R8L§uEXP§fiAfiON PATTERNS AMONG
{JNQ'EED STAKES AND MEXECAN Héfifi SCHCGL
STUbEflTS: AN EMPERECAL S‘WDY O$ SCME
APPLICABlUfiES OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM SCHEMA

Thesis f0? fin Degree 9! Ph. D.
MiCHGAN S'M‘s'i UNIVERSSTY
Frank Cemsf‘ock Nell H
1959

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

ROLE-EXPECTATION PATTERNS AMONG
UNITED STATES AND MEXICAN HIGH SCHOOL
STUDENTS: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF SOME

APPLICABILITIES OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM SCHEMA

presented by

FRANK COMSTOCK NALL II

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in Sociology
an

Anthropology

Major professor

 

Date December LI; 1958

0-169

LIBRARY

Michigan State

University

 

 

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ROLE-EXPECTATION PATTERNS AMONG UNITED STATES AND MEXICAN

HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF EDME

APPLICABILITIES OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM SCHEMA

By

Frank Comatock Nall II

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Advanced Graduate Studies
of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied
Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTGZ OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology
Year 195 9

(A

Approved jégfifit/‘x :y. 7%

AN ABSTRACT

The general focus of the study'was a sub-area of the problem of
moral integration of society; A range of data drawn from high school
students living within the metropolitan communities of El Paso, Texas,
and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, was gathered and analyzed. The frame of
reference which structured the research was that of the social system
schema. The study had two principal purposes: the exploration of the
applicability of the social system schema to a limited problem in empir-
ical analysis, and the furtherance of general sociological knowledge of
the structure of social relations in the United States—hexican border
area.

Four principal prOpositions derived from the social system schema
were formulated and subjected to empirical testing. ‘The relationshi,
between cultural value standards and social role-expectations was exam—
ined and it was inferred from the findings that social role-expectations
do not necessarily represent an unmodified tranSposition of culture
value standards. The relationship between the extent of di fcrentiation
of social relations in a social system.and the universalistic-particular-
istic dimension of role-expectations was examined also. It was inferred
that as the extent of differentiation increases the incidence of univer—
Salistic-type role-expectations increases also. Finally, the relation-
Ship between the extent of differentiation in a system.and the self-col-

lectivity'dimension of role-expectations was examined. It was inferred

that as the extent of differentiation increases the incidence of collec-

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'tivityaorientation toward the family decreases and the incidence of col-
lectivityeorientation toward the peer group increases.

Ethnic status differences were found to account for differences in
the patterns of role-expectations exhibited by the United States students.
Social status differences did~not appear to be related to the patterns
of role-expectations exhibited, except with reSpect to the high status
Lexicans and Anglo-Americans. These latter showed convergence in role-
expectations types.

It was concluded that the data imply either (I) that the system of
social relations in which both the Lexican and United States students
are involved lack a high level of order, or (2) that a high degree of
moral integration may not constitute so vital a feature of the mainten-

ance of stability and order as Parsons and others would surgest. This

study favored the latter view.

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ACKNOWLEDGEthTS

I want here to express my thanks to some of the many peeple who
in one way or another helped me to write this thesis. I am particularly
indebted to Dr. William Form who acted as my major advisor, read and crit-
icized several versions of the manuscript, and contributed numerous help-
ful suggestions. I deeply appreciate his helpfulness and friendly coun-
seling.

Dr. Charles P. Loomis, former Head of the Department of Sociology
and AnthrOpology, originally interested me in doing field work in Latin
America and provided the means whereby that interest was implemented. I
owe Dr. Loomis my gratitude for his continuing encouragement of my pur-
suance of this study. fioreover, he has been a constant mentor throughout
my academic career.

I am eSpecially grateful to Drs. John Useem, Charles hoffer, Uilbur
brookover, and Paul Morrison, members of my guidance committee, for their
help in planning a program of graduate studies. 1 am also grateful to the
Carnegie Corporation for the financial assistance which made possible the
field work which was conducted on the Border Project. The public school
authorities, teachers, and students in El Paso and Ciudad Juarez who par-
ticipated in the study deserve Special recognition. Without their helpful
cooperation the research most certainly could not have been accomplished.

Two former faculty members of hichigan State University should be men-
tioned here. Dr. John HcKinney stimulated my interest in systematic theory,

particularly in the social system theory of Talcott Parsons. Mr. Kenneth

 

 

 

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ACKNOWED GElhfiI-YI'S

I want here to eXpress my thanks to some of the many people who
in one way or another helped me to write this thesis. I am particularly
indebted to Dr. William Form who acted as my major advisor, read and crit-
icized several versions of the manuscript, and contributed numerous help-
ful suggestions. I deeply appreciate his helpfulness and friendly coun-
seling.

Dr. Charles P. loomis, former Head of the Department of Sociology
and AnthrOpol gy, originally interested me in doing field work in Latin
America and provided the means whereby that interest was implemented. I
owe Dr. Loomis my gratitude for his continuing encouragement of my pur—
suance of this study. fioreover, he has been a constant mentor throughout
my'academic career.

I am eSpecially grateful to Drs. John Useem, Charles hoffer, Uilbur
Brookover, and Paul Morrison, members of my guidance committee, for their
help in planning a program of graduate studies. 1 am also grateful to the
Carnegie Corporation for the financial assistance which made possible the
field work which was conducted on the Border Project. The public school
authorities, teachers, and students in El Paso and Ciudad Juarez who par—
ticipated in the study deserve Special recognition. 'Nithout their helpful
cooperation the research most certainly could not have been accomplished.

Two former faculty members of Michigan State University should be men-
tioned here. Dr. John KcKinney stimulated my interest in systematic theory,

particularly in the social system theory of Talcott Parsons. Hr. Kenneth

Tiedke, a close friend, was one of my outstanding teachers.

I wish to thank my friends, hr. and hrs. mussell ncKee, for their
help in preparing the manuscript.

To my wife, Elizabeth Williams Hall, I owe special thanks for her
unfailing aid and comfort during the lengthy period recuired to complete

this thesis. Her incisive thinking contributed signiiicantly to this

work.

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Chapter

I.

II.

III.

IV.

TABLE OF COI‘IDLN’L‘S

II‘HRODUCTIOI‘I TO TIIE STUDY .ooooooooooooooooo0.0.0.0000...

PerSpectives of the Study ............................
The Problem ..........................................
The Social System Schema .............................
Kethodoloaical Critinue ..............................
Types of Role-Expectations and Features of the

Social Structure ..................................

E'BEI‘HODOI-DGY 0......00....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.

l‘lethOd .0000......0.0.0....O...OCOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOI...

Procedures and Technioues ............................
DeveIOpment, Translation, Reliability and

Pre-testing of dole-expectation Stories ...........
heasurement of Dimension of Role—eXpectations:

the Guttman Scales ................................
Selection of Reapondents and Questionnaire

Administration ....................................

VALUE STANDARDS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURAL COLPLEKES .......

Mexican Backgrounds ..................................
Revolution and Change ................................
Rural-Urban Features .................................
Occupations and.labor ................................
Literacy .............................................
Formal I-lass Education o.o0.000000000000000coon-.00....
Government cococoo...0000000000000000.00.000.000.o0000
Commerce and Industry ................................

Sumary .00..0.0000000.oo.000000000000000.000000000000

THE BEARING OF THE EKPIRICAL FINDINGS ON THE GEEJRAL

THEORLTICAL IRPLICATICNS ............................

General Implications: Proposition I ..................
General Implications: PrOposition II .................
General Implications: Proposition III ................
General Implications: Proposition IV .................

smflry 00.0.0000...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOC....

AL

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37

37
39

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62

66
67
7O
71
73
77
78

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83
89
92
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V. SOCIAL ROLE-EXPECTATIONS AID ETHNICITY IN THE
UZIIIIIISD STATJID‘ brI‘UDLIIII.‘ (III-CUPooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 102

The Principal Ethnic Status Division of the
United States Student Group............................. 102
Ethnic Status aithin the Spanish-American Groun ........ 110

smmflrsr .OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0...... 120

VI. A FURTHJR EXALINfiTIGN OF TIS RALATIULSHIP SHPXLSH
ROLE-EKPECTATICUS AND ETHNIC STATUS IN INS
UI¢ITISD STA‘III—‘Ifi SrFLID.JIIYP (BI-0UP . o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 L25

Language Spoken to Peers as an Index of Ethnic Status
Differences among the Spanish-Americans ............ 128
Specification of the delationship between Ethnic Group
Integration or Identification and Types of dole-
Expectations ....................................... 130
Analysis of the Data .................................. 133
A Further Test of the Relationship between Role-
Expectations Patterns and Ethnic Status Differences
among Spanish-Americans ............................ 1L3

Smrlf .QCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00000000000000000000000000. 159

VII. EFFECTS OF CROSS-CULTURAL EDUCATION ”N MEXICAN STUDSHTS'
ROLEPL‘XPJ-SCrl'All‘IOI-IS .00....0.00.0...0000000000.00.0000... 167

AnalZJSis Of the Data 0000......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 17’;

smmry .OOOOOOOOOOCIOO0...0.0..OOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOQQ 18U
VIII. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ROLE—EXPSCTATIOLS AVD SOCIAL STATUS 18h

Intranational Comparisons ............................. 191
Cross-cultural Comparisons ............................ 193
81.1.1er0.00.00.00.00...oooooooooooooooooooo000.000.... 203

IX. SUIHEZARY AI‘ID COIICIUSICIIS .OOOOOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 205

methodology and Instruments .......................... 205
Empirical Findings ................................... 208
Types of Role-expectations and fithnic Status Differences 211
Types of Role-expectations and Social Status Differences 215
Effects of Cross-cultural fiducation on Mexican Students'

Role-expectations ................................. 217
The Problem of Loral Integration and the Social

System Schema ..................................... 218
floral Integration and Social Structure .............. 226

 

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TABLE 1.

TABLE 2.

TABLE 3.

TABLE 4.

TABLE 5 .

TABLE 6.

TABLE 7.

TABLE 8.

TABLE 9.

TABLE 10.

TABLE 11.

. LIST OF TABLES

CLASSIFICATION OF RESPONSE CATEGORIES BY PATTERN
VARIABLESTYPEQQOOOOQOOO0000000. I43

SCALOGRAM PATTERN FOR RESPOerRITS T0 was ON
SMEI MID GM'SQIARE ANALYSIS 0 o o o o o o o o o 53

SCALOCRAM PATTERN FOR RESPONDENTS TO ITEMS ON
SCALE II AND CHI-SQUARE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . Sh

SCALOGRAN PATTERN FOR RESPONDSITS TO ITmS ON
SCALE III AND CHI-SQUARE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . 55

SCALOGRAJA PATTERN FOR RESPONDENTS T0 ITEIS ON
SCALE IV AND GTE-SQUARE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . 5'6

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIrTALITY OF SCALE TYPES

DERIVED FROL: RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT

SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN ECONOLCEC ROLE VERSUS
AFANNLIALROLR(SCALEI)............. 86

DYSTRIRUTI ON BY NATIONALITY OF SCALE TYPES

DARTVSD TRON RTSPONSPS TO ROLE-COT-TPLICT

SITUATICNS INVOLVING AN INS’I‘RUZFHTTAL ROLE VERSUS
APRIRIDSRIPROLMSCALEII)............ 86

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITY OF SCALE TYPES DRRTVRD

TRON RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIONS

INVOLVING SRF-ORIEEV‘I'ATION VARSUS COLLECTIVITY-

ORIENTATION TOWARD TRE FALZLLY (SCALE III) . . . . . 91

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITY OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED

FROM RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATICNS INVOLVING
SEF-ORIE‘JTATION VERSUS COILEGTIVITY-ORIENTATION

TOWARD THE PM GROUP (SCALE IV) . . . . . . . . . 91

DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED
FROM RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING
AN EGONORIC ROLE VERSUS A FAITZILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1) . . 10A

DISTRIBUTION BY ETaIIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED

TRON RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING

AN INSTRUMENTAL ROLE VFRSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE
(SGALEII) 107

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TABLE 1.

TABLE 2.

TABLE 3.

TABLE 4.

TABLE 5 .

TABLE 6.

TABLE 7.

TABLE 8.

TABLE 9.

TABLE 10.

, LIST OF TABLES

CLASSIFICATION OF RESPONSE CATEGORIES BY PATTERN
VARIABLESTYPB.................. ‘43

SCMOGRAM PATTERN FOR RESPCIIDI‘EIITS TO ITFA‘LS ON
SCALEI AND CH‘SQJIEE ANALYSIS 0 o o o o o o o o a 53

SCALOCBAM PATTERN FOR RESPONDENTS TO ITEIAZS ON
SCALE II AND CHI-SQUARE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . 5h

SCALOGRAN PATTERN FOR RESPONDEITS TO ITENS ON
SCALE III AND cm-SinRE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . 55

SCALOGRAM PATTETN FOR RESPONDENTS TO ITEIZS ON
SCALE IV AND CHI-SQUARE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . 56

DISTRIBUTIOF‘T BY NATI!"T-’:‘LITY OF SCALE TYPES

DERIVED FROL‘L RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT

SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN ECONOE‘JIC ROLE VERSUS
‘FAWILIALROLE(SCALEI)cocoa-coocoo. 86

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITY OF SCALE TYPES

DERIVED IRON RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT

SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUIETTAL ROLE VERSUS
ATRIENIASHIPROLE(SCALEII)............ 86

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITY 0F SCALE TYPES DERIVED

TRON RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONPLICT SITUATIONS

INVOLVING SEE-ORIENTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-

ORIENTATION TONARD THE EATILLY (SCALE III) . . . . . 91

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITY OF SCALE TYPES DEzIVED

TRON RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING
SEE-ORIEITATION VERSUS COILECTIVITY-ORIENTATION
TOWARDTHEPE’ERCROUP(SCALEIV)......... 91

DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED
FROM RESPONSES To ROLE. CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING
AN ECONOAEC ROLE VERSUS A EANELIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . 10A

DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED

IRON RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING

AN INSTRUMENTAL ROLE VERSUS A FRIEJDSIHP ROLE
(SCALEII)...................... 107

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TABLE 12.

TABLE 13.

TABLE 1.6,.

TABLE 15.

TABLE 16.

TABLE 17.

TABLE 18.

TABLE 19.

TABLE 20.

TABLE 21.

TABLE 22.

DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED
TRON RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONPLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING
SEF-ORIHVTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY- IRRITATION

TONARDTNEFANILY (SCALEIII) . . . . . . . . . . . .

DISTRIE'LTTICIT EST ETHNIC GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED
FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIC-‘NS INVOLVING
SELF- ORI EITATI ON VERSU S COLLECTIVITY—ORI HIT ATI ON

TOWARD THE PEER GROUP (SCALE IV) . . . . . . . . . .

RRATICNSHIP BETTIEEII ETHIIC STATUS AND MIII RANK
SCORES ON EACH OF THE PATTERN VIELIABLES SCALES . . .

TYPODOGYOFETIHIICTRIJTS..............

DISTRIBUTION BY LTPTIC STATUS TYPES OF SCALE TYPES
DERIVED FNULE RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING AN BCONOYIG ROLE VERSUS A PANTLIAL ROLE
(SCALEI)......................

DISTRIBUTION BY ETPTIG STATUS TYPES OF SCALE TYPES
DMVED TRON RESPONSES To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING AN INSTRUAZEIITAL ROLE VERSUS A FPUINDSRTP
ROLE(SCALEII)...................

DISTRIBUTION BY ETTNIC STATUS TYPES OF SCALE TYPES
DERIVED TRON RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING SELF-OR STTATION VERSUS COLLECITIVTY-

OBIS-NATION TONARD TRB FAMILY (SCALE III) . . . . .

DISTRIBUTION BY ETHNIC STATUS TYPES OF SCALE TYPES
DERIVED TRON RESPONSES To ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING SALT-ORIENTATION VE‘ASUS COLLECTIVITY—

ORIENTATION TONAIO) THE. PAIR GROUP (SCALE IV) . . .

SPANISH-AMERICAI'IS BY LAI‘IGUAGE SPOKEN TO PEERS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE ”YPES DERIVED TRON RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLI CT SITUAT ONS INVOLVING AN ECONOLIC

ROLE VERSUS A FAISLIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . . . . . .

SPANISH-AMERICANS BY LANGUAGE SPOKEN TO BEETS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPOI‘TSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUI‘AHITAL
ROLE VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II) . . . . . .

SPANISH-AMERICANS BY LANGUAGE SPONIN TO PAIRS,
DISTRIBUTIOT—I 0F SCALE TYPES DERIVED F303;: RESPONSES
TO ROLE—CONPLI CT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-a
ORIHITATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORI ETTATI ON T NARD
TREFN.;1Y(SCALEIII) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

107

107

109

116

117

119

135 '

135

138

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TABLE 23.

TABLE 25.

TABLE 26.

TABLE 27.

TABLE 29.

TABLE 30.

TABLE 31.

SPANISH-ALIELICAEIS BY LECGUAGE SPOKE: TO PEEELS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DELIVED TRON RESP NSES

To ROLE—CONPLI CT SITUATITII’S INVOLVING STEP—ORIENTATION
VERSUS GOLLECTIVITY-ORIEJTATION TONARD THE PEER GROUP
(SGALEIV)...................... 138

ANGLO-ANEPI CANS AND SPA’II SI-z-ATEI CAIIS SPENLING ETGLI SR
TO BEARS, DISTRIBUTION OP SCALE TYPES DETIVED FROM
RESPONSES TO ROLE—COUPLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN

NOTIC ROLE VERSUS A PAILIAL ROLE (SCALE I ) . . . 1A5

ANGLO-AI'EERICAIIS AIID SENIISH-AAEBICAIIS SPEMII‘IG ENGLISH

TO PETERS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROIJI
RESPOZ‘ISES TO ROLE- COI‘IELI CT SITUATIOI‘IS IIIVOLVIZIG AII
IIISTHUEVLLIITAL ROLE VJISUS A FFCIPI‘IDSELIP ROLE (SCALE II) 115

ANGLO-AVEI CANS AND SPANISH-ASHIICAIIS SPEAKING NIGLISR

TO PAIRS, DISTRIBUTION CF SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON
RESPONSES TO ROLE—CORILICT SITUATIONS IT-IVOLVIJG SELE-
ORIETTATI ON VITSUS COLLECTIVITLORIEzTA-TI ON TOAARD
TREPLILY(SCALEIII)............... 1&6

AITGLO-A:IRICANS AND SPATVI STA-ALERT CANS SPEAKING SIGLISR
TO PEBBS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED PR 2::
RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIO2-rs INVOLVING SELF-
ORIEI’I‘ATIGN VERSUS GOLLECTIVITY-OPJENTATION TONARD
TREPEERCBOUP(SCALEIV)... . . . . .. 11:6

AIEIICANS AND SPANISH-AARICANS SPEAKING SPANISH TO

PENIS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON

RESPONSES TO ROLE-C ’NELICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING AN
INSTRUNENTAL ROLE VERSUS A FRIEJDSTNP ROLE (SCALE II) 1L8

EEXICANS AND SPAITI SIT-A4311 CANS SPEAKING SPANI SR TO
PEEBS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON

RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS II-IVCLVII-IG SELE-

ORI ANTATI ON VETSUS COLLECTIVITY-CRI EEITATI ON TOUABD
THEPEERGIOUP(SCALEIV)............. 1A8

ANmo-AAmICANS AND SPANISH-NATIONS TAO ARE
BILINGIAL ‘AITB PETS, DISTRIBUTION OP SCALE TYPES

DERIVED TRON RESPONSES To ROLE.- CONPLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING AN ECONOLIC ROLE VERSUS A PAINTIAL ROLE
(SCALEI)..................... 150

ANGLO-NIBICNS AND SPE-IISN-AEAI Cit-IS TOTO ARE
BILINGUAL LITE BEARS, DISTRIBUTION OP SCALE TYPES
DERIVED TRON RESPOI‘TSES To ROLE-COIFLIOT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING AN IIIS’I‘RUILEAZTAL ROLE VERSUS A FRIE’NDSEIP
ROLE(SCALEII).................. 150

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TABLE 32.

TABLE 33.

TABLE 34.

TABLE 35 .

TABLE 36.

TABLE 3'7 .

TABLE 38

TABLE 39.

TABLE 40

ANGLO-ALIERICAI-TS AND SPEII SN..N:E>.ICAIS WHO ABLE
BILINGUAL WITH PEERS, DISTRIBUTION OE SCALE TYPES

DERIVED TRON RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING SEP-ORIEVTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-

ORIENTATION TOWARD THE PAIAILY (SCALE III) . . . . . 151

ANGLO-AIVIERI CANS AND SPA’VI SH-AuEI'I CANS WHO ARE

BILINGUAL WITH PESLS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES

DERIVED IRON RBBPOI-JSES TO ROLE-CONPLICT SITUATIONS
INVOLVING SEE-OMEEATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-

ORIENTATION TOTARD THE PEER GROUP (SCALE IV) , 151

NEH CANS ND SPAVI SI—I-ANERI CANS WHO ARE BILINGUAL

WITH PEERS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM
RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN
ECONOMIC ROLE VERSUS A FALILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . . 151,

MEXICANS AND SPA‘TISH-ALERICANS WHO ARE BILINGUAL WITH
FEES, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DHZIVED FROM

RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIOI‘ES INVOLVING AN
DISTRUMHVTAL ROLE VERSUS A FRI ExIDSI-HP ROLE (SCALE II) 151;

mm CANS AND SPANISH-AER: CAI-2S )‘JI-IO A-E BILINGUAL NITN
PEERS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SEF-ORIENTATION
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIEITATI ON TOWARD THE FAMILY
(SCALEIII)..................... 155

AEXI CANS AND SPEECH-AER: CPS-IS 1330 AB BILIII" TAL RITA
PEERS, DISTIEUTI??? OP SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON

RESPOI—ISES TO ROLE-COT’EIICT SI‘I‘L‘AIIL‘ITS INVOLVING SELE-
ORIEETATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITI-OR EITATIUN TOVRRD
THEPEELEYOUP(SCALEIV) . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

RELATIONSHIP BATTER; TRAIT OF LANGUAGE SPOKE: TO PEERS
BY SPANISH-ANERI CAN STUDEA-ITS AIED PATPEU-IS CE ROLE-
EXPECTATIONS EAIEBITEJ ON THE FOUR PATTERN VARIABLE

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINERS AND OTISR 11m CAI-:3,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROI-‘l. RESPOI-ISES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN ECONOLIC ROLE

VERSUS A PANILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1) . . . . . . . . . . 175

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINERS AND ANGLO-A‘L’EII CANS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED RIO: RESPONSES

TO ROLE. COI-IPLICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING AN ECONOLEC ROLE
VERSUS A FAEAEILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . . . . . . . . . 17S

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TABLE 42

TABLE 43.

TABLE 41..

TABLE 45.

TABLE 46

TABLE 47

TABLE [.8

TABLE 49

ENGLISH LAI'EGUAGE TRAINERS AND OTHER EEC}: CANS,

DISTRIBUTION OE SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON RESPONSES

To ROLE-GOIIFLICP SITUATIONS INVOLVING SEE-OBSETTATION
VERSUS GOLLECTIVITY-ORI BETTAI‘I ON TONARD THE FALZELY
(SCALEIII)..................... 178

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINEE-S AND ANmIO-ALTERI CANS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROIII RESPONSES

TO ROLE- CONELICT SITUATI ON S INVOLVING SEF-ORI E'T'TATI ON
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIBETATION TO‘a'iARD THE FAMILY
(SCALEIII)..................... 178

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINERS BY CLASS IN SPECIAL ENGLISH
COURSE, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DELIVED TRON

RESPONSES TO ROLE-COI-JELICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN

ECONORUC ROLE VERSUS A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . . . 181

ENGLISH LANGUAGE. TRAINERS BY CLASS IN SPECIAL ENGLISH

COURSE, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FRDN

RESP NSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-
ORIENTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIEITATION TONARD
THEFANILY(SCALEIII)............... 181

HIGH STATUS NETLICANS AND ALL NERO-AYES ONES,

DISTRIBUTI ON OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON RESPONSES TO

ROLE- CONELICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-OBI ENTATI ON

VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIETTATION TONARD THE FAI‘JLY
(SCALEIII)..................... 195

HIGH STATUS NEALICANS AND ALL ANCLO-AEDBICANS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED TRON RESPONSES

TO ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SRF-ORIENTATI ON
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORI EHTATION TONALD THE PEER
CIROUP(SCALEIV).................. 195

HIGH STATUS AEEICECANS AND ALL ANGLO-AI‘JE‘BI CARS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IRON RESPONSES TO

ROLE. CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN ECONONIC ROLE

VERSUS A FATELIAL ROLE (SCALE 1) . . . . . . . . . . 196

HIGH STATUS NEILICANS AND AIL NIGLO-ANERICANS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IRON RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRULEITAL ROLE
VERSUSAFRIEVDSRIP ROLE (SCALE II) . . . . . . . . . 196

LON STATUS EZEHCANS AND HIGH STATUS BIRD—AA-IRICANS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVE) PROD RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIC‘TS EVOLVING NI ECOI‘EOALIC ROLE

VERSUS A EAAELIAL ROLE (SCALE I) . . . . . . . . . . 198

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TABLE 50.

TABLE 51.

TABLE 52 .

TABLE 53 .

TABLE 5h.

TABLE 55.

TABLE 5 6 .

TABLE 57 .

TABLE 58.

IDW STATUS MEXICANS AND 10W STATUS MOLD-AMERICANS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FRCM RESPONSES TO

ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS 'INVCLVING AN ECONCMAIC ROLE

VERSUS A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCAIE I) .................... 198

LOW STATUS MEXICANS AND ALL ANGID-AI’IERICANS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
EDIE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN DJSTRUMFNTAL ROLE
VERSUSAFRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II) ................o 199

HIGH STATUS MEXICANS, LCM STATUS MEXICANS, AND ALL
”CID-AMERICANS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED

FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING

AN EONCMIC ROLE VERSUS A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) u. 199

HIGH STATUS MEXICANS, LOW STATUS MEXICANS, AND ALL
ANGIO-AMERICANS, DISTRIHJTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED

FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING

AN INSTRUMENTAL RCLE VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II) 201

ALL UNITED STATES STUDENTS BY HIGH AND IDW STATUS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN ECONOMIC
ROLE VERSUSAFAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) ............... 3'.

ALL UNITED STATES STUDENTS BY HIGH AND Low STATUS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
To ROLE-CONFLICT SJTUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUMENT
ROLE VERSUSAFRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II) '1

ALL UNITED STATES STUDENTS BY HIGH AND LOW STATUS ,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES

TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUAT ION S INVOLVING SELF-CHIENTATICN
VERSUS COLIECTIVITY-ORIENTATION TCMARD THE FAMILY

(SCALE III) ooooooooooocoo.oooooooo-oooooooooooooooo ii

ALL UNITED STATES STUDENTS BY HIGH AND LGV STATUS ,
DISTRIBUTION (F SCAIE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES

TO ROLE-CDNFLICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING SEIF-(RIENTATION
VERSUS COLLECT IVITY-CR IENTATION TWARD THE PEER

(‘me (SCH-IE IV) .0O0.000....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOC 11

ALL MEXICAN STUDENTS BY HIGH AND 10'! STATUS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FRCM RESPONSES

TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIQVS INVOLVING AN EEONOMIC

ROLE VERSUSAFAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I) .............. iii

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TABLE 59.

TABLE 60.

TABLE 61.

TABLE 62.

TABLE 63 .

TABLE 6h.

TABLE 65 .

ALL MEXICAN STUDENTS BY HIGH AND LOW STATUS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATICNS INVOLVING AN INSTRUMENTAL
ROLE VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

ALL MEXICAN STUDENTS BY HIGH AND LCM STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
CF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIOI'S INVOLVING SEIF-ORIEJTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-
ORIENTATICN TCMARD TI-E FAMILY (SCALE III) .............

ALL MEXICAN STUDENTS BY HIGH AND LON STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROE-(DNFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING SEIP-CRIINTATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-
ORIENTATION TONARD THE PEER GROUP (SCALE 1V)

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS DWOLVIN G AN ECONOMIC ROLE
VERSUSAFMELIAL ROLE (SCAIIE I) OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOCCO

DISTRIHJTION CF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUMENTAL ROLE
VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II) ......... ..........

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING SELF-ORIENTATION
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIENTATION TOWARD TILE FAMILY
(SCALE III) cooooooooooooooooooococoooooooooooooooooooo

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE—CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-ORIENTATION
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIENTATION TOWARD THE PEER GROUP

(SCALE IV) ...........................................o

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APPENDIX A. SUPPLEI'ENTARY STATISTICAL TABLES
APPENDIX B. THE QUESTIONNAIRE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

Research on the Border Project

Prior to a discussion of the theory and methods it would be well to
describe the general objectives of the research project of which the
present study constitutes but one segment. Formally, the general project
bears the title of Processes 31; Technological and m 9% in the
Luigi—Cultural Settings _o_{ the _B_o_rg§£ £e_a_s_ g; the 92.3.1322 States, but we
shall refer to it simply'as thelgggggg Project. The funds for carrying
on the progran.of research of the Border Project were awarded.in the form
of a grant frm the Carnegie Corporation to the Area Research Center of
the Department,of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State College, in
195k. The progral.of research was to be projected over a period of five
years, in areas where cross-cultural contact occurs as a persistent phen-
omenon, and.where the liklihood of cultural diffusion from.one society to
the other’light be expected to bear importantly upon modes of social org-
anisaticn. \

Fro: its inception, the Border Project contemplated carrying out a
comprehensive progran.of research in the MexicanpUnited States border area.
This area meets the stipulations nentioned.above, in that it constitutes

an arena in which two societies are juxtaposed, where persistent interac-

tion is carried on between them in numerous spheres, and where each society

is faced with similar problems of adaptation to a common environment. Such

a setting contains, potentially, the seeds of diffusion.

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A brief description of some of the major pieces of research which
have been undertaken up to the present by different researchers working
on the Border Project may provide greater perspective to the present
study. A major endeavor has been the analysis of the demographic fea-
tures of the Mexican-United States border area. Demographic analysis
of this area has proceeded at a steady pace. Tiers of counties on the
United States side of the border and tiers of unmicipios on the Mexican
side have been examined, and the comparative analysis of pepulation and
social statistics is being undertaken at the time of this writing. A
major goal of this demographic analysis is the delimitation of some facets
of the cultural and social frontiers of the two societies. The study of
the interpenetration in a border region of two societies as large and
complex as those of Mexico and the United States has heretofore never been
attempted and, thus, this aspect of the Border Project constitutes a
pioneering research venture.

Another major study done has consisted of the analysis of economic
institutions and social interaction of business and political leaders in
the conunities of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, and El Paso, in the United
States. This stub focused upon the interpenetrations of economic and
political institutions. It was concerned especially with the perception
along leaders of the Ciudad Juarez community of modes of economic and
political organization practiced in the El Paso community. It was fur-
ther interested in ascertaining the extent to which business and political
leaders in Juarez manifested values and attitudes similar to those of leaders

in El Pmel

 

1 William V. D'Antonio, "National Images of Business and Political Elites

in Two Border Camities,“ Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University,
1958.

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A study by Rivera2 was concerned with the general phenomenon of
migrant Mexican laborers. Here the interest lay in trying to ascertain
the effects upon migrant laborers' values of contact with United States
society and culture. In addition, the stucbr was aimed at discovering
what might be the general effects upon family and community organization
of the migration of family heads to the United States for lengthy periods
of time.

Another comparative study has been launched in the border area. This
study is conerned with the analysis of the organization of cotton grow-
ing conunitles which specialized in the production of a particular var-
iety of cotton. The peculiarity of production of this variety is that,
in order to bring a premium price on the market, it must be grown in
areas which are planted exclusively in this variety. The problems in-
volved in the organization of a farming community around the production
of a single variety of cotton are likely to be mainfold, and the findings
of this study will have relevance to the acceptance of this technological
change in Mexico as well he in the United States.

In emery, we might reiterate the aforementioned points. First,
the separate studies done within the framework of the Border Project are
directed toward the comparative analysis of phenomena occuring in the
United Stateanexican border, area. Secondly, the foci of the studies is
upon social, cultural, and technological interpenetrations, diffusion,

and adaptations. With these general objectives in view, several significant

 

2 Julius Rivera, 'Attitudes toward the United States in a Mexican Border

(Jo-unity, " Ph. D. Dissertation, Iiichigan State University, 1957.

studies already have been carried to various stages of completion and
others will be underway shortly. It is, then, within this framework that

the present study was conceived and carried out.

Perspectives of the Study

This study is a canparative analysis of United States and Mexican
high school students. The focus of the study is upon selected dimensions
of students' expectations with respect to a limited number of status-roles.
High school students' role-expectations were selected as an object of study
in the hope of expanding substantive and theoretical knowledge concerning
similarities and differences between the socio-cultural systems of the
United States and Mexico. It was believed that, in part, the systematic
study of certain dimensions of role-expectations might lead to a more
complete understanding of what has been referred to as the moral integra-
tion of society. The expectations which people manifest with respect to
the range of legitimate demands which specified others may place upon them
constitutes an important dimension of social integration. When the question
of the rage of legitimate demands which may be placed upon a person is
viewed in tens of the relevance of these demands to the integration of dif-
ferent groups of which the individual is simultaneously a member we are ex-
amining a problem of moral integration.

Because the present study was conceived of within the context of a
broad general program of research on social and technological change in
the United States-Mexican border area, the central focus is the compare-
tive analysis of a dimension of socio-cultural integration. It is abun-
dantly evident that the United States is a society well along the

way to approaching the polar extreme of an ideal-type urban society.
The case of Mexico, on the other hand, is not so unambiguous, nor is
there such a wealth of social science materials bearing upon the struc-
ture of contemporary Mexican society.3

Mexico as a national society is considerably more variegated than
the United States in numerous important respects and by no means as far
along the way to approaching an ideal-type urban society as the United
States. Nevertheless, there are features of Mexican society which ex-
hibit basic similarities to social structure in the United States. It
seems most accurate to say that Mexican society, or at least important
segments of it, is in varying states of socio-cultural transition. or
prime importance is the expansion of industrialization and urbanization
in that countny. LPOpulation.movements are involved.in both of these
major aspects of changing Mexican society. The establishment of a high
degree of’stability with respect to the political order of the state
has been accomplished during the past twenty years, and this has been
accompanied hy the expansion of the population base of those partici-
pating in the national political processes. It is also important to
note that the social structure of rural life and agriculture has exhib-
ited significant changes since the Revolution. Mechanization of tasks
accompanied.hy the rationalization of practices associated with the var-
ious facets of agricultural production have reached high levels of crys-

3 It should be observed that there is definitely a dearth of explicitly
sociological studies with respect to systematic and directly compara-
tive data.pertaining to specified dimensions of both societies.

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tallisation among some sectors of the producers while others show but
slight modifications of traditional ways and methods. The expansion
of legal-political organs of the state has accompanied the changes in
other sectors of the society, and it is especially important to note
that a typically bureaucratic form of social structure is exhibited in
the organisation of governmental agencies.

In the historical develOpment of Mexico, and other Latin American
countries, family and locality groupings have loomed large as empirical
foci of moral. integration of the social structure. The demands which
fauly and kin might place upon the individual and, vice versa, those
which the individual might place upon his family and kin, qapear to have
constituted the central core and the widest range of demands which the
individual recognised as legitimate social obligations. on the other
hand, the world of work, of occupations, seems traditionally to have been
segregated frat attachment to moral values.h Work, in a sense, consti-
tuhd a necessary evil.

But under conditions of an unexpanding and relatively precarious
economy characterized by relatively small scale instrumental complexes
apendent upon a low degree of interdependence and limited differentia-
tion and specification of positions in the occupations, problems of moral
integration of the social structure revolved largely around family, kin-
ship, and locality groups (except, of course, with reapect to the problem

1‘ See, for example, T. Lynn Smith, ”Values Held by PeOple in Latin Amer-
ica Which Affect Technical Cooperation", Rural Sociol , Vol. 15, No. l.

 

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of territorial integration of political power.5) 0n the other hand, given
an expanding econonw, the development of large-scale instrumental com-
plexes with higher degrees of differentiation and specification of posi-
tions in the occupations, and increasing pOpulation movement, problems
of moral integration of the social structure arise with respect to the
organization of relations in the instrumental complex and the organiza-
tion of extra-familial relations in the expressive complexes.

It is, then the general area of moral integration of society
under which this thesis is subsumed. The particular facet of the prob-
lem upon which this study focuses and the theoretical frame of reference,
methods, and techniques of investigation will be disucssed shortly. More-
over, a more detailed examination of the data bearing upon the structure
of Mexican society will be presented. The examination of the moral in-
tegration of society is, of course, not a recently developed interest
of social science but stems from some of the pioneering theory and re-
search in matters of society. The incisive work of Durkheim, in his The

Division g_f_ Labor in Society,6 and Suicide,7 is focused upon the problem

~

The problem of territorial integration of political power has been
a source of persistent conflict and disruption for many, if not all,
Latin American states. Mexico has experienced grave problems with
respect to territorial integration, and only in recent years has the

territorial integration of political power become relatively well
stabilized.

Emile Durkheim, Th__e_ Division of _L2.___bor _ipS oci.e_tz Translated from
the French by George Simpson.— Glencoe, -Ill.: The Free Press, 191:9.

Mile Durkheim, Suicide, _A_ Stu Ln Sociology. Translated by J. A.
Spaulding and George Simpson. lencoe, Ill. : Thre Free Press, 1951.

 

 

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of moral integration of society. The concept of M focuses directly
upon dimensions of the state or degree of moral integration of social
groups and social aggregates. The work of Elton Mayo8 and his associates
may be viewed in large part as concerned with moral integration. Roeth-
lisberger and Dickson,9 in their pioneering study of the social organiza-
tion of a modern factory, were also concerned with this problem. Lewinlo
and many of those studying under him have been interested in the problem
as it pertains to wall groups in particular. Angelln directly and ex-
plicitly focused upon moral integration in his survey of American cities.
lloorel2 was also concerned with the macroscopic aspects of the problem in
his survey of industrialization and labor in undeveloped areas of the
world and in his study of a Mexican town. It must, of course, be emphas-
ized here that the approach to this topic and the methods, techniques, and

findings are considered as exploratory and not definitive.

 

8 Elton Mayo, The Hmmn Problems of an Industrial Civilization. Boston:

9 F. J. Roethlisberger and W. J. Dickson, Management 229. _t_h_e_ Worker.
Boston: Harvard Univ. Press, 19314.

1° Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Convlicts. New York: Prentice-Hall, 191.8.
Also Leon Festinger, Stanley Schacter and Kurt Black, Social Pressuresin
Informal Groups. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950.

11 Robert C. Angell, 'I‘he Moral Integration of American Cities." American
Journal 9_f. Sociolog, 1951.

12 Wilbert E. Moore, Industrializauon and Labor. Ithaca, New York:
Doubleday Doran, 19 l.

 

 

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The Problem

As indicated, the main focus of this study is upon a limited aspect
of the moral integration of society. Moral integration is conceived
here as pertaining to the analysis of three different yet interrelated
aspects of the organization of human affairs. 0n the one hand, it is
conceived as pertaining to the substantive forms of the maintenance of
stability and cor-ensue in the normative orientations of the members of
collectivities. In this respect the concept refers to the orientations
of members of a collectivity to a system or systems of normative or
value standards which serve to integrate the group's affairs. Second,
moral integration also may be thought of as referring to the existential
order of human social life. In this respect, the concept refers to the
orientations of members of a collectivity to a system or systems of exis-
tential standards which serve to integrate the social interaction of the
members. A third and derivative sapect of the problem of moral inte-
gration is that of the relationship between the existential standards
held by the members of a collectivity and the normative or value stan-
dards which the group maintains.

his study will touch upon each of these aspects of the problem of
moral. integration. However, the principal concern will be with moral.
integration as it obtains in the existential order. As suggested above,
the expectations which persons exhibit with respect to the range of legit-
imate demands which specified others may place upon them constitutes a
dimension of moral integration at the level of the existential order.

Principally, then, the study will be concerned with the extent to which

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persons' role-expectations with respect to a series of mothetical sit-
uations reflect a proclivity to recognize the demands of given collectiv-
ities as legitimate and superordinate to other demands.

The problem will be examined chiefly in the context of conflicting
demands placed upon the individual by the status-roles he occupies in
the M m, 33;; gm, and friendship p_e_e_r_ m. The methodology
of the stuck will be discussed in detail below, but a word should be said
here with respect to the reasons for having chosen to focus upon these
classes of groups. The range of legitimate demands which the family may
place upon the individual member has significance for the integration
of all known societies. In some societies family and kinship units con-
stitute the principal social structures, and most important social activ-
ities of the individual are determined by the statuses he occupies in it.
On the other hand, in highly differentiated societies family and kinship
w count for somewhat less. That is, the individual's statuses in his
family and kin group may not determine so stringently his activities in
other social structures within the larger society. since in the case
of Mexicans aid United States high school students, we are dealing with
persons involved in societies manifesting high degrees of structural
differentiation, we can be confided; that the family is by no means the
sole collectivity which may place legitimate demands upon the individual.
Nevertheless, there is sufficient reason to believe that the family con-
stitutes a more important focus of integration in Mexico than in the
United States (if, for the sake of discussion, we may speak in such broad

tens). The range of demands which family and kin may legitimately place

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upon the individual, then constitutes an important and persistent factor

to be reckoned with in the moral integration of society for the range of

these demands m be expected to have consequences for the functioning of
a society.

Attention will be directed to hypothetical situations involving work
groups as collectivities differentiated from the family and which may
place a range of demands upon the individual in his status as collaborator.
The question of the extent to which demands placed upon the individual by
the work group are recognized as legitimate has far reaching consequences
for the maintenance of stability within a highly differentiated social sys-
tem, and especially with respect to the economic order of society. In
the case of Mexico, and other Latin American countries, this constitutes
a real problem with respect to the transition to industrialization, urb-
anization, and secularization in general. In fact, it constitutes a broad
problem of social order in any society undergoing processes of change in
small-scale, traditional, and relatively undifferentiated social structural
units. The case of modern Mexico is precisely of this type.

The peer group in the United States and Mexico constitutes a struc-
ture of social relations differentiated from both family groups and work
groups. He shall examine the extent to which a range of demands placed
upon the individual by the peer group are viewed as legitimate and binding.
The comparative stuck of this aspect of moral integration is of some con-
siderable interest owing to certain current ideas in sociology which view
the youth peer group as a growing source of authority over the youth's

normative orientation in American society.13

 

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Four propositions implied by the social system schema were focused
upon for study. with the perspective of the problem outlined above, these
propositions and the substantive hypotheses derived from.them.may now be
stated.

Proposition I
Social role-expectations represent a relatively unmodified trans-
position of cultural value standards.

Hypothesis I
If Preposition I is true, then both the Mexican students and.the
United States students will exhibit a.predominance of universal-
istic-type role-expectations in their responses to the pattern
variables scale items.

Proposition II
is the extent of differentiation and segregation of social relations
increases in a social system, role-expectations will change from a
predominance of particularism.to a predominance of universalism.

Hypothesis II
If Proposition II is true, then the United States student group
will exhibit a greater tendency toward universalistic-type role-
expectations than will the Mexican student group.

Fraposition III
is the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations
will change from.a predominance of collectivity-orientation
toward the family to a predominance of self-orientation.

Hypothesis III
If Proposition III is true, then the United States student
group will exhibit a greater tendency toward self-orientation
than will the Mexican student group.

Proposition IV
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations will
change from a predominance of self-orientation to a predomi-
nance of collectivity-orientation toward the peer group.

Hypothesis IV
If Proposition IV is true then the United States students
will exhibit a greater tendency toward collectivity-orien-
tation toward the peer group than will the Mexican students.

 

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It is these propositions, then, which define the core of the study
design, and the empirical research undertakings were devised to test the
substantive hypotheses derived from them. but before proceeding to the
outline of the research design a discussion of certain important features

of the social system schema needs to be presented.

The Social System Schema

The social system is conceived of as one of three ordered systems
within the frame of reference of the general theory of action.“ The
two other concepts of ordered systems falling within the scope of the
general theory of action are those of the personality system and the
cultural system. In its most generic form Parsons defines the idea of a
fully emerged social system as:

...a plurality of actors interacting with each other in a situation

having physical aspects, actors motivated in terms of a tendency to

optimization of gratification whose relation to the situation is
defined Ed mediated in terms of culturally structured and shared

symbols.

The social actor, viewed as a person performing social acts, con-
stitutes a first order conceptual abstraction of the schema, but this is
too gross a term for the analysis of complex vstems of social action. Con-
sequently, the concept of M'Elfi is introduced. In the social system
Schema, then, status-roles and the organization of different classes of

Status-roles into patterned relationships constitute for most purposes

For an exposition of this theoretical schema see: Talcott Parsons,

The Social Systan. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1951. ‘I‘alcott
Parsons and hdward Shils, ed. , Toward a General Theory pf Action.
Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 193'.- Talcott Parsons, The Structure
2; Social Action. INew York: McGraw-Hill, 1937. Talcott Parsons,
Robert Bales, and dward Shils, Working Papers _i_n_ £12 Theog of Action.
Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, l9§3.

 

 

15

 

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the basic units of description of social structure. The concept status-
role is derived frat the idea of a situation involving the partic1pation
of one actor in a patterned network of relationships with other actors.
Attention is directed to two aspects of the situation. 0n the one hand
the position of the actor in relation to other actors in the system is
focused upon. This aspect of the term is the actor's status. On the other
hand, the performances of the actor are focused upon -- what the actor does
in his relations with other objects of the situation. hhen focus is directed
to what the actor does we are concerned with his role. Thus, the position
which an actor occupies in a network of social relationships and the acts
he performs as an incumbent of that position are termed his status-role.
His concept, it will be noted, conforms eSpecially closely to the ideas
of status and role which Linton elaborated.16

Integrally related to the concept of status-role is that of role-expec-
tations. Role expectation is a construct pertaining to the analysis of action
at the social system level. Hole-expectations, like culture, are residual
products of interaction; empirically they are given as substantive social
concepts and m be communicated as verbal statements. This concept, of
role-expectation, is the principal vehicle by which the gap between the
ideas of a social system and a cultural system may be bridged. We shall
focus upon patterns of role-expectations in this thesis as the central core
for the analysis of the problem of moral integration, aid the concept will
be discussed in more detail shortly.

The concept Egg-orientation is a construct pertaining to the analysis
of the organization of action at the personality level. This concept is

essentially a psychological term. Its referent is the personality system

 

16 Ralph Linton, The Study of Man. New York: Appleton-Centmy Co., 1936,

Chapter VIII, “Status and—Rae."

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the basic units of description of social structure. The concept status-
role is derived fraa the idea of a situation involving the participation
of one actor in a patterned network of relationships with other actors.
Attention is directed to two aspects of the situation. On the one hand
the position of the actor in relation to other actors in the system is
focused upon. This aspect of the term is the actor's status. On the other
hand, the performances of the actor are focused upon -- what the actor does
in his relations with other objects of the situation. then focus is directed
to what the actor does we are concerned with his role. Thus, the position
which an actor occupies in a network of social relationships and the acts
he performs as an incumbent of that position are termed his status-role.
His concept, it will be noted, conforms especially closely to the ideas
of status and role which Linton e1aborated.l6

Integrally related to the concept of status-role is that of role-expec-
tations. Role expectation is a construct pertaining to the analysis of action
at the social system level. Role—expectations, like culture, are residual
products of interaction; empirically they are given as substantive social
concepts and m be communicated as verbal statements. This concept, of
role-expectation, is the principal vehicle by which the gap between the
ideas of a social system and a cultural system may be bridged. We shall
focus upon patterns of role-expectations in this thesis as the central core
for the analysis of the problem of moral integration, and the concept will
be discussed in more detail shortly.

The concept mg-ozientagog is a construct pertaining to the analysis
of the organization of action at the personality level. This concept is

essentially a psychological term. Its referent is the personality system

 

16 Ralph Linton, The Study of gin. New York: Appleton-Centuy Co., 1936,

Chapter VIII, flStatus and- Role. "

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of the individual actor. It is basically an element for the analysis of the
personality system in that it refers to an actor's "comdtment" to a set of
normative standards. Commitment to normative standards, for Parsons, means
their internalization by the actor, i.e., incorporation of the normative
standards into the personality system as persisting elements in its structure.
These persistent elements in the personality structure are identified as rigid-

dispositions. Thus, when focusing on an actor's value-orientations certain

 

persistent elements in his personality are imputed.

The empirical referents of a value-orientation, it should be observed,
are not given directly in reality but are inferred from action and its sym-
bolic representations. With respect to empirical. reality, they are inferred
frm overt and covert acts, and from oral or written statements. The concept

value-orientation is, then, following Northrup, 17

a concept by postulation
rather than a concept by intuition. It would appear to be a potentially use-
ful theoretical concept with respect to the analysis of the integration of
culture theory with personality theory, but it does not bridge the gap
between personality 81d social theory.

We may now move to an examination of the pattern variables typology.

 

This typology is central to the whole structure of Parsons' schematic out-
line of the interrelations of social, personality, and cultural systems.
Moreover, it constitutes a proper theoretical-analytic group of concepts

in that the latter refer to certain dimensions of the organization of
role-expectations, value-standards, and value-orientations. Parsons' typology

is intended to be applicable to the analysis of not just a single class of

 

1'7 F. 8. c. Northrup, The gogg_ ofthe Sciences and the Humanities. New
Haven: Yale University Press, -1T, Chapter 3.

 

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status-roles (0.3., father in the United States or Kobana'u in Yaqui society)
but to all classes of status-roles, anywhere. However, it is to be noted,
that the typology itself does not define the substantive social referent

nor specify the methods of their observation and. recording. These latter
are problms of epistemic correlation which the researcher must devise for
his enquiry (and which he must defend according to the cannons of scientific
procedure.)

18 discuss

In Values, Motives, and Systems pf £23951 Parsons and Shils
the nature of the pattern variables and their relation to four distinct
levels of the organization of action. They indicate that the pattern vari-
ables are related to the organization of systems of action at the following
levels: (a) behavioral, (b) personality, (c) social, and (d) cultural.

In this study we are interested in the pattern variables as they
bear upon the analysis of role expectations and value standards. That
is, our interest in them is confined to their relevance as a classi-
ficatory scheme to units of the social system and cultural system, not
their relevance to tte personality system. Furthermore, since this
study makes use of only two pairs of pattern variables, we shall not
elaborate on the whole typology at this point. The two pairs of pat-
tern variables which this study focuses upon are those of universalism-
particularism, and self-collectivity orientation. We need to examine,
them, what these two pairs of pattern variables signify at the level of

(a) the cultural system, and (b) the social system.

 

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status-roles (e.g., father in the United States or Kobana'u in Yaqui society)
but to all classes of status-roles, anywhere. However, it is to be noted,
that the typolog itself does not define the substantive social referent

nor specify the methods of their observation and recording. These latter

are problems of epistemic correlation which the researcher must devise for
his enquiry (and which he must defend according to the cannons of scientific
procedure.)

In Values, Motives, and Systems 2; _A_c_:_t_i_o_n Parsons and Shils18 discuss
the nature of the pattern variables and their relation to four distinct
levels of the organization of action. They indicate that the pattern vari-
ables are related to the organization of systems of action at the following
levels: (a) behavioral, (b) personality, (c) social, and (d) cultural.

In this study we are interested in the pattern variables as they
bear upon the analysis of role expectations and value standards. That
is, our interest in them is confined to their relevance as a classi-
ficatory scheme to units of the social system and cultural system, not
their relevance to the personality system. Furthermore, since this
study makes use of only two pairs of pattern variables, we shall not
elaborate on the whole typology at this point. The two pairs of pat-
tern variables which this study focuses upon are those of universalism-
Particularism, and self-collectivity orientation. We need to examine,
than, what these two pairs of pattern variables signify at the level of

(a) the cultural system, and (b) the social system.

—‘

18
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Let us first consider universalism and particularism as they per-
tain to the cultural system. Parsons and Shils speak of universaligg
at the cultural level as pertaining to "the normative pattern which
obliges an actor in a.given situation to be oriented toward objects in
the light of general standards rather than in light of the objects'
possession of properties ... which have a particular relation to the
actor's own properties..."19 Concerning particularism they identify
this variable at the cultural level as pertaining to "...the normative
pattern which obliges an actor in.a given type of situation to give
priority to criteria of the object's particular relations to the actor's
own properties ... over generalized attributes, capacities, or perfor-
lance standards."20

The pattern.variable of universalism at the social system level is
conceived of as a dimension of role expectations. Thus, Parsons and
Shils define it as: "The role-eacpectation that, in qualifications for
memberships and decisions for differential treatment, priority will be
given to standards defined in completely generalized terms, independent
of the particular relationship of the actor's own statuses ... to those
of the object."21

Iikewise, of course, the pattern variable of particularism at the

Bocial system level is conceived of as a dimension of role expectations.

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Let us first consider universalism and particularism as they per-
tabs to the cultural system. Parsons and Shils speak of universalism
at the cultural level as pertaining to ”the normative pattern which
obliges an actor in.a.given situation to be oriented toward objects in
the light of general standards rather than in light of the objects'
possession of pr0perties ... which have a particular relation to the
actor's own properties..."l9 Concerning particularism they identify
this variable at the cultural level as pertaining to "...the normative
pattern which obliges an actor in.a given type of situation to give
priority to criteria of the object's particular relations to the actor's
own properties ... over generalized attributes, capacities, or perfor-
mance standards.'20

The pattern variable of universalism at the social system level is
conceived of as a.dimension of role expectations. Thus, Parsons and
Shils define it as: ”The role-expectation that, in qualifications for
memberships and.decisions for differential treatment, priority will be
given to standards defined in completely generalized terms, independent
of the particular relationship of the actor's own statuses ... to those
of the object.'21

Likewise, of course, the pattern variable of particularism.at the

social system.level is conceived of as a dimension of role expectations.

 

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Parflcularism is defined as follows: "the role elqaectation that, in
qualifications for membership and decisions for differential treatment,
priority will be given to standards which assert the primacy of the
values attached to objects by their particular relations to the actor's
properties ... as over against their general universally applicable
class properties."22

The second pattern variable pair with which this study is concerned
is that of Elf-orientation and collectivity-orientation. At the cul-
tural leiel self-orientation refers to: "the normative pattern which
prescribes a range of permission for an actor, in a given type of sit-
uation, to take advantage of a given Opportunity for pursuing a private
interest, regardless of the content of the interest or its direct bear-
ing on the interest of other actors."23 On the other hand, collectivity-
orientation at the cultural level refers to: "a normative pattern which
prescribes the area within which an actor, in a given type of situation,
is obliged to tales directly into account a given selection of values
which he shares with the other members of the collectivity in question.
It defines his responsibility to this collectivity. ”21‘

The social system aspect of this pattern variable pair refers to
role-expectations. At the social system level, then, self-orientation

is defined as: "the role-expectation by the relevant actors that it is

 

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Enable for the incumbent of the role in question to give priority

in the given situation to his own private interests, whatever their mot-
ivational content or quality, independently of their hearing on the inter-
ests or values of a given collectivity of which he is a member."25 Collec-
tivity-orientation at the social system level refers to: "the role expec-
tation by the relevant actors that the actor is obliged, as an incumbent
of the role in question, to take directly into account the values and.in-
terests of the collectivity of which, in this role, he is a.member. When
there is a potential conflict with his private interests, he is expected
in the particular choice to give priority to the collective interest.

This also applies to his action in representative roles on behalf of the
collectivity."26
The pattern variables typology, of course, consists of five pairs of

categories. while this study makes use of duty two pairs, it might be

well to indicate briefly the three other categories of the typology. With
reapect to the gratification-discipline dimension of social action Parsons
identifies a pattern variable pair which he refers to as Affectivity

versus Affective Neutrality. With reapect to the choice between "modalities"
of the social object he identifies the pattern variable of Achievement

versus Ascription. Finally, he identifies the pattern variable pair of

Specificity versus Diffuseness as pertaining to the actor's scope of in-

 

terestlin an object.

 

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Methodological Critique

In any attempt to construct a schematic outline of the structure
of social, cultural, and personality systems and the nexus of their in-
terrelationships the problem of the maintenance of stability in each of
the systems must be dealt with. This problem of the conceptualization
of the maintenance of stability in each of the systems must be resolved
in such a way as to allow a satisfactory conceptualization of the integ-
ration of all three systems in combination. Parsons' problem is, then,
one of the conceptualization of order in the structure and interrela-
tions of society, culture and personality. It is the great virtue of
Parsons' and Parsons' and Shils' work that they do, in fact, achieve a
very sophisticated first approximation of the resolution of this prob-
lem, tentative though it may be. Our discussion here will deal with
certain important methodological steps which Parsons and Shils have
taken in their attempt to articulate in their schema the resolution of
this problem of order.

Having already outlined the major features of Parsons' and Shils'
formal distinctions as to the referents of the pattern variables of
universalism-particularism and self-collectivity orientation at the
cultural and social system levels we need to submit certain criticisms
Of their position before moving on. If one scrutinizes their state-
ments about the pattern variables at these two levels it becomes evident
that there is involved a degree of over-simplification, if not equiv-
O"cation, in their thinking.

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They posit an unmodified transposition of value standards ("norm-
ative patterns") into role-expectations. In their exposition of the
distinctions between the meaning of the pattern variables at the cul-
tural and social system levels they focus upon the Special or limiting
case of perfect integration of role-expectations with value-standards.
Thus, in such a case, the actor (ego) expects alter to react to him in
conformance with the value standard which prescribes haw alter ought to
react. This is obviously a special case, and Parsons and Shils' con-
centration upon it as the basis for elaboration of the interrelationship
of the pattern variables at the cultural and social system levels is mis-
leading. Ego's and alter's knowledge of a value standard prescribing
what each M to do when performing their respective roles does not
necessarily correspond with their expectations of each others' actions.

Having indicated that Parsons and Shils tend too closely to equate
role-expectations with value-standards we need to examine the basis of
their error. In the most generic sense this arises from their unsuc-
cessful grappling with the distinction between normative and existential
prepositions. The distinction between normative and endstential propos-
itions and, hence, the reason for distinguishing between value standards
and role-expectations, may be put very briefly as follows. Normative
Propositions are distinguishable from existential prepositions on the
besis of the former being conceptions of what 93593 to be, while the
letter are conceptions of what is or what is possibl . Normative prop-
ositions are conceptions of the desirable or the idea}, while existential
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lieved to be given. Thus, in the terms of the social system schema, value-

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standards are of the order of nonnative propositions, and role-expec-
tations are of the order of existential propositions.

Although the distinction between these two orders of propositions
is explicitly recognized -- it is discussed at some length by Kluckhohn
in his chapter on Values and Value-orientations27 -- the logically pos-
sible and empirically evichnt combinations of value-standards with role-
expectations have not been spelled out. They have elaborated the case of
perfect integration of a value-standard with a pattern of role-expecta-
tions, but. they have not considered the other possible combination, that
is, they have not considered the case wherein a pattern of role-expecta-
tions contradicts or conflicts with a value-standard. In terms of the
pattern variables typology this would be exemplified in the case wherein
the value-standard was universalistic and the pattern of role expectations
particularistic, or vice versa. It will be important to keep in mind
this other possible combination of a value-standard and a pattern of
role-emectations as it is highly relevant to the analysis of part of
the aspirical data gathered in the present study. We shall have occasion
to elaborate our ideas on this subject in a subsequent portion of this
chapter in a discussion of Parsons' views on the organization of Latin
herican societies.

In order to understand wtw attention has not been given to the case

wherein a pattern of role-expectations diverge from or contradict a

 

27 Clyde nuckhohn, "Values and Value-Orientations in the Theory of
Action: An Emloration in Definition and Classification, " in
Parsons and Shils, 22. 2333., pp. 388-103.

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value-standard we must proceed further into the structure of the schema.
We must examine certain assumptions of Parsons concerning modes of in-
tegration of cultural standards into a social system. The quotation of
a short passage of Parsons will serve to establish his position and in-
dicate the reference of our criticism of his methodology. Parsons states
his methodological position as follows:

There is a range of possible modes of orientation in the motiv-
ational sense to a value-standard. Perhaps the most important dis-
tinction is between the attitude of "expediency" at one pole, where
conformity or non-conformity is a function of the instrumental in-
terests of the actor, and at the other pole the "introjection" or
internalization of the standard so that to act in conformity with
it becomes a need-disposition in the actor's own personality struc-

ture, relatively independently of any instrumentally significant
consequences of that conformity. Th_e latter is to be treated as

_t_h_e L-asic type_ ofin irksgration of motivation _w_i_th a normative patte
structure of values.

Parsons, then explicitly adopts as the basic mode of integration
the case of conformance with a cultural standard as that of its intern-
alization into the individual's personality as a need-disposition. This
constitutes an extremely important methodological step, and it raises
sale important questions. We feel it necessary for the purposes of this
thesis, and for a general clarification of Parsons' schema, to show that
the above indicated methodological position which Parsons has taken is
unwarranted and that it has important ramifications in the structure of
his schema.

The question must be asked: what does Parsons mean by the term _b_a_si__c_

_tm? There are We alternative meanings which appear likely. These

 

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meanings are (a) the idea of an eyirical type, i.e., mean or modal type,
and (b) the idea of a limiting 33.33 in a mathematical sense. We shall
have to explore each of these alternative meanings briefly.

(a) Viewed as meaning an empirical type his 'basic type' would have
to mean that at the level of concrete reality internalization of value
standards as need-dispositions represents either a mean or modal distrib-
ution of concrete cases. That is, if we accept the idea of empirical
type as the meaning which Parsons has in mind when he speaks of a I'basic
type", then we have to assume that he is talking about concrete reality -
that he has lmowledge of the incidence of eases in which conformity to
value standards is maintained on the one hand via their internalization
as need-dispositions and on the other hand via expedient conformity.
Does Parsons produce any evidence to support his position? An «examin-
ation of what he asserts as justification for adopting the case wherein
internalization is the means by which conformance with a value standard
is maintained does not, in fact, present any justification whatever
for taking this methodological step. Parsons alludes to (empirical)
evidence from the field of psychology as justification for taking this
position in regard to internalization in the following passage: "... by
and large we are on psychological grounds justified in saying ego's or-
ientation will on balance tend to be oriented to stimulating the favor-
able, gratification-producing reactions and avoiding provocations for

the unfavorable, deprivation-producing reactions. "29 But it is clear

 

29 Parsons, 32. 9353., p. 37.

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that this does not constitute justification for his methodological pos-
ition and nowhere does he produce evidence for’its justification.

Viewed as meaning a limiting case in the mathematical sense Parsons'
use of the term basic type seems plausible. In mathematics, a limit is
the value a function (i.e., a relationship between two or more variables)
would have if the independent variable or variables ever reached a par-
ticular value. Although the function never attains this value, it is
useful to hypothesise this limit for the purpose of discussing the
values that this function takes on as it approaches the limit. In this
sense, then, his term basic type would mean that maintenance of conformity
with a value standard via internalization of the standard by an individ-
ual as a need-diSposition constitutes a hypothetical (limiting) case
which is never attained in concrete reality, but which.is, nevertheless,
useful as a point of reference for examining the extent to which concrete
cases of conformance to value standards approach this state.

How, although this constitutes a plausible way of dealing with the
examination of degrees of conformity to value standards it does not jus-
tify Parsons' treatment of this topic. Again we must assert that, be-
cause Parsons focuses upon the case of perfect integration, his treat-
ment leads to the obscuring of vital insights into the operation of
real societies. What he does is to focus almost exclusive attention
on internalization, i.e., on the limiting case, for the elaboration of
his ideas concerning the way in which conformity with a values standard
is maintained. By doing so he fails to consider the case wherein con-
fermity with a value-standard is maintained hy an orientation of exped-

iency rather than hy its internalization as a need-disposition.

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Finally, we should note here a further implication of Parsons' and
Shils' methodology. This is the tendency toward the use of a psychol-
ogical framework for the interpretation of social phenomena. It is
most evident in Parsons' subsequent attempts at empirical analysis.30
Certainly mam who have devoted some time to the study of Parsons'
work comeuay with the feeling that he introduces a disproportionate
mount of essentially psychological terms into the structural frame-
work of the social system schema.

For the elaboration of his ideas concerning the integration of cul-
tural elements into a social system Parsons chooses to focus upon the
case wherein actors internalize cultural standards as need-dispositions
in their personalities. but from the point of view of the analysis of
social structure or of social interaction the question of whether or
not the actors internalize cultural standards is not the most generic
consideration. The principle consideration in the analysis of social
interaction and of social structure needs to be that of determining
What are the value standards, the status-roles and patterns of role-
OXpectations, and how these two orders (normative and existential)
are interrelated in the concrete empirical instance.

There is no evident need, aside from formal requirements of the
theory, to introduce such concepts as internalization and aged-m-

933p in order to analyse the elements of constraint and discipline

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which obtain in the individual's orientations to value standards and
role-expectations in interaction situations. Moreover, the meaning of
these terms in his schema remains highly ambiguous. But given the var-
iety of personality theory which Parsons adopts, these concepts do, in
fact, constitute necessary types of terms in his schema. As he poses
it, these, or like concepts, are necessary in dealing with the problem
of the transposition of terms of the cultural and social systems into
those of the personality system. It readily may be noted that concepts
like internalization and need-disposition do have a peculiar appropriate-
ness for the description and analysis of the personality system in terms
of certain psychoanalytic theories. The Freudian and neo-Freudian theories
of personality are, of course, ones which provide terms which are most
compatible with those in Parsons' and Shils' schematic outline of the
structural interrelations of cultural, social, and personality systems.
'Ihe heart of the matter with which Parsons attempts to deal is that
of solving the problem of the maintenance of stability in a social sys-
tem, i.e., a problem of order. A resolution of the problem of order is
produced, but it is an overly simplistic one, That is, the maintenance
of a level of stability in a system of goal-directed behavior is con-
ceived of as being obtained through the internalization of a value stan-
dard as a need-disposition in the personalities of the participant actors.
The adoption of such a methodological position tends to place a prepon-
derant emphasis upon the study of the personality system as a pre-requis-

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The implication of the schema with reapect to the relationship
betIIeen cultural value standards and social role-eXpectations may be
put concisely in the form of a proposition as follows:

Proposition I

Social role-expectations will represent a relatively
unmodified transposition of cultural value standards.

This prOposition, along with others, will be tested later by the
analysis of a range of pertinent empirical data.

In sumnary, then, we have attempted to point out how, in their
attempt to articulate in their schema the terms of their resolution
of the problem of order, certain methodological steps are taken by
Parsons and Shils which tend to obscure important distinctions in the
relationships obtaining between role-expectations and value standards.
Owing to the adoption of the case of internalization as the primary
focus for discussing the integration of value standards into a social
system (in the form of role-expectations) they fail to consider the
case wherein actors' role-expectations may contradict the value-stan-
dard pertaining to the statuses which the actors occupy. This latter
case, we contend, is of great significance to an understanding of the
operation of empirical social systems. It is exemplified in the sit-
uation wherein an actor has a conception as to how a bureaucratic of-
ficer ought to act toward him (i.e., in conformance with specified gen-
eral rules of office) and yet at the same time has a pattern of role-
expectations that the officer will not likely conform to this standard

but will likely act toward him in some other definable manner.

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If one limits the focus of conceptualization of an ordered system
of action to the case wherein value standards are integrated with pat-
terns of role-expectations at the social system level through their in-
ternalization as need-dispositions in the personality, then the utility
of the schema is confined to the analysis of the most simple cases of

concrete systems of social action.

Types of Role-Expectations and Features of the Social Structure

There remains to be treated in this chapter a further and important
implication of the social system schema, one which will be assessed later
against a range of empirical data. It is not an uncommon reaction a-
long those who have attentively read Parsons' work on the social system
to come away from it with the impression that the pattern variables, in
a sense, "Just are", i.e., the relationship between specifically sociol-
ogical features of the social system and the pattern variables is some-
what elusive. The kind of relationship obtaining between forms of social
structure and types of social role-expectations (as defined in terms of
the pattern variables) is not always clearly spelled out. It is partic-
ularly difficult to determine the peculiarly sociological significance
of the pattern variables owing to Parsons' use of a paradigm which foc-
uses upon their applicability to the personality system of actors or to
closed systems of interaction between two actors. However, his general
outline of the foci of crystallization for social structure constitutes
an important point at which he explicitly indicates a conception of cer-

tain relationships between types of role-expectations and the extent of

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differentiation and segregation of social relations in a social system.
Here, at least, the pattern variables are “tied into" the expressly soc-
iological features of the social system schema. Since in this study

only two pairs of pattern variables are dealt with, the complete typology
will not be considered here.

It appears to be implicit in Parsons' whole approach to the outline
of the unfblding social interaction situation that particularistic-type
standards are first to emerge, and that only after relatively high de-
grees of differentiation of social relations occur do universalistic-
type standards begin to appear. These ideas, which Parsons discusses
principally in terms of a diadic model, are carried into his concep-
tualization of large-scale social systems of societal prOportions.

Parsons is quite explicit about his conception of the relation-
ship between the pattern variables and these features of social struc-
ture. He conceives of a functional interrelation between the extent of
differentiation and segregation of social relations in a social system
and the predominance of certain types of social role-expectations held
by participant actors. The implications of the schema with reSpect to
the universalismpparticulariem and self-collectivity dimensions of
role-expectations may be stated as follows in the form of two proposi-
tions.

PrOposition II
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social re-
lations increases in a social system role-expectations will

change from a predominance of particularistic to a predominance
of universalistic types.

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firOposition III
{As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social relations
increases in a social system role-eXpectations will change
from.a predominance of collectivity—orientation toward the family
to a predominance of self-orientation.

With respect to Proposition III the intention is not to imply that
little or no care and affection is exhibited toward family and kin man,
here in.the context of a highly differentiated system of social relations.
It is rather that as important social activities, especially those of an
instrumental nature, become differentiated from the context of the fam-
ily, the demands of these segregated roles will compete with those of
the family. In order, then, that the activities in the differentiated
social complexes may be carried on conflicts between family interest
and self interest must more frequently be decided in favor of self inter-
ests. Presumably, were the range of legitimate demands of the family
to be too extensive, the demands placed upon the individual in his
roles in.other social complexes either (1) would not be acceeded to
(with consequent damaging disruption of the activities in these other
role complexes) or (2) might be acceeded to at the cost of considerable
social conflict and probably accompanying psychological stress of dams
aging proportions for the individual.

It should be noted that the theory generates no clear implication
as to which pole of the self-collectivity dimension of role-expectations
might be expected to predominate in actors' orientations in the context
of social relationships Other than that of self versus family. Given

this, some further specification of the theory might be attained as

 

 

 
 
 

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well as a greater measure of insight into the empirical cases at hand
if the self-collectivity dimension were examined in the context of a
different social relationship. There arises here, of course, a ques-
tion as to what other social relationship might be examined so as to
assemble data bearihg most crucially upon the theory. No definitive

and fully defensible answer to this question is submitted by this thesis.
Any of a considerable range of social relationships might be selected
and arguments in defense of their selection might be advanced. How-
ever, there is a particularly compelling reason to examine the relation-
ship between the individual and his peer group. Parsons' own writings
have dealt with this relationship and, of course, so have those of

a number of other sociologists.

Parsons has spoken of a "youth; culture" in Arnerica, 31

and the youth
peer group has been discussed considerably in sociological literature.
Elkin 81d Westley32 have attempted to summarize briefly a number of
characteristic views bearing upon the sociological features of the per-
iod of adolescence. As seen by Elkin and Westley, the chief features
attributed to adolescence in American society are that it is a period

of ”storm and stress" for the youth, and the relationship of the youth

to his peer group stands out as one of the most salient social relation-

 

 

31 '1‘. Parsons, "Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States, "
American Sociological Review, Vol. 7, No. 5, pp. 6014-616.
32

F. Elkin and W. Westley, “The Myth of Adolescent Culture," American
SociOIOgical Review, Vol. 20, No. 6, pp. 680-685.

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well as a greater measure of insight into the empirical cases at hand

if the self-collectivity dimension were examined in the context of a
different social relationship. There arises here, of course, a ques-
tion as to what other social relationship might be examined so as to
assemble data bearing most crucially upon the theory. No definitive

and fully defensible answer to this question is submitted by this thesis.
Any of a considerable range of social relationships might be selected
and arguments in defense of their selection might be advanced. How-
ever, there is a particularly compelling reason to examine the relation-
ship between the individual and his peer group. Parsons' own writings
have dealt with this relationship and, of course, so have those of

a number of other sociologists.

Parsons has spoken of a "youth. culture" in America, 31 and the youth
peer group has been discussed considerably in sociological literature.
Elkin and Westley32 have attempted to summarize briefly a number of
characteristic views bearing upon the sociological features of the per-
iod of adolescence. As seen by Elkin and Westley, the chief features
attributed to adolescence in American society are that it is a period
of ”storm and stress" for the youth, and.the relationship of the youth

to his peer group stands out as one of the most salient social relation-

 

31 T. Parsons, "Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States,"

American Sociological Review, Vol. 7, No. 5, PP. bob-616.
2
3 F. Elkin and W. Westley, “The Myth of Adolescent Culture," American
Sociological Review, Vol. 20, No. 6, pp. 680-685.

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33

ships in which he is involved. Davis views the period as one of
strain on the youth in a complex and changing society, a period fraught
with indecision owing largely to the absence of consistent authority
patterns. Williamth views this period as imposing stress upon the

youth owing in large part to the lack of any clear cut cultural defin-
ition of the ”youth role". Moreover, he recognizes that this stress
resulting from "indeterndnacy", while a characteristic feature of Am-
erican society, is seldom encountered in simpler and more stable soc-
ieties. MeadBS discusses social features of the early socialization
process in a non-Western society and explicitly contrasts the lack

of stress during this period in Samoan society with the considerable amount
in American society. Riesman36 has pointed to the association of

social personality types with pOpulation factors, and asserts that the
p'other directed” type is emerging in certain sectors of the United

States and other Western societies as the predominant social personality.

Whyte37 has noted the importance attached to the maintenance of "good

relations" with one's peer group in certain sectors of American society.

 

33 Kingsley Davis, "Adolescence and the Social Structure", 2113 Annals
9_f_ the. American Academy 2; Political and Social Sciences, Nov. , 1914b,
p. 11.

31” Robin Williams, American Society. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952:
p. 71s

35 Margaret Mead, Coming 93 5.8.9. in Samoa. New York: W. W. Morrow Co.,

1928.

 

Riesman, pp. gig" passim.
37 W. H. Whyte, ”The Transients," Fortune, May, June, July, August, 1953.

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W. F. “byte39 has described the complex structure of peer group relations
among lower class young men in an urban community and shown the saliency
of the peer group as a vehicle of social identification.

ho has suggested several features which he considers espec-

Parsons
ially characteristic of youth in the United States. 1'he period is char-
acterized.hy a compulsive independence of and antagonism to adult author-
ity, involving recalcitrance to adult standards of responsibility. Also,
compulsive conformity within the peer group of age mates, involving a
low level of tolerance for deviation from the group's standards, is
viewed by Parsons as characteristic of this period.

In summary, it is suggested that these various views with reapect
to the period of adolescence in the United States and the relationship
of’the individual to his peer group imply that the American youth will
tend to be predominantly peer group oriented in situations involving a
conflict between self interests and peer group interests. The views
of these writers also imply a general recognition that the features
which characterize the period of adolescence in the united States are
by no means universally encountered in other societies but are conceived
as related to the high degree of complexity and rapid change occurring
in this country. In contrast, relative “simplicity” and "stability" in

a society are viewed as accounting for the absence of stress and confusion

during the period of adolescence.

 

39 W} FL Whyte, Street Corner Society. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press,

19h}.

T. Parsons, "Psychoanalysis and the Social Structure,“ Psychoanalytic
watery, V01. 19, PP. 371‘38he

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W. F. Whyte” has described the complex structure of peer group relations
among lower class young men in an urban community and shown the saliency
of the peer group as a vehicle of social identification.

to

Parsons has suggested several features which he considers espec-
ially characteristic of youth.in the United States. 1'he period is char-
acterized by a compulsive independence of and antagonism to adult author-
ity, involving recalcitrance to adult standards of reaponsibility. Also,
compulsive conformity within the peer group of age mates, involving a
low level of tolerance for deviation from the group's standards, is
viewed by Parsons as characteristic of this period.

In summary, it is suggested that these various views with reSpect
to the period of adolescence in the United States and the relationship
of the individual to his peer group imply that the American youth will
tend to be predominantly peer group oriented in situations involving a
conflict between self interests and peer group interests. The views
of these writers also imply a general recognition that the features
which characterize the period of adolescence in the United States are
by no means universally encountered in other societies but are conceived
as related to the high degree of complexity and.rapid change occurring
in this country. In contrast, relative "simplicity" and "stability" in

a society are viewed as accounting for the absence of stress and confusion

during the period of adolescence.

 

39 ‘W. F. Whyte, Street Corner Society. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press,

19h3.

ho T. Parsons, "Psychoanalysis and the Social Structure," ngchoanglytic
Quarterly, Vol. 19, pp. 371-38h.

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If these views are to be congruent with the terms of the social
system schema then it is suggested that what is referred to as the rel-
ative complexity or simplicity in a society might be comprehended by
the notion of different degrees of differentiation and segregation of
social relations. Thus, the features cited above as characteristic of
adolescence in the United States might be conceived as related to the.
relatively high degree of differentiation and segregation of social
relations in this society. Cast in this form the views referred to
above may be considered congruent with the terms of the social system
schema. Thus, it becomes possible to examine the self-peer group rel-
ationship by stating a testable proposition formulated in the terms of
the scheme. with reapect to the self-peer group relationship, the fol-
lowing proposition mw be stated:

Proposition IV
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations

will change from a predominance of self-orientation to a
predominance of collectivity-orientation toward the peer

group.
Although Parsons' categories and the form of his statement of the

relationship between them is perhaps unique, the idea of these general
kinds of relationships may scarcely be considered novel. One of the
fil‘zet to focus on this general area was. Toennies with his concepts of
fiemeinschaft-likg and gesellschaft-_li_l§_e_ relationships. Redfield has
ban concerned with the changes occuring in the way peOple relate
t"heiselves to one another in the context of emerging degrees of differ-

emSiation and segregation in social structures. Miner, also, in his

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conception of a ”folk-urban continuum", might certainly be considered

among those concerned with this general type of relationship. In any

event, the study will undertake a test of these implications by exam-

ining a range of new data from two different socio-cultural systems,

each characterized by different degrees of differentiation and segreg-

ation of role relationships.

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conception of a ”folk-urban continuum", might certainly be considered

among those concerned with this general type of relationship. In any
event, the study will undertake a test of these implications by exam-
ining a range of new data from two different socio-cultural systems,

each characterized by different degrees of differentiation and segreg-

ation of role relationships.

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CHAPTER II

METHODOIDGY

This chapter will present the research design for the investigation
of the previously discussed implications of the social system theory.
Since the major implications with which the stuchr is concerned have to
do with the relationships obtaining between types of role-eXpectations,
_culmral value standards, and the structural differentiation of the
social system, it will be pertinent to examine the substantive nature
of these categories as they apply in Mexico. It is with the structure
of social relations, cultural value standards, and role-expectations in
lkuico that.this study is especially concerned because Mexico constitutes
a sufficiently different case from that of the United States to warrant
a comparative test of the theoretical implications. The methodological
“cps will be outlined below, containing a detailed discussion of the
instruments used, a critique of the technical characteristics of four
Guttman scales developed by the study, a discussion of the method of
Selecting reapondents, and. an outline of the conditions under which the
data were gathered.

Method

The method adopted by this study for the investigation of the pre-

viously discussed problems is simple in outline yet complex and fragile

in its dependence upon inferences. First, it was necessary to come to

 

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Some judgement as to the extent of structural differentiation and seg-
regation of social relations exhibited in various Spheres of hexican
society. It is important to note the degree to which the structure of
instrumental exchange relations exhibits relatively considerable differ-
entiation, and the extent to which this appears to be segregated from
the structure of family and locality-group relations. 1his part of the
study will be presented in Chapter III.

A major point in.terms of method should be noted here. This study,
in general, accepted Parsons' observations with respect to United States
society and culimre. That is, it was assumed that major social relational
complexes in the United States exhibit high degrees of differentiation
and segregation of social relations. Certainly, it was felt that this
adequately characterizes the general form of instrumental exchange rel-
stions. With respect to culture, it was accepted that value standards
of a universalistic nature generally predominate in the United States,
and that this is especially true for the standards pertaining to instrum-
ental exchange act‘iVities. 0n the other hand, although it is believed
that role-expectations (existential standards) are more frequently de-
fined universalistically in the United States than in Mexico, the study
hazarded no assumptions in this respect, but considered this tOpic prob-
lematical and a prOper subject of empirical investigation.

Third, in order to test the implication that role-expectations re-
Present a more or .less modified transposition of cultural value stan-
dards, a range of role-expectations exhibited by members of each society

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was examined. These role-expectations were examined with reapect to
their relevance to the pattern variable pair of universalism and partic-
ularism so that a comparison of them with the relevant cultural value
stuflbrds could be made. The technique used.in gathering data on this
point was that of questionnaires submitted to Mexican and United States
lfigh.sdhool students. Two series of short stories were devised which
included role-conflict situations. It is the responses to questions
concerning these series of stories which constituted our data on the
incidence of universalistic-type and particularistic-type role-expec-
tations. The procedure will be diecussed in detail below.

Fourth, it had to be ascertained whether role-expectations of self-
orientatio n or collectivity-orientation predominate in situations in-
volving fadly and peer group interests on the one hand, and self in-
terests segregated from family and peer group interests, on the other
hand. Guttman scales also were used in this connection and.will be dis-
cussed below.

Fifth, notions pertaining to variables other than those indicated
above‘were introduced at relevant points throughout the analyses and
their significance for the theory was examined. These pertained to
such substantively important differentiating criteria as ethnic status
and.social status.

Procedures and Techniques
The logic of the procedures adopted will be discussed in this secs

tion. The pattern variables, following Parsons and Shils, constitute a

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typological system.for the analysis of the moral dimension of social
role-expectations, cultural value standards, and value-orientation
patterns of the personality. It will be recalled that, at the level of
the social system, the pattern variables of universalism and particularism
apply to the differentiation of role-expectations with reSpect to "quali-
fication for membership and decisions for differential treatment." Role-
expectations which give priority for differential treatment of an object
on the basis of that object's general class characteristics, independent
of the relationship of its prOperties to those of the actor, are defined
as universalistic-type role expectation. On the other hand, role-expec-
tations which give priority for differential treatment on the basis of the
relationship of the object's properties to those of the actor, rather than
on the basis of their general class characteristics, are defined as particp
ularistic-type role-expectations.

With these definitions in mind, four series of short stories were
deve10ped, each portraying an actor in a situation in which demands for
differential treatment are placed upon him by Specified other actors.

Each of these series of stories, then, formed.the basis for deve10pment

of four Guttman scales, which, for analytical purposes, constituted the
devices for measurement of universalism-particularism, self-orientation
and collectivityhorientation dimensions of role-expectations. The devel-
apnent of these four scales and their technical features will be discussed
below, but first a word must be said with respect to the nature of the
stories themselves. The following example of the form of these stories is
drawn from the final questionnaire used for the study and, hence, may

serve as the basis of this discussion.

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Example of Short Story Device
Ibu are the head of a large office. One of the supervisors
leaves the company, and so you have to select a new one. Your
brother also works in the office. He is a good worker, but there
might be some other employees in.the office who are harder
workers than he is. Your brother wants the job.

In the above story, the situation is one in which an actor'is faced
with demands deriving from two different status-roles which he simultan-
eously occupies, i.e., those of brother and office head. The demands of
his status-role within the sub-system of instrumental relations call for
his subscription to universalistic criteria for choosing a new supervisor.
0n the other hand, the demands of his status-role within the sub-system.of
kinship relations call for subscription to particularistic criteria with
respect to differential treatment of the brother. The dilemma is one of
conflicting value standards at the cultural level, while at the social
system level it is one of incompatible role-expectations.

Acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the demands of the actor's
brother may be taken as constituting a definition of role-expectations
in.particularistic terms, while a rejection of the legitimacy of the
brother's demands may be taken as constituting a definition of role-ex-
pectations in universalistic terms. In order to ascertain the incidence
of particularistic versus universalistic definition of role-expectations
a set of questions followed the story.

Questions Following Short Story Device
(a) In view'of the circumstances, what right does your brother have
to expect.you to select him.for the Job?
He has a definite right to expect me to select him for the job.

He has some ri ht to expect me to alect him for the job.
He has no right Eb expect me to select him for the Job.

 

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(b) In view of your obligations to a brother and your obligations
to the other employees and to the company, what do you think
you would do?

I would select my brother for the job.
I would select the hardest worker for the job, even if this

meant leaving my brother in his old job.
In the example above, then, it may be inferred that a response in-

dicating that the brother has a “definite right" to expect to be selected
for the job constitutes an acknowledgement of the legitimacy of demands
deriving from a particularistic relationship and, hence, the respondent's
role-expectations relevant to this situation may be classified as p31;-
ticularistic. 0n the other hand, it may be inferred that a reaponse in-
dicating that the brother has "no right" to expect to be selected for

the Job constitutes a rejection of the legitimacy of particularistic de-
mands and, hence, the respondent's role-expectations may be classified

as universalistic.

In view of the liklihood that some portion of the respondents would
not hold altogether clean-cut expectations with respect to the situation
portrayed in the story, the category "some right" was included as a pos-
sible response selection. But a response indicating that the brother
has ”some right” to expect to be selected for the job could not be con-
sidered an unambiguous acknowledgement of the legitimacy of demands de-
riving from a particularistic relationship and, hence, the problem of
classifying the reapondent's role-expectation would be unclear. It was
because of the lack of clarity for the problem of classification of role-
expectations that an additional series of questions (those in Part b)

were asked of the respondent. As I” be seen above, these additional

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CLASSIMCATICN OF RESPONSE cancers

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BY PATTERH VARIABLES TIPES

 

 

Response Category

Pattern Variable Type

 

Brother has a definite gjcht to
expect to be selected for the job.

Brother has n9 rgrht to eXpect
to be selected for the job.

Brother has some right to eXpect
to be selected for the job, and
respondent would gelect him for
the job.

Brother has some riyht to expect
to be selected for the job, and

respondent flogld g9; gelect him
for the job.

Particularistic

Universalistic

Particularistic

Universalistic

 

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questions posed two alternatives of action for the respondent. On the
one hand, he could select the brother for the job, and on the other hand,
he could refrain from selecting the brother for the job. It was decided,
then, that should the respondent indicate that the brother had "some
right" to expect to be selected for the job, his response to the subse-
quentnpair of alternatives would give a further indication of the "direc-
tion" of his choice. In effect, it was decided that the response combin-
ation of “some right“ fin Part a) and "select brother for the job“ (in 'Part
b) is indicative of a predominance of particularistic elements in the
role-expectations relevant to this situation. likewise, it was decided
that the re8ponse combination of "some right" (in Part a) and "not

select brother for the job" (in Part b) is indicative of a predominance
of universalistic elementsin the role-expectations relevant to this sit-
nation.

The system of classification of reSponses to the above story is
summarized in Table l, and illustrates the method of classifying the
responses to all of the other stories included in the study.

DevelOpment, Translation, Reliability and Pre-testing
of Role-expectations Stories

The four Guttman scales were constructed using both Mexican and
United States student. Consequently this entailed devising stories

in English and translating them into Spanish.1 Some forty-five stories

 

1 Aid in translation of these stories was given by Professor John

Sharp, of the Department of Foreign Languages, Texas Western College,
as well as by Mrs. Bertha House. Mrs. House was of great assistance
in the translation of idiomatic usages, and the study profited
greatly by her easy versatility in both languages.

    
 

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were devised, approximately eleven for each of the four dimensions of
role-expectations in which the study was interested.

Having developed a series of stories, it was necessary to establish
some index of their reliability. The context in which reliability is
spoken of here refers to the establishment of whether the stories con-
stituwd hypothetical social situations which were "understandable" and
held ”meaning" for the class of respondents to whom they were to be ad-
ministered. In effect, this was a process of epistemic correlation.
Responses, in the form of check marks on a written questionnaire, would
scarcely be of much value to the research were the respondents not to
understand the stories and the questions following each of them. Hence,
about three weeks were spent in personal interview sessions with students
drawn from two high schools in El Paso, Texas, and one in Juarez, Mexico.2
In each of the three schools, ten students were interviewed with respect
to their comprehension of the list of forty-five stories. These inter-
views were focused upon: (1) readability of the stories, (2) whether
the stories portrayed situations which appeared plausible to the inter-
viewees, and (3) whether the reaponse categories seemed to fit the sit-
uations portrayed in the stories.

The students who were interviewed were selected by a random pro-

cess from the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grade class lists. The

 

*—

2 The two high schools in El Paso, Texas, were the Thomas Jefferson,

and Technical, both of which belonged to the El Paso public school
system. In Juarez, Mexico, students from the Escuela Secundaria y
Preparatoria, a public school, were interviewed.

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tenth.name on ten class lists was selected for interviewing. With res-
pect to readability of the stories, the interviewees were questioned as
to what they understood about the situations portrayed, whether the plot
confused them and.whether there were words with which they were unfamil-
iar. It was deemed.important to ascertain whether the stories portrayed
situations which would be plausible to the respondents. Here the
interview attempted to discover whether the stories portrayed sit-
nations which would be readily subject to the respondent's projecting
himself into the situation without feeling that such a situation would
seldom or never be likely to occur in reality. Finally, an effort was
lads to determine whether the reSponse categories appeared to the inter-
viewees to fit the situations given in the stories. Attention was dir-
ected to the wording of the reSponse categories with reference to clar-
ity of meaning for the interviewees. The finding of these interviews
with.high school students led to the elimination of fifteen stories as
inappropriate. Thus» there remained thirty stories which appeared sat-
isfactory for use in pre-testing for the deve10pment of the four Guttman
scales.
Measurement of Dimension of Role-expectations :‘
the Guttman Scales
Some work on the measurement of role-expectations which is highly

relevant to this study was done by Stouffer,3 using stories in which

 

3 Samuel Stouffer, "An.Empirical Study of Technical Problems in Analysis
of Role Obligation“, in Parsons and Shils, ed., Toward a General Theogy
9; Action. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 195117 pp". H7'9'-"179'o"."

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the respondent projects himself into the situation which the stony por-
trays. Stouffer also attempted to show that reaponses to this type of
device will form a Guttman scale. Following Stouffer's work, this study
proceeded to develop four scales. In order to establish the status of
the scales developed by this study it will be necessary to discuss the
technical features of a Guttman scale.

In his development of the theory of scale analysis Guttman distin-
guishes at least four criteria for scalability.h These are: (a) reprod-
umibility, (b) range of marginal distributions, (c) pattern of errors,
and (d) number of items in the scale.

The coefficient of reproducibility is an index of the degree to
which the scale approaches a perfect scale. In a perfect scale, one
could reproduce the respondent's rank.from his total score. The co-
efficient of reproducibility is the probability of being able to do

this. It 18 Obtained by error:

CR'l-(W)
Guttlsn has arbitrarily set an acceptable coefficient of reproducibility
of 90 percent.
The range of marginal distributions should be wide, with some items
at either end of the distribution and some items around 50-50. Else-
where Guttman.suggests that at least four items should be within the

70-30 range.5 Extreme marginals will produce a spurious CR.

 

h Samuel Stouffer et. al., Measurement and Prediction. Princeton:
Princeton Univ. Press, 1950.

5 L. Guttman, A Basis for Scaling Qualitative Data. American Sociological
Review, Vol. IX, pp. 139-150.

 

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The errors of reproducibility must be random. That is, the errors
must not be piled Up at any particular non-scale type. In a so-called
quasi-scale, errors occur in the form of a gradient. l'his indicates
that the errors are caused by one or two other major variables rather
than by many small variables occurring at random.

The more items included in a scale, the greater is the assurance
that the entire universe of which these items are a sample is scalable.
Guttman suggests that "if theitems are dichotomous ..., it is probably
_ desirable that at least ten items be used, with perhaps a lesser number
being satisfactory if the marginal frequencies of several items are in
the range of 30 to 70 percent."6

Using these criteria of scalability, it was found that four scales
could be develOped from twenty-nine of the thirty stories. These four
sets of stories were then submitted to a second pre-test, after which
the final form of the questionnaire was deveIOpedL

Since thirty stories would have constituted far too many to incor-
porate in a single questionnaire, the stories were divided into two
groups for both the first and second pre-tests. These two questionnaires
were then submitted to groups of United States and Mexican high school
students. The students to whom they were submitted were selected by
a random process from the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grades. The 5th,

10th, 15th, 20th and 25th names from twelve class lists in the El Paso

 

7——

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Technical High.School were selected, and each of the questionnaires

was administered to these students on separate days. With respect to
the Mexican high school, it was not possible to draw a pre-test sample
from class lists. Hence, the two pre-test questionnaires were adminis-
tered to three whole classrooms of students on separate days. These
classrooms comprised, in the Mexican school system, the equivalents of
the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grades. Each of the Mexican high
school classrooms contained approximately thirty students. Thus the
first pro-test sample contained sixty United States studentsand ninety-
one Mexican students. Details on the development of each scale are
given below.

Scale I. This scale was derived from the set of eight stories
which focus upon situations in which the actor is faced with conflicting
demands pertaining to (1) his status-role in a sub-system of instrumen-
tal relations and (2) his status-role in a sub-system of kinship rela-

7

tions. The dimension measure is that of universalism versus partic-
ularism. Seven of these items were found to be scalable with a C? of
.91. The distribution of marginals for the first pro-test population
of 151 was 110, 95, 91, 86, h7, h6, h5.

Scale II. This scale was derived from.the set of nine stories
which focus upon situations in which the actor is faced with conflict-

ing demands pertaining to (1) his status-role in a subusystem of in-

? See Appendix B, stories numbered.1,2,3 and h.

 

 

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strmnental relations and (2) his status-role in a sub-system of friend-
ship relations.8 These stories were found scalable with a CR of .87.
The distribution of marginals for the first pre-test population of 151
was 88, 80, 68, 60, 56, h6, 140, 38, 38.

Scale III. This scale was derived from the set of eight stories
which focus upon situations in which the actor is faced with demands
from a sub-system of unship relations which conflict with the actor's
self-interest in the situation.9 The dimension measured is that of
self-orientation versus collectivity-orientation. The stories were
found scalable with a CR of .93. The distribution of marginals for
the first pre-test population of 151 was 110, 101, 100, 86, 82, 58,
5h, 6.

Scale IV. This scale was derived from the set of five stories
which focus upon situations in which the actor is faced with demands
from a sub-system of peer (friendship) relations which conflict with

10 The dimension measured is that

his self-interest in the situation.
of self-orientation versus collectivity-orientation. The stories were
found to be scalable with a CR of .814. The distribution of marginals

for the first pre-test pOpulation of 151 was 112, 101, 70, 3h, 25.

 

8 Ibid., stories numbered 5, 6, 7, and 9.

9 Ibid., stories numbered 10, ll, 16, 17, 18.

10 Ibid., stories numbered 12, 13, 1h, 15.

-—51.

For the second pre-test of these scales, they were again submit-
ted to groups of United States and.Mexican students, selected in the
manner described above. For purposes of easier arithemetical computa-
tion, fifty United States and fifty.Mexican students were selected.
Details on this population are summarized below.

Scale I. For the second.pre-test population of 100 the OR was
feund to be .90 and the distribution of marginals was 71, 59, 55, h8,
51c 32, 27.

Scale II. For the second.pre-test population of 100 the CR was
feund to be .89 and the distribution of marginals was 63, h8, ho, 39,
37, 32, 25, 25, 20.

Scale III. For the second.pre-test population of 100 the OR was
found to be .91 and the distribution of marginals was 8b, 77, 69, 67,
67. 57, 50, 16.

Scale IV. For'the second.pre-test population of 100 the OR was
found.to be .86 and.the distribution of marginals was 71, 59, hl, 38, 3h.

The purpose behind the deve10pment of a scale, of course, is that,
after the items have been shown to be scalable, a smaller number of items
may be selected for administration to a larger population on the assump-
tion that these items will discriminate along a single dimension. Thus
the final form of the questionnaire was comprised of seventeen stories,
four each selected.from Scales I, II, and IV, and.five from Scale III.
(One of the five stories comprising Scale III was subsequently dropped.)
These stories were selected as the most discriminating, as can be seen

clearly by noting the marginal distributions of the four stories selected

from each scale as compared with the marginal distributions of all the
stories from which the scale was constructed.

A.further test for spurious reproducibility is furnished by the
chi-square goodness-of-fit test using as a theoretical distribution
that distribution which.would be the case if the items were statistically
independent of each other.11 If the items were statistically independent
of each other, the frequency of the population answering tyes" to all
four questions would be equal to the prOportion answering ”yes" to the
first question times the proportion answering "yes" to the second ques-
tion.times the proportion answering "yes" to the third question times
the proportion answering ”yes" to the fourth question. There are size
teen possible combinations of responses from four dichotomous questions,
and the proportion of peOple who should fall in each group can be cal-
culated.by forming products in this manner from the frequencies of "yes"
and "no“ for each item.

This test was used as a further check on the feasibility of using
the four selected stories for each scale. The products formed and the
chi-square values obtained are shown in Tables 2, 3, h, and 5. These
tables also show the complete distribution of the responses to the
selected stories for the second pre-test pOpulation.

One of the difficulties in using the chi-square goodness-ofbfit

test'is that no adequate answer has been found as to the number of

 

11 The study is indebted to Dr. Joel Smith,.Michigan State University,
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degrees of freedom to be used. It is usual to lose one degree of
freedom for each parameter which is estbmated. The question in this
instance is whether each combination of responses is to be considered
an estimated.parameter. However, it can be seen that the maximum
possible nulber of degrees of freedom.must be fifteen. Since the dis-
‘ tribution of each of the scales is statistically significant for
fifteen degrees of freedom, the question seems to be a moot point for

the purposes of this thesis.

Selection of Respondents and Questionnaire Administration

The principal fieldwork on which the study is based was conducted
in public high schools in El Paso, Texas, and.Juarez,.Maxico. The
final questionnaire was administered to hOS students enrolled.in the
El Paso Technical High School in El Paso, Texas. Of these, 2h3 were
regular students and 162 were enrolled in special English courses
only.12 For reasons pertaining to the organization of the program of
studies at the school, it was infeasible to select a random sample
of students for administration of the questionnaire. Nor was it pos-

sible to select classrooms of students by a random process. Some

teachers felt that they could not allow time to be taken from the

 

12 Of the 2h3 respondents regularly enrolled at the El Paso Technical

High School only 15 indicated that they were following one of the
technical courses of study. The rest were enrolled in one or an-
other of the general academic curricula.

.....

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_58—

regular cones of studies. The problem of selecting a sizeable number

of students to whom the questionnaire might be administered devolved into
one of securing approximately equal numbers of classrooms devoted to
teaching courses at the 10th, 11th, and 12th grade levels. All 12th grade
students were required to enroll in a social science course, and so
several of the classroans devoted to this subject were selected for ad-
ministration of the questionnaire. Also, all students were required to
enroll in 10th, 11th, and 12th grade English courses, and, thus, a portion
of these classrooms were selected with the consent of the prospective
teachers.

The final questionnaire was administered, then, to classrooms of
about thirty students each. It was necessary to accomplish the ad-
ministration of the questionnaire within a period of forty minutes,
which period of time was the scheduled length of the classes at El Paso
Technical High School. This requirement of forty minutes for admini-
stration of the questionnaire, of course, placed restrictive limits upon
the length of the instrument. It was found during pre-testing of the
questionnaire that forty minutes provided sufficient time to give dir-
ections to the students and allow them to complete the entire instrument.
The questionnaire was administered to students during the final two
weeks of the school year, June 1 to 15, 1956. Students regularly en-
rolled in special English courses at the El Paso Technical High School
were administered the Spanish version of the questionnaire.

The final questionnaire also was administered to 397 students en-

rolled in the 10th, 11th, and 12th grades of the Escuela Secundaria y

53.530113 of
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-59-

Preparatoria of Juarez, Mexico. For reasons pertaining to the organ-
ization of the program of studies at this school, it was not possible
to select a.random sample of students from the three grade levels, nor
to sample systematically'classrooms. However, classrooms of students
drawn from the three grade levels were secured in approximately equal
members. The Director of the school arranged to have teachers bring,
their classes to the school auditorium at designated hours, and the
qmestionnaire was administered en.mass. Needless to say, the Spanish
version of the questionnaire was administered to these students. Ad-

ministration of the questionnaire under these conditions required only

two days.

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CHAPTER III

VALUE STANDARDS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURAL COIELEXES

This chapter will outline some of the major features of Mexican
culture which imply the predominance in certain sectors and the emer-
genes in others of universalistic type value standards. It will point
out also that major segments of Mexican society manifest relatively
high degrees of structural differentiation and segregation of social
relations. and that large scale instrumental complexes are to be found
in Mexico.

Parsons' statements pertaining to the analysis of the group of
societies which he calls Spanish-Amarican provide an appropriate
_. starting point for this discussion. It will be recalled that his
theoretical formulations imply that role-expectations represent a
more or less unmodified transposition of cultural value standards.
Parsons' analysis adheres to this general implication, with the result
that it is somewhat curious and vague. It is by no means clear whether
his analysis is meant to pertain exclusively to value-orientations (a
category of the personality system) or to cultural value standards and
social role-expectations, or to all three collectively. The structure
of his dialysis in this unclear manner may be presumed to follow di-
rectly from the development of his thesis. But, in any case, using
the analytical device of the pattern variables Parsons proceeds to

classify these societies as exhibiting a predominance of particularism

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over universalism, and ascription over achievement. Such a classifica-
tion is subject to serious question both in terms of its intended scope
of coverage of quite different societies and segments of those societies.
Moreover, if his brief analysis is intended to apply to the dominant
national cultures it fails to consider important spheres in which uni-
versalistic-type and achievement-type value standards are very much in
evidence. His analysis would seem to apply mst appropriately to that
category of action orientation identified as role-expectations in his
schema, rather than to cultural value standards. With respect to the
application of his analysis to personality, little can be hazarded by
Parsons or any other social scientist owing to the lack of available
scientific data pertaining to the organization of action at the level

of the personality system among Latin American peoples. It can scarcely
be considered an appropriate or correct analysis to assert that parti-
cularistic-type value standards constitute the exclusive or even major
type of cultural values borne by the dominant sectors of Mexican so-
ciety.1

It is not the intention of this chapter to examine, other than

parenthetically, the structure of social relations in Mexican agricultural

 

1 See, for example, Manuel Gamio, Cultural Patterns in Modern Mexico,
Qggrterly Journg. 9; lpter-American Relations, Vol. 1. 1939, pp. 49-61.
Also Jose E. Iturriaga, La estructug social 1 cultural. gig Mexico.
Mexico. D. 1., Ibndo de Cultural Economics, 1951. John Gillan, Modern
Latin American Culture, Social Fbrces, Vol. 26, 1948, pp. 243-252.
Lesley Byrd Simpson, Unplanned Effects of Mexico's Planned Economy,
Th_g Virginia Quarterly Review, Vol. 29, No. 4, 1953, pp. 514-532.

Fbr a Journalistic account of some stature, see Tomme Clark Call,
Th__e_ Mexicg Venture: From Politicgl _t__q Industrial Revolution _i_n_
Mexico. Oxford University Press, 1953.

1
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-61-

over universalism, and ascription over achievement. Such a classifica-
tion is subject to serious question both in terms of its intended scope
of coverage of quite different societies and segments of those societies.
Moreover, if his brief analysis is intended to apply to the dominant
national cultures it fails to consider important spheres in which uni-
versalistic-type and achievement-type value standards are very much in
evidence. His analysis would seem to apply most appropriately to that
category of action orientation identified as role-expectations in his
schema, rather than to cultural value standards. With respect to the
application of his analysis to personality, little can be hazarded by
Parsons or any other social scientist owing to the lack of available
scientific data pertaining to the organization of action at the level
of the personality system among Latin American peoples. It can scarcely
be considered an appropriate or correct analysis to assert that parti-
cularistic-type value standards constitute the exclusive or even major

type of cultural values borne by the dominant sectors of Mexican so-

ciety.1

It is not the intention of this chapter to examine, other than

parenthetically, the structure of social relations in Mexican agricultural

 

1 See, for example, Manuel Gamio, Cultural Patterns in Modern Mexico,
Mterlz Journal of Later-American Relations, Vol. 1, 1939, pp. 49-61.
Also Jose E. Iturriaga, La estructhLa social 31 cultu_r_'_a_1_ g3 Mexico.
Mexico. D. 1., lbndo de Cultural Economica, 1951. John Gillan, Modern
Latin American Culture, Social Forces, Vol. 26, 1948, pp. 243-252.
Icsley Byrd Simpson. Unplanned Effects of Mexico's Planned Economy.
1h; Virginia Qaarterly Review, Vol. 29, No. 4, 1953, pp. 514-532.

Fbr a Journalistic account of some stature, see Tomme Clark Call,
Egg Mexicg Venture: From Political t_o_ Industrial Revolution in
Mexico. Oxford University Press, 1953.

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-62—

villages. It is quite evident, from anthropological and sociological
field studies, that the structure of social relations in rural Mexican
villages exhibits considerable variability according to regions, ethnic
groups, and extent of isolation from the dominant national society.
Likewise, cultural value standards vary among these small sub-systems.
A discussion of the rural scene is beyond the purview of this chapter
and the scope of the study. Parsons' brief analysis referred to above,
subject to any coherent interpretation, would appear to apply best to
the socio-cultural milieu of the small, isolated, rural, agricultural
village. However, this study deals with non-rural persons who, as it
will be pointed out, comprise a sizeable portion of the Mexican popu-
lation, and who exhibit social habits and cultural values which may

loosely be referred to as those of the dominant socio-cultural milieu.

Mexican Backgrounds
It is of prime importance to the examination of the dominant
national society in Mexico today to understand that highly significant
socio-cultural changes have occurred in the present century.2 In gen-
eral. it may be said that immediat ely prior to the Revolution of 1910-
1920 the dominant national society was characterized by strong conser-
vatism and traditionalism. Rural peasants and urban proletarians were
effectively isolated from participation in the national political pro-

cesses, and attempted political action was forcefully discouraged.

 

2 See Charles Cumberland, The Mexican Revolution, _‘I'hg fig! Leadeg, Decem-
ber, Vol. 27, 1954, pp. 12—17. Also Henry Bamford Parkes, g Histogz
9; Mexico. New York: Houghton Mifflen Co., 1950. Nathan L. Whetten,
Rural Mexico. Univ. of Chicago press, 1948.

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The dominant religious system generally fostered the maintenance of this
status quo. Overwhelming illiteracy prevailed among the rural peaSants
and urban proletarians. A.semi-feudal social, political, and economic
order characterized rural life, with large tracts of land and their
attached villages under the domination and control of a relatively few
landlords. Regional and sub-regional geographic and social isolation
characterised.most of the country, and geographical mobility of the
population appears to have been generally quite low. Strong class
cleavages along lines of social, political, and economic interest
existed in both the rural and urban settings. Agriculture provided

the chief an almost exclusive source of gaining a livelihood. With
the exception of the extractive industries, and the beginnings of tex-
tile manufacturing, industrial employment was nearly non-existent.

What manufacturing there was generally was restricted to small scale
enterprises, and handicraft methods of production were the norm. The
function of government was largely restricted to the maintenance of
order and discipline in the society, thereby facilitating the economic
and other interests of the dominant social class. Conspicuously lacking
as functions of government in the pre—Revolution period were public edu-
cation, public health, and civil rights protection for the masses. What
little formal education there was available was under the jurisdiction
of the Catholic church. Concern with problems of public sanitation was
largely lacking. Provisions fer redress of flagrant violations of
civil and property rights of the mass of peasants were largely ignored.
In fact, civil and property rights generally appear to have been absent

so far as the peasant was concerned.

 

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The dominant religious system generally fostered the maintenance of this
status quo. Overwhelming illiteracy prevailed among the rural peaSants
and urban proletarians. A semi-feudal social, political, and economic
order characterized rural life, with large tracts of land and their
attached villages under the domination and control of a relatively few
landlords. Regional and sub-regional geographic and social isolation
characterised.most of the country, and geographical mobility of the
population appears to have been generally quite low. Strong class
cleavages along lines of social, political, and economic interest
existed in both the rural and urban settings. Agriculture provided

the chief an almost exclusive source of gaining a livelihood. With
the exception of the extractive industries, and the beginnings of tex-
tile manufacturing, industrial employment was nearly non-existent.

What manufacturing there was generally was restricted to small scale
enterprises, and handicraft methods of production were the norm. The
function of government was largely restricted to the maintenance of
order and discipline in the society, thereby facilitating the economic
and.other interests of the dominant social class. Conspicuously lacking
as functions of government in the pre—Revolution period were public edu-
cation, public health, and civil rights protection for the masses. What
little formal education there was available wasVunder the Jurisdiction
of the Catholic church. Concern with problems of public sanitation was
largely lacking. Provisions for redress of flagrant violations of
civil and property rights of the mass of peasants were largely ignored.
In fact, civil and property rights generally appear to have been absent

so far as the peasant was concerned.

In pre-‘F

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In preoRevolution Mexico a hegemony in political, governmental, and
economic affairs was exercised ‘w the urban upper class and the rural
semi-feudal land-holding elite. Life among the peasant masses was car-
ried on principally within the context of the small agricultural village,
and relatively little geographical mobility occurred. The structure of
instrumental relations revolved largely around agricultural tasks and
the marketing of agricultural products. The involvement of the popula-
tion in roles of responsibility and leadership in political, economic,
and governmental affairs was restricted to the relatively small landed
elite, the religious authorities, and the great merchants, while the
masses labored under various conditions of peonage. Particularistic
rights and obligations revolving around family, village, and the semi-
feudal relationship between peon and patron composed the major confio
gurations of the social order for most Mexicans, and the web of society

exhibited a relatively low degree of structural differentiation.3

Revolution and Change
The Revolution of 1910-1920 wrought significant changes in the
fabric of Mexican society and culture. The hegemony of the semi-feudal
landlords was overthrown. Land reforms in rural areas were carried
out, often in the form of eJidal land grants to peasant villages. The
Catholic church was more or less effectively barred from direct autho-
rity over political and governmental affairs. Participation of the

urban and rural masses in the local, state, and national political

 

3 Parkes, 92. cit., passim.

 

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processes was encouraged as a patriotic duty. The new government intro-
duced radical policies4 and expanded greatly in terms of the services
rendered to the national public. The years of active hostilities were
accompanied by population movements which have continued to the present
day.

Today Mexico exhibits relatively high degrees of differentiation
in its social structure. Government provides important services and
possesses numerous agencies for the articulation of these, as well as
for the maintenance of order in the society. Industry has made signi-
ficant advances, although the country remains predominantly agricultural.
Large scale commerce and trade are evident. Public primary and second-
ary schools are established throughout the country. The urban popula-
tion is on the increase, and geographical mobility in general appears
to be increasing. Illiteracy among the masses is decreasing, yet
remains high. Modern communications and transportation networks con-
nect the major commercial, agricultural, and industrial centers into

an increasingly coherent framework.5

 

4 Inssolution of latifundia, the ejidal system of land tenure, the en-
couragement of organized labor, the curtailing of church power, and
the introduction of widespread public education are some of the major
changes which the new regime accomplished.

5 See Antonio Carrillo Flores, Industrial Mexico, Selected.Readings 9p
Mexico: A,Seminar 93,1breign Affairs, mimeographed, Michigan State
University, 1957. Fbr some salient social problems arising out of
the changed conditions see Arturo Mbnzon, Planteamiento de Algunos
Problemas Indigneas, America Indigena, Vbl. VII, No. 4, Octobre,
1947, pp. 323-331.

 

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Rural—Urban Features

Mexico remains to the present day a predominantly rural and agri-
cultural country. According to thecensus of population of 1940, nearly
two-thirds of those economically active were engaged in agriculture,6
while in 1950 there were about fifty-eight percent engaged in agricul-
ture.7 Likewise, Mexico remains largely rural, with slightly more than
one-half of the population residing in places of 2,500 or less in 1940.
Slightly more than thirteen percent of the population lived in cities
of over 50,000 inhabitants in 1940, while approximately twenty-two
percent lived in cities of sore than 10,000 inhabitants. A si zeable
increase in the population residing in urban centers is recorded in
the 1950 census. By 1950 slightly more than forty-two percent of the
population were living in places of 2,500 or more inhabitants. The
census of 1950 listed twenty-four cities with populations exceeding fifty
thousand inhabitants. These twenty-four urban centers included a popu-
lation of 4,828,524, or about nineteen percent of the total population.

It is precisely in the urban areas of Mexico that universalistic-
type value standards and forms of large scale instrumental complexes
are to be encountered. It is to be noted, further, that notonly large
scale instrumental complexes exhibit relatively high degrees of differ-

entiation of activities and the segregation of these activities from

 

5 Wilbert E. Moore, Industrialization and Labor. Ithaca: Cornell
Univ. Press, 1951, p. 247.

7 Septim Censo General _dg Poblacion, 1950, Cuadro 21, p. 86.

 

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other life spheres of the individual, but it is characteristic that even
small scale instrumental complexes in the urban milieu also exhibit
these features. Wherever the instrumental complex involves the unequal
statuses of enployee and proprietor in the collaborative endeavor struc-
tural differentiation is implicitly present. Likewise, so far as the
status of employee is concerned, the instrumental activities in which
he participates are characteristically segregated from familial and
other "personal” action interests. Certainly, in Mexico, this is the
common pattern. The principal reasons for viewing the urban milieu,

in contrast to the rural, as the focus of the above socio-cultural fea-
tures are that very small scale instrumental complexes constitute the
numerically greater portion of agricultural production enterprises, and
the differentiation of status-roles with respect to the instrumental
activities occurs principally as an extension of status-roles occupied
in the family and 1d.nship unit. The small scale family farm or ejido
plot employs little or no extra-familial labor, whereas even the small
scale economic enterprise in the urban center is likely to employ some

extra- fami 11 a1 labor.

Occupations and Labor
In 1940 approximately thirty percent of the labor force was en-
gaged in non-agricultural occupations, whereas in 1950 approximately
forty-two percent were in non-agricultural occupations. In 1940
approximately 640,000 persons were employed in manufacturing industries,

while in 1950 the number had increased to 970,000.8

 

8 Whetten, gp. 911., pp. 180-197.

 

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Manufacturing at both of these periods was the largest single occupa-
tional category outside of agriculture. Commerce employed approximately
550,000 in 1940 and about 680,000 in 1950. Communications and trans-
portation employed some 150,000 in 1940 and approximately 210,000 in
1950.

Considering the number of persons employed in manufacturing the
size of membership in labor unions appears large. In 1942 there were
some 650,000 members of unions. In general, Mexican labor unions are
of the industry-wide type rather than of the crafts type. The two major
labor confederations are the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana
(CROM), and the Confederacion de Trabajadores Mexicanos (CTM). Labor
unions have been important instrumentalities in raising the standards
of living cf Mexican industrial and commercial workers, and.have con-
stituted important political forces in the nation. Being industrial-
type organizations, encompassing thousands of workers, they may be
considered large scale instrumental complexes. Moreover, the labor
union movement, a sub-cultural ideological complex of considerable
importance on the national scene, may be viewed as exhibiting major
patterns of universalistic-type value standards.9 The dedication of

the movement to the gaining of rights and benefits for employees

 

9 The labor unions or sindicatos in Mexico differ radically from labor
organisations in the United States in one respect in particular. They
are very strongly dominated by political forces. See Rank Tannenbaum,
Mexicg: The Struggle for Peace and Bread. New York: Alfred A. Knopf
Co., 1951, pp. 175-190. See also Marjorie Ruth Clar, Organized Labor
ig_Mexico. University of North Carolina.Press, 1934, passim.

t.

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-69.

throughout the sphere of economic exchange relationships in the society ex-
emplifies the predication of the movement on universalistic-type values.
Their varied activities further imply this. It is relevant to note
Moore's observations in this respect.

The labor organi zation in Mexico, through the very nature of

the occupational heterogeneity of its membership, is a strate-

gic instrument of social control and change. The wide extension

of sindicatos into the rural village, their support of village

schools, adult literacy campaigns, adult education in agricul-
tural and marketing improvements -- all this bespeaks the in-
fluence of the unions toward social innovation. When to this

is added local and national direct political participation,

the sindicato becomes a major source of innovation and national

economic development.

The existence of a. labor market is becoming more evident in Mexico
as is indicated by the numbers of persons who are wage and salary earn-
ers. Slightly Imre than fifteen percent of the population were wage and
salary earners in 1940, while fifty-two percent of the economically
active portion of the population were wage and salary earners. By
1950, fifty-eight percent of the economically active population were
wage and salary earners. Moore observes, with respect to the figures
for 1940, that the relatively low percentage of wage and salary earners
derived in significant part from the organization of economic activities
on the basis of family groups in Mexico, and he notes that the economy
operates with units of smaller scale than in the United States. While
this appears to be so, it should be kept in mind that these observa—
tions apply especially to the field of agricultural production in

Mexico. The relatively low amount of persons being wage and salary

 

10 Moore, 92, cit., p. 240.

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-70-

earners thus derives principally from the fact that the preponderant
number of persons engaged in agricultural production are proprietors
on a very small scale. It is also to be noted that females comprise

a such smaller portion of the economically active population in Mexico
than in the United States. One indication of this is the proportion
of wage and salary earners who are females. In 1940, only 5.3 percent
of the females aged 15-64 were wage and salary earners, while in the
United States the proportion was 23.9 percent. On the other hand, 52.5
percent of the males aged 15-64 were wage and salary earners in Mexico
as compared to 60.9 percent in the United States. It will be useful to
keep in mind these statistics in that they provide a rough indication
of the relative lack of involvement of females in Mexico in non-familial
types of occupations. That is, these figures imply that females in
Mexico are involved to only a limited extent in economic exchange re-
lationships which are differentiated and segregated from the activities
of the family. However, of those females classified as economically
active in 1940 more than two-thirds were wage and salary workers.
Hence, it might be concluded that females with aspirations toward in-
volvement in the complex of economic exchange relations are most likely
to become involved as either wage or salary earners, i.e., as employees

of business firms.

Literacy
The proportion of the population which can read and.write may be
taken as a very rough indicator of the commonality of the dominant

national culture. Without an ability to read and write, access to many

   

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-71-

facets of the dominant national culture is severely restricted. It is
noteworthy that literacy has increased slowly since the end of the
Mexican Revolution. By 1940, about forty-nine percent of the popula-
tion aged ten years and older could read and write, while by 1950 about
fifty-five percent of the population aged six years and older could read
and write, according to the national census. Likewise, the proportion
of the population speaking Spanish, the dominant national language, may
be considered as an index of involvement in the national society and
culture of Mexico. In 1940, the proportion of the population speaking
Spanish, was about eighty-five percent and by 1950 had increased to
slightly more than eighty-eight percent. Conversely, the proportion of
those speaking only an indigenous language or dialect declined from about
seven percent in 1940 to about three and one-half percent in 1950. The
proportion of the population speaking both an indigenous language and

Spanish remained approximately seven and one-half percent in both years.

Formal Mass Education

It would seem a warranted generalization to assert that formal
mass education leads to the sharing of ideas and values on the part of
those subject to the educational system. From a substantive social per-
spective this is certainly one of the primary manifest goals of national
educational systems. The magnitude of the scale of education in Mexico
is large and, hence, it will be important to examine it briefly

The federal and state governments in Mexico have launched into an

impressive program of mass education since the end of the Revolution.

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By 1950 there were some 748 "lower primary schools"11 financed by pub-
lic funds, and some 115 privately financed ones. These enrolled approx»
imately 115,000 pupils in 1940 and approximately 127,000 pupils in 1952.
The six grade primary school, however, is the most common type of formal
educational institution in Mexico, and in 1948 there were 23,257 of these.
By 1952 the number of these latter had increased to 25,613. Of these,
some 20,000 were located in rural areas and about 5,500 in urban areas.

The size of the student population has been of considerable magni-
tude also. In 1952, there were approximately 1,420,000 pupils enrolled
in the rural primary schools, and some 1,870,000 enrolled in the urban
primary schools. With respect to post-primary educational institutions,
there were 1,210 schools registered in the country in 1952. Of these,
464 were secondary schools, 80 were preparatory schools, 234 commercial
schools, 87 normal schools, 145 advanced professional schools. There
were slightly less than 200,000 students enrolled in all of these di-
verse types of schools in 1952, and of these about 75,000 were enrolled
in secondary schools and about 22,000 in preparatory schools.

The school systems constitute an important instrumental complex;
many of the values associated with them may be categorized as univer-
salistic. The Mexican school systems, although varying in details of
their adaptation to national, regional, and local conditions, follow
the general pattern of Western culture. The value emphasis is perhaps

slightly different from the pattern in the United States in certain

 

11 This is a type of primary school which includes only the first three
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respects, but not radically so. Fbr example, rote memorization of
lessons tends to be generally adhered to in Mexican schools, as does
classroom recitation, whereas in the United States these activities
appear to be no longer so highly valued. Academic competition, the
allocation of grades on the basis of examinations, and the enforcement
of discipline in classrooms are predicated on universalistic—type values.
It is not an uncommon practice, in the writer's experience, that general
norms of social morality are imparted within the context of the class-
room. This is especially so with respect to the humanistic ideals of
the Mexican Revolution. The public school system, in fact, has been a
major institution for the inculcating of the aspirations of the Revo-
lution. It is notable that the values of honesty and restraint in
dealing with one's fellows, the concept of obligation to the nation,

and many if not all of the commonly considered humanistic values consti-
tute a not insignificant part of the value premises upon which the formal
educational structure is predicated, and which in various forms are con-
veyed to the students. Something has been said already about the scale
of the educational systems in Mexico, and it would seem necessary to note
here only that they are organized on a relatively large scale involving

more than three million students and some twenty-five thousand schools.

Government
The sphere of governmental relations constitutes an important in-
strumental and integrative complex in a nation-state such as Mexico.

Certainly, it manifests a form of large scale social organization and

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exhibits maJor cultural values.12 Mexico is a federated republic with
governmental relations organized on three levels, national, state, and
local. The legislative, administrative, and judicial functions of the
national government are performed by separate agencies, similar in model
to those in the structure of United States government. Each of the
federated states similarly possesses a constitution which defines the
formal structure of the state governments and the Jurisdiction and sepa-
ration of powers. The states, in turn, are subdivided into political

entities called.nunicipios (municipalities). These latter political

 

entities are relatively weak so far as general political and taxation
powers are concerned.

With respect to the general discussion to which this chapter is
addressed one of the most important points to be noted about the admin-
istrative branch of government in Mexico is that it is structured in a

bureaucratic form.13 It is evident that not all of the features of Max

 

12 United States Department of Commerce, Government and Business in Mex-
ico, Investment in.Mexico. Government Printing Office, 1955, Chap. II.

13 Max Weber‘s bureaucratic type includes the features (1) a clearly de-
fined.hierarchy of offices, (2) members of the association are‘subject
to authority only in respect to the impersonal obligations pertaining
to the office, (4) the office is filled by a free contractual relar
tionship, (5) offices are allocated initially on the basis of achieve-
ment, that is, demonstrated technical aualifications, (6) the members
of the association are remunerated by fixed salaries in money, (7)
the office is treated as the sole, or at least the primary occupar
tional activity of the incumbent, (8) there is a.system of promotion
according to seniority or to achievement or both, and promotion is
dependent on the Judgment of superiors, (9) the bureaucrat is subject
to strict and systematic discipline and control in the conduct of the
office. See H. H. Gerth and C. wright Mills, From Max Weber: Essays
33 Sociology. Oxford University Press, 1946, pp. 196-203.

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Weber's ideal-type bureaucracy are manifest in the structure of social
relations in the case of governmental machinery of Mexico. But here we
are concerned with cultural value standards and the extent of complexity
and elaboration of social relations. The combination of these ideal-
typical elements elaborated by Weber does appear to define a.configura-
tion of values, i.e., of features considered desirable, in Mexico with
respect to the structure of governmental relations. The constitutional
and legal framework defining the legitimate normative standards pertain-
ing to the structure of social relations in government in Mexico does
encompass such features as Weber enumerates. Moreover, public reaction
to the flagrant violation of certain of these values may be taken as
further evidence of their substantive social acceptance.14

It is important to note that although the culture defines these
features as desirable they are not thereby necessarily articulated in
the structure of social relations as role—expectations. The distinction
between the normative and the existential orders must be kept in mind
continually. It is to be noted, then, that at the cultural level there
obtains a configuration of values defining the mode of bureaucratic
structure in government as desirable. Furthermore, this culturally
defined desirable mode of structuring social relations appears to mani-
fest some degree of articulation at the level of the social system of
governmental relations. With respect to the argument of this thesis,

it is to be observed that the configuration of standards defining the

 

14 See Whetten, 92. g11., especially Chapter XXI on Government in
Hexico and pp. 545-554 with special attention to the mordida.

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elements of bureaucracy clearly conform to the universalistic and speci-
fic types of value standards of the pattern variables typology.

Besides the bureaucratic rules pertaining to governmental offices,
the sphere of governmental relations is predicated in part on cultural
vahue standards taking the form.of legal prescriptions. What is impor-
tant here is that law norms, in the framework of western legal institu-
tions, are preeminently universalistic-type normative standards. Hence,
to conceive of Mexico as possessing e.cultural tradition in which uni-
versalistic-type value standards are of relative insignificance is to
overlook maJor aspects of the culture. To be sure, law norms are not
the exclusive value standards which pertain to the sphere of govern-
mental relations. value standards of custom and convention are also
important elements of the cultural framework pertaining to governmental
affairs. But it is important to understand that law norms constitute
a basic framework of values pertaining to governmental relations, and
these norms are of the universalistic type.

The sphere of Mexican governmental relations exhibits a high de-
gree of structural differentiation and constitutes a large-scale in—
strumental complex. A.vast bureaucracy administers governmental affairs
at the federal level, while lesser scale bureaucracies operate within

the Jurisdictions of the states and municipios. It would be super-

 

fluous to attempt an enumeration of the myriad agencies occurring at
the level of the federal government, much less at the state and muni-
cipio levels. However, some of the more important agencies of the

federal government are organized around the recognized national needs

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elements of bureaucracy clearly conform to the universalistic and speci-
fic types of value standards of the pattern variables typology.

Besides the bureaucratic rules pertaining to governmental offices,
the sphere of governmental relations is predicated in part on cultural
value standards taking the form.of legal prescriptions. What is impor-
tant here is that law norms, in the framework of western legal institu-
tions, are preeminently universalistic-type normative standards. Hence,
to conceive of Mexico as possessing a.cultural tradition in which uni-
versalistic-type value standards are of relative insignificance is to
overlook maJor aspects of the culture. To be sure, law norms are not
the exclusive value standards which pertain to the sphere of govern-
mental relations. Value standards of custom and convention are also
important elements of the cultural framework pertaining to governmental
affairs. But it is important to understand that law norms constitute
a basic framework of values pertaining to governmental relations, and
these norms are of the universalistic type.

The sphere of Mexican governmental relations exhibits a high de-
gree of structural differentiation and constitutes a large-scale in-
strumental complex. A vast bureaucracy administers governmental affairs
at the federal level, while lesser scale bureaucracies operate within

the Jurisdictions of the states and municipios. It would be super-

 

fluous to attempt an enumeration of the myriad agencies occurring at
the level of the federal government, much less at the state and muni-
cipio levels. However, some of the more important agencies of the

federal government are organized around the recognized national needs

   
     

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of education, health, public works, finances, postal service, commu-
nications and transportation, public safety, military and naval forces.
Certain nationalized industries also-fall within the scope of govern-
ment administration, most notably the petroleum and railroad industries.
It may be concluded, then, that a major configuration of values
of the cultural tradition conforms to Parsons' universalistic-type
category of value standards. However, to conclude that universalistic-
type value standards obtain in the cultural tradition with respect to
governmental affairs is not to assert that at the social system level
universalistic-type role-expectations also obtain. he field data
gathered by this study and to be presented in subsequent chapters
constitute materials bearing upon the incidence of universalistic
and particularistic types of role-expectations among certain classes

of Mexicans.

Commerc e and Industry

Legal norms and formal rules of office of a.universalistic type,
of course, pertain to social relational complexes other than that of
government. The relatively large-scale industries referred to pre-
viously in this chapter represent instrumental complexes which are
directly subject to a wide variety of legal norms and exhibit a pattern
of bureaucratic values in the definition of offices. The involvement
of the separate industrial enterprises in market complexes implies
that they subscribe to a.maJor configuration of universalistic-type
value standards, i.e., a pricing system. In fact, the capitalistic

econcuuc exchange relationship, so strongly based on pricing systems

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and the specification and limitation of obligations of the contracting
parties, is the prototype of a pattern of universalistic-type value

standards.15

Summary

In summary, this chapter has attempted to point out that there
are exhibited in the structure of Mexican society major instrumental
complexes organised on a relatively large scale. These complexes,
moreover, manifest the characteristic of relatively high degrees of
structural differentiation and segregation of social relations. It
was indicated also that universalistic-type cultural value standards
are associated with these large scale instrumental complexes. Further-
more, it is in the context of urban life that the large scale social
organization, the pattern of sharp structural differentiation and
segregation of social relations, and universalistic-type value stand-
ards are to be found in association. However, that there should be
encountered universalistic-type value standards in Mexican culture does
not necessitate that at the social system level there must likewise be

found universalistic-type role-expectations. It has been the purpose

 

15 It is to be noted that not all econondc exchange relationship come
plexes are based principally on the universalistic-type values of
a pricing system. Examples of economic exchange relationships in
which criteria other than prices are prominent or even predominant
are available. The potlatch of the Northwest Coast Indian groups
constitutes one such relationship which was not based on a pricing
system. The form of exchange relationship in which the nature of
the social contact itself is more highly valued than the exchange
price, as appears to occur with some frequency among certain Guate-
malan and other Indian groups, constitutes another example of pricing
being secondary to other value considerations.

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-79-

of this chapter merely to point out that there do obtain universalistic-
type value standards in what has been referred to as the dominant
national culture. It will be the purpose of the following chapter to
present data concerning role-expectations of Mexicans who, according

to specified criteria, might be expected with some degree of likelihood

to be involved in the dominant national culture.

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CHAPTER IV
THE BEARING OF THE EMPIRICAL FINDINGS ON
THE GHNERAL THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS

This chapter will present a range of empirical findings bearing on
the general theoretical impliCations discussed previously. verification
of each of the four propositions formulated above will be assessed by
testing several pertinent hypotheses. The propositions will be examined
in order.

The dominant national Mexican culture exhibits cognitive and value
premises which are in large part evolved from Western Civilization, and
it would be fatuous to suppose that universalistic-type value standards
do not obtain as salient features of the culture. In order that the
findings of this study may constitute an assessment of the implications
of Parsons' theory that social role—expectations represent a more or
less unmodified transposition of cultural value standards it must be
admitted that both Mexican andenited States cultures exhibit salient
configurations of universalistic-type value standards. Given this assump-
tion the study may proceed to a comparison to certain patterns of role-
expectations exhibited by the subjects of the study. The proposition

bearing upon this implication of the social system schema is stated below.

General Implications: Proposition I
The first proposition examined concerned the relationship between

cultural value standards and social role-expectations. The argument

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advanced previously against Parsons' conception of this relationship,
while believed accurate and compelling, would be enhanced by empirical
findings which were congruent with it, Likewise, were the argument uns
sound, it could be denied by empirical finding which agreed.with Parsons'
conception of the relationship. This study's interpretation of Parsons'
conception of the relationship is stated below in the form onProposition
I.

Proposition I

Social role-expectations will represent a relatively unmodified
transposition of cultural value standards.

Having stated the proposition concerning the theoretical implication
in which the study was interested, an hypothesis bearing upon the data
gathered by the study was posed and tested. This hypothesis is as follows:

Hypothesis I

If'Proposition I is true, then both the group of Mexican students

and the group of United States students will exhibit a.predominance

of'universalistic-type role-expectations in their responses to the
pattern variables scale items.

The most important empirical evidence gathered by this study which
bears upon this hypothesis is to be found in the development of the two
Guttman scales of universalism-particularism. These seales were discussed
in detail in Chapter II. The fact that it was possible to arrange the
responses of Mexican and United States students along a uni-dimensional
continuum.of'universalisnhparticularism.censtitutes important relevant
evidence which must be interpreted as failing to confirm Hypothesis I.

The hypothesis is not confirmed by this evidence because the construc-

tion of the scales depended upon securing representatives from both

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cultures. It was not possible to construct a scale with the present
items on either of the groups separately.

The United States students exhibited a strong tendency to give uni-
versalistic-type responses to the test scale items, and were it not for
the inclusion of the group of Mexican students it would not have been
possible to develop a proper Guttman scale. The MexiCan student group,
on the other hand, exhibited a strong tendency to give particularistic-
type responses to the test scale items. That the Mexican student group
should exhibit a stronger strain toward particularistic-type role-expec-
tations is a finding which does not conform to the theoretical implica-
tion. It is very important to note also that there was a.considerable
degree of overlap between the Mexican and United States groups on both
of the scales of universalism-particularism. This is to be seen in the
scale score distributions presented in Tables 6 and 7. Some Mexicans ex-
hibited more universalistically oriented role-expectations than the United
States shudents and, vice versa, some United States students exhibited more
particularistically oriented role-expectations than some Mexican students.

It was believed that these findings could not be dismissed lightly.
If it may be assumed that universalistic-type value standards obtain in
both cultures with respect to the kinds of situations portrayed in the
scale items, then it should not have been possible to construct Guttman
scales because the students' role-expectations also ought to have been
predominantly universalistic. Obviously, in an empirical operation of
this nature, unanimity of response would not have been expected. It
would not have been expected that all of the Mexican and United States

students would respond to the test items in the same manner even if

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role-expectations were to represent a relatively unmodified transposi-
tion of cultural value standards. Rather, there would be expected a
margin of error which might be attributed to numerous factors only
randomly associated with the response pattern, e.g., misinterpretation
of the scale items, mistakes in marking the reply, and willful mdsre-
presentation. But if this were the case then it still would not have
been possible to construct Guttman scales because of the randomness of
such variant responses.

These findings, then, must be construed as failing to support
Proposition I and, hence, they cast doubt on the correctness of the
theoretical formulation. A.more adequate conceptualization of the re-
lationship between social role-expectations and cultural value standards

will be explored in a subsequent portion of this chapter.

General Implications: Proposition II

The social system schema's conceptualization of the relationship
between types of role-expectations (as defined in terms of the pattern
variables) and certain features of social structure was discussed above.
The concern here is with the second proposition formulated above. This
proposition is as follows:

Proposition II

As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social relations

increases in a social system, role-expectations will change from

a predominance of particularism to a.predendnance of universalism.

This proposition was tested by reference to the empirical findings

of the study. Without recourse to a detailed exposition, the assumption

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was made that the social system of the United States exhibits a very
high degree of differentiation and segregation of social relations.
This assumption was conceived as pertaining eSpecially to the sphere
of instrumental exchange activities. It was assumed that in the United
States the major activities of an instrumental nature are performed by
roles which are differentiated and segregated from expressly family and
locality group roles. It also was assumed that the social system of
Mexico exhibits a considerable degree of differentiation and segregar
tion of social relations. Various aspects of the structure of social
relations in Mexico were examined in Chapter III, and it was pointed out
that on the average the economy's operating units are smaller and less
complex, with comparatively fewer persons involved than in the United
States. The important point, however, is that the dominant national
scene in Mexico may not be characterized as a folk-type system of
social relations, but exhibits on a smaller scale many if not all of
the urban-type features which characterize the United States.

With the above assumptions made explicit, an hypothesis was stated
and the empirical findings of the study were examined for evidence of
its confirmation. The hypothesis is as follows:

Hypothesis II

If Proposition II is true (that'universalistic-type role-expec-

tations are a function of the degree of differentiation and

segregation of social relations in a.social system) then the

United fiates student group will exhibit a greater tendency

toward.universalistic—type role-expectations than will the
Mexican student group.

-85-

Scales I and II constituted the relevant empirical data for the
testing of this hypothesis. If Hypothesis II holds, then the distri-
bution of scale scores of the group of Mexican students will differ
from that of the group of United States students, and the mean rank
of the Mexican student group will be lower than that of the United
States student group on Scales I and II.

Scale I, it will be recalled, deals with universalism-particu-
larism and was constructed on the basis of items involving a conflict
between the expectations of a familial role (that of brother) on the
one hand, and “economic" or "bureaucratic" role on the other hand.

To score high on this scale means to rank high on universalism and,
vice versa, to score low means to rank low on universalism. A null
hypothesis was posed that the distribution of the group of Mexican
students does not differ significantly from the distribution of the
groups of United States students on Scale I. This statistical hypo-
thesis was tested by a chi-square test of significance and it was found
that the chi-square was significant at the .001 level. (See Table 6.)
Hence the null hypothesis was rejected and the inference was drawn

that the distributions of the two groups on Scale I do differ signifi-
cantly.

In order to determine which of the two groups were distributed
nearer the universalistic end of the scale a ranking procedure was
applied to the data with the fellowing result. The Mexican students
were found to have a mean rank of 252, while the United States students

had a mean rank of 329 on Scale I. Thus, the ranking showed that the

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TABLE 6
3131‘ ammo: 131' 179.337.1111? or SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CCTTFLIGT excursions Ir-rvoLVIrtc .1: Hostel-'3
ROLE VERSUS A FALKLIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)
Ethnic Scale Type
Gm”) I II III IV v N
Mexican 76 86 9O 59 30 341
United States 15 51 58 59 38 221
N 91 137 148 118 68 562
Chi-square I 36.7 P less than .001, d.f. I 7
TABLE 7

DISTRIBUTION BY NATICIIALITY or SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESP 1:333
T0 ROLE-CDIIFLICT SITUATIOZFS INVCLVING AN Insraumrrm.
ROLE VERSUS A FRIEIDSE-IP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale Type
Gmup i 11 III 'fi IV V N
Mexican 23 84 107 110 63 387

United States 16 24 44 59 74 217
N 39 108 151 169 137 604

 

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United States students ranked higher on universalism.or further toward

the universalistic end of the scale than did the Mexican students.

Hence, it may be concluded that these data confirm the first hypothesis

stated above, and support the implication that universalistic-type

role—expectations are a function of the degree of differentiation and

segregation of social relations in a social system.

 

1 The ranking procedure is as follows.

1

The scale scores of the total

distribution were considered to be ranked from lowest to highest.
Then each scale score was given as a rank the mid-point of the pro-
portion it occupied of the total cumulative freouency. This may be
illustrated with a dummy table as follows.

 

 

 

 

 

Groups Scale Scores
I II _III Total
Mexican 5 lO .5 20
United States 10 l5 5 80
Scale Score Frequency Cumulative Hank
Frequency
I 15 15 7.5
II 25 40 27.5
III 10 5O 45

 

The rank given each scale score was nultiplied by the frequency of each
group falling that category. Then the total of the rank of each group
was divided by the total freouency of each group to find the mean rank.

 

Mexican United States

I 5 x 7.5 n 37.5 10 x 7.5 = 75
II 10 x 27.5 a 275 15 x 27.5 =412.5

III 5 x 45 a 225 5 x 45 . 225
Total 537.5 712.5
Mean Rank 537.5 .- 26.875 213:5 = 23.75

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It will be recalled that Scale II also deals with the universalis-
tic-particularistic dimension of role-expectations, and that it was
constructed on the basis of items involving a conflict between the ex-
pectations of a friendship role on the one hand, and such other roles
as student at an examination, wdtness at a law court, member of a student
body, and a fourth role which might be termed "witness to an accident".
To score high on this scale means that the respondent exhibited a
proclivity to interpret universalistic-type role—expectations as
binding his resolution of the role conflict. To score low on this
scale means, of course, that the respondent exhibited a tendency toward
the interpretation of particularistic-type role-expectations as binding.
As in the case discussed above, a null hypothesis was posed and then
submitted to a chi-square test of significance. It was found that the
chi-square value was significant at the .001 level. See Table 7. Hence,
the null hypothesis was rejected, and the inference was drawn that the
distributions of the two groups on Scale II do differ signifiCantly.

A.ranking procedure was then applied to the data to determine which
of the groups was distributed closer to the universalistic end of Scale
II. It was found that the Mexican students had a mean rank of 279, while
the United States students had a mean rank of 243. Thus, the ranking
showed that the United States students fall closer to the universalistic
end of the sCale than do the Mexicans. Hence, it may be concluded that
these data also confirm Hypothesis II, and support Proposition II.

It was observed that the socio-cultural system of Mexico from which

the Mexican subjects were drawn and.that of the United States both

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It will be recalled that Scale II also deals with the universalis-
tic-particularistic dimension of role-expectations, and that it was
constructed on the basis of items involving a conflict between the ex-
pectations of a friendship role on the one hand, and such other roles
as student at an examination, witness at a law court, member of a student
body. and a fourth role which might be termed "witness to an accident".
To score high on this scale means that the respondent exhibited a
proclivity to interpret universalistic—type role-expectations as
binding his resolution of the role conflict. To score low on this
scale means, of course, that the respondent exhibited a tendency toward
the interpretation of particularistic-type role-expectations as binding.
As in the case discussed above, a null hypothesis was posed and then
submdtted to a.chi-square test of significance. It was found that the
chi-square value was significant at the .001 level. See Table 7. Hence,
the null hypothesis was rejected, and the inference was drawn that the
distributions of the two groups on Scale II do differ signifiCantly.

A.ranking procedure was then applied to the data to determine which
of the groups was distributed closer to the universalistic end of Scale
II. It was found that the Mexican students had a mean rank of 279, while
the United States students had a mean rank of 243. Thus, the ranking
showed that the United States students fall closer to the universalistic
end of the scale than do the Mexicans. Hence, it may be concluded that
these data also confirm Hypothesis II, and support Proposition II.

It was observed that the socio—cultural system of Mexico from which

the Mexican subjects were drawn and.that of the United States both

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exhibit relatively high degrees of differentiation and segregation of
social relations. Hence, according to the theory, it would be expected
that both the United States and Mexican students would exhibit rela—
tively high incidences of universalistic-type role-expectations.v The
scale scores of both groups on the two scales of universalism-parti-
cularism showed that both groups did exhibit relatively high incidences
of this type of role-expectation.

The significant test of the implication, however, revolved around
the notion that, although both the Mexican and United States students
were involved in socio-cultural systems exhibiting high degrees of dif-
ferentiation and segregation of social relations, the socio-cultural
system of the United States exhibits considerably higher degrees of
differentiation and segregation than that of Mexico. Hence, it would
be expected that the United States students would exhibit a higher
incidence of universalistic-type role expectations than the Mexicans.

. The analysis showed that this was indeed the case and, thus, the find-
ings were interpreted as supporting the theoretical implication at

this general level.

General Implications: Proposition III
The third proposition stated earlier may now be examined. It reads
as follows:
Proposition III
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations

wdll change from a.predomdnance of collectivity-orientation
toward the family to a predominance of self—orientation.

-90-

In order to verify this proposition an hypothesis was devised
as follows:

Hypothesis III

If Proposition III is true, then the United States student

group will exhibit a greater tendency toward self—orientation

than will the MexiCan student group.

With respect to this hypothesis, Scale III constituted the rele-
vant data. If this hypothesis holds, then the distribution of scale
scores of the Mexican students will differ from.that of the United States
students and the Mexicans will rank lower than the United States students
on Scale III. This scale, as was pointed out previously, deals with
the self-collectivity orientation dimension of role-expectations. It
was constructed of items involving a conflict between self interests
and familial interests. To score high on this scale means to rank high
on collectivity-orientation toward the fondly and to score low is to
rank low on collectivity-orhntation toward the family.

A.nu11 hypothesis was posed that the distribution of the Mexican
student group does not differ significantly from the distribution of the
United States student group on Scale III. See Table 8. This hypothesis
was tested by a.chi-square test of significance and it was found that
the chi-square value was significant at the .001 level. Hence, the
null hypothesis was rejected and the inference was drawn that the
distributions of the two groups on Scale III do differ significantly.

In order to determine directionality, the same ranking procedure
was applied to the data.on Scale III as was done in the cases of the

previous two scales. The Mexican students were found to have a mean

TABLE 8
DISTRIBUTION BY IIATIUNALITY or SCALE TYPES Damn) 830:: 33390113813
To ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIGIZS INVOLVING SELF- ‘RIEJTATION VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY- RIEIZTATION Tort-mo THE FAIJLY (SCALE III)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale Type
emu" I a II III IV V N
MexiCan 11 121 151 58 341
United States 40 108 54 10 212
N 51 229 205 68 553
Chi-square : 73.7 P 1638 than .001, def. 3 5
TABLE 9

DISTRIBUTION BY NATICT-TALITY OF SCALE TYPES 1112111131) FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-O. ETTATIC‘N VERSUS
GOLLEC’PIVITY-ORIEIITATION TOWARD Tm Print 8301:? (SCALE Iv)

 

 

 

 

=
Emhnic Shale Type
Gr°up I II III IV V N
Mexican 59 100 112 78 37 386
United States 17 39 58 52 46 212
N 76 139 170 130 83 598

 

Chi-square I

25.6

P less than .001, d.f. ' 7

 

 

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rank of 317, while the United States students had a mean rank of 211 on
Scale III. Thus, the ranking showed that the United States students
rank higher on self-orientation than the Mexican students. Hence, it
may be concluded that these data.confirm Hypothesis III, and support
Proposition III. i.e., that collectivity-orientation toward the family
is a function of the extent of differentiation and segregation of social

relations in a social system.

General Implications: Proposition IV
This proposition deals with the selfecollectivity dimension of
role-expectations in the context of the relationship of the individual
to his peer group. The proposition is as follows:
Proposition IV
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social rela-
tions increases in a social system role-expectations will change
from a predominance of self-orientation to a.predondnance of
collectivity-orientation toward the peer group.
In order to test this proposition the fbllowing hypothesis was
formulated.
Hypothesis IV
If Proposition IV is true then the United States students will
exhibit a greater tendency toward collectivity-orientation
toward the peer group than will the Mexican students.
The relevant empirical data for testing this hypothesis were con-
stituted by Scale IV. This scale was constructed of items involving a
conflict between self interests on the one hand and peer group interests

on the other. To score high on this scale means that the respondent

tended to select a collectivity-orientation resolution to the conflict

_C)3_

situations, while to score low means that the respondent tended to
select selfeorientation resolutions.

A.null hypothesis was posed and submitted to a.chi-sauare test of
significance. It was found.that the chi-square value on Scale IV was
_significant at the .001 level. See Table 9. Hence, the null hypothesis
was rejected and the inference was drawn that the distributions of the
two groups on Scale IV do differ significantly.

A.ranking procedure was applied to these data to determine direc-
tionality. The Mexican students were found to have a mean rank of 275
while the United States students had a mean rank of 843 on Scale IV.
Thus, the ranking showed that the Mexican students rank higher on self-
orientation than the United States students. Hence, it may be concluded
that these data.confirm Hypothesis IV, and the confirmation of this by»
pothesis lends support to Proposition IV, i.e., that collectivity-orien-
tation toward the peer-group is a function of the degree of differen-
tiation and segregation of social relations in a social system.

‘The foregoing analysis dealt with implications of the social sys-
tem schema at a very general level, that of the relationship between
types of social role-expectations and the extent of differentiation and
segregation of role relationships in social systems. Three general
propositions derived from the schema were tested against a limited range
of empirical data. It was inferred that the empirical data.presented
by the study supported these three propositions and, hence, lend a
measure of empirical confirmation to those sectors of the theory which
were focused upon. The significance of these findings will be given

attention in the summary to this chapter.

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Summary

The analysis of the empirical data presented in this chapter has
now been concluded. The first implication of the social system theory
which was examined was that of the relationship between cultural value
standards and social role—expectations. It was contended that Parsons
posits too simplistic a.relationship between these two orders. A.prs—
position was formulated which attempted to articulate in concise terms
the implications of the theory with respect to the relationship between
cultural value standards and social role-expectations. This was called
Proposition I. Next, an hypothesis bearing upon this proposition was
formlated and tested against the empirical data. These empirical data
consisted of the two pattern variables scales of'universalismeparticue
larism.(Scales I and II). It was noted that the development of these
scales depended.upon the inclusion of representatives of the United
States and Mexico. It was not possible to construct a Guttman scale
of universalism—particularism based solely on either the United States
student population or the Mexican student population. Further, it was
noted that both the United States and Mexico exhibit important config-
urations of universalistic-type value standards applicable to the situ-
ations portrayed in the scale items. ‘It was reasoned that were social
role-expectations to represent a relatively unmodified transposition of
cultural value standards, then both the United States student group and
the Mexican student group should have exhibited a predominance of uni—
versalistic-type role-expectations. Had this indeed been the case it,

of course, would.not have been possible to construct successfully the

~95-

two Guttman scales of universalism-particularism on this population.

The scales were constructed, however, and they met all of the criteria
of scalability prescribed by Guttman. Moreover, the distribution of
both the Mexican and United States students throughout all of the scale—-
types on each of the pattern variables scales was interpreted as consti-
tuting conclusive evidence which failed to support Proposition I.

It was concluded, then, that the theoretical implication that
social role-expectations represent a relatively unmodified transposi-
tion of cultural value standards may not be considered confirmed by
the empirical data presented in this chapter. On the contrary, the em-
pirical data strongly urge the rejection of any simplistic conception
of the relationship between these two orders and call for a. reformila-
tion of Parsons' conceptualizations. Parsons' position tends to assume
that cultural value standards are transposed relatively unmodified into
social role-expectations. In doing so the form and results of system
analysis tend to be predetermined. When the position is taken that
social role-expectations represent a relatively unmodified transposi-
tion of cultural value standards, system analysis is led to disregard
the differences between these two orders or consider any differences
observed as merely random events. Another important ramification of
such a position is that the system analysis will tend to equate these
two orders. Thus, if it is determined by analysis that universalistic-
type value standards obtain at the cultural level with respect to a
class of social relationships the simple transpositional view will

tend to assume that universalistic-type role-expectations will also

“I

 

obtain among the population bearing such a culture. Parsons himself dis-
regards the differences between social role-expectations and cultural
value standards in his comparison of the United States and Latin America.

It is suggested, then, that if the relationship between the existen-
tial and normative orders were conceived of as a question of the extent
of their convergence toward one another or divergence away from one
another then the theory might be enhanced by relieving it of a.theore-
tical implication which predetermines and tends to bias the analysis of
substantive social reality. If the theory were to conceive of the re-
lationship between social role-expectations and cultural value standards
as a cuestion of their convergence or divergence, then the relationship
between these orders in any given empirical instance clearly need not
be pre-judged. On the contrary, the relationship then becomes problem-
atical and a matter of significant empirical concern. With this view,
the relationship between cultural value standards and social role-
expectations emerges as an important focus of the maintenance of
stability and order as well as a source of change in a socio—cultural
system.

Parsons' view of the maintenance of stability and order and of
the initiation of social and cultural change lays heavy emphasis upon
the personality system of the individual actor and upon the diadic
social relationship.‘ As a result of this he achieves a rather high
degree of closure in his schematic conceptualization, but the schema
itself tends to become overly static. Problems of social change tend

to be anchored too exclusively in processes obtaining in the personality

 

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-97-

systems of actors. Whereas it must be admitted that there may be per-
sonality correlates of the socio-cultural systenn that the personalities
involved in a given socio-cultural system must adapt to it in some
viable form, it is questionable whether an understanding of the expli-
citly social aspects of large scale human groups may best be achieved

by laying such a heavy emphasis upon personality features.

By considering the relationship between normative and existential
orders as problematic a way is opened for introducing a.more dynamic
character to the social system schema. This view brings into the pur-
view of the theory the rolc of innovation, for example, in technology,
as a focus of disjuncture between the existential and normative orders
of a social system, or at least that sub-sector of a society most in-
timately concerned with the given technological innovation. Although
this view in itself may scarcely be considered novel, it is of con-
siderable importance to Parsons' schema to lay more emphasis upon it
if the schema is to embrace a.more dynamic view of socio-cultural sys-
tems. The point which we wish to stress is not that role-expectations
and value standards may never stand in an approximately unmodified re-
lationship to one another, but that this might be expected to occur only
under rather special conditions. Parsons' conception of the relationship
between these two orders would seem most likely to apply to the small
scale, isolated, non-literate society. In view of the empirical find—
ings presented in this chapter, then, it may be concluded that the
implication that social role-expectations represent a relatively un-

modified transposition of cultural value standards may not be maintained

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~98-

except as a.special case. Hence, it is urged that the theory adopt a
position which treats the relationship between these two orders as
problematical.

In addition to the above implication, this chapter also assessed
certainly explicitly sociological implications of the theory against a
range of empirical data bearing directly upon these implications. One
of the major criticisms leveled against the social system theory is
that it is too abstract and stands largely unconfirmed by empirical
analysis. Thus, it was hoped that the findings of this study might
achieve a measure of empirical confirmation of certain sectors of the
theory. Since the theory is presented hy Parsons largely in a discur-
sive form it was found necessary to fermulate several propositions
I based on the implications of his discussion. There were also examined
in this chapter, then, three propositions concerning the relationship
between types of social role-expectations and the extent of differen-
tiation and segregation of social relations in a social system. By-
potheses predicated on these propositions were formulated and tested
against the empirical data gathered by the study.

The first of these was proposition II which stated that, as the
extent of differentiation and segregation of social relations increases
in a social system, role—expectations will change from a predominance
of particularism to a predondnance of universalism. The assumptions
were made that both the United States and Mexico exhibit high degrees
of differentiation and.segregation of social relations, but that the

United States ranks considerably higher in this respect than Mexico.

 

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Hence, it was reasoned that if Proposition II were true, then the United
States student group would exhibit a greater tendency toward universal-
istic-type role—expectations than would the Mexican student group. The
subsequent analysis of the Mexican and United States students' scale
scores on pattern variables Scales I and II showed that the United States
students did exhibit a greater tendency toward.universalistic-type
role-expectation than the Mexican students. Thus, the hypothesis was
considered confirmed, and it was inferred that Proposition II was sup-
ported by these data.

The next implication of the theory which was examined was formulated
in Proposition III. This proposition stated that as the extent of differ-
entiation and segregation of social relations increases in a social sys-
tem role-expectations will change from a predominance of collectivity-
orientation toward the family to a.predominance of self-orientation.

It was reasoned:that if this proposition were true, then the United
States students would exhibit a greater tendency toward selfsorientar
tion than would the Mexican students. The analysis showed that the
United States students did exhibit a greater tendency toward self-
orientation than the Mexicans. Thus, in this case also, the hypothesis
was confirmed and it was inferred that Proposition III was supported

by the data.

The final implication of the theory examined in this chapter was
formulated in Proposition IV. This proposition stated that, as the ex-
tent of differentiation and segregation of social relations increases

in a social system, role-expectations will change from a predominance

 

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~103-

of selfborientation to a predominance of collectivity-orientation toward
the peer group. Again, it was reasoned that if this proposition were
true, then the United States students would exhibit a greater tendency
toward collectivity-orientation toward the peer group than would the
Mexicans. In this case also, the hypothesis was confirmed. The analy-
sis showed that the United States students did exhibit a greater tendency
toward collectivity-orientation toward the peer group than did the Mex-
ican students. Hence, it was inferred that Proposition IV also is sup-
ported by the data.

It is to be noted that the inferences drawn from the analysis of
the empirical data were interpreted as supporting Propositions II, III,
and IV. These data are considered to support these propositions but
not to prove them.true. In formal logic a universally stated proposi-
tion may be proved false by a single case of disconfirmation. Thus,
Proposition I was considered false in view of the nature of the infer-
ences drawn from the analysis of the empirical data. On the other hand,
all cases of the class to which a universal proposition pertains must
support that proposition if it is to be proved true. Since these pro-
positions pertain to all of the class referred to as social systems, the
data of this study cannot prove them true but may, at best, only support
them. The data.presented here derive from the members of only two
social systems, i.e., the United States and Mexico. Hence, we are
limited in our conclusions to the statement that the data support Pro-
positions II, III, and IV but do not prove them true. Nevertheless, this

is the mode by which the scientific method must necessarily proceed, and

~10],

hence, it seems warranted to contend that a measure of empirical con-
firmation of‘Parsons' theory has been achieved.

Propositions II, III, and IV'pertain to the relationship between
types of social role-expectations exhibited by persons and the extent
of differentiation and segregation of social relations obtaining in the
social system in which these persons are participating members. It is
recognised, of course, that to focus upon the extent of differentiation
and segregation of social relations in a social system is to refer to a
highly generalized feature of social structure. The notion comprehends
an admittedly gross feature and, without further specification, would
seem of greatest utility in the comparative analysis of relatively
different social systems. while differences in the incidence of role-
expectation types were noted as between the Mexican and United States
students on each of the pattern variables scales, it was observed also
that a wide range of role-expectation types was exhibited within each
of these groups. It appears clear, then, that some factors subsumed
‘under this general notion need further specification in order to carry
the analysis to a.point where it more adequately comprehends these

intrargroup differences in role-expectations types.

CHAPTm V
SOCIAL'ROLEkEXPECTATIONS AND ETHNICITY
IN THE UNITED STATES STUDENT GROUP

The previous chapter dealt with implications of the social system
theory at a very general level and involved a comparative analysis of
the types of role-expectations exhibited by members of two distinct
socio-cultural systems, i.e., the United States and Mexico. Although
the analysis was interpreted as supporting the propositions under exam-
ination, it was noted that a wide range of role—expectation types was
exhibited by the members of both the United States and Mexican student
groups. Hence, it is implied that factors sub-sumed under the general
notion pertaining to the relationship between social role-expectations
and.the extent of differentiation of social relations in a social system
must account for such findings. The interest of this chapter is in
attempting to isolate factors which more adequately might account for
the wide range of role-expectations types exhibited by the United States
students.

Considering the ethnically complex nature of the United-States-
{exican border, it would seem likely that ethnic status within the
United States student group might be a factor related to the types of
role-expectations exhibited by these students. This chapter will exam-
ine the ethnic composition of the United States students to determine
if ethnicity may be a factor accounting in some measure for the wide

range of role—expectations exhibited by the United States student group.

-103_

.A first approximation to the segregation of the United States students
and Anglo-Americans on the pattern variables scales, and the mean rank
of the Spanish—Americans should fall in an intermediate position between
those of the other two groups. This, in turn, would account in some
measure for the distribution of the total United States student group
along the whole length of the scales instead of piling up at opposite
ends from those of the Mexican group.

In order to examine this notion the United States students were
sub-divided into two groups, one composed of Spanish-name students and
the other of non-Spanish-name students. By the sub—division of the
United States into two groups a.rough comparison may be made of the
Anglo-American, Spanish-American, and Mexican students on each of the
pattern variable scales. Null hypotheses were posed that the distribu-
tions of scale scores of the Anglo-AmeriCan, Spanish-American, and Mex-
ican groups do not differ significantly from one another. These statis-
tical hypotheses were tested on each of the pattern variable scales by
a chi-square test of significance. The distributions of the scale scores
of these three groups on Scales I, II, III, and IV are shown in Tables
10, ll, 12 and 13, respectively.

With respect to the distribution of the scale scores of these
three groups on Scale I (universalism versus particularism) it was
found that the chi-square value was significant at the .001 level.

See Table 10. Hence, the null hypothesis was rejected, and the infer-
ence was drawn that the distribution of the scale scores of the three

groups do differ significantly from one another. Thus, it may be inferred

~104-

TABLE 10
DISTRIBUTION BY mmrrc camps 0F SCALE TYPES DEI-iIVED 1?ch snare}: I“
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATImIS INVOLVING m: soc-mus
ROLE VERSUS A FmtIJAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale Type
Group
I II III IV V N

Mexican 76 86 9O 59 30 341
Anglo-American 9 25 28 31 11 104
Spanish-American 6 26 30 28 27 117

N 91 137 148 118 68 562

Chi-square = 45.2 P less than .001, d.f. ' 12

TABLEvll

DISTRIBUTION BY mmnc GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES Dnuvm) F3011 RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATICNS I::VCLVI:~IG 1m INSTR warm
ROLE VERSUS A FRIEISDSIIIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Ekhnic Scale Type

Gm“? I II III Iv v N

Mexican 23 84 107 110 63 387

Anglo-American 9 14 21 28 29 101

Spanishpsmerican 7 10 23 31 45 116
N 39 108 151 169 137 604

 

Chi-square - 38.1 P less than .001, d.f. 3 12

 

-105...

that the factor of ethnicity is associated with the distribution of
scale scores, i.e., with the degree of universalisticetype role—expec-
tations exhibited by the students. A.ranking procedure was applied to
the scale score distributions in Table 10, and it was found that the
Spanish-American students had a mean rank of 341, the Anglo-Americans
a mean rank of 309, and the Mexican students a mean rank of 252.

It may be seen from the mean ranks that the Spanish-American group
ranks highest on universalism, the Anglo-American group second highest,
and the maxican group, of course, lowest. Now, while it was suggested
that ethnic status within the United States student group might be a
factor associated with the types of role-expectations exhibited by the
American students, the notion that the Spanish-American sub-group may
stand in an intermediate position between the Mexicans and Anglo-Amer-
icans is not supported by the data of Scale I. That the Spanish-Mer-
ican group should exhibit a higher degree of universalistic-type role-
expectations than the Anglo-American group constitutes an unanticipated
finding which will be explored in greater detail below.

With respect to the distribution of the scale scores of the Span-
ish-American and Anglo-American groups on Scale II (universalism-par
ticularism) it was found that the chi-scuare value was significant at
the .001 level. See Table 11. Hence, the null hypothesis was rejected
and the conclusion was drann that the distributions of the scale scores
of Spanish-Americans, Anglo-Americans and Mexicans do differ significantly.
It may be inferred, then, that the factor of ethnic statis is associated

with the distributions of scale scores on Scale II, i.e., with the degree

 

 

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of universalistic-type role-expectations exhibited. The mean ranks were
calculated, and it was found that the Spanish-Americans had a rank of
363, the Anglo-Americans a rank of 321, and the Mexicans a rank of 279.
Thus, again, the mean rank of the Spanish-Americans was found to be
considerably higher than that of the Anglo-Americans and of course,

much higher than that of the Mexican group. This finding, then, does
not conform to the notion that the Spanish—Americans stand in an in-
termediate position between the Mexican and Anglo-American groups owing
to a condition of partial assimilation. The significance of this find-
ing will be discussed below.

Attention was turned next to the distributions of scale scores of
the Spanish—Americans and Anglo-Americans on Scale III. (self-orien-
tation versus collectivity-orientation toward the family). It was found
that the chi-square value of Table 12 is signifiCant at the .001 level.
Hence, as in the preceding cases, the null hypothesis was rejected and
the conclusion was drawn that the distributions of scale scores of the
Spanish-American, Anglo-American, and MexiCan student groups do differ
significantly. It may be inferred, then, that the factor of ethnicity
is associated with the distribution of scale scores on Scale III, i.e.,
with the extent of collectivity-orientation toward the family. However,
the calculation of the mean ranks for each group showed only a negli-
gible rank order difference between the Spanish-American and Anglo-
American groups. While the Spanish—Americans ranked higher in terms
of collectivity-orientation toward the family than did the Anglo-Amer-

icans, the rank order difference was very small. The mean rank of the

-107 ..

TABLE.12

DISTRIBUTION BY EBB-TIC GROUPS OF SCALE TIRES DEIIVED FRO-L: RESPONSES
TO ROLE-CONFLI or SITUATILNS IRVOLVIRG smF-ORIEIITATICN VflLSUS
COLLECTIVITY-OI‘GEJTI‘ITICN TO‘.';1RD TRS mum (SCALE III)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale TYPG

emu" I a II III IV V N

Mexican 11 121 151 58 341

Anglo-American 22 54 24 7 107

Spanish-American 18 54 30 3 105
N 51 229 205 68 553
Chi-square = 75.7 P less than .001, d.f. I 9

TABLEIIB

DISTRIBUTION BY Emma GROUPS OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROI-s’: RmBOIISRS
To HOLE-CONFLICT SITUATILITS II-TVOLVII-TG SilF—OPJEI‘TI‘ATICN VERSUS
COLLECTIVI’PI-OMRITATICTI TOWARD TILE PIER GROUP (SCALE IV)

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale Type

6”” I II III IV V N

Mexican 59 100 112 78 3'7 386

Anglo-Ameri can 3 17 28 3O 29 107

Spanish-American 14 22 30 22 17 105
N 76 139 170 130 83 598

 

Chi-square = 36.8 P less than .001, d.f. 3 l2

 

 

 

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-lO8-

Anglo-Americans was 208, that of the Spanish-Americans was 214, and that
of the Nexicans was 317. Although the difference is small, it is worth
noting that the Spanish-Americans ranked closer to the family-orienta-
tion and of the scale than did the Anglo-Americans. The Mexican group,
of course, ranked considerably further toward the family-orientation end
of the scale than either of the other two groups. This finding does
conform to the notion that the Spanish-American group ndght occupy an
intermediate position between the Mexicans and Anglo-Americans. How-
ever, the rank differences between each of the groups on Scale III
appear to be exceedingly small. Hence, it is believed that no defini-
tive significance may be attached to this finding. A.more detailed
analysis of this scale will be presented in a.subsequent chapter.

The distributions of the scale scores of the Spanish‘American,
Anglo-American and Mexican students on Scale IV (selfeorientation versus
collectivity-orientation toward the peer group) are shown in Table 13.
The chi—square value of these districutions was found to be significant
at the .001 level and, hence, the null hypothesis was rejected. The
conclusion was drawn that the distributions of the scale scores of the
three groups do differ significantly. Hence, it was inferred that the
factor of ethnic status is associated with the distributions of scale
scores on Scale IV. The ranking prOCedure showed that the mean ranks
of the three groups on this scale were as follows: Anglo-American
group highest with a mean rank of 880, Mexican group lowest with a
mean rank of 275, and Spanish-American group about midrway between the

others with a.mean rank of 306. It is to be noted that this finding

-109-

 

 

 

 

 

 

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-110-

does conform to the notion presented earlier, that the Spanish-American

group might be expected to stand in an intermediate position between

the Mexican and Anglo-American student groups. Table 14 provides a

summary statement of the findings discussed above. An interpretation

of these findings will be presented in the summary to this chapter.

Ethnic Status Within the Spanish—American Group

The nature of the findings discussed above indicated the need for

further examination of the Spani sh-American group. The previous analy-

318 was predicated on the notion that the Spanish-Americans might be

treated as an ethnic unity standing in an intermediate acculturative

Position between the Mexicans and Anglo-Americans. That analysis, how-

ever, showed that no such simple view of the ethnic status of the Span-

ish- Americans may be entertained with respect to the patterns of role-

expec tations exhibited by this group. These students, while sharing

cert ain ethnic traits in common such as Spanish name, residence in a

Spani sh-American neighborhood, association with Spani sh-American peers,
and descent from Mexican parentage, do not share a uniform ethnic back-
g”0‘34:ch in all respects. Thus, the notion was suggested that differ-

ences in the ethnic status or acculturative backgrounds of the Spanish-
AmeI‘it'san students might be related to the patterns of role-expectations
w113-311 they exhibit. Given this notion, it followed that some means of

sub‘dividing this group according to ethnic status or acculturative

bee
kgl‘ounds was called for.
In searching for criteria which might reflect different ethnic

-1ll-

statuses or acculturative backgrounds within the Spani sh-American group

three traits were deemed of considerable importance. These were (1)

length of residence in the United States, (2) mother's place of birth,

and (3) language spoken to parents. A discussion of the reasons favor—

ing selection of these traits as criteria reflecting different ethnic

status backgrounds will be presented below. Given these three traits,

however, a typolog may be constructed. The chief interest in con—

structing such a typology was to provide the study with a rough scale

of ethnicity. Thus, what was needed was a series of ethnic status types

which reflect potential assimilation into the ways of the dominant Anglo-

American society. The combination of these traits into one of the polar

tJ'Pes should, then, represent a minimim of potential assimilation, and
the other combinations of traits should form a series of types progress-
ing toward higher levels of potential assimilation.

The first trait selected for construction of the typology was that

°f length of residence in the United States. This was deemed an impor-

tant differentiating trait with respect to ethnicity in that the Span-
ish_ American group included students who themselves were first genera-
tion immigrants from Mexico, having immigrated to the United States

Within a period of relatively few years prior to the time that the study

was conducted. Others were second generation immigrants, having been

born in the United States of immigrant parents. Finally, some of the
Btu~<1ents were descended from families which had lived in the United
S .

tat es for several generations. Upon examination of the responses it

w
as found that a natural breaking point occurred between those of "less

4.12...

than eight years residence in the United States" and those of "rmre than

eight years residence in the United States."

The second trait selected for construction of the typology was that

of the place of birth of the respondent's mother, i.e., Mexico or the

United States. Mother's place of birth was selected over that of father

because of the relatively numerous responses indiCating that the father's

place of birth was unknown. This Category, then, was dichotomi zed into

the classes of "mother born in the United States", and "nether born in
Mexico”. Mother's place of birth was considered an important trait

to include in the construction of the typology because of the potential

effect which this might have upon the home life of the child. Were the

Parent born in Mexico it reasonably might be expected that there would

be a stronger Mexican milieu in the home than if the parent were born

in the United States.
The third trait selected was that of the language which the student

Speaks to his parents. This trait was trichotomized into the categories

"Engli sh spoken to parents", "Spanish spoken to parents", and "both

English and Spanish spoken to parents“. This trait was deemed import-

ant to include in the typologz for several reasons. Language habits in

themselves reflect ethnicity. By definition one's social relation pat-

terns cannot be fully assimilated to the dominant Anglo-American ways Of
this Society if Spanish is spoken in the home. Moreover. language 18
not merely a means of communication but is also formulative of attitudes,

e .
specially attitudes about social relationships.
The combinations of these traits will produce a total of twelve

types, hit only five of the possible combinations are relevant to the

Spanish-American students included in the study.
The Spanish-American group was first dichotomi zed into the cate-

gories “lived less than eight years in the United States" and "lived

eight years or more in the United States". Then each of these two cate—

gories was dichotomised into the categories ”mother born in Mexico" and

”mother born in United States". Finally, each of these latter cate-

gories was trichotomi zed into the Categories "Spanish spoken to parents",
"English spoken to parents", and "both Spanish and English spoken to
and also indi-

Parents." Table 15 shows these combinations of traits,

Cates which ones were selected as scale types for analysis. Ethnic

status type T1 was conceived as representing the minimum of potential
£188flJIflJlation into the dominant Anglo-American patterns of social rela-

tions , and ethnic status type T7 was conceived as representing the

highest potential of assimilation.

 

 

Table 15
TYPOIOGY OF ETHNIC TRAITS
5“
ength Of
Less than 8 years 8 years or more

res1(1ence in

Unit ed States

\
Mo the r 's place
Mexico U. S. Mexico U. S.

O f 131 1. th
Language spoken
S"I E" B“ S E B S E B

 

number
T1 T3 T4 T3 T5 T7 T6

Spanish, E z English, B .-. Both English and Spanish

 

t“!

Al

-llZi-

Once having constructed this typology an analysis was undertaken
to determine the extent of association between the distributions of

scale scores of the students on each of the pattern variable scales

and the different ethnic types. Table 16 shows the distributions of

scale scores of the Spanish-American students by ethnic types on Scale

I. A null hypothesis was posed that the distributions of the scale

scores of the Spanish-Marleen students by ethnic types do not differ

This hypothesis was tested by a chi-square test of

from one another.
Hence, the

Significance, and the chi-square value was not significant.
null hypothesis was accepted, and the inference was drawn that these

ethnic type differences are not related to the students' role-expec-

tation patterns. Since the null hypothesis was accepted, it was not

Warranted to calculate the mean rank order of the ethnic types on Scale I.

A null hypothesis was posed with respect to Scale II, and submitted

to a. chi-square test of significance. The chi-square value of these

distributions on Scale II was not significant, hence the null hypothe-

sis ‘was not, rejected. It was inferred that the ethnic types are not

relat ed to the role expectation patterns exhibited by the students on

Scale II. See Table 17.
A null hypothesis was also posed with respect to Scale IV and

tested by a chi-square test of significance. The chi-sauare value of

t

he distributions on Scale IV was also considered not significant, and
s

o 11'- was inferred that the ethnic types are not related to the patterns

0
f I‘ole expectations exhibited by the students in this dimension. See

Table 18.

-115...

TABLE 16

DISTRIBUTICI-T BY any: STATUS TYPES or SCALE TYPES 1331117211) F301;?
3.1903333 To 120L2L-CC-ITFLI or s TUiz‘Icr's IIJVCL’lI-YG A}? ECOTICIIIC
RC'LE Viz-.393 A rennin. HOLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

S 1 T3 ~x—x
n r 8
Ethnicity C“ e p
Type I a II 8.: III IV a v N
T2 8 8 16
T 10 O 20
4 1
T5 4 5 9
T6 l9 19 38
T7 11 7 18
N 52 49 101
Chi-square 3' .8 P less than .99, d.f. '-"- '7

 

* '. w o 1
EXplanation of ethnic types may be found in Table 15. The present
table does not include ethnic trees '1‘ and T due to insufficient

Jl l 3
numbers for chi-square analysis.

H Pattern variables scale types I, II, and III have been collapsed in
this table, as well as types IV and V.

 

DISTRIBUTION BY ETXTIC STATUS TYPE

TABLE.IS

~117—

3 CF 30.1.3 TYPES 1331111131) FRCIi 11331011333

TO 1101....“ CCETFLI CT SITE-“£16313 ITTVOLVITI-C} SELF-GRIPITI‘ATICN vxasss
CCLLECTIVITI-CRIE.’TA’1‘ICTI Tcriaio "2:112: msILY (SCALE III)

 

w

 

 

Ethrgcity Scale Type,”
Type I, II, III IV a- v N
T2 10 7 17
T 4 9 10 19
T6 21 9 30
T7 16 4 20
N 56 3o 86

 

Chi-square - 13.2

P less than .02, d.f. ' 5

 

**

EXplanation of ethnic types may be found in Table 15. The preSent
table does not include ethnic types T1, T3 and TS due to insufficient
numbers for chi-square analysis.

Pattern variables scale types I, II and III have been collapsed in
this table, as well as types IV and V.

~118-

The distributions of the scale scores of the Spanish-American
students by ethnic types on Scale III (selfeorientation versus col-
lectivity-orientation toward family) appeared to be the only scale on
which these ethnic types were associated with types of role-expects,
tions exhibited by the students. A.nu11 hypothesis was posed, and a
chi—square test of significance was applied. The chi—square value
was 13.2 and is significant at the .02 level. Hence, the null hypothe-
sis was rejected. It was inferred that the distributions of the scale
scores of the Spanish-Americans do differ according to ethnic types.
Since the distributions of the scale scores may be considered differ-
ent, the mean ranks were calculated. Table 19 (Scale III) consists
of four ethnic traits rather than seven, for it was necessary to leave
out of the table Ethnic Types 1, 3 and 5 because they included insufe
ficient numbers for the calculation of a chi-sonare test. It was
found that Ethnic Type 4 ranked highest on collectivity-orientation
toward the family. with an average rank of 50.6, Ethnic Type 2 ranked
second highest with a rank of 45.7, Ethnic Type 6 ranked third highest
with a.rank of 40.9, and Ethnic Type 7 ranked lowest with an average
rank of 36.6.

Now, although the findings in the case of Scale III above may
not be dismissed, their interpretation is not readily accomplished.
That Ethnic Type 4 should rank higher than Ethnic Type 2 on collectiv»
ity orientation toward the family is an unanticipated finding. The
construction of the types was based on the premise that certain com-

binations of traits would render ethnic scale types which differed

~119—

TADLE l9

DISTRIBUI‘ICIT BY LT"; TIC ST ATUS TYPIJIS CF 5 T“
TO ROLES-n 40:. TWIST SI! L’ATI;: S IIYVCL II: 33.. -CI" 21. :jnTILF \ Vuluus
cc LLECTIVIr -CRI'UI.- TIJ To”. ’ Ins Pddfi GRC”.I (SCAL:.IV)

 

‘ t ___.—1 h __
m ’

 

 

 

 

 

Ethnicity Scale TYP9**
Tipe*
I & II III IV & V N
T2 8 3 6 17
T4 11 5 3 19
T5 2 4 5 11
T6 9 8 13 30
T7 6 6 8 20
N 36 26 35 97
Chi-square = 8.8 P less than .80, d.f. 3 l2
Ekplanation of ethnic types maybe found in Table 15 The present

t ble does not include et .ni-c types T1 and T3 due to insufficient
numbers for chi-square analysis.

Pattern variables scale types I and II have been collapsed in this
table, as well as types IV and V.

-120...

from one another in terms of degrees of ethnicity. Ethnic Type 4, of
the typology should represent a lesser degree of Spanish-American ethni-
city than Ethnic Type 2, and yet Ethnic Type 4 ranks higher on collect-
ivity-orientation toward the family. This is surprising because col-
lectivity-orientation toward the family appears to be a differentiating
characteristic of the Spanish-American group as compared with the Anglo-
AmeriCan group. With this exception, however, the average rank scores
of the four Ethnic Type groups do appear to follow the pattern of "the
greater the degree of ethnicity, the greater the degree of collectivity-
orientation toward the family."

It is to be noted, of course, that on only one of the feur pattern
variables scales does there appear an association between ethnic status
types and types of role-expectations which the students exhibited. Al-
though in the case of Scale III an association between ethnic status types
and role-expectations types was found, this single finding may scarcely
be considered to imply that there exists a.strong and pervasive relation-
ship between the ethnic status background.of the Spanish-American stu-

dents and the types of social role—expectations which they exhibited.1

Summary
The preceding analysis waS‘undertaken in an attempt to determine

if ethnic status within the United States student group might be a factor

 

1 Each of the traits comprising the scale of ethnicity was examined
separately to determine if they differentiated the patterns of role—
expectations of the students. None of the traits taken alone appears
to differentiate.

~121-

related to the types of role-expectations exhibited by these students.
The wide range of role—expectations types exhibited by the United States
student group was not accounted for adeouately by the general implica-
tions of the theory examined in the previous chapter. Hence, it was
suggested that factors sub—sumed under the theoretiCal notion pertaining
to the relationship between types of role-expectations and the extent
of differentiation and segregation of social relations in a social
system must account for the wide range of role-expectations types ex-
hibited. It was then suggested that the ethnically heterogeneous cone
position of the United States student group might account for the wide
range of role-expectations types exhibited by this group. Given a.know-
ledge that Spanish-Americans retain in some measure social and cultural
traits of Mexico, the notion was presented that such a socio-cultural
affinity also might be reflected in the role—expectations types exhibited
by the Spanish-American students. Thus, it was reasoned that the role~
expectations types exhibited by the Spanish-American student group might
fall in an intermediate position between those of the Mexican and Anglo-
American groups. Were this the case then the wide range of role-expec-
tations types exhibited by the total United States group would have
been accounted fbr sore adequately within the framework of the theory.
The analysis showed, however, that only in the case of Scale IV
(collectivity-orientation toward the peer group) did the Spanish-Amer-
ican group definitely rank in an intermediate position between the
Mexican and Anglo-American groups. See Table 14 for a summary of this

finding and those referred to immediately below. In the case of Scale

-l?2-

III (collectivity-orientation toward the family) the Spanish—American
group did rank in an intermediate position between the other two groups,
but the differences between the ranks of the three groups were so small
that it seemed.unwarranted to attach any definitive significance to the
findings. 0n the other hand, in the case of Scale I (universalistic
orientation toward brother) and Scale II (universalistic orientation
toward friend) the Spanish-American group did not rank in an intermedi-
ate position between the other two groups. On the contrary, the Span-
ish-American group ranked higher on each of these two sCales than either
the Mexican or Anglo-American groups. Moreover, the Spanish-American
group ranked at the opposite end of these scales from the Mexican group.

Two principal conclusions may be drawn from these findings. First,.
they show that the Spanish-American.group did exhibit a.pattern of role-
expectations different from those of both the Anglo-AmeriCan and Mexican
groups on each of the pattern variables scales. Thus, it seems warranted
to infer that ethnic status within the United States student group is a
factor related to the types of role-expectations exhibited by these stu-
dents. Second, it may be inferred that the Spanish-American group does
not stand in any simple intermediate acculturative position between the
Mexican and Anglo-American groups with respect to the dimensions of
role-expectations examined by this study.

These findings, then, clearly bear upon the notion that ethnic
status within the United States student group may be a factor accounting
for the wide range of role-expectations exhibited by this group. The

finding that the Spanish-American group's scale score distributions

-123-

differed from.and ranked considerably higher than the Anglo-American
group's on Scales I and II indicates that the wide range of role«expec-
tations types exhibited by the total United States group is accounted
for in some measure by the "spreading" effect of the Spanish-American
group. While it is curious that the Spanish—American group should tend
to spread the scale score distributions of the total United States group
toward the universalistic end of these two scales, this is not a con-
sideration bearing on the present oueetion. This matter will be examined
later. The spreading effect of the Spanish-American group is again ap-
parent in Seales III and IV, although it appears to have little effect
in the former.

This chapter also examined the relationship between social role-
expectations and certain ethnic differences within the Spanish-American)
group. The purpose here was to determine if Certain combinations of
ethnic traits manifested among these students might be associated with
the patterns of role—expectations which they exhibited on the pattern
variables scales. It was hoped that by sub-dividing the Spanish-Ameri-
can group into several ethnic status types a more sensitive index of
ethnicity might be achieved and, thus, a more thorough analysis of the
relationship between ethnicity and.patterns of role-expectations might
be carried out.

In conclusion, then, the findings of the chapter may be interpreted
as indicated that ethnic status differences within the United States
student group do constitute a differentiating factor with respect to

the patterns of role-expectations exhibited on the pattern variables

-121 Jr-

scales. The Spanish-American group exhibited a distribution of scale
scores on all of the pattern variables scales which was significantly
different from those of both the Anglo-American and Mexican groups.

The findings, however, do not conform to the notion that the Spanish-

American group stands in an intermediate acculturative position between

the Mexicans and Anglo-Americans. On the contrary, the Spanish-Ameri-

can students ranked higher than the Anglo—Amaricans on both Scale I

(universalistic orientation toward brother) and Scale II (universalis-

tic orientation toward friend). Moreover, an examination of selected

features of the ethnic status backgrounds of the Spanish—American
students did not reveal a pervasive relationship between these ethnic
differences and the types of role-expectations exhibited by the students.
While the analysis indicates that ethnic status within the United
States group is related to the patterns of role-expectations exhibited
by the American students, the finding that the Spanish-Americans rank
higher than the Anglo-Amaricans on two pattern variables scales was
un“'Satziticipated‘and remains unexplained by the data of this chapter.
3“flirthemore, the precise manner in which the factor of ethnic status
may be sub—sumed under the general notion pertaining to the relation-
ship between social role-expectations and the extent of differentiation

°f social relations in a social system remains to be explored.

-125-

CHAPTER VI

A FURTHER EXAMINATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
ROLE-EXPECTATIONS AND ETHNIC STATUS
IN THE UNITED STATES srmmm GROUP

This chapter will present a further examination of the relation-

ship between social role-expectations and ethnic status in the United

States student group. First, a summary discussion will be presented

of several views pertaining to the ethnic composition of the Spanish-

Americans in the United States. A discussion will follow this, out-

lining a conception that ethnic status differences within the Spanish-

American group may be reflected by the variable of language spoken to

peers. These notions, in turn, will lead to the presentation of fur-

ther analysis of the role-expectations patterns exhibited by the Span-
1 ell-Americans on each of the four pattern variables scales. Finally, a
mrther test of the association between ethnicity and social role-ex-

PSCtations will be presented. This will consist of a comparison of the

r0 le-expectations patterns of the different Spanish-American sub-groups

Wi th those of the Anglo-Americans and Mexicans. A summary of the find-—

ings will be presented at the end of the chapter.
The previous chapter undertook to determine if the wide range of
r0 le—expectations types exhibited by the United States student group

might be accounted for in some measure by a "spreading" effect intro-

duced by the Spanish-American students. It was inferred from the

analysis that the role-expectations patterns exhibited by the Spanish-

-126-

American students did appear to have such an effect. Hence, it was

interpreted that ethnic differences within the United States student
group constitute a class of factors related to the types of social
role-expectations exhibited by these students. Put in a more generic
form, ethnic status differences within a social system characterized

by a high degree of differentiation and segregation of social relations

may be seen to constitute a class of factors related to the patterns of

role-expectations exhibited by the members of such a system. However,

it was noted that, while ethnic status appears to be related to the
patterns of role—expectations exhibited by the students, the notion
that the Spanish-American group stands in an intermediate accultura-
tive position between the Anglo-Americans and Mexicans is untenable.
Hence, a further examination of the Spani sh-American group is called
for, and a specification of ethnic status differences within this
group is needed if the role-expectations patterns which these students
eJChibited are to be comprehended more adequately by the social system

tiheory. It is to this problem that the study now turns.

From the evidence available in the literature, it seems warranted

to assume that not all Spanish-name persons are equally integrated into

the life-ways of what is loosely referred to as the Spanish-American

et1:).nic enclave in the Southwest of the United States. Likewise, it

may be assumed that not all Spanish-name persons equally identify with

the patterns of social relations which characterize this ethnic complex.

NIlrtierous studies support these views.

-127-

Simmons'1 work with Mexican-Americans in South Texas shows that
this ethnic group exhibits wide variation in social relations patterns.
He identifies what may be considered a traditional core of the ethnic

group as well as a sector which exhibits a high degree of acceptance

of the dominant Anglo-America patterns. In addition, however, there

may be identified a sector of the Spanish-American group which exhibits
” deviant patterns“ of social relations, i.e., patterns not fully con-
gruent with either those of the traditional core or those of the domi-
nant Anglo-Amaricans. Broom and Shevlry2 also have examined the problem
of social differentiation as it involves Spanish-name persons in the
United StateS, and their findings also indicate that the Spanish-Amer-

ican ethnic group may be sub-divided into at least the three Categories

mentioned above.

Jones3 indicates some of the problems faced by the public schools
in handling social relations involving Spani sh-American students, and
it may be interpreted that different degrees or stages of adaptation
to the school pattern are exhibited by these students according to the

extent to which they are integrated into the traditional ethnic patterns

or the dominant Anglo-American patterns of social relations.

\

 

0 zzie Simmons, Anglo-Americans and Mexican-Americans i_p_ South Texas,
é Study i_1_1_ _I‘pminant-Subordinate Gregg Relations. Unpublished PhD
Dissertation, Harvard University, 1952.

2
I-eonard Broom and Eshref Shevky, Mexicans in the United States: A

I”Irroblem in Social Differentiation, $ciolggy and. Social Research,
‘72>1. 36, January, 1952, pp. 150-158.

 

3
Robert Jones, Mexican Youth in the U.S., The American Teacher, Vol.
28, March, 1944, pp. 11-15.

-L’28-

Tuck,4 Watson and Samara,5 Humphreys,6 and Senter7 each, in treat-
ing the particular problem with which his paper was concerned, cast some
light on different features of the composition of the Spanish-America
or Mexican-American ethnic enclave in the United States. A central im-
plication of what these writers have said is that the Spanish-American
ethnic group may not be thought of as a unitary social entity, but
rather that it is composed of persons differentiated from one another
according to the extent of their integration into the traditional ethnic
iliufe—ways or into the donunant Anglo-American patterns of social relations.

Language Spoken to Peers as an Index
of Ethnic Status Differences among
the Spanish-AInericans

Considering the views cited above, the Spanish-Americans may not
be thought of as an ethnic unity. They may be divided into at least
three major sub-groups according to the extent of their integration
into the dominant Anglo-American society. These sub-groups may be
Conceived as sectors of the very broad Spanish-American ethnic class.

W1 thin this class, then, there Can be identified "traditional",

 

 

4 Ruth Tuck, Not With the First: l:!exican-Ameri¢ans i___ a Southwest City.
New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1949.

 

James B. Watson and Julian Samora, Subordinate Leadership in 8. Bi-
cultural Community: An Analysis, American Sociological Review, Vol.
19, No. 4, August, 1954, pp. 413-421.

6 Norman Humphrey, The Cultural Background of the Mexican Migrant,
Rural Sociology, Vol. 13, 1948, pp. 289-246.

Ibnovan Senter, Acculturation Among New Mexican Villagers in Compari-
son to Adjustment Patterns of other Spanish—speaking Americans, Rural
Sociology, V51. 10, 1945, pp. 810-847.

4:29..

"assiudlatedfl, and "deviant" sectors. Given these notions pertaining
tc> the ethnic differentiation of the Spanish-Americans it was deemed
pnertinent to determine whether ethnic status differences of this order
might be related to the patterns of role-expectations exhibited by the
students.

While the combinations of traits composing the ethnic status
typology presented in the previous chapter included the variable of
Ilaunguage spoken to parents, it did not include that of language spoken
to peers. It was suggested, then, that the language spoken to peers
‘by' the Spanish-American students might reflect ethnic status differen-
Cees unre adequately than did the previously discussed typology. more-
o‘rer; considering the notions cited above with respect to the ethnic
Biiatus differences among Spanish-Americans the categories of this
vauriable are particularly appropriate. This variable may be sub-
dinvided.into the categories of "Spanish spoken to peers", "English
SEMiken to peers", and "both English and Spanish spoken to peers".
Tknis, the notion that the ethnic status differences among Spanish-
Anuericans which were discussed above may be reflected by the variable
Of' language spoken to peers is immediately suggested.

In considering the Variable of language spoken to peers as an in-
dex of ethnicity, it was posited that the trait of speaking Spanish to
Peers implies integration or identification with the traditional ethnic
Ccnnplex of social relations. On the other hand, it was posited that

8Peaking English to peers implies integration or identification with

the dominant Anglo-American patterns of social relations. This English-

-130-

speaking group, then, may be thought of as an assimilated sector of the

general Spanish-American ethnic class. Finally, it was posited that the
trait of speaking both English and Spanish to peers implies integration

into or identification with a deviant pattern of social relations. It
was reasoned that if these notionswith respect to the relationship be-
tween language spoken to peers and ethnic status differences are correct,
then the variable of language spoken to peers should differentiate the
role-expectations patterns exhibited by the Spanish-American students.
Operationally, this means that the scale score distributions of the
Spanish-speaking, English—speaking, and bilingual sub-groups will differ
SignifiCantly from one another on the pattern variables scales. Fur-
thermore, the mean rank order of these language sub—groups will conform
to the rank order patterns exhibited in the previous analyses of the
Anglo-Merican group and the total Spanish-American group. The speci-
fication of the expected mean rank order of these language sub-groups ‘
on (eaCh of the pattern variables scales will be made clear in the dis-

cus sion below.

Specification of the Relationship Between
Ethnic Group Integration or Identification
and Types of Role-Expectations
It will be recalled that the distributions of the total Spanish-
American group and those of the Anglo- Americans differed significantly
on all four of the pattern-variable scales. See Tables 10, ll, 12, 13.
The Spanish—Amarican group ranked higher on universalism than the

Anglo-Americans on both Scales I and II. The Spani sh-Amarican group

8180 ranked higher than the Anglo-Americans on collectivity orientation

-13 1.

toward the family (Scale III), although the mean rank difference between

them was not large. Finally, the Spanish-Americans ranked considerably

lower than the Anglo-Americans on collectivity-orientation toward the

peer group (Scale IV).
That the Anglo-Americans had a mean rank lower than that of the

total Spanish-American group on Scales I, II, and III, and higher on
Scale IV provides a baseline for a further comparison. These findings

were interpreted as implying that (l) the Anglo-Americans are less uni-
versalistically oriented on the average than the Spanish-American group,
and (2) that the Anglo-Americans have a lower incidence of collectivity-
orientation toward the family, and (3) that the Anglo-Americans have a.

higher incidence of orientation toward the peer group than the Spanish-

Americans.
The Spanish-speaking students were conceived as constituting the

Seetor of the total Spanish-America group which is most traditional

and. least integrated into the patterns of social relations of the domi-
nant Anglo-American society. It follows, then, that of the three sub-

groups differentiated according to language spoken to peers the Spanish-

Speaking group should have the lower mean rank on the two scales of

Universalism (Scales I and II). Also, it would be expected that the

English-speaking group would rank higher on universalism than the Span-

i 311‘ speaking sub-group. But if the trait of speaking English to peers

(1°98 reflect a relatively high state of integration into the dominant
An'glo--American patterns of social relations, this sub—group should not

he.“ an absolutely high rank on universalism on Scales I and II. This

English-speaking sub-group would not be expected to have an absolutely
high rank on the scales of universalism because it is posited as being
integrated into or identified with the Anglo-American norms, and the

Anglo—AmeriCan group itself exhibits a middle rank between the Mexican

group and the total Spani sh-American group.
Finally, it was difficult to posit where the group which speaks p-74

both English and Spanish to peers might rank relative to the other two

Spanish-American sub—groups. The difficulty arises directly from our

conception that this trait represents ingegration or identification with

patterns of social relations which are deviant from those of both the

tradition Spanish-Americans and the dominant Anglo-Mericans. There

appeared only one sound reason for positing that this group should rank
higher or lower than either the Spani sh-speaking or English-speaking sub-

groups. It might be conceived that this group is in process of transi-
tion from a state of integration or identification with traditional

Spanish-American social patterns to a state of integration into those

0f the dominant Arnie-American group. This notion will be explored in

the following analysis.
In addition to the above idea, however, there was suggested another

Cone eption of the significance of the trait of speaking both English and

Spanish to peers. This notion is that such a trait may represent inte-

grat ion into or identification with an emergent pattern of role relations.

Thus , rather than conceiving that bilingualism with peers represents a

8
tat e of transition, it may be viewed as representing the emergence of a

6‘1 3t inct pattern of role—orientations within the context of the ethnically

~133-

sub-divided community. This notion, then, will be examined in the fol-
lowing analysis also.

There were suggested certain expectations with respect to the dif-
ferences between the three Spani sh-American sub—groups on the scale of

collectivity-orientation toward the family (Scale III), and collectivity-

orientation toward the peer group (Scale IV). Ibllowing the ideas al-

ready outlined, it would. be expected that the group which speaks Spanish
to peers would rank relatively high on collectivity-orientation toward
the family. The English-speaking group should rank. relatively low on
this scale, considerably lower than the Spanish-speaking group. Again,
however, in the case of the group which speaks both English and Spanish
to peers it was not possible to posit directionality.

0n Scale IV (collactivity-orientation toward peers) it would be

eXpected that the English-speaking group would rank relatively high and

the Spani sh-speaking group relatively lower. Finally, as was the case

in the other three scales, the position of the group which speaks both

English and Spanish to peers could not be posited.

Analysis of the Data
The analysis of the distributions of the scale scores of the Span-
ish‘ American group, sub-divided according to language spoken to peers,

may :now be presented. With resoect to Scale I, a null hypothesis was

p0 Sed that the distributions of the scale scores of the Elglish-speak-
ing. Spanish-speaking, and bilingual sub-groups do not differ signifi-

c ant 1y from one another. This hypothesis was submitted to a chi-souare

 

-131,—

test of signi ficance and it was found. that the chi-souare value was sig-

nificant at the .05 level. See Table 20. Hence, the null hypothesis

was rejected and it was inferred that the factor of language spoken to
peers is related to the degree of universalistic-type role-expectations

exhibited by the students. A ranking procedure was applied to these

scale score distributions, and it was found that the Spanish-speaking
group ranked lowest on universalism with a. mean rank of 57.0, the Eng—

lish—speaking group ranked slightly higher with a mean rank of 59.6,

and the bi—lingual group ranked highest with a mean rank of 64.8. It

may be concluded, then, that these findings support our expectations

with respect to the distributions of the scale scores of the three sub-

groups on Scale I. Our expectations with respect to the rank positions

of the Spani sh-speaking and English-speaking sub—groups are also supported

by these data.
The finding that the bi-lingual sub-group exhibited a distribution

different from either of the other two sub—groups on Scale I is in accord

"'1 th the conception that this trait represents involvement in or iden-

tification with a deviant pattern of social relations. The bi-lingual

Sub—group exhibited a, higher degree of universalistic—type orientation

than either the English—speaking or Spani sh-speaking groups. The notion

that the trait of speaking both English and Spanish to peers might imply
a State of transition from identification with the traditional Spanish-

AInezfican sub-group _to a state of identification with the Anglo-Mnerican

group 13 not supported very clearly by this finding. Given the concep-

tion of this trait as representing a transition state, then a new

i"

\‘f

-13 5...

SPANISH ATERICg-JTS BY L:£"GUnGE SPCI‘ZET TO P7212233, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE
‘1: RESPOI‘TSES TO RCLE-CGl-TFLICT SIT ’aTIClI‘S IITVOL‘ 7'33

c
gal 1101.3 VEiSTJS A FALILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Laneuage . .

Spoien to Scale Type

Peers I a II III Iv v It

mgiish 12 12 13 7 41.

Spanish 6 ll 2 5 24

Both 17 8 13 16 54
N 35 31 28 28 122

Chi-square 3 18.2 P less than .05, d.f. = 9
TABLE 21

SPAIIISZi-ICJERICA‘TS EY LMTGUAGE 390m: TO PEI'TiS, DISTRIBUTION CF SCALE
TYPES DERIVED F3013 Rsssozrsns TO ROLE—003mm? SITUATIGI‘IS IIWCL :13
AN Il-ISI‘RULZETTM. ROLE vats-cs A Eastman? ROLE SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Language T r

Spoken to Scale 3pe

Peers I a II III Iv v N

nigiish 10 11 7 15 43

Spanish 6 5 5 8 24

Both 4 9 19 22 54
N 20 25 31 45 121

 

Chi-square = 9.3 P less than 50, d.f. = 9

question is raised as to why this sub-group should rank even higher than
the English-speaking group with respect to universalistic~type role-ex-
pectations. A.possible explanation of the exceptionally high incidence
of universalistic~type role—expectations among this sub-group might in-
volve the further notion of "over generalization". Thus, if this group
were in a.state of transition, a tendency to over generalize the atti-
tudes of the group into which it was trying to move or with which it
was attempting to identify might explain its higher incidence of uni-
versalistic-type role—expectations. This is clearly a.notion of the
order of an ex post facto explanation. However, a tentative corroborar
tion of this notion's appropriateness might be obtained by its system-
atic application to the subsequent findings.

With respect to the notion that the trait of speaking both English
and Spanish to peers may represent involvement in an emergent pattern
of social relations the above finding is somewhat more conclusive.
First, the finding indicates that the bilingual sub-group does not
fall in an intermediate position between the Spanish—speaking and
English-speaking sub-groups, but ranks higher than either of them.

This indicates a distinctly different pattern of role-expectations for
the bilingual sub-group. Second, this notion is favored over the "tran-
sitional" idea above in that no additional explanatory process need be
invoked.

In the case of Scale II, a null hypothesis was posed that the dis-
tributions of the scale scores of the English-speaking, Spanish-speak-

ing, and bilingual sub-groups do not differ significantly from one

~137—

another. This was submitted to a chi-square test of signifiCance, and
it was found that the chi-scuare value could not be considered signifi-
cant. See Table 21. Hence, the null hypothesis may not be rejected.
It was concluded, then, that language spoken to peers does not consti-
tute an important differentiating factor with respect to the extent of
universalistic-type role-expectations exhibited toward friends. Further-
more, it was concluded that these data do not support our expectations
with respect to the distributions of the scale scores of the three sub—
groups on Scale II.

In the case of Scale III, a null hypothesis also was posed that
the distributions of the scale scores of the English-speaking, Spanish-
speaking, and bilingual sub-groups would not differ significantly from
one another. This was submitted to a chi-sousre test of significance,
and it was fbund that the chi-sonare value was significant at the .10
level. See Table 22. Although this is not a high degree of probabi-
lity, it was considered high enough to warrant rejection of the null
hypothesis. Hence, it was concluded that the factor of language spoken
to peers is related to the extent of collectivity-orientation toward
the family. A.ranking procedure was applied to these soale score dis-
tributions, and it was found that the Spanish-speaking sub—group ranked
highest on collectivity-orientation toward the family with a.mean rank
of 65.2. The sub-group Speaking both Spanish and English to peers ranked
second on this scale with a mean rank of 60.1, while the English-speaking
sub-group ranked lowest with a mean rank of 49.4. It was concluded, then,

that these findings support our expectations with respect to the distri-

 

 

 

 

-138-

TABLE 22

swam-hammers BY LmIOUAOE SPOM? TO FEERS, DIS'l’RIBU'l‘IL-bl OF SCALE TYPES
DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-COFFLICT SITUATIC‘N INVOLvIr-IG SELF-ORIEN-
TATION VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-OPJEJTATION Iona-m THE FAEZELY (3023.3 III)

-__—
—_fi_ v

 

 

 

 

 

Language .
Spoken to Scale Type
Peers I & III III Iv a v N
English 8 27 8 43
Spanish 3 4 8 15
Both 7 28 20 55

N 18 59 36 113

Chi-square B 10.3 P less than .10, d.f. = 6
TABLE 23

SPANISH-ARERICANS BY LANGUAGE 5130}an TO PMS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES
DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-COPELICT SITUATICI‘JS INVOLVII-IG ems-cams-
TATION vmiSUs COLLECTIVITY-Ol’lffiTTATICN Tor: ‘FLD THE Pam GROUP (SCALE Iv)

 

 

 

Language 7

Spoken to Scale T3pe

Peers I II III Iv v N

English 4 7 9 10 13 43

Spanish 2 2 7 2 2 15

Both 9 17 11. 10 5 55
N 15 26 30 22 20 113

 

Chi-square = 24.1 P less than .02, d.f. 3 12

 

 

~13 9-

butions of the scale scores of the three sub—groups on Scale III. It
also was concluded that these data.support our expectations with re-
spect to the rank positions of the Spanish-speaking and English-speak-
ing sub-groups.

The finding that the sub-group which speaks both English and Span-
ish to peers exhibits a distribution of scale scores different from
either of the other two sub-groups on Scale III is in accord with the
conception of this trait as representing involvement or identification
with a deviant pattern of social relations within the ethnically sub—
divided community.

It is to be noted further that this finding is in accord with the
notion that bilingualism may represent a state of transition from.ac-
ceptance of traditional Spanish-American social patterns to an accept-
ance of the dominant Anglo-American patterns. But if consistency in
the interpretation of these findings is to be maintained then the
additional notion of over generalization ought to be applied here
Just as was done earlier in the case of Scale I. However, it is
clearly inappropriate to apply the notion of over generalization to
the interpretation of the rank position of the bilingual sub-group on
Scale III. Hence, it must be concluded that the idea.of over generali-
zation introduces an unsystematic element into the analysis. It must
either be invoked in all cases or in none. If it is invoked as an ex-
planation of why the bilingual sub—group did not rank in an intermediate
position on Scale I then it also must be invoked with respect to the

position of this sub-group on Scale III. But the notion is clearly

-lh0-

superfluous as an explanation of the rank position of the bilingual
subvgroup on Scale III. Thus, it would appear best to abandon the
notion of over generalization. It then must be observed that the
findings with respect to the bilingual sub—group on Scale I are not
consistent with the notion that bilingualism implies involvement in a
transitional process.

The finding that the bilingual sub-group exhibits a.different pat-
tern of role-expectations from the other two Spanish-American sub-groups
and that it ranks in an intermediate position between the Ehgiish~speak+
ing and Spanish-speaking sub-groups is congruent with the notion that
bilingualism represents involvement in an emergent pattern of social
relations.

A.null hypothesis was posed with respect to Scale IV that the
distributions of the English-Speaking, Spanish-speaking, and bilingual
sub-groups do not differ significantly from.one another. See Table 23.
This was submitted to a chi-souare test of significance, and it was
found that the chi-square value was significant at the .02 level.

Hence, the null hypothesis was rejected, and it was inferred that the
factor of language spoken to peers is associated with the extent of
collectivity-orientation toward the peer group. The application of
the ranking procedure showed that the English-speaking sub-group ranks
highest on collectivity-orientation toward the peer group with a mean
rank of 67.2. the Spanish-speaking sub—group ranks second with a mean
rank of 55.6, and the bilingual sub-group ranks lowest with a mean

rank of 48.1.

~11; 1..

It may be concluded, then, that these findings also support our
expectations with respect to the distributions of the scale scores of
the three sub-groups on Scale IV. It also may be concluded that these
data support our expectations with respect to the rank positions of the
Spani sh-speaking and Engli sh-soeaking sub-groups.

Again, in the case of Scale IV, the finding that the bilingual
sub—group exhibited a distribution of scale scores different from either
of the other two sub-groups is in accord with the conception of biling—
ualism as a trait representing involvement in or identificationnwith a
deviant pattern of social relations within the ethnically sub—divided
community.

The finding that the bilingual sub-group ranked lower on Scale IV
than either of the other two sub-groups clearly is not in accord with
the notion that bilingualism may be a trait representing a transitional
state between the Spanish-speaking and English-speaking sectors of the
Spanish—American ethnic group. On the other hand, this finding is con-
gruent with the notion that bilingualism may be a trait representing
involvement in an emergent pattern of social relations wdthin the con-
text of the ethnically differentiated community.

Prior to completing the analyses scheduled for this chapter some
tentative conclusions drawn from the preceding findings will be pre-
sented. First, it may be concluded that the variable of language spoken
to peers differentiates the Patterns of role-expectations exhibited by
the Spanish-American students on three out of the four pattern variables

scales. The role-expectations patterns of the Spanish-speaking, English-

_yg_

speaking, and bilingual sub-groups were differentiated from one another
on Scale I (universalistic-orientation toward brother), Scale III (col-
lectivity—orientation toward family), and Scale IV (collectivityoorientae
tion toward the Peer group). Second, the findings were congruent with
the notion that the variable of language spoken to peers may represent
integration or identification with differentiated complexes of social
relations in the ethnically heterogeneous border setting. The relative
mean ranks of the language sub—groups on Scales I, III, and IV supported
this notion. The mean ranks of the Spanish-speaking and English-speaking
sub-groups stood in relative positions to each other on these scales as
the mean ranks of the total Spanish-American and Anglo-American groups
stood to each other.

The findings also were congruent with the notion that bilingualism
with peers may constitute an index of involvement in a deviant pattern
of social relations. The role-expectations patterns exhibited by the
bilingual sub-group were significantly different from those of the
Spanish-speaking and English-speaking sub-groups on Scales I, III, and
IV. Two alternative views were proposed with respect to the condeption
that bilingualism may represent involvement in a deviant pattern of
social relations. The first of these conceived of the bilingual sub-
group as involved in a transition from integration into traditional
Spanish-AmeriCan patterns of social relations to a state of integration
into those of the dominant Anglo-Americans. This view, however, was not
consistent with the findings and, hence, was rejected. The alternative

view conceived of bilingualism as representing integration or identifi-

41,3-

cation with an emergent pattern of social relations. The findings proved
to be consistent with this view.

A Further Test of the Relationship between Role—expectations

Patterns and Ethnic Status Differences
among Spanish-Americans

Proceeding with the conception that the variable of language spoken
to peers may represent integration or identification with differentiated
patterns of social relations which are, in turn, reflected in the role-
expectations patterns of the Spanish-American students a further means
of testing this notion was suggested by the data. The trait of speaking
Spanish to peers was posited as representing integration or identifica-
tion with the social relational patterns of what was referred to as the
traditional sector of the Spanish-American ethnic group. On the other
hand, the trait of speaking English to peers was posited as represent-
ing integration into or identification with the social relational pat-
terns of the dominant Anglo-American society. Conseouently, this trait
was thought of as reflecting an assimilated status. Finally, the trait
of speaking both English and Spanish to peers was posited as represent-
ing integration into or identification with a deviant pattern of social
relations; a pattern of social relations deviating from those of both
the tradition Spanish-Americans and the dominant Anglo-Americans.

The findings of the Preceding analysis proved consistent with these
conceptions, but further proof of their appropriateness may be obtained
by an additional series of analyses. The notion pertaining to the Span-

ish-American students who speak English to peers will be examined first.

-lhh-

If the English-speaking sub—group were assimilated into the dominant
Anglo-American social patterns, then it would exhibit a range of role-
expectations similar to that of the Anglo-American students. This may
be confirmed by an analysis of the scale score distribufions of these
two groups on the pattern variables scales. If the English-speaking
sub—group is integrated into the patterns of social relations of the
Anglo—Americans, then the scale score distributions of the English-
speaking sub—group and the Anglo-American group will not differ signi-
ficantly fronxone another.

The distributions of the scale scores of the English—speaking sub-
group and the Anglo-American group on Scales I, II, III, and IV are
shown in Tables 24, 25, 26, and 27, respectively. Null hypotheses were
posed with respect to each of these scales that the distributions of
these two groups do not differ significantly from one another. These
hypotheses were tested by a chi-square test of significance, and in
each case it was found that the chi-square value was too low to warrant
rejection of the hypothesis. On Scale I (Table 24) the chi-square value
was significant at the .95 level, on Scale II (Table 25) at the .80
level, on Scale III (Table 26) at the .50 level, and on Scale IV (Table
27) the chi square value was significant at the .80 level. It was evi—
dent that these levels of significance did not warrant rejection of the
null hypothesis. It was inferred, then, that the role-expectations pat-
terns of the English-speaking sub-group do not differ from those of the
Anglo-American group on the pattern variables scales.

The analysis may now turn to the Spanish-American sub-group which

In

TABLE 24

ANGLo-ntnu c.5353 IND SPANI swan—u cars Spnmm
OF SCALE TYPE-“.3 DERIVED mom RESPOIISES

PEERS, DISTRIBUTICN

-11; 5...

El? GLI SH T0

T0 ROLE-COE~’2FLI CT SITUATI-.113 INVOLVING n: ECOI‘TOEJC
ROLE vmsus A FAILIIL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scale Type
Ethnic
emu" I & II III Iv v N
Anglo-American 34 28 31 11 104
Spanish-American 12 12 13 7 [.4
Speaking English
to peers
N’ 46 40 44. 18 148
Chi-square “-1 1.1 P less than .95, d.f. ‘5 5
TABLE 25
AI‘IQO-AILE‘BICANS AND SPMTISH-BETZICANS SPEAKING HIGLISH TO
PEERS, DISTRIBUTICN 0F SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES
TO ROLE-COIIFLI CT SITUATICIIS IIIVCLVING AN INSTRULLENTAL
ROLE mews A FPJRIDSEEIP ROLE (SCALE II)
Ethnic 5
Group cale Type
I & II III IV V N
Anglo-AmeriCan 23 21 28 29 101
Spanish-American 10 ll 7 15 43
Speaking English
to peers
' N 33 32 35 41. 11.4

 

Chi-square I 2.7

P less than .80, d.f.35

 

TABLE 26

IIGLG— .IGI s Ito SPI Is::-II.:E.IGIIISSPL.-u:1GnIGLIs:.Io PEERS
DISTRIBUTION OF SGILE TYPES D .31 ED FRCIJ 12.339017 ens TO ROLE-
cortILIGI SITUATC SI"VcLVI G SLIP-CRIB TATICIT vn.sus
COLLSC‘ I‘IVITY -Ol’.I ETTATICIT T0‘ III) THE III II.Y(33ALE III)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scale 6
Ethnic hp
Group I 8. II III IV a V N
Anglo-American 22 54 31 107
Spanish-American 8 27 8 43

Speaking English

to peers

N 30 81 39 150
Chi-square ' 2.2 P less than .50, d.f. I 3
TABLE 27
ANGLO- AI’J .ICz‘JT-S. ' CPAI’IS‘i-wIJICIA’S SP'miKl'llG 21"GLI‘3H TO PMS,

DISTRIBUTION or SCILE IIPLs DILLIVED FRCII 12.33901. ens TO ROLE-
CONFLICT SITUATIONS III-VOLVI G SilF-CRIHITATION VEPSUS
COLLECTIVITT-OPJEIJTATION IoaVIID THE Pam GROUP (em: Iv)

 

 

 

 

Sc T

Ethnic 81" ype
Gm“? I II III IV V N
Anglo-American 3 17 28 30 29 107
Spanish-American 4 7 9 10 13 43

speaking English

to peers

N 7 24 37 40 42 150

 

Chi-square ' 3.6 P less than .80, d.f. ' 7

 

-1”-

speaks Spanish to peers. The conception that this sub—group is inte-
grated.or identified with a traditional Spanish-American pattern of
social relations was assessed in similar manner to that above. It was
reasoned that if this were true, then the Spanish-speaking sub—group's
scale score distributions would not differ significantly from those of
the Mexican group on the pattern variables scales.

Null hypotheses were posed with respect to each of the pattern
variables scales that the scale score distributions of the Spanish-Amer-
ican sub-group which speaks Spanish to peers do not differ significantly
from. those of the Mexican group.1 These were submitted to a chi-square
test of significance. Upon setting up the problems for chi—square
analysis, it was fbund that the theoretical freouencies in several
cells on Scales I and III were too low to allow proper calculation of
the chi-square values. Hence, no data is available on these two scales.
However, a chi-square analysis was carried out on Scales II and IV.

See Tables 28 and 29. In both of these latter scales the levels of
significance were too high to warrant rejection of the null hypotheses.
It was inferred, then, that the scale score distributions of the Spanish-
speaking sub-group and the Mexican group do not differ significantly
from one another on Scales II and IV. Thus, it was concluded that the

1 It should be noted that the questionnaires adminstered.to all of the
students in the El Paso Technical High School, except the English
language trainees, were written in English. Public school regulations
proscribe the use of anything other than an English language instru-
ment. Moreover, it was considered that an optional Spanish language
questionnaire for use with Spanish-American students would have been an
inappropriate instrument because of the very low level of literacy in
Spanish among even high school level Spanish-Americans.

TABLE 28

—U;8—

MEGCMIS AND spmsawsmcmzs SPEAK ‘IG SPAIII SH TO PEERS,
DI s'mIBUTIg-N CF sCALE Izms DEEIVEO FRI Rasputsas T0
ROLE-CCNELICI SITUATICNS INVOLVING AN II-TSTRULETTAL
ROLE vmsvs A II B‘IDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Scale T

Emhnic ype
Gmup I A- II III IV v N
Mexican 107 107 110 63 387
Spani sh-Am eri can 6 5 5 8 24

Speaking Spanish

to peers

N 113 112 115 71 All

 

Chi-square = 5.3

P less than 050, d.f. : 5

 

TABLE 29

MEXICANS AND SPMTISH-ALL‘EI CAN- S SPEAKII'IG SPANISH TO PMiS,
DISTRIBUTILN OF SCALE TYPAJS DERIVED FROM RESPOI‘ESES T0

ROLE- CON FLI CT SI TUATI 01‘? S

IN VOLVI N G SE1. F- ORI HIT ATI ON

VERSUS COLLECTIVITY-ORIE‘ITATION TOI’I'ILRD THE

 

 

 

 

PEER GROUP (SCALE Iv)
Scale T e
Ethnic yp
Gm‘p I II III Iv v N
MexiCan 59 100 112 78 37 386
Spanish-American 2 2 7 2 2 15
speaking Spanish
to peers
N 61 102 119 80 39 401

 

Chi-square 8 -.9

 

-149-

notion outlined above with respect to the Spanish-speaking sub~group is
consistent with these findings.

Attention was then directed to the Spanish-American subegroup which
speaks both English and Spanish to peers. The conception posited of this
sub-group was that it is integrated or identified with an emergent pat-
tern of social relations in the ethnically heterogeneous border setting.
Since this sub~group was conceived of as involved.in an emergent pattern
of social relations, no attempt was made to predict directionality. The
interest here was in deterudning with which other groups it might share
similar patterns of role-expectations, and on which dimensions it might
differ from the other groups.

First, the bilingual sub—group was compared with the Anglo—American
group on each of the pattern variables scales. This was done in order
to determine if the bilingual sub-group exhibits patterns of role-expec-
tations sindlar to or different from those of the Anglo-American group.
The analysis described earlier in this chapter implied that the role-
expectations patterns of the bilingual sub-group would differ from those
of the Anglo-American group, but that analysis was not definitive in that
it did not involve a direct comparison with the Anglo-American group.
Tables 30, 31, 82, and 33 show the distributions of the scale scores of
the Spanish-AmeriCan group which speaks both English and Spanish to peers
Compared with those of the Anglo-American group on Scales I, II, III,
and IV, respectively. A.null hypothesis was posed in each case that the
scale score distributions of the two groups do not differ significantly
from one another. These were submitted to a chi-souare test of signifi-

<3ance.

-149-

notion outlined above with respect to the Spanish-speaking sub-group is
consistent with these findings.

Attention was then directed to the Spanish-American sub-group which
speaks both English and Spanish to peers. The conception posited of this
sub-group was that it is integrated or identified with an emergent pat—
tern of social relations in the ethniCally heterogeneous border setting.
Since this subbgroup was conceived of as involved in an emergent pattern
of social relations, no attempt was made to predict directionality. The
interest here was in determining with which other groups it might share
similar patterns of role-expectations, and on which dimensions it might
differ from the other groups.

First, the bilingual sub—group was compared with the Anglo-American
group on each of the pattern variables scales. This was done in order
to determine if the bilingual sub-group exhibits patterns of role-expec-
tations similar to or different from those of the Anglo-American group.
The analysis described earlier in this chapter implied that the role-
expectations patterns of the bilingual sub—group would differ from those
of the Anglo-American group, but that analysis was not definitive in that
it did not involve a direct comparison with the Anglo-American group.
Tables 30, 31, 32, and 33 show the distributions of the scale scores of
the Spanish-American group which speaks both English and Spanish to peers
compared with those of the Anglo-American group on Scales I, II, III,
and IV, respectively. A.null hypothesis was posed in each case that the
scale score distributions of the two groups do not differ significantly
from one another. These were submitted to a.chi-souare test of signifi-

081108.

-150...

TABLE 30

ANGLo-m-cnu CANS AND SprtISH-MSEICAIS mo ”IN BILIz-ICUAL NIIN PENIS,
DISINIBNIICN 0F SCALE TIA-ES DAILIVID 111112.: RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIQITS INVOLVING A1: Ascot-301.10
ROLE VERSUS A FAILIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

Sc T
Ethnic ale ype
Gnu!) I a II III IV V N
Anglo-American 34 28 31 11 104
Spanish—American 1'7 8 13 16 54
bilingual
with peers
N 51 36 44 27 158
Chi-square 3 10.6 P less than .05, d.f. 3 5

 

TABLE 31

Acme-manners AND SPNII SN-N'SIHCNS NSC ALE BILINCUAL WITH PENIS,
DISTRIBUTIUN CF SCALE rues DARIVED 1111121.: NESPcz-rSES T0
ROIisl-COITETICT SITUAI'Im'S INVOLVING AN INSINUI.:AIITAL
ROLE VERSUS A matDSI-IIP NCLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Scale Type

Ethnic
Gmup I a II III IV . V N
Anglo-American 23 21 28 29 101
Spanish-American 4 9 19 22 54

bilingual

with peers

N 27 30 47 51 155

 

Chi-square '-'- 7.3 P less than .20, d.f. '-"- 5

 

 

-151...

TABLE 32

M'TEO-AIFA CAI S A: D SPECIES '11; 11110.; S 21" C 11.1.3 EILII'G AI. Z‘JTH F3313
DISTf’lBUI‘I IT CF SC ALE" TYPES D31 112D FBI 1' S'3PC SSS TC ROLE-
CCUFLICTS ITU‘T C17.) " ITTVCLVI TC} 5113- C3132 LATIC'IT VERSUS

 

 

 

 

 

CCLLECI‘IHTY O-:IE ITATICIT T0. 1A;'1D :1: FA ILY (SCALE III)
:22
Ethnic Scale Type
”Imp I a II III IV a v N
Anglo-American 22 54 31 107 ‘
Spanish-American 7 28 20 55
bilingual
with peers
N 29 82 51 162
Chi-square = 2.0 P less than .50, d.f. a 3

 

TABLE 33

NEED-EARRICMIS A1: D SPANISA-AL'EICAIS 1111C AAE LILINCVAL NINE FEARS,

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES D1. IVED FEO: EASE. ..SIO ROLE.
CONFLICI SITUAEIONS INVOLVING SlF-ORIEITTATICN “DV'ERSUS
COLLECTIVITY- CEIEI: IAIION IONAND THE PEEICHIP (SCALEIV)

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Scale Type
GT WP I II III IV V N
Anglo-American 3 17 28 30 29 107
Spanish-American 9 17 14 10 5 55
bilingual
with peers
N 12 31+ 42 40 34 162

 

Chi-square : 20.1 P less than .001, d.f. = 7

 

~152-

In the case of Scale I (Table 30) the chi-square value was sig-
nificant at the .05 level, in the case of Seals II (Table 31) at the
.20 level, and in that of Scale IV (Table 33) at the .001 level. Thus,
the null hypothesis was rejected in all three of these cases. It was
concluded that the bilingual sub—group and the Anglo-American group
exhibit different patterns of role-expectations on Scales I, II, and
IV. In the case of Scale III (Table 82) the chi-square value was sig-
nificant at the .50 level, but this probability was too high to allow
rejection of the null hypothesis. Hence, it was concluded that the
bilingual sub—group does not exhibit a pattern of role-expectations
on Scale III different from that of the Anglo-American group. It was
inferred from these findings thatthe bilingual sub-group is not gen-
erally integrated into nor identified with the patterns of social re-
lations of the Anglo-Americans.

New, although it was inferred from the findings that the bilingual
sub-group is not generally integrated nor identified with the social
relations patterns of the Anglo-Americans, it remained to be determined
if this sub—group were integrated into a set of traditional ethnic pat-
terns. Hence, a.comparison of the bilingual sub-group with the Mexican
group was made. It was reasoned that if the patterns of role-expecta-
tions ethibited by the bilingual sub-group also differed from those of
the Hexicans, then it might be inferred that the former is integrated
into neither the traditional ethnic group patterns nor the dominant
Anglo-American patterns, but is involved in a deviant pattern of social

relations.

~153-

An analysis, then, was carried out of the Spanish-American sub-group
which speaks both English and Spanish to peers compared with the MexiCan
group on Scales I, II, and IV. See Tables 34, 35, and 37, respectively.
Null hypotheses were posed that the distributions of each group do not
differ significantly from one another, and these were submitted to a chi-
souare test of significance. The chi-square value on Scale I (Table 34)
was significant at the .001 level and, hence, the null hypothesis was
rejected. It was concluded, then that this finding is consistent with
the notion that the bilingual sub—group is not integrated nor identified
with the patterns of social relations of the traditional ethnic group.

In the case of Scale II (Table 35) the chi-square value was sig-
nificant at the .001 level also and, hence, the null hypothesis was re-
jected. It was concluded that this finding is also consistent with the
notion that the bilingual sub-group is not integrated nor identified with
the patterns of social relations of the traditional ethnic group. An
analysis was made of the bilingual and hexican group on Seals III (Table
86). A.null hypothesis was posed with respect to the scale score distri-
butions of these two groups on this scale, and the hypothesis was tested
by a.chi-square test of significance. The chi-square value was signifi-
cant at the .001 level, and the null hypothesis was rejected. It was
Concluded that this finding is consistent with the notion that the bi-
lingual sub-group is not integrated into nor identified with the patterns
of social relations of the traditional ethnic group. The chi-souare value
on Scale IV (Table 37) was significant at the .95 level. However, this

Was far too high a probability to warrant rejection of the null hypothesis.

 

 

 

“1514,—

TABLE 34

tm CANS AND SPAIII SH-Allflll CANS mo ARE BILll-IGUAL WITH PEERS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IRON RESPONSES TO ROLE-
CONFLICT SITUATICNS INVOLVING AN ECONOLITLC ROLE
VERSUS A FAMLIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

Scale Type

Ethnic
Gm“? I a II III IV V N
Mexican 162 90 59 3O 341
SpanishpAmerican 17 8 13 16 54

bilingual

with peers

N 179 98 '72 1.6 . 395
Chi-square = 24.1 P less than .001, d.f. = 5

TABLE 35

moms AND SPANISH-AMERI once NRC IRE BILINCUAL WITH Rims,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DIRIVSD IRON RESI’CIJSES T0
ROLE- CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUIIINTAL
ROLE VIRSUS A FRIS-IDSRIP ROLE (SCALE II)
W

 

 

Ethnic . Scale Type
Group _
I & II III IV V N

Mexican 107 107 110 63 387
Spanish-American 4 9 19 22 54

bilingual

with peers

N 111 116 129 85 441

Chi-square ' 26.8 P less than .001, d.f. : 5

 

-155.-

TABLEVB6

hiEJCICANS AI‘ID SPMIISH-AMERICAWS ’b'fii'O MLE BILINGUAL WITH PEEIS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DEHVED FROLI RESPOYSES TO
ROLE- CONFLICT SITUATI CNS IT-IVOLVING 82L F—ORI ENTATI ON
VERSUS COLLECTIVITY ORIEETATION TOW£RD THE FAMILY

 

 

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)

Ethnic Scale Type
Gmup I a II III IV a v N
Mexican 11 12.1 209 341
Spanish-American '7 28 20 55

bilingual

with peers

N 18 149 229 396
Chi-square - 18, 3 P less than .001, d.f. '-'- 3
TABLE 37

MEXICANS AND SPANISH-AMERICIUVS WHO ARE BILIIIGUAL NITH PEERS,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TIPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE- CONFLICT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING Sth-ORIRYTATION
VERSUS COLLECTIVITI—ORIIRTATION TOWARD THE
PEER GROUP (SCALE IV)

 

 

 

 

Scale Type
Ethnic
Gr°up I II III IV v N
lexiCan 59 100 112 78 37 386
Spanish-American 9 l7 I4 10 5 55
bilingual
with peers
N 68 117 126 88 42 441

 

Chi-square = 2.2 P less than .95, d.f.

II
‘1

 

Hence, it was concluded that this finding does not support the notion
that the bilingual sub-group is not integrated nor identified wdth the
patterns of social relations of the traditional ethnic group. On the
contrary, this finding implies that the bilingual sub-group is integrated
into this dimension of the social relations patterns of the traditional
ethnic group.

In order to facilitate the comprehension of the preceding findings
a table was constructed showing the relationship between the variable of
language spoken to peers and the patterns of role-expectations exhibited
by the Spanish-American students. Table 38, then, may serve as the basis
for a brief discussion of these findings. The analysis showed that the
English-speaking sub-group exhibited a pattern of role-expectations
similar to those of the Anglo-Americans on all fbur of the pattern
variables scales. These findings, then, are thoroughly congruent with
the notion that the English-speaking sub-group is integrated into or
identified with the social relational patterns of the dominant Anglo-
Americans and, hence, that it may be conceived of as an assimilated
sector of the general Spanish-American ethnic class. The analysis also
showed that the Spanish-speaking sub-group exhibited patterns of role-
expectations similar to those of the Mexicans on Scales II and IV. It
was not possible to determine whether the Spanish-speaking sub-group
exhibited role-expectations similar to or different from.those of the
Mexicans on Scales I and III owdng to technical difficulties in the
computation of the chi-square value. However, these partial findings

are consistent with the notion that the Spanish-speaking sub-group is

Table 38

41.57-

REIATIONSHIP BETWEEN TRAIT OT LANGUAGE SPOKEN TO P537315 BY SPANISH-
AMERICAN STUDENTS AND PATTERNS 0? RS E-EXPECTATIONS EXHIBITED
ON -IE FOUR PATTERN VARIABLE SCALES

 

 

 

 

 

Language
Spoken to Scale I Scale II Scale III Scale IV
Peers
Engli sh Exhi bi t Anglo- Exhi bi t Anglo- Exhi bi t Anglo- Exhi hi 1: Anglo-
American pat- American pat- nerican pat- American pat-
tern of role- tern of role- tern of role- tern of role—
expectations expectations expectations expectations
Spanish No data EXhibit No data Exhibit
Mexican pat- Mexican pat-
tern of role- tern of role
expectations expectations
Both Exhibit Exhibit Exhibit Anglo- Exhibit
English neither Anglo- neither Anglo— American pat- Mexican pat-
and American nor American nor tern of role- tern of role-
Spanish Mexican pat- Mexican pat- expectations expectations

terns of role-
expectations

terns of role-
expectations

 

integrated into or identified with the social relational patterns of a
traditional sector of the general Spanish-AmeriCan ethnic class.

The analysis showed that the bilingual sub—group exhibited patterns
of role-expectations different from both the Anglo-American and hexican
groups on Scales I and II. These partial findings are consistent with
the notion that the bilingual sub-group is integrated or identified with
an emergent pattern of social relations. However, on Scale II this sub-
group exhibited a pattern of role-expectations similar to that of the
Anglo-American group, and on Scale IV a pattern similar to that of the
Mexican group. Thus, neither of these latter findings are consistent
with the above notion.

The interpretation of these findings with respect to the social
system theory and their significance as an addition to substantive knowb
ledge of the United States—Mexican border area will be taken up in the

summary to this chapter.

-159—

Summary

This chapter examined the relationship between the variable of
language spoken to Peers and patterns of role-expectations exhibited by
the Spanish-American students. Several notions concerning this relation-
ship were presented, and the findings were analyzed to determine if they
were consistent with those conceptions. A summary of the findings along
with an interpretation of their theoretical and substantive significance
will be presented also.

A brief review of selected literature pertaining to ethnic status
differences among Spanish-Americans was presented at the beginning of
this chapter. The views cited implied that the Spanish-Americans may
not be conceived as an ethnically hemogeneous class but that they may
be differentiated into at least three major sub-groups. Since the find—
ings in the previous chapter indicated that the Spanish-AmeriCan students
could not be considered an ethnically homogeneous group standing in an
intermediate acculturative position between the Mexicans and Anglo-Amer—
icans, it was deemed advisable to try to apply the notions suggested
by the literature to the Spanish-American students in this study.

The trait of language spoken to peers was selected as a variable
deemed likely to reflect the ethnic status differences cited in the
literature. In accordance with those views, then, it was posited that
the trait of speaking English to peers represents integration or iden-
tification with the patterns of social relations of the dondnant Anglo-
Americans. It was posited that the trait of speaking Spanish to peers

represents integration or identification with the patterns of social

~160—

relations of a traditional sector of the Spanish-American ethnic class.
Finally, it was posited that the trait of speaking both English and
Spanish to peers represents integration or identifiCation with emergent
patterns of social relations in the ethnically heterogeneous border com-
munity.

An analysis of the scale score distributions of the Spanish-American
students sub—divided according to language spoken to peers showed that
this variable does differentiate their role-expectations patterns. The
scale score distributions of the English-speaking, Spanish-speaking, and
bilingual sub-groups differed significantly from one another on Scales
I, III, and IV. With the exception of Scale II, then, these findings
were consistent with the notion that the variable of language spoken to
peers reflects integration or identification with differentiated patterns
of social relations. {Oreover, the mean ranks of these three groups re-
lative to one another on Scales I, III, and IV conformed to the pattern
which would be expected if the language variable reflects inegration
into differentiated patterns of social relations.

The findings described above prompted a.further series of analyseS.
The purpose of these was to secure further evidence bearing on the notion
that the variable of language spoken to peers reflects integration into
or identification with differentiated patterns of social relationS. First,
the scale score distributions of the English—speaking sub-group were cons
pared with those of the Anglo-Americans. The analysis showed that the
English-speaking sub-group's scale score distribution does not differ

from that of the Anglo-Americans on any of the four scales. From this

additional evidence, then, it may be concluded that the English-speak-
ing sub—group is integrated or identified with patterns of social re-
lations similar to those of the Anglo-Americans.

The analysis also showed that the Spanish—speaking sub—group's
scale score distributions do not differ from those of the Mexicans on
Scales II and IV. Owing to technical difficulties it was not possible
to calculate the chi-souare value of the distributions of these two
groups on Scales I and IV. From this additional partial evidence, how-
ever, it seems warranted to conclude that the Spanish-speaking sub—group
is not integrated into patterns of social relations similar to those
of the Anglo-AmeriCans. moreover, the evidence strongly suggests that
the Spanish-speaking sub—group is integrated into the patterns of tradi-
tional Spanish-AmeriCan social relations which do not differ signifi-
cantly from those of the Mexicans.

Finally, the analysis showed that the scale score distributions of
the bilingual sub-group differed from those of both the Anglo-American
and Mexican groups on Scales I and II. The analysis also showed that
the scale score distributions of the bilingual sub—group did not differ
from that of the Anglo-Americans on Scale III, and did not differ from
that of the Mexicans on Scale IV. Hence, it seems warranted to conclude
that the bilingual sub-group is integrated into certain patterns of
social relations differing from those of both the Anglo-American, Span-
ish-American and hexican groups, i.e., emergent patterns of social re-
lations. It is clear, however, that this sub—group nay not be conceived

of as completely involved in deviant patterns of social relations. On

the dimension of collectivity-orientation toward the family (Scale III)
the bilingual sub-group appears to be integrated into or identified with
a pattern of social relations similar to those of the Anglo-Americans.
On the dimension of collectivity-orientation toward the peer group
(Scale IV) this sub-group appears to be integrated into or identified
with a pattern of social relations similar to those of the Mexicans and
Spanish—speaking Americans.

If these findings are to be congruent wdth the general implications,
of the social system theory examined in Chapter IV, then it would seem
that the ethnic sub~division of a society must be viewed as a factor
which limits the extension of given patterns of role-expectations through-
out the population by restricting participation in common patterns of
social relations. The findings of the present chapter were consistent
with the notion that the Spanish-speaking sub-group is integrated or
identified with traditional Spanish-American ethnic patterns but not
with those of the dominant Anglo-Americans. Hence, idegration or iden-
tification with traditional Spanish-American ethnic patterns must be
viewed as limiting participation in the highly differentiated and seg-
regated system of social relations posited as characterizing the dosi-
nant mode of social organization in the United States.

This view suggests, then, that the failure of the Spanish-speaking
students to exhibit as high an incidence of universalistic-type role-

expectations as the Anglo-Americans on Scales I and II need not be attri-

buted to any unicue features of the traditional Spanish-American ethnic

b

~163—

enclave, but rather that the patterns of social relations of this ethnic
sub-group are less differentiated and segregated than those of the larger
social system in which it persists. Likewise, with respect to the di-
mension of selfLorientation versus collectivity-orientation toward the
family (Seale III), the failure of the Spanish-speaking students to ex-
hibit as high an incidence of self—orientation as the Anglo-Americans may
be atributed to their integration or identification with less differ-
entiated and segregated patterns of social relations. The same inter-
pretation is applicable to the role-expectations patterns exhibited by
the Spanish-speaking students on the dimension of self-orientation versus
collectivity-orientation toward the peer group (Scale IV).

In contrast to the Spanish-speaking students, the English-speaking
sub-group exhibited patterns of role-expectations which did not differ
significantly from those of the Anglo-Americans on any of the pattern
variables scales. Hence, this sub-group of Spanish-AmeriCans quite
clearly appears to be integrated or identified with the dominant pat-
terns of social relations of the society. That is, the role-expectar
tions patterns exhibited by this sub-group strongly imply that it is
integrated or identified with a highly differentiated and segregated
system of social relations.

The bilingual Spanish-American sub-group presents a case somewhat
different from either of the other two sub-groups. The analyses showed
that this sub-group exhibited patterns of role-expectations different
from those of both the dominant Anglo-Americans and the traditional Span-

ish-American sub-group on Soale I (universalistic—orientation toward

~164-

brother) and Scale II (universalistic-orientation toward friend). Thus,
with respect to these dimensions, the findings imply that the bilingual
sub-group is integrated or identified with neither the dominant patterns
of social relations of the society, nor with those of the traditional
Spanish-American ethnic group. These findings are especially interest-
ing because not only did the bilingual sub-group's role-expectations

patterns differ from those of the dominant Anglo-Americans, but this sub-

' “ "‘7‘!"—
._.J

group ranked higher than the Anglo-Americans on both Scales I and II.

If consistency is to be maintained in our interpretations, then these I
findings must be construed as implying that the bilingual sub—group is
integrated or identified with an even more highly differentiated and
segregated system of social relations ther the Anglo-Americans and
English-speaking Spanish- AmariCans.

On Scale III (collectivity-orientation toward the family) the bi-
lingual sub—group exhibited a pattern of role-expectations which did not
differ significantly from that of the Anglo-AmariCans. And on Scale IV
(collectivity-orientation toward the peer group) the bilingual sub-group
exhibited a pattern of role—expectations which did not differ signifi-
cantly from that of the Mexicans or the traditional Spanish-American
sub-group. Thus, considering the role-expectations of the bilingual
sub-group on these two dimensions, it may not be concluded that this
sub-group is integrated or identified with a.completely emergent pat-
tern of social relations. Nevertheless, these findings contribute to
a rather interesting portrait of a group integrated or identified with

a semi-emergent pattern of social relations within the context of an

ethnically differentiated social system. The chief features to be noted
with respect to the bilingual sub-group are its more freouent rejection
of particularistic-type demands deriving from both family and peers and
its more freouent exhibition of selfeorientation in family and peer group
relationships. On the average, the members of the bilingual sub—group
would appear to be more independent of particularistic ties than the mem-
bers of any of the other groups studied. Like the Anglo-Americans, this
sub-group exhibited a relatively low incidence of collectivity-orienta-
tion toward the family. But, while the Anglo-Americans exhibited a re-
latively high incidence of collectivity-orientation toward the peer group,
the bilingual sub-group ranked very low on this dimension also.

Whfle in the case of the Anglo-Americans and English-speaking Span-
ish-Americans the breakdown of strong kinship ties appears to be com-
pensated for by the development of strong ties to the peer group the
bilingual sub-group appears to lack both strong kinship and peer group
ties. It also should be noted here that of the Spanish—American stu-
dents included in this study about forty-five percent indicated that
they spoke both English and Spanish to peers. Thus, the bilingual sub-
group constitutes a very sizeable portion of the Spanish-American stu-
dents studied here and probably constitutes a large sector of the Span-
ish-American youth population throughout the border area.

One more item needs to be considered before completing this summary.

That the variable of language spoken to peers should differentiate so
well the patterns of role-expectations of the Spanish-American students

is of significance in view of the fact that the previously discussed

typology did not do so. The typology discussed in Chapter V included
the variable of language spoken to parents but not that of language
spoken to peers. It also included the variable of place of mother's
birth. It is to be noted, then, that the typOIOgy was constructed
largely around items which tend to reflect the ethnic character of the
student's home. On the other hand, the variable of language spoken to
peers may not be conceived of as reflecting directly the ethnic char-
acter of the student's home but rather his extra—familial social re-
lations. Hence, the inference is strongly suggested that the factors
determining the types of social role-expectations stumed here must
largely lie in socialization processes occurring outside of the famdly

complex.

CHAPTER VII

EFTECTS OF CROSS-CULTURAL EDUCATITN ON MEXICAK STUEEITS' ROLE-EXPECTATIONS

This chapter wdll present an analysis of the effects of cross-cul-
tural education on the role-exnectations of a group of Mexican students.
Included as respondents in the study was a group of Mexican students en-
rolled in special classes in English at the El Paso Technical High School.
These shudents were residents of Mexico and crossed the international bor-
der on school days to attend the special anliSh courses for foreign stu-
dents. Fbr sake of clarity in the following discussion, these students
will be referred to as English Language Trainees. This group of students
was excluded from all of the previous analyses. The principal reason
for its erclusion was to maintain a high level of homogeniety among the
regular Mexican student group with respect to amount of cross—cultural
contact. The inclusion of the English Language Trainees anong the other
Mexican student group clearly would have reduced the homoeeniety of the
latter with respect to this variable.

The purpose of the analyses presented in this chapter was to deter-
mine which of several pertinent views more adequately accounts for the
role-expectations exhibited by the English Language Trainees. 1~"irst,
several alternative views will be presented and the types of role-ex-
pectations which would be expected in each case will be discussed.

Second, an analysis of the role-expectations of this group subdivided

according to extent of education inthe United States will be presented.

/d
'- Qu-

Third, the role-expectations of these students will be compared with
those of the regular Hexican students and also with those of the Anglo-
AmeriCan students. Both of these analyses pertain to only two of the
pattern Variables seales: Scales I and III.1 Finally, a summary of
the findings will be presented at the end of the chapter.

The three views which will be considered here as possibly account—
ing for the role-expectations patterns exhibited by the English language
Trainees are as follows: (1) that, while enrolled in special classes
in English in an American high school, these students remain integrated
or identified with Mexican patterns of social relations, (2) that these
students may be in process of transition from interration into MexiCan
patterns to integration into United States patterns of social relations,
and finally (3) that they may be integrated into deviant patterns of
social relations, patterns different from those of both the Mexicans
and Anglo-AmeriCans. Each of these views is consistent with the social
system frame of reference.

The view which appeared most compelling to this study from its in-
ception was that, while hexican students may be enrolled in an American
th school, so long as they reside in Mexico and continue their associ-
ations with Merican peers they will remain inbgrated or identified with
Mexican patterns of social relations. Hence, they would be expected to
exhibit role-expeCtations patterns similar to the regular Mexican high

school students.

 

1 Owing to the rather tight course schedule it was not possible to 8d?
minister the complete questionnaire to the English Language Trainees.
Hence, only those items which constitute Scales I and III were pre-
sented to these students.

A.study of the effects of a.sross-cultural exchange program which
the present writerz conducted in Mexico suggested the pertinence of this
View to the study. The various studies undertaken by the Committee on
Cross-Cultural Education of the Social Science Research Council like-
wise point to this notion. While the individual studies conducted under
the auspices of the committee were concerned largely with several dimen-
sions of attitudes toward the United States, this variable is not so dif-
ferent from that of role-expectations as to render their findings irre-
levant to the present concern. In no case did those studies report that
extent of educational training in the United States or amount of contact
with United States society and culture constituted a factor which clearly
differentiated "favorable" from "unfavorable" attitudes toward the United
States. This was particularly so with respect to the Mexican student
group.

While it is not specifically elaborated, Beals' and Humphrey's
study3 of Mexican students implies a structural-functional approach to
the analysis of Mexican and other foreign students' attitudes toward
the United States. It is implied, given that the Mexican student remains
integrated into or identified with particular groups in Mexico and with

the national ethos, that the place to seek the source and sustenance of

 

2 Frank Na11,AStudy of the International Farm Youth Ekchange Program
in Mexico, Unpublished MA thesis, Michigan State College, 1954.

3 Ralph L. Beale and Norman Humphrey, No Frontiers t_o_ Learning. The
Mexican Student in the United States, —unpublished— manuscript.

-170—

his attitudes toward the United States is not primarily in the situation
of contact with American society and.culture. Rather, it is to be sought
in the signifiCance of his attitudes with respect to the social system
or sub-systems into which he is integrated or with which he identifies

in Mexico. The notion here is clearly consistent with that of Persons,
i.e., that attitudes have e_functional signifiCance with respect to the
integration of a social system. Hence, so long as the individual remains
integrated or identified with Mexico and particular groups within that
country he will tend to formulate attitudes of an order which do not
threaten his position in those sub-systems of social relations. The
adoption of attitudes "too favorable" toward the United States could
quite conceivably jeopardize a Mexican national's position in political,
economic, and even social affairs. This view tends to minimize the sig-
nificance attached to cross—cultural education as a situational context
promoting modification of students' orientation patterns.

Such a structural-functional view was precisely the one taken here
with respect to role-exnectations, and it is consistent with the analyti-
cal framework adopted in the analyses presented in the preceding chapters.
Thus, since the English language Trainees resided in Mexico and must be
presumed to be in continuous contact with nexican peers, it was posited
that they would exhibit patterns of role-expectations which do not differ
from.those of the regular Mexican high school students. Conversely; it
would be expected that they would exhibit role-expectations patterns

which do differ from those of the United States students.

-171-

The second view which was considered is that the English Language
Trainees may be in process of transition from integration into Mexican
patterns of social relations to integration or identification with
United States patterns. A socialization or social learning view which
focuses predouunantly upon the cross-cultural contact situation would
hold that this situation would tend to promote modification of the for-
eign students' orientations. It seems reasonably consistent with this
view, then, to posit that the greater the extent of centact of the Mex-
ican students with United States society and culture the more siudlar
would be their role-expectations to those of the United States students.
Such a view would seem to constitute the implicit assumption of many
cross-cultural exchange programs. It is to be noted, however, that in
fostering a methodological concentration on features of the cross-cul—
tural interaction situation, this view tends to neglect the larger sig-
nifiCance of foreign students' orientation patterns. It tends to over-
look the significance which fbreign students' orientation patterns (e.g.,
role-expectations, value standards, ideological beliefs) have for their
integration and identification with social complexes in their home countries.

Since data was not available to present an analysis of the effects
of general cross-cultural contact on the role-expectations patterns of
the English Language Trainees, the study necessarily could consider only
the effects of the formal education situation. Thus, it was reasoned
that if the formal education situation promotes the integration or iden-
tification of the English Language Trainees with United States patterns

of social relations, than the role-expectations of these students should

-l72-

differ from those of the other Mexican students in the direction of
greater similarity to those of the United States students. Furthermore,
if the formal education situation promotes the integration of these stu-
dents into United States patterns of social relations, then their role—
expectations should differ from one another in the direction of greater
similarity to those of the United States students according to the ex-
tent of eduCation in this country.

Before discussing the third view, an alternative notion to the one
above needs to be considered. It is possible that a selective factor
or factors may be operative with respect to the English language Trainees.
Thus, if their role-expectations were to differ from those of the other
Mexican students this might be accounted for by their having been inte-
grated or identified with distinctive patterns of social relations in Mex-
ico, prior to their arrival in the United States. If a selective factor
of this nature were operative, then the Ehglish language Trainees' role-
expectations would be expected to differ from those of the regular Mex-
ican students. Thus, this would pose a problem of differentiating be-
tween the effects of the cross—cultural eduCation situation on the role-
expectations of these students and the effects of the temporally ante-
cedent factors. which factor, then, might be attributed prime signifi-
cance: partial or total integration into United States patterns of social
relations as a result of the cross-cultural education, or integration into
a sub-system.of United States-like social patterns in Mexico prior to

arrival in the United States?

~rn-

Without recourse to additional data concerning the social back-
grounds of the English Language Trainees this problem may be solved in
the fbllowing manner. If the findings were to indiCate that the Eng-
lish Language Trainees' role-expectations differed from those of the
other Mexican students in the direction of greater similarity to those
of the United States students, this would establish that either the
cross-cultural eduCation or factors antecedent to this situation were
related to the types of role-expectations exhibited. However, if ante-
cedent factors rather than the cross-cultural eduCation were to account
for the similarity of the Trainees' role-expectations of the members of
this group would not be expected to differ significantly from one an-
other according to the extent of their cross—cultural education. Hence,
a basis for differentiating between the effects of cross-cultural edu-
cation and antecedent factors is provided.

The third, and final, social system view which may be considered
here as possibly accounting for the role-expectations patterns exhibited
by the English Language Trainees is that they may be integrated or iden-
tified with deviant patterns of social relations, patterns different
from those of both the other Mexican students and the United States stu-
dents. Here, the notions elaborated in Chapter VI with respect to the
bilingual Spanish-American students may be suggested again. Enrollment
in the special classes in English at an American high school may imply,
for Mexican students, integration or identification with deviant pat-

terns of social relations and, hence, the manifestation of deviant

   

 

patterns of role-expectations. As in the previously discussed view,
integration into deviant patterns of social relations may be the direct
result of the cross-cultural education experience itself, or Mexican
students involved in deviant patterns of social relations may possibly
be more prone to seeking eduCation in the United States. In either case,
we should expect the role—expectations exhibited by the English Language
Trainees to differ from those of both the regular Mexican students and
the United States students if they were integrated into a deviant pat-

tern of social relations.

Analysis of the Data

The first series of analyses consisted of comparisons of the role-
expectations of the English Language Trainees with those of the other
Mexican students and those of the Anglo—Americans. Table 39 shows the
distributions of the scale scores of the English Language Trainees and
the other MexiCan students on Scale I (universalistic-orientation toward
brother). A null hypothesis was posed that the scale score distributions
of these groups do not differ significantly from one anoth r. This was
submitted to a chi-souare test of significance, and the chi-snuare value
was significant at the .10 level. Thus, the null hypothesis was rejected.
It was inferred, then, that the scale score distributions of the English
Language Trainees and the other Mexican students do differ significantly
from one another on Scale I.

The mean ranks of the two groups were calculated, and the English
Language Trainees had a mean rank of 25 , while the other Mexican stu-

dents had a mean rank of 251. This rank difference, however, was so

us ‘
.
,,

TABLE 39

~175-

ENGLISH LAAICUACE TRAINEES AND OTHER muons, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM Basra-ISIS TO ROLE- "NFLICT
SITUATILNS INVOLVIIZG AN 3001:0116 ROLE VERSUS
A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

Student Scale Type
Gr°up I II III Iv v N
Other Mexican 76 86 9O 59 30 341
Riglish Language 48 29 32 29 24 162
Trainees
- N 124 115 122 88 54 503

 

Chi-square I 12.9

P less than .10, d.f. = 7

 

TABLE 40

ENGLISH LAIIGUAGE TRAINERS AND Aime—mam CAI'FS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FRCIA RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONFLICT
SITUATILNS INVOLVING AN EGONOIJEEC ROLE VARSUS
A FAIJLIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

Student Scale Type
Gnu" I II III Iv v N
Anglo-American 9 25 28 31 11 104
English Language 48 29 32 29 24 162
Trainees
N 57 54 60 60 35 266

 

Chi-square = 55.0

P less than .001, d.f. = 7

 

_' '"E_

“1"" “

 

.-
I
u o o
a -
. . o

small that it seemed unwarranted to attach much significance to it.
Thus, although it was inferred from the chi-square analysis that the
scale score distributions of these groups differ significantly from one
another, the exceedingly small rank difference between them suggests
that they differ in only a very minor degree. Mbreover, the English
Language Trainees differ in the direction of a higher degree of parti-
cularism, and this was shown to be a Mexican rather than an Anglo—Amer-
ican norm.

A.comparison of the scale score distributions of this group with
those of the Anglo-Americans on Scale I only served to confirm the no-
Ition that the English Language Trainees are not integrated or identified
with Anglo-AmeriCan patterns of social relations. Table 40 shows the
distributions of the English Language Trainees and the Anglo—Americans
on Seale I. A null hypothesis was posed that these distributions do not
differ significantly from one another, and this was submitted to a chi—
souare test of significance. The chi-square value was significant at
the .001 level, and so the null hypothesis was rejected. The calculations
of the mean ranks showed that the Anglo-Americans ranked considerably
higher than the English Language Trainees. The Anglo—Americans had a
mean rank of 146, while the English Language Trainees had a rank of 124.
It was concluded, then, that the English Language Trainees are not inte-
grated nor identified with an Anglo-American pattern of social relations.

These findings now may be considered with respect to their bearing
on the three views advanced earlier in this chapter as possibly account-

ing for the role-expectation patterns of the English language Trainees.

—l77-

It is clearly evident that in this dimension they may not be viewed as
in process of transition from Mexican patterns to United States patterns
of social relations. Likewise, the findings do not imply that a selec-
tive factor is operative which draws Mexicans into the special English
course who are already oriented to Ynited States patterns of social re-
lations. It also follows that the English Language Trainees may not be
considered integrated or identified with a deviant pattern of social
relations in this dimension. It may be concluded, then, that the find—
ings indicate that in this dimension the English Language Trainees re-
main integrated or identified with Mexican patterns of social relations.
Next, the scale score distributions of the English Language Train-
ees were compared with those of the other MeriCan students on Scale III.
Table 41 shows these distributions on Scale III. A null hypothesis was
posed that the distributions do not differ from one another, and this
was submitted to a chi-sonare test. The chi-souare value was signifi-
cant at less than the .001 level and, hence, the null hypothesis was
rejected. The English Language Trainees had a mean rank of 290, while
the other Mexicans had a mean rank of 233. This was deemed a very large
rank order difference, and indicated that the English Language Trainees
exhibit a considerably stronger collectivity orientation toward the fam-
ily than the other Mexican students. Thus, it was inferred that the
English Language Trainees on this dimension are not integrated into a
pattern of social relations similar to that of the other Hexican students.
A final confirmation of the absence of evidence implying that the

English Language Trainees are integrated or identified with the United

~17 8-

TABLE 41

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINEE": AND OTHE’» 1‘.EXICANS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FR-C'ifi. RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATION S INVOLVING SflF—ORIHITATICN VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-ORIHITATION TOWARD THE FANLILY

 

 

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Student Scale Type
Gmup I & II III Iv v N
Other Mexican 11 121 151 58 311
Elglish Language 3 35 7O 54 162
Trainees
N 14 156 221 112 503
Chi-square = 22.81 P less than .001, d.f. 3 5
TABLE 42

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINERS AND meLo-mgmcms, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROE‘JE RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-ORIENTATION VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-ORIENTATION TOWARD THE FAMILY

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Student. Sula “p3
Gmup I & II III Iv v N
Anglo-American 22 54 24 7 107
Ehglish.Language 3 35 7O 54 162
Trainees
N 25 89 94 61 269

 

Chi-square 3 69.3 P less than .001, d.f. 3 5

 

-179-

States students' patterns of social relations ras provided by comparing

their scale score distributions on Scale III. Table 42 shows the dis-

tributions of scale scores of these two groups on Scale III. A null hy-

pothesis was posed and subjected to a chi-souare test of significance.

Since the chi-sonare value was significant at less than the .001 level, i
the null hypothesis was rejected. The English Language Trainees had a ?

mean rank of 159, while the Anglo-Americans had a rank of only 83.

if; "

These findings clearly imply that the English Language Trainees
may not be considered integrated or identified with this dimension of
social relations of the Anglo-Americans. They also imply that the Eng-
lish Language Trainees are not in a process of transition from Mexican
to United States patterns of social relations. Likewise, they imply that
a selective factor is not operative which tends to draw into the special
English course Mexicans who are already oriented to Anglo-American norms.
But, finally, the findings do imply that in this dimension these students
are integrated or identified with a deviant pattern of social relations.
An examination of their role-erpectations according to extent of eduCa-
tion in the United States was carried out to determine whether the cross—
cultural education situation or factors temporally antecedent to it may
account for this pattern of role—expectations.

The second series of analyses concerns the role—expectation patterns
of the English Language Trainees sub-divided according to class in the
special English course. Null hypotheses were posed that the distribu-
tions of the English Language Trainees according to class in the special

English course do not differ significantly on Scales I and III. These

~130—

were submdtted.to a chi-souare test of SignifiCance. On Scale I it was
found that the probability that the chi-souare is significant is less than
.90, hence the null hypothesis was not rejected. (See Table 43.) Thus,
it was inferred that the anlish Language Trainees do not differ signi-
ficantly on Scale I according to class in the special thlish course.

In the case of Scale III the probability that the chi-souare value
is signifiCant was less than .50. (See Table 44.) Hence, the null hypo-
thesis was not rejected in this case either. It was inferred, then, that
the scale score distributions of the English Language Trainees according
to class in the special English course do not differ significantly from
one another on Scale III.

It may be concluded from these findings that the extent of education
in the special English course in the El Paso high school does not differ-
entiate the patterns of role-erpectations of the English Language Train-
ees on either of these two dimensions. Furthermore, these findings sup-
port the earlier comparisons. They indicate that extent of eduCation in
the El Paso high school is not related to the role-expectations patterns
exhibited by the English Language Trainees. Moreover, with respect to
Scale III, they indicate that while these students may be integrated or
identified with a deviant pattern of social relations in this dimension

this may not be attributed to the cross-cultural eduCation experience.

Summary
This chapter presented an analysis of the patterns of role—expec-
atations of a group of Mexican students enrolled in special English

courses in the Technical High School in El Paso. The purpose of the

TABLE 43

ENGLISH LANGUAGE TRAINEES BY CLASS IN SPECIAL E-I-GLISH COURSE,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM: RESPCI-ISES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIQES IZCVCLVING a Econ 'L'IC ROLE
VERSUS A FA‘EIBIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

S

Class in 0516 Type
cm?” I II III IV v N
Special filglish I 9 5 3 l 3 21
Special Ehglish II 23 10 1’7 10 9 69
Special Elglish III 5 6 3 6 3 23
Special English IV 11 8 9 12 9 1.9

N 48 29 32 29 24 162

Chiusquare I 11.8 P less than .90, d.f. 3 17

 

TABLE AA.

ENQISH LANGUAGE TRAINEES BY GLASS IN SPECIAL EIGLISH COURSE,
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO
ROLE- COIJFLICT SITUATI CNS INVOLVING SELF-ORIEIITA‘I‘I ON
VERSUS COLLECI‘IVITY-ORII'ETATION TOWARD THE FAL‘ELY

 

 

 

 

(SCALE 111)
Scale Type

Glass in
00““ I, II, III IV v N
Special English I 4 5 12 21
Special English II 15 31 23 69
Special Eiglish III 8 9 6 23
Special Ehglish IV 11 25 13 49

N 38 7O 54 162

 

Chi-square '-'- 9.1 P less than .50, d.f. = 9

 

..lij...

analysis was to determine to what extent attendance at the school might
have effected the role-expectations patterns of these Mexican students.
Three views were suggested which might account for the role-expectations
patterns of the English Language Trainees. The view which appeared most
compelling to this study was that, while enrolled in special classes in
English in an American high school, the English Language Trainees may
remain integrated or identified with Mexican patterns of social rela-
tions and, hence, exhibit Mexican patterns of role-expectations. While
this view was supported by the findings on Scale I, it was not clearly
supported by the findings on Scale III. The English Language Trainees'
role-expectations on Scale III differed signifiCantly from those of the
Anglo-AmeriCans, and there was no nuestion that they might be integrated
or identified with Anglo-American patterns of social relations with re—
spect to this dimension. However, the English Language Trainees' role-
expectations also differed significantly from those of the other MexiCan
students on Scale III. But the direction of the difference was toward
greater collectivity-orientation rather than greater selfeorientation.
Hence, the conclusion must be drawn that the English Language Trainees
are partly integrated or identified with a deviant pattern of social
relations, different from those of both the other Mexican students and
the Anglo-American students.

The notion was also suggested that the English Language Trainees
might be integrated or identified with deviant patterns of social rela-
tions and that such deviancy might be attributed to either the effects

of the cross-cultural eduCation situation or factors temporally antecedent

to the cross-cultural contact. It was reasoned that if it were the cross—
cultural contact. It was reasoned that if it were the cross—cultural edu—
cation situation which effected the role—expectation patterns of these
students, then their role-expectations would differ according to the exe
tent of their cross-cultural education experience. The findings, however,
showed that extent of cross-cultural education did not differentiate the
role-expectations patterns of these students. Hence, the difference
between the role-expectations of the English Language Trainees and those
of the other MexiCan students on this dimension may be attributed to the
integration or identification of the former with a deviant pattern of
social relations in Mexico.

It may be concluded, then, that involvement in the formal educar
tional complex of the special English courses does not appear to have
effected the role-expectations patterns of the English Language Trainees.
The findings do not imply that the English Language Trainees may be in
process of transition from integration with Mexican patterns to inte-

gration with United States patterns.

CHAPTER VIII

THE PELATIONSVIP B’Z'I‘V'IW ROLE-EXPECTATIONS AND SOCIAL STA’I’TTS

This chapter will present various analyses of the relationship
between role-expectations and social status. Eirst, the relationship
will be examined with respect to the United States students. Second,
it will be examined with respect to.the Mexican students. And, finally,
both Nbxican and United States students will be grouped together and
the relationship between role-expectations and social status will be
analyzed. Fbllowing this, a series of analyses in which the high status
MexiCans are compared with the Anglo-Americans will be presented. Final-
ly, the low status Mexicans, high status Mexicans, and Anglo-Americans
will be compared. A summary of the findings will be presented at the
end of the chapter.

This study adopted the variable of (student's) father's occupation
as an index of social status. Occupation, as an index of status, war-
ranted consideration because of its presumed significance as a major
determdnant of social status. Parsons holds that position in the econ-
omic structure of a.social system is of high significance in determining
social status, relational patterns and, by implication, patterns of
role—expectations. As was pointed out earlier in this study, it is
Parsons' conception that, as the extent of differentiation and segrega-
tion of social relations increases in a social system, universalistic—

type role-expectations will gradually emerge as the predominantiype.

While not proving this proposition, the findings presented in previous
chapters did strongly support.it. Parsons'1 discusSion of this topic
is liudted to generalizations concerning very broad features of society.
He does not discuss the significance of involvement in the social system
at different status levels as this may bear upon the types of role-ex-
pectations exhibited by actors. However, while not providing a clear
implication of the relationship between social status and role-expects,
tions patterns, the theory is suggestive of certain notions.

The social system theory would seem to suggest that type of role-
expéctations say be related to social status differences, much like the
relationship between role-expectations and ethnic status differences
discussed previously. Not all members of a highly urbanized society
are involved equally or participate in the same capacity in the networks
of economic exchange and other social relationships.‘ In fact, the
generic notion of an urban society would seem to be precisely that of
a social system exhibiting high degrees of differentiation and segregae
tion of social relations, i.e., one in which actors participate in dif-
ferent and complimentary capacities. Parsons‘ conceptions, it was noted,
imply an association between universalistic-type role-expectations and
the extent of differentiation and segregation of social relations in a
social system. To the extent, then, that social status differences may

reflect degrees of involvement in the highly differentiated and segregated

 

1 Talcott Parsons, The Social gystem., Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press,
1951, pp. 114.127. '

 

complexes of social relations in an urban-type society, it would seem
congruent with the theory to expect role-expectations to be related to
this variable.

Since Parsons did not provide a clear implication as to the effects
on role-expectations patterns of being differently involved in the econ—
omic structure of society, a.number of empirical studies were reviewed
to determine if they might imply some consistent relationship and indi-
cate its direction. Reference to several of these studies will be made
below in order to indiCate what certain pertinent empirical researches
imply with respect to the relationship between social status and patterns
of role-expectations.

Davis and Havighurstz indicate that lower status group members ex-
hibit a tendency to evaluate highly the tenor of close personal rela-
tionships on the one hand, and tend to place less value on the control
of property than do middle status group members. From their findings
it seems reasonable to infer that this may indicate that lower status
persons exhibit a proclivity toward particularistic-type role-expectar
tions on the one hand, and collectivity-orientation toward the peer
group on the other hand.

Sharp and Axelrodz in their study of Mutual aid among relatives

in an urban population report little difference in mutual aid patterns

 

2 A. Davis and B. Havighurst, Father of the Man. Boston: Houghton

Mifflin Co., 1947.

3 Mbrris Axelrod, Urban Structure and Social Participation, American
Sociological Review, Vbl. 21, No. 1, February, 1956, pp. 13-18.

 

_1-.;; :7—

;

according to occupational position; about two-thirds of those in each
occupational category engaged in mutual aid among relatives. Their
findings may be interpreted as indicating that some degree of particu-
laristic-type role-expectations as well as collectivity orientation
toward the family is exhibited among the members of all major occupar
tional categories, and that little difference with respect to role-ex-
pectations is to be anticipated according to social status.

Riesman4 suggests the emergence of a high evaluation of the tenor
of peer group relationships and a concomitant lowered evaluation of
expresSIy family relationships among the middle and upper middle status
grmups in urban places; That is, as "other-directedness" supplants
"inner-directedness" peer relationships become more highly valued. At
the same time the sphere of family relationships appears to emerge as
something resembling another peer group rather than as a.complex of
relationships segregated from those of the "outside" world and meriting
a consideration predicated on different values from those appropriate
to non—familial social relations. Riesman, likewise, suggests that a
high degree of “tradition-directedness" is characteristic of lower sta-
tus groups. It may be interpreted, then, that lower status group mem-
bers are more likely to exhibit self-orientation types of role-expectae
tions with reSpect to situations involving conflict between self inter-
ests and peer group interests than are middle status persons. With re-

spect to situations involving conflict between self interest and family

 

‘4 David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd, passim. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1950.

 

interests, it may be expected that the lower status group member (the
"tradition-directed" man) would exhibit a greater tendency toward col-
lectivity-orientation types of role-expectations.

Axelrod5 reports that little difference was found between status
groups with reenect to the extent of informal visiting engaged in with
relatives and friends; all status groups appeared to have a high aro-
portion of members who archange relatively frequent visits with relatives
and friends. It also was found that there was some greater likelihood
that a family member would belong to a formal organization if the head
of the family were a white collar (middle status) worker. It might be
concluded from these findings, then, that family and peer group (col-
lectivity) orientations are not likely to vary with status.

Bell and F'orce6 found that upper economic status was associated
with higher participation in formal associations than was lower economic

7 reported lower status persons, while not involved

status. Yomarovsky
so extensively in formal associational activities, exhibited a consider-

able amount of informal associational activity.

 

5 Morris Axelrod, Frban Structure and Social Participation, Ameriggg
Sociological 9eview, Vbl. 21, No. l, Tebruary, 1956, pp. 15-16.

 

6 Wendell Fell and _L‘aryanne T. Force, Urban Neighborhood 'IErpes and Far-
ticipation in Fbrmal Associations, American SociologiCal Feview, vol.
21, No. 1, February, 1956, pp. 25—34.

 

7 Mirra Komarovsky, Patterns of Voluntary Association among Urban
Dwellers, American Sociological Review, Vol. 11, December, 1946, pp.
686-698.

Ibtsons fbund that high economic status was associated with re-
latively greater participation in voluntary associations than was low
econosdc status among an urban population in Mexico. Dotson also found
that women participated in voluntary associations much less frequently
than men, and that religious affiliated associations were the major type
in which women were participants in Mexico.

F'oskett9 found that high status was associated with greater formal
social participation than was low status, but that sex and age were not
highly related to amount of participation. Education, on the other hand,
was found to be highly associated with formal social participation. This
was a direct relationship in which the higher amount of formal education
the higher the index of formal social participation.

10 in an interesting analysis of interviews

Schatzman and Strauss,
with lower and middle status persons on the effects of a natural disaster,
suggest that differences in conceptualizing, perceiving, and in modes
or relating themselves to an interviewer are apparent between middle
and lower status persons. Briefly, the middle status persons tended

to generalize more about the effects of the disaster than did the lower

status persons. The lower status persons tended to perceive the disaster

 

8 Floyd.Ibtson, A Note on Participation in Vbluntary Associations in a
Mexican City, American Socioloeical Review, vol. 18, No;.4, August,
1953, pp. 880-586. '

9 John M. Fbskett, Social Structure and Social Participation, American
Sociologiga1_Review, vol. 20, No. 4, August, 1955, pp. 431—458.

 

10 Ieonard Schatzman and Anselm Strauss, Social Class and Modes of Com-
munication, American Journal of Sociology, Vbl. LY, No. 4, January,
1955, pp. 329—538.

 

more narrowly in terms of its consequences for themselves. Also, the
lower status persons tended to expect a particularistic-type response
and interest toward themselves on the part of the interviewers, while
the middle status persons took a more impersonal view of the relation-
ship.

Schneider and Lysgaard,11 in their article on the "deferred grati-
fication pattern“, likewise suggest status or class related variables as
major differentiating factors with respect to the manifestation of this
pattern in orientation to various situational contexts. It seems rea-
sonable to conceive of the absence of this pattern as implying a.parti-
cularistic emphasis in social orientations and presence of it as im—
plying a universalistic emphasis (a proclivity to generalize beyond the
immediacy of existence to a situation of future consequences.) ‘Lower
status was associated with an absence of or lower degree of crystalli-
zation of the pattern, and middle status was associated with the mani-
festation of the pattern.

The above citations serve to indicate the numerous interpretations
which may be drawn from various empirical studies. Certain of these
studies would imply that low status in the occupational structure of a
highly differentiated society might be expected to produce a predomi-
nance of particularistic-type role-expectations and a.strong collecti-
vity—orientation toward the family. On the other hand, some would seem

11 Louis Schneider and S. Iysgaard, The Deferred Gratification Pattern,
American Sociological Review, Vol. 18, No. 2, April, 1953, pp. 142—
149.

 

to imply a strong balance in favor of self interests when these are in
conflict with family interests. It also is implied that upper middle
status seems to produce universalistic—type role-expectations, a strong
proclivity to generalize beyond.the "personal“ meanings of a situation
to their transcendent conseouences. In view of the absence of any clear
implication pertaining to the relationship between social status and
patterns of role-expectations, no attempt was made to posit direction-

ality. This analysis may be considered primarily exploratory.

Intranational Comparisons

The occupational Categories of the United States census were adop—
ted as a status index. The occupation of the person providing the chief
support of the family in which the student respondent lived was taken
as the basis of classification. It was, of course, not possible to
classify the subjects themselves by occupation because only a very few
held full time Jobs in addition to attending high school. The presen-
tation of the analysis will be divided into three parts. The United
States student group will be exandned.first, then the Mexican student
group, and finally both of the groups combined.

The distributions of scale scores of the United States students
according to occupational categories on Scales I, II. III, and IV were
arranged in tables for the purpose of chi-square analysis. However, it
was found that this arrangement resulted in a considerable number of
cells having frequencies too low to allow proper calculation of the
chi-square values. The occupational categories Were then collapsed

into two groups on the basis of their presumed reflection of status

differences. The one collapsed category consisted of Professionals,
Farmers, Proprietors, Managers, Officials, and Clerks. This collapsed
category was deemed as representing an aggregate of the relatively high
status occupations. The other collapsed category consisted of ckilled
and Semi-skilled workers, farm laborers and other laborers, and servants.
This collapsed category was deemed as representing an aggregate of the
relatively low status occupations. All other occupational categories
were excluded from the analyses.

The reapondents were reclassified into high status and low status
categories. The distributions of seals scores of the United States
students according to status groups on Scales I, II, III, and IV were
then arranged into tables and subjected to chi-square analysis. It
was found that the chi—square values were not significant in any of
these tables and, hence, the null hypotheses could not be rejected.

It was inferred, then, that the role-expectations patterns exhibited

by the United States students are not related to the social status of
the students. The complete frequencies are presented in Appendix Tables
1, 2, 3 and 4.

The distributions of scale scores of the Mexican students accord—
ing to status groups on Scales I, II, III, and IV were arranged into
tables and subjected to chi-square analysis also. The chi-square
values were not found to be significant in any of these tables and,
hence, the null hypotheses were not rejected. It was inferred,then,
that the role-expectations patterns exhibited by the Rexican students
are not related to their social status background. The complete fre-

quencies are presented in Appendix Tables 5, 6, 7 and 8.

-173

Finally, the distributions of scale scores of the combined group of
United States and Hexican students sub-divided according to occupational
categories on Seales I, II, III, and IV were arranged into tables and
subjected to chi-sauare analysis. In this case there were sufficiently
high_frequencies in each of the cells to permit chi-sonare analysis with—
out collapsing the occupational categories. In no case, however, were
the chi-sausre values sufficient to warrant rejection of the null hypo-
theses. Hence, it was concluded that the patterns of role-expectations
exhibited by the total group of students are not related to the variable
of social status. In view of the preceding findings, this, of course,
was to be anticipated. The complete frequencies are presented in Appen-

dix Tables 9, 10, 11 and 12.

Cross—Cultural Comparisons

In view of the above findings, it was decided that a series of
cross-cultural comparisons of the relationship between role-expectations
and social status merited consideration. The notion which suggested
carrying out a further series of comparisons was that, while social
status differences do not appear to differentiate the role-expectation
patterns of the students on a national basis, United States and Mexican
students of similar social status might exhibit simdlarities in role-
expectations patterns. The central idea here was that socio-cultural
convergence or interpenetration in the border area may occur selectively
according to social status. Hence, were this so, it might be reflected

by similarities in role-expectation patterns.

In considering the possibility that social status similarities may
be related to similarities in role-expectations on a cross-cultural ba—
sis, the first comparison made was between high status hbxicans and the
combined high and low status Anglo-American group. Since earlier find-
ings showed that the Anglo—American group's role-expectation patterns
differed significantly from those of the Mexicans on all four of the
pattern variable scales, this comparison was deemed the strategically
most crucial one to make.

First, the scale score distributions of the high status MexiCans
and the combined Anglo-American group were compared on Scales III and
IV. See Tables 45 and 48, respectively. The chi—square value on Scale
III was significant at the .001 level, and on Scale IV at the .05 level,
Hence, the null hypothesis was rejected in both cases, and it was in-
ferred that the role-expectation patterns of the high status Mexicans
and those of the combined Anglo-American group do differ significantly
from one another in these two dimensions. It may be concluded, then,
that sindlarity in social status does not appear to show convergence
of role-expectation patterns in these dimensions.

Next, the scale score distributions of the high status Mexicans
and those of the combined Anglo-American group on Scales I and II were
arranged into tables and subjected to chi-sonare analysis. In the
case of Seale I, the chi-souare value was significant at the .40 level,
and this was not sufficient to reject the null hypothesis. See Table
47. Hence, it was inferred that the role-expectation patterns of the

high status Mexicans and the total group of Anglo-Americans do not

TABLE 45

HIGH STATUS I-.LEK'ICAI‘JS AND ALL HELD-AMERICANS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FREE”; RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIOl-FS INVOLVING SEF—ORIE‘ITATION VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-ORIE'ETATI ON TOWARD THE FAIJLY

 

 

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Scale 6
Status Typ
Gr°up I II III 1V V N
High Status Mexicans 2 6 so 111 33 232
All Anglo-Americans 4 13 55 2o 6 98
N 6 19 135 131 39 330
Chi-square 3 36.6 P less than .001, d.f. 3 7
TABLE 46

HIGH STATUS hiEflCANS AND ALL AI‘ICLO-ALELICAI‘ES, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE—CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING SEF-ORIH‘TTATION VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-OEUENTATION TOWARD THE PEER
GROUP (SCALE IV)

 

 

 

 

Status Scale Type

Gm“? I II III IV v N

High Status Mexicans 34 71 80 50 26 261

Ill Anglo-Americans 2 15 24 27 20 88
N 36 86 104 77 46 349

 

Chi-square I 17.5 P less than .01, d.f. I 7

 

TABLEIA7

HIGH STATUS IIIAICAIIS AND ALL AIGLO—AIAIIICAIS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED mos-I RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING AII ECONOMIC ROLE VERSUS
A FAIvL'LLIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

Scale 6

Status Typ

GmuP I II III IV V N

High Status Mexicans 51 54 61 44 23 233

All Anglo-Americans 6 22 28 26 ll 93
N 57 76 89 70 34 326
Chi-square 3 7.4 P less than .40, d.f. ‘ 7

 

TABLE 48

HIGH STATUS Ismcms AIID ALL prGLO-mh-II CAIIS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IROII RESPOZ-ISALS TO ROLE-COIIF'LICT
SITUATIOIIS INVOLVING AII NS‘I‘RUEIETTAL ROLE VARSUS

A FRIEIIDSIIIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Scale 6
Status Typ
“map I II III IV V N
High Status Mexicans 17 50 72 77 46 262
All Anglo-Americans 5 12 23 21 27 88
N 22 62 95 98 73 350

 

Chi-square ' 2.2 P less than .95, d.f. ' 7

 

‘7 (‘17:;

differ significantly from one another. This was a particularly inter—
esting finding since Mexican and.United States students do differ sig-
nificantly from one another when social status is not controlled. The
significance of this finding will be discussed further below.

The scale score distributions of the high status Mexicans and the
combined Anglo-American group then were compared on Scale II. See Table
48. In this case the chi-square value was significant at the .95 level,
and this was not sufficient to reflect the null hypothesis. Hence, it
was concluded that the role-expectation patterns of the high status
Mexicans and the total Anglo-American group do not differ significantly
from one another on this dimension.

While the findings with respect to Scale I and II imply that the
role-expectation patterns of high status Mexicans do not differ signi-
ficantly from those of Anglo-Americans, the matter may not be dropped
here. It will be recalled that social status did not appear to dif-
ferentiate the role-expectation patterns of the Mexicans themselves.
Hence, logically, the role-expectation patterns of the Anglo-Americans.
should.not differ from those of the low status MexiCans. Further analy—
ses showed, however, that the role-eXpectation patterns of the Anglo-
Americans do differ significantly from those of the low status Mexicans
on Scales I and II. See Tables 49, 50, and 51. It will be recalled,
moreover, that Anglo-Americans' role—expectation patterns differed sig-
nificantly from those of the total Mexican group on Scales I and II.

See Tables 10 and 11.

In view of these logically inconsistent findings a further analysis

TABLE 49

—j‘ q :3—

Low sums MEXICAHS AND HIGH STATUS Aime-Aaumcazs, DISI‘FJBLTION
or SCALE TYPES DERIVED III-on RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVII‘EG AN ECONOMIC ROLE VERSUS

A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scale I 9

Status yp
61‘0“!) I II III Iv v N
High Status Anglo-Americans 2 6 36 9 2 55
Lou'Status Mexicans 21 24 21 14 6 86

N 23 30 57 23 8 141

. Chi-square - 23.24 P less than .001, d.f. 3 7
TABLE 50

LOW STATUS EIEXICAITS AND LOW STATUS fl'filO-szCAI‘ES, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DEIVED FRO}?! RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATICNS II‘IVCL‘ 13G A}? ECONOLIIC ROLE VERSUS

 

A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

E
Scale Type

Status .
Group I & II III IV & V N
Low Status Anglo-Americans 18 16 25 59
Low Status Mexicans 45 V 20 19 84

N. 63 36 44 143

Chi-square = 7.45 P less than .05, d.f. = 3

 

TABLE 51

LOW STATUS NECECANS AND ALL ANCEO-MZERICANS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DEIDRE) FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING AN INSTRUI'E‘JTAL ROLE VERSUS
A FRlflIDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

 

Status Scale Type
Gm”) I II III Iv . v N
Low Status Mexicans 3 2'7 28 21 16 95
All Anglo-Americans 5 12 23 21 27 88
N 8 39 51 42 43 183
Chi-square 3 9.4 P less than .20, d.f. 3 7

 

TABLE 52

HIGH STATUS L'MCMIS, LOW STATUS L'MCANS, AND ALL ANGLO-
AMMOANS, DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM
RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING
AN ECONOLIC ROLE VERSUS A FAMILIAL ROLE

 

 

 

 

(SCALE I)
Scale Type

Status
Gmup I II III Iv v N
High Status Mexicans 51 54 61 44 23 233
Low Status Mexicans 21 22 21 13 6 83
All Anglo-Americans 6 22 28 26 11 93

N 78 98 110 83 40 409

 

Chi-square I 15.9 P less than .20, d.f. S 12

 

was made. The scale score distributions of the high status Mexicans,
low status Mexicans, and Anglo-Americans on Seals I were arranged in a
table and submitted to a chi-square analysis. See Table 52. The level
of significance of the chi-souare value was .20. This level of signi-
ficance is too high to reject summarily the null hypothesis but, never-
theless, may be taken as strong evidence that a difference does exist.
On the assumption that a difference exists between these distributions,
the mean rank of each group was Calculated. The low status Mexicans
were found.to have a mean rank of 181.5, the high status Mexicans a mean
rank of 198.8, and the Anglo-Americans a rank of 239.8 on Scale I.

It would appear from the relative mean ranks of these groups that
the distribution of scale scores of high status Mexicans differs slightly
from those of both low status Mexicans and Anglo-Americans, lying as it
were near a mid-point between these groups. Apparently this distribu-
tion of high status Mexicans is arranged in such a way that it is bal-
anced at a point between the low status Mexicans and Anglo-Americans
where it does not differ from either group sufficiently to allow the
difference to appear in the chi-sousre tests.

The distribution of scale scores of the high status MexiCans on
Scale I, then, may be interpreted in two different ways. It may be that
high status Mexicans as a whole tend to fall in an intermediate pOSition
between the low status Mexicans and the Anglo-Americans. On the other
hand, it may be that some high status Mexicans resemble Anglo-Americans
and other resemble low status MexiCans. Thus, these two patterns "aver-

age out" at a point between low status MexiCans and Ang10<AmeriCans.

TABLE 53

HIGH STATUS LiElCICMIS, LOW STATUS MEXICANS, AND ALL MICRO-
AMMCMIS, DISTRIBUTIOI-I OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM
RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATICNS INVOLVING
AN INSTRUIECTAL ROLE VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE

 

 

 

 

(SCALE II)
Status Scale Type
Group
I II III IV V N
High Status Mexicans 17 50 72 77 46 262
Low Status Mexicans 3 27 28 21 16 95
All Anglo-Americans 5 12 23 21 27 88
N 25 89 123 119 89 445

 

Chi-square 3 29.9 P less than .01, d.f. = 12

 

Next, the scale score distributions of the highixatus Mexicans,
low status Mexicans, and combined Anglo-American group on Seale II were
arranged in a table and submitted to a chi—square analysis. See Table
53. The level of significance of the chi-square value was .01. Hence,
the null hypothesis was reflected and it was inferred that the role-axe
pectation patterns of these three groups do differ significantly from
one another on Scale II. The mean ranks of each group were Calculated,
and the low status Mexicans had a mean rank of 205.5, the high status
Mexicans a rank of 220.3, and the combined Anglo-AmeriCan group a rank
of 250.2. The interpretation of these findings was similar to that in
the case of Scale I discussed immediately above.

Substantively, these findings are esoecially interesting. On the
one hand they may be interpreted as indicating that high status Meri-
Cans are in process of transition from integration or identification
with Anglo-American patterns of SOCial relations. On the other hand, it
may indicate that the social relational patterns of high status Mexicans
and Anglo-Americans are converging toward a common or like patterns.
Presumably, the change would be principally in the direction of high
status Mexicans moving toward integration into social relational pat-
terns similar to those of the Anglo-Americans, however, the data of this
study do not permit specification of this notion. In any event, the
findings with respect to Scales I and II clearly imply a convergence
of the role-expectation patterns of the high status Mexicans and Anglo-

AmeriCans.

 

Summary

This chapter presented several analyses of the relationship between
role-expectation patterns and the variable of social status. The index
of status adopted by the study was that of father's occupation. The oc-
cupation of the respondent's father was then classified according to the
United States census categories. It was noted that the social system
theory, while it does not provide a clear implication as to the rela-
tionship between role-expectation patterns and social status differences
in an urban-type society, would appear to suggest that some relationship
m y exist. With this general notion in mind, the findings of a number
of empirical studies dealing with the relationship between social status
and social participation were examined to determine if they might imply
some clear indiC<tion of relationship between these variables. It was
decided that they did not imply any clear indiCation of a consistent
relationship.

Next, a series of analyses were made of the role-expectation pat-
terns of the students included in this study. The role-expectation pat-
terns of the United States students sub—divided according to high and
low social status were arranged in tables and submitted to chi-square
analysis. On none of the pattern variables scales could it be inferred
that the role-expectation patterns of the United States students were
differentiated according to social status differences. Another series
of analyses was made of the role-expectation patterns of the Nexican
students sub-divided according to social status. In this case, too,

it was found that role-expectation patterns were not differentiated

according to social status. Finally, all of the students were combined
into a single group sub-divided according to occupational categories,
but in the case of none of the pattern variables scales could it be
inferred that their role-expectation patterns were related to social
status differences.

Next, a series of analyses were made comparing the high status
Mexicans with the Anglo-AmeriCans. The notion here was that socio-cul-
tural convergence or interpenetration in the border area may occur self
actively according to social status, and that if this were so it would
be expected to be reflected in role-expectation patterns. It was found
that the high status Mexicans and Anglo-Americans differed significant-
ly from one another on Scales III and IV and, hence, it could not be
inferred that socio-cultural convergence or interpenetration had oc-
curred in the two dimensions represented by these scales.

In the case of Scales I and II, however, it was found that the
high status Mexicans and Anglo-Americans did not differ signifiCantly
from one another. Moreover, further analyses showed that high status
Mexicans ranked near a mid-point between low status MexiCans and Anglo-
Americans. It was concluded, then, that high status Mexicans exhibited
patterns of role-expectations implying that they may be in process of
transition from integration or identification with traditional Mexican
patterns of social relations to integration into American-type patterns
of social relations. An alternative interpretation suggested was that
the high status Mexicans and Anglo-Americans may be converging toward

common or like social relational patterns.

CHAPTER 11

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This study examined a facet of the problem of moral integration
in the United States-Mexican border setting by analyzing a range of
data drawn from high school students living, principally, within the
metropolitan communities of El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico,
The frame of reference adopted for viewing the problem was that of the
social system schema. The study had two principal purposes: the
exploration of the applicability of the social system schema to a
limited.problem in empirical analysis, and the furtherance of general
sociological knowledge of the structure of social relations in the

Uhited Statesélexican border area,

Methodology and Instruments

The methodology of this study involved four principal assumptions
pertaining to cultural value standards and the structure of social
relations in Mexico and the United States. Central to the methodology
was the assumption that universalistic-type value standards predominate
in the dominant national culture of Mexico. It was noted that uni-
veraalistic-type value standards may be discerned in the institutions
of organised labor movements, formal mass education, government, comp
msrce and industry. Equally central to the methodOIOgy of the study
was the assumption that universalistic-type value standards predominate

in the dominant cultural institutions of the United States,

1‘)!“ /

Two other assumptions of considerable importance to the methodo—
logical framework also were made. It was assumed that the social
system of the United States is characterised by very high degrees
of differentiation and segregation of social relations. is a corol-
lary of this, it was assumed that relatively high degrees of differ-
entiation and segregation of social relations obtain in Mexican society
also. But it was contended that Mexican society exhibits a lower
degree of differentiation and segregation of social relations, on the
average, than does the United States.

The selection of the data gathering techniques and instruments
was integral to the methodological framework of the study also. The
data were gathered by means of a printed questionnaire on which respond-
ents wrote responses. It is important to note that the data were not
gathered by means of direct observation of interaction situations,

The questionnaire, in addition to serving as a means of gathering
social background data on the students, delimited a number of incidents
or episodes involving dilemmas of role-orientations. The respondents
were instructed to choose among several possible responses one which
they felt to constitute a resolution to the dilemma. One result of
adopting this methodoIOgical approach is that generalization to situa-
tion of actual social interaction becomes a highly tenuous undertaking,
if it may be peraitted at all. What may have been gained by this
aethodo10gical approach in the way of isolating systematic features of
role-expectations results in a sacrifice of knowledge concerning numer-
ous factors which may effect persons' decisions in real interaction

Citation. e

The Guttman scale technique was adopted as the means of classifying
and differentiating the responses of the students. This technique
was adopted for two principal reasons. First, it was deemed that the
development of Guttman scales of universalism versus particularism
and self versus collectivity-orientation would in itself constitute
a form of evidence bearing upon the implications of the theory which
were to be tested. Second, it was considered that this type of instru-
ment might be especially useful in providing the empirical basis for
differentiating patterns of role-expectations among the students.
Incidental to these considerations, the development of a set of Guttman
scales differentiating role-expectations patterns on a bi-cultural
population constituted a challenging sociological endeavor which here-
tofore had not been undertaken. It was hoped that the successful
adaptation of the Guttman scaling technique in this study might demon-
strate its wide utility in the analysis of numerous cross-cultural
problems, especially problems of acculturation or assimilation.

The study succeeded in deve10ping four Guttman scales. The con-
struction of these scales constituted a major instrumentation problem
which had to be surmounted prior to the testing of the theoretical
implications of the social system schema. Hence, construction of the -
scales consumed the greater amount of time during the field work phase
of the study. Two Guttman scales based on the distinctions between
universalism and particularism, and two scales based on self-orienta-
tion versus collectivity-orientation were constructed on a bi-cultural
population consisting of students drawn from public high schools in

11 Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico.

The scale items consisted of a series of short stories or episodes.
lach episode portrayed a hypothetical yet realistic situation involving
conflicting demands placed upon a social actor. The conflicting demands
derived from the actor's simultaneous involvement in two socially
differentiated role relationships. This stage of’pre—testing was con-
ducted with students in both the El Paso and.Juares high schools.

The final forms of the scales consisted of four items each.

Scale I consisted of four short stories involving a dilemma of uni-
versalisn versus particularism. The stories were focused on conflicting
demands deriving from a familial role (brother) and a role in an imp
strumental exchange complex. Scale II also involved items based on

the dilemma of universalism versus particularism. However, these
stories focused on conflicting demands deriving from a friendship role
and several other highly generalised social roles. Scale III involved
a dilemma of self-orientation versus collectivity-orientation toward
the family. The stories in this scale focused on demands deriving from
a familial role conflicting with specified self-interests. Scale IV
was based on the dilemma of self-orientation versus collectivity-
orientatien toward the peer group. Here the stories centered upon
demands deriving from a.peer group role conflicting with specified

self-interests.

Empirical Findings
The empirical findings gathered by the study were in the first
instance intended to bear upon four principal implications of the social

system schema. These implications were formulated as propositions and,

then, hypotheses predicated upon them and bearing upon the empirical
data'were formulated and tested. These propositions are set down again
below in order to facilitate the reader's comprehension of this summary
of empirical findings.
Proposition I
Social role-expectations represent a relatively unmodified
transposition of cultural value standards.
Proposition II
is the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations
will change from a predominance of particularistic to a
predominance of universalistic types.
Proposition 111
As the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations
will change from a predominance of collectivity-orientation
toward the family to a.predominance of self-orientation.

Proposition IV
.Ls the extent of differentiation and segregation of social
relations increases in a social system role-expectations
will change from a.predominance of self-orientation to a
predominance of collectivity-orientation toward the peer

group.

It was found that the data failed to support Proposition I (that
social role—expectations represent a relatively unmodified transposi-
tion of cultural value standards.) Given the assumptions that both
Mexican and.United States cultures exhibit salient and.pervasive
configurations of universalistic-type value standards, the proposition
could not be considered supported by the data of this study for two
reasons. rirst, neither the group of United States students nor the
group of’lexican students exhibited anything approximating consensus
with respect to their role-expectation patterns. The role-expectation

patterns of each group ranged from all particularistic-type responses

Ll'

to all universalistic-type responses. lore role expectations to repre-
sent a relatively unmodified transposition of cultural value standards
such an empirical finding could not have occurred. Second. while

both United States and.lexican culture exhibit salient universalistic-
type value standards, the role-expectation.patterns of the lexican
students differed from.those of the United States students in the
direction of a.higher incidence of particularistic-type responses.

This finding, then, also contradicted.Proposition I. Certain sugges-
tions will be offered below with respect to how this sector of the
social system theory might be fruitfully modified.

The findings pertaining to Proposition II, i.e., the relationship
between universalistic-typo role-expectations and.the extent of differ-
entiation of social relations in a social system, were feund to support
it. It was hypothesised that the United States students would exhibit
a higher incidence of universalistic-type role-expectations than the
Mexican students, and this hypothesis was confirmed by the data on
Scales I and II. It was concluded. than, that these findings lend
empirical support to this general notion of the social system theory.

The findings pertaining to Proposition III, i.e., the relationship
between selfborientation and the extent of differentiation of social
relations, were found to support it also. In this case it was hypothe-
sised that the United States students would exhibit a higher incidence
of selfborientation than the Mexican students, and this hypothesis was
confirmed.by the data on Scale III. It was concluded that these
findings also lead a measure of empirical support to Parsons' theoretical

conceptions.

~931-

Pinally. the findings pertaining to Proposition IV, i.e., the
relationship between collectivity-orientation toward the peer group
and the extent of differentiation in a social system, supported it
also. It was hypothesised that the United States students would exhibit
a higher incidence of peer group orientation than the Mexicans, and
' this hypothesis was confirmed by the data on Scale IV.

These empirical findings lend support to three of the theoretical
implications of the social system schema and contradict one of them.
They may be considered to constitute a first approximation to an
empirical verification of these sectors of the social system schema.
Ixcept in the case of Proposition I. the findings constitute only
tentative verification of the schema because it is entirely possible
that use materials may contradict them. In the case of Proposition 1,
however, the negative findings may be considered to deny the truth of
the proposition and invalidate the theoretical conception of the rela-
ticnship. The significance of the invalidation of this theoretical
relationship requires further comment, and this will be taken up

below .

Types of Role-Expectations and
lthnic Status Differences
'hile the general notions comprehended by Propositions II, III,
and IV were supported by the findings. further analyses showed that
ethnic status differences within the United States student group
differentiated the role-expectation patterns of these students. It
was positied that the Anglo-American. English-speaking, Spanish-speak-

ing and bilingual Spanish-Americans my be integrated or identified

‘.,', -1."

with distinctive social relational patterns. The form of differentia-
tion of the role-expectation patterns of these sub-groups strongly
supported this view. It was posited that the Anglo-American and English-
speaking Spanish-Americans were integrated or identified with similar
social relational patterns, and the findings supported this view.
Moreover, it was posited that these two ethnic sub-groups were inte-
grated with the dominant patterns of social relations in the United
States, i.e., integrated with highly differentiated and segregated
patterns of social relations. The role-expectations exhibited by these
two sub-groups on each of the pattern variables scales supported this
notion. They exhibited relatively high incidences of universalism on
Scales I and II, a high incidence of self-orientation on Scale III,

and a very high incidence of collectivity.—orientation toward the peer
group on Scale IV.

It was posited that the Spanish-speaking sub-group was integrated
or identified with traditional Spanish-American patterns of social
relations, i.e., less differentiated and segretated than those domi-
nant in United States society. The role-expectations exhibited by
this sub-group on the pattern variables scales were viewed as support-
ing this contention.

finally, it was posited that the bilingual Spanish-American sub—
group sss integrated or identified with deviant patterns of social
relations, different from those of both the dominant Anglo-Americans
and traditional Spanish-Americans. The findings strongly supported
this view also. With respect to the universalistic-particularistic

dimension of role-expectations this sub-group differed from both the

traditional Spanish-American group and the dominant Anglo-American
crown. The bilingual Spanish-Americans exhibited a considerably higher
incidence of universalistic-type role-expectations than even the Anglo-
Lmericans. It was inferred, then, that in these dimensions the bilingual
Spanish-Americans may be integrated or identified with an even more
higily differentiated and segregated pattern of social relations than
the Anglo-Americans.

'ith respect to self-orientation versus collectivity-orientation
toward the family, the bilingual Spanish-Americans. exhibited a high
incidence of self-orientation. Their role-expectation patterns, indeed.
did not differ from those of the Anglo-Americans on this dimension.

- 0n the other hand, with respect to self-orientation versus collectivity-
orientation toward the peer group, the bilingual Spanish-Americans
exhibited a high incidence of self-orientation. This was in sharp
contrast with the Anglo-Americans who exhibited a very high incidence
of collectivity-orientation toward the peer group.

clearly, the patterns of role-expectations exhibited by the
bilingual Spanish-Americans imply that they may be integrated or iden-
tified with a deviant pattern of social relations. The notion that
they might be in process of transition from integration or identifica-
tion with traditional Spanish-American patterns of social relations
to those of the dominant Anglo-Americans was examined, but the findings
did not support such a view. On the other hand. the notion which more
adequately accounts for the role-expectations exhibited by the bilingual
Spanish-Americans is that they may be integrated or identified with an

emergent pattern of social relations within the context of the ethnically

~ ' s
I,” n..-

differentiated social system of the border area. This notion stands
up well against the findings and is the conclusion favored by the
shady.

The interesting feature which the bilingual Spanish-American group
exhibited.is the more frequent rejection of particularistic-type
demands deriving from both family and peer groups. The obverse of
this is the more frequent exhibition of self-orientation in family
and.peer group relationships. The bilingual Spanish-Americans tend
to exhibit more frequently an independence of particularistic ties
than the members of any of the other groups studied. Ihile the findings
would imply that in the case of the Anglondmericans and.English-speaking
SpanishpAmericans the rejection of strong kinship ties may be compen-
sated for by the development of strong ties to the peer group, the
bilingual students would appear to lack strong attachments to both
the kinship and.peer groups.

It was observed that the Spanishadmericans who speak both English
,and.8panish to peers constituted approximately forty-five percent of
the total Spanishphmericans studied. 'hile the methodolOgy of the
study did.not require stratified sampling involving the factor of
language, there is no particular reason to believe that such a large
portion of bilingual students may be a biased representation of their
numbers in the papulation of the community. It seems very likely,
in fact, that this ethnic sub—group may constitute a large sector of

the Spanishnimerican youth population throughout the border area.

Types of Role-Expectations and
Social Status Differences

in.attempt was made to determine if social status differences
appeared to be related to the patterns of role—expectations exhibited
by the United States and.Mexican students. The subjects were sub-
divided into high and low status groups and their scale scores on each
of the pattern variable scales were subjected to chi-square analysis.
The findings did not show any significant differences between the
role-expectations of high status and low status groups among the‘United
States students or among the Mexican students. It was concluded that,
in general. social status differences were not related to the patterns
of role-expectations exhibited by either the American or Mexican stup
dents included in this study.

The study did turn up a.particularly interesting finding pertain-
ing to the cross cultural significance of status similarities. It
was found that the role-expectations of the high status Mexicans on
the dimension of universalism versus particularism did not differ
significantly from.those of the Anglo-Americans. This comparison was
made because it was posited that socio-cultural convergence between
Mexico and the United States might occur selectively according to social
status in the border area. These findings were particularly interesting
in that they rather clearly imply that high status Mexican students
may be either in process of transition toward integration or identifi-
cation with.Lmerican-type patterns of role-expectations or that high

status Mexican students and Anglo-Americans may be converging toward

common or like social relational patterns. From the data available

 

t.)

to this study, of course, it is not possible to offer a definitive
statement as to whether these findings reflect the diffusion of social
relational patterns. the emergence of a socio—cultural linkage, or
independent convergence toward similar relational patterns. The
theoretical propositions of the social system schema, however, would
strongly suggest the notion of independent convergence. If the theory
is correct in this respect, and previous findings presented here do
support it, then it would be expected that as the extent of differ-
entiation and segregation of role relationships increases in Mexican
society Mexicans' role-expectations will gradually assume a greater
likeness to those of the Anglonimericans. That is, they will gradually
move toward a higher incidence of universalism.

'hile the high status Mexican students would.appear to exhibit
role-expectation patterns similar to those of the Anglo-Americans with
respect to the dimension of universalism versus particularism, they
clearly did.not do so with respect to the other two dimensions of
role-emectations studied. With respect to the dimension of self-
orientation versus collectivity-orientation toward the family, they
differed from the Angloqdmericans in the direction of a considerably
higher incidence of collectivity-orientation toward the family. And
with reepect to the dimension of selfeorientation versus collectivity;
orientation toward.the peer group, they differed from the Anglo-Americans

in the direction of a higher incidence of selfborientation.

Effects of Cross-Cultural Education on
Mexican Students' Role-Expectations

The study also examined the effects of cross-cultural educational
experience on the role-expectations patterns of a group of Mexican
students. This group of students was enrolled in special English courses
at a public high school in El Paso, Texas. However, they were not inte-
grated into the regular courses of study at the high school. Since
general information concerning their out-of-school activities and
associations was not available to the study, it was not possible to
assess the effects of contact with the United States socio—cultural
milieu.outside of the school. Hence, the study limited its inquiry
to the relationship between types of role-expectations exhibited and
extent of education in the United States. The findings indicated that
the students' educational experience in the special English courses
was not related to the patterns of role-expectations which they exhibit-
ed. The notion was considered that these students might be in process
of transition toward integration or identification with United States
patterns of social relations, but this was not supported.by the find-
ings. 0n the other hand, the findings did imply that these students
may be integrated or identified with a deviant Mexican pattern of
social relations. They exhibited higher incidences of particularism
than the other Hexican students, as well as a higher incidence of
collectivity-orientation toward the family. But, again. the effects
of the educational experience did not appear to be related to these

role—expectation;patterns.

0'11“
_I'JJ ,—

The Problem of Moral Integration
and the Social System Schema

In undertaking this summary it would be well briefly to review
certain basic theoretical positions which.Parsons takes in order to
indicate the focus of criticism which this study suggests as well as
the basis of our departure from his views. Our central concern is
with.Parsons' conception of the maintenance of stability and order in
a socio-cultural system. ‘As was indicated.previously, the problem of
moral integration as it is viewed here involves the relationship between
normative and existential standards, and it is precisely with this
relationship that Parsons deals in his basic paradigm of the maintenance
of stability and order in social action.

The focus of this study's criticism of Parsons' paradigm for the
theoretical resolution of the problem of the maintenance of stability
and order in social action concerns his positing too unaltered a trans-
position of value standards into role-expectations. Moreover, it is
not merely that we take issue with Parsons' position on this point in
isolation from the rest of his schema. It is rather that, his posi-
tion on this point has ramifications for large sectors of the schema,
for empirical analysis, and for further theoretical conceptualization.
In his exposition of the distinctions between the pattern variables
at the cultural and social system levels he focuses upon a special
or limiting case wherein perfect integration of role-expectations with
value standards obtains. Thus, in his paradigm of social action each
actor expects others to react to him in conformance with value standards

prescribing how they ought to react. The action here is that each will

..r] 0

act in accordance with the shared value standard owing to its internal-
isatien as a need-disposition in their respective personalities. The
“guarantee" that each actor will orient his action so as to conform
with the internalized value standard is supposed to reside in a basic
motivational principle. Parsons says that, "By and large we are on
psychological grounds Justified in saying ego's orientation will on
balance tend to be oriented to stimulating the favorable, gratification-
producing reactions and avoiding provocations for the unfavorable,
deprivation-producing reactions)“l This is precisely the point, of
course, on which others have criticised Parsons for invoking a hedon-
istic principle of motivation, a principle which is by no means estab-
lished on psychological grounds and one which is definitely subject

to dispute.

It is from this basic paradigm of the maintenance of stability
and order in social action that Parsons derives the concept of value-
orientation. Given that a shared value standard is internalised by
the actors as need-dispositions in their personalities, it follows
that in a sooio—culturally relevant context these needs may be conceived
as value-orientations. low, while we take issue with Parsons' basic
model, we do not find any fundamental obJections to the derivation
from the model of the concept of value-orientations. Our objections
to Parsons' notions center upon the form of the resolution of the

problem of order in the model. Parsons would have it that order in

 

1 Talcott Parsons. '_T_h_e;_ §ggial §zs§em. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press.

1951. P. 37.

a system of role relationships is to be explained in the ”basic“ case
by the internalisation of value standards in the first instance, and
subsequently by the operation of a hedonistic motivational principle
which compels persons to orient their actions in terms of the given
value standards. Role-expectations in this model are largely the
transposition of cultural value standards. What Parsons has filed to
do in the construction of his model, then, is to maintain the distinc-
tions between the normative and existential orders.

At the level of substantive social experience, normative proposi-
tions may be distinguished from existential propositions on the basis
of the former constituting conceptions of what ought to be, while the
latter are conceptions of what is or what is possible. Normative
propositions involving a moral element are generally viewed as concep-
tions of the desirable or the ideal, while existential propositions
are conceptions of what is given in reality or what is believed to be
given. Hence, it may be seen that the concept of value standard refers
to the normative aspect of the cultural tradition and value-orientation
refers to the individual's orientation to some given sector of the
normative standards of the culture. The concept of role-expectations.
on the other hand, refers to the existential order of substantive
social experience. The distinctions between the normative and exis-
tential, which are recognised elsewhere in the schema. are ignored in
the function assigned to the concept of value-orientation. In his
paradigm and in his endeavours at illustration of the empirical appli-
cability of the schema.Parsons lumps together both the normative and

existential modes of orientation of actors under the category of

 

A61

;Jev-‘O

value-orientations.

Parsons, thus, achieves the construction of a model describing
the generic basis for the maintenance of stability and order in a
system of social action at the expense of ignoring the distinctions
between the normative and existential orders. Role-expectations, the
existential propositions of substantive social experience. become the
socially relevant expression of need-dispositions of the personality
in his model. It was the argument of this thesis that such a model
iaplies too unaltered a transposition of cultural value standards into
social role-expectations, and the study contends to have shown the
inapplicability of this model to the analysis of a range of relevant
sociological data.

It was pointed out that salient universalistic-type value standards
obtain in both the dominant Mexican culture and that of the United
States. Given the saliency of universalistic-type value standards in
both cultures, it should have followed that both the United States and
Mexican students would exhibit predominantly universalistic-type role-
expectations. Empirically, however. it was found that this was not
the case. ‘A range of role-expectations, varying from predominantly
universalistic to predominantly particularistic, was exhibited among
each group of students. AcceptingJParsons' model of the maintenance
of order, the data clearly show that universalistic-type value standards
have not been thoroughly internalised by either the Mexican or United
States students. The data do indicate, however, that in terms of a
statistical some the United States student group taken as a whole ex-

hibits a greater tendency toward.universalistic-type role-expectations

than the Mexican.gmoup.

Now, it is possible to argue that the exhibition among the Mexican
students of a range of role-expectations varying from predominantly
particularistic to predominantly universalistic merely provides us
with an index of mal-institutionalisation in.Parsons' terms. Given a
knowledge of social and political revolution in recent Mexican history,
it might not be expected that the dominant universalistic-type value
standards be thoroughly internalised throughout the population as yet.
Hence, if they have not been so internalised and become need-disposi-
tions in the students' personalities it would.not be expected that they
be exhibited in the role-expectations patterns of the whole group of
hexican students. Thus, under this view the data.pertaining to the
role-expectations exhibited by the Mexican students could be interpreted
as conforming to Parsons' model.

But, upon turning to the role-expectation.patterns exhibited by
the United States students we are faced with a somewhat more difficult
task of fitting the data to the model. The United States students also
exhibited a range of role-expectations varying from.predominantly uni-
versalistic to predominantly particularistic. Here, however, we are
not faced with a society which has experienced recent disruption and
radical change in its dominant cultural value standards.2 How, then,
do we explain the considerable variation in role-expectation patterns

exhibited among the United States student group? Is this wide variation

 

Which is not to say that the United States has not experienced vast
’changes in social structure over the past fifty years.

also to be taken as an index of mal-institutionalisation in.Parsons'
terms? If so, than what does this imply with respect to the appro-
priateness of his model for the description of the maintenance of
stability and order in social action? It would seem to imply that the
maintenance of stability and order in social action via the internali-
sation of value standards as need-dispositions in actors' personalities
lacks universal empirical applicability. This, of course, is precisely
the view which this study takes of'Parsons' model and constitutes one
of the chief criticisms leveled against it. Thus, both for reasons
of obfuscation of the distinctions between the normative and existential
orders and limited empirical applicability we question the appropriate-
ness of’Parsons' model. Such a basis for the maintenance of stability
and order in social action would eppear to be empirically atypical and
probably obtainable only in the extreme. It is suggested that even
an approximation to Parsons' model may be obtainable empirically only
in very small scale social systems in a state of unusual stability.
This basic paradigm of Parsons has further ramifications for his
theory and for empirical analysis. One important feature of the social
system schema.which follows from this model is the relegation to a
problem of deviancy of the case of incongruence between the normative
and existential modes of an actor's orientations. While incongruence
or divergence between these two modes of orientation is not considered
in his model, Parsons does give attention to this matter in the treat-
ment of deviancy. But even here the model, grounded so thoroughly as
it is on the notion of the internalisation of value-standards as

needpdispositions in the personality, would appear to structure his

dd!
-‘.u
*

ideas in such a fashion as to lead away from the specifically socio-
logical relevance of deviancy. In his discussion of deviancy he is
led to the consideration of social personality types which may result
as deviant reactions to the demands of the "predominant" cultural
patterns. Thus, he recognizes and elaborates Merton's notions per-
taining to social personality types. He fails, however, to consider
the effects upon the maintenance of stability and order in social action
of different degrees of divergency between.persons' existential and
normative orientations and the different ramifications which such
divergency may have depending upon its extensiveness and location in
the social structure.

Another important feature of Parsons' schema which follows from
his basic paradigm is the notion of "predominant” value-orientation
patterns in societies. The theoretical function of such a view is
quite clear, and such a notion would seem to be necessary to the exp
planation of the maintenance of order, given his basic.model. This
concept appears to lead in empirical analysis to the description of a
cultural ethos. This is particularly evident in.Parsons' attempt at
the illustrative analysis of’Latin Americanjpatterns. We suggest that
the notion of predominant value-orientation patterns in a socio-cultural
system leads to the imputation of a considerably greater degree of
unity in the empirical case than actually may exist. That is, the
assumption of a.predominant value-orientation.pattern implies its
distribution generally throughout the members of a society, regard-
less of their location in the social structure. This feature of the

schema, then, directs further conceptualisation and empirical analysis

ideas in such a fashion as to lead away from the specifically socio-
legical relevance of deviancy. In his discussion of deviancy he is
led to the consideration of social personality types which may result
as deviant reactions to the demands of the "predominant" cultural
patterns. Thus, he recognizes and elaborates Merton's notions per-
taining to social personality types. He fails, however, to consider
the effects upon the maintenance of stability and order in social action
of different degrees of divergency between.persons' existential and
normative orientations and the different ramifications which such
divergency may have depending upon its extensiveness and location in
the social structure.

Another important feature of Parsons' schema which follows from
his basic paradigm is the notion of "predominant" value-orientation
patterns in societies. The theoretical function of such a view is
quite clear, and such a notion would seem to be necessary to the ex-
planation of the maintenance of order, given his basic.model. This
concept appears to lead in empirical analysis to the description of a
cultural ethos. This is particularly evident in.Parsons' attempt at
the illustrative analysis of’Latin American patterns. We suggest that
the notion of predominant value-orientation patterns in a socio-cultural
system leads to the imputation of a considerably greater degree of
unity in the empirical case than actually may exist. That is, the
assumption of a.predominant value-orientation.pattern implies its
distribution generally throughout the members of a society, regard-
less of their location in the social structure. This feature of the

schema, then, directs further conceptualisation and empirical analysis

away from the consideration of the strategic importance of given roles,
collectivities, and social aggregates in the maintenance of stability
and order in modern Western societies, e.g., the strategic function

of the "middle class." It also directs our thinking away from the
consideration of the possibility of a.plurality of value standards
differentially institutionalised throughout the papulation according
to a.person's place in the social structure. Furthermore, the model
and the derived notion of predominant value-orientations in a society.
leads completely away from the consideration of the possibility of an
absence of normative standards among persons occupying certain sectors
of the social structure except as this may constitute a form of de-
viancy, i.e., anomie. It would seem to us that a possible alternative
conception to the notion of the predominance of a set of value-orien-
tation patterns in a society might be that of a conception of a plural-
ity of‘value standards or a.dominant and one or more subordinant value
patterns.

The raising of these alternative conceptions has ramifications,
of course, for various aspects of the conception of society. In the
first place it suggests an overall view of societies as considerably
less tightly knit systems than we feel Parsons' views would imply.
Parsons' views seem to imply an essentially monolithic structure with
'variations from a predominant value system relegated to an analytical
problem of deviancy in personality structure. While this would seem
to be the implication of his basic model of the maintenance of order
in society there are sectors of Parsons' schemauwhich suggest a contra-

diction of the model and.which lead toward a more sociological view

’76”
55,1-

of society.

Moral Integration and Social Structure

In addition to the question of the relationship between role-
expectations and cultural value standards the study also examined
certain other implications of the social system schema.pertaining to
the prdblem of moral integration. These implications concerned the
relationship between types of role-expectations and the extent of
differentiation and segregation of social relations in a social system.
The findings of the study were discussed earlier, but their significance
with respect to the problem of moral integration needs to be elaborated
here. .

The study of the relationship between the incidence of certain
types of role-expectations and the extent of differentiation and segre-
gation of social relations in a social system was focused upon as an
aspect of the problem of moral integration because it is concerned
with the maintenance of stability and order in society. It was pointed
out that the specifically sociOIOgical features of the problem are
dealt with in.Parsons' discussion of the relationship between role-
expectation types and the extent of differentiation and segregation of
social relations. Here, the empirical referent of the theoretical
problem of order is recognized as residing in a functional relationship
between features of the social structure and the existential orienta-
tions which people exhibit with respect to substantive problems of
integration.

It is important to note that the empirical findings of the study

~375-

of society.

Moral Integration and Social Structure

In addition to the question of the relationship between role-
expectations and cultural value standards the study also examined
certain other implications of the social system schema pertaining to
the problem of moral integration. These implications concerned the
relationship between types of role-expectations and the extent of
differentiation and segregation of social relations in a social system.
The findings of the study were discussed earlier, but their significance
with respect to the problem of moral integration needs to be elaborated
here. '

The study of the relationship between the incidence of certain
types of role-expectations and the extent of differentiation and segre-
gation of social relations in a social system was focused upon as an
aspect of the problem of moral integration because it is concerned
with the maintenance of stability and order in society. It was pointed
out that the specifically sociological features of the problem are
dealt with in.Parsons' discussion of the relationship between role-
erpectation types and the extent of differentiation and segregation of
social relations. Here, the empirical referent of the theoretical
problem of order is recognized as residing in a functional relationship
between features of the social structure and the existential orienta»
tions which people exhibit with respect to substantive problems of
integration.

It is important to note that the empirical findings of the study

“’3"

were interpreted.as supporting the implications of the social system
schema*with.respect to the relationship between several types of role-
axpectations and the extent of differentiation and segregation of
social relations in a social system. Specifically, Parsons' notions
imply that we should find a progressively higher incidence of univer-
salistic-type role-expectations among persons accordingly as the extent
of differentiation and segregation of role-relations increases. On

the other hand, we should expect that as differentiation and segregation
of social relations increases the incidence of collectivity-orientation
toward.the family will decrease. Finally, Parsons' views imply that

as differentiation and segregation increase we should expect a.progres-
sively higher incidence of collectivity-orientation toward the peer
group. Now, while from the statistical analysis of the data.we were
led to infer that these implications of the social system schema are
supported, it must again be noted that a wide range of variations in
role-expectation types was exhibited among‘both the Uhited States
students and the Mexican students. While, in accordance with the theory,
the Mexican group exhibited higher incidences of particularism and of
collectivityaorientation toward the peer group, these were merely
statistical averages. Not all Mexicans exhibited higher incidences
than‘Lmericans of particularism and of collectivityaorientation toward
the family. Some Mexicans ranked higher than many Americans. The
point is that while Mexicans and.Lmericans as groups exhibited signi-
ficantly different role-expectation types in directions which conform
with the implications of the social system theory this was not the case

on an individual basis of comparison.

we

nfxr‘.
7-0”

If,then, Parsons' model were to be accepted we should.have to
conclude that large segments of both the Mexican and United States
student groups had.not internalised the value standards of their cul-
tures and. hence, constitute problems of deviancy. This circumstance
in turn implies a threat to stability and order in the social system.
As was noted earlier, the interpretation of this wide variation in
role-expectation types as representing a high incidence of deviancy
was rejected. Conceptions were advanced by the study which in some
measure account for the wide variation in role-expectation types ex-
hibited.by the Uhited States students. Ethnic status differences among
the United States students were shown to differentiate their role-
expeotation patterns. Thus, the wide variation was accounted for in
part by viewing it as a function of the location of students in differ-
ent positions in a.highly differentiated social structure. Rather
than viewing out of hand the differences in role-expectation.patterns
between the Anglo-Americans and Spanishpspeaking’Spanish~Americans as
a.preblem.of deviancy of the latter from the predominant patterns of
American society and, hence, a threat to order in the social system,
the motion was proposed that the types of role-expectations exhibited
by this SpanishpAmerican group may reflect a lower incidence of involve-
ment in the demimant relational patterns of the social system. Thus,
the idea of dominant and subordinate patterns of social relations was
introduced into the thesis.

Here it is crucial to note that, if'Parsons' views he accepted,
what we have termed a subordinate pattern must be interpreted as a

case of deviancy, thus a threat to the stability and order of the

nm'

social system. However, the matter would appear to be somewhat more
complex than this. First, this study suggested that, rather than
indicating a.problem of deviancy, the role—expectation.pattern differ-
ences between the Anglos and.Spanish-speaking SpanishpAmericans may
reflect a tendency toward functional adaptation of the latter to the
exigencies of existence in a social milieu dominated by Anglos. In a
like fashion, the role-expectation pattern differences between the
bilingual Spanish-Americans and the Anglos may reflect a tendency toward
the functional adaptation of the latter, given its ethnic status in
American or, at least, “border" society. On the one hand, then, it
seems fairly clear that the Spanish-speaking SpanishpAmerican group
constitutes a case wherein the incidence of divergence of persons'
role-empectations from the dominant value standards of the society

is relatively high. On the other hand, we suggest that this may very
likely represent a functional adaptation to the milieu.in which this
economically disadvantaged ethnic group lives. If we are correct in
this, then what in Parsons' view would constitute a.problem in deviancy
and, hence, a.threat to the maintenance of stability and order in the
social system, constitutes in our view a functional adaptation.promoting
stability and order based on an intricate system of dominant-subordi-
nate relationships. II'he data do imply, of course, the absence of com-
plete integration of the Spanishquericans into the social relational
patterns of the.Anglo-Americans, but this is a question quite apart
from that of whether the given role-expectation patterns of the Spanish-
Americans represent a threat to stability and order in the social

system.

le have completed the examination of the problem of moral inte-
gration as it pertains to the maintenance of stability'and order in
a complex system of social relations. To proceed further on the basis
of the limited range of data which this study has presented would.be
to place excessive demands upon it and invite an exaggeration of its
importance. The problem of moral integration was discussed with respect
to the transposition of cultural value standards into social role-
expectations, and it was found that a.high incidence of divergence
between the dominant value standards and.persons' role-expectations
was exhibited among all of the sub-groups analysed. The problem of
moral integration also was discussed with respect to the relationship
between types of role-expectations and the extent of differentiation
and segregation of social relations in a social system. .At a general
level Parsons' notion pertaining to this relationship were supported
by the analyses presented by the study. In conclusion, then, it would
seem clear that the data imply either (1) that the systems of social
relations in which both the Mexican and.United States students are in-
volved lack a high level of order, or (2) that a high degree of moral
integration may not constitute so vital a feature of the maintenance
of stability and order as Parsons and others would suggest. This study

favors the latter view.

AP PEF‘TDDC A

APPENDIX TABLE 54

ALL UNITED STATES STUDmITS BY HIGH mm Low STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DmnVSD mom RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONFLI CT
SITUATIONS INVOLVIEEG AN ECOI-IOLEIC ROLE vmsus
A FAIx'IILIAL ROLE (SCALE 1)

 

 

 

 

Scale Type
Status
Group I II III Iv v N
High Status 5 l7 19 11 12 64
U.S. Students
Low Status 7 19 30 34 19 109
U.S. Students
N 12 36 49 45 31 173

 

Chi-square -‘-'- .1

P less than e99, d.f. . 5

 

Appszmx TABLE 55

ALL UNITED STATES STUDENTS BY HIGH AND Low STATUS, DISI‘RIBLTIC-I‘!
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED Fl CL assesses TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS INVOLVING m1 INSTriUlfli‘l‘AL ROLE vmsus

A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

 

Scale 6
Status Typ
Gm”? I II III Iv v N
High Status 3 6 18 15 18 . 60
U.S. Students
Low Status 6 13 26 24 39 108
U.S. Students
N 9 19 44 39 57 168
Chi-square = -3.7

 

 

APPEEDIX TABLE 56

ALL UNITED STATES STUDEITS BY 'EGH lid-ID LO?! STATUS, DI STRIBUL‘ION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM. RSSPGHSE TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATIONS REVOLVING SZIF-ORIEI‘EI'ATICN VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-ORIEIETATICN TO’fu’ARD THE. FAIJLY

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Sc
Status ale Type
GrOuP I II III IV v N
High Status 2 8 38 10 3 61
U.S. Students
Low Status 3 18 52 33 6 112
U.S. Students
N 5 26 9O 43 9 173

 

Chi-square '-'- .5

 

APPEJDIX TABLTJ 57

ALL UNITED STATES STUszTS BY me: up Low STATUS, DISTRIBLTICN
OF SCALE TYPES Dmuvsu mom RBBPOI‘JSES TO ROLE-CONFLICT
SITULTICTS INVOLVING smF-CRISTTATIUN VERSUS
CCLLTCIIVITT-ULI H-ITATIOBI Tums THE
Palm GROUP (SCALE IV)

 

 

 

 

Scale Type
Status
Gm“? I II III Iv v N
High Status 5 9 14 16 16 6O
U.S. Students
Low Status 8 24 31 27 22 112
U.S. Students
N 13 33 45 43 38 172

 

Chi-square = -3

 

niii-

APPBIDIX TABLE 58

ALL Tm CALI STUDLITTS BY Ifl Gz—i AND LOT STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FRUIT REST-CASES TC ROLE—CCTFLICT
SITUATILIZS IT.:VCLv1:-;G AN ECCTCLJC ROLE VERSUS

A FAUJIIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scale ' 6
Status T3p
Group “I
I II III IV V N
High Status Mexican 51 54 61 44 23 233
Students
Low Status Mexican 21 22 21 13 6 83
Students
N 72 76 82 57 29 316
Chi-square = 1.8 P less than .98, d.f. ' 7

 

APPHTDIX TABLE 59

ALL lziEflCAN STUDE'TITS BI I: C: AND LUZ-7 STATUS, DI S‘I‘RIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DIRTVSD FROM RESP 25335 To ROLE-CONFLICT
SITUATI CNS INVCLVIUG AI: IIISTRU‘ALE-ETAL ROLE VERSUS
A FRIEI-EDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

 

 

 

 

Scale Type
Status
Group
I II III IV V N
High Status Mexican 17 50 72 77 46 262
Student
Low Status Mexican 3 27 28 21 16 95
Student
N 20 77 100 98 62 357

 

Chi-square = .7

 

APPHEDIX TABLE 60

ALL I—EEXIGAN SI'UDH‘ITS BY HIGH AND LOW STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DFflIVED MICE; RESPOI‘ISDS TO ROLE-COI‘~3ELICT
SITUATION S INVOLVING SELF—C1111 E'I‘TTATICN VDRSU S
COILECTIVITI-ORIFA‘TTATION TOWARD TIE FALIILY

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Status Scale hips
Group
I II III IV' V N
High Status Mexican Students 2 6 80 111 33 232
Low Status Mexican Students - 3 32 32 19 86
N 2 9 112 143 52 318

 

Chi-square 3 .1

 

APPENDIX TABLE 61

ALL MEXICAN STUDENTS BY HIGH AND Low STATUS, DISTRIBUTION
OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FELT: RESPONSES TO ROLE-CONELICT
SITUATI ONS INVOLVING smF-ORIEETATION VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY-ORIETTATIOU TOWARD THE
PEER GROUP (SCALE IV)

 

 

 

Status Scale Type
Group
I II III IV V N
High Status Mexican Students 34 71 80 50 26 261
Low Status Mexican Students 18 26 28 15 8 95
N _ 52 97 108 65 31+ 356

 

Chi-square ' -209

 

APPENDIX TABLE 62

—"V'—

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IRON RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATION-S INVOLVING AN ECONOIIIC ROLE
VERSUS A FAMILIAL ROLE (SCALE I)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Occupational Scale Type
Category of
Father I II III IV v N
Professionals 13 14 19 18 . 7 71
Farmers 4 9 5 2 2 22
Preprietors, Managers 43 45 47 44 27 206

and Officials
Clerks 18 18 18 ll 13 78
Skilled WOrkers 12 17 23 14 5 71
Semi-Skilled Wbrkers 14 20 25 25 15 99
Laborers and Servant Glasses 15 15 19 19 ll 79

N 119 138 156 133 80 626
Chi-square ' 21.3 P less than .90, d.f. I 32
APPENDIX TABLE 63‘
DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED F3034: RESPONSES TO
ROLE-CONFLICT SITUATILNS INVOLVING AN INSTRUMENTAL
ROLE VERSUS A FRIENDSHIP ROLE (SCALE II)

Occupational Scale Type
Category of

her I II III IV V N
Professional 3 10 18 18 16 65
Farmers 4 5 7 4 2 22
Proprietors, Managers 15 32 49 43 39 183
Clerks 2 9 17 22 8 58
Skilled Workers 2 16 14 12 10 54
Semi-skilled lbrters 2 17 17 19 3O 85
Laborers and Servant Classes 5 7 23 l4 16 65

N 33 96 145 137 121 532

 

Chi-square = 38.7

P less than .20, d.f. = 32

 

o
If"!

APPENDIX TABLE 64

DI STRIBUTI CN CF SCALE TYPES DERIVED FROM RESPONSES TO ROLE.-
CONFLI CT SITUATI ONS INVOLVING S21. F— ORIBINTI‘ATI ON VERSUS
COLLECTIVITY- 0R1 ESTATI ON TOWARD THE F MVIILY

 

 

 

 

 

(SCALE III)
Occupational Scale Type
Category of
Father I & II III IV V N
Professionals 2 22 33 11 68
Farmers 1 7 ll 4 23
Proprietors, Managers&.Officials 9 77 79 31 196
Clerks 10 30 39 9 88
Skilled Workers 9 33 24 9 75
Semi-skilled WOrkers 12 34 38 14 98
Laborers and Servant Classes 4 25 26 20 75
N 47 228 250 98 623
Chi-square I 24.7 P less than .30, d.f. 3 25

 

APPENDIX TABLE'65

DISTRIBUTION OF SCALE TYPES DERIVED IRON. RESPONSE TO ROLE-
GONFLICT SITUATIONS INVOLVING SELF-ORIEITATION VLRSUS
COLLECTIVITI-ORIENTATION TUNED THE PEER GROUP

 

 

 

 

(SCALE IV)

Occupational Scale Type
Category of
Father I II III IV V N
Professional 2 9 24 15 12 62
Farmers l 5 7 4 2 l9
Proprietors, ManagersékOfficials 25 49 49 30 19 172
Clerks 11 17 l3 17 10 68
Skilled WOrkers 10 14. 16 11 8 59
Emmi-Skilled Workers 10 22 23 18 ll 84
Laborers and SerVant Classes 6 14 20 13 ll 64

N 65 130 152 108 73 528

 

Chi-square 3 22.9 P less than .90, d.f. 3 32

 

APPEI‘IDIX B

Form No . 6

YOUR HALE
I‘L’u-E OF THE SCHOOL

C LASS

THIS STUDY IS SPONSORED BY
THE CARl‘IEGIE FOUNDATION AND

I-EC HIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

10.

11.

12.
1).

Please PRINT your name.

 

Your age.
Your sex. Bale Female

What grade are you in at this school?

 

What course are you taking at this school?

 

where do you live? (City) (State)

 

where were you born? (City) (State)

 

where have you lived most of your life?

El Paso

 

 

 

 

 

 

_____fluarez
._____Other city (Name of city) (State)
Small town (Name of town) (State)
_____pn a Ranch or Farm.(Name of closest town) (State)____

In what country was your father born?

 

In what country was your mother born?

 

Who provides the chief support in your family?

 

***P1ease explain what’kind of work this person does, and what kind of comr
pany or organization he (or she) works for.»

 

 

 

How far in school did your father go?

 

How long have you lived in the united States?
I have always lived in the united States
I have never lived in the United States

._____I have lived in the united States and ,
(Y'are) (Months)

 

-~..

a":

1A. How long have you lived in Lexico?
I have always lived in Mexico.
I have never lived in Lexico.
_____l_have lived in beico _____years and;____months.
15. When you speak to your parents, what language so you usually use?
__English
_____Spanish
_____Both English and Spanish about equally
_____finother language (Uhat one? )

16. After school, when you are with friends of about your same age, what
language do you usually speak?

English
Spanish
Both English and Spanish about equally

Another language (What one? )

 

17. What language do you feel you speak best?
_____English '
__Spanish
_____£oth about the same.

18. What is your religion?

___patholic

Protestant (What denomination?

 

___Jewish
___Other (What one? )

19. How many brothers do you have?

 

 

20. How many sisters do you have?

14*.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.
20.

*"*

How long have you lived in Lexico?
I have always lived in Mexico.
I have never lived in Mexico.
I have lived in beico _____years and_____months.
When you speak to your parents, what language so you usually use?
_____Ehglish
_____Spanish
._____Both English and Spanish about equally
._____Another language (Uhat one? )

After school, when you are with friends of about your same age, what
language do you usually speak?

_____Ehg1ish

‘_____Spanish

_____Both English and Spanish about equally

_____finother language (What one? )
What language do you feel you speak best?

_____£hglish .

______Spanish

_____Both about the same.

What is your religion?

___patholic

Protestant (what denomination?

 

___Jewish
___9ther (What one? )

How many brothers do you have?

 

 

How many sisters do you have?

21. Do your parents own a car? Yes. No.

If your parents do own a car,

 

 

What make is it? 44
What year?
22. Do you own a car? Yes No

What make is it?

What year?

 

25. Does your family own the house where they live, or do they rent it?

Own

 

Rentg____,
24. What is your marital status?
‘_____Single.
_____harried.
Divorced.

25. Write in the names of the three boys or girls you go around with most
here at school.

Figst name Last name iAge ;Grade Is he or she related?

(1) g E
(2) ‘
(5) i %

 

 

.4-

SKRYl. You are a department manager in a large store. One day it is decided
that there will be a special sale of certain articles in your department within
about ten days. It was also decided, however, that it would be best for
business reasons not to announce the sale just yet. That evening you have
dinner with your brother who is in business for himself. Your brother tells
you that he is going to buy a large quantity of these articles tomorrow or
the day after tomorrow. If he goes ahead and buys these articles tomorrow
he will, of course, pay the regular price, but if he waits and buys them
during the sale he will save a considerable amount of money.

(a) What right does your brother have to expect you to tip him off about the

coming sale?
my brother would have a definite right to expect me to tip him off about

the coming sale.
Lh'brother would have some right to expect me to tip him off about the

coming sale.
by brother would have 39 right to expect me to tip him off about the

coming sale.

(b) In view of your obligations towards your brother and your obligations to
' the store, what do you think you would do?
I would tip off my brother about the coming sale, and thus save him a
considerable amount of money.
I woulg not tip off my brother, and I would let him go ahead and pay the
higher price.

******************n*as***************s**

SKRY 2 You are the head of a large office. One of the supervisors leaves the
company, and so you have to select a new one. Your brother also works in the
office. He is a good worker, but there might be some other employees in the
office who are harder workers than he is. Your brother wants the job.

(a) In view of the circumstances, what right does your brother have to expect
you to select him for the job?

He has a definite right to expect me to select him.for the job.

He has some right to expect me to select him for the job.

He has 93 right to expect me to select him for the job.

 

 

 

(b) In view of your obligations to a brother and your obligations to the
other employees and to the company, what do you think you wofild do?
*1 would select my brother for the job.
*1 would select the hardest worker for the job, even if this meant
leaving my brother in his old job.

.5-

STORY 5 Ybur brother is looking for a job. You work in an office. In fact, you.
are the head of the office, and among your other duties your are also in charge
of hiring new employees. Beginning next week the office will need several
new employees. It seems likely that your brother could handle one of the jobs
which will become available next week, but'you are not absolutely sure that
he could. You have some doubts about his ability to do some of the minor things
connected with the job.

(a) What right would your brother have to eXpect you to hire him for the job?
He would have a definite right to expect me to hire him for the job.
He would have some rizht to expect me to hire him for the job.
He would have 29 right to eXpect me to hire him for the job.

 

(b) In view of your obligations to him as your brother, what do you

think you would do?
I think that I would hire him, even if I did have some doubts about his
abilities to do some of the minor things connected with the job.
I think that I would not hire him, and I would look for someone who
appeared to be capable of doing even those few minor things connected
with the job.

* 3k )lx at: :j: $ >,-. :3. :3 ;.: :1: :3 :j. :;: a. :1: >5- :‘,< >;: :;< )3 >;. :;: 3k :3: :;: 2;; 2|: 3i: :4: :k >;: at: )3: 51>}: 2:1 :1: up at:

STORY 4 You are in charge of an office which provides a service to the public.
Anyone who wishes to receive this service must make application through your
office. It generally takes your office about a week to look over a person's
application, check it, and give the final approval on it. But it is possible
to push through an application in two days time if you give the order to do
so. This morning your brother comes to your office and tells you that he
needs your help. He needs to have his application checked and approved within
two or three days. If he waits a full week as is usual it will make things
very inconvenient for him.

(a) How much right does your brother have to eXpect you to push through his
application intwo days instead of makinghim wait a full week?
my brother would have a definite right to expect me to push through
his application in two days instead of making him wait a full week.
Ly brother would have some right to expect me to push through his
application in two days instead of making him wait a full week.
My brother would have no right to expect me to push through his
application in two days instead of making him.wait a full week.

(b) Considering your obligations to a brother what do you think you would

do in a situation like this?
I think I would give the order to have my brother's application processed.
I think that I would make my brother wait a full week. '

 

 

a.
...-

.6-

STORY 5 You are riding in a car driven by a close friend. Your friend turns a
corner rather fast and the rear fender scrapes against a pole and is slightly
damaged; Your friend decides to tell his father that the accident was un-
avoidable and was not his fault. If his father thinks that the fender was
damaged because of carelessness then your friend probably will not be allowed
to use the car anymore. Actually, it is hard for you to decide whether the
damage was or was not your friend's fault.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does your friend have to expect
'you to support his story?
Iy'friend has a definite right to eXpect me to support his story.
Lw'friend has some right to eXpect me to support his story.
L®'friend has 2g right to expect me to support his story.

(b) Considering your obligation to your friend what do you think you would do?
I think that I would support my friend' s story in a situation like this.
*1 think that I would not support my friend's story in a situation like
*this.

*$***$#$$ufigfia$$ngblr*$*******$$$$$$$**$

STORY 6 You and a close friend sit near each other in class. Your friend has
done very poorly on his examinations this term. One day an important examin-
ation is to be given. If your friend doesn't pass this examination he will
probably have to take the course over again next erm. Your friend asks you
to help him on the examination by turning your paper so that he can see it
during the exam. This way there is very little chance that either of you
will be caught.

(a) What right does your friend have to expect you to let him copy off your
paper?
My friend would have a definite right to expect me to let him.see my
paper.
my friend would have some right to exPect me to let him.see my paper.
my friend would have 39 right to expect me to let him see my paper.

(b) Considering your obligations to a friend in a situation like this,
what do you think you would do?
I would probably tell my friend that I would help him out.
I would probably tell my friend that I was sorry, but I couldn't help
him.sut.

..7-

STORY 7 One day a close friend of yours stops to talk to you and ask your help.
He says that last night he was out riding around in a car with some boys.
It turned out that the boy driving the car had stolen it earlier that same
evening. Anyway, the police had picked them up and all of the boys were
accused of taking part in stealing the car. Your friend wants you to testify
that he was with you at the time the car was stolen. Although he wasn't
really with you at that time you are absolutely sure that he didn't help steal
the car. If you will testify at court that your friend was with you at the
time the car was stolen, then your friend may avoid very serious trouble
with the police.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does your friend have to expect
you to testify in court in his favor?

He would have a definite right to eXpect me to testify in his favor.
He would have some right to expect me to testify in his favor.

He would have 39 right to expect me to testify in his favor.

*

 

(b) Considering your obligations to him as a close friend, what do you think
you would do?
I think that I would testify in court that he was with me at the time
the car was stolen so that he wouldn't get into serious trouble with

the police.
I think that I would not help him out in a situation like this, even if
it meant that he would get into serious trouble with the police.

""" " "' '.-'.‘l-.-.-' -.'.-'.'..‘ ‘.’... .'.
* :1: a: 3,: a: a: 3,: :5 3:: 3.: >5 :2: :,: :5 =,: :j: :,. :3 :5 .5 ;.: >5 .5 .5 :.¢ 2:: :.. ... ;.: ., ..z :5. :_- :.. 9,. ... >3.

STORY 8 Suppose that an important person, like the governor of the state, were
to visit this school, and this class were asked to send three of its members
to greet him. In a situation like this what three students in this class
would you pick to do this?

(1)

 

(2)

 

(5)

 

 

.-n

 

 

 

-5-

THEY 9 You are standing in line to eat lunch at the school cafeteria. There is
a long line of students, but you are up near the head of the line. A good
friend of yours comes up to you and asks you if he can get in line with you.
He says that he has to get to a meeting shortly and if he waits at the end of
the line he will be late for the meeting. You are pretty sure that he
doesn't have any such meeting, but you tell him that it's O.K. with you if he
gets in line ahead of you. Then the other students begin to complain and
tell him that he hasn't any right to get in line aheadtf‘the rest. If you
don't back up your friend's story by telling the other students that he has
an important meeting, then they will make your friend go to the end of the line.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right does your friend have to expect
you to support him?

.My friend has a definite right to expect me to support him.

by friend has some right to expect me to support him.

my friend has gg_right to expect me to support him.

 

(b) Considering your obligations to a close friend, what do you think you
would do?
I think that I would support my friend so that he wouldn't have to go
to the end of the line.
I think that I would not support my friend, even if it meant that he
would have to go to the end of the line.

*********>§=32<*=2€*>F¥ >I‘*>l~‘*=!==s***$******A=$******

STORY 10 Most of your friends have joined a club. They have a good time together,
and you want to join the club, too. You feel left out and lonely because you
are not a member and all of your friends are members. Your parents have
heard that a couple of the members of the club have bad reputations; they
have heard that some of them have been in trouble with the police. Because
of this your parents don't want you to join the club. If you don't join the
club you won't be able to take part in most of the activities of your friends.

(a) In a situation like this how much right do your parents have to expect
you not to join the club?
They would have adefinite right to eXpect me not to join the club.
They would have gome right to expect me not to join the club.
They would have 29 right to expect me not to join the club.

(b) Considering your own interests and your obligations to your parents, what
do you think you would do if the decision were left up to you?
I think that I would join the club so that I could continue to be with
my friends, even if my parents weren't very happy about it.
I think that I would give up the idea of joining the club, and follow
the wishes of my parents.

..9-

SKEY 11 You go around with a small group of friends. You like them very much
and they like you. Usually you have a good time when with them. So far as
you are concerned they are a good bunch of kids. Then one evening your parents
begin asking you a lot of questions about this group of friends of your. They
have heard that some of them have been in trouble with the police at various
times, and they are worried about your going around with them. Finally they
tell you that they would prefer that you stop going around with these friends,
and they ask you not to see them anymore.

(a) In circumstances such as these, how much right do you think your parents
would have to expect you to stop seeing your friends anymore?
They would have a definite right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.
They would have some right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.
They would have pg right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.

(b) Considering your own interests as well as your obligations to your
parents, what do you think you would do if the decision were up to you to make?
I think that I would continue to go around with my friends, even if this
didn't entirely please my parents.
I think that I would stop seeing my friends and stop going around with
them if my parents wanted me to do so.

**$*a**$#*****************$$$$$$$$$$a$$$

STORY 12 You go around with a group of friends about your own ago. One after-
noon you and your friends are standing around talking and trying to decide
what to do this evening. After standing and arguing for half an hour or so
most of them decide they want to go over and watch television at one of the
kid's home. The program they want to see begins in 15 minutes so you'll have
to hurry. But you don't want to watch television tonight and you start
arguing with the rest of them that there's a good movie downtown. They tell
you to quit arguing and come along now or they will miss the beginning of the
program. But you know that if you can talk a couple of them into coming to
the movie with you, then the rest of them will probably come, too.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does the group have to expect you
to quit arguing and come along to watch television with them?
The group has a definite right to expect me to come watch television with

 

them.
The group has some right to eXpect me to come watch television with
them.

The group has 29 right to expect me to come watch television with them.
(b) Considering your own interests and the interests of the group what do
you think you would do?
I think that I would continue to argue and try to get some of them to
go to the movie with me. ,
I think that I would stop arguing and go watch television with the rest
of the group.

..9...

flDRY 11 You go around with a small group of friends. You like them very much
and they like you. Usually you have a good time when with them. So far as
you are concerned they are a good bunch of kids. Then one evening your parents
begin asking you a lot of questions about this group of friends of your. They
have heard that some of them have been in trouble with the police at various
times, and they are worried about your going around with them. Finally they
tell you that they would prefer that you stop going around with these friends,
and they ask you not to see them anymore.

(a) In circumstances such as these, how much right do you think your parents
would have to eXpect you to stop seeing your friends anymore?

They would have a definite right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.
They would have some right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.
They would have pg right to expect me to stop seeing my friends.

 

 

(b) Considering your own interests as well as your obligations to your
parents, what do you think you would do if the decision were up to you to make?
I think that I would continue to go around with my friends, even if this
didn't entirely please my parents.
I think that I would stop seeing my friends and stop going around with
them if my parents wanted me to do so.

**$*=. **¥VX*******XK****ia‘ =>* =*: ns=3w***

STORY 12 You go around with a group of friends about your own age. One after-
noon you and your friends are standing around talking and trying to decide
what to do this evening. After standing and arguing for half an hour or so
most of them decide they want to go over and watch television at one of the
kid's home. The program they want to see begins in 15 minutes so you'll have
to hurry. But you don't want to watch television tonight and you start
arguing with the rest of them that there's a good movie downtown. They tell
you to quit arguing and come along now or they will miss the beginning of the
program. But you know that if you can talk a couple of them into coming to
the movie with you, then the rest of them will probably come, too.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does the group have to expect you
to quit arguing and come along to watch television with them?
The group has a deflgite right to expect me to come watch television with
them.
The group has some right to eXpect me to come watch television with
them.
The group has 39 right to expect me to come watch television with them.

 

(b) Considering your own interests and the interests of the group what do
you think you would do?
I think that I would continue to argue and try to get scie of them to
go to the movie with me. ,
I think that I would stop arguing and go watch television with the rest
of the group.

THEY 13 You belong to a club. One day at a meeting of all the group an argument
develops between you and another member. The argument gets pretty hot because
both of you feel strongly about the subject. In the midst of the argument the
other member tells you that you don't know what you are talking about, that
you are stupid, and he thoroughly insults you. This, of course, makes you mad,
but if the argument goes on or a quarrel starts it probably will break up the
meeting of the group.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does the rest of the group have to
expect you to sit down and quit arguing?
The rest of the group has a definite right to expect me to sit down and
quit arguing.
The rest of the group has some right to expect me to sit down and quit

 

arguing.
The rest of the group has 39 right to expect me to sit down and quit
arguing. '

(b) Considering your own interest as well as the interest of the group, what
do you think you would do in a situation like this?
_I think that I would not let the other member get away with insulting me,
even if it did break up the meeting of the group.
I think that I would not break up the meeting of the group just because
this other member insulted me.

e12.

SHEY 14 You and some of your close friends are standing around talking one evening.
You have been thinking about going to a movie downtown which you believe will
be a particularly good one. Tonight is the last night it will be showing in
town. You try to interest your friends in going to see this movie, but they
tell you it's no good. They want to go see a different movie, and they want
you to come along with them. Your friends start telling you that you never seem
to want to do what they do anymore.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your friends have to expect you
to go along with them to see the movie they are interested in?

my friends would have a definite right to expect me to go along with
them.

NV friends would have some right to expect me to go along with them.
My friends would have ég right to expect me to go along with them.

 

(b) Considering your interest in seeing the other movie, and your obligations
to your friends, what do you think you would do?

Go with my friends to see the movie they were interested in, and maybe
see the movie I was most interested in at some later date.

Go to the movie in which I was most interested, even if my friends

did get mad about it.

************************************

TORY "15 You own a car. You and some of your friends have been planning to take a
short trip over the week-end. You have promised them that they can go in your
car, and so they have based all their plans on the fact that they will go in
your car. Then, the day before you are supposed to leave with them on the
trip a good friend of yours who lives in California comes to town. This friend
will be in El Paso just for the week-end, and you would like to spend as much
time with this friend as possible. If you stay in El Paso to visit with your
friend fromlDalifornia as you would like to do then the trip you and your
friends had planned on taking will be ruined.

(a) In a situation like this, what right do your friends with whom you plan to
take the trip have to expect you to go on the trip as planned?

.My friends would have a definite right to expect me to go on the trip
as planned.
NV friends would have some right to expect me to go on the trip as
planned.
by friends would have g9 right to expect me to go on the trip as planned.

 

(b) Considering your own interests in seeing your friend from California and
your obligations to your other friends to take them.on the trip, what do
you think you would do?

I think that I would stay in El Paso and see my friend from.California,
even if my friends whom I planned to take on the trip did get mad
about it.

I think that I would go ahead with the trip even if I would prefer

to visit with my friend from California.

THEY 15 You belong to a club. One day at a meeting of all the group an argument
develops between you and another member. The argument gets pretty hot because
both of you feel strongly about the subject. In the midst of the argument the
other member tells you that you don't know what you are talking about, that
you are stupid, and he thoroughly insults you. This, of course, makes you mad,
but if the argument goes on or a quarrel starts it probably will break up the
meeting of the group.

(a) In a situation like this, what right does the rest of the group have to
expect you to sit down and quit arguing?
The rest of the group has a definite right to expect me to sit down and
quit arguing.
The rest of the group has some right to expect me to sit down and quit

arguing.
The rest of the group has 29 right to expect me to sit down and quit
arguing.

(b) Considering your own interest as well as the interest of the group, what
do you think you would do in a situation like this?
I think that I would not let the other member get away with insulting me,
even if it did break up the meeting of the group.
I think that I would not break up the meeting of the group just because
this other member insulted me.

.12.

new 14 You and some of your close friends are standing around talking one evening.
You have been thinking about going to a movie downtown which you believe will
be a particularly good one. Tonight is the last night it will be showing in
town. You try to interest your friends in going to see this movie, but they
tell you it's no good. They want to go see a different movie, and they want
you to come along with them. Your friends start telling you that you never seem
to want to do what they do anymore.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your friends have to expect you
to go along with than to see the movie they are interested in?

up friends would have a definite right to expect me to go along with
them.

my friends would have some right to expect me to go along with them.
my friends would have §9_ right to expect me to go along with them.

(b0 Considering your interest in seeing the other movie, and your obligations
to your friends, what do you think you would do?

Go with my friends to see the movie they were interested in, and maybe
see the movie I was most interested in at some later date.

Go to the movie in which I was most interested, even if my friends

did get mad about it.

************************************

I‘ORY '15 You own a car. You and some of your friends have been planning to take a
short trip over the week-end. You have promised them.that they can go in your
car, and so they have based all their plans on the fact that they will go in
your car. Then, the day before you are supposed to leave with them.on the
trip a good friend of yours who lives in California comes to town. This friend
will be in El Paso just for the week—end, and you would like to spend as much
time with this friend as possible. If you stay in El Paso to visit with your
friend from California as you would like to do then the trip you and your
friends had planned on taking will be ruined.

(a) In a situation like this, what right do your friends with whom you plan to
take the trip have to expect you to go on the trip as planned?

my friends would have a definite right to expect me to go on the trip
as planned.
My friends would have some right to expect me to go on the trip as
planned.
my friends would have 29 right to expect me to go on the trip as planned.

 

(b) Considering your own interests in seeing your friend from California and
your obligations to your other friends to take them on the trip, what do
you think you would do?

I think that I would stay in El Paso and see my friend from California,
even if my friends whom I planned to take on the trip did get mad
about it.

I think that I would go ahead with the trip even if I would prefer

to visit with my friend from California.

”113+-

swarr7rda BOYS Your father owns a store. Your parents want you to go to work in

TMS

the store after finishing high school. They hope that you will eventually

take over the store when your father retires. Your own interests, however,
don't lie along these lines. You have worked in the store and you know that
you don't like that kind of work veby much. On the other hand, you have a real
interest in becoming a skilled mechanic. You do know that you have a consider-
able amount of talent for mechanics, and you are sure of getting a good job.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your parents have to expect
you to give up mechanics and go to work in your father's store?

my parents would have a definite right to expect me to give up
mechanics and go to work in their store.

my parents would have some right to expect me to give up mechanics
and go to work in their store.

my parents would have 2g right to expect me to give up mechanics
and go to work in their store.

(b)¢30neidering your own interests and your obligations to your parents, what
do you think you would do if the decision were up to you?

I would probably go ahead and follow my own interest and try to
become a mechanic.

I would probably go to work for my father in his store and give up
the idea of becoming a mechanic.

***#***************$=L=351*>.==':¢c‘.-*2:*=2-¥>2==i81<>1<*

NRnyFOR GIRLS Some close friends of your parents have a son who is just about

your age. Ever since you were born, your parents have planned that you would
marry this boy. You and this boy like each other, but you are not in love with
each other. Besides that, you want to be a nurse. After finishing high
school, you want to enter nurse's training.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your parents have to expect
you to marry this boy as soon as you graduate from high school?

by'parents would have a definite right to expect me to marry the boy.
My parents would have some right to expect me to marry this boy.
my parents would have‘gg right to expect me to marry this boy.

(b) Considering your own interests and your obligations to your parents, what
do you think you would do if the decision were up to you?

I think that I would probably go ahead and follow my own interest
and enter nurse's training when I finished high school.

I think I would probably go ahead and marry the boy when I finished
high school and give up the idea of becoming a nurse.

 

 

”.11..

STORY 17 FOR BOYS Your father owns a store. Your parents want you to go to work in

fiHS
STORY
NR

BOYS '

the store after finishing high school. They hope that you will eventually

take over the store when your father retires. Your own interests, however,
don't lie along these lines. You have worked in the store and you know that
you don't like that kind of work vefiy much. On the other hand, you have a real
interest in becoming a skilled mechanic. You do know that you have a consider-
able ameunt of talent for mechanics, and you are sure of getting a good job.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your parents have to expect
you to give up mechanics and go to work in your father's store?

Ry parents would have a definite right to expect me to give up
mechanics and go to work in their store.

aw parents would have some right to expect me to give up mechanics
and go to work in their store.

my parents would have g2 right to expect me to give up mechanics
and go to work in their store.

(b) Considering your own interests and your obligations to your parents, what
do you think you would do if the decision were up to you?

I would probably go ahead and follow my own interest and try to

become a mechanic.
I would probably go to work for my father in his store and give up

the idea of becoming a mechanic.

*******************3}=3L:=1=*?:==é’-:.~'t=>.;=i==L-3it>2=‘rl3*>l<3!!

TORY f-TFOR GIRLS Some close friends of your parents have a son who is just about

HIS
TORY
DR

[RLS

your age. Ever since you were born, your parents have planned that you would
marry this boy. You and this boy like each other, but you are not in love with
each other. Besides that, you want to be a nurse. After finishing high
school, you want to enter nurse's training.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right do your parents have to expect
you to marry this boy as soon as you graduate from high school?

my parents would have a definite right to expect me to marry the boy.
Hy parents would have some right to expect me to marry this boy.
My parents would have g9 right to expect me to marry this boy.

(b) Considering your own interests and your obligations to your parents, what
do you think you would do if the decision were up to you? '

I think that I would probably go ahead and follow my own interest
and enter nurse's training when I finished high school.

I think I would probably go ahead and marry the boy when I finished
high school and give up the idea of becoming a nurse.

 

 

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:15-

flfiWIBFOR BOYS There is a girl at school whom you know and whom you like quite

THIS

STORY

mm

BOYS

well. One day you ask her to go out on a date to a dance, and she accepts.

When you get home from school you tell your mother that you have asked this girl
to a dance and your mother gets all upset. She says that she doesn't like this
girl and doesn't want you to date her. Your mother doesn't say why she doesn't
like this girl, but she makes it clear that she doesn't want you to date her.
Cnithe other hand, you have been looking forward to dating this girl, and if
you don't take her to the dance after having asked her, then she probably

won't ever accept another invitation.

(a) In a circumstance like this, what right does your mother have to expect
you to break your date with this girl?

by'mother has a definite right to expect me to break my date with
this girl.

My mother has some right to expect me to break my date with this girl.
hy'mother has g9 right to expect me to break my date with this girl.

 

(b) Considering your own interests as well as your obligations to your mother,
what do you think you would do?

I think that I would go ahead and take the girl to the dance like I had
planned.

I think that I would call her and tell her that I wouldn't be able to
take her to the dance.

***$$$$$m**$$$$¥$$¥$$$m$L$$¥$$v*$***

RRYI8FOR GIRLS There is a boy at school whom you know and whom you like quite

WY

IRLS

well. One day he asks you to go out on a date to a dance, and you accept.

When you get home from school you tell your mother that this boy has asked

you to go to a dance with him and that you accepted his invitation. Then your
mother gets upset and says that she doesn't like this boy and she doesn't

want you to have a date with him. Your mother doesn't say why she doesn't like
the boy, but she makes it clear that she doesn't want you to date him. On the
other hand, you have been looking forward to having a date with this boy, and
if you don't go out with him after having promised him that you would, then he
probably won't ever ask you again.

(a) In a circumstance like this what right does your mother have to expect
you to call off the date with this boy?

my mother would have a definite right to expect me to call off the date.
my mother would have some right to expect me to call off the date.
my mother would have g3 right to expect me to call off the date.

(b) Considering your own interests as well as your obligations to your mother,
what do you think you would do?

I think that I would go ahead and go to the dance with the boy like I
had planned.

I think that I would call the boy and tell him that I wouldn't be able
to go to the dance with him.

I'

4.

   

 

a
l

I.”
‘-

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