THESIS The i"? A ‘4; a? N , _. m __ “ 9.“: Nb This is to certify that the thesis entitled FEAR OF CRIME AS PERCEIVED BY THE ELDERLY presented by Margaret M. Riker has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for l” , 5. degree in (4/1”! )7 J 90-5 74cc: Z/W, WWI / Major professor . Merry Nbrash Date 33/61, /Z%/ 96/5. 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution MSU LIBRARIES -_ RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. TEE PEAR.OP CRIHE AS PERCEIVED ‘5! THE ELDERLY BY Margaret M. Riker A Thesis Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE School of Criminal Justice 1985 ABSTRACT THE FEAR OF CRIME AS PERCEIVED BY THE ELDERLY BY Margaret M. Riker Because of a mounting concern for the safety and quality of life of America's elderly, this study was conducted to assist in determining the type and degree of fear of crime experienced by the subjects and its effect on their lifestyle. Participants. all 60 years and over, were interviewed at various senior citizen sites within. the community and while passengers of the mass transit system. Data was collected concerning their past and present lifestyle and their attitudes toward personal assault and property invasion and loss. A qualitative analysis of the information revealed a significant decrease in their quality of life, but the majority of the respondents did not relate this decrease to a fear of crime. Loss of income and physical vulnerability were factors, however, in their ability to cope with criminal threats. TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION I INTRODUCTION The Problem The Purpose Theoretical Framework Overview SECTION II REVIEW OF LITERATURE Fear of Crime, The Debate The Population of Interest Aging and vulnerability Fear and Interaction Fear and Its on Lifestyle Literature Summary SECTION III PROCEDURES Sample Selection Data Collection Major Data Collection Instrument SECTION IV FINDINGS Demographic Characteristics Victimization Extreme Fear Quality of Life Attitudes SECTION V DISCUSSION Conclusions Recommendations APPENDIX A APPENDIX B APPENDIX C REFERENCES ii LI ST OF TABLES ___£é9£ Table 1 Demographic Factors of Sample (N—32) 29 Table 2 Attitudes-Pear Related Issues Sample (N-32) 39 iii SECTION I INTRODUCTION There is a specific segment of the elderly citizens in America who experience actual and measurable fear of personal crime and victimization (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). This fear and its effects has been the concern of numerous types of studies conducted during the past decade. Several, based on national surveys of victims, concluded that this fear of injury and loss through criminal activity was statistically unfounded (Bureau of Statistics Bulletin, 1981). The evidence produced by this investigation demonstrated that crime against the elderly occurred at a rate of about eight per thousand, about one- fifth of the rate against younger persons. Other sources legitimately question the relative value of focusing on victimization of the elderly, particularly since persons age sixty-five and older generally suffer lower victimiza- tion than those of other age groups. However, the patterns which emerge from analysis of victimization rates of crimes among all age groups, according to Midwest Research Institute (MRI), show significant differences between victimized persons age sixty-five and over and the younger age groups. MRI supports data from other studies which contend that, in general, men are victimized more than 2 women but adds the disturbing fact that in their findings elderly women (65 and over) are second highest of all female age groups to experience robbery with injury and this elderly female group is not drastically different from all male age groups in this crime category. Also, the likelihood of injury when robbed is equal to or greater for elderly women than for both males or females of any age group (MRI, 1977). The above data coincides with the conclusions of George Antunes, et al (1977) and Cook and Cook (1976) in their studies on victimization. They found that the elderly (sixty-five years and older) victimization rates were not statistically higher or even close to being high compared to the victimization rates of the young adults eighteen to twenty-five. Their conclusions were that there was no real cause for alarm within this elderly population. More specifically, that the elderly were unduly alarmed for their safety and the subject was attracting excessive attention. (n: the other hand, Duke and Lindquist (1982) argue that it is not the EAL: of victimization but the Leg; of victimization caused by the knowledge of crime and violence which drastically alters the quality of life of these elderly citizens. According to them, the issue is not whether this fear is justified, statistically, but 3 whether the effect of this fear is diminishing the quality of life of these individuals (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Lawrence Center (1980), who conducted a study on victims of violent crime and the resultant attitudes of victims, feels that the fear of personal crime has forced these elderly to restrict their movements within their community and has discouraged them from caring for even their own simplest needs. He justly terms it a form of “involuntary isolation“. However, if isolation breeds undue fear, as Center reports, a more recent study by Gary R. Lee (1982) contends that 'social integration' or the lack of it accounts for only a very small portion of the fear experienced by the elderly (Lee, 1982). Paul Hudson, the author of a unique “Bill of Rights' for crime victims, feels that to allow this condition to continue is to usurp the elderly's right to a meaningful lifestyle. It infringes upon their constitutional rights (Hudson, 1980). The MRI Kansas City study points out that aside from "explosive crimes” of violence and irrational acts against property, more crimes are perpetrated against victims who are m vulnerable, even when they are not the most lucrative targets. By virtually any set of objective criteria, these elderly Americans, particularly the urban poor, are the members of American society most vulnerable to criminal victimization. Common sense dictates that those elderly 4 persons are seldom as physically or emotionally equipped to defend or protect themselves or aid in their own security as are their younger counterparts. They are far more susceptible than any other age group to the adverse, long- term effects of criminal attacks or perceived threats of them (MRI, 1977). It is anticipated that by the year 2000, seventeen percent (17%) of all Americans will be in the sixty-five or over age category (AGING, 1981). This growing population and its needs should be of great concern to citizens of every generation, partially because of the enormous amount of public funds, now over $195 billion, expended each year on their well-being, and also because of an awareness we all share naturally, that as we reach our own senior years, we should be able to expect a comfortable and dignified lifestyle. W The specific problem being addressed by this study is in what way and to what extent criminal victimization and the perceived threat of such victimization affects older Americans, especially the elderly poor living in metropolitan areas. The concern is whether the actual victimization and the related fear of such victimization generates a fear which is responsible for much of the hardships suffered by these individuals? Does this fear S inhibit their ability to remain active and care for their own needs? To what extent do these elderly perceive this threat to their security and does it reduce their opportunity to socialize, to receive proper nutrition and medication, and does it prevent them from taking part in and feeling a part of their own communities? This study intends to study the dimensions of this fear in order to determine just how this threat lessens the elderly's feeling of self-worth and their deserved quality of life. Ih§_22L22§§ This study will attempt to identify the extent of fear suffered by the elderly and examine the circumstances surrounding it. It is important to measure the extent of this fear in order to determine the most effective method by which it can be eliminated. Although economic factors and health conditions also affect the quality of life of these elderly, this study intends to concentrate strictly on fear caused by the threat of criminal violence and fraud. The purpose of investigating this fear and its resulting effects is to establish what responsibility, if any, the criminal justice system has in intervening in this situation in order to help facilitate a lifestyle for these citizen that is dignified and meaningful. Based on the stated purpose above, the following objectives are set forth: 6 1. To investigate the dimensions of the fear that exists among the elderly. 2. 'To examine the effects of this fear on their quality of life. The following HYPOTHESIS is based on the objectives of this study: The fear of criminal violence among the elderly poor is sufficient to affect their quality of life. The NULL HYPOTHESIS is: The fear of criminal violence experienced by the elderly poor is not sufficient enough to affect a reduction in their normal lifestyle. W What may seem like irrational behavior on the part of some elderly persons, as they cope with the fear of personal violence, can be explained, in part, by the socio- logical theory of 'symbolic interactionism'. According to the symbolic interactionists, people act in relation to one another and the orderliness of social relationships centers around the communication that takes place between people as they fit their actions together (Spencer, 1979). Metta Spencer explains the theory as being as simple as one person trying to figure out what another is doing and adjusting his or her own behavior accordingly. In contrast to the beliefs of the structural functionalists, who 7 contend that individual behavior is only 'a part of the whole' (no individual exists in his or her own right), the symbolic interactionists believe only individuals experience needs and have purposes, therefore, only individual people take action. Group action is an accumulation of its individual members' definitions of a given situation (Spencer, 1979). As each individual identifies a situation, whether in communication with another or analyzing an incident in their environment, they define it according to what they perceive the other individual is experiencing. In the case of the elderly poor and their fears, their perception of their own vulnerability and those they associate with has an immense influence on their view of situations in their environment. Sheldon Stryker (1980) interprets this interaction between persons and the social structure as a reciprocal impact of people and their environment . . . When entering interactive situations, persons define the situation by applying names to it, to the other participants in the interaction, to themselves, and to particular features within the situation, and use the resulting definition to organize their own behavior accordingly. (Stryker, 1980) Stryker attributes his version of this theory to George Herbert Mead's 'role' concepts, a papular theme of the Chicago School of the early 1920's. According to Stryker, Mead argued that “a person initiates activity related to 8 himself and the environment: that is a person does not simply respond to external 'stimuli' existing apart from the activity.“ He explains that stimuli 'acquire' meaning in the course of activity (Stryker, 1980). Relating this thought to the restricting fears of the population under study, it seems only logical that the elderly's immobility, involuntary isolation and limited interaction with those other than the already fearful members of their own age category, reinforces their perceptions of the danger of criminal violence. In conjunction with their emotional reactions when communicating or associating with others, it is claimed that the elderly in America have a negative self-image (Logan, 1978). Several authors attribute this tragic defect to urbanization, forced retirement and idleness, the consequences of living away from their families and alone, and their 'poverty level' economic existence (Logan, 1978 and Center, 1980). According to Stryker (1980), Mead dealt with this problem of 'self' and self-image in the same way that he developed the concept of symbols and social acts. He felt that the 'self' develops through the same social process; I'the self is an emergent from social interaction . . . it arises from social experience“ (Stryker, 1980). The positive social experiences required by the elderly population of interest are seemingly reduced because of 9 their perceived position or status and their presumed fear to interact outside of their immediate environment. It is the concern of this study to investigate the dimensions of this fear to interact and the causes of the negative self- image of these elderly in order to improve their quality of life. Me! In Section II of this study, the pertinent literature will be reviewed. In this review, the current status of crime among elderly groups will be detailed and an elaboration of the age-integrated dilemma will be explored. The relationships between fear and changed behavior will be investigated as well as the affect this behavior has on health, interpersonal activities and mental attitudes. Several views will be discussed that contradict the apparent importance of the problem in general. In Section III, the major hypothesis will be explained and the methodology outlined. Data collection procedures will be presented, also. Analysis of the findings will be discussed in Section IV and conclusions and recommendations for further research study will follow in Section V. SECTION II REVIEW OF LITERATURE MW Much of the recent research on fear of personal crime and victimization amidst the elderly tends to infer that their fear is a type of 'phobia" (Jaycox, 1978). That is to say, it is far out of proportion to the actual risk of harm they face. Victimization surveys of the 1970's and even as late as 1981 indicate that younger Americans are four to five times more likely to be victims of personal crimes than the elderly (U.S. Department of Justice, 1977 and 1981). Based on these statistics, some analyists have concluded that the fear exhibited by the elderly is irrational (Jaycox, 1978). These same victim surveys, however, show an interestingly high rate of £33; within the elderly population. They prescribe programs designed to allay the crime-related anxieties of old age by altering the behavioral effects of those fears: imposing preventative measures such as self-imposed “house arrest“ (Lawton, et a1, 1975). Logan (1978) terms this approach I'confinement" and claims it is a form of cruel and unusual punishment for millions of our aged population. A 1978 study conducted by two behavioral scientists concerned over this abnormal confinement, indicated that 10 11 these conclusions of irratigngl_figar by some researchers are dangerously misleading (Klecka and Bishop, 1978). Their findings suggest that the fear level of the typical elderly resident of urban neighborhoods is based on a fairly realistic perception of the risk which crime presents to her or him. It inhibits the necessary interaction among fellow members of society that they need to survive (Klecka, 1978). Their study concluded that this age group was being neglected by the justice system as well as society. WW Of utmost importance in any discussion of crime and fear within the elderly population is the definition of just what segment of the population is under consider- ation. In most studies concerned with 'real' fear, it is the age-integrated urban resident that is the subject focused upon. A classification of the entire elderly population has been attempted by Marilyn M. Logan for definitional purposes. The factors considered were demographics, economic and social level, marital status or family connections, education, and health. Among the retirees, living in age-segregated communities, whether alone or not, there is definitely less fear recorded (Logan, 1978). The wealthy, more educated and socially elevated suburban elderly citizen is also considered to be 12 without noticeable fear of personal crime (Logan, 1978 and Jaycox, 1978). It is the poor. less educated urban dweller, with limited choices resulting from limited income who shows a nmrked effect from this fear of personal violence and loss (Logan, 1978 and Antunes et a1, 1977). W The natural handicaps of aging make all the elderly, rich and poor alike, obvious targets for robbery, purse snatching, and even rape. Logan (1978) notes that to the elderly person victimization is extremely disruptive. It is intensified by their past outlook of people and society and the natural handicaps of unsteadiness, slow movement, and impaired hearing and vision. These natural disabili- ties leave them more vulnerable to surprise attack and they reduce their likelihood of effectively participating in their own protection or being able to identify their assailants. These elderly are very aware of this vulnerability which only increases their frustration and lessens their desire to interact with their community and younger groups (Logan, 1978). Drastic changes in our modern technological society and family structure have also separated or alienated many of the elderly from family and community creating an almost monastic isolation for them. They often see themselves as alone in the world and deserted by society. Their limited 13 mobility further eliminates the needed social interaction they were accustomed to. This isolation and immobility would reduce the quality of life at any age but it is more severe in older individuals who are already prone to ill health and chronic depression (Jaycox, 1978). The question is often asked, why don't these people move away from their decaying homes or depressing living quarters; find safer, more pleasant areas to live in? Logan (1978) points out that income and old habits, even customs, prevent this class of elderly from "breaking-out" to safer neighborhoods. All the memories and meaning of their former active lives are in these old places. Very often, the resources realized from selling or renting run down old 'homes" is minimal and, besides, any source of income would further handicap them by the loss of public funds or assistance. In a sense, they are trapped in a decaying, now transient neighborhood, filled with strangers. And these “strangers" are perceived as enemies. It has been found that they are very reluctant to seek assistance in emergencies because of this fear of the young newcomers. Several studies show that these elderly are genuinely fearful of retaliation from their attackers. MRI (1977) cites the case of an elderly female victim who called for help one evening saying that she thought she was starving. In an apologetical tone, she asked if someone 14 could help her? She had locked and barricaded herself in her single room dwelling without proper food or medication for three days in fear of some local youths who were going to 'get" her if she told the authorities they had robbed her. According to the MRI Kansas City study, this is only one of thousands of such bizarre incidents that occur daily throughout the nation (MRI, 1977). An even more alarming point is made by Richard Sundeed (1977) in a study of criminal justice agencies and their attitudes toward the elderly complaint. He found that the elderly victim or potential victim refuses to report criminal activity because she/he feels that the police won't listen or haven't the time to be bothered with 'old people“. Here again, their lifestyle and aging condition (self-concept) hinders them from proper interaction when needed. The fear of crime within this segment of the elderly population has been designated as a product of their W of both the external and internal realities they face. Risks of victimization, the 'external reality', are different for different subgroups. Some are very precise in measuring the extent of their capabilities and the risks they face. The 'inner reality' is described by Jaycox (1978) as their increasing incapability to recover from certain kinds of assaults, 'a gerontological actuality which favors no particular race or class" (Jaycox, 1978). 15 W Goldsmith and Tomas argued in 1974 that crime among the elderly was reaching crisis proportions and their concern was supported by other studies (Goldsmith and Tomas, 1974, and Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Even the elderly them- selves, who rated crime and poor health as their two major problems, emphasized crime over health by 48 percent (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). National surveys indicted that, clearly, the elderly are afraid of being victims of crime more than any other factor and fear is higher among those that have already been victimized than in younger groups that have been similarly victimized. However, it has been noted this abstract fear is not the only factor contributing to the anxiety expressed by these people. It has been documented that their interaction with actual victims of crime and their exposure to various media sources also make marked impressions on them (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Duke makes the point that fear from observation and through interpersonal communication is very real to them and not just a factor of their old age or imagination (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Another view is that the exposure of most of the urban residents to media campaigns against crime and local publicity aimed at educating citizens adversely effects their awareness of their situation. It has been advocated 16 by those concerned for these elderly persons, that the media has been more detrimental than informative. Their brand of sensationalism has created more fear and distrust in urban communities than it has exposed real dangers (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Cook and Cook (1976), however, have taken the dispassionate scholarly view that the so called 'crisis' concerning the amount of elderly victimization is all media created and media-fed. They conclude that a false conception has been constructed and that it is politically and publicity-motivated. They are concerned that by concentrating on the elderly and their fears, the real victims of crime, the poor, young black males, will be overlooked (Cook and Cook, 1976). Clemente and Kleinman (1976), agreeing with Duke, see the problem of 'fear' through communication“ and community interaction as essentially a social issue and regardless of its course, they feel that . . .' for the older people, fear of crime is even more of a problem than crime itself.‘ (Clemente and Kleinman, 1976). Whether the fear of crime is stimulated through media and personal communication or an actual reflection of experience, it is agreed that the elderly are 'at risk' in a very real sense.‘ If the 'at risk' factor, which takes into account the frailty and environment of these persons, is figured into the victimization rate, the rate for the 17 elderly will equal or exceed the victimization rate for other categories (Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Fear and Its Affect on Lifestyle There is a consensus among the authors mentioned, at least those who recognize the existence of ”fear”, that where there is fear among the elderly, regardless of their physical condition or environmental situation, there is a notable change of lifestyle (Logan, 1978, Duke and Lindquist, 1982). Lawrence Center (1980) notes that the most important issue raised by this fear is the effects on both the elderly and society. He feels that the impact of crime on the elderly can be measured in three primary ways: economically, physically and emotionally. Both he and Logan (1978) stress the point that the elderly are hurt more when victimized or fearful than other age groups because they are often least financially equipped to deal with the economic or property loss which occurs. They suffer more physically also, simply because of the aging process itself; for them recuperation is more difficult and costly. He and others agree that the emotional consequences of crime are most severe among the elderly because of their shortened life expectancy and feeling that they cannot spare time and strength to recoup their losses (Center, 1980; Jaycox, 1978; Logan, 1978 and Lawton, 1980). Stress studies indicate that problems from fear and 18 actual victimization have added an enormous amount of stress to this already vulnerable group. Aging process concerns, stress and poor coping mechanisms cause a continuing decline of their self-image and a heightened susceptibility of additional stress (Center, 1980). It has been reported that seniors living in the center of major cities are victimized at the same rate as young residents (Jaycox, 1978). Although Center (1980) agrees, he feels that an M victimization factor should be added to these rates. He contends that there is a definite 1311535,; effect on all elderly as news of crime spreads rapidly throughout their social network. Pear and anxiety are indirect forms of victimization and this interpersonal communication forces them to adopt even more restrictive measures and isolates them further in order to cope with their environment. Although those that are successful in avoiding victimization are not statistically counted in most studies, Center (1980) considers them living I'safely" only because they are virtual prisoners in their own homes (Center, 1980). The quality of life experienced by these elderly recluses is obviously reduced by this seclusion, and Logan (1978) feels that it should be of concern to all members of society. Their communities suffer because of the absence of their contributions to normal community life. They are 19 perceived as a burden rather than effective citizens. Goodstein and shotlund (1980) are convinced that the elderly's involuntary absence from the neighborhood actually increases crime. In their “crime causes crime“ model, they contend that the frightened individual hiding in a single room or decaying dwelling is useless to her/himself as well as to their neighbors. Deserted streets and unconcerned (or frightened) citizens breeds crime. Cooperation among the communities' elderly in providing for their own protection would be of double value. It would provide the needed activity they are avoiding and would also improve their image in the immediate neighborhood. As active, respected individuals, they would be less vulnerable targets (Goodstein, et al, 1980). Elderly volunteer programs, although not always popular with agencies, are effective in many communities. Watchful, active older people are felt to be a valuable asset in reducing crime (Goodstein, et a1, 1980). An even sadder aspect of the enforced isolation and loneliness of these elderly people, is that these once proud and productive people are now the targets of “friendly“ conartists who feed on their isolation and financial insecurity (Jaycox, 1978). Both Jaycox and Logan agree that their self-image and usefulness declines with each physical and emotional attack on their lives. In 20 their separate studies on elderly communities (retirement villages and age-segregated housing) and age-integrated areas, they found definite fear and diminished quality of life for those in inner-city areas even with the same income and health conditions. They concluded that their declining quality of life was a direct result of stress from fear of violence and isolation (Jaycox, 1978 and Logan, 1978). Logan (1978) concedes that it is, indeed, “cruel and unusual punishment“ for Americans who have produced so much but are guilty of surviving too long. Literature_summerx Reliable studies demonstrate that fear of criminal violence, a very detrimental fear, does exist among the urban poor and elderly population. These same studies, for the most part, also conclude that this in; affects this population's quality of life. However, few, if any authors reviewed focus on the dimension of this fear. The debate of whether or not the elderly's fear is 'real' or 'statis- tically founded' (thus warranting further quantitative research) was more of a concern than the question of cause or how often it was found to be disruptive or excessive enough to restrict_routine life. Many queries such as these need to be investigated in order to even consider some of the solutions suggested by these studies. 21 In general, the texts and articles reviewed did establish a basis for concluding that there was a {gag among the elderly, therefore, the next step, one which this study intends to pursue, is to determine as best as possible, just how this fear effects this population. Of utmost importance, as already inferred, will be the study of this fear and its effects as the elderly themselves see it. Any recommendations for change will be useless if the change only includes the findings of professionals and practitioners and overlooks the interpretations of the population of interest. Therefore, general concepts gleaned from the literature will be used to formulate the kind of interview questions that will allow the elderly the opportunity to explain their views concerning 'fear' and how it affects them. SECTION I I I PROCEDURES This is a descriptive study or, to be more specific, it is a qualitative study searching for patterns in attitudes and methods of coping with the changes imposed by age and the presence of crime in the daily lives of the elderly population. This sample was drawn from elderly persons in the Lansing, East Lansing area. The study was designed to elicit opinions and comments from a broad mixture of the elderly in this diversified locality. The researcher felt that previous studies, as discussed in the Review of the Literature, did not look at cross-sections of the elderly population in any one area sufficiently to determine how their fear was manifested, expressed, and adapted to. Victimization records and crime reports fail to disclose the types of fear experienced by individuals nor do they discuss the adaptive skills developed to relieve these fears. In order to achieve the study's goal of identifying and defining this fear and its affect on the elderly, the researcher adopted an informal semi-structured interview procedure which permitted the interviewer to record the answers to open-ended questions concerning their present and past life—styles as well as personal observations 22 23 concerning their environment and the respondents' own descriptions of their situations. The interviews were conducted over a period of ten months in 1983. The unusually hot summer months of July and August (1983) aggravated the interview procedures. The individuals involved were physically uncomfortable and often abrupt or disinterested by the time the final questions were discussed but it was important to continue the process as these were the months which were most conducive to personal assault situations and considered to be especially stressful to the population being studied. W A pilot study was conducted in the early Spring of 1982 in order to develop an instrument suitable to the needs of the project. This original study was directed primarily toward an elderly group of retired senior advocates living in the area. As these elderly were not necessarily 'low income' or isolated, their experiences with crime and their fear was considerably less than was expected by the researcher. This preview was useful, however, in that it suggested to the researcher the importance of a more purposive sample. It was apparent that a more diversified group of urban and suburban elderly would be required; one including varying income and educational levels as well as those who were immobilized by physical impairments or lack 24 of social contacts. The researcher, a public transit commuter, decided that the local CATA bus system would provide a wide variety of elderly passengers as well as furnish a place for the interview. Contacts were also made at the various Lansing Senior Centers and by the researcher's volunteer connections with the Mga1§;93;flhggl§ program. Of the thirty-four individuals approached, thirty-two interviews were completed. Two individuals were unable to continue the interview due to time or personal reasons. Nine men and twenty-three women finally made up the sample of thirty-two people. Twenty of these individuals were white, eleven were black and one was Hispanic. The design of the study required that the elderly be selected from a cross-section of the area population, therefore, individuals were approached and asked to participate at several locations throughout the city. It was anticipated that the more mobile elderly within a particular income bracket would use public transportation. Nineteen interviews were conducted on a CATA bus or at the bus stop. Eight subjects were interviewed at the Lansing Senior Center and four were contacted through the Meals-On- Wheels program. One elderly woman was interviewed at an Adult-Care facility in a local hospital. Two subjects agreed to be interviewed in their living-quarters after 25 being referred to the researcher by other interviewees. This snowball technique was responsible for two of the study's most revealing interviews. Missiles Eilgt_fiurxgy. The study's data source originated with a pilot study conducted in March of 1982 in conjunction with the Area Agency on Aging Association and its advocacy arm, The Michigan Seniors' Advocacy Council (MSAC). (For survey questionnaire, See Appendix A) The results from this structured demographic and attitudinal instrument were tabulated and reported in the association's newsletter. It was immediately evident to the researcher that the group of elderly involved in this survey was not the population mix that would be representative of all urban elderly. In designing the present study, the researcher used the results of the pilot survey and, also, spent many hours discussing crime and individual fear of crime with both elderly poor and financially secure elderly people. Prior to compiling the major data collection instrument from the pilot study, it was necessary to develop an instrument that would produce sufficient data concerning the subject's income level, past and present, their previous educational history, their marital status and family relationships, and primary activities. These data were recorded on a questionnaire with scaled questions (See Appendix B). 26 Three sheets followed this initial introductory data which ‘were intended to elicit information on their present activities and relationships in the community and their attitudes toward crime, the criminal justice system, family, and youth. Although these were structured questions, they were designed, also, to permit discussion and to record the opinions of the subjects. The value of these structured but open-ended questions was apparent when the subject of 'fear' was introduced. It was important to the validity of the study up; to approach this subject directly. The researcher felt that prompting the respondents to discuss their fears would contaminate the data. Questions concerning 'night travel', the safety of buses, and the amount of community involvement or social integration were asked in order to broach the subject. A Likert-type scale was used to determine the degree of fear or concern for each of the issues under study. The length of the interview ranged from 20 minutes to two hours depending (Hi the location. “On Bus“ interviews were usually the shortest, 20-30 minutes. After each interview, usually in the privacy of the researcher's home, a summary sheet of observations was completed and attached to the original interview schedule. (See Appendix C) These summaries were later used to familiarize the interviewer with general atmosphere of the 27 interview plus a compilation of demographic data used in Tables I and II. W- The interview schedule was administered solely by the researcher, a single, white female. Observations and quotes were recorded on the interview schedule at the time of the interview and later on the post-interview summary sheet. The exact place, time and date of the interview is included on the instrument. The sample was considered purposive because of the age and type of individual approached. The general purpose of the study was explained to each person willing to parti- cipate and in every case, the subjects were previously unknown to the researcher. SECTION IV FINDINGS The qualitative nature of this study limits graphic displays of demographic information, educational level information, economic status, sex and race. The degree and type of fear affecting those interviewed can be best conveyed through excerpts from their responses and their attitudes as observed by the interviewer. The changes in the subject's lifestyle, although quite visible to the researcher, will be described in a general discussion section concerning the accumulative results of the thirty-two interviews. Watts; Eighteen of the subjects fell into the seventy-three and over age group. Thirteen of the thirty-two had experienced some form of victimization within recent years. Almost fifty percent of the sample were widows and twenty—two of the thirty-two considered thgmgglygs to be in 'satisfactory' or good health. (See Table l) The phrase 'good for my age' was commonly used when discussing health but this 'good' condition usually included afflictions such as arthritis, diabetes, crippling foot problems, vision and hearing deficits, and hypertension. Very few spoke of 28 29 .332 .50 .v and 8 .e 8388 .v mucus .q 883 .m 8-2. .m BEE: 3.52 .m 88:8 .m .328 .N «TS .N 3833\333 .m H85...“ SE .~ .08 .08 A Sum... .H 3E5. .H 886 A mounom 2005"... 965 o3... RENE ESSA... H20: .8. o o o o oooococc coooooo $345 a N a H ooam SNOH mocooHH mucosa N a m a oassoams meooumo T323 {2:63. ea c H oooaaooo Hooooao T350 ms a m oommmaom mmoHoHH 3.83 SE m S Hummfiwmm mamaofim 2.323 ERIE JIHINH «miua mwaemj gafiafio 4%an museum in SE .58 L53; «>3 .88.. $.85. 68.. ESE. "mange finizv 395w mo much—och cannon—mafia H 0.3g 30 daily exercise routines other than housework or walking and two claimed they ngyg; left their living-quarters. As Table 1 indicates, fifteen of the females were white, seven were black, and one Hispanic. Seven males were white and two black. Eighteen of the subjects found means of supplementing their social security benefits with part-time wages while thirteen claimed to have savings or retirement benefits in addition to social security payments. A majority of them fell into the 73-80 age group (See Table 1). Eight individuals depended on general assistance and all but three of the thirty-two subjects fell under the poverty line for income ($10,000). A majority of these had incomes of less than $4,000 per year. Twenty-two subjects lived in their family homes or with family members (a son, daughter, or niece). Six people lived in segregated senior residence buildings and ten lived alone in apartment buildings or rooming houses. Fifteen individuals finished elementary school, nine more completed high school and five were college graduates. Two women, of the latter group. were still active as volunteers in their educational fields. W Thirteen of the thirty-two subjects actually had been involved in personal assault incidents or had experienced a breaking and entering of their property resulting in 31 material loss. One widow expressed her feelings over the attempted break-in of the family grocery store. Her husband was injured while defending the store, and as a result of the injuries suffered, was unable to work or provide for the family. They lost the business and incurred tremendous medical debts, some of which she was still responsible for years after his death. Another woman reported that her home was broken into ‘while she and her family were on vacation and the 'kids' took food and condiments from the refrigerator and spread it over her livingroom furniture and carpet. She was unable to receive compensation from the offenders or their families for the destruction or for her labor in cleaning the house. An elderly bachelor, who had supported and cared for his aging parents for years before their deaths in 1974, reported that their home and garage had been broken into several times. There was property destroyed as well as stolen and he was convinced that it was neighborhood youths although the police apprehended no one. He claimed that if they 'came around' again he would not hesitate to shoot them. He also mentioned two neighbors, both widows, who had experienced the same type of loss within the past few years. He knew that neither of them had insurance or had recovered any of their stolen property. 32 One subject, a widow living on only her social security benefits, was mugged in her apartment entrance by three teenage girls and robbed of her whole month's payment. She was unable to identify any suspects and therefore was unable to receive any form of restitution. She was extremely agitated with both the justice and social systems. She was a very proud and independent person and resented the intrusion and the fact that she was now behind in her rent and utility bills. Most of the subjects that had been victimized related the same story concerning the effects of their losses on their daily living but they also demonstrated amazing coping skills and inventiveness when it came to protection techniques. Extreme_fiear The economics of loss and the frustrating inconvenience heavily out weighed the issue of fear for safety among the subjects interviewed. Two women, however, did profess to being afraid for their personal safety and it was evident that their fear affected their quality of life. Both women were widows, over seventy-five years old, in poor health, and both lived alone in apartment dwellings. The interviewer conducted lengthy interviews with each of them in their own living quarters. They had been referred by former friends who were concerned about their well-being 33 and who felt that any contact, even from a stranger, might have positive results. The first individual, a black woman of seventy-six years, was, by her own admission, dangerously overweight and in poor health. Her physical condition made it extremely difficult for her to move about her two room apartment and almost impossible for her to leave from the second floor. She explained that she had nailed the win- dows and inside stairdoor shut 'years ago' and she kept her shades pulled so 'they' would not know she was inside. The researcher was able to gain access to her living space, after several phone calls, by climbing a set of deteriorating outside wooden stairs. 'They', a niece, granddaughter or a friend, brought in what food she had and took away the trash. There was little evidence that anyone had done either chore at the time of the interview. The interview was conducted on a hot July morning (1983). The temperature and bad air within the room was intolerable but the subject was eager to talk and appeared grateful for the opportunity to discuss what she considered to be 'God's will'. While inquiring about her past, her family of origin and of pro-creation, the researcher learned that it was her third generation descendants that she feared and whom she barricaded her home against. She claimed that the individual who brought in her groceries stole her food 34 stamps and because of her poor eyesight, they took what possessions she had left. She said they thought she couldn't see them but she knew what they were up to. She expressed a stronger fear of relatives than strangers, but was very adamant about the fact that she didn't let any of them in if she could help it. She claimed to have hidden any and everything worth having but she knew 'they' would come back to get it form her. When we discussed her rent payments, phone bill, and electric bill, she said “the other fellow from the government place pays it.“ The government and her religious convictions provided her with protection from strangers, but, according to her accounts of abuse by her relatives, she felt it was a family matter and no one could help. When driving past her apartment in late August 1983, the building (an old two story house) was empty and boarded up. The second subject who expressed 'fear' was a white woman, a widow in her late seventies. The interviewer first contacted her through the Meals-Qn-flhggls program. She permitted the interview after a lengthy telephone conversation explaining the purpose of the study. She explained that she had moved to a segregated senior residence approximately eight years before. She had lived in her own home after her spouse's death but moved out when her son and his family decided that they would 35 take over the house and her financial affairs. She was resentful of her family's lack of attention but said that she had a few friends still living and claimed to have 'all the visitors she could handle.’ When asked how often she saw her family and friends, she confessed it had been four or five weeks. She was afraid to go out because of strangers and 'thugs' and no one came in. Her health was poor and she had a multitude of prescription bottles sitting around on tables and the kitchen counters. She suffered from both arthritis and diabetes and appeared very frail. She said she quit subscribing to the Mgalg;gg;flhgg1§ program because she couldn't tolerate 'cabbage and squash' all the time. It was difficult to learn just from the answers to the questions how she procured her basic needs or what community involvement she had. Her conversation indicated that some person in the apartment building brought her 'things' but she didn't allow 'dark' (black) people in or talk to them. She was very negative toward the criminal justice system, especially the police, whom she must have called several times with unsatisfactory results. She assured the researcher that 'dark' people had attempted to force their way into her apartment many times and she knew that she heard them trying to pick the lock on the entrance door. Her method of coping with this concern was ingenious. She 36 arranged bottles and cans (all neatly washed and the labels removed) in front of the door and below her two windows. They were stacked seven or eight rows high so that, if jarred, they would topple over and cause a loud noise. She demonstrated the door arrangement for the researcher and it seemed quite effective. This woman was obviously fearful and experiencing a great deal of frustration over her surroundings. She spent almost all her time alone, according to her answers to the questionnaire, however, she did rely heavily on television for news and entertainment. She was very knowledgeable on subjects such as current events and local politics, prone to racial remarks concerning individuals, and definitely intolerant of social policies and government. She professed to acquiring all her information about crime and its perpetrators from the media and she was convinced that criminals preyed on old ladies. We discussed moving to another place but she was sure that 'they' (blacks) would know where to 'catch up with her'. Her comments about being 'old' were bitter statements such as “living too long“, “not of any use“, and “no one cares“. Her final remark was that the real trouble with all old people today is “they just sit around, take medicine, and get nowhere“. 37 W Thirteen subjects, all women, considered themselves to be living in 'poverty' and in circumstances definitely inferior to their former lifestyles. The majority, both men and women, felt that their 'quality' of life had decreased drastically since their middle years (35-55 years). Although difficult to measure, it was evident to the researcher, also, that there was a change in the physical and material quality of their lives. Without exception, they described former activities, relationships, and work situations that involved greatly different lifestyles. Attitudes In attempting to record 'attitudes', the interviewer read the questions to the subject and recorded the answers (”1 the questionnaire. A discussion usually followed each question, however. Therefore, the first response was noted and later tabulated (See Table II). Eight of the subjects responded 'negative' to 'very negative' when asked about present social conditions and political activities. Five subjects were 'indifferent' and seven were 'positive' or 'very positive'. Discussions and opinions were lengthy and varied as a consequence of the individuals' experiences. The majority felt that their activities had little affect on their social community and only four were active in 38 advocacy groups. Several women complained about their lack of control over what was important to them and what they felt they needed (proper diet, clothing and social activities). Attitudes toward present crime rates and criminal activities were more pronounced. Thirteen were 'afraid' or 'fearful', eleven were 'aware' of current crime conditions and seven were recorded as being 'unconcerned'. Of those expressing 'fear', it was apparent that strangers posed the greatest threat, lack of physical strength was second, and the type of 'unprotected' living quarters they lived in was third. Most received their information about criminal activities, local and nationally, from television and the press. Eight subjects had relatives or neighbors that had experienced some form of violence or robbery. After explaining what was meant by the criminal justice 'system' (courts, police, etc.) nineteen subjects felt that it was inefficient, seven were without opinion and six reported it to be satisfactory. The question concerning 'youth' and the questions concerning 'strangers' stimulated much conversation, mostly negative, but these questions were included in order to determine sources of 'fear'. When asked about bus travel, the safety of local streets, types of neighbors, strangers, police contacts, and young people, eleven subjects indicated that they were 'very' 39 Table II Attitudes - Fear Related Issues Sample (N-32) FEMALES MALES whim—w ck WK. (N - 15 7 l) (N - 7 2) ISSUES: Criminal Justice System: Efficiency 4 0 0 1 0 Satisfactory 8 2 0 2 1 Insufficient 3 5 1 5 1 Crime Awareness: Unconcerned 2 2 0 2 0 Indifferent 11 0 l l 0 Fearful 2 5 0 4 2 Family Relations: Close 3 3 1 0 0 Satisfactory 3 2 0 1 0 None 9 4 0 6 2 Youth & Strangers: Positive 2 2 1 5 l Indifferent 8 3 0 0 0 Negative 5 2 0 2 1 40 much afraid in their present neighborhoods. The same individuals distrusted strangers and youths and only traveled on buses by day. Eleven others, nine men and two women, indicated that they were not concerned by any of these factors and one woman (76 years) insisted that she had no fear of strangers at all. She drove her own car and even picked-up hitchhikers if she 'had a mind to'. Several women described what they termed the 'buddy' system of contacting each other or neighbors when concerned for their safety. Three individuals, as mentioned previously, greatly feared strangers and their communities and did not attempt to mix at all. Several previous studies (Jaycox, 1980 and Center, 1980) reported that the elderly were uncomfortable around young people and easily intimidated by them. When this study's subjects were asked about their associations with 'young people' and their opinions concerning 'modern' youth, ten reported to be very uncomfortable or dissatisfied with them, and eleven were quite positive about them and their futures. Several had working relationships with them; one woman was a foster- grandparent and another woman volunteered at a Hispanic youth center. A part time rubbish collector said he often had to rely on young boys to help him unload his truck. The subjects were evenly split on the subject of segregated housing for the elderly. Most of the women felt it was 41 safer to be away from young 'hoods' and strangers but those that did prefer it noted it was unavailable because of the cost. In order to probe the issue of 'isolation', as it relates to fear and increased risk of vulnerability (Duke and Lindquist, 1982), the questionnaire elicited answers and comments to questions concerning family relationships and community involvement. If a subject was living with members of his/her family, the strength of their relationship was discussed and if living alone, the number of contacts with the family were recorded and personal attitudes toward family members were noted. Eight of the subjects had little or no contact with family members either because of death or distance. Two of these eight even refused to discuss their family members because of past relationships which were disagreeable or as in the one instance, there was 'fear' of physical abuse. Three women expressed a longing to be 'closer' to their sons or daughters but found travel too expensive. Thirteen subjects were very dependent on their families, socially and financially, but were not necessarily pleased with the arrangements. SECTION V DISCUSSION It was hypothesized by this study that the fear of criminal violence experienced by the elderly poor was sufficient to affect their quality of life. Although many (of the subjects were noticeably affected by a decline in their quality of life, only two could relate the decline to their 'fear of criminal violence'. These two individuals experienced extreme 'isolation' due to this fear and would be excellent examples of the type of involuntary isolation referred to by Center (1980). Their fear originated, primarily, from poor family relationships and narrow perspectives concerning the role of older people. These attitudes had progressed to such a state of distrust and negativeness that they easily distorted the actions of everyone. The majority who were socially active and who were not fearful, however, were concerned for their well- being and indicated by their responses that they were definitely dissatisfied with their present lifestyles. They attributed this decline in everyday living to (1) economic factors (decreased income, inflation), (2) poor health, (3) loneliness (lack of meaningful relationships), and (4) lack of control over the events in their lives (poverty, decisions). 42 43 Thirteen individuals who had at some time in their lives been victimized, contrary to the literature (MRI, 1977), were not necessarily concerned about future reoccurrences. One woman was quite rational in her discussion of the incident and explained her recent purchase of a protection device to keep her home safe. Another woman bad 'faith' that they would not try it again and a gentleman, living at the YMCA, said he did not have much left so he didn't 'worry' anymore. Many victims had simply moved in with relatives or to safer housing. It was interesting to note that all of these people blamed poor police practices or economic decline as the reason for the criminal assaults. Only one woman felt she had been deliberately selected because she was elderly and an 'easy target'. Actual 'fear' of personal violence was negligible among even those that had been previously involved in criminal assault incidents and property loss. The majority had developed what to them were acceptable methods of coping ‘with the problem of physical decline (vulnerability) and, although they complained and voiced their opinions about social complications, in general, they recognized that many of their concerns were due to ‘the natural aging process. It was noteworthy that several displayed a great deal of pride and creativeness in their efforts to be independent. 44 One black man in his eighties used pets to insure his safety and that of his invalid spouse. He commented that she was unable to go out of the house so he kept two large dogs fenced in his yard to keep out the undesirable 'hoods' and 'dopers' that had moved into the neighborhood. He felt it was his duty to 'take care of himself' and not that of society. He humorously raised his voice when he looked up toward the ceiling of the bus and said 'ain't anybody up there going to do it for you.‘ He and the seventy-six year old man who resided at the YMCA were typical of the subjects with decreased standards of living who maintained {a partially fatalistic, but partially optimistic attitude toward their present condition and their general safety. It was more prevalent among the males interviewed to be independent. The majority of females, black, white and Hispanic were all more pessimistic and considered themselves less well off. Several resented having to give up their homes to live with relatives just to be safe. These same women complained constantly throughout the interview session about disrespectful young people, lack of consideration from relatives and business people, and the inconvenience of buses and travel. Although they had had no personal contact with crime, they felt that just the idea of not being safe on the streets or in their own homes was 45 stressful and unnecessary. One woman said, “ . . . I know they are out there and I don't think I should have to move out and leave my belongings just because there are bad people around. The police should be more useful. . .' Another attitude was that the police were too busy these days, and one woman said, “. . . people should be allowed to have guns and kill anyone that even tried to break in.“ This same woman, however, admitted that she couldn't even handle a gun and she couldn't see well enough to hit anyone. One woman, sixty-two, who lived in a northwest neighborhood where an elderly widow (eighty-two) was assaulted and murdered a year prior to the interview, claimed she was unable to move away because of the devaluation of her property. She felt very insecure in her home, she said, but after a brief stay with her daughter, she decided to take in 'boarders'. She resented having to resort to sharing her home but she felt that there was no other alternative. With regard to the elderly and their reported fear of young people (ten years to twenty-five years), it was interesting to note how many of the subjects who had continuing relationShips with young relatives and neighbors were quite comfortable around them and participated in various activities that involved teenagers and young 46 adults. They expressed no fear and were unable to accept the fact that all elderly were being victimized by youths. Conversely, those who were socially isolated and those who had no young relatives that they interacted with regularly were more negative in their comments and were convinced that the 'young' were disrespectful and a personal threat. Taking the entire group of subjects and dividing them into two categories, the fearful and those professing or appearing unafraid of crime, created an interesting picture of how people with varying degrees of experience and resources viewed themselves and how they interacted within their environments. The two individuals who were obviously affected by their fear, the two women who isolated them- selves entirely from community and relatives, condemned everyone else for their condition and demonstrated by their actions and words that they had held negative and condemning attitudes toward relatives and authorities prior to old age. They resented suggestions that might aid their circumstances. Neither woman was willing to take steps to correct her concerns and fears. Eight of the other women who were 'somewhat' fearful and resentful were different personalities altogether. Although they complained (and justly so) about irritating inconveniences in their daily living, they accepted the responsibility of looking after their safety and found means of coping with 47 the constraints imposed upon their freedom. All eight had high school educations, had worked previously and had been active in community affairs. They all considered their relationships with family to be important and talked about remaining active as long as physically possible. Needless to say, their previous lifestyles contributed more to their attitudes than any factor. Two male subjects expressed 'fear' but it was not overwhelming them and had little effect on their daily routines. Both men were retired factory workers who resented the lack of protections they felt they deserved as citizens. They were both negative toward young people and had no contact with relatives or community groups. The few that still worked part-time, although lacking high school education or extended families, were bubbling with enthusiasm for life and their accomplishments. The fact that they were physically able to work and were creative enough to find work that they could do appeared as a positive factor. On a continuum, ’as interpersonal relationships, community activity, health, and resources increased, fear and negativeness toward old age and crime decreased. mm It has been concluded from this study that 'fear of personal criminal violence' is not the W involved in the decline of the quality of life of this 48 sample of elderly poor. 'Fear' dig account for approximately six percent (two out of thirty-two) of the decline observed. This was due to the two sample members that expressed extreme fear and reacted to this fear by drastically changing their living routines and restricting social activities. Whether rational or not, their fear caused them undue hardship and would appear significant. The greater majority of the sample, however, could be considered only 'resentful' at the inconvenience that crime caused them. Their need to spend limited resources on protection against criminal activities was a more pronounced concern than 'fear'. It has been noted that the majority of the sample did not isolate themselves or restrict their daily routines because of the criminal activities around them. General health, present income levels, past patterns of behavior and social activity, and present and former family relationships were the contributing factors to the reduction of life's satisfaction and declining lifestyles. Previous studies have reported similar results (Lee, 1983; Lawton, 1980: Center, 1980; Duke et a1, 1982) relating to poor health and isolation, vulnerability and increased risk, and income. This sample's subjects without exception, listed only lack of sufficient income as the prime factor. Health, mobility, nutrition, and 49 socialization of these elderly could benefit from an increase in financial security and financial independence. Recommendations Many social and medical programs for the poor and elderly have not kept pace with the increase in this population. The lack of funds available to this segment has greatly impacted on their lifestyle and their well- being. Most elderly are experienced survivors of life, as was observed by this research. It would be a waste not to incorporate their expertise into useful channels within society. Our elderly populations, even with their physical deficits, are a valuable resource of labor and knowledge. This study heard many suggestions from its subjects and was able to identify areas where this human resource could be utilized. Four major ones are: (1) senior advocacy to improve the general condition of the elderly through legislation, (2) volunteer networks to assist less mobile elderly in acquiring their basic needs, (3) part-time 'work' (to supplement income) in the court and criminal justice systems, and (4) volunteer work interacting with youth. A prime concern of these individuals was to be able to be useful to their community, to make decisions regarding themselves and their welfare and to nuintain their self-esteem and dignity in our society. As for those few individuals who do experience extreme fear of personal 50 crime, a network system should be devised to locate them and monitor their condition, perhaps even interventing on their behalf to eliminate whatever factors there are that cause the undesirable condition. It is evident that much planning is required in order to utilize this human potential but the expertise of the resource itself is available to perform this task and, as noted previously, there is a willingness on the part of these elderly individuals to perform. One area for future research could be devising a program of 'out-reach' services to the victims of personal crime as well as those identified as 'fearfully' impaired. Work in this area is already being provided but there is a need for intense investigatory measures in order to locate those not coming forth on their own. The elderly, themselves, may be able to provide this information. Another area for investigation, one that was discussed by almost every subject in this study, is that of media influence. The isolated elderly rely heavily on the media for outside contact . . . the degree of this reliance and its effects should be researched and action taken to improve the quality of this information source. APPENDIX A 51 “WW: mmmmmm ‘Wbiwould greatly appreciate your cooperation inianewering the following questions. ‘wour answers and opinions will assist us in assessing the needs of the elderly 'with regards to CRIME in.their various accessories. Please answer'all«questions. Absolute confidentiality is guaranteed. 1. Respondent's Status: (please circle) 1. Howrmany members infihousehold? a. c. d. 2. Chronological Age: RespondentLonly C1) b.Respondent.and spouse (2) Respondent.and family (2 ornmore) Other (please circle approximate age) 55-60 I. b. C. d. O. f. g. a. b. b. d. e. 5. a. b. c. e. f. g. 6. Length of Time in.Residence: a. b. c. e. 7. Educational Background: b. c. d. 61-65 66—70 71-75 76-80 81-85 86 andiover . Female tide RetirementflVillage Joint.0uarters (with.friend.or family) Other . l - 5 years 5 - 10 years 11 - 15»years 16 years and over Degrees (Circle those that apply) BS, BA, 16,1“, Ph.D, JD, I'D, RN, Chime: . High "I'5I§Ihma Trade/Vocational School Certificate Other Centinued (over) 52 7. Physical Disabilities: ’ (Please circle all that amly) a. “rim h. Sign c. ”dainty Prdolmxe d. Other 8. Mt Iraoam sums: a. $3,000 - $7,000 be $8,” " $16,000 c. $17,000 - $22,000 6. $23,000 - $30,000 e. $30,000 arfl over II. was Dmograrhic Area: (Please circle a that apply) l.Isresidmneinmintegrated(alleges)urhaneetting? “identialArea (Cityover90,000 pqa.) -a. Residential Area (City-3,000 - 30,000) - o. - Oumercail Area (City over 30,000 pop.) - c. - 2. Sitaxrban residmdal area within mtropolitan area. - d. - 3.!busingcxxrplexforfi1eeldarlyinurhanarea. -e.- 4. mtireuent Village or ourplex (age-segregated). - f. - 5. local retiruent duplex. - g. - 6.1o.1ralarea,singlefmnilyhaxe. -h.- 7. Other . Please Specify. III. Hare Crime Prevention Measures: It Is 1. Do you have 'crime preventitive' devices, such as: Entrame Lighting Yard Lights Garage Door Openers Plug-in Tiners for Lights W Smurity locks: Basmt Winters/bore Sliding Doors Dead-bolts/entrames leave 11le on in roars leave sheds/blinds qaen Renove valuables frun sight Camel mpapers and all regular deliveries 3. Have you identified your valuables (etched name or code nurbers) so first they might be more easily recognized if stolen? 4. Do you have an inventory of your valuables and house- holdgoods tomeasachecklistincaseofaburglary? 53 5. Doesyuir reighhortnodorampluluveanorgan— _ garrised“ crfl'inevatch progrun? 6. fibuldyou haulingtotakepartinmxha progrunifcneuesavailable? 7. mywopenthedoorwitlmtfirstihtifying theindivimalvsoislmoddngtn'rgirgbell)? 8. Doyougiveoutinfmtimoverthefimtmt mighteimoeeymrrsimatimtostrargers? IV. WW-mmmmmmm l. Doymusewblictransportadm? n;y3_afm_mtims_Naver_ 2. Hawsafedoyoufealittobe? »D\YTIME mm MySafe Veryge Safe Wmefire_ msafe mucous -migeru:s W e 3. lbwsafedoyoufeal...mnaiglmodstreetstobe? mm NIGHTDE Wat's We. Safe Safe e W msafe theafe [some mngerous merits .4. Ipprudmtelylnvmylnn'sadaycbyw spend myfrunyourlnne? 1-21'ours 3-4rours 5-6rours 7-8murs 5. toymtraveloutwithafriarlorrelative? Always Usually auctions hthften Never 6. myoutravelinyourcarm'thborsm Yes —- . lb 7. Doymtakeprecautimhimperldngymrcar,suchas: Yes No Parkinlighoedarea __ __ Iockalldaors __ _ Inspectrearareabeforemtering _ __ Havekeysreadyforirunediate en‘teranoeinmvenicie. __ _ 8. Areyouinthehabitofinfomdnganeighboror relativeofvmereyouwillbeandjustrnvlmg youeaqaecttobegtne? Yes No continued (over) 54 Lureyoubeeninvolvelinanyofflmfouadng 25. Q typesofcrindnalirwasims? mantel-Ling Ara-d We hurl/ham 2. Haveanynubersofyom'tniselnldm'fuily beenvictimizedbyanyoftbaseactivities? Yes -, lb Iers,vhich 3. Havemnhactivitiesbeeaqzerimoedlyamof yourneighbors? Yes lb . Ifyesndxich If , as (check all tint apply) Irma mblicAssistanoecmpmsaticl-i WServices(ax:Oamch,aanselor, Peer'mowSupport) i E 5 '5! 6. the Offender amrernnded? Yes hb IsmsofGeneralOmcern. l. Areyworywrmighborsnmeocnoemedaboutpermlcrinem tlmymwereloyearsago? Yes m 2. muttypeofcrimcbymomoarnyurrselfadthmost? PermanlAssanlt/lhbtery anglary __Pra\rl/Buncx> Other 3. that crime—prevertionprogrmnsor legal-aidprogrmareyouavmreof inymnirmrediateneighborlnodorcnmmmity? ' lawyer-refenal legal-aid Society Neighborl'oodWath Other 'mankyou! Margaret M. Hiker APPENDIX B Interview Form II Riker-Crime and the Elderly June, 1983 55 W We: me = Never Married WW: Married Spouse Widow/Widower Child Divorced Sibling Other umber of Members in Household ' : : umber of Children __ A Child Yes No Living Children Parent Yes No Living Siblings Spouse Yes No Parents Sibling Yes No Spouse Other Relative Yes No Other relatives ' u : ' : Elementary School Professional High School Diploma College 1 year Business 2 years Clerical/Retail 3 years grilled/Laborer 4 years Honeraker Graduate Degree Farmer Professional Other mm: Present: If not, place of birth? How many years in the U.S.? Past: How many years in this area? Previous locations? : Family Hone-Single Duplex : Apartment in a Hane General Assistance Apartment Bldg . Retirement Income Senior Residence Social Security Living with Relative__ Family Wages/ investments Other Other PW: Lanaing ° East Wing: Other: Name of.Street: Name of Street: 56 W 1. How often do you visit your family and relatives? 2. Wham did you last visit with your family? Last Week, Last Month, 3. How often do you visit old friends? once a Week, Every Month, 4. When was your last visit? 5. Did saneone take you on your visit? Mac? 6. Did you ride public buses? How often do you ride buses? _ 7. How long did you stay away fran your home? Hours: Days: Weeks: 8. Does your family visit you or take places? How often? 9. When was the last time? What did you do? Shop A Week ago Medical Trip A Month ago Social 'mo Months Other 10. Do you invite guests into your hone? When was the last time? Last Week Last Month Other 11. How often do you receive guests? 12. How often do you eat out in a week's time? 13. Do you go with a friend or relative? Friend Relative Group 14. Are you able to attend church regularly? Yes No 15. If you go, how do you get to church? Walk __ 16. 17. 18. 19. With family/ friends __ Have you been out to church or one of your church functims within thepastweek?_____'1hepastmonth? When? Do you plan to attend any club or organizatimal functims within the next week? What type of function? men was the last time you attended a meeting or entertaimnent function? What type of function did you attend? 57 W 20. Are you attending any educational classes presently? 21. What type of class? When was the last time? 22. Are you active in political affairs? What type? 23. When was the last time you participated in either of these activities? 24. Do you visit the Community Senior Centers? Did you eat your noon meal there? When were you last there? 25. What type of crafts or hobbies do you prefer? 1. Hownuch time inone daydo you work on such hobbies? 2. Do you take classes anywhere? 3. How often do you attend? 26. Do you enjoy msic concerts? to one? Do you enjoy nuseum showings or art shows? When was the last time you attended such entertainment? How did you go? mo did you go with? If so, how often do you get out 27. Whatdoyoulike todomostwhenyougoout? 28. How often do you do this? Have you ever been able to do this activity within the last week? __ Month? When? 29. How often do you go shopping for food or medicine? When was the last time? How did you go? W W 1. Do you ride city buses? l. 2.Whenwasthelast timeyourodethebus? 2. 3. Do you feel that they are safe places for elderly people? 3. 4. Have you had any problem or fears when riding the bus? 4. 4. 5. Do you go out alone in the daytime in your neighborhood? 5. 6. Do you go out at night (alone or with friends/relatives)?6. 7. If not, why not? 7. 8. Do you feel that the streets are a safe place to be (day or night)? 8. 9. When was the last time you left your hone to go sanewhere at night? 9. a) Did you go alone? a) 58 WW 1. Do you have safety locks on all doors and windows? 1. 2. Do you use outside door lights and yard lights? 2. 3. Howsafedoyou feel inyourownhane? Very, Slightly, Not? 3. 4. Have you experienced any type of intrusion? 4. 5. Have you or any menber of your family been robbed or assaulted? 6. Are you aware of any such incidents in your immediate neiglborhood? 6. 7. What do you do to protect yourself when at home? 8. Areyoufearfulofsaneonetryingtobreakinto your home? Yes No 9. Do you keep police/fire nunbers on hand to call? Yes No 10. Doyoukeepaweaponinyourhome? Yes No 11. Do you keep a pet for protection? Yes No 12. How efficient do you feel the police are in responding to c o m p 1 a i n t s ? 12. 13. When was the last time you had need to call the police? 13. 14. W314- Well lighted hallways and stairs? a) Helpful neighbors? b) Secure door locks and door peepholes? c) Exterior lighting? d) How safe do you feel your apartment is? e) Are you aware of any crime (robbery or attenpts to break-in or assault) in your building? f) How often? 9) When did it occur last? h) GENERAL 1. What typeofshowsdoyouwatchan'lV? Audience Participation News __ Games Shows Adventure Travel Public TV Afternoon Serials Cannedy Police S9 2. How do you feel about young people and their activities today? Good, bad, fearful? W 3. Do you have younger friends/relatives that help you or that you help? 4. How do you feel about the courts and sentencing? moo Strict, O.K., Ibo lenient 5. What is your feeling toward the police and their ability to serve you? Efficient, Satisfactory, Not Effective 6. Do you feel that stronger sanctions should be inposed on offenders who victimize the elderly? Yes No 7. Are you insured against theft? Yes No 8. Do you have couplete medical coverage in case of assault? Yes No 9. What would you do if robbed or attacked? APPENDIX C 60 W File No. __ Interview Location: Interview Date: Conducted by: Tape: # Continents: AGE: 55-60 61-72 73—80 81+ SEX: Male Petals RACE: Hispanic Black White Other ATI'I'I‘IDE - Crime (fearful/unconcerned) l 2 3 4 5 ATI'ITIDE - General (negative/positive) l 2 3 4 5 HEALTH: (satisfactory/disabled) l 2 3 4 5 0mm IN LIFESI'YLE: 1 2 3 4 5 me S'IM‘US: (canditianspoverty/well off) 1 2 3 4 5 FCBMER LEW: (lower-working/upper middle) 1 2 3 4 5 EDUCATION: (elenentary/professianal) l 2 3 4 5 MTITLDE: (Criminal anstice System) 1 2 3 4 5 TYPE (1‘ mm: (segregated/family) l 2 3 4 5 m sonmce: Gen. ABS't SOC. Sec. Pension Other ATTITUDE - Strangers l 2 3 4 5 Young Peqnle 1 2 3 4 5 Family 1 2 3 4 5 REFERENCES Atunes, George E., Fay Lomax Cook, Thomas D. Cook, Wesley G. Skogan, “Patterns of Personal Crime Against the Elderly: Findings From a National Survey.“ The Gerontologigt, Vol. 17, No. 4, 1977. Babbie. Earl R.. The_2raetise_2f_seeial_ae§eareh. Wadsworth Publishing Company, Inc., Belmont, CA. 1979. Baumer, Terry L., “Research On Fear of Crime in the United States.“ V12s1m212g2I__A£_1n££££§£12flfll—lfifllflfllv Vol. 3, Nos. 3-4, 1978, p. 254- 264. Center, Lawrence J., “Victim Assistance for the Elderly,“ ' , V01. 5,1980, NOS. 2-4, p. 374-390. Clemente, K. and M.B. Kleinman, “Fear of Crime Among the Aged.“ The_sergntelegiat. Vol. 16 (June). 1976. p. 207-210. Cook, F.L. and T.D. Cook, “Evaluating the Rhetoric of Crisis: A Case Study of Criminal Victimization of the Elderly.“ Seeial_seiense_nexiex. V01. 50. December 1976, p. 632-646. Department of Justice, “Crime and the Elderly.“ Bu;gau_2£ Iuatise_Stati§tiss_Bnlletin. Dec. 1981. Duke, Janice M. and John H. Lindquist, “The Elderly Victim At Risk: Explaining the Fear-Victimization Paradox.“ Criminelegx, May 1982. Elmore, Elizabeth, “Consumer Fraud and the Elderly.“ The Elderlx_!istim_2f_£rime. Lester. David. 36.. Chas C. Thomas, Publisher, Springfield, Ill. Goldsmith, J. and N.E. Tomas, “Crimes Against the Elderly: A Continuing National Crisis.“ Aging, June 1976. Goodstein, Lynn and R. Lance Shotlund, “The Crime Causes Crime Model: A Critical Review of Relationships Between Fear of Crime, By-stander Surveillance, and Changes in Crime Rates.“ Yistimelesxi__An_Iaterna: tional_flgg;nal, Vol. 5, 1980, nos. 2-4, p. 133- -151. 61 62 Gordon, Margaret T. and Stephanie Riger, “Fear and Awareness: A Link Between Attitudes and Behavior,“ Yietim2129x1__bn_1nternatigna1_agurnel. Vol 4, 1979. No. 4, p. 395-402. Hudson, Paul S., “A Bill of Rights for Crime Victims.“ Yi2tim2l2axi__An_Internatignal_122rnal, Vol. 5. 1980, Nos. 2-4, 428-437. Jaycox, Victoria H., “The Elderly' 8 Fear of Crime: Rational or Irrational?“ ' 1“ E2!“ ggjgngl lgg;ng1,1978. Klecka, W.R. and George F. Bishop, “Victimization and Fear of Crime Among the Elderly Living in High-Crime Urban Neighborhoods.“ A paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences. Unpublished. Re: Jaycox, Victoria, H., Victimolggy. Laing, Jersey and Mary C. Sengstock, “The Risk of Personal Victimization Among the Aged.“ J92££§l_2i GgLQnfiglggx, Vol. 36, NO. 4, 1981, P. 463-471. Lee, Gary R., “Social Integrations and Fear of Crime Among Older Persons.“ Jeurnal_2f_serent21292, Vol. 38. No. 6, 1983. Lawton, M.P. and S. Jaffee,__“Victimization and Fear of Crime in Eldelry Public Housing Tenants.“ QQQLn§l_Q£ Gerontology, Vol. 35, Sept., 1980. MRI - Midwest Research Institute, “Crime Against the Aging: Patterns and Prevention.“ A survey of crime against the elderly in Kansas City, MO, 1977. Spencer. Metta. E2undatiQn§_9f_n2dern_sgeielegx, Prentice- Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1979. stryker. Sheldon. sxmbelie_Intera2tieni§m. The Benjamin/ Cummings Publishing Company, Menlo Park, CA, 1980. Sundeen, Richard A., “Differences in Attitudes Toward Criminal Justice Agencies and Practices: A Comparative Study Among the Elderly.“ 1n§;12e_52§tgm 1221211. 1977.