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. 8112175

WEBSTEI. LUCIA LOIS

VALUE ORIENTATION PERCEPTION OF CHILD REARING, AND LOCUS

OF CONTROL AMONG DELINQUENT AND NONDELINQUENT MEXICAN
ADOLESCENT MALES

Michigan State University PHD. 1980

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300 N. ZEEB ROAD. ANN ARBOR. Ml 48106
18 BEOFORD ROW. LONDON WCIR 4EJ, ENGLAND

VALUE ORIENTATION PERCEPTION OF CHILD BEARING, AND LOCOS OF CONTROL

AMONG DELINQUENT AND NONDELINQUENT MEXICAN ADOLESCENT MALES

By

Lucia Lois Rebater

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in a partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Psychology

1980

ABSTRACT

VALUE ORIENTATION, PERCEPTION OF CHILD BEARING, AND LOCUS OF CONTROL
AMONG DELINQUENT AND NONDELINQUENT MEXICAN ADOLESCENT MALES.

Bv
Lucia Lois Hebster

The present study was designed to explore proscriptive-prescriptive value
orientation, perception of maternal child-rearing practices, and perceived
locus of control among delinquent and nondelinquent Mexican adolescent males.
Previous research in the area of value orientation was cited, with particular
emphasis on McKinney's four-fold model of the development of values. According
to McKinney's model, parents who emphasize a prescriptive value orientation,
reward their children for doing right and punish them for not doing right.
Parents who emphasize a prescriptive value orientation reward their children
for not doing wrong and punish them for doing wrong. Integration of McKinney's
model with the literature concerning parental punativeness, use of physical
punishment, and perceived locus of control, suggested the following hypotheses:
(1) Delinquents would have higher prescriptive value orientations than nondelin-
quanta, (2) delinquents would be more oriented toward an external locus of
control than nondelinquents, (3) delinquents would perceive their mothers
to have used more physical punishment than reward, and (fl) delinquents would
score higher on direct object punishment and symbolic love punishment than
would nondelinquents.

The subjects were sixty-two adolescent males residing in Monterrey, Mexico.
Thirty-one subjects were delinquents, referred to the study by the preventive

police of Monterrey, and thirty-one subjects were nondelinquent volunteers

Lucia Lois Hebster

of approximately the same age and social-economic status. Subjects were admini-
stered the Roe-Sigelman Mother Form of the Parent-Child Questionnaire, Rotter's
Social Reaction Inventory (internal-external locus of control), and MeKinney's
Sentence Completion Test (prescriptive-proscriptive value orientation).

Data analyses supported two of the hypotheses. Delinquents scored higher
in prescriptive value orientation than did nondelinquents. Delinquents also
perceived their mothers to use more punishment than did nondelinquents. No
differences were found between delinquents and nondelinquents on perceived
locus of’control. The only difference between delinquents and nondelinquents
in perception of parental punishment/reward was in the Opposite direction
to that predicted-~delinquents reported that their mothers gave them higher
levels of reward than did the nondelinquents. The results were discussed
in light of cultural differences in child rearing patterns, rehabilitation

of delinquents, and suggestions for future research.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A number of people aided in the completion of this dissertation. I es-
pecially would like to thank my advisers, Profs. John Paul McKinney and Hiram
E. Fitzgerald, for their support throughout my graduate education and for
their assistance with the dissertation project. The other members of my dis-
sertation comittee, Profs. Ellen Strommen and Elaine Donelson also deserve
thanks. This study could not have been done without the many students and
colleagues in Monterrey who helped with data collection and who provided access
to the study participants. I would like to express my appreciation to them
all. Finally, I would like to thank Margaret Burritt for her help with the

final preparation of the manuscript.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter

I.

II.

III.

IV.

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Cultural Background: Mexico . . . . . . . .

State of Nuevo Leon . . . . . . . . . . .
Monterrey................

Court for Minors . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Delinquency Statistics . . . . . . . . . .
Social Economic Class . . . . . . . . . .
Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

THEORETICAL OVERVIEW . . . . . . . . . . . .

Psychoanalytic Theory . . . . . . . . . .
Social Learning Theory . . . . . . . . . .
Cognitive Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

HYPOTHESES I O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O 0

State of the Problem . . . . . . . . . . .
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“THOD O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O

subj ec t s O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0
Ma t er 181 s O O I O O I O O O O O O O O O 0

Procedure 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

RESULTS 0 O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O 0

Demographic Variables . . . . . . . . . . .

Ages . . . . . . . .

Siblings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Level of Education .

Familial Pattern . . . . . . . . . . . .
Demographic Variables Concerning Offenders
Prescriptive and Proscriptive Orientation
Locus of Control . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Perception of Punishment . . . . . . . . .
Perception of Rewards . . . . . . . . . .

iii

Page

y—a

NNJ-‘WUJH

16
18

19

19
20
21
24

25

25
25

27

27
27
28

30

30
30
3O
30
30
35
35
39
42
42

Chapter Page
Iv. DISCUSSION I O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 45
Prescriptive-Proscriptive Value Orientation . . . . . . 4S

Direct-Object and Symbolic-Love Punishment . . . . . . . 47
Direct-Object and Symbolic-Love Reward . . . . . . . . . 48

Locus of Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Implications for Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Problems Encountered in the Present Research . . . . . . 51
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

REFERENCES 0 O C O O O O C O O O O '0 O I O O O O C O O O O I O O I 53

iv

Table

10.
11.
12.

13.

14.

15.

LIST OF TABLES

Distribution of Mexico's Pepulatien at Various Age,
Levels for Males and Females 17 Years of Age and
Less. Data are based on the 1979 Census . . . . . . . .

Demographic Statistics for Delinquents Appearing Before
the Court for Minors during 1977 . . . . . . . . . . . .

Demographic Statistics for Delinquents in the Custody of
Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1975-1976. .

Demographic Statistics for Delinquents in the Custody of
Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1976-1977. .

Demographic Statistics for Delinquents in the Custody of
Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1977-1978. .

Distribution Referrals for 2,873 Delinquent Minors (2,156
males, 717 females) during the Time Period of March 1977
to February 1978. Data are based on records maintained
by the Preventive Police . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Violations for 2,873 Delinquents during
the Time Period of March 1977 to February 1978. Data
are based on records maintained by the Preventive Police

Age of Subjects, Number of Siblings and Academic Level . .

Parents Living in the Same Household . . . . . . . . . . .

Main Caregiver and Relatives Living in the Same Household.

Frequency of the Types of Violations . . . . . . . .

Number of Previous Arrests . . . . . . ...... . . . .

Summary of Prescription and Prescription Sentence Comple-
tion Data Analysis for Delinquents and Nendelinquents. .

Summary of Prescription and Prescription Sentence Comple-
tion Data.Analysis for Delinquents and Nendelinquents
with Deletion of Positive Stem Items . . . . . . . . . .

Summary of External Locus of Control Data Analysis for
Delinquents and Nondelinquents . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Page

10

11

12

13-15
31
33
34
36

37

38

4O

41

Table Page
16. Summary of Direct Object Punishment and Symbolic Love
Punishment Data Analysis for Nendelinquents and
Nondelinquents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

17. Summary of Symbolic Love Reward and Direct Object Reward
Data Analysis for Delinquents and Nendelinquents . . . . . 44

vi

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study was to investigate differences between delin-
quents and nondelinquents residing in Monterrey, Mexico, with respect to their
value orientations, perception of punishment, and perceived locus of control.
To some extent, delinquency is a culturally defined phenomenon. What may
be delinquent behavior in the United States, may or may not be delinquent
behavior in Mexico. Moreover, cultures may differ widely in the child rearing
practices, social-economic conditions, and "cultural ethic” to which adoles-
cents are exposed. In order that the reader may better understand the situ-
ation of Mexican delinquents, this chapter will provide a brief overview of
the culture from which the study sample was drawn.

Cultural Backggeund: Mexico

The Republic of Mexico is a relatively large country with a total land
surface area of 1,972, 597 sz. In 1960, there were 34,923,126 citizens,
but by 1970 the population increased to ”8,225,238 (Direccien Federal de Esta-
distica, 1970). Table 1 summarizes pepulatien statistics for children under
age 17, according to the 1970 census. The rapid increase in population com-
bined with a slowly develOping economy exacerbated a number of social problems,
including under-nutrition and family instability. For example, in 1970, ap-
proximately 10 million individuals consumed insufficient quantities of pro-
tein. The diets of 11 million people did not include eggs, and 18 million
people had little or no milk to drink. It is clear that the nutritional status
for many Mexicans is substandard (Direccien Federal de Estadistica, 1970).
Changes in family stability are reflected by dramatic increases in divorce

I

Table 1
Distribution of Mexico's population at various age levels
for males and females 17 years of age and less.

Data are based on the 1970 census.*

 

 

Age Range 1960 Census 1970 Census

0-4 years 16.5% 16.9%

5-9 years. 15.2% 16.0%

10-14 years 12.5% 13.3%

15-17 years 6.22 6.6%

e Ran e _M_a__1_¢_a_§_ Females _T_9_t_a_l_

0-6 years 5,836,609 5,627,822 11,464,431
7-17 years 7,085,792 6,888,634 13,974,426

 

*Direccion Federal de Estadistica (1970).

rates. Divorces in 1960 numbered 14,964. By 1970, the divorce rate more
than doubled to 31,181 (Direccien Federal de Estadistica, 1970).
State of Nuevo Leon

The state of Nueve Leon is situated between the parallels 270 48' and
23°. 09' North latitude and the meridians 98° 26' and 101° 13' Greenwich west
latitude. It has a superficial area of 64,555 m2,and is integrated by 15
Municipalities (Cifras de Nueve Leon, 1970).

The state has 1,649 elementary schools with 465,918 students and 13,258
teachers. Of these schools, 920 are federal, 622 are state, and 107 are pri-
vate. There are 262 secondary schools with 124,548 students and 5,721 teachers.
Of these, 21 are federal, 170 are state, and 71 are private. There are 51
Bachillerates (i.e., upper high schools) which have enrollment figures num-
bering 31,760 students with a teaching faculty numbering 1,295. Of these
schools, 21 are private and 30 are public institutions. Beth truancy and
drop-out are problems. One out of five children quit school between the first
and sixth grades. It should not be surprising, therefore, that a large number
of adults are illiterate (Garza, Mendiela & Rabago, 1977).

Nuevo Leon has the following institutes of higher education: Uhiversidad
Autonoma de Nuevo Leon, Institute Tecnolegico, Universidad de Monterrey, Univer-
sidad Regiemontana, Centre de Estudios Universitarios, Universidad Autonoma
del Norte, Universidad Mexicans del Noreste, and Universidad de Mbntemerelos.
All of these universities except the last are located in the metropolitan
area of Monterrey (Cifras de Nueve Leon, 1970).

Monterrey

The metropolitan area of Monterrey is in the northeastern part of Mexico.

It is the capital of the state of Nuevo Leon and one of the leading industrial

cities of Mexico. It consists of seven municipalities which include Monterrey,

San Nicolas, Garza Garcia, Apodaca, Guadalupe, Gral, Escebede, and Santa Catarina.

According to the 1970 census, the total population of the area is 1,899,837,
and the minimum wage, in pesos, is $113.00 per week.

The metropolitan area of Monterrey has a population of 100,000 people
who are immigrants from rural areas of other states. These people are refer-
red to as "Paracaidistas", "Marginados", or land invaders. The condition
of these people continues to be in constant flux, while the flight to the
city continues to increase the area's population.

Court for Minors

The first Court for Minors was founded in 1928, in Mexico City by Francisco
Villamichel and Francisco Bolanos. In the city of Monterrey, the delinquent
court was initiated in July of 1934 under Governor Pablo Quiroga (Secretaria
de Gobierno, 1934).

The state of Nuevo Leon has a Court for Minors dealing exclusively with

cases of delinquency of minors 18 years of age and under. According to law,
the court must be composed of a lawyer, a medical doctor, and a teacher.
It has been established that all hearings are to be held completely separate
from the ordinary penal court. The procedures followed are to be informal,
and the sanctions applied are to be characterized by an absence of penal nature
(Cisneros, 1970).

According to Chapter 13 of the General Dispositions, Article 1:

It is the duty of the Court for Miners to hear each case that
the penal code indicates with respect to minors. Vhen a senior
and a minor together violate the law, the ordinary court can
not in any case or with any motive, extend its jurisdiction over
the minor (Cedigos Penales, 1960).
On April 22, 1941, Don Manuel Avila Camacho, then President of Mexico,

decreed that all courts for minors are to be ruled by a common law, although

direct responsibility for the Courts for Minors was to reside with the indi-

vidual states.

On July 28, 1934, in the Official Gazette, the first ruling for the Court

for Miners in the State of Nuevo Leon was decreed. This has been modified

in some of its articles, but remains extant.

Any children 18 years old or younger who violate the penal code will ’

be interned for their educative correction for as long as is necessary (Guerrero,

1978).

The internship can be as follows:

I.
II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

out 52-...-.-
A

Home Reclusion

School Reclusion

Reclusion in an honest heme,

patronate, or similar institution

Reclusion in a medical establishment

Reclusien in a special establishment

of technical education, and

Reclusion in an establishment of correctional education (Codigos

Penales, 1960).

The re-educative corrections are as follows:

I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.

VIII.

IX.

warnings

Tutelary measures

Foster placement

Hospitals

House of Mental Health
Centre de Integracion Juvenil
Escuela Prevocasienal

Casa de Refugio, and

Casa de Jesus (Guerrero, 1978).

warnings are given in accordance to article 552 of the organic law.

If a child under 12 is not morally abandoned, perverted, in physical danger,
or requiring a special treatment, the Court will warn or apply school arrest.
In this case it will warn and advise the parents in the most convenient way.

The tutelary measures imply that the Court must attempt to locate the
parents. In their abscence, the nearest relative must be contacted so he
can take charge of the minor under the supervision of the Court with the under-
standing that all Court orders must be fulfilled.

Foster home placement is applied when the minor is morally abandoned,
perverted or in physical danger. The Court gives the child to a worthy family
where he can be educated and watched by a person designated by the Department
of Social Prevention.4
A minor can be hospitalized due to a sudden sickness that happened during
the hearings and that requires special care.

If the minor is considered to be mentally ill he or she will be put in
the House of Mental Health.

If the minor is a drug addict, the Court will send him to the Centre
de Integracion Juvenil.

If the minor does not fall in the above categories, if he is a boy he
will be sent to the Escuela Prevecasional. If the minor is a girl, she will
be sent either to Casa del Refugio or to Casa de Jesus (Guerrero, 1978).

The organization and functioning of the Court for Miners is very vague,
and subject to many mistakes (Gomez, 1971).

Most of the minors who are interned by the Court come from low socio-
economic levels. This in great part is due to the fact that those who come
from the middle or upper classes generally are not interned unless a serious

violation has been committed. Parents pick their children up at the police

stations and will not allow them to be turned in to the Court, or, once in
the Court, they are released to their parents if they can demonstrate that
they are honorable, have a stable and normal home, and have an honest means
of living (Rodriquez, 1975).
Delinquency Statistics

De la Torre, Joaquin, et al., in Excelsior de Mexico, (March 17, 1974)
states that 20 percent of the children in Mexico are physically abused by I
their parents. Fifty-two percent of the parents who physically abuse their
children were physically abused themselves. Twenty-six percent of the physical- ;.
ly abused individuals were abused by fathers, 58 percent by mothers, and 16
percent by others (Kitsu, 1971).

The archives of Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil (1977), indicate
the following: of a sample of 157 violators, 801 were in gangs and 621 were
school drop-outs. Of the same sample 95$ come from marginated zones, that
is, from families with an income below minimum wages for that state.
Social Economic Class

To preperly discuss socioeconomic class in Mexico, the economic factor
must be recognized not only as an index but also as a behavior pattern (Rodriguez,
1975).

In Mexico there are two extreme social-economic classes; one composed
of troublemakers and outcasts living under subhuman conditions and the other
composed of the very wealthy. In either extreme, if there is a crime or viola-
tion committed, it will not be "discovered" or "denounced" (Rodriguez, 1975).

In between these extremes there are three other social classes: the
poor, middle-class, and the rich. The poor earn the minimum wage stipulated
by law in accordance with the regulations for each state in the nation. The

”prototypical" behavior is described by Ramos (1962). Middle-class individuals

Table 2
Demographic statistics for delinquents appearing
before the Court for Minors during 1977. 1

(Metropolitan Monterrey)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.Agegof Subjects Number of Subjects Egghest Educational i
5_7 years 7 Level Attained Number of Subjecm
8-12 years 107 Elementary
13-17 years 729 Without Elementary 27
18-19 years 10 First grade 60

Second grade 73
Sex. Number of subjects Third grade 92
Males 785 Fourth grade 96
Females 67 Fifth grade 89

Sixth grade 155

 

Family Situation Number of Subjects

 

 

 

 

 

 

Secondary

Integrated homes 167 First year 53
Separated parents 42 Second year 55
Divorced parents 1 Third year 53
Deceased father 35
Deceased mother 15 BaChilleratO
Step-father 18 First year . 28
Step-mother 3 399039 year 15
Foster parents Professional 1
Married minor Commerc ial 4

Technical 7
TYpe of Violation Number of Subjects Teaching 2
Stealing 390 Nursing 1
Vagrancy 204 r
Drugs 39
Assault 55
Property damage 29
Impudent acts 20

Homicide 9

 

 

Table 3

Demographic statistics for delinquents in the custody of

Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1975-1976.

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Escaping 116 121 237
Cement use 206 15 221
Theft 159 20 179
Fighting 90 22 112
Lost 66 33 99
Drunk 71 10 81
Immoral acts 50 24 74
Solvent inhalation 65 8 73
Vagrancy 42 16 58

 

10

Table 4

Demographic statistics for delinquents in the custody of

Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1976-1977.

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Escaping 183 181 364
Theft 201 50 251
Vagrancy 187 50 237
Cement 138 16 154
Drunk 136 9 145
Fighting 99 6 105
Lost 63 41 104
Solvent inhalation 81 O 81

 

11

Table 5

Demographic statistics for delinquents in the custody of

Proteccion Ciudadana-Seccion Juvenil during 1977-1978.

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Vagrancy 459 114 573
Escaping 169 159 325
Theft 191 39 230
Lost 124 59 183
Solvent inhalation 137 10 147
Family trouble 126 6 132
Disturbing the peace 105 8 113
Drunk 68 11 79
Property damage 73 6 79
Cement use 29 29 58

 

12

Table 6
Distribution of referrals for 2,873 delinquent minors
(2,156 males, 717 females) during the time period of
March 1977 to February 1978.f

Data are based on records maintained by the Preventive Police.

 

 

 

Referral . Number of Minors
Social Workers ' 1,233
Returned to their Families 712
Psychologists 323
Free 155
Tribunal for Minors 127
Federal Police 104
Escuela Prevocasional 91
Demarcacion Central A 56
Agent of Public Ministry 48
Agent of Federal Public Ministry 24
Agent of Civil Public Ministry 6
Green Cross 1
Casa del Refugio 1
Unit of Psychiatry 1

House of Mental Health 1

 

13

Table 7
Distribution of violations for 2,873 delinquents
during the time period of March 1977 to February 1978.

Data are based on records maintained by the Preventive Police.

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Vagrancy 459 114 573
Running away 169 156 325
Theft 191 39 230
Protection 115 80 195
Lost 124 59 183
Incorrigible conduct 103 60 163
Solvent inhalation 137 10 147
Molesting families 126 6 132
Fighting 111 18 129
Disturbing the peace 105 8 113
Suspects 79 4 83
Drunk 68 11 '79
Property damage 73 6 79
Cement use 29 29 58
Insults 42 7 49
Custody 11 26 37
Immoral conduct 15 22 37
Prostitution 4 28 32
Illegal entry 31 0 31

(continued)

14

Table 7 (continued)

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Unpaid bills 24 5 29
Being in prohibited places 19 5 24
Previous records 21 0 21
Insanity 13 7 20
Assault 19 1 20
Hitting 12 5 17
Threats 10 2 12
Rock throwing 7 0 7
Damage to public property 6 0 6
Marijuana use 5 0 5
Drug possession 4 0 4
Violence 4 0 4
Soliciting 0 3 3
Trust abuse 2 1 3
Rape 2 1 3
Abduction 3 0 3
Truancy 2 0 2
Assault 2 0 2
Impudent acts 2 0 2
weapon possession 2 0 2
Exhibitionism 1 0 1
Obstructing the police 1 0 1

(continued)

Table 7 (continued)

15

 

 

 

Violation Male Female Total
Mflstreatment 0 1 1
Adultery 1 0 1
Suicide intent O 1 1
Impersonation l 0 1
Infant abandonment 1 0 1
Corruption of minor 0 1 1

 

16

earn far above minimum wages and Rodriguez (1975) subdivides it into the mid-
dle and the little bourgeois. The rich classification is composed of the

new rich, who in a short time or through luck, became wealthy. They do not
belong socio-culturally to their economic class, but the "aristocrats," who
have always had economic possibilities, do belong behaviorally to their class.
The behavior of the various classes is amply studied and discussed by Ramos
(1962), Guerrero (1976), and Gonzales (1966).

Fans:

The family is a unit of interacting and intercommunicating persons enac-
ting the social roles of husband and wife, mother and father, son and daugh-
ter, brother and sister (Burguess, 1953).

The monogamous nuclear family is considered as a unit ”consisting of
a male, female, and their offspring” (Rodriguez, 1975).

In Mexico there are usually two marriage rites: a civil ceremony which
is the legal bond and the religious ceremony which has no legal value. The
marriage ceremony is the celebration of a civil contract between a man and
a woman for the perpetuation of the species and for mutual help. It specifies
that each individual must contribute his or her share to the marriage. There
are two ways of signing the contract which affects the financial status and
independence of the parties involved. One form is through separation of means,
and the other through integration of means. The husband is the legal authority,
and therefore must provide the food and meet all household expenses. The
woman can hold a job if it does not interfere with the household activities.

To fulfill the legal requirements for the civil contract, there must
be a medical examination, parental consent or attainment of legal age, and
the presence of two witnesses, one for each party (Rebater, 1970). The antici-

pated quality of a sanctioned marriage is that it is a stable relation in

17

which it is socially acceptable for a man and a woman to have children with
loss of their reputation before the community (Johnson, 1967).

The Mexican family is based on two basic prepositions:

(1) the absolute and unquestionable supremacy of the father: and

(2) the necessary and absolute sacrifice of the mother (De Chinas, 1976).

Due to the second proposition, the maternal role is highly prestigious.
Mothers are important figures and highly respected. The father's authority
is unchallengeable and unquestionable. Therefore, the family is patriarchal
because it is based on the authority of the paternal figure. At the same
time, it is matriarchical due to the status that the mother has (De Chinas,
1976).

In low socioeconomic classes and among the Indian communities, the family
is basically an economic unit. Each member must work for the benefit of the
family (MoLean, 1960).

The structure of the family can be nuclear or extended, of which the
latter is most commonly found (Webster, 1970). The extended family pattern
tends to be more frequent in low socioeconomic levels. On the other hand,
in families of high socioeconomic status, there are a variety of structures.
Relatives do not necessarily live under the same roof, but may live indepen-
dently next to or very nearby the core family. They are free to come and
go as they wish as they are not considered guests at all by the core family.
The obligations and duties of childrearing tend to be shared by other female
relatives. Again, this pattern is more prevalent in low socioeconomic families,
whereas in high level families, the childrearing tasks are shared with hired
help, such as maids, nurses, and governesses (McLean, 1970).

Another characteristic of the Mexican family is that the offspring for

the most part do not leave the family house unless they marry. Age and eco-

 

18

nomic independence do not seem to be factors in leaving the paternal house

(Webster, 1970).

Summary
This then is the cultural context in which the behavior of delinquent

and nondelinquent males was compared. Mexico is a culture where there are
widely divergent social-economic classes ranging from the extremely wealthy
to the extremely impoverished. It is a develOping nation with significant
social, physical, and economic problems. Foremost among these problems are
undernutrition and family instability combined with large family size among
the lower social-economic classes. Although the technology necessary to sup-
port a strong oil industry is develOping, unemployment is widespread. The
high level of illiteracy and low levels of educational attainment among the
pepulace as a whole probably contribute more to unemployment than do other
factors in the economy. The Mexican family is patriarchical, with women ex-
pected to derive their esteem from their caregiving and homemaking tasks rather

than from their employment.

CHAPTER II

THEORETICAL OVERVIEW

Psychoanalytic Theory
In order to understand the dynamics of delinquency, a brief review of
personality theories is in order. Underlying Freud's (1968) theory with re-

spect to the development of values is the substructure superego, which develops

“b .r-L- .r--
1

out of the ago. It has two basic functions. The first is to suppress, or
neutralize instinctual energy which could violate society's rules or norms,
in a werd--conscience. The second function relates to the ego ideal, i.e.,
behaviors considered appropriate by the society. Identification is the mecha-
nism through which the superego is acquired. In this process, the individual
internalizes the attributes of others, largely those of the parents. This
parental influence tends to greatly affect the individual behavioral patterns.
The process of identification, then produces the conscience and the ego ideal.
Identification with an aggressor according to Freudian theory, is the
underlying mechanism for conscience formation whereby the child identifies
with the aggressor and takes the same punitive attitudes of the adult. If
a forbidden impulse arises, the superego acts, attempting to keep this for-
bidden material from the conscience. If it is strong enough, the superego
supercedes action, and produces guilt and remorse. Anaclictic identification
is the underlying mechanism for development of the ego ideal, whereby the
child incorporates what he thinks he would like to become. Attachments or

anaclitic identifications produce the development of values.

19

20

Social Learnigg Theory

From the perspective of social learning theory, values are acquired through
learning processes which are not in any way different in principle from other
acquired behaviors. Adults, and in essence parents, mold the behaviors of
the child by punishment, reward, and the examples set. That is to say, adults
are the source of positive and negative reinforcement serving also as models.
The child will learn that actions have a consequence. Behaviors are also
learned by watching others. If the child observes someone being punished
for doing something, it will have an inhibiting effect on the observer, whereas
reward increases the probability that the behavior will be reproduced under
the same situation. Therefore, punishment will tend to inhibit the punished
behaviors and rewards to promote the rewarded behaviors which have been ob-

served (Bandura, 1968; Berger, 1962).
‘ Imitation refers to an instrumental response strengthened or weakened
through reinforcement. Identification involves a disposition or learned drive
to imitate behaviors, values, and feelings of others (Miller & Dellard, 1941).

Identification will function if the model has positive value, has high
status, or is similar to the child. Models are also identified with, if the
child is not punished for his behavior or is rewarded for reproducing the
model's behavior (Bandura, 1965; Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963).

Bandura and Halters (1959) found that parents of aggressive boys had
encouraged aggression and presented aggressive models along with the frequent
use of physical punishment and deprivation. McCerd et al., (1961) found almost
all the same effects as Bandura and Halters.-

Psychoanalytic and social learning theories agree that the acquisition
by the child of’behavioral norms stems from the peeple who surround him, and

especially from the parents. The superego is formed through the identifica-

21.

tion with values and traits of the same sex parent at the termination of the
Oedipus complex. The reinforcement and punishment of behaviors, the degree
of parental permissiveness, warmth, and nuturance, and the models presented
by others influence the degree to which the child internalizes socially pre-
scribed controls over his behavior. If successful, guilt will tend to be

a major controlling factor of behavior.-

Learning theories indicate that a reward will tend to increase a given p
behavior whereas punishment will decrease a given behavior. In other words,
what will be learned along a prescriptive dimension will be the reward conse- L.
quent for behaving well and the punishment for failing to behave well. Along
the proscriptive dimension, what will be learned is reward, consequent for
avoiding wrong, and punishment, consequent for behaving in an undesirable
manner (McKinney, 1971).

Psychoanalytic and social learning theories are concerned with the ef-
fects of parental and societal influences on the development of values and
have approached the issue with a dichotomous point of view of right and wrong.
They also view the child as a passive recipient of environmental stimulation.
Egggitive Theory

From a Piagetian cognitive approach, behaviors can be seen concurrently
as the action of the child upon the environment and the action of the environ-
ment upon the child. The individual's action is the functioning of a scheme,
which also is shaped by the environment creating a situation where doing and
knowing become inseparable.

Piaget (1932) presents stages that more or less correspond to the cogni-
tive deve10pment of the individual. These stages depend upon the individual's
concepts of Justice and the rules of social order. These stages are important

to explain value acquisition which occursat approximately two years of age

22

when the child is capable of internalizing action as thought. From this point
until age seven (Piaget's pre-Operational period), the major characteristic

is egocentrism, which means that the child is seeing the world from his point
of view. while incapable of seeing that there are other perspectives, the
child is dominated by perceptions of his or her environment. Around seven
years of age (Piaget's period of concrete Operations) egocentrism declines

and the child is less bound to perceptual.dominance. The child now can recog-
nize others' point of view, the major characteristic of this stage being that
thought is concrete and actual. During adolescence (Piaget's period of formal
Operations) the child becomes capable of hypothetical and abstract thinking.
Behavior no longer means obedience to authority or conforming to group pres-
sure. Instead, there is a need to consider personal points of view along
with those of others, forming the capability to work out his or her own value
guidelines.

McKinney (1971; 1973; 1975) postulates that the individual is an active
agent, who chooses with freedom and is capable of seeing that stimulus changes
are dependent on the individual's own behavior. Therefore, the feedback of
the self initiated behavior and stimulus changes that are contingent upon
an individual's behavior, are the foundation for the development of values.
McKinney (1971) offers a fourfold model of value orientation and behavior.
Proscriptive value orientation emphasizes action. The result associated with
a prescriptive orientation can be either reward for doing the right thing
or punishment for neglecting to do the good thing. Proscriptive value orien-
tation focuses on the abscence of action, and the behavior consequence can
be reward for avoiding wrong doing, or punishment for neglecting to do right.

A prescriptive value orientation emphasizes doing good, and the behavioral

consequent can be reward for doing good, or punishment for neglecting to do

23

the good thing. Proscriptive value orientation emphasizes doing wrong, and
the behavioral consequent can be reward for avoiding the wrong doing or punish-
ment for doing the wrong. The idea behind this is that an individual's re-
sponses, whether on the prescriptive or proscriptive dimension, are the result
of these two antecedent conditions or reward-punishment dimensions.

McKinney (1971) found that a group of college students, who had a moral
value orientation along the prescriptive dimension, perceived their parents
as more rewarding than punitive, and that, of those students who perceived
their parents as being more punitive, most students held a more proscriptive
value orientation.

Several researchers have found that parental discipline that includes
physical punishment and material deprivation tends to propitiate fear of punish-
ment and anxiety, whereas parental discipline that has concurrently an effec-
tionate close relationship, tends to prOpitiate independence of external con-
trols (McKinney, Fitzgerald & Strommen, 1977; Andry, 1960; Hewitt & Jenkins,
196"; Schachter & Latane, 196"; Andry, 1957). Hoffman and Saltzstein (1967)
found that older boys who had internalized standards of morality saw their
parents as being affectionate and did not employ force or threats as a form
of parental discipline. OleJnik and McKinney (1972) reported that children
are more generous when parents have a prescriptive value orientation.

Different studies that have investigated parent-child relationships and
the influence they may have on delinquent behavior come to the same conclusion:
parents of delinquent subjects tend to be less affectionate, more indifferent,
too disciplinarian or too permissive. They also tend to use more physical
punishment than the parents of nondelinquents (Glueck & Glueck, 1968; Becker,
196“: HoCord & MoCord, 1957). Permissive, hostile parents tend to foster

the manifestation of aggression with little! control (Bandura a Halters, 1963).

24

Diverse studies indicate that delinquents and lower socioeconomical class
adolescents have a greater external locus of control (Lefoourt, 1966; Rotter,
1966; Battle and Rotter, 1963). Currie, et a1. (1977), found that subjects
with an internal orientation tend to have less marijuana consumption than
those subjects with an external orientation.
Summary

The results of previous studies support the notion that children's percep-
tions of parental discipline as being punitive, using physical punishment,
and being authoritarian tend to foster the development of proscriptive value

orientation with an external locus of control.

CHAPTER III _

HYPOTHESES
Statement of the Problem

This study was intended to explore the possibility of the differences 1
between delinquents and nondelinquents in terms of their perceptions of parent- 1‘
child relationships, proscriptive/prescriptive value orientation and locus i
of control. L
Hypotheses
It was hypothesized that delinquents-would have higher proscriptive value
orientation, than nondelinquents, who would have higher prescriptive value
orientations. This hypothesis stems from the expectation that in families
of delinquents, punishment is stressed as a consequence for the enacting of
such behaviors as drug use, cheating, stealing, lying, and rule violation.
A second hypothesis was that delinquents would be more oriented toward
an external locus of control than an internal one. That is, administration
of punishment and rewards and the sense of being able to control one's environ-
ment, will be perceived to be controlled by others rather than by oneself.
Finally, along the dimensions of direct object punishment/reward and
symbolic love punishment/reward, it is hypothesized that delinquents will
perceive their mothers as using more physical and psychological punishment
and less physical and psychological reward than will nondelinquents.
Delinquents are more likely to be performing behaviors which violate
social rules than nondelinquents. This situation leads authority to admini-
ster punishment and rewards in the direction of stressing ”Thou shalt net's."

In other words, delinquents will expect to be punished for rule violations

25

26

and to be rewarded if they do not violate rules. This reward-punishment model
fosters a feeling of lack of control over consequences, and is accompanied
by the perception that parents are more punitive than rewarding in their admini-

stration of discipline.

CHAPTER IV

METHOD

Subjects

Sixty-two male volunteers from the low socioeconomic class--31 nondelin-
quents with a mean age of 1u.96 years and 31 delinquents with a mean age of
16.6B--were used as subjects. The group of nondelinquents came from a Secun-
daria of low socioeconomic level and the group of delinquents, also members
of a low socioeconomic class, came from the Preventive Police. Low socioeconomic
class was maintained as a constant, to keep both groups homogenous on this
variable. Authorities of both institutions granted permits to conduct research
in their institutions and solicited subjects to participate in the study.

The delinquent group was composed of individuals incarcerated for minor viola-
tions (i.e., vagrancy, being at illegal places, drunkness), and the nondelin-
quent group was composed of individuals who had no previous arrests and/or
conviction records.

Materials

To measure value orientation, all subjects were given McKinney's (1971)
Sentence Completion Test. This test consists of 28 stems. Fourteen of the
stems provide information about prescriptive and proscriptive value orienta-
tion; seven stems dealing with positive value reinforcement and seven stems
dealing with negative value reinforcement. The remaining 1n stems are filler
items which are interspersed among the 1n prescriptive/proscriptive items.

All 28 stems were presented in the same random order used by McKinney (1971).

To measure the subjects' perception of parental discipline the Roe-Sigelman

(1963) Mother Form of the Parent-Child Questionnaire was administered. This

27

28

questionnaire has ten scales, but only four punishment/reward scales were
used. These four scales were (1) Symbolic love reward (parents using this
kind of reward, praise their children for approved behavior, give them special
attention, and are affectionately demonstrative); (2) Direct object reward
(this included tangible rewards such as money, toys, special trips, or relief
from chores); (3) Symbolic love punishment (includes shaming the child before
others, isolating him, and withdrawing love); (h) Direct object punishment
(including physical punishment, taking away play things, reducing allowances,
denying promised rewards, etc.).

To measure locus of control, Rotter's (1966) Social Reaction Inventory,
which consists of 29 incentives, was used. Six items which function as fillers,
are randomly interspersed among 23 items which measure external locus of'con—
trol.

A demographic questionnaire develOped by the author was used to obtain
the following information: age of subject, age at time of first offense,
length of separation from.family, type of violation, number of previous viola-
tions, number of brothers and sisters, academic level, whether or not the
parents live in same household, if there is a stepfather or stepmother, if
members of the extended family live in the same household, and who was the
main caregiver.

Procedure

McKinney's Sentence Completion Test, Roe-Siegelman and Rotter's inven-
tories were translated by two independent translators. All of the Spanish
translations were retranslated into English by two different translators.

All stems, questions and incentives that had the greatest resemblance to the
English version were taken as semi-final. These were once again translated

into Spanish by two other translators. Those with the greatest resemblance

29

to both the Spanish and English versions were taken as final. All the final
incentives were adapted to local idiosyncratic language by an expert in regional
Spanish.

All the material was administered individually to delinquents, and col-
lectively to the nondelinquent group.

All the instructions were the same as the English version and were read
to the subjects prior to the administration of each one of the tests. Simple
differences between groups were compared using Student's t for differences

between independent groups.

CHAPTER V

RESULTS

‘Qggggraphic Variables

The demographic variables giving the background information on both delin-
quents and nondelinquents are as presented in Tables 8 to 17.

Table 8 presents the gggg_of both groups. As can be seen from inspection
of the table, the delinquents had a mean age of 16.7 years and the nondelin-
quents of 19.9 years. This difference of 1 year and 7 months was statistically
significant t = 5.99, d.f. = 60, and p ‘=.OO1. (More is said about this age
difference in the discussion section.)

The number of sibliggs of the two groups is presented in Table 8. The
delinquent and nondelinquent subjects both had an average of 6 to 7 brothers
and/or sisters.

There was a marginally significant difference between the delinquents
and nondelinquents in level of education (t = 1.53, d.f. = 60, p < .06).

The nondelinquents had a high level of education. There were 2 at the elemen-
tary level and 39 at the secondary level. The delinquents on the other hand

had 15 at the elementary level, 10 at the secondary level, and 6 at the bachilleres
level. In the Mexican educational system, there are six years of elementary
school, three years of secondary school (junior high), and three years of
bachilleres school (high school).

The familial_pattern for these adolescents was also examined by asking
the boys if both of their parents lived at home, whether or not there were
step-parents at home, and who in the family was responsible for the majority

of caregiving activities in the home.

30

31

Table 8

Age of Subjects, Number of Siblings and Academic Level

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age of Subjects Mean S.D. _t_ 51; E
Delinquents 16.6774 1.045
. 5.99 60 .001
NOndelinquents 14.9677 1.197
Number of Siblings Mean S.D. _t_ g; p_
Delinquents 7.1935 3.280
.61 60 .273
Nondelinquents 6.7097 3.002
Academic Level Mean S.D. 3; _d_f_ 2
Delinquents 1.7097 .783
1.53 60 .065
Nondelinquents 1.9355 .250

 

32

The results on whether or not both parents lived in the family indicated
that more nondelinquents had both parents at home (t = 1.98, d.f. = 60, p < .02).
Even though this is significant most of the delinquents as well as the nondelin-
quents came from intact homes. Two of the nondelinquents and S of the delin-
quents came from separated homes.

The number of step-fathers and step-mothers for the delinquents and non-
delinquents was examined. Five of the delinquents had step-fathers while
eight of the nondelinquents had step-fathers (see Table 9). Three of the
delinquents had step-mothers, none of the nondelinquents had step-mothers.

This latter difference was significant with t = 1.79, d.f. = 60, p <=.03 (see
Table 9). Thus, the majority of the adolescents come from intact homes with
a small percentage of step-parents.

Table 10 presents the results on other adult relatives living in the
home and on the main caregiver in the family. Neither the delinquents nor
nondelinquents had many adult relatives living at home. This came as quite
been of the extended type. This has been found in the past research of the
author. However, presently the city of Monterrey is undergoing a change in
this regard. with increased industrialization the family pattern is shifting
toward the more nuclear type found in the United States.

Table 10 shows the frequencies assigned to members of the family as the
major caregiver. As can be seen from.the table, both the delinquents and
nondelinquents report mothers, fathers, grandmothers and brothers as major
caregivers. Analyses of the data revealed no differences between the delin-_
quent and nondelinquent groups. The majority of boys report that their mothers

were the primary caregivers.

33

Table 9

Parents living in the same household

 

Parents living in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

the game household Mean S.D. g _c_l__§_ p
Delinquents .8307 .374
1.98 60 .026
Nondelinquents 1.000 .258
Have a Stepfather Mean S.D. g 1:: p
Delinquents .1290 .341
1.28 60 .102
Nondelinquents .2581 .445
Have a Stepmother Mean S.D. _t_ if; 2
Delinquent .0968 .301
1.79 60 .039

Nondelinquent 0 0

 

34

Table 10

Main Caregiver and Relatives Living in Same Household

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Main Caregiver Mother Grandmother Both Parents Father Brother
Delinquents 19 2 8 1 l
Nondelinquents 18 2 9 0 2

Relative Living in

Same Household Mean S.D. .5 g;, .2
Delinquents .1290 .341

.40 60 .347
Nondelinquents .0968 .301

Separation Length Mean S.D. _§ .gg .E
Delinquents .3548 .136

A 2.62 60 < .005
Nondelinquents 0 0

 

35

Demographic Variables Concerning:9ffenders

The demographic variables giving the background information on delinquents,
i.e., age of first offense, separation from family, number of previous arrests
and types of violations is presented in Tables 11—12.

As can well be imagined, the delinquents spent a greater amount of time
separated from their families than the nondelinquents (t = 2.62, d.f. = 60,

p <:,005), This is due to the separation which comes with the confinement

of the delinquents because of their offense. However, in this group of delin-
quents the time spent away from their families was rather low. Most of these
boys were confined for short periods since their offenses were not major.

So after a short confinement they were returned to their families.

The mean age of the first offense in this group was 15.3 years (S.D.,
2.667). Since the mean age of‘this group was 16.7 years, most of these delin-
quents were first offenders who committed their first offense during the pre-
vious year. This also can be seen in Table 12 which presents the number of
previous offenses. As can be seen, 21 or 68 percent were in confinement for
the first time.

Table 11 presents the frequencies of the types of offenses for these
delinquent offenders. Vagrancy, being at an illegal place, and drunkeness
are the most frequent types of offenses. Even though these offenses are punish-
able by confinement, on the whole they are relatively minor offenses.
Proscriptive and proscriptive orientation

According to the original hypothesis delinquents should hold a higher
level of proscriptive orientation than nondelinquents. The t-test for the
differences between independent groups was performed on the data obtained
from the administration of‘the prescriptive-proscriptive test to both groups.

The results supported the hypothesis. As presented in Table 13, the delin-

 

36

Table 11

Frequency of the Types of Violations

 

 

Violation Absolute Frequency
Vagrancy 8
Drunkeness ' 5
Drug Use 3
Homosexual Practice 2
Run Away from.Home 1
Being at Illegal Place 6
Immoral 2
Fighting 3

Indecent l

 

37

Table 12

Number of Previous Arrests

 

 

 

Number of Subjects Previous Arrests
21 1
4 2
5 3

38

Table 13
Summary of Prescription and Proscription Sentence

Completion Data Analysis for Delinquents and Nondelinquents

 

 

 

 

Prescription Mean 8 . D . _t_ g: p
Delinquent 4.7748 1.820
1.80 60 .039
Nondelinquent 5.5806 1.708
Proscript ion Mean 8 . D . j; if p_
Delinquent 3.8387 1.463
2.75 60 .004

Nondelinquent 2.8065 1.493

 

39

quents showed a higher mean level of proscriptive orientation than nondelin-
quents (t = 2.75, d.f. = 60, p < .0011).

The reliability for the prescriptive-proscriptive test was computed using
Cronbach's Alpha. The prescriptive-proscriptive test was composed of fourteen
items. Seven of the items are composed of positive stems and seven of the
items are composed of negative stems. Each item could be answered prescrip-
tive, proscriptive, or irrelevant. Separate reliabilities were computed for
prescriptive and proscriptive answers to these items. In this manner, a check
for the consistency to answer with a specific orientation could be examined.

The reliability for the prescriptive answers was r = .33. when the pro-
scriptive answers were submitted to the analysis no initial reliability could
be computed. This was due to a lack of variance in the proscriptive answers
for seven of the test items. The seven items which yield few proscriptive
answers were the positive stemed items of the test. These items were excluded
in order to compute a reliability. with these items excluded the reliability
was r = .45.

A t-test was also computed on the proscriptive answers after the positive
stemed items were deleted. As can be seen in Table 14, analysis of the pro-
scriptive dimension did not produce significance differences in the predicted
direction. Instead delinquents scored lower in proscriptive orientation than
nondelinquents (t = 1.83, d.f. = 60, p < .07).

Locus of Control

The second hypothesis stated that the delinquents would have a higher
level of external control, as measured by the locus of control scale, than
would the nondelinquents. Again, the difference between the groups was tested
using the t-test for independent groups. Table 15 presents the results of

this test. There was no significant difference between the groups on locus

40

Table 14
Summary of Prescription and Proscription Sentence Completion Data Analysis for

Delinquents and Nondelinquents with Deletion of Positive Stem Items

 

 

 

 

Prescript ive Mean S .D . _t_ g}; p
Delinquents 4.7742 1.820
1.80 60 .038
Nondelinquents 5.5806 1.708
Pros criptive Mean 8 . D . _t_ 511: p
Delinquents 1.0000 1.155
1.83 60 .072

Nondelinquents 1.6452 1.582

41

Table 15
Summary of External Locus of Control

Data Analysis for Delinquents and Nondelinquents

 

 

External Control Mean 8 .D . 1; £1; 2
Delinquents 10.5161 1.947
.97 60 .194

Nondelinquents 10.0000 2.251

42

of control (t = .97, d.f. = 60, p <:.19). Therefore, the second hypothesis
was not supported.
Perception of Punishment

The third hypothesis stated that delinquents would say that their mothers
used a higher level of direct-object punishment and symbolic-love punishment
than the nondelinquents. More specifically delinquents will perceive their
mothers as using more punishment with such disciplinary techniques as shame,
love withdrawal, physical punishment, and allowance reduction. The difference
between the groups on the parent-child relationship scales was tested using
the t-test for independent groups. The results of these tests showed that
delinquents endorsed for their mothers, a high level of both direct-object
punishment (t = 1.91, d.f. = 60, p < .03) and symbolic-love punishment (t = 2.43,
d.f. = 60, p ‘<.009). Therefore, the third hypothesis was supported.
Perception of Rewards

The fourth hypothesis stated that delinquents would say that their mothers
used a lower level of direct-object rewards and symbolic-love rewards than
the nondelinquents. More specifically, delinquents will perceive their mothers
as using less demonstrations such as displays of affection, giving of physical
rewards, or praise. The difference between the groups on the parent-child
relationship scales was tested using the t-test for independent groups. The
results of these tests are presented in Tables 16 and 17. The results did
not support the hypothesis as stated. In fact, in one case the results were

in the opposite direction of that predicted.

43

Table 16
Summary of Direct Object Punishment and Symbolic Love Punishment

Data Analysis for Nondelinquents and Delinquents

 

Symbolic Love

 

 

Punishment Mean S . D . g _c_1_1_3_ p
Delinquent 27.6774 7.905
2.43 60 .009

Nondelinquent , 23.1613 6.659

 

Direct Object

 

 

. Punishment Mean 8 .D . _t_ if. p
Delinquent 24.2581 9.070
1.91 60 .030

Nondelinquent 20.4516 6.387

 

44

Table 17
Summary of Symbolic Love Reward and Direct Object Reward

Data Analysis for Delinquents and Nondelinquents

 

 

 

 

Symbolic Love Reward Mean S.D. _t_ _d_t; p
Delinquents 34.3226 9.083
1.31 60 .097
Nondelinquents 31.5806 7.293
Direct Object Reward Mean S.D. _t_ g; p
Delinquents 29.4839 8.374
1.81 60 .037

Nondelinquents 25.5806 8.574

 

CHAPTER VI

DISCUSSION

The present study was designed to investigate differences between delin-
quents and nondelinquents in self-perception, value orientation and perception
of parent-child relationship. Self perception was examined using the Locus
of Control Scale, value orientation was assessed using McKinney's (1971) pro-
scriptive-proscriptive value orientation scale, and perception of the parent-
child relationship was examined with scales concerning the parent's use of
punishment and use of rewards.

It was hypothesized that delinquents would score higher on external locus
of control and proscriptive value orientations; and indicate higher levels
of parental punishment and lower levels of parental rewards. Data analysis
supported two of the hypotheses. It was found that delinquents held a proscrip-
tive value orientation. Delinquents also perceived their mothers to use more
punishment than did nondelinquents. No differences were found between delin-
quents and nondelinquents on perceived locus of control. And finally, delin-
quents perceived their mothers to use more parental rewards.
Prescriptive-Proscriptive Value Orientation

The higher level of proscriptive value orientation in these delinquents
has three consequences. First, these findings indicate that the concept of
prescriptive-proscriptive value orientation is useful in the Mexican as well
as the American culture.

Second, the results indicate that the concept of prescriptive-proscrip-
tive values is useful in distinguishing between value orientations of delin-

quents and nondelinquents. For example, although not evaluated in the current

45

 

46

study, there may be a relationship between prescriptive-proscriptive value
orientation and passage through or reaching of certain levels of moral develop-
ment. For example, when a delinquent responds to an immediate situation
because it serves his needs, the emphasis is not on the delay of reward or,

in prescriptive terms, the focus of future correct behavior that will be rewarded.
Rather, the delinquents' emphasis on proscriptive value orientation may reflect
their need for immediate gratification and their inability to anticipate that
future correct behavior in fact, will be rewarded. 0n the other hand, the
nondelinquents prescriptive value orientation may be interpreted as the ability
to conceptualize future rewards for correct behavior. Thus, within the con-
text of moral development, delinquents may be seen as being at a lower stage
of moral development than the nondelinquents. This is all the more signifi-
cant when it is remembered that the delinquents were chronologically older

than the nondelinquents.

Third, by extension of previous research (McKinney, 1975). the signifi-
cant difference between the delinquents and nondelinquents most likely reflects
a difference in parental value orientations as well. This interpretation
receives support from data on delinquents and nondelinquents perceptions of
punishment; i.e., the delinquents' perceived high use of punishment from their
mothers. This suggests an hypothesis concerning the linkage between use of
punishment and the development of’a proscriptive value orientation. Assuming
that value orientation like other behaviors can be instrumentally shaped by
rewards and punishments, then parental rewards and punishments will have a
key influence on the development of value orientations. That is, parents
who emphasize proscriptive behavior will reward their children when they avoid-
doing wrong, and punish them when they do wrong. On the other hand, parents

who emphasize prescriptive values will reward children for correct behavior

47

and punish them for failing to behave correctly. Thus, one can assume that
the delinquents perceptions of their mothers' higher levels of punishment
is an indication of the parents' instrumental behavior that has shaped the
delinquents proscriptive value orientation.

A circular effect between values and punishment may be hypothesized be-
tween punishment and value orientation. Past research has indicated a strong
relationship between parental values and the value orientations of'their'adoles-
cent children (McKinney, 1971, 1973, 1975; Olejnik & McKinney, 1973). That
is, when the adolescent endorses a proscriptive value orientation the parent
also endorses a proscriptive value orientation. Since the proscriptive value
orientation focuses upon rewards for not doing wrong and punishments for doing
wrong, the emphasis is placed upon punishing the delinquent for his action,
and conversely, rewarding his inaction. This then helps explain why the delin-
quent views his mother as focusing upon punishment, i.e., punishment for "delin-
quent” acts.

Putting together the two arguments we can see the circular process so
often talked about in child abuse and delinquency. That is, a parent who
emphasizes wrong doing, uses high levels of punishment for wrong-doing, and
a child who then incorporates a value orientation emphasizing wrong-doing.
Thus, when the delinquents become parents, they too will hold to the proscrip-
tive value orientation, thereby extending and making the cycle complete.
Direct~0bjgct and Symbolic-Love Punishment

Research has found that severity of parental punishment is strongly're-
lated to delinquent behavior (Glueck & Clueck, 1968; Hoffman & Saltzstein,
1967). In the present study it was also found that delinquents perceive their
mothers as more punitive than do nondelinquents. The present study suggests

some of the possible mechanisms by which parental punishment is involved in

48

the development of delinquent behavior. As previously pointed out, there
is a link between the parent's proscriptive value orientation and the emphasis
on punishment of the delinquent's wrong behavior. Thus, the dimension of
prescriptive-proscriptive value orientation helps explain the emphasis on
punishment characteristic of the parents of delinquents. Additionally, value
orientation also helps explain the relationship between the parent's punish-
ment and the delinquent's moral develOpment and emphasis on their own ”wrong”
behavior.
Direct-Object and Symbolic-Love Reward

It was also hypothesized that delinquents would say that their mothers
used a lower level of direct-object rewards and symbolic-love rewards than
the nondelinquents. This hypothesis was not supported. In fact, the results
were in the opposite direction of that hypothesized. Delinquents reported
that their mothers gave them higher levels of rewards than did the nondelin-
quents. This result would appear to be contrary to the literature reviewed.
However, when viewed from a different perspective; namely, in light of Mexican
culture, this discrepancy in hypothesized outcome makes more sense. For in
the Mexican culture, rewards often are as freely given as punishments. That
is to say, both reward and punishment are seen as necessary elements of family
life and childrearing. Given that the mothers of the delinquents are seen
as being higher in punishment, it can be hypothesized on the basis of culture
to also expectthemnto be higher in giving out rewards (indulgences) to their
sons.

This interpretation receives some support from the present study in the
following manner. As will be remembered, the proscriptive answers did not
show any variance to the positive stems on the prescriptive-proscriptive scale.

0n the other hand, there was variation on the items for prescriptive answers.

49

The proscriptive value orientation receives its emphasis from the "thou shall
note." This then leaves open the possibility for rewards for a range of be-
haviors. Thus, the delinquents may have been punished for breaking Uthou
shall not,” but rewarded for a wide range of other behaviors. This would
lead one to the conclusion that it is the proscriptive value orientation of
punishment for wrong-doing which contributes to delinquent behavior.
Locus of Control

The hypothesis that delinquents would score higher on external locus
Of control than nondelinquents was not supported. The mean locus of control
score for nondelinquents was 10.0, whereas that for delinquents was 10.5.
Eyen though these groups did not differ, what is of interest here is that
mean levels of external control for both groups were higher than those reported
in studies of delinquents in the United States. Research indicates that delin-
quents in the United States have a mean level of 7.0 on the locus of control
scale. Thus, there may well be a difference in level of locus of control
between Mexico and the United States. Since research has found that lower
socioeconomic levels and lack of Opportunity are related to higher levels
of external locus of control, we may very well expect that the external locus
of control in Mexican subjects would be higher than for that of the United
State subjects. As pointed out in the background information on Mexico, the
general level of economic level and Opportunity fer advancement are less in
Mexico than generally found within the United States. An alternative hypothe-
sis is that social-economic status levels differ in subjects participating
in locus of control studies in the United States and in the current study.
It would be interesting to match subjects from the two cultures for social-
economic level and then compare locus of control scores. Obviously, such

cross-culture matching would be difficult.

50

Implications for Future Research

In spite Of the low reliabilities for the prescriptive-proscriptive tests,
the present study indicates that the concept of value orientation is also
valid in the Mexican culture. SO, future research with this scale should
seek to refine the test items for the Mexican culture, improving the relia-
bility of the test. Additionally, further study should be given to investi-
gate the prescriptive dimension within the Mexican culture and the use of
positive versus negative stemmed items in eliciting value orientation.

In future research the role Of the father in the Mexican culture could
also be examined more closely. The present study focused upon the delinquents'
and nondelinquents' perceptions of their mothers. Additional research should
seek to more explicitly stipulate the types of punishments and rewards used
by parents of delinquents and nondelinquents. Such research could also seek
to find out what differences if any, exist between mothers' and fathers' use
of rewards and punishments.

As pointed out in the discussion, research with parents in the United
States has found congruence between the parents' and the children's prescrip-
tive-proscriptive value orientation. Since parents were not sampled in the
present study, this same relationship should also be confirmed with an addi-
tional Mexican study. Of particular interest, would be a comparison Of the
strength of the relationship between parent and child from the two cultures.

It may be hypothesized that the value orientation of the child would more
closely resemble that of the parent in the Mexican culture. As pointed out

in the present study, in the Mexican culture, family life is very close with

the use of both high levels of rewards and punishments being part of the defini-

tion Of being a good parent.

51

Problems Encountered in the Present Research

After much work had been accomplished in securing the prOper sample of
delinquents for the study, last minute complications made it impossible to
use this group. Research like the present study, which both compiles back-
ground statistics On delinquents and examines delinquents' behavior, are rare
in Monterrey, Mexico.

Conclusions

The present study feund that delinquents hold a higher level of proscrip-
tive value orientation than nondelinquents and that the delinquents also per-
ceive their mothers as using more punishment in discipline than did the non-
delinquents. As pointed out in the discussion this has implications for child-
rearing practices and moral development.

Taken together, the results suggest an approach for assisting authorities
in dealing with the rehabilitation of delinquents. A combined program aimed
to educate parents and those who deal with delinquents, to shape delinquent
behavior toward a more prescriptive value orientation and hopefully, less
delinquent acts, would seem in order. Thus, a program aimed at parents would
help them to emphasize to their children the rewards Of doing the ”right"
behaviors and the "punishments" for not doing the right behavior. Such a
program is not seen as a panacea fOr the delinquent problem in Mexico. How-
ever, such a program aimed at the value orientation of parents and their delin-
quent children may be indicated in this group, since this group were only
marginal in their delinquency.

Lastly, punishment appears to play an important role in the family life
of delinquent children. A program aimed at the rehabilitation process fOr
delinquents should seek to work with parents to find effective ways of con-

trolling their children with less use of punishment. Again the literature

52

on moral development and prescriptive-proscriptive values suggests that parents
Of delinquent children need help in the use of more verbal and more rewarding

ways in controlling the behavior of their children.

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53

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