker and those current in Twentieth Century Spain by
affirming, as have other contemporary Spanish commentators, that "se

puede sor moderna sin dejar de ser tradicional".

Simdh Diaz, JosJ. "Una pretensidh fracasada do Jovellanos". Aportacidn

 

Documental para la Erudicidn Espafiola, Recopilacidn y transcripcidh do

J.S.D. Primera serie, Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1947, page 6.

In 1772 Jovellanos was recommended for the position of Director
of the Realos Estudios do San Isidro, a former Jesuit institution, but

unfortunately another was named in his place.

Simdn Diaz, Joso' and Martinez Cachero, José Maria. ”Bibliografia do
Jovellanos (1902-1950)”. Boletin do Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No.

XIII (agosto, 1951), pages 131-152.

This bibliography lists most of the works published by and
about Jovellanos during the first half of the Twentieth Century. Al-
though it is fairly complete and accurate, it includes no description

of the works listed or critical commentary.

336

337

338

339

281
Smith, Robert Sidney. "Economists and the Enlightenment in Spain,

1750-1800". The Journal of Political Economy, Chicago, August, 1955,

345-348-

Tho writer briefly summarizes the Informe sobre la Ley Agraria
and notes Jovellanos' distress at Campomanos' abandonment of economic

liberalism.in 1790.

Smith, Robert 8. Review of Informe do Ley Agraria. Boletfh del Instituto

 

 

do Estudios Asturianos, LVIII (1966), 202-203.

Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, 1968, 217.

 

Smith, Robert Sidney. "The Wealth of Nations in Spain and Hispanic

America", 1780-1830. Journal of Political Economy, 65 (1957), 104-125.

The author points out that Jovellanos' economic thought, al-
though not the product of a single influence, was profoundly affected

by Adam.Smith, whose Wealth of Nations he read at least four times.

 

Yet long before his acquaintance with Smith Jovellanos had doubted the
efficacy of restrictive commercial policies. Ho advocated liberty in
trade and attacked the restrictive influence of the guilds. The author

briefly summarizes the Informe do LoygAgraria, showing that it was much

 

in line with the precepts of Adam Smith.

Somoza do Montsoriu (Garcia Sela), Julio. Prologue to Cartas do Jove-

 

llanos y Lord Vassall Holland sobre la guerra do la Indopondenciag(1808-

18112. Madrid: Fuentenebro, 1911.

282

These two volumes of correspondence between Jovellanos and Lord
Holland, compiled, edited and annotated by Julio Somoza Garcia Sala
(formerly Somoza de Montsoriu) were published on the occasion of the
centenary of Jovellanos' death. Somoza failed in his attempt to exchange
the letters of Lord Holland for those of Jovellanos, but was eventually
able to copy the latter, now located in the British Museum; his efforts
in this regard form an interesting chapter in international literary
diplomacy.

The last three years of Jovellanos' life (1809-1811), those
following his release from prison, were decisive ones in Spain's turbulent
history. In order to understand this period, as well as to comprehend the
thinking of two of its finest minds, one could do no better than to read
these nearly two hundred letters. Although quite naturally interspersed
with unimportant material concerning day-to-day events, the comments and
judgements of these two intellectuals concerning the war and the Spanish
(and international) political scene make a rich contribution to the
comprehension of the period.

Somoza has provided his readers with a carefully detailed
relation of the events of the war, the rivalries between Spanish generals,
the often antagonistic or neutralist stances of the provincial jgntgg
(especially that of Asturias), and the largely frustrated efforts of the
Junta Central in Seville to form a stable government. Their failure is
understandable, declares Somoza, when one considers that their enemies
included the English, the Consejo do Castilla, the provincial juntgg, the
French sympathizers, the centralists and the press. Somoza, however, at

times tends to see things with a conservative bias: the English and the

 

340

283
press may not have been enimical, but merely more liberal. In a like
vein Somoza interprets Jovellanos as believing freedom of the press to
be counterproductive and even dangerous, commenting: "La libertad do
1a prensa, trajo su abyeccidn; 1a universalidad del sufragio, su
corrupcidh". (62). Jovellanos was doubtless less traditionalist than
Somoza paints him: he certainly advocated at least limited freedom of

the press. Strange that such a dedicated jovellanista as Somoza should

 

at times let his own political leanings color his interpretation of the
thinking of his subject. Jovellanos, as the champion of equilibrium

and adaptation, of evolution rather than revolution, never espoused any
political party. It is a pity that his commentators have wished to make

him appear to do so.

Somoza do Montsoriu (Garcia Sala), Julio. Documentos para escribir la
biografia do Jovellanos recopilados_por Julio Somoza. Madrid: Imp. do

deez Fuentenebro, 1911, 2 vols. 590 pages.

Julio Somoza, with his usual care and dedication has compiled
this collection of 191 documents, mostly of a somewhat personal nature,
arranged chronologically thus forming in themselves a sort of proto-
biography.

This uncritical and often adulatory prologue describes Jove-
llanos' style in the following terms:

El verbo jovellanista, subyuga do un modo avasallador.
Diccidh pura y castiza; periodo concise y claro rayando

a veces on lacdnico, que forma e1 especial estilo do sus
Diarios: giros advorbiales llenos do novedad y ologancia:
orden admirable en la exposicidh, en el desarrollo, y al
finalizar: argumentacidn solida y nutrida, no exenta de1
tono patdtico, cuando o1 asunto lo roquiere (como en la

284

Descripcidn del panorama do Bellver): y alguna que
otra vez, del declamatorio, cual so percibe en la
patri6tica Carta a Cabarrfls. La persuasieh, saturada
do bondad, y el razonar sereno, nutre e inflama sus
brillantes paginas. (5,6).

 

The prologue extolls at some length Jovellanos' undeniable civic virtues
and moral integrity, justly reproaching those narrow partisans of the
Nineteenth Century bent on classifying him according to some particular
ideology: "on 1as deleznables agrupacionos do nuestras miserables taifas
pollticas, sojuzgando, con pasidn do banderia, e1 sentir y obrar do quien
fue superior a todas ellas". (7).

Much of this prologue is devoted to a fervent and at times
declamatory plea for a fitting memorial to Jovellanos on the first centenary
of his birth, and to a bitter attack on those in possession of many important
writings of Jovellanos and unwilling to release them for publication. The
author lists the missing documents and names some of the culprits, berating
them.in language bordering on vituperation.

Volumes have been written concerning the causes for Jovellanos'
unjust treatment, his exile and imprisonment, Somoza himself having engaged
in much investigation and speculation on this issue. But in concluding
this essay he sets the problem in more ample perspective, declaring that
then as new events answer to the dominant spirit of the times and are

largely sanctioned by society: "Que o1 fanatismo no es rasgo vinculado

 

en ninguna clase, corporacidn, ni grupo, sino en todos nostros, como
signo tipico do raza, caractor y temperamento . . . Que 1as pasiones,
eternas y violentas entodos los sores, dificilmente son domofladas, y

roprimidas, como no sea entre los mis superiores y virtuosos". (21).

:341

285
This great bibliographer, with his quaint oratorical style
and predilection for long periods and rhetorical questions, is by no
means free from the passion he decries. But reading this eloquent
panegyric one feels himself captured by the spirit of dedication and

devotion of this supreme jovellanista.

Somoza do Montsorifi, (Garcia Sala) Julio. Inventario do un_jove11anista.

Madrid: Succesores do Rivadeneyra, 1901, 205 pages.

This excellent and definitive bibliography of Jovellanos
includes practically everything written by and about Jovellanos until
the date of its publication in 1901. A few studies published outside of
Spain are virtually the only omissions. The book is divided into the

following sections:

I. Impresos coleccionados

II. Impresos dispersos y ediciones parciales
III. Manuscritos publicados e inéditos

IV. Bidgrafos, comentadores, panegiristas, etc.
V. Publicacionos periddicas

VI. Traductores y publicaciones extranjeras
VII. Dedicatorias

VIII. Pintura, grabado y escultura, etc.

IX. Epigrafih (lipidas e inscripciones)

X. Geneologia

XI. 836555 por orden alfabético

XII. Escritos, por orden alfabdtico y cronoldgico
XIII. Supletoria

286

In his "Preliminar" Somoza points out the hiterto little
appreciated value of bibliography and explains his reasons for wishing
to provide one for future scholars. He notes that only about a third
of Jovellanos' writings have been published, and that much of the
criticism concerning him.has been valueless. He suggests that rather
than continuing to repeat Cean Bermfidez it would be better to expend
the effort in editing some of Jovellanos' unpublished works, or in
adding something useful to current knowledge through careful research.

He asserts that the facts are available and even lists possible topics
for study, e.g., Jovellanos as economist, as critic, or as man of letters;
his relation to the fields of art, erudition or antiquities.

Somoza bemoans the poor quality of the works concerning Jove-
llanos, and his complete neglect by some literary historians. Many of
the manuscripts of Jovellanos have been lost or mislaid, says Somoza, and
those published have been filled with errors and improvisations. Somoza,
however, may be to some extent supporting his own conservative leanings
when he insists that Aranda, Olavide, Urquijo, Quintana and Tavira were
never special friends of don Gaspar. Critics, he says, have used these
associations to impute to Jovellanos extreme liberalism or Jansenism,
categorizing all as regalistas, doceafiistas, and ultrarevolucionarios.

For this reason, says Somoza, the Informe de Ley'Agraria was unjustly

 

included in the lgdice Expurgatorio of 1827.

 

This introduction was written by Somoza in 1892, some nineteen
years before the centenary of Jovellanos' death. Somoza suggests that
rather than statues, monuments, plaques and buildings, a more fitting
memorial would be a written one. He modestly professes with his

Inventario to have provided but one stone for this living monument. All

 

jovellanistas will agree that his contribution is a very important one.

342

287
Somoza Garcia-Sala, Julio (also Somoza de Montsorifi). Preliminary
study to Manuscritos ineditos, raros o dispersos of Jovellanos. Nueva

serie, Madrid: Hijos do deez Fuentenebro (1913), 432 pages.

Somoza's introductory essay provides background information and
analysis for each of the seventeen informes, memorias and letters included
in this volume.

The first treatise, dealing with economics, Somoza proves to
be not original with Jovellanos but merely a translation. Elsewhere
Somoza points out that Jovellanos was assigned most of the investigatory
work for the Council of the Military Orders since its other members were
incompetent or ill-disposed to perform such duties, considering their
membership as strictly honorary.

lithis discussion of Velasquoz' sketch for Las Neninas upon

 

which Jovellanos comments in one of the essays in this collection, Somoza
traces the history of this preliminary study, and argues convincingly
for its authenticity in spite of the doubts of some critics.

From this series of documents the reader cannot fail to be
convinced of Jovellanos' great love for his native province, his amazing
versatility, and his tact in dealing with difficult and demanding assign-
ments, e.g., his secret investigation of public works projects throughout
the Northwest of Spain. For his part, Somoza reveals the care and
accuracy of his own investigation and analysis, as well as his despair at
the backwardness of Asturias and his conviction that the Eighteenth
Century was in nearly all reSpects superior to the Twentieth.

An appendix contains Menendoz do Luarca's"Apuntes para un

prdlogo", which was scheduled to appear shortly thereafter as a

Z¥+3

288
preliminary study to the Gijon edition of the diaries (no. 2M0). In
a refutation more than three times as long as Mendhdez' prologue,
Somoza vehemently disagrees with its author on almost every point,
accusing him of prevarication, ineptitude and vulgarity. Somoza states
that Nocedal and Abello omitted some parts of the original text of the
diaries, and that Keandez de Luarca added other apocryphal ones, so
that the version soon to be published, based on the 1868 version, which
was printed but not released to the public, was far different from the
original manuscript. Somoza convincingly refutes point by point all
of Mon‘ndez' allegations against Jovellanos. Although he himself may
exaggerate in some instances, e.g.,the problem of Jovellanos' attitude
toward Jansenism, and even though his attack upon his adversary is often
unduly ‘violent this refutation supplies a much-needed corrective to the
injustices done to Jovellanos by some Nineteenth Century editors and

commentators.

Somoza do Montsoriu (Garcia Sala), Julio. Prologue to Niscelanengo
trabajos ineditos, varios y dispersos de D. G. M. do Jovellanos.

Barcelona: Nagsa, 1931, 311 pages.

This volume contains some eighteen letters, plus other inter-
esting papers, many of them first drafts, and some unfinished. Their
editor, Vicente Huici Miranda, with the aid of Julio Somoza, has chosen
them to give emphasis to the breadth of interests and activities of
Jovellanos. Thus he has included documents concerning the construction
of roads, docks, canals and public buildings, as well as others showing

his active interest in architecture, mining, metalurgy, etc.

289

Somoza's prologue, however, deals largely with the intrigues
and calumnies which led to Jovellanos' dismissal from office and later
imprisonment. He has delved extensively into letters, diaries and
public documents in order to ascertain the real causes of this perso-
cution, being careful to always note the source of his information.
Many of the events he relates seem at first trivial, but it becomes
evident as one reads that they are all part of a malicious plot being
woven around don Gaspar.

By a process of detective-like deduction Somoza concludes
that it was Jovellanos' distant relative, Jove Navia, who actually
wrote the letter of denunciation to Caballero which caused don.Gaspar's
imprisonment, although several others, ironically all Asturians, were
indirectly involved.

Despite a rather declamatory style marked by the overuse of
epithets (mostly derrogatory), and a tendency to omit no detail, Somoza
has researched and possibly solved an enigma that has long troubled

jovellanistas.

3.8.3. Review of Jovellanos: Patobiggrafia y pensamiento biolégico
by Jesus M. Martinez Fernandez. Oviedo: Instituto de Estudios Asturianos,

(1966), 275 pages. In Eapeles de Son Armadans, XLJII (1967), 221-222.

The reviewer, 3.8.3.. finds interesting and well-documented
this medical history of Jovellanos and discussion of his ideas concerning
biology. He rightly observes that, ”Un Jovellanos vivo y humanisimo, con

sus tomores y aprenciones, sus flaquezas y'su orgullo, su idealismo y’su

345

290

grandeza de alma, surge a través de esta acertada seleccidh de sus
escritos interpoladas y diagnosticados con admiracion y afecto". The
admiration and affection are certainly there, but some may find this
investigation altogether too intimate, with its probing into very
delicate and often irrelavant aspects of don Gaspar's personal life.
Even the great and famous have a right to some degree of privacy.

3.3.8. closes with the somewhat inane criticism that the author
should have incorporated the very lengthy footnotes into the body of

the text.

Suarez, Constantino. Escritores y artistas asturianos, Indies bio-
bibliogrifico, edicidh, adiciones y prologo de JosJ'Maria Martinez
Cachero, Tome IV, (G-K), Oviedo: Instituto de Estudios Asturianos,

1955. Article on Jovellanos, pages 528-621.

This is the most complete and factual biography available.
The writer relies on the biography written by e.gh Bermudez and quotes

extensively as well from such recognized jovellanistas as Julio Somoza

 

and Angel del Rib. Very little reference is made to the writings of
Jovellanos, and no attempt is made to explicate his ideas, but in this
article Suérez has assembled and presented in clear, readable prose a
large proportion of the relevant facts concerning the life of don Gaspar.
This article is preceded by biographies of don Gaspar's father,
Francisco Gregorio do Jovellanos and his brother, Francisco do Paula

Jovellanos.

Following the biography of Jovellanos is an extensive bibliography

which includes most of the important works by and about him published

j¥+6

291
between 1811 and 1955. After the death of Constantino Suarez in 1941
Martihez Cachero completed and brought up to date the bibliographical
work which he had undertaken, but neither bibliographer has included

any critical commentary.

Suirez-Llanos, Camila Gonzalez. Prologue to Espectaculos y diversiones
pdblicas by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Biblioteca Anaya 77, Autores

espafibles, Salamanca: Ediciones Anaya, 1967, 129 pages.

Following sections on the life and works of Jovellanos and on

his importance, Suiroz-Llanos analyzes the Memoria para el arreglo de la

 

policia de los espectaculos y diversiones publicas, y sobre su origen en
gspgfig from three points of view: the historical and erudite, the
ideological and the literary.

Although Jovellanos' knowledge of the Middle Ages was in some
respects deficient, he has contributed to a real understanding of the
Spanish past through his descriptions of everyday life, Suarez affirms.
But Memoria is also a pragmatic work, he says, written for the purpose
of improvingthe lot of the people, who led existences of abismal boredom.

Agreeing with Francisco Ayala (no. 32), Suarez sees unresolved
conflicts between the thinking of Jovellanos the theoretician and Jove-
llanos the pragmatist, and a "spiritual evolution", as he witnessed the
subversion of the ideals of the Enlightenment by the French Revolution

and the events which followed it.

The critic sees in Jovellanos' poetic and sentimental evocations

of history a link with the generation of 1898; a pertinent analogy, for

292
Jovellanos' style often calls to mind that of Unamuno, hachado, and even
Azorin; his concern for the problems of Spain as viewed from an historical
perspective is likewise typical of thinkers and writers a full century

later.

Sureda y Blanes, Jose; "Jovellanos en Bellver”. Boletih del Instituto

de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. l (1947), 29-105.

ThiS‘welldwritten paper, part of which was originally delivered
in Bellver itself, serves to evoke the mood of the ancient castle and the
personality of Jovellanos, whose six-year stay there added to its renown.

The author believes that although on Mallorca Jovellanos was
deprived of freedom of movement, he found there an inner liberty, a
"secreta fuerza interior", which, communicated through his writings and
through the quality of his life, turned his imprisonment into a sort of
victory: ”Jamas amargado de la vida, hizo de ella una obra de arte,
may superior a su obra literaria que, tantos y tan elevados valores
contiene" (31). 'Without doubt Jovellanos' religious faith became more
fervent and more profound during this time, as witnesses his paraphrase
of the psalm. "Judica me Domino".

During his first months in Bellver, Jovellanos was very badly
treated, being denied books and writing materials. Sureda believes that
in this period there occurred in Jovellanos a fundamental change: " . . .
acaso llegaron para 61 gravidos de la angustia precursora do la maxima
revolucidh que puede experimentar un alma: que en la morosa lentitud do

aquellas horas solitarias quien era un gran escritor pudo haberse convertido

en un genio con proyecci6n universal". (36). Although Aranguren (no.19)

311,8

293
and Caso (no. 85) would disagree, Sureda affirms that Jovellanos became
less radical during this period in Bellver:

Que lejos estd e1 Tratado tedrico-prabtico do ensefianza
del Reglamentc do estudios del Colegio do Calatrava
"lleno do resabios jansenistas y enciclopediatas!" y en
politica, Como ha cambiado el sentido de la Ley Agraria
si so consideran muchas paginas de la Femoria on Defensa
de la Junta General! (sic.). (35).

 

 

Sureda believes that during this period Jovellanos abandoned
much of his severe neoclassicism and, as hen‘ndez Pidal points out
(no. 242), began to adopt provincialisms of Asturias and Mallorca, and
brief picturesque expression, as well as the grace and sensitiveness
characteristic of preromanticism. Now there is an emotional quality
and a new lyricism in his style, together with an interest in the Middle
Ages, and also at increasing melancholy and disillusionment, which,as
Sureda points out, Goya has well captured in his portrait.

The last part of the article includes a finely detailed
description of Jovellanos' quarters in Bellver, of his friends, his
books, and of the art objects and paintings which brightened his drab
surroundings.

Sureda has provided an excellent stylistic and conceptual study
of this period, as well as a vivid recreation of a traumatic, yet

enormously productive phase of Jovellanos' life.

Tamayo, Juan Antonio. "Jovellanos y el romanticismo". §i, suplemento
semanal del diario, Arriba, Madrid, homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario

de su nacimiento, Afib III (9 do enero de 1984), p. 6.

Tamayo discusses the romantic tendencies found in Jovellanos'

prose, poetry, drama, and in his life itself. The writer points out that

349

350

294

Jovellanos was thoroughly a man of the Eighteenth Century, who saw
Spain's backwardness and believed his mission was to awaken her from
her "modorra secular". Although he exhibited romantic tendencies,
especially in his later writings, his prose was "frio y razonador“,
says Tamayo, and it is doubtful if he ever subordinated thought to
feeling, even in his most romantic moments.

Jovellanos was fundamentally an essayist, says Tamayo, since
he never attempted to exhaust the materials discussed and employed a
clear, elegant and literary style with few quotations and needless
details.

Although Tamayo may exaggerate with respect to don Gaspar's
lack of sentimentality, his assessment is well organized and in general
successful, his observations concerning Jovellanos as essayist being

especially cogent.

Teatro y poesia del siglo XVIII, (anon.). Portion of prologue on Jove-
llanos. Madrid: Nuevos Editoriales Unidos (Graficas Unidas), n.d.,
1958, 240 pages.

Bib. ref. in: BiblioLrafi’a Hispanica, 1958, no. 16, 231+. No. 7u.936.

 

Teatro y Poesia del Siglo XVIII, (anon.) Portion of prologue on Jove-

llanos. Madrid: Orion, 1950, pages 18, 19.

The writer calls Jovellanos "patriota animoso" and‘decoroso
poeta lirico" who cultivated melancholy, elegiac and sentimental poetry
as well as philosophical and social themes. Molehdez Valdés himself
admitted Jovellanos' influence, but that of Jovellanos over Cadalso,

alleged by the writer, is extremely doubtful.

351

1352

295

Torres-Rioseco Arturo. "Gaspar kolchor do Jovellanos, poeta roméntico".

Revista do Estudios Hispanicos, Madrid, I (1928), pages 146-161.

 

In this perceptive and convincing analysis of the poetry of Jovellanos
TorreséRioseco shows don Gaspar to be a romantic, even, in a sense,
modern, in the sensitivity of his poetical expression. The fervor with
which he presents his reformist ideals, his bold and direct expression,
his complete sincerity and piquant sensibility all point to a new esthetic
orientation in Castillian letters, he declares.

Jovellanos expressed a deep sensitiveness to nature in its
concrete form, describing it lovingly and realistically, often imbuing
it with a subjective melancholy which was typically romantic. Torres
notes also his picturesque descriptions, his popular and regional realism,
his love of liberty, his utopianism and egalitarianism, as well as his
"humanitarismo socialista a la manera do Rousseau". (158). (It is perhaps
worth pointing out here that these liberal ideals represent only one
phase of Jovellanos' thought, and that in later life he became much more
conservative in his thinking).

Probably TorreséRioseco goes too far in referring to some of
don Gaspar's poetry as "lugubre, tenebrosa, macabre". Also, it is only
fair to remember that Jovellanos' poetry possessed marked, even perhaps
predominant, neoclassical tendencies as well as romantic elements. Even
though Torres has overstated his case, his point is well taken: he was
certainly one of the first to call attention to these important romantic

traits in the poetry of Jovellanos.

Trusso, Francisco Eduardo. "Jovellanos y su pensamiento". Cuardenos

del idioma, (Buenos Aires), No. 4 (1966). 77-88.

 

353

296

Many critics have categorized Jovellanos' political thought as
"liberalismo ilustrado". Trusso, however, rejects this classification,
preferring rather to call him antirationalist, romanticist, and tradi-
tionalist. The author affirms that, unlike Jovellanos, the Encyclopedists,
because of their failure to understand historical process, were entirely
oblivious to the creative aspects of history. The progressivism and
liberalism espoused by these enlightened thinkers lead ultimately to
absolutism, declares Trusso. The romanticists, on the other hand, focused
their attention on natural law, derecho histdrico, and tradition. The
writer quotes Guizot in this regard:

. . . la tradicidh es la razdh perseverante, que ha

durado porque ella es la raz6n, y que pruoba que

ella es la razdh por el hecho mismo que ella ha durado.

No necesita do otra pruoba, do otra justificacidh ni

de otro titulo. Durar es mostrar su derecho a sor.(80).
Trusso also lucidly discusses the meaning of the term soberania as used by
Jovellanos. Don Gaspar believed that sovereignty resides completely in
the monarch, since it has been delegated to him by the people. This pact
between monarch and nation, involving reciprocal rights and responsibilities,
forms a "pacto constitutional", superior to either the governor or the
governed.

This essay, although reflecting the author's traditionalist

leanings, is well thought out and informative, especially in regard to the

question of sovereignty, a concept basic in Jovellanos' political thinking.

Valdés-Solis, Hartih Andreu. Review of Proyecci6n nacional do la villa do

Jovellanos by Joaquih A. Bonet, Gij6n: Ayuntamiento, 1959. In Boletin

 

del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, No. XL (agosto do 1960),

344-348 .

354

355

297

The writer offers extravagant praise to Bonet for this article
concerning Jovellanos' efforts to make Gijdh a sort of model city. He
even claims to see in Bonet a sort of double of Jovellanos: "Es tal
la componetracidh entre Bonet y Jovellanos que con mayor exactitud no
puedo darse". (344). ValdéseSolis uses this review as an occasion for
expounding his own traditionalist ideology, and arguing against techno-
logical progress. To some extent one must agree with him: the alterations
he decries have brought with them polution of both air and water to the

region described.

Valero de Cabal, H. Review of Jovellanos: Patobiografiayfiponsamiento
biol6gico by'fiartinez Fernahdez, Josdstaria. Boletih del Instituto de
Estudios Asturianos, Oviedo, LVII (1966), 196-199.

Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, 1968, 217.

 

‘Vasquez do Nella y Fanjul, Juan. Discurso pronunciado on Oviedo el 30 de
abril do 1916. Obras Completas, Vol. II, Junta del Homenaje a Mella,

Idoario I, Segunda edicidh, Barcelona: Casa Subirana, 1933, 223-226.

This strongly traditionalist writer points out Jovellanos'
"flaquezas y desvarios" in economic thought, influenced by the thinking
of Campomanes and Smith, whom,says Vasquez, he read in the version
published by Ortiz.

Actually Jovellanos read the Wealth of Nations in the original,

 

as he records in his diaries: he had no need of translations, since he

read English well.

356

357

358

298
Vasquez praises Jovellanos for favoring an internal, historical
constitution for Spain rather than an external, idealistic French-style
one. But VaSquez errs in assuming that Jovellanos was ever a delegate to

the Cortes de Cidiz.

Vela, Fernando. “Un dia do Jovellanos on Gijdh". ElAgrano do pimienta,

No. 984 de la coleccidn ”Austral", Buenos Aires, 1950, pages 28-30.

In a lilting poetical style the writer recreates the hour-by-
hour events of the imaginary day in the life of Jovellanos, obviously
during his years of exile in Gijoh between 1790 and 1797.

Although the author quotes extensively from the diaries of
Jovellanos, his excessive reliance on imagination and speculation causes

one to consider this more a work of fiction than a serious study.

"Velada necroldgica". El Ateneo de Gijdh en el primer centenario do

 

Jovellanos, Gijdh, 1911, pages 85-96.

 

This article describes the proceedings of the Ateneo de Gijdh
in planning for the commemoration of the centenary of the death of Jove-
llanos and lists those who took part. The eulogistic speeches of the

Bishop of Placencia, Fermin Canolla and.Miguel Adellac are extracted.

Velasco Diaz, Felix. "Jovellanos y Asturias". .310 suplemento semanal
de1 diario, Arriba, Madrid, Nimero homenaje a Jovellanos en el bicentenario

do su nacimiento Afio III (9 de enero do 1944), p. 12.

359

299

Velasco enumerates Jovellanos' many contributions to his native
province and factually records the unquestioned loyalty and affection of

Jovellanos for his patria chica. He recounts the founding of the Real

 

Instituto, and Jovellanos' regret at having to leave shortly after the
inauguration of its new building to become Minister of Grace and Justice.
The writer notes Jovellanos' great interest in local speech and customs,
calling attention to his description of provincial fiestas and romerias

in his Memoria sobro especticulos y;diversiones. Jovellanos likewise did
much to promote Asturian economy, especially concerning himself with its
mines and highways, and founding societies of Amigps del Pais to stimulate
interest in these areas. Velasco notes Jovellanos' efforts toward founding
ariAsturian academy, and his loyal participation in the Junta Central,

refusing to accept a salary for this service.

Vergnes, R. "Dirigisme et liberalisme dbonomique'l 1a Sociedad.Econdmica

do Madrid (De 1'influence do Jovellanos)". Bulletin Hispanique, LXX

(1969)e BOO-3&1,

 

The author examines the various treatises on agriculture
formulated during the latter part of the Eighteenth Century by the Economic
Society of Madrid. The Memorial ajustado ..Lgpara 1a ley agraria,
published in 1777 under the direction of Campomanes, recommended rather
strict control of agricultural production. The Informe sobre la Ley
A aria, however, authorized ten years later by the Society to be written
by Jovellanos, but published only in 1794, advocated much greater liber-

alism. The author suggests that this evolution from authoritarianism to

360

361

362

300
a policy oflaisseZPfaire was due to the influence of Jovellanos, whose
economic liberalism was at least partially due to his reading of Adam

Smith's Wealth of Nations and of the works of other English economists.

Viera y Clavijo. Cartas familiares escritasApor don Viera do Clavijo

a varias personas esclarecidas,_por sus dignidades, clase, ompleos,
literatura, o buen caractor do amistad o virtud. Santa Cruz do Tenerife,
(n.d.). Contains allusions to Jovellanos.

Bib. ref. in: Arce y Fernlhdoz, Joaquin. "Jovellanos y’la sensibilidad

prerromantica", BBMP, XXXVI (l960),(no.21), 176.

Villar Granjel, Domingo. Jovellanos y'la reforma agraria. Madrid, 1912,
35 pages. Lecture at the Ateneo de Madrid. Pamphlet.

Bib. ref. in: Dotor, (no. 125), 232.

Villota Elejalde, Juan Luis. Doctrinas filosdfico-juridicas y morales

do Jovellanos. Oviedo: Instituto do Estudios Asturianos, 1958, 219 pages.

Although it is undeniable that Jovellanos was a man of complete
integrity who was seldom, if ever, equivocal in his political and religious
convictions, it is also true that commentators have been able to support
all sorts of diverse assumptions concerning those tenets by quoting from
his writings. Thus Villota in this carefully explicated dissertation has
been able to propound convincing arguments for Jovellanos' complete ad-
herence to scholasticism and Thomism.

It must be allowed that J ovellanos was greatly influemed by

both of those related systems of thought, but Villota is guilty of

353

301

exaggeration: Jovellanos on many occasions bitterly criticized scholas-
ticism as being responsible for Spain's educational backwardnoss. As
Caso (no. 83) points out, most of the doctrines alluded to by Villota
in proof of Jovellanos' Thomism are tenets of orthodox Catholicism as
well, and no one can deny that Jovellanos was ever a true believer.

Villota is likewise in error in denying all influence of the
Encyclopedists and of Rousseau on the thought of Jovellanos. Although
he ultimately rejected most of their thinking, especially after the
debacle of the French Revolution, to categorically state that Jovellanos
was immune to liberal thought is a gross exaggeration.

Villota's work is valuable, nevertheless, for its explication

of the relation of Jovellanos' juridical ideas to natural law ethics.

Wardropper, B. W. "An early English Hispanist". Bulletin of Spanish

 

Studies, No. 96 (October, 1947), 259-268.

In this study Wardropper deals with Jovellanos' British friend,
Lord Vassall Holland, concentrating especially on his criticism of
Spanish literature.

Speaking of Lord Holland's relationship with Jovellanos, he
asserts that theirs was a friendship of ”men whose minds were essentially
critical, but neither of whom.found occasion to criticize the other” (262).
He observes that Quintana's literary influence on Lord Holland was
probably greater than that of Jovellanos, since he was more directly

concerned with literature.

364

302
Yaben Yaben, Hilario. “Algo mis sobro Jovellanos". Ecclesia (Madrid),

4, No. 158 (12 do julio, 1944), 17, 20.

Hilario Yaben, vicarioggeneral of Siguenza, is extremely

 

knowledgeable concerning Catholic dogma, and should therefore be well
qualified to Speak about Jovellanos' religious orthodoxy. As in his
book-length study on Jovellanos, written nearly three decades before,

Yaben insists on don GaSpar's complete and sincere religious faith.

gram-tr 'w-sr—

Yaben feels constrained to write again on the subject, he says, since
many are still unconvinced on this point. He mentions two main sources
for this doubt: one the ”Apuntes para un prdlogo" by 1L'V'Aene’ndez do Luarca,

(no. 240), and the other the appearance of Ley'Agraria on the Index of

 

Rome.
Yaben, although decrying Jovellanos' rogalism, asserts that

this was an attitude quite widespread among the ilustrados of his day,

 

and did not involve any deviance from Christian faith. He cites the
example of other loyal Catholics who have embraced similar opinions.

The Momoria sobre la Ley'Agraria was placed on the lgdgx, says
Yaben, because of its advocacy of disentailment. Although here also
Yaben does not completely absolve Jovellanos, he does assert that his
views on this issue were moderate ones, and that he insisted only that
new acquisitions of real property be limited rather than existing ones
be disposed of. Yaben argues quite vehemently, however, that the Church
is a supreme and independent society whose rights the State has no power

to curtail, and that Jovellanos was in error for having suggested such

2365

366

303
limitation. The Church's stance on this age-old confrontation, still
not completely resolved even today, is competently defended by Yaben.
But in spite of his disagreement with Jovellanos on this issue he is

equally firm in his defense of Jovellanos' religious orthodoxy.

Yaben Yabon, Hilario. "E1 centenario do Jovellanos". Ecclesia,

Madrid, No. 151 (3 do junio, 1944), 15-16.

The author reiterates his contention that Jovellanos was always
a believing Catholic, never departing from complete orthodoxy. He declares,
however, that his two defects were his philosophical empiricism and his
rogalism, He cites the letter written by Jovellanos to Charles IV
advising that bishops assume papal prerogatives in the event of the death
of Pic VI, observing that this would have caused a serious ahism in the
Church. Caso (no. 79), however, has shown that this advice was prudent
and well-considered, given the existing critical situation and the designs

of Napoleon on the Holy See.

Yaben Yaben, Hilario. Juicio critico do 1as doctrinas do Jovellanos en
lo referente a las ciencias morales y politicas. Madrid: JaimeIRates,
1913, 414 pages.

This rather lengthy treatise is divided into three parts: the
first deals with the moral doctrines of Jovellanos, the second with his
political doctrines, and the third is concerned with those relating to
economics.

Yaben begins with a somewhat involved chapter entitled

"Sistemas principales sobre los fundamentos de la Moral", in which he

304
traces the history of moral philosophy, dividing the subject, in the
manner of Comte, into its theological, metaphysical and positivist phases.
Through deft argumentation the author refutes the concept of morals of
Emmanuel Kant, as well as that of Spencer and other positivist thinkers.

Yaben continues by examining the moral philosophy of Jovellanos,
commencing his study by affirming don Gaspar's complete Catholic orthodoxy,
He believes that the chief defect in Jovellanos' philosophy lies in his
empiricism, and in his theological and judicial regalism.

Yaben questions Jovellanos' ability as a philosopher, calling
him."pobre y raquitico", declaring that the Eighteenth Century in general,
although called the Century of Philosophy, was equally deficient in this
regard: ”Precindiendo do Kant y do su extraordinaria labor filosdfica,
la Filosofia del siglo XVIII fue muy pobre y mezquina". (73). Here Yaben
sees Jovellanos as a disciple of Locke and Condillac, who believed that
speech was necessary for thought, the two being practically indistinguish-
able. Yaben refutes this idea, as well as Jovellanos' definitions of
sensation as the impression that the mind receives of objects, and idea
the image that remains of objects which are not present. (Yabon objects
to confusing the image with the idea, a notion which would lead logically
to a negation of Christian spiritualism).

Jovellanos, says Yaben somewhat inaccurately, rejected the idea
of adding courses in experimental science to the curriculum of the
universities, advocating rather the establishment of special institutes
for these studies. In his Reglamentc para el Colegio do Calatrava he
recommended such a reform for the universities, until that time largely

dedicated to classical and theological studies; it was only later, when,

fiWfi—T‘F... - ... . .-..-_

36%7

305
disilusioned by the recalcitrance of these reactionary institutions,
he admitted somewhat ruefully in his Informe sobre la Ley'Agraria:
"Mientras sean lo que son y lo que han sido hasta aqui, mientras estén
dominados por el espiritu escolastico, jamis prevalecerah en ellas 1as

ciencias experimentales". (BAE, Tomo L, page 366).

 

In his chapter on Jovellanos' political doctrines Yaben
discusses the origin of the state, national sovereignty, and the
liberties proclaimed by the French Revolution. Ho paraphrases, extensively
and usually with accuracy, Jovellanos' thoughts on jurisprudence and the
state. He concludes by showing the need for economic prOSperity, to be

founded upon a firm basis of morality.

Zavala, Iris M. "Jovellanos y la poesia burguesa". Nueva Revista de

Filologia Hispanica, XVIII (1965-66), 47-64.

The writer believes that Jovellanos' influence upon contemporary
poets was great, and that actually he changed the course of poetry written
in Spain at the end of the Eighteenth Century.

Paradoxically, Jovellanos seldom followed his own advice, but
this was because he never considered himself a professional poet, as were
his Salamancan friends, but wrote verses only for diversion. After his
epistola to his friends in Salamanca, however, Cadalso's image was replaced
by that of Jovellanos, who had much more influence, Zavala affirms, than
even Methdez ValdJs. Poetry now assumed a social, bourgeois orientation,
and the poets themselves, especially'Meléndez, Cienfuegos and Quintana,
expressed concern for Spain and its problems, and even became politically

active.

306

Zavala declares that thiswasa.period of great confusion in
which an aristocratic belief in reform desde arriba was at least partially
contradicted by a bourgeois sentiment, and she defines burgués in the
following terms:

Creo todos estaremos de acuerdo si definimos a1 burgués

como el hombre que sabe orientarse en el mundo, sabe que

significa algo y quiere hacer valor sus peticiones aca

abajo. La misma muerto pierde, para el burgués mucho de

su misterio: comienza a despojarse de sus caracteristicas

religiosas; es un especie de sentir sin creer. La vida,

por el contrario, pierde su sentido negative. El burgués

sabe para que viva; su vida tiene una finalidad aqui

abajo.

The writer points out as well the bourgeois belief in pacificism and in
progress, his confidence in his potential as a class and in his own
perfectability.

Zavala disagrees with Caso (no. 87) and Arce (no. 21) that the
themes of Jovellanos' poetry are preromantic, affirming that they are
bourgeois instead, but I doubt that either of these critics would find
a real contradiction in the two terms. Both attitudes shared a common
sentimentalism, a tendency to break with Classical precepts, a popular

picturesqueness almost democratic in tone, and a special feeling for

nature.

Studies on Jovellanos prior to 1902 not listed by Julio Somoza in his
lgyentario de un_j9vellanista.

(I have reviewed a few of these pro-1902 articles which I consider of
Special importance for the understanding of subsequent criticism on

Jovellanos. Many of the other studies in this group are unavailable.)

 

307
368 Amador de los Fibs, J. “Biografia de Jovellanos". El Laberinto, hadrid,
1845, page 49, ff.

Bib. ref. in: Dotor, (no. 125), 227.

369 Balbin de Unquera, Antonio. "Jovellanos y los libros de texto“.

Soluciones Catdlicas, Valencia, (feb., 1898), 730-733.

Balbin discusses Jovellanos' far-sighted proposals for educational
reform and his efforts to provide adequate textbooks, especially ones for
the study of French and English.

Expressing the preoccupations of his generation, Balbin points
to the decadence of Spain, to the loss of her colonies, and to the current
war (of Eighteen ninety-eight). Although Jovellanos' ideas were advanced
for his day, Balbin regrets that educators have been unable to move

beyond this point in their thinking.

370 Baumgarten, H. Don Gaspar Felchor de Jovellanos. Madrid, 1865.

 

371 Blanco White, Joseph (José Maria) (Leocaiio Doblado, pseudonym). The

Life Of The Reverend Joseph Blanco White. Chapter titled ”His Life in

 

Spain". London: J. Chapman, 1845.

This fabulous radical-leaning native of Seville who later fled
to England speaks with bitterness of his experiences in Seville during
the first years of the Nineteenth Century. He is derisive in speaking of

the members of the Junta Central, but excepts Jovellanos, whom he respects,

although accusing him of “a deep-seated jealousy of everything popular".

He ridicules him for engaging in hiStorical research concerning the ancient

372

373

374

375

376

308
Cortes when the French were threatening to overrun Andalucia. 0n
principle Blanco declined an appointment to the commission preparing
the convocation of the Cortes offered him by Jovellanos.
This witty and acerbic commentary by the editor of the short-
lived Semanario Patriotico reveals’the perspective of a liberal whose

thinking was much too democratic for traditional Spanish conservatism.

Calzada, Rafael. "Un boceto biografico". Galeria de espafibles ilustres,

 

Buenos Aires, 1893-94.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 597.

Canella y Secades, Fermin, and Belmut, Octavio. "Un estudio biografico".
Asturias, Tomo I, Gijdn, 1894.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345),598.

Costa, Joaquin. "Oposici6n formidable de Jovellanos". Colectivismo
ggrario en Espafih. Madrid, 1898, Chapter III, Parts I and II:
"Doctrinas y hechos".

Bib. ref. in: Polt, (no. 279), 70.

Delmonte y Aponte, Domingo. "Memorias de la Sociedad econ6mica de la
Habana". Cartas del Sr. D. Gaspar de Jovellanos, Habana: Imp. del Faro
industrial , 1848.

Bib. ref. in: Catalog of Library of Congress, no. AS71.H3.

Estela, Pedro. Discurso sobre la comedia antigua_y moderna. Madrid:

Sancha, 1794. Allusion to Jovellanos, p. 43.

 

 

f

 

 

 

 

377

378

379

380

:381

382

309

Esterlich, P. and.Rosello, G. Illustrations and notes to Obras de D.

 

Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos relativas a la isla de Mallorca. Tomo I,

 

Palma de Mallorca, 1889.

Bib. ref. in: Alvarez Solar-Quintes, (no. 16), 109.

Garcia de Villanueva Hugalde y Parra, M. Origen, epocas y progresos del

teatro egpafiol. Progresos del Teatro Espafibl: Discurso histdrico,

 

 

Madrid: Sancha, 1802, p. 318 (n.) (In libraries of U. of’Mich. and

Mich. State U.).

Hardings (Jardine, Jardines), Alexander. Letters from.Barbary, France,

 

Spain, Portugal etc.by and English Officer, 2 vols., London, 1788.

 

(Concerning name, see no. 183d and no. 284).

Bib. ref. in: Polt (no. 279), 71

Holland, Henry Richard Vassall, third Lord. Foreign.Reminiscences. London,

 

New York . 1850e

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345),605.

J.A.R. (Juan Alonso del Real). Biographical notes preceding Jovellanos:

Coleccidh d6 obras escogidas. Barcelona; Biblioteca Cllsica Espaflola,1884.

 

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345).605.

Jovellanos y Ramirez de Jove, Gregorio. Historia de la familia de Jove-

 

llanos. Manuscript, 1718.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y;artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 605.

 

383

384

385

386

:387

310

Le Brun, Carlos. Retratos_politicos de la revolucidn de Espafia.

 

Philadelphia, 1826.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345),606.

 

Ldpez Acevedo, Ramon.Maria. Oda en la muerte del Excmo. Sr. D. Gaspar

 

Melchor de Jovellanos. Oviedo, 1811.

 

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no.345), 606.

Maceira, A. G., "Ideas filosdficas y politicas de Jovellanos".

Revista contemporénea, l7, tomo 87, 1892, pages 386-395.

 

Bib. ref. in: Dotor, (no. 125), 230.

Meléndez Valdés, Juan. "A1 Sr. D. Gaspar de Jovellanos, Oidor en Sevilla,
Sobre mi amor", (Silva poética en verse blanco endecasilabo). Published

by R. Foulché Delbosc, Revue HiSpanique I, 1894, pages 167-179.

 

Bib. ref. in: Arce y Fernindez, Joaquih. "Jovellanos y'la sensibilidad

prerromantica", BBMP, XXXVI (1960) (no. 21), 156.

Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino. ”Artes del diseflb" +, Capitulo IV. Historia

de las ideas estéticas en Espafia. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investiga-

 

ciones Cientificas, 1947, pp. 571-580. (Obras completas, Tomo III).

Originally published: Madrid: A.P6rez Dubrull, 1886.

This study'by'Menehdez Pelayo contributes to the understanding
of Jovellanos’ esthetic theories, especially through dividing his thinking

into two distinct periods, the first, a classical phase and the second, a

+ Reviewed briefly by Somoza

311
romantic or preromantic one beginning with his imprisonment on Mallorca.
Actually, this trend had begun much earlier, however, even with his

Epistola del Paular, where marked romantic sentiment is expressed. As

 

I have noted elsewhere, there was a doubtless evolution or at least a
change of emphasis in the thought and attitude of Jovellanos, but it is
inaccurate to make such a complete dichotomy as that pestulated by don
Marcelino.

In his Elogio de las bellas artes (1781) Jovellanos reflected

 

the thinking of Mengs, advocating a return to the art of Greece and.Rome

for models. But a few years later, in his Elogio de don Ventura

 

Rodriggez (1788), Jovellanos was indicating already an interest in the
life and art of the Middle Ages, an interest which was later to characterize
his more fully romantic writings. Menéhdez Pelayo ridicules as "tan
peregrina y fantéstica como ingeniosa" (573) Jovellanos' theory that the
inspiration for Gothic art had been brought from the East by the returning
crusaders, although the validity of this judgement has since been largely
accepted by critics.

Likewise Jovellanos may not have been so incorrect as Menéhdez
Pelayo believes in calling the architecture of the first churches of
the reconquest arquitectura asturiana. For don.Marcelino it was "una
prolongacidn decadente y empobrecida del arte latino usado por los
visigodos". (595).

Menéndez Pelayo quotes Jovellanos' eulogistic assessment of the
painting of Murillo, but is astounded that he fails to mention the religious
aspect of the work of the great Sevillian: "Todas las cualidades externas

de Murillo estan aqui: solo falta ( inexplicable olvido en hombre tan

 

’9'
it

j388

312
creyente como Jovellanos!) el alma del pintor, su inspiracidh cristiana".
(576). Late Twentieth Century critics might be more inclined to agree
with Jovellanos than with his late Nineteenth Century commentator.
Menéndez Pelayo may exaggerate somewhat in affirming that in
Bellver Jovellanos lost all traces of his old classicism, but he was
‘without doubt moving toward a precocious romanticism during nearly all

the latter part of his life.

Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino. Treatise on Jovellanos. In.Historia de los

heterodoxos espafibles, + Libro VI, Capitulo 3, Tomo VI, Madrid: Consejo

 

Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1947, pages 341-354. Originally

published: Madrid: V. Maroto e hijos, 1881.

In his inquiry into the heterodoxy of the Eighteenth Century
Menéndez Pelayo saves Jovellanos for last, since, although disagreeing
with some aspects of his political thought, he does not consider him to
be heterodox.

Jovellanos, says Menéndez Pelayo, was a man of his century,
bowing in the direction of its enlightened ideas, especially in his
younger years. Lost reprehensible, he thinks, was Jovellanos' espousal
of disentailment, which he believes to be a grave error, since this would
necessarily infringe upon the right of private property. WECon qué justicia
se exceptfia de la ley comun a las congregaciones religiosas, privahdolas
de la facultad de adquirir por medics legitimos y ordinarios?" (342) asks
don Marcelino, agreeing with most writers of both the Nineteenth and

Twentieth Centuries on this highly emotional issue.

+ Listed by Somoza but not reviewed.

 

 

 

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389

313

Lenéndez Pelayo also criticizes Jovellanos' remarks concerning
superstition, ignorance and fanaticism, reflecting an attitude which for
him."macu1a 1a ortodoxia de Jovellanos" (343). But don Marcelino excuses
him by noting that these were terms in common usage in that period.
Besides, he was an economist, which perhaps explains many of don Gaspar's
deviations: "Ya hemos confesado que Jovellanos fue economista, y no es
éste leve pecado, como que de 61 nacen todos los demis suyos". (344).

Is don Marcelino serious at this point, or does this constitute an attempt
at satire?

Menéndez Pelayo absolves Jovellanos, pointing out that his
mature works show much more conservative tendencies and that he placed
his trust in divine revelation rather than in ontology and metaphysics.
He notes also that Jovellanos rejected the political ideas of Rousseau
and the Encyclopedists, expressing his abhcrrence for all revolution.

Sumarizing his vindication of Jovellanos don Marcelino
describes him in the following terms:

. . . austero moralista, fil6sofo catdlico, desconfiado

hasta con exceso de las fuerzas de la razdn, . . .

tradicionalista en filosofia, reformador templado y

honradisimo, como quien sujeta los principios y

experiencias de la escuela histdrica a una ley superior

de etZEna justicia; quiza demasiado poeta en achaques de

econo a politics . . . (353).

Thus Menéndez Pelayo characterizes "aquella alma heroica y hermosisima
(quizi 1a mis hermosa de la Espafih moderna). (352). In this fine study
he has proved beyond doubt the orthodoxy and deep religious conviction

of don Gaspar.

Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino. "Jovellanos". Estudios y discursos de

critica hist6rica y literaria, Tomo IV, Madrid: Consejo Superior de

. 5‘
I ..

314
Investigaciones Cientificas, 1942, pp. 223-226. Originally in Boletin

de la Academia de la Historia, Madrid, feb, 1891.

 

This article criticizes a memoria submitted to the Real Academia
de Historia by an unidentified writer concerning Jovellanos' work in the
field of history. The memoria has some fine qualities, says Menéndez
Pelayo, but its author was unfamiliar with many important historical and
otherwise pertinent studies, among them the Diarios and the many writings
concerning Mallorca.

Don Marcelino points out that the years on.Mallorca marked a
profound modification in Jovellanos' historical thinking, as in other
areas. His first writings were very much of the Eighteenth Century,
possessing a certain intolerance for the art and institutions of other
times. But especially during the Mallorcan period Jovellanos gradually
changed from the "abstracciones optimistas" of Eighteenth Century
ideology to a belief in the nation's "constitutidn interns", an idea he
extrapolated in his Defense de la Junta Central. Likewise in the field
of education he moved, says Menehdez Pelayo from the Jansenism.and
Encyclopedism of his Reglgmento de estudios del Colegio de Calatrava
to the near-traditionalism of the Tratado tedrico-practico de ensefianza.
But at this point Caso Gonzélez would disagree with.Menéndez Pelayo:
he sees no fundamental change in Jovellanos' ideas on education, nor in
his political thought, but only a shift in emphasis.

In art, says Meléhdez Pelayo, Jovellanos first admired the
classicism oftiengs and ventura Rodriguez, but later developed a passion
for medieval and Gothic art and architecture. He rightly concludes,
however, that this apparent dualism is in no way in opposition to the

"superior unidad de su fisionomia, 1a mis clésica de Espaha moderna".

q; ical-Im‘anI-Q sin,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

315
Menéndez Pelayo is obviously well attuned to Eighteenth Century
thought. Although he may have gone somewhat too far in the change he
notes in Jovellanos from classicist to romantic and from liberal to
conservative, his judgements are generally sound in this area, and by
far the most perceptive of their time (the last two decades of the

Nineteenth Century).

Menéndez Pelayo, MarcelinoO "Jovellanos y Mallorca". Estudios_y

 

. I . . . . . . . .
discurscs de crltlca histdrlca ' literaria Tomo IV Madrid: Conse o
D D

 

, . . . . I. - ..
Superior de InvestigaClones Clentlflcas, 1942, pages 227, 228. Original-

N.)

ly in Boletin de la Academia de la Historia, Madrid, feb., 1891.

 

Here Menéndez Pelayo discusses the influence of Mallorca on
Jovellanos' spirit. In this romantic place where don Gaspar could inhale
the poetic atmosphere of the Middle Ages, he declares, his artistic edu-
cation was in a sense completed. In a time of misfortune and extreme lone-
liness he found not only consolation and peace of mind, but experienced
a new poetic flowering in the "numen ignoto de aquella fortaleza cuyo

. . / . . . ,
SllenClo no se habla interrumpldo en mas de dos Siglos". Here no became
enchanted by the spirit evoked by the old castle, envisioning the knights
and ladies, the troubadors and minstrels of bygone days:
0 I I
Era una verdadera fiesta del esplrltu la que Jovellanos
I . . . .

se daba a $1 propio, en paginas dignas de una crdnlca

del siglo XV. Otros adivinaron en pleno siglo pasado otras

formas y manifestacioncs del futuro romanticismo; pero

e1 romanticismo caballeresco,.el romanticismo de Walter

Scott, el mundo de las costumbres feudales, Jovellanos

fue el primer espanol que le descubrid, saludandole

./ . .
con voces de jubllo, en que se mezclaban el entu81asmo
y la inexperiencia. (228).

Thus Jovellanos left Mallorca completely transformed, declares don

Marcelino.

391

316
Once again in this brief study'henéndez Pelayo has managed
to capture the spirit of the great Asturian in its evolution from

neoclassicism to romanticism.

Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino. "Preceptiva literaria", + Captulo III.

Historia de las ideas estéticas en Espafla, Madrid: Consejo Superior de

 

Investigaciones Cientificas, 1947, pages 396-h02. (Obras completas,

 

Tomo III). Originally published: Madrid: A. Perez Dubrull, 1886.

“nus-afiIMV—F' “NUT-3““. 3.2-”: y
a; - 4, ~

Menéndez Pelayo here discusses Jovellanos as literary critic,
as poet and dramatist, and as educational theoretician.

Although he possessed aesthetic sensitivity, Jovellanos'
thought turned more to truth than to beauty, but, paradoxically, he was
a better poet than critic, affirms Menéndez Pelayo: "En la poesia
reflexive, en cierto géhero de satira, que es la funcidn social, oficio
de magistrado adh mas que creacidh poetica, tiene ardor, elocuencia, y
a veces impetu casi lirico. Poseia 1a facultad preciosa de apasionarse
contra el escandalo y la injusticia, y esta es la fuente primera de su
inspiracion, y la que en dos o tres ocasiones le hizo gran poeta". (396,397).

Jovellanos was somewhat scornful of the lyric verses of his
youth, believing that poetry should be an instrument for social reform,
filled with lofty moral and philosophical sentiments, ideas which he
communicated to his poet-friends in Salamanca, over whom he had a sur-
prising influence.

In discussing the theatre, don Gaspar rejected not only
contemporary dramatic efforts but also those of the preceding century,
finding even the works of Lope, Calderon and Koreto unsuited for the

+ Peviewed briefly by Somoza

392

317
moral instruction which he believed the stage should provide. He
would substitute a new moral-didactic drama which could be censured
or rewarded by the government or by the Academia Espafibla.
Menéndez Pelayo discusses Jovellanos' educational theories in
the last part of this article, noting that his Reglamentogpara e1

Colegio de Calatrava is the best plan de estudios of the present century.

 

 

Don.Marcelino has provided here a brief but lucid and informative

assessment of Jovellanos as a man of letters.

 

Marinas, Ernest. "Estudes sur la litterature au XIXe schle, Jovellanos".

Revue Hispanigue, I. 1891+, Bit-68.

Although Jovellanos lived most of his life in the Eighteenth
Century, Merimée sees him.as a fitting writer with whom to begin a
history of Nineteenth Century Spanish letters. Along'with.Meldhdez
Valdés, Quintana and.MOratih he represents the transition from the
traditional forms and aspirations of the Eighteenth Century to the new
and modern spirit of the Nineteenth. He was a writer whose greatest
masterpiece was his own life, Merimée observes. For him.truth, justice
and utility were only three aspects of the same entity, just as individual
happiness and prosperity'and‘wellebeing of the nation.and of’humanity
were completely compatible and for him completely attainable.

The social philosophy expressed by Jovellanos, says Mérimde,
is really a "mdlange asses incoherent” of the ideas of Locke, Hume and
Condillac. His method, like that oijontesquieu and Rousseau, involved
deducing social or economic generalizations from.the observation of

particular facts, but being much more pragmatic; than these two French

318
thinkers, he arrived at practical suggestions for reform rather than
abstract theories. Merimee notes especially the influence on Jove-
llanos' thinking of the Encyclopedists and English economists, as well
as such enlightened Spaniards as Campomanes, Peflaflorida, Olavide and
Cabarrus.
Merimee reviews with care Jovellanos‘ political thinking,

especially as revealed in Memoria on defense de la Junta Central, as well

 

as in his proposals for a constitutional monarchy. His social thought

was also revolutionary, says Merimde: the policy of Felipe II and his
successors had been to see to Man's well-being in the world beyond, but
Jovellanos believed the function of government was to promote the happiness
of the nation on earth, and to concern itself with material interests such
as commercial and industrial wealth.

Mérimée is perhaps unjustly scornful of Jovellanos' early
verses, calling them "claires mais froides et d'uno fadeur aujourd'hui
insopportable". (5?). Possibly expressing a particularly French viewpoint,
he sees EElEZE as composed completely according to the pattern of'Racine
and Voltaire, and lacking in originality; El delincuente honrado, he
says, represents one of the first appearances on the Spanish stage of the
French drame sentimentale, "qui developpe dans les coeurs les utiles
sentiments d'humanitee de bienveillance". (6h). uéiimse justly gives
Jovellanos high marks as a literary and art critic, noting his independence
of thought and his insistence that writers and artists look to nature
itself for their models as the great Spanish masters of the past had done.

Although Jovellanos was not outstanding as an original thinker

or as a great poet, his strength lay in his ability to point out new

 

1393

39fl'

2395

396

397

319
routes and to offer wise advice which might have served to avoid grave
errors for Spain.

This comprehensive and dispassionate assessment of Jove-
llanos' contribution to Spanish letters and of his importance as the
voice of transition and concilliation between the old and the new is
especially valuable for having been written by an observer from beyond

the Pyrenees.

vanish? 1km". ;w..aw

Michaud, L. G. Memoires politiques de D. Gaspar de Jovellanos, Paris,l825. [

Bib. ref. in: Bitter (no. 30h).

Morel-Fatio, Alfred. La satire de govellanos contra la mauvaise educacidn
de la noblesse, 1787. Bordeaux, 1899. Published and annotated by'AsM.F.

Bib. ref. in: Dotor, (no. 125), 230.

Quintana, Manuel Jose. "Sobre la poesia castellana del siglo XVIII".
Coleccidn depoesias selectas castellanas, 1807, 1830. Also in BJLE.
Tomo XIX.

Bib. ref. in: Dotor, (no. 125), 231.

Rendueles Llanos, Estanislao. "Jovellanos y los carbones de Asturias".
El Faro Asturiano, Oviedo, 14 junio, 1864.

Bib. ref. in.Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 611.

Rendueles Llanos, Estanislao. Biografias de asturianos ilustres: Don
Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. Gijon, 1866.

Bib. ref. in: Escritoresgy artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345),611.

 

""l

 

 

398

399

1+00

‘401

Z+02

320

Sinchez Cifuentes, Victoriano. Femoria elevada a1 ministro don Pedro
Jose Pidal, sobre la reforma de estudios del Instituto Asturiano.
Gijdn, 1814's.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no.345),612.

Soldevilla, F. Prologue to Obras escogidas de Jovellanos. Paris:
Garnier hermanos, 1887. (Jovellanos: sus obrasgy*su tiempo).

Bib. ref. in: Escritores y artistas asturianos, Tome IV, (no. 345),613.
Toreno, Conde de (Francisco de B. Queipo de Llano). "Juicio critico
sobre Jovellanos". La agricultura espafibla en el siglo XIX, Madrid, 1883.

Bib. ref. in: Escritores_y artistas asturianos, Tomo IV, (no. 345), 614.

Valdés Grunda, J. Gonzalez. Oracion funebre. (Madrid, 18fl2.

 

Bib. ref. in: Catalog of British Museum, no. 9180.ccc.8(21).

Ventura Rodriguez. Elogio leido en la Real Sociedad de Eadrid por el
socio de d. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos en la junta ordinaria del
sabadolggde enero de 1788. Madrid: Imp. de la viuda de Ibarra, 1790.

Bib. ref. in: Catalog of Library of Congress, no. NA1313.R6J6.

 

321
Subject Index

Note: Studies are listed by code number. Certain studies may be

listed in more than one category. 5

Art and art criticism: 24, 127, 184, 191, 261, 313, 387.

Asturias: 12, 20, 50, 55, 56, 57, 60, 61, 97, 105, 164, 176, 210, 211,
263, 268, 269, 270, 272.

 

Bibliography: 25, no. 41, 83, 99, 135, 177. 187, 196, 249. 270. 271,
275. 335. 341. 345.

Biography and general comment: 2, 9, 10, ll, 14, 16, 19, 26, 29, 33,
42. 45. 47. 51. 58. 63. 65. 71. 85. 93. 94. 95. 97. 98. 99. 100. 103.
106, 116, 123, 125, 132, 134, 136, 149, 150, 160, 161, 165, 171, 174,
175, 181, 187, 197, 201, 206, 211, 212, 215, 218, 226, 229, 230, 231,
232. 233. 234. 238. 240. 250. 253. 257. 260. 265. 268. 273. 278. 279.
282. 299. 300. 304. 311. 323. 334. 343. 3““. 345. 346. 347. 352. 353.
354. 356. 362-

Diaries and memories: 3, 82, 107, 133, 188, 189, 206, 207, 218, 224,
240, 258, 266, 267, 297, 298, 371.

Drama: 139 219 359 36s 37s “89 490 660 67s 75: 769 969 1089 12“. 13“:
137. 152. 183 (c), 194. 199. 235. 276. 280. 31“. 32“. 346. 349. 350.
351' 3920 '

Economic theory: 1. 8, 9, 15. 17. 68, 69, 101, 110. 121. 122. 130. 138,
173. 182, 183(a), 183(d), 210, 222, 248, 262, 277. 279. 285, 286, 287,
291. 292. 294. 304. 327. 336. 337. 338. 355. 361.

Educational theory: 5,6, 39, 78, 81, 89, 9a, 139. 142, 163, 172, 209,
213. 228. 245. 281. 283. 290. 303. 334. 369. 391.

Geography: 50, 60, 61, 73, 105, 116, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 164, 176,
193, 222. 263. 269. 270. 271. 353. 358.

History: 159, 202, 320, 321, 322, 323, 389.

Letters and documents: 7#, 86, 167, 2u3. 247. 284, 315, 330. 331. 339,
340. 342. 343.

Linguistics: 40, 101, 203, 242, 292, 301, 302.

 

 

 

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322

Mallorca: 16, 19, 46, 62, 155, 205, 206, 207, 347, 389, 390.
PanegyriCS: 7. 529 530 589 1609 2499 2509 251. 2729 288' 311: 3570

Poetry: 13. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 37. 38. 47. 49. 55. 59. 68. 77. 87. 90.
92, 93, 102, 103, 106, 111, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 128, 129,
137. 143. 1“*4. 154. 155. 180. 183(0). 191. 195. 200. 217. 221. 223. 254.
263. 283. 289. 305. 316. 348. 349. 350. 351. 367. 390. 391.

Politics and jurisprudence: 19, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 34, 43, 46, 63, 64,
70. 71. 78. 79. 84. 88. 111. 125. 130. 140. 150. 156. 157. 162. 165. 166.
168, 169, 170, 179. 182, 183(a), 183(d), 185, 186, 188. 189, 192, 198,
204. 208. 211. 214, 215, 216, 217, 219, 220, 225,.226, 233, 230, 239, 240,
242. 246, 207, 250, 251, 256, 259, 263, 268, 272. 273. 278, 279, 284, 287,
291. 296. 304. 306. 307. 308. 309. 312. 317. 318. 319. 320. 323. 325. 326.
327. 328. 333. 343. 352. 355. 362. 364. 371. 388. 389.

Religion: 31, 63. 7o, 71. 78, 80, 136, 150, 183(b), 185, 186, 237. 244,
263. 290. 364. 365. 366. 388.

Social theory: a. 32. 109, 124, 125. 126, 158, 178, 183(b), 183(c),
183(0). 18‘4'. 185. 197. 255. 264. 273. 293. 320.

 

 

Addenda

1. Anes, Gonzalo. "E1 Informe sobre la Ley Agraria y'el Real Sociedad
Econdmica de Amdgos del Pais". Homenajg a don Ramdh Carande, Madrid:
Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1963, 21-56.

Bib. ref. in: Vergnes, R. "Dirigisme et liberalisme economique i i

la Sociedad Econdmica de Madrid". Bulletin Hispanique, LXX (1969), 3'“.

300-341, (no. 359).

 

2. Cano, Josd'Luis. Review of Jovellanos_y Goya by Edith Helman, Madrid:

Taurus, 1970. In Insula, No. 294 (1971), 8-9.

Cano summarizes and comments upon the first four chapters of
the book, all of which deal with Jovellanos, as well as the remaining
chapters, which deal with.Goya and his relations with others of the
ilustrados. Cane emphasizes Jovellanos' ability to harmonise human-
ism and Christianity, individual perfection with social obligation,
and pure science with technology. He points also to Jovellanos' es-

sential conservativism.and English orientation in political matters.

3. Domergue, Lucienne. Jovellanos a la Soci‘t‘ Economique des amis du
pays de Madrid (1778-1795). Toulouse: France-Iberie Recherche.
Universit‘ de Toulouse-Le Mirail, 1971.

Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, Tome XXXVI, nos. 71-72 (1970),
288.

4. Gallego, Juli‘n. Review of Jovellanos y;Goya by Edith Helman, Madrid:

Taurus, 1970. In Roget. de Occidente, No. 99 (1971) 376-379.

5.

The reviewer calls attention to the keeness and sympathy
exhibited by Helman in her four studies on Jovellanos, but points also
to some repetition and the poor coordination of the illustrations with

the text.

Glendinning, Nigel. The Eighteenth Century. A Literary History of l
"1

Spgin, London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1972. Section on the drama of

Jovellanos, pages 102-104.

 

Glendinning calls attention to Jovellanos' preoccupation with
absolutism and the infringement of human rights by occupying powers as
expressed in 221312 and relates these injustices to contemporary criticism
of the treatment of the Indians by the conquistadores. He is the first to
note similarities betweenlgglgyg_and El delincuente honrado: the honor
theme, the friendship of Anselmo and Torcuato, the mutual love of Laura
and Torcuato, the affection of don Justo for Torcuato, even before he
knows he is his son, all have counterparts in‘gglgyg. He points out, as
has Caso (no. 76), that parts of the prose of El delincuente honrado are
scannable and are not too different from.Pelayo's hendecasyllables.

In El delincuente honrado, says Glendinning, Jovellanos expresses
many ideas typical of the Enlightenment, e.g., observing the spirit rather
than the letter of the law, condemnation of torture, behavior as due to
a combination of birth and education, self-fulfillment through virtue
rather than through God or religion, etc. Nevertheless, Jovellanos' sup-
port of monarchy and of honor as its requisite, as well as faith in uni-
versal order reveal him to be more nearly traditionalist than his pro-

gressive theories and recommendations would indicate, says the writer.

9.

Helman, Edith. Review of Gaspar Felohor de Jovellanos and his English

Sources by John H. R. Polt. Philadelphia: American Philosophical

:Society, 1964. In Nueva Revista de Filologia Hispanics. XVIII (1965-66),
“95.99.

'Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, Tomo XXXVI, nos. 71-72 (l970),288.

 

iHernandez Esteban, Maria. Review of Jovellanos y Goya by Edith Helman,

 

'Madrid: Taurus, 1970. In Estafeta Literaria, No. 460 (1971).

The reviewer praises Helman for her analysis of the most
significant aspects of the personality of Jovellanos: his humanism
and integrity, his desire for social and spiritual reform and his pre-
occupation with education, all of which characteristics may be deduced

from his literary production, his letters and from his exemplary life.

Hornedo Si, R.M. Review of Obras en Prosa, ed. José Caso Gonzalez,

Iadrid: Clzsicos Castalia, 1970. In Razdn y Fe, No. 878 (1971) 3253-29.

 

Caso's introduction, says Hornedo, is precise and dense and
accurately situates Jovellanos within his epoch. He agrees with Caso
as to Jovellanos' attempt at ideological synthesis, but accepts also
del Ric's assertion that his writings reflect certain personal and
historical contradictions. Hornedo praises Case's selection, noting
that this edition well complements del Ric's (no. 299) in Clésicos

Castellanos.

Hueso Cheroles, Ricardo. "En torno a Jovellanos". Boletin del Instituto

 

de Estudios Asturianos, XXV (1971), 349-70.

Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, Tomo XXXI. nos. 71-72 (1970), 288.

 

10. Martinez Hernéndez, Jesus. "La tnmflacidn de los restos mortales de

11.

Jovellanos". Boletin del_;nstituto de Estudios Asturianos, XXIV (1970),
75-81.

Bib. ref. in: Revista de Literatura, Tomo XXXI, nos. 71-72 (1970), 289.

Morodo, Raul. "La reforma constitucional de Jovellanos y Martinez
Marina”. Boletin Informative del Semenario de Derecho Politico, Nos.
29/30 (1963). 79-93.

Bib. ref. in: Zavala, J. H. ”Jovellanos y'la poesia burguesa",
Nueva Revista de Filologia Hispanics, XVIII (1965-66), (no. 367).

 

A A

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