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DECISION-MAKING STYLES OF SELECTED
MEXICAN HOMEMAKERS

Thesis for the Degfae .of Ph. D.
MICHIGAN STATE UNWERQTY ,
Nen'a Rola Busfrillbs'
1963

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

DECISION-MAAING STYLES OF SELECTbD

MEXICAN HOMEMAAEh’S
presented bg

Nena Bola Bustrillos

; has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

_Eh...D._ degree in Jame—Mama gement

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ABSTRACT

DECISION-MAKING STYLES OF SELECTED MEXICAN HOMEMAKERS

by Nena Rola Bustrillos

This research eXplored decision-making styles of
selected homemakers. A decision-making style was recog-
nized as the behavioral profile resulting from the comb-
ination of the dimensions of the three elements: mode,
time reference, and decision-making rule.

The dimensions of mode: hypothetical, factual, and
action-suggestive: of time reference: future, past and
present: and of decision-making rule: preference ranking,
objective elimination, and immediate closure were expected
to combine into twenty-seven styles and concentrate on
three general decision-making styles. These predicted
styles were:

(1) hypothetical oriented style consisting of
hypothetical mode, future-time reference, and pre-
ference ranking:

(2) factual oriented style consisting of factual
mode, past-time reference and Objective elimina—
tion:

(3) action oriented style consisting of action-
suggestive mode, present-time reference, and
immediate closure.

Data were gathered from sixteen Mexican homemakers
chosen from a total of twenty-five families who were liv-
ing in an unincorporated area between Lansing and East

1

2
Lansing, Kichigan. at the time of the study, each was
living with her husband and at least one dependent child.
These homemakers were comparatively young, with little or
no schooling. They were generally full-time homemakers
who went out for summer field work or took jobs when the
family needed more money. They viewed their role as a
worker and a family servicer.

Three hypothetical problems develOped and tested
for the study elicited information about decision-making
style. Open-ended questions, incomplete sentences, and a
financial hypothetical problem were used to gather data
about the homemakers. The instruments were administered
in English and/or Spanish. ReSponses to the decision prob-
lem and Open-ended questions were tape recorded. Data
were translated into English by an interpreter, when neces-
sary. These data were transcribed, subjected to content
analysis using pre-established categories, and then analyz-
ed for decision-making styles.

The findings were as follows:

(1) The mode tended to be factual. This dimension
of mode appeared about twice as often as action-suggestive.
The hypothetical mode appeared least often.

(2) The present time reference was most frequently
mentioned. The situational characteristics as perceived
by the homemaker at the moment of deciding were the
present time referents most frequently used. Seven out of

forty-eight decisions utilized a past time reference. The

future time reference was dominant only in three out of

forty-eight decisions.

(3) Preference ranking was the decision-making
rule primarily utilized and immediate closure, the rule
least utilized.

(4) The styles emerging from the combination of the
dimensions of three elements resulted in two distinct
styles: the unidimensional and the multidimensional.

Mode primarily caused multidimensionality of the styles.

(5) Of the three predicted styles, only the factual
emerged. Sixteen other styles resulted, none of which was
the predicted hypothetical or action style. Of these six-
teen styles, factual-present-preference ranking was most
frequently evinced.

(6) With the exception of one homemaker, the home-
makers used two or more styles in arriving at a decision.
However, they tended to use one dimension of an element at
least twice in their decision processes suggesting that for
a wider range of decision problems, they might tend to
predominantly employ a certain style. About a third of
the homemakers tended towards a factual-present-preference
ranking style.

(7) The nature of the problem was found to affect
the number of dimensions of the elements used and, sub-

sequently, the number of styles employed.

DECISION-MAKING STYLES OF SELECTED MEXICAN HOMEMAKERS

BY
Nena Rola Bustrillos

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Home Management

1963

ACKN WL EDGM ENTS

Many have contributed, in one way or another, to
the develOpment of this research. Not everyone can be
specifically mentioned.

I appreciate the suggestions and the criticisms of
the members of my Guidance Committee: Dr. Alice C.

Thorpe, Dr. Francis Magrabi, Dr: Jean_D.WSchlater, Dr.
Herbert Phillips, and Dr. Beatrice Paolucci. I am especial-
ly grateful to Dr. Beatrice Paolucci, Chairman of my
Committee, not only for her indiSpensable help in the
development of the problem and in the seemingly endless

task of preparing the manuscript, but also for her creation
of a climate conducive to the birth, nurturance, and develoP-
ment of ideas in and out of the classroom.

I also wish to thank the group of Mexican home-
makers who gave so much of themselves and their time to make
this study possible.

Furthermore, I acknowledge the Rockefeller Found-
ation's financial support through the College of Agri-
culture, University of the Philippines in providing a
fellowship which enabled me to do graduate work at Midhigan
State University from September, 1960 to March, 1963.

Lastly, I want to share my pride in this research

with my husband and children who experienced with me all

the excitement and trials of doing graduate work.

ii

TngLL-s 0‘3 con-”rams
Cutters; Pas?
I. TIL-j: 232013.234 an ITS co:*:c2P'.‘uaL E‘itleldiaogll’x
.3. IntrOdLlCt-ion o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o l

5.). The pro-DIET! . o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 2

(J)

C. Conceptual framework . . . . . . . . . .

(.0

1. Process 0 O O I O O O O O O O O O O C

2. Style 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 5

03

a. Elements of style . . . . . . . .
b. Predicted styles . . . . . . . . . 10
II. REVISx O? LITJEATURS

A. normative models of decision-making . . . 14

B. Studies on the process of decision-
madl<ing O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 23

1. Related research . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2. Phases of decision-making process . . 26
III. LIJ‘I‘LZOD OF STLTDY
A. Selection of the Sample . . . . . . . . . 32
a. DevelOpment of the instruments . . . . . 3
l. The hypothetical problems . . . . . . .35

2. Incomplete sentences, Open-ended
questions, basic information . . . . . 40

C. Collection of the data . . . . . . . . . . 41
D. Analysis of data . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

£3. 3LJ-ITu-rla-I.y O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 49

t;

IV. DESCRIPTIOJ 03:“ “as; Sz‘filPL '

A. The homemakers' origin . . . . . . . . . . 50

iii

OF DECISION-MAKIKS

Continued

Size of the family of orientation .
Ordinal position in the family

Perceptions of family figures

homemakers'
Iobility . . . . . . .
Sources of income . .

rousing conditions . .

Sources of contact with the community

and the outside world

:omemakers' activities
Present families . . .

homemakers'

Age, education, and occupation

Religious affiliation

present world .

View of the homemaker role .

Wishes and desires . .

z»
.
8
53’
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.

C. Decision-making rule . . .

VI. DECISIOJ

l.

2.

f\P.‘-7’
-v I-
iih‘.

a. Predicted

5. Qmpirical

its STYLSS
decision-making
decision-making

Unidimensional type .

Multidimensional type

iv

'—1

STYLr

.-l

1

personal characteristics.

(l

Fag
51
51
52

.54
54

55

62
64
65
66
67
7O

72

74
81

91

KO
(0

TX: 3 OF COIITLJTS - Continued

CKAPTER Page
C. summary O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 109
VII. "as :oxznnkza n33 was sac:s:oa PROJLJN
as RELATED TO DECISIOI-HE’IIZ STYLES . .

A. The homemakers ano their decision-
ma3<ing Style 0 o o o o o o o o o o a ll]-

B. Problems and decision-making styles . 115
C. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
VIII. SJMLARY AID IMPLICATIOJS FOR RBSEIRCS . . 123
In. 8.1.1.5013”"JIEiLICQ—ldsfliilY . . . . . . . . . . 131

-‘;. L‘3EE£:.:ICJS . g g o o . o o o o o g o g o 142

LIST OF TABLE

\A—l
L"
[11'

P

Page

H
0

Distribution of the Total Pepulation and
the Sample by Streets in the Sample Area . . 34

2. Parental Origin of Sixteen Homemakers . . . 50

3. Number of Children in Homemakers' Families
of Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

4. Distribution of the Homemakers by Ordinal
Position in Family of Orientation . . . . . 52

5. Distribution of Parental Occupation of
Sixteen Homemakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

6. Length of Rgsidence in Lansing b Sixteen
b‘amilies O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O I 54

7. Occupation of Husbands of Sixteen Homemakers.55

8. Weekly Money Income From Family Members'
Earnings in Sixteen Families . . . . . . . . 56

9. fiumber of Families Reporting Welfare and
Surplus Aid by Income Groups . . . . . . . . 56

10. Condition of Housing of Sixteen Selected
'E‘amilies O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 57

11. House Ownership of Sixteen Selected Home-
makers O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O 59

12. Sources of Contact with the Community and
the norld by Families of Sixteen Homemakers. 59

13. Number of Children of Sixteen Homemakers . . 62

14. Ages of Youngest Child of Sixteen Home-
malkers o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 63

15. .1“;

3

res of Eldest Child of Sixte,n Homemakers . 63

I

L

16. Span of Years Between the eldest and the
Youngest Child of Sixteen Homemakers . . . . 64
17. A e Distribution of Sixteen Homemakers . . . 65

18. Length of Formal Schooling of Sixteen
Homemakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

19. Occupation of Sixteen Homemakers . . . . . . 67

vi

LIST OF TASLSS - Continued
TAB E Page

20. Religious Affiliation Reported by Sixteen
I’lomefllakers o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 67

21. hole of the Homemaker as Viewed by Sixteen
I¢IOInemaJ<erS O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C 6 8

22. Number of Functions Mentioned by Sixteen
Homemakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

23. Expressed Wishes and Desires of Sixteen
1-0mema}<ers o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 71

24. Frequency of Use of Mode Dimensions in Forty-
eight Responses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

25. Number of ReSponses Using Mode Dimensions . . 75

26. Frequency of Distribution of Forty-eight
Responses by 3106.8 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o 76

27. Frequency Distribution of Responses Accord-
ing to Occurrence of Node . . . . . . . . . . 77

28. Time Reference in Forty-eight Reaponses by
PrOblemS SOlved O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 82

29. Frequency of Mention of Specific Future
Reference in Forty-eight Reaponses . . . . . 83

30. Number of Responses Mentioning Specific

Future Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
31. Frequency of Mention of Specific Past

Reference in Forty-eight ReSponses . . . . . 86

32. number of Responses with Specific Past
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

‘

33. Frequency of Mention of Specific Present
Reference 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 88

34. Number of ReSponses with Specific Present
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

35. Frequency Distribution of ReSponses by
Decision-making Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

Distribution of Types of Decision-making
btyjh es 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 102

L0
0‘)
0

vii

LIST OF TAELJS - Continued

m - ‘3 "-
-xiLJLSJ

42.

43.

4.4.

45.

46.

Distribution of Thirty-four Unidimensional
Styles Among Decision-making Styles . . . . . .

Distribution of Thirty-four Unidimensional
Styles Among Dimensions of Three elements . . .

Relationships of Elements of Thirty-four Uni-
dimenSional Responses 0 o o o o o o o o o o o 0

Frequency of Use of Unidimensional and Multi-
dimensional Styles in Three Decision Problems
by Sixteen Homemakers . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Number of Homemakers who Manifested Types of
Consistency in Style for Three Decisions . . .

Number of Homemakers with Dominancy in Elements
in Three Decision-making Problems . . . . . . .

Frequency Distribution of Twelve Complete
Decision Style Tendencies . . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency Distribution of Unidimensional Style
Among Decision Problems . . . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency Distribution of Multidimensional
Styles in Three Decision Problems . . . . . . .

Frequency of Mention of Time Reference in
Three Decision Problems . . . . . . . . . . . .

Dumber of Homemakers who Used Particular Time
Reference in Three Problems . . . . . . . . . .

Number of Homemakers Using Decision-making Rule
in Three Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

viii

Page

103

104

105

112

113

114

117

117

119

120

121

121

o‘-.-.

mfi n I‘ '
Dbfi.~2&'iii

t“
H
UT:
*5
O
311

SCHJMA Page

I. Theoretical Styles for Three Trichotomous

Elements 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O 99

II. Decision-making Styles of Sixteen Eome-
makers for Decision to Three Problems . . . . 101

III. Decision-making Styles in Three Problems
and Decision Style Tendency of Sixteen

Homemakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

1x1

CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND ITS CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Introduction

Home management is the judicious integration or
organization of the processes involved in the formulation
and execution of decisions related to the home and the
family. Decision-making is, then, the focal point of
management.

A.multitude of models in decision-making have been
advanced. Some of these models have been expressed in
mathematical symbols. In researches in home management,

a model for decisiondmaking WhiCh prescribes more or less
the same sequential steps has become standard. These se-
quential steps are recognition of a problem, seeking
alternatives, thinking through the consequences of alter-
natiVes, and Choosing one alternative.

Research on the flexibility of the decision pro-
cess has not been done in home management. Although a
fixed sequential model is used, it is probable that the
process is a fluid one, the phases created by the person
making the choice and depending upon certain considera-
tions. In essence, this way of looking at decision-making
endows it with an individual rather than a universal touch.
An individual makes his decision in his own Specific way,

in his particular manner, in his style.

1

If decision style is inherently variable, then
those who are reSponsible for helping families about a
variety of problems in homemaking will be made aware of
the nature and range of such flexibility so that appro-

priate approaches can be devised.

The Problem

Literature indicates that the normative model for
decision-making Which has been used in home management is
a step-like process. This normative model has largely
guided teaching and research. While the normative model
of decision-making is considered ideal, little is known of
how man's decision-making actually relates to this ideal.
In the use of the normative model in researCh, the diffi-
culty in identifying postulated steps and their exact
sequence is recognized. This difficulty suggests that
decision-making is a more fluid process than the step-like
model implies. If this is true, then further studies of
actual decision-making must be conducted. It is for the
purpose of further understanding the decision-making pro-
cess prior to any prediction or recommendation of how
decisionemaking should take place in the home that the
present study was pursued. Its main concern was to deter-
mine how decisions in the realm of the home and the family

are made by homemakers.

3
Conceptual framework

Process

Decision-making is a process of resolving. It be-
gins with a desire for cognitive structure.* Its terminal
is a resolution, a conclusion, a commitment to one alter-
native. As a process, decision-making is dynamic. It is
a creation of events. There is a continuity of time and
interest. This continuity is evinced by a flow of thoughts,
reinforced by emotions, and feelings. There is fluidity
rather than one definite lineal flow since the thinking
may go back and forth, retracing its steps and moving for-
ward again. In its movement, however, there is direction.
Something is desired, whether this is defined or not.
This is the universal desire for an equilibrium only
achieved when a resolution, a commitment, or a choice is
made.

The decisioning process involves relationships.
These give order to thinking and feeling. It is in relat-
ing one feeling with another, one new idea with a past
one, one action with a fact or a condition that a parti-
cular structure is given to the process. This helps place
events, ideas, feelings, facts, values, and observations
into an integrated whole. But integration alone or

organic uniting of all relationships does not result in a

 

* This desire is characterized by feelings of either un-
pleasantness, uncertainty, doubt, wavering, discomfort,
or dissonance or by a desire for change.

4

resolution. After ordering, discrimination must be made.
Unless some degree of discrimination occurs‘the state of
indecision still remains. One might see how each event

is important, how with one act these events might occur or
not occur, but one must be able to discriminate between
what is important from what is not, between what is rele-
vant and what is irrelevant, between that which will
achieve one’s objective and that which will not. In the
decision-making process this discrimination is value-laden.
There is no one correct answer for everYbody. Only the
person himself through his own volition must make that act
of discrimination that leads to closure. He alone deter-
mines what is best, depending upon his values, his goals,
and his purposes.

Viewed thus, three components of the decision pro-
cess become evident: movement, relationship, and dis-
crimination. They occur side by side, intermingled, and
are always there. They might occur in varying degrees but
that does not seem to matter since all are one in the pro-
cess.

The components of the decision-making process can
not be directly observed. However, as a working unity,
the elements are manifested by the individual in his ver-
balized behavior. Through a person's verbalized behavior,
therefore, it becomes possible for a person's decision-

making to be identified. In this study, behavior in

5

decision-making is identified as decision-making style.

Style

By style is meant a pattern of behaving which an
individual manifests. In decision-making this manner of
behaving becomes the individual's since he himself evolves
it. The pattern, in other words, becomes his creative
product as he attempts to recognize demands from the
environment and blends this with his own needs.and desires.
This is not a pattern imposed on him nor one he imitates.
His style may not be consistently the same but in his day
to day deciding, he develOps patterns which are distinctly
his own.

Three behavioral or style elements which are in-
dependently identified are considered as indicants of the
decision-making process of an individual. These elements
are mode, time reference, and decision-making rule. Not
one of these behavioral elements, however, represents one
component of the process independent of other components.
Each style element manifests all three components in vary-
ing degrees. For example, mode as an element of style
eXpresses all three components of process: relationship,
movement, add discrimination but emphasizes relationship.
Time reference as an element of style also expresses the
three process components with a focus on relationship and
movement. Likewise, decision-making rule eXpresses all

three process components with an emphasis on discrimination.

6

To insure the sufficient inclusion of all the cghponents
of decision-making process all three elements are used in
determining style. Thus in this research, the decision-
making style is'therefore, a result of the relationships
of three elements: mode, time reference, and decision-

making rule.

glgments of decision-makingpstyle

Three elements are considered significant for
determining decision-making style: namely, mode, time
reference, and decision-making rule, all of which are in-

dicative of process as previously conceptualized.

Mode

Mode is a way of developing ideas. In the process
of deciding, inputs or raw materials are needed. These
inputs, interpreted broadly, are information related to
the decision-making problem. How these ideas are introduc-
ed and then structurally related to one another is a part
of a decisionemaking style. Mode is the eXpressive com-
ponent of decision-making style which is unpremeditated.
It shows how ideas are developed, analyzed, classified,
and then related to the decision-making problem. Since
these go on in ways that may not be observed, in this
research, the mode is represented by how the ideas are ver-
bally stated. The ideas themselves are not of importance

in determining mode; rather it is how the ideas are

stated that is important. Three modes will be identified:
hypothetical, factual, and action-suggestive.

Hypothetical mode.- When ideas are stated con-
ditionally, oonjecturally, or doubtfully, the mode is con-
sidered hypothetical. This relationship to certain condi-
tions makes the action hypothetical. The mode includes
both statements of conditionality and contingency.

Factual mode.- When ideas about things observed,
sensed, or apprehended are stated conclusively, unqualified
by anything, then the mode is factual. These ideas need
not necessarily be about "facts" for that is the content
of choice, rather it is the manner of being definitive and
conclusive that is pertinent to determining mode. For
factual mode, no explicit or verbal relations between
ideas or action and consequences is given.

Action-suggestive mode.- When action is directly
suggested in a statement,the mode is action-suggestive.
These suggestions may either assert or negate something or
may take the seemingly safe road to inaction. The actions
may be either manipulative or adaptive. Action verbs dis-

tinguish this type of mode.

Time reference
Another element of decision style is time refer-
ence. Any decision has an historical perspective. No
decision is independent of time. One, therefore, must be

able to perceive events and phenomena in a time

8

relationship since it is this perception which gives
meaning and continuity to events. Reference to a time
base becomes evident as a person decides. This time base
may be the future, the past, or the present.

Future reference.- Reference to what might come
or might happen in the immediate future or in some later
time are future-based.

PaSt reference.- References to tradition, habi-
tual behavior and experience by one's self or as recounted
by others are considered past reference.

Present reference.- When present behavior is based
on what is on-going but not habitual, on what is felt and
thought at the moment, on present needs, and on situations
obtaining at the moment of decisions, it is classified as

present reference.

Decision-making rule

The third element of decision-making style is
decision-making rule. Decision-making rule consists of
the method by which alternative courses of action are
evaluated with the correSponding determinant or base for
selecting one particular alternative. It, therefore, is
supposed to come after a set of alternatives has been per-
ceived.

Whatever the decision-maker stated as best is
accepted. The description of the overall procedure verbal-

ized by the homemaker as she arrived at the ”best“ is the

decision-making rule. This procedure, of course, could
have been preceded by a series of decisions and backed by
certain bases, the determination of which is beyond the
sc0pe of this researdh.

Through a decision-making rule, the homemaker is
able to differentiate alternatives and then arrive at a
discriminatory point or decision. Again, only verbalized
ideas can give us leads into processes used. In the trad-
itional language of decision-making,this phase concerns
the evaluation of alternatives and final choice. Three
decision-making rules have been identified: preference
ranking, objective elimination, and immediate closure.

Pgeference ranking,- One decision-making rule is
that of ordinally ranking of alternatives. Alternatives
perceived are evaluated and placed in order from best to
worst according to a subjectively defined criterion. The
placement in such an order when consistent with what the
homemakers would do and would not do if confronted with
the same situation is defined as preference ranking. No
change at all would occur between what is considered best
and What one intends to do if faced with the same prdblem.
The best alternative is subjectively determined, and the
base used is considered constant. There is persistency in
What is considered the best choice.

Objective elimination.- Choices are immediately
recognized as based on the limits imposed by the environ-

ment. No one best alternative is consistently chosen:

10

the "best“ depends on the conditions obtaining. Since
choice is determined by the condition, than adapting to

the condition becomes the base of choice. No personal
identification is evident, only a detachedness. The manner
of verbalizing, therefore, becomes very objective. Phrases
such as “under these conditions .... is best;" “but if ...
then ..." are used. Objective analysis of alternatives

and the choice is made by recognizing the demands of the
situation. Unless forced by the situation, closure is

not readily made.

Immediate closure.- Only one action becomes the
focus. The alternative is immediately graSped without ex-
plicitly going through ranking or any elimination. The
process is quick and analysis and reasoning come after mak-
ing the Choice. No other alternative is mentioned al-

though one could have been unconsciously eliminated.

Predicted decision-making styles

 

The behavioral profile resulting from the comb-
ination of dimensions of the three elements: mode, time
reference and decision-making rule, results in a decision-
making style. It is postulated that the decision-making
styles of homemakers will more or less approach three pat-

terns, deduced from the following schematic presentation.

ll

Decision-making style‘s)

Mode (M) Time reference (T) Decision-making rule (R)
Hypothetical (ml) Future (t1) Preference ranking (r1)
Factual (m2) Past (t2) Objective elimination (r2)
Action-suggestive

(m3) Present (t3) Immediate closure (r3)

The postulated decision-making styles and their
equivalent element relationships are:

(l) Hypothetical-oriented style (m1 tl r1)

(2) Factual-oriented style (m2 t2 r2

(3) Action-oriented style (m3 t3 r3

A hypothetical oriented style (mltlrl) will use a
hypothetical mode, be future-oriented, and use preference
ranking. A factual-oriented style (m2t2r2) will use
factual mode, be past-oriented, and use objective elimin-
ation. And an action-oriented style will utilize an
action-suggestive mode, be present-oriented, and have
immediate closure (m3t3r3). Each of these styles is dis-
tinctly different.

The primary objective of this research is to deter-
mine the elements of style and how the elements combine
when the homemaker makes decisions or, in other words, the
decision-making styles of homemakers.

The study is based on certain assumptions, namely:

(1) Man is endowed with free will. To some degree,

he sees the need for the control of his environment.

12

(2) The homemaker makes managerial decisions
about her homemaking.
(3) The homemaker has a decision-making style

which can be identified.

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

This research views the decisionemaking process:
hence, the review of literature was limited to studies
focused on decision process. Distinction is, therefore,
made between decision process and decision.

A decision is the “act of settling or terminating...
'by giving judgment."1 It is coming to a conclusion, the
cutting-off point. It is in this sense that decision is
used as a part of problem-solving. In literature, however,
it has been used also to refer to the end product, the
choice. It is distinguished from decision—making although
both decision and decision-making have been confused and
sometimes equated in literature. In this study distinc-
tion is made between decision and decision-making.

Decision-making, however, is more than that final
momentary act. It is a dynamic event, which involves
many considerations of values, conditions, and other situ-
ational factors. It consists of processes which seem to
start from a feeling of uncertainty or doubt, or wavering

or controversy or discomfort leading to a resolution point.

 

1Webster's Third New International dictionary,
Springfield, Mass., G & C Merriam Company, 1961, p. 585.

13

l4

Decision-making is a process of resolving. As a
process it is dynamic, on-going, ever-changing. It is ex-
periencing and as such it flows or has movement, has
relationship, and differentiation. In Carl Rogers terms,
a process involves

”....a loosening of feelings .... a change

in the manner of eXperiencing. From ex—
periencing which is remote in time from the
organic event, Which is bound by the struc—
ture of eXperience in the past .... toward a
manner of experiencing which is immediate,

which interprets meaning in terms of What is,
not what was.“

Normative Models of Decision-making
Decision-making is normatively viewed as a sequence
of steps. The three-step model includes “seeking alter-
natives, thinking through the consequences of alternatives,
and choosing one alternative."2
Although quite alike in number of phases but not
in substance, another model includes predicting outcomes

for each action, evaluating these outcomes in terms of

some scale of desirability, and using a criterion based on

 

1C. R. Rogers, "A process conception of psycho-
therapy.” in W. G. Bennis, K. D. Benne and R. Chin. The
lannin of chan e (New Yerk: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,
1961 p. 3 20

2I. H. Gross and E. Crandall, Op. cit., p. 20.

15

the purposes of the decision to make the actual selection.1

Another formulation is a four phase decision model
envisioned by Gartner, Kolmer, and Jones, who pinpoint
searching for total available alternatives, determining
relevant alternatives, appraising relevant alternatives,

and making the final Choice.2

They emphasize the import-
ance of resources and objectives in family decision-making.
Katona, Who distinguishes the types of decision-
making, routine and genuine, describes the latter in five
steps; namely, (1) arousal of a problem or question, (2)
deliberation or thinking through which involves reorganiza-
tion in a Specific direction, (3) understanding the re-
quirements of the situation, (4) weighing alternatives,
and finally, (5) choosing among alternative courses of
action.3 According to Katona, this type of decision-mak-
ing is relatively rare and may result in action Which is

new rather than repetitive. It occurs under the influence

of strong motivational factors and events.

 

11. D. Bross. Decision for decision (New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1953 p. 22.

2J. Gartner, L. Kolmer, E. B. Jones, ”Consumer
decision-making.“ Consumer Marketing Bulletin I. C00p-
erative Extension Service, Ames, Iowa, Iowa State University,
1960' pp. 6-10 0

 

G. Katona, The werful consumer: s cholo ical
studies of the American economy (New York: McGraw.Hill
BOOK CO.’ Inc.' 1960) P. 139.

16

The steps of decision-making seem to parallel
Dewey's evolution of abstract thinking which consists of
felt difficulty, its location and definition; suggestion
of a possible solution: develOpment by reasoning of the
bearings of the suggestion; and further observation that
leads to acceptance or rejection.1

The process, outlined by Heady and Jensen after
the problem has been identified, consists of observing and
acquiring information relevant to the solution of the prob-
lem, of analyzing this information, and of making the
decision.2 Johnson adds two steps to the process: putting
the decision into action, and accepting reSponsibility for
the consequences of actions taken.3 Heady and Jensen
classify putting the plan into effect as supervision
rather than decision-making.

Most of the suggested steps of the decision-making

could be grouped into Simon's three principal phases of

 

J. Dewey, How we think (New York: Eeath, 1910)

 

p. 72-78.

2 C. O. heady, and S. Jensen R. Farm management
economics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, Inc.,
1954).

 

3G. L. Johnson. "The interstate cooperative re-

search project on decision-making in farm management."
in Proceedipgs of Conference on Values & Decision-making
in Home Management. East Lansing, Michigan: Dept. of

HOme Management, and Child Development, Michigan State
University, 1955, Mimeo, p. 45.

l7

decisions (1) finding occasions for making a decision, (2)
finding possible courses of action, and (3) choosing
among courses of action. Simon labels these intelligence
activity, design activity, and choice activity, respect-
ively.1

While there are some variations in the normative
models, they are really more alike than different. The
divergence, it seems, lies in whether or not implement-
ation of the decision and the consequent satisfaction or
dissatisfaction are phases of the decision process or
whether instead these two latter steps are means of eval-
uating the decision made. If however, the testing of an
alternative were in Dewey's “imaginative rehearsal realm"
then prediction of outcomes and setting one's self to
accepting the consequences do not really require the implel
mentation of the decision and can thus be considered part
of a decision-making process. I

The normative model of decision-making shows that
there is a étructure. The original formulations seems to
connote a fixity in this structure, true for all decision-
making, which leads to the choice of the "best” solution.

The normative model which Specifies a high degree

of rationality on the part of the decision maker so that

 

1Herbert A. Simon. The new science of managemenp
decision (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1960)
p. 1-2.

18

he can choose the “best" solution makes severe demands on
the decision maker. The decision-maker must be able to
attach definite value to each possible outcome and Specify
the nature of outcomes allowing no room for unanticipated
consequences. Although there are various rules which are
theorized for the choice of alternatives, these still con-
ceive of man as objectively calculating the outcomes of
his decision.

Variations for such calculating have been theo-
rized. Simon prOposes a "satisficing" model. This model
purportedly reduces computational requirements by taking
only alternatives which are perceived. Instead of looking
for the best strategy or alternative, the search is made
for a ”good enough" alternative.l Feasibility rather
than Optimality is the aim: one that satisfies and not
maximizes the outcomes. This model, according to Simon,
”parallels as nearly as possible the decision procedures
that appear to be used by humans in complex decision-making
settings.“2 He prOposes that alternatives are chosen by
either of two mechanisms: that of the aSpiration level

principle or a persistence mechanism. Simon explains that

 

1 H. A. Simon, "A behavioral model of rational
choice," in Models of man: social and rational (New Ybrk:
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1957) pp. 241-260.

2 Ibid., p. 252.

19

the aspiration level which defines a satisfactory alter-
native may change from point to point in the sequence of
trials. These changes would bring about satisfactory
plans which approach uniqueness and guarantee the exist-
ence of satisfactory solutions. Not all alternatives
are then examined: the first satisfactory alternative,
is chosen.

Instead of the adjustments of the aspiration
level, his second mechanism states that the adjustments
are made in the set of alternatives considered -- so that
when satisfactory alternatives are discovered easily, the
set narrows, and if it is difficult to find satisfactory
alternatives/then the set broadens. This would imply
persistence of the choosing organism.

Both procedures are approximations, and the deci-
sion-maker does not know the costs of discovering alter-
natives or the payaoffs. His knowledge and capacities
are actually limited.

Another variation to the normative model is
Diesing's non-economic decisioning. He sees non-economic
decisions as reached by l) defining a relatively independ-
ent problematic Situation and uncovering the conflicts
that exist in it, as well as the factors maintaining the
conflicts: 2) estimating the changes that are possible in
each problematic factor, together with the degree of
strain the change would bring: 3) discovering what

strain-reducing support is available, for each change:

20

4) predicting future conflicts, strains, and stresses
likely to accompany each direction of change, or likely
to occur in any case: and 5) looking for a change at a
manageable level of strain that will reduce conflicts, or
increase flexibility, or prepare for future stresses.l
These decisions are integrative decisions or decisions
which attempt to Change personalities and social rela-
tions in the direction of greater fundamental harmony and
stability. Integrative decision-making does not start with
given ends, which are accepted unquestioningly and then
become the culminating point. Rather the ends are treat-
ed as clues and symptoms of hidden beliefs, values, fears,
strains, which may even be frequently frustrated in the
course of being changed. Hence, integrative decisions do
not have any predictable outcomes or ends, because the de-
sires and the interests that could serve as ends are sub-
ject to unpredictable changes in the course of decision-
making or in subsequent action. The aims are more general
than particular as tension-reduction, conflict resolution,
and integration for a given time. The process is a
gradual piece-meal approach, involving a long series of
decisions which change as conditions change. Socio-

psychological resources, unlike economic resources, cannot

 

1 P. Diesing, "Socioeconomic decisions." Ethics.

21

be shifted around among goals.

Diesing identified three types of socioeconomic
decisions. These types are (1) those which deal pri-
marily with the integrative method supplemented with the
maximizing method, (2) those which are primarily maximiz-
ing supplemented with the integrative process, and (3)
those which are equally integrative and maximizing.

Another theoretical formulation regarding vari-
ations in decision-making is Back's rational, irrational,
and non-rational models.1 The rational model is rooted
in a mathematical foundation which Specifies the object-
ive analysis of the Situation so that the best possible
action could be chosen. Choices are, therefore, reduc-
ible to probabilities which requires a clear definition
of outcomes. The irrational model considers that the
source of the decision lies within the person, and that
the decisions seem to run counter to the long-run utility
of the outcome. The non-rational decisions rest more on
the analysis of experience and are most applicable when
little is known of relevant facts or when the results are
vital or when the decisions are unique or those which are
not likely to reoccur. The decision-maker is not aware

of the basis for making the decision.

 

l K. Back, "Decisions under uncertainty: rational,
irrational, non-rational models.“ The American Behavioral
Scientist, 4, No. 6 (Feb. 1961) 14-19.

22

In spite of the many theoretical formulations,
however, little is actually known of decision-making as a
process. Knight's remark of four decade's ago somehow
rings a great truth, not only for what he termed "ordinary
decisions of life” but even for extraordinary decisions.
He says:

"The ordinary decisions of life are made
on the basis of 'estimates' of a crude
and superficial character. In general
the future situation in relation to
which we act depends upon the behavior of
an indefinitely large number of objects,
and is influenced by so many factors that
no real effort is made to take account of
them all, much less estimate and summate
their separate significances...

"The mental Operations by Which ordinary
practical decisions are made are very ob-
scure, and it is a matter for surprise
that neither logicians nor psychologists
have shown much interest in them. Per-
haps it is because there is really very
little to say about the subject .... So
when we try to decide What to expect in a
certain Situation, and how to behave our-
selves accordingly, we are likely to do a
lot of irrelevant mental rambling, and the
first thing we know we find that we have
made up our minds, that our course of
action is settled."1

In fact, as if to support this, Rogers remarks that
".... little objective research deals with process in any

field."2

 

1 F. Knight, Risk uncertaint and rofits
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1921) pp. 200-1.

2 C. Rogers, Op. cit., p. 362.

23
Studies on the Process of Decision-making

With very few exceptions, research on decision-
making emphasizes other aspects than the process. In the
field of home management, Schomaker investigated how
financial decisions were made in 100 farm families using
a rational sequential model. She found the steps in deci-
sion-making not necessarily sequential. She reported
that one ".... may acquire information and deliberate at
the same time .... may also deliberate and see some alter-
natives, then acquire information, and, deliberate again
as he becomes aware of more alternatives."1

Although not necessarily classified as home
management research}Gibbs studied decision—making in pur—
chasing in a holistic approach.2 She concentrated on 15,
16, and 17 year old school boys and girls of a low socio-
economic group in one School. From a three-step model of
seeking alternatives, thinking through alternatives, and

selecting one alternative, she develOped her five elements

of deliberate decision-making: namely, ShOpping, securing

 

. 1 Peggy K. Schomaker, “Financial decision-making
as reported by 100 farm families in Michigan.“ (Unpub-
lished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University 1961)
p. 100.

2 M. Gibbs, "A descriptive study of the decision-
making procedures followed by boys and girls when they
buy certain consumer goods,” (Unpublished Ed.D. dissert-
ation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1961).

24

information, anticipating factors which give personal
satisfaction, judging alternatives as to importance and
making selections independently. Using the five elements,
she scored for deliberateness three types of purchasing
decisions: impulsive, planned, and repetitive. Data in-
dicated that elements of deliberation did not distinguish
the type of decision-making used. Gibbs commented, "The
fact that elements of deliberation found in decisions
classified as impulsive by girls and indications of its
presence in the few impulsive decisions by boys raises
questions about the commonly held notion that impulsive

I I C 1
deCiSions are 'unWise and poor choices'."

Related research

Other areas of investigation yield some studies of
process which could be helpful in studying the process of
decision-making. These are problem-solving, concept-
formation and adOption of practices.

Bloom and Broder followed twelve students who
thought aloud while they were solving a limited number and

2

variety of problems. They had difficulty in classifying

 

Ibid., p. 285.

 

2B. 5. Bloom and L. J. Broder, "Problem solving
processes of college students: an exploratory investiga-
tion." Supplementary Educational Monographs. No. 73:
July 1950. Chicago 377—Illinois, The University of
Chicago Press.

25

their data. They found that the normative scheme was
inapplicable so they used four categories: namely,
understanding of the nature of the problem, understanding
of the ideas contained in the problem, general approach
to the solution of the problem, and attitude toward the
solution of the problem. Since the sample consisted of
students who came from two sharply defined academic-
achievement groups, this enabled them to compare the per-
formance of "successful" and "unsuccessful" problem
solvers. The results indicated that these groups differed
in arriving at a solution to a problem.

In a study of how farmers decide to adOpt new
farm practices, Wilkening used a four-step process.1 This
includes obtaining initial knowledge about the practice,
obtaining ideas and information leading to the acceptance
of the practice as a good idea for most farms, deciding
that the idea is worthwhile for one's own farm, by a
trial adOption, and adOpting the practice completely on
one's own fann.

In another study, Bruner, Goodnow and Austin dealt
with the nature of psychological categories and with the

strategies by which peOple discover what cues they can

 

l E. A. Wilkening, "Adoption of improved farm
practices, as related to family factors.“ Res. Bull.
183, Univ. of Wisconsin, Madison, December 1953, p. 9.

appropriately use for categorizing.l Using four ideal
types of strategies: namely successive scanning, simult-
aneous scanning, conservative focussing, and focus gamb-
ling, they found that the sequence of decisions made by
persons in attaining a concept differed. In general,
their experiments revealed a notable flexibility on the
part of their subjects in adapting their strategies to the
information, capacity, and risk requirements imposed on
them. They altered their strategies as the difficulty of
the prdblems changed: they employed methods of information
gathering which were less than ideal but which lessened
pressures imposed on them by the tasks. Within the limits
allowed them,they changed from safe but slow to risky but
fast strategies. They were also able to adapt to cues
which fell short of perfection and they combined partially

valid cues and resolved conflicting ones.

Phases of Decision-makingp

It is evident that not only is there little re-
search in decision-making as a process but that these
researches deal with individual rather than family deci-
sions. Because there is so little research using the
holistic approach, some evidence in phases of decision;-

making is included.

 

l J. Bruner, E. Goodnow, G. Austin. A study of
thinking (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1956),
pp. 83-90 0

27

Recognition of a problem

In managerial adjustments, Lee and Chastian de-
fined in detail what is involved in the recognition of a
problem.1 This analysis consisted of six phases: felt
difficulty, gathering of information relative to felt
difficulty, alternative definitions of the problem are
recognized, alternative definitions are analyzed, problem
is defined, and responsibility is accepted.

Nalven found a certain length of cue search be-
fore an alternative emerged.2 Cue search was based on
the number of cumulative horizontal segments of a picture
to which the subject was exposed before he arrived at a
final decision regarding the nature of the stimulus.
Nalven also found that stress was inversely associated
with number of alternative hypotheses formulated.

In a study of pre-school children by Smith and
Roth,the first phase of problem solving was identified as
preliminary random reSponse, exploration of the problem,

trial and approximation. The first phase consisted of

activities that carry an impression of future activity

 

l J. Lee and E. P. Chastian, “The role of problem
recognition in managerial adjustments," Jour. of Farm
Econ., 42 (Aug., 1960) p. 650.

2 Nalven, F., Defense preference and perceptive
decision-making (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston,
University Graduate School, 1961) in Dissertation Abstracts,
1962.

28

toward the solution of the problem such as name-calling,
sulking, screaming: and the second included such action
as questioning adults to gain information, repeating the

same action, or manipulating materials.1

Obtaining information

Katz and Lazarsfeld working on horizontal and
vertical flow of information found opinion leaders Operat—
ing within specialized areas.2 Their study was concerned
more with source of information than with how the informa-
tion was obtained.

The possibility of the retention of amassed or
cumulated information, however, has been studied.3 Under
a steady state in an experimental set up, it was found
that the decay or forgetting varied with the kind of
stimuli, but that the amount of information retained was
possibly affected by the use of a more sensitive recog-
nition method and/or the segmentation of the sequence of
digits into groups of three. There was, however, a lower
limit to the amount of information that the subject could

carry along at any one time.

 

l D. Smith, and R. M. Roth, “Problems solving be-
havior of pre-school children in a Spontaneous Situation."
Jour. of Gen. Psychol., 97 (1960), 139-143.

2 E. Katz and P. Lazarsfeld, Personal influence
(Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955 .

3 R. N. Shephard, & M. Teghtosoonian, "Retention
of information under conditions approaching a steady state.“
Jour. of Exp. Psychol. 62 (No. 3, 1961), 302-209.

29

Formulation or production of solutions

The emergence of responses, whether verbalized or
not, to a certain problematic situation has always been
dealt with in the classification of thought processes.
In normative decision-making, this phase has been identi-
fied as seeking of alternatives or suggestions of possible
solution or illumination. This phase has been the core
of the studies on creativity among adults, adolescents,

and children.1 & 2

Perhaps even before the alternatives
are brought out, the very process of seeming chaos or
disorder in one's mind, or that confused excitement with
its preverbal intimation of a potential solution or solu-
tions is part of the phase of formulation of solutions.

3

The processes involved are described by Ghiselin, and by

whiting.4

 

1 Getzels, Jacob w. & Philip W. Jackson. "Family
environment and cognitive style: A study of the sources
of highly intelligent and highly creative adolescents."
Am. Soc. Review. 26 (No. 3, June 1961): 351-359.

2 "The study of giftedness: A
multidimensional approach,“ in COOperative Research Mono-
graph No. 2 of the U. S. Office of Education, The gifted
student. Washington, D.C.: Office of Education, 1960,
1-18.

 

. 3 B. Ghiselin, The creative_process1 a symposium,
(Berkely, California: Univ. of California Press, 1952).

4 C. Whiting, Creative thinking (London: Chapman
& Hall, Ltd., 1958), p. 1-10.

30

Johnson described problem-solving activities in
functional units that are larger than single responses
and smaller than the whole problem-solving episode.l
To keep things manageable, he did a two-part analysis:
the "preparation" and the "solution.“ The eXperimental
method divides the presentation of the problem into two
parts that are presented in a serial exposure box. The
first part, preparation, provides some information but
solution becomes possible only upon presentation of the
second part. He found that when the amount of preparatory
material is considerable, or when the formulation derived
from the preparation does not fit available solutions,
the thinker will switch back to preparation and be more
successful in the next try. This corroborated previous
findings that when preparation favors one dimension, a
set is produced so that solution is slanted in the same
direction.

In diffusion or practice adOption studies, seeking
of alternatives was not included as a phase since the
alternatives had been given. Rather, the decision was on

whether to accept or reject a recommended practice.2

 

l D. M. Johnson, "Serial analysis of thinking."
Annals of the New York Acad. of Science, 91 (Art 1,
December 23, 1960), pp. 66-75.

2 E. A. Wilkening, Op. cit., pp. 9-11.

31

Weighing of alternatives and choice of one alternative
Weighing of alternatives and making a choice of
one alternative are usually viewed together. Foote and
Cottrell merged the two phases under the concept of
judgment.1
Brim and his associates studied the two phases of
decision-making, They identified nine characteristics of
the two phases: namely, number of outcomes, probability,
desirability, time orientation, expected utility, ranking
the actions, number of actions selected, relation of ex-
pected utility to the ranking, sequential and contingency
aSpects of the choice of actions.2 They used these in
analyzing data obtained by paper and pencil tests of 200
male and female subjects. Applying these tests on four
situations of child rearing: masturbation, homework,
obedience, and stealing, they interrelated decision pro-
cesses with personality characteristics, sex, social
class, and type of situation. No other researchers have

probed as intensively into variables pertinent to decision—

making as Brim and his associates.

 

1 N. Foote and L. S. Cottrell, Identity and inter-
personal_gompetence (Chicago, Illinois: Univ. of Chicago
Press, 1955), p. 86. '

2 O. G. Brim, Jr., D. C. Glass, D. E. Lavin, and
N. Goodman, Personality and decisionyprocesses: studies
in the socialypsychology of thinkipg (Stanford, California:
Stanford University Press, 1962).

CHAPTER III
METHOD OF STUDY

This eXploratory investigation is essentially a
field study. In this chapter,the procedures utilized in
determining decision-making styles of homemakers are des-
cribed. Also included are the selection of the sample,
the construction of the instruments, the field work, and

the analysis of the data.
The Selection of the Sample

The homemaker was assumed to be the decisionp
maker in the family with regard to the decision problems

under investigation.

Rationale for choice of the sample

Studies conducted in the United States on family
decision-making have concentrated on groups who are pre-
sumably literate. Ethnic or illiterate groups have so
far not been studied for this purpose. Existing instru-
ments which have been used successfully on literate
groups may not necessarily be workable across ethnic nor
among illiterate groups. Consequently, studying an ethnic
group with little or no formal education might furnish
insight into research techniques for investigating deci-

sion-making in less develOped cultures.

32

Criteria for the choice of the sample

Having decided on an ethnic group for study, cer—
tain criteria for the choice of the sample homemakers
within that group were set up. Three main criteria were
used: namely, (1) that the homemaker be living with her
husband and children at the time of study: (2) that the
homemaker have children under eighteen years of age, and
living at home: (3) that the homemaker and her family be

living within one geographic area.

Locating7the sample

The third criterion Specified that all the home-
makers who constituted the sample must be residing within
one particular area in Lansing or East Lansing and not
scattered over the two towns. Convenience was of second-
ary importance in setting this criterion of interviewing.
Rather, the criterion of residence contiguity was thought
to control socio-economic class, as indeed it did. In-
formation furnished by the Family Welfare Agency led to

the location of such a group.

Choosing the samplg

The Family Welfare Agency furnished a list of
thirteen families of Mexican descent who presumably spoke
English and were living within one area. The investigator
paid a visit to the families from whom information about
other Mexican families living in the vicinity were

obtained. A total of 25 Mexican families were living in

34

the area Spanned by ten streets (Table 1).

Table 1--Distribution of the Total Population and the
Sample by Streets in the Sample Area.

W

 

 

Street Total pOpulation Study sample
A 2 0
B 2 2
C l l
D 4 3
E 4 2
F l 0
G 3 3
H 4 2
I 4 3

Total 25 16

 

Of these twenty-five households, twenty-three
households were visited since one family's Whereabouts
were not known until the close of the field work and an-
other was immediately known not to meet the second cri-
terion. Of the remaining twenty-three households, one was
drOpped since the husband did not express his desire to
allow his wife to cooperate. Two others did not meet
the “completeness" criterion, a third homemaker was a

widow living alone but who had her grandchildren occasionally

35

with her.1 Another family moved out of the sample area
before the research was completed leaving no address.

One homemaker was taken ill during the latter part of the
study. Of the remaining seventeen families who qualified,
one was the trial family used consistently throughout the
study for developing and testing the research instruments.

Consequently, sixteen reSpondents constituted the sample.

Development of the Instruments

In this section, the instruments used and how they
were constructed are discussed. Since the focus of the
study was decision-making style, the main instrument for
researching this is described in great detail. Other
instruments which described the decision-maker and her

world are also included.

The hypothetical problems

One way of generating an on-going process for
study is to present a hypothetical situation forresolution.
In field research, this technique is employed in studying
values, personality, and attitudes, For purposes of this
research, it was planned to use a hypothetical situation
as the instrument for generating Spontaneous reSponses of

the homemaker. It was thought that this type of instrument

 

1 The group lived in an unincorporated area between
Lansing and East Lansing. Their houses were situated
south of Kalamazoo - spanning ten streets, from Clippert
to South Hayford.

b)
03

could elicit responses which reflect decision-making style
within an observable Span of time. To insure that this
function be accomplished, the hypothetical problems had
to be carefully constructed.

This required establishing certain criteria for
culling decision problems. The criteria established were:

(1) that the problems be meaningful to the sample

families being interviewed:

(2) that the problems he managerial rather than

personal in nature:

(3) that the problems he non-repetitive and non-

routine.

Since the purpose of the hypothetical problem was
to elicit response on how a choice was made, it was
necessary to construct problems which were realistic and,
at the same time, met the criteria formulated. Typical
managerial problems were collected from homemakers and
their husbands in a university housing neighborhood.

These persons consisted of both native-born Americans and-
foreigners. The researcher supplemented this information
with her own knowledge of different income groups in her
native country, the Philippines, and constructed Six prob-
lems. The problems were spread over areas of family life
and over levels of concern, from the trite to the complex,
from the technical to the human. They included tasks re-
garding an emergency, school, assigning housework, choice

of a trivial good, a financial problem, and a vague

37

situation (see appendix I). These problems were tested in
a university housing neighborhood and revised for con-
ciseness and simplicity. They were all written in
English. They were then tested with the selected trial
family.

In general, the problems did not prove meaningful
to the trial homemaker. On the basis of criterion number
one, all, except the financial problem, were then rejected.
This financial problem, although meaningful, elicited a
response of personal nature. Hence, it was also rejected.
The meaningfulness and the apparent concern of the trial
homemaker with finances led to the adOption of a financial
decision problem with a managerial undergirding.l This
was again tried with the trial homemaker. The presenta-
tion of the problem was modified somewhat from the original.
The revised hypothetical problem was:

“Suppose your family's yearly income is $4,000.
how would you use the money?“

“If you had to divide this money for your living
expenses, how would you do it?“

“Now if your income were increased by $1,000.
what would you do?"

The reSponses elicited choices rather than how choice was

made. Consequently, the instrument was rejected for it

 

1 A decision was considered managerial when it
necessitated an integration of many aSpects and its
effects reached out to the other members of the organiza-

tion.

38

did not meet the purposes of the research. However, be-
cause the problem gave insights into financial behavior
of the familieslit was decided to continue administering
it to everybody for another purpose. The construction of
an instrument needs more than a cursory knowledge of the
peOple with whom it is to be used. Hence, as more was
learned about the peOple, it was possible to construct a
workable and acceptable set of problems.

Keeping the original criteria in mind and with an
increased knowledge of the group acquired through making
a series of home visits to the sample families, three
problems were constructed. These were translated into
Spanish, tested, and used. The hypothetical problems
used were:

Problem A. For quite sometime now, the family has
felt a need for a washing machine. The mother can not
finish washing all the clothes for her four children, her
husband and herself without getting a back ache. They
have an old, broken machine. SChool has just started and
they naturally have too many expenses.

Problem B. The mother has been working out for
quite a while now. She likes her work and the money she
gets. The husband, however, likes her to stay home so he
can Sleep well before going back to work at night. He
cannot do this now because he has to attend to the children.

Problem C. Ironing in the family has piled up for

 

about three weeks because the mother has been working in

39

the fields for two weeks. The twelve year old daughter
does not seem to like doing the ironing.

The three hypothetical problems, which shall hence-
forth be referred to as decision problems, were used as
stated.

The following questions were asked after each
decision problem was stated:

(1) What could be done in this Situation?

(2) Which would you consider the best and second

best thing to do? Which the worst? Why?

(3) If you were faced with the same problem, what

would you do? Why?

(4) Have you ever experienced this problem?

What did you do then? (If a discrepancy was
observed in 4 and 3, then more probing followed.)

Before giving the decision problems a hypothetical
family was described to the homemaker. The hypothetical
family consisted of a couple and their four children, a
girl aged twelve, and three other younger ones, aged four,
two, and one.. The head of the family was the husband who
held a steady night job in town.

The hypothetical family approximated in large
measure a typical family in the sample. The choice of
the characteristics, however, was tempered byciher consider-
ations: for example, the number of children was far from
the mean for the group. It was thought, however, that it

was best to use this size Since most of the families, at

40

one point or another, had had this number of children.

The age range of children was an important aSpect
of the problem. The twelve-year old girl was deliberately
introduced so that the problems could be more meaningful
since children were found to participate a great deal in
family work.

All these aSpects contributed toward the usefulness
of the-hypothetical problem. Well-constructed problems
made possible the attainment of the primary objective of
the study: that of probing how a choice was made, the
decision-making process.

Incomplete sentencegy,Open-endedygpestions, questions on
basic information.

The other instruments used were aimed at a secondary
objective, that of understanding the decision-maker and
her world. These instruments included a forty-five
sentence completion test, a set of Open-ended questions,
and questions to elicit basic personal and family character-
istics. (Appendix II) Attitudes, role conception, a
picture of the day, and demographic characteristics were
some of the factors which were needed in understanding
these homemakers so that meaningful hypothetical problems
could be formulated.

The sentence completion test attempted to get at
attitudes towards children, parents, siblings, homemaking

tasks, money, time, and their concept of decisions. AS a

41

supplement to the demographic data, these responses reveal-
ed the homemakers' attitudes.

Role perceptions were derived from reSponses to
Open-ended questions such as:

In your Opinion, what should a homemaker be? What
are her most important duties? What do you expect of a
husband? These questions were eXpected to elicit the
homemaker's view Of her role in the family and her percep-
tion Of the husband role.

Provisions were made for gathering demographic data
on education, literacy and ages Of husband and wife, stage
Of family cycle, mobility, religious affiliation, occupa-
tion, sources of income, and organizational membership.

All instruments were translated into Spanish be-

cause not everybody in the sample Spoke English.1

Collection Of Data

The field work was conducted by the researcher,
either alone or in the company Of an interpreter who had
had some interview experience in Guatemala with a nutri-
tion survey group. A tape recorder was used for collect-
ing data on family life histories, role conception, des-
cription Of the day, and reSponses to the decision prOb-

lems. The field work started on July 5, 1962 and terminated

 

1 Acknowledgements are due Mr. Jorge Marrero of
the University Of Puerto Rico and Ana Lauretta Diaz of
Guatemala for their help in translation.

42

on September 25, 1962. This time range included making
preliminary contacts and interviewing, as well as the con-

structing and testing of the instruments.

Entree and establishing rapport

Since the researcher did not know everybody'srame,
she rapped at the door without previous notice. She was
readily accepted, especially after She introduced herself

to the families by saying:

"I am a student at the University here at -------- .
I would like to ask your help with my study Of
families."

When pressed by the reSpondents why the researcher chose
them, the reply was:

“I am interested in how families live in the

United States who are more or less like

Filipinos. I think that Of all the groups here,

you are similar to us.”
The reSpondents were further assured that the data were
confidential in nature. The tape recorder's use was ex-
plained and demonstrated to them, including the erasure
of taped data. Children in the family were allowed to
talk and this was played back to the family immediately.
The way for the interview prOper was thus paved.

No homemaker, child or husband refused the research-
er's entry into their home. In one home,the husband was
insistent that the researcher come around only when he was

present. He promised to call the researcher to let her

know when he was home. He never called, hence, the family

43

was drOpped. Eighteen homemakers were interviewed at the
start but two were not able to participate in the latter

part of the study for reasons already given.

Interviewing

After the preliminary visit, the homemaker was
visited at least three and at most five times. Not all Of
the visits resulted in gathering pertinent data. Some of
the visits were made to increase rapport and gain the con-
fidence of the homemaker. Each visit lasted from thirty
minutes to as long as three and a half hours.

The order Of data collection was:

Interview 1. Basic personal and family charac-
teristics and some Open-ended
questions.

Interview 2. Sentence completion and typical
day and some Open-ended questions.

Interview 3. Life history and financial hypo-
thetical situation.

Interview 4. The three decision problems used
for collecting data about decision-
making style.

All interviews were conducted in a conversational
manner, in English and/or Spanish. All re3ponses to
Open-ended questions, life history, and rSSponse to hypo-
thetical problems were recorded, using a portable

Panasonic tape recorder with a remote control micrOphone.

44

Each tape ran for one hour or sometimes longer. All
taped data were transcribed before more data were collected.

All non taped data were written While interviewing.

Difficulties encountered in data collection

Minor difficulties were encountered in the course
of the field work. There was relatively little inter-
ference except for the television which was on in some
houses during the interview. The researcher, however, re-
quested turning the television off during the administer-
ing of the hypothetical problems.

Interruptions from children were few during the
latter part of the study Since the Older children were in
school. This was quite important particularly because it
was the older rather than younger children Who tried to
participate in the interview.

Interview time was not as easily scheduled as
planned. The hours of the day in which women were willing
to be interviewed varied. Some homemakers preferred to
be interviewed when the husband was at work, which would
be after five o'clock in the afternoon if the husband
worked nights: others preferred the husband to be around.
In most cases, the wives, except those who were working,
were available between nine O'clock in the morning and
three O'clock in the afternoon. Several homemakers were
out in the fields during August and only became available

for interview in September.

45

Another difficulty in the interview was the weak
battery of the tape recorder, aSpecially in the afternoon
sessions. Several tapes of Open—ended questions were
lost in this way. Fortunately because the interpreter-
was present, the translated data were written down. This
situation was immediately remedied by the purchase of an

adaptor which was used when the batteries' power went low.

Analysis of Data

The tape recorded protocol on the decision problems
was subjected to content analysis based on the categories
identified in the conceptual framework. This is a research
technique whereby the manifest content of communication is
objectively and systematically classified on the basis of

explicitly formulated rules.

Coding rules

After develOping a set of rules for coding into
pre-established categories under mode, time reference, and
rules of decision, the protocols were examined. For mode
(M) the unit Of analysis was the sentence. Hence, all
answers which the rSSpondent gave to the question "What
could be done?“ and followed by “Anything else7", "Any
other suggestion?" and "What else would you recommend?"
were examined and classified according to three categories:
hypothetical (ml), factual (m2) and action-suggestive (m3).

Under mode were the following:

 

M. Mode

Code Categories

ml Hypothetical

m2 Factual

m3 Action-suggestive
m4 Unclassified

Criteria

All qualified, or con-
ditional, conjectural
statements, hence,
statements which used
the following indica-
tors were classified
as hypothetical:

either-or

neither-nor

maybe

perhaps

use of verbs of

contingency

All statements which
were definite, uncon-
ditional. They either:
verified
stated a belief,
an Opinion,
expressed an atti-
tude
made comparisons
on basis of known
things.

All statements which
prescribed what to do,
identifiable with
must, ought, Should,
would or their equi-
valent, without
qualification.

All statements which
could not be classi-
fied. These were
statements of expres-
sion, such as

Uh! Uh!

I don't know

That's all!

For time reference (T) a phrase, a sentence, a

paragraph or a group of related sentences expressing one

47

idea was the unit of analysis. Three categories for time
were identified, namely future (t1), past (t2), and
present (t3). The criteria for coding statements under

each category were the following:

Code Categories Criteria

 

tl Future Predictive statements
or explicit expecta—
tions of fulfillment
of a future state of
affairs, such as: in
the future, tomorrow,

when they . I
expect to happen, if
they then, I

they, will most prob-
ably , denoted
the future.

t Past Statements about the
traditional, the hab-
itual, or a reference
to what had gone before
were considered as
utilizing a past refer-
ence. Hence, all state-
ments with I used to...
I experienced .... Like
what .... It's ...(job,
duty, obligation) were
considered past.

t Present Statements, paragraphs,
phrases Which denoted
the Obtaining conditions,
that which was on-going
but not habitual, what
was felt, or what was
universal referred to
the present.

For decision-making rule, the total response was the unit
of analysis. Only three categories of rules were identi-

fiable. Preference ranking (r1), objective elimination (r2),

48

and immediate closure (r3). The criteria for coding

statements into three categories were the following:

Code Categogy Criteria
rl Preference ranking A consistency in

ranking Of alterna-
tives in reSponse to
two questions indi-
cated preference.

r2 Objective elimina- Limits to each

tion alternative were
immediately recog-
nized. No one best
alternative was
stated, hence, there
was willingness to
change action when
conditions called
for it.

r3 Immediate closure Only one action was
verbalized. Limits
were recognized as
fixed.
Criteria for coding under categories of other
types of objective data and those Obtained by depth inter-
viewing were also set (Appendix III). A Short scale form

for comparing housing conditions was also constructed

(Appendix IV).

Summary

The procedures employed in the study were des—
cribed. Selection Of the sample was discussed. Sixteen
Mexican homemakers comprised the sample for the study.

They were chosen from a total Of twenty-five families who

were living within an unincorporated area within Lansing

49

and East Lansing. At the time of the study, each was
living with her husband and had dependent children.

Data on the decision-making processes were collect-
ed using three hypothetical problems constructed and
tested for eliciting information about style. Data about
the homemakers were gathered by using Open-ended questions,
incomplete sentences, and a financial hypothetical prob-
lem. The instruments were administered in English and/or
Spanish. The interviewing was done in three to five ses-
sions, each lasting from thirty minutes to three and one
half hours. The Span of time covered for total inter-
viewing was approximately three months. Responses on the
hypothetical prOblems and Open-ended questions were tape
recorded.

Data were transcribed from the tape recorder and
subjected to content analysis using pre-established cate-
gories. These were then analyzed for decision-making

styles.

CHAPTER IV

A DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLE

All persons in the family may participate in
decision-making at some level. However, for purposes of
this study only the processes Of decision-making used by
the homemaker were investigated. The description of the
sixteen homemakers who constituted the sample for the
study included their origin, their present world, and

their personal characteristics.

The Homemaker's Origig

The sixteen homemakers all traced their paternal
ancestry to a Mexican father. Likewise, they traced their
maternal ancestry to Mexican blood, except one, Who had an
Italian mother (Table 2). Some fathers came to the United

States either before or after the sample homemakers were

Table 2v-Parental Origin of Sixteen Homemakers.
W

 

 

Origin Father Mother

Mexico 16 15

Others 0 1
Total l6 l6

 

50

51

born. Some fathers were born and lived in a border town
between the United States and Mexico. However, all home-

makers identified themselves as Mexicans.

Size of the family of orientation

In general, the families Of orientation were large.
Six Of the families had had more than ten children. In
only three families had there been less than six children
and in the remaining families, there had been Six to nine

children (Table 3).

Table 3--Number of Children in Homemakers' Families of

 

 

Orientation.
W
Size range Number
1-2 0
3-4 3
5-6 2
7-8 3.
9-10 2
11-12 4
12+ 2
Total 16

 

Ordinal position in the family
Most of the homemakers were middle children,
three were the eldest and two youngest in the family

(Table 4).

52

Table 4--Distribution of the Homemakers by Ordinal Posi-
tion in Family of Orientation.

 

Ordinal position Number

 

 

Oldest 3
Middle 11
YOungest 2

Total 16

 

One of the homemakers who reported being youngest in her
family had nieces and nephews whom she viewed as siblings.
The other youngest homemaker's mother died when She was
born. Two of the middle homemakers emphasized that they
were the oldest girls, which meant more responsibilities
in housework and care Of the family. All except two home-
makers mentioned working in the fields as a childhood

experience.

Perceptions of familyyfigures

The homemaker viewed her father as the decision-
maker in the family. The father was not the sole provider
for the family, however, Since the mother either helped
the father in the fields or did other remunerative work.
Only four mothers in the families of orientation had been
full-time homemakers (Table 5). It was, therefore, not
the father's earning role which gave him the decision
making power: rather ”his word was law in the house."

The father's position was accepted in the family by these

53

Table 5--Distribution of Parental Occupation of Sixteen

 

 

 

 

Homemakers.
Fathers' Mothers'
occupation Number occupation Number
Farm labor 9 Full-time 4
homemaker

Miner 1 Farm labor 6
Carpenter 1 Dishwasher 1
Railroad employee 1 Nurse helper l
Encargado or house . Dressmaker 1
rent collector 1
Don't remember 2 Died when small 3
Not reporting 1

Total l6 l6

 

 

homemakers. In the majority of cases, this did not seem
to be threatening to them. This was indicated by the sad-
ness they felt when they thought of their fathers or their
desire to visit their fathers and mothers at least once

a year in spite of the distance and eXpense. Moreover,
the homemakers sent home small amounts Of money. Further-
more, they recalled only that which was kind and good of
their fathers and likewise thought fathers ought “to be
good.“ Brothers and sisters were also remembered with
fondness and kindness. Children, however, were generally

regarded as "naughty."

54
Their Present World

The present world in which the homemakers lived
was bounded by their type of occupation and sources of in-

come, their housing, and their daily activities.

Mobility
The sixteen families in the sample had shifted

from agricultural migrant work to fairly stationary un-
skilled work. As a result, they had been settled in
Lansing for a number Of years. Their length of residence
varied, from three to twenty-three years (Table 6). Five
families had lived in Lansing for fourteen years or longer,
seven for about 9-13 years. Only one fanily had been in
residence for less than four years. Generally, they had

been in residence for a mean of 11.6 years.

Table 6--Length of Residence in Lansing by Sixteen Families.

 

Years of residence Number
Less than 4 years 1
4-8 years 3
9-13 years 7
14-18 years 4
19+ years 1

 

Total 16

 

55

Sources of income

The families, generally, derived their income
from unskilled labor. The husbands were working as labor-
ers in the automobile or drug industry, as janitors, as
field workers, or as railroad help (Table 7). Money in-
come from this source ranged between $49 to $130 a week to

support a family consisting of two to thirteen children.

Table 7--Occupation of Husbands Of Sixteen Homemakers.

W
Occupation Number

 

 

Automobile labor 8
Janitor 2
Nursery 1
Others 4
Unemployed 1

Total 16

 

In five homes, this money income had been augmented by

the wife's earnings or the occasional earnings Of the
children so that in nine homes the income was over $100 a
week at the time of the survey (Table 8). Income from
children and/or the wife ranged between $5 to $65 a week
on a regular basis or even larger during summer months
when field work was available for the older members of the
family. In addition, several families were on a welfare

bi-weekly food stipend at the time of the survey.

56

Table 8--Week1y Money Income From Family Members' Earnings
in Sixteen Families.

 

 

Range Of weekly income Frequency
Over 100 9
80-100 2
50-79 4
Below 50 1

Total 16

 

Moreover, when incomes were low, seven families reported
taking advantage of free food supplies from the Surplus
Agency (Table 9). Not every one who was eligible took
advantage of the dole. Of this source of income, one

woman said,

"Well, we can get supplies from the surplus.
We never went .... Those who live on welfare
and get these food supplies are better off
than we. But when you start going, you never
stOp: you never get out Of it."

Table 9--Number of Families Reporting Welfare and Surplus
Aid by Income Groups.

Number of families
receiving aid

 

 

Weekly income range Welfare Surplus
Over 100 l 1
80-100 0 1
50-79 2 3
Below 50 1 l

 

Total 4 6

 

57

Thus, within this group of homemakers, those who were on
welfare, although better Off in some reSpects than the
others who were not, were regarded both with envy and
contempt. Those who worked in the automobile industry

were much better off financially than the others.

Housing conditions

The houses in which the families lived were, in
most cases, one storied and in varied states of repair and
cleanliness. By all standards, they could be considered
poor housing. However, within the group itself, the
standard varied. To determine objectively how housing
conditions varied, the investigator develOped a housing
score card consisting of seven scalable items (Appendix
III). The results of the scoring showed that housing con-
ditions varied from comparatively good to very poor (Table
10). At the time Of the survey all had running water.

All except one had indoor plumbing and toilet facilities.

Table 10--Condition Of Housing of Sixteen Selected Families.

._Condition“of housing Number

   

 

Fairly good 4
Fair 6
Poor 4
Very poor 2

 

Total 16

 

58

The very poor or poor houses were generally
crowded. The structures were crumbling and the occupants
dreaded the coming of the cold weather because of inade-
quate heating and uninsulated walls. These houses had
wooden unpolished, uncovered floors which were more Often
than not, during the four to five house visits, littered,
muddy, or dusty. While the furniture was not considered
in the scoring the houses, it was observed that the poor
and very poor houses had the very minimum of furniture,
all Of it so worn out and soiled that even an attempt to
cover it with frayed covers did not help. NO family photo-
graphs and crocheted doilies were visible in these houses.

The fairly good houses, however, were comparativ-
ely newer structures with a basement, new or well-kept
furniture, well-polished wooden floors or well-kept cover-
ed floors, adequate heating, and painted or papered walls.
In these houses, the family pictures were prominently
diSplayed in the living room. Crocheted centerpieces
covered most of the tables. Calendars and religious
articles lined the walls. Only two of the sixteen fami-
lies were tenants: the rest were owners of their houses

(Table 11).

Sources of contact with the community and the outside world.
The homemakers and their families kept contact with
the community and the outside world through telephones,

television, radios, cars, neWSpapers and magazines (Table 12).

59

Table 11--House Ownership Of Sixteen Selected Homemakers.

 

 

 

Tenure Number
Owner, fully paid 7
Owner, still paying 7
Renters 2
Total 16

 

Each family owned a television set. In one family where

a son was working regularly, the family had a second
television set. All families had radios. All families
except one, had second hand automobiles. Twelve families
had telephones, three of which were the princess style, and
were private lines. To the women, the telephone was one

of their most indiSpenSible tools.

Table 12--Sources of Contact with the Community and the
World.by Families Of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

 

Sources Of contact Number
Television 16
Radio 16
Automobiles 15
Telephone 12
Daily HSWSpapers 9
Magazines 3

Encyclopedias 2

 

60

Nine families received a daily newspaper and two
families had encyclOpedias. Three families subscribed to
one or two magazines. No Special reading matter for the

children was notbed.

The homemakers' activities

The homemakers' activities for a day, as they re-
ported them, consisted of housework, child care and
husband servicing, with the emphasis on housework. Their
day was divided into a morning when "they have to finish
their work," and'afternoons, when "they have to rest," and
evenings when they "have to get the supper ready for the
husband and for watching TV." One of the homemakers des-
cribed her day as, “Do everything in the morning and rest
in the afternoon. Then at night I watch TV some." The
"everything" consisted Of cooking, cleaning, and washing
of clothes. Detailed reports Of a day's activities were
never given voluntarily. In actuality, the afternoons
were used for ironing or mending or child tending in front
of a television set. There was no evidence whether this
constituted ”rest" for them or whether it was the pace
with which they did their work which defined activities
which were restful.

For the working mothers the picture was quite
different. Their work at home started the moment they
came home from work in the afternoon, unless their working

hours were arranged differently. Ironing every night was

61

the usual chore of the working woman of this group to-
gether with cooking or preparing the evening meal.
Washing dishes, and house cleaning were apparently left
for other members Of the family to do. In one family
where the husband was unemployed, he took over the prep-
aration of family meals. Activities such as getting
groceries, paying bills, or shopping were confined to
certain days. Thus, getting groceries and paying bills
were done every Friday or Saturday, Since most Of the hus-
bands got paid every week.

The families paid everything in cash, not checks.
No records were made Of purchases. Only notations on
calendars were made for paying bills. NO Spending plans
were made. What was left after bills such as house pay-
ment, light, water, telephone, gas bills and some install-
ments were paid was what the family Spent. There was no
amount set aside for all other items of eXpenditureS.
Aside from the union savings and social security which
were forced on seven families, the homemaker and her hus-
band had made no provisions for the future. In only two
families was any mention made Of educational financial
plans for the children. Summer field work by wife and
children was usually looked forward to because the earn-
ings provided for school expenses or for certain house
repair.

Most Of the furnishings and the equipment that

the homemakers' families owned were purchased on an

62

installment plan. While many eXpressed a dislike for

credit, they used it when they wished.

Their present families

At the time of the study these homemakers took
care of a varying number of children (Table 13). Ten
families had 3-6 children. In eight families, there were

more girls than boys, in one family the three were all girls.

Table 13--Number of Children of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

 

Number of children Number

1-2 1

3-4 5

5-6 5

7-8 3
9-10 0
11-12 1
13+ 1
Total 16

 

In nine of the families the youngest child was
under two years old: in the remaining seven families the
age of the youngest ranged between two to sixteen (Table
14). Two families had married children living away. The
age of the eldest child varied tremendously, from four to

twenty-eight years (Table 15).

63

The age gap between the oldest and the youngest
child varied between 3.6 years to twenty years, although
those with a shorter gap have an eldest child of a very
young age (Table 16). At the time Of the study then, the
child.bearing stage of these families was as long as
twenty years. Over time it would be enlightening to
study the child bearing pattern and its effects upon home

management.

Table l4--Ages of Youngest Child of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

 

Age range Number
Under 2 9
2-5 2
6-10 4
11-16 1
Total 16

 

Table 15--Ages Of Eldest Child Of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

 

 

Age range Number
Below 5 1
5-8 5
9-12 1
13-16 4
16-19 3
20+ 2

 

Total 16

 

64

Because of the time Span between the eldest and
the youngest child, the concept of the stage of the life
cycle based on the coming and going of children might be
quite difficult to use for other ethnic groups. These
results seem to indicate that, perhaps, the stages need to
be defined differently so that categorizations could be
applied cross-culturally.

Table16--Span of Years Between the Eldest and the Youngest
Child of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

L 1
T

Year Span range Number

 

 

 

 

Less than 4 1
4-6 6
7-9 4
10-12 1
13-15 1
16-18 2
19+ 1

Total 16

 

Personal Characteristics Of the Homemakers

This section will describe the characteristics of
the homemaker as a person. It will, therefore, include
age, length of education, occupation, religious affilia-
tion, and view of role in the family. For picturing the

kind Of homemakers who were the decision-makers in this

65

study, both open-ended questions of the projective type,
a hypothetical situation type, and several incomplete sen-
tences were used. A descriptive analysis of the responses

are included in this section.

Ageyyeducationyyand occupation
Table 17 Shows the distribution in age of sixteen

homemakers.

Table 17--Age Distribution Of Sixteen Homemakers.
W

 

 

Age range Number
21-25 3
26-30 2
31-35 5
36-40 2
41-45 3
46-50 1
Total 16

 

The homemakers' ages varied between twenty-four to fifty
years, with a mean of thirty-two. Five were below thirty-
One years Of age and four beyond forty, with the rest
concentrated in the 31-40 age range.

These women varied in formal education. Five of
the sixteen women had had no formal schooling and five
had gone beyond the sixth grade, but nobody had finished

high school. The mean years of schooling was 4.5 years

66

(Table 18). .Four of those who had had no formal education

could neither read nor write.

Table 18--Length of Formal Schooling of Sixteen Homemakers.
W

 

 

Years of schooling Number
0 5
1-3 2
4-6 4
7-9 4
10+ 1
Total 16

 

Eleven of the Sixteen homemakers were full-time
homemakers (Table 19). Within this group, however, there
were those who worked in the fields during the summer
months and those who ironed for pay in the home. Five Of
the homemakers Who held regular jobs were employed as
follows: in a commercial laundry establishment, in a
hotel as a diShwasher, in a restaurant as kitchenhelp,
and in well-tO-do home as housekeeper. At one time or an-
other in their married life, all homemakers had done some
remunerative wOrk, either as a field worker, cashier, a

laundry helper, or a restaurant hand.

Religious affiliation
(The religious affiliation varied (Table 20). The

majority of the homemakers reported that they were

67

Table 19--Occupation of Sixteen Homemakers.

W

 

 

Occupation of wife Number
Full-time homemaker 11*
Laundry 2
Others 3
Total 16

 

*Includes five who did field work during summer months
only and one who ironed at home for pay.

Table 20--Religious Affiliation Reported by Sixteen Home-
makers.

W

 

 

Religious affiliation Number
Catholic 11
Protestant 3
Latin American Christian 1
Seventh-Day Adventist 1
Total 16

 

Catholics but some of them said they never went to church
regularly nor did they contribute regularly to the church.
With the exception Of one couple, the husband had the

same religious affiliation as the wife.

Their view of the ideal homemakers' role
In reply to question, “In your Opinion, what

should a homemaker be?", six role functions were mentioned:

68

namely, worker, family servicer, diSpenser of affection,
resource regulator, family promoter and home beautifier.
Generally, the homemaker viewed herself more as a worker

and a family servicer than anything else (Table 21).

Table 21--Role of the Homemaker as Viewed by Sixteen Home-

 

makers.
W

Functions Number

Family service 12
Housework 10
Affectional dispenser 3

Resource regulator 3
Promotive function 2
Aesthetic function 4

 

Of the sixteen homemakers, three homemakers men-
tioned only one function, half mentioned two functions
each, four mentioned three functions, and one, four func-

tions (Table 22).

Table 22--Number of Functions Mentioned by Sixteen Home-

   

 

makers.
FunctiOns Homemakers
1 3
2 8
3 4
4 1

 

Total 16

 

69

While the worker role was emphasized, nine home-
makers Specified the affectional role of the homemaker.
As one homemaker said, "a homemaker should show love for
her family, Show interest in her children." And when one
homemaker included ”... teach children to reSpect you ..."
or "let my children get education," the role perceived
had certainly gone beyond cooking and cleaning. Further-
more, three homemakers saw their functions of control
over resources Of the family as illustrated in these res-
ponses:

"... I am able to manage ... I buy things only

which my children and I can use a little

longer." HM 11*
or "... I never buy things cooked except

cereal. They are eXpensive. Or when I buy

meat, I buy more cheaper." HM l9

Aesthetics were rarely mentioned. Liking clean-
liness or " ... beautify my house..." and not wanting...
"house to be dirty and let peOple find it that way” were
some indicators of this function.

Emphasis on children rather than husbands was
noticeable. The children were mentioned by twelve home-
makers, whereas the husband was mentioned only by eight.

The reSponses to incomplete sentence: ”Homemakers

are supposed to ..." supported the previous finding that

 

*HM denotes homemaker in the sample.

70

work was considered the main function of the homemaker.
In this instance, only two homemakers deviated from the
general, mentioning "being good" and I'being a good wife."
One homemaker did not reSpond to the incomplete sentence.

When their perception of what husbands expect of
wives was asked, the tendency to mention work persisted.
Four homemakers, however, mentioned much more personal
traits, such as "be intelligent," "be neat," and "be a
good woman," and "be nice to him."

From the responses of the homemakers, it was evi-
dent that they saw themselves as approaching their concept
of the ideal homemaker. This was substantiated by their

descriptions of a day.

The homemakers' wishes and desires

The concerns Of these women were revealed in their
responses to the question, "If you could change into any-
one, what would you like most to be?"

Apparently, five of the homemakers were quite
satisfied with themselves and their life, for they wished
for nothing (Table 23). These were the homemakers who
expressed satisfaction in their lot and those who said
they could not change themselves. Except in one instance,
the women did not generally mention any need or wish to
improve on homemaking Skills or knowledge. Change regard-
ing the self revealed that these women were preoccupied

with things beyond the ordinary and the common, revealing

71

some unfulfilled desires, some need to SXpress themselves,
to reach out beyond the mundane. Thus, one homemaker said,
"I would like to have learned to play the

piano. Just enjoy the kids. You'll soon
be alone.“ HM 5

Table 23--Expressed hishes and Desires of Sixteen Home-

 

makers.
W
EXpressed wishes Number Of
and desires homemakers
Wish for the self 6
Satisfaction with one's self 5
Wish for children 3
Wish for the material 3

 

A feeling of loneliness and a desire to overcome
it was expressed. Or maybe, as in another instance, a
desire for achievement, another kind Of reaching out into
a world other than one's own was exemplified in these
reSponses:

"I like to be a minister. I always want to

help others. But, Of course, I cannot."
HM 19

or this,

“I wish, I could be a secretary in a big
nice office.“ HM 9

Or a great concern with ridding one's self of trouble and
avoid facing problems such as one woman who said,

“Sometimes, I wish I could be a bird so I
can just fly Off.” HM 13

72

But to another group of homemakers, material

a.

goons, in one way or another, fulfill them. Security,
comfort, and conveniences were their concerns. "To buy a
large coffee pot,” "to buy a house in Texas," "to get

lovely things, to buy a farm" expressed these concerns.

Summary

The origin, present world, and personal charac-
teristics of Sixteen Mexican homemakers were described.
With one exception, the homemakers traced their ancestry
to a completely Mexican background. They were middle
children of fairly large families. As children, they had
worked at home and/or in the fields. Their fathers had
been primarily agricultural workers and their mothers had
augmented the family income by renumerative work in the
fields or elsewhere.

The homemakers' present situation had shifted
from migrant agricultural work to a fairly stationary
type of unskilled labor.

Their means of contact with the community were
their telephones, their cars, their neWSpapers, their
television sets and radios. Their religious activities
were confined to occasional church-going.

The homemakers' day consisted of housework, family
service, and watching television. They cared for a fair-

ly large family with more girls than boys. However, in

two families about half of the children were married and

k —

73

lived separately. They had no plan for the day nor any
Spending plan. Nor did they keep records or use checks.

These homemakers were comparatively young, with
little or no schooling. They were full time homemakers
who went out for summer field work or took jobs when the
family needed more money. They viewed their role primarily
as a worker and a family servicer with comparatively less
attention given to the role of diSpenser of affection, re-
source regulation, or the promotive or aesthetic functions.
They seemed satisfied with their present life although a
few expressed a wish to do something other than their
present role, while others wished for material possessions.
No mention was made of improving homemaking skills or

knowledge.

CHAPTER V

ELEMENTS OF DECISION-MAKING STYLE

The conceptual framework for this study theo-
retically and Operationally defined three elements of
decision-making style. Forty-eight different responses
were elicited from three decision problems and these pro-
vided the data for determining the elements of style.

The results are reported in this chapter.

Mode

 

One element of decision style is mode. Mode is
the distinctive way of develOping ideas in a decision Sit-
uation. How these ideas are brought into the process and
how they are structurally related to one another is indi-
cative of how a decision proceeds. Since these processes
are not observable, mode is represented by the way ideas
are verbally stated.

Three problems were posed for the sixteen home-
makers to solve. The question “What could be done?" was
asked after each problem was given. A content analysis
was made of the forty-eight responses. The dimensions of
mode identified were: hypothetical, factual, and action-

suggestive.

The hypothetical dimension

When ideas were stated conditionally, conjecturally

or doubtfully, the dimension of mode was considered

74

75

hypothetical. Three hundred and twenty-five statements
expressing mode were made. Forty-eight of these state-
ments expressed a hypothetical dimension of mOde. (Table 24)
These were statements of doubt, dependency, conjecture,
conditionality as described in the criteria on page 46.

Table 24--Frequency Of Use of Mode Dimensions in Forty-
Eight ReSponses.

W

 

 

Dimension of mode Frequency
Factual 178
Action-suggestive 99
Hypothetical 48
Total 325

 

The forty-eight hypothetical statements were con-
tained in twenty-six of the forty-eight reSponses to the
dimension problems (Table 25). In these twenty-six res-
ponses the hypothetical mode was used at least once and

as Often as four times.

Table 25--Number of Responses Using Mode Dimensions.

 

 

 

Dimensions of mode Number
Action-suggestive 46
Factual ' 41

Hypothetical 26

 

76

Four of the forty-eight reSponses exhibited a

hypothetical mode (Table 26).

Table 26--Frequency of Distribution of Forty-eight
ReSponses by Mode.

 

 

 

Mode Number
Factual 23
Action-suggestive l3
Hypothetical 4
Equally factual as action 3
Equally hypothetical as factual 2
Equally hypothetical as action 2
Equally hypothetical.factual-action 1
Total 49

 

Moreover, the hypothetical dimension occurred
equally with other mode dimensions in five cases: two
were hypothetical-factual combinations and two were hypo-
thetical-action combinations and one was tridimensional.
Of the four responses with hypothetical mode, two were
tridimensional and two bidimensional. No response with a
hypothetical mode manifested only one dimension (Table 27).

The four responses which were hypothetical in
mode, revealed the homemakers' ability to see relation-
ships. Hence, the decision-maker did not view these
problems as isolated ones that could be resolved independent

of influences, conditions, or limitations. Rather,

77

Table 27-—Frequency Distribution Of ReSponseS According
to Occurrence of Mode.

W

 

 

 

Mode Number of dimensions Total
occurring
X Y Z

Hypothetical 2 2 0 4
Factual 12 11 0 23
Action-suggestive 4 4 5 13
Equally - others 4 4 0 8

Total 22 21 5 48

 

x/ 3 dimensions in each reSponse
Y/ 2 dimensions in each reSponse

g/ only one dimensions in each reSponse

exploration and alerting to component parts Of the prob-
lem were a prelude to the analysis that followed. While
the analysis of each possibility was not intensive, the
appraisive attitude was apparent. Furthermore, the deci-
sion—maker's growing awareness Of limits to decision en-
hanced her view of the non-absoluteness of deciding. In
fact, limits or conditions under which the decisions
were made did not seem to take on the aspect of recogniz-
ing consequences. This is illustrated in the reSponses
of two homemakers to the question "What could be done?"
to two problems:

“Depends. Probably, both have to work. Or

well, if he makes enough money, she don't
need to work. Stay home. If they are

78

"paying something: furniture, house,
car ... She Should work and he Should
be more considerate with her. But
depends on case. I think I know it
is hard, if they have kids. I am

I!
sorry for him. HM 5' Pr. B

"I advise her to go to the laundry. If
I have washing machine of my own, I
could offer it to family. I do not
know what else to tell, if they don't

I!
have the money. HM 1, Pr. A

In both cases, the acts were Shown to be condition-
al. An exploration of the various conditions in which
problems could possibly be met and the growing awareness
of the relationship thus involved were evinced by the two
homemakers. The alternatives were geared more to the
condition than to the consequence, although an implicit

consequence was derivable from the statements.

The factual dimension

When ideas about things observed, sensed or
apprehended were stated conclusively, or unqualified by
anything, then the mode of the statement was considered
factual. NO explicit nor verbal relations between action-
suggestion and conditions were given.

Twenty-three of the forty-eight responses re-
vealed the factual mode. Beside these twenty-three res-
ponses the factual mode appeared equally with other modes
in six responses (Table 26, p. 76). Of these reSponses,
almost as many exhibited all three dimensions of mode as

those which exhibited two dimensions. NO reSponse with

79

factual mode manifested only one dimension (Table 27, p.
77).

The twenty-three reSponses which were factual in
mode, were similar in their definitiveness. Each res-
ponse showed a dominant tendency toward the use of what
was perceived. Thus, the decision maker more or less
saw the problem in light of facts she had: her Opinions,
her beliefs, her attitudes, her experiences and Obser-
vations. The situation did not seem to matter. What
mattered was how facts were perceived: if they worked
in one situation it was felt they could work in another
Situation. For example, the response to the question
"What could be done?" indicated this:

"Get a new one (washing machine) ... I had

an Old refrigerator. It broke. I called
repair man. He charged $60. The motor

burned ... For $60, it is too expensive
to have it fixed. HM 4' Pr. A

Action-suggestive dimension

When action was directly suggested in a statement,
the mode was considered action-suggestive. These sugges-
tions could either assert or negate an act.

Thirteen of the forty-eight responses revealed an
action-suggestive mode. In addition, the action-sugges-
tive dimension occurred in four other responses in
combinations with the factual or the hypothetical dimen-

sion. One decision was tri-dimensional (Table 26, p. 76).

80

Of these responses, four were tri-dimensional, four bi-
dimensional and five were purely action-suggestive
(Table 27, p. 77).

The responses with action-suggestion had very
little or no verbalized exploration of the problem.
The problem tended to remain as a whole without component
analysis or elaboration and without Speculation. Typical
responses showing this mode in the three decision prob-
lems were:

"All she could do is take the clothes to

laundrette downtown ... Get a washer woman

to wash ... Or take to relatives ..."

.24 2, Pr. A

or in this:

"She has to find time for ironing little by

little. Or force the girl, the 12 year

old to do all the ironing ... what she is

able to do. She also can send clothes to

be ironed out by somebody.“

21:4 7 ' P r o C

“Wife Shouldn't work at all. Or else She
u
ShOUld have some 1181p. H14 13' Pr. B

In their totality, the statements were prescrip-
tive. A sense of action pervaded them which, then, be-
came the foundation of the decisions. The conditions
under which each act could be performed were not mention-
ed. They probably would come later as the decision
develOped. The homemakers seemingly considered these

4

alternatives as discrete entities.

81

Mode summary

In general, the dimensions of mode were identi-
fiable but appeared more frequently in combination rather
than as discrete entities. The factual mode appeared most
frequently and the hypothetical mode, the least frequently.
Six of the forty-eight responses manifested two modes.
One reSponse Showed an equally tridimensional character.
In no case did the factual and the hypothetical mode occur
by themselves. The action-suggestive mode occurred in
isolation in five reSponses. This seemed to indicate that

the action-suggestive mode tended towards independence.

Time Reference

One element of decision-making style is its time
reference. It is the ability to see events and phenomena
in a time relationship, reaching back to the past and pro-
gressing through and extending into the future. No deci-
sion is independent of time for a decision always occurs
in and with time. It is this perception Of time relation-
ship which gives meaning to events. For purposes of this
research, this ability is reflected in the time reference
verbalized. The emphasis to time reference becomes evi-

dent as a person makes decisions.

Futurepgeference
References to consequences whether they were

either immediate or long-range in nature were classified

82

as future reference. Examination of the data showed

that future reference dominated three of forty-eight res-
ponses to the three decision problems. This time refer-
ence appeared equally with the present reference in

five reSponses, with the past, in one response and with
the past and present in one response. Hence, ten res-
ponses showed some future reference (Table 28).

Table 28--Time Reference in Forty-eight ReSponses by
Problems Solved.

 

 

 

Time reference Problem Total
A B C
Future 1 1 l 3
Past 3 3 1 7
Present 10 8 13 31
Equally Future-Past 1 0 0 l
Equally Future-Present l 3 l 5
Equally Future-Past-
Present 0 l O? 1
Total 16 16 16 48

 

Mention of the future was made eighty-eight times,
by the sixteen homemakers (Table 29). The inclination,
however, was toward an immediate rather than a distant
consequence.

Forty-two reSponses contained some mention of the
future. No mention of the future was made in six reSponses

(Table 29). In those responses which mentioned future

83

Table 29--Frequency of Mention of Specific Future Refer-
ence in Forty-eight ReSponses.

W

 

 

Specific future reference Frequency

Immediate consequence 61

Far-reaching consequence 27
Total 88

 

immediate consequences were stated twice as many times
as were far-reaching consequences. This result indicated

that there were reSponses in which distant consequences

were not explicitly mentioned.

Table 30--Number of Responses Mentioning Specific
Future Reference.

 

Specific future reference Number of ReSponses
Lith future reference 42
Immediate consequence 36
Far-reaching consequence l7
6

hithout future reference

Total 48

The three responses which had future reference
(Table 28) clearly Showed a prediction of consequences
which were more realistic than imaginative. The ques-
tion "Why?? in one instance, drew this response:

"If she waits for a few days till it is
fixed, then no expense. If new washing

. ' s then new ex ense " l.
maChl“ ' t p ' an 9, Pr. A

84

This showed a distinct bridging between an act
and a predicted consequence, the "if-then" ideal type.
tot all consequences were so neatly stated, however.
One homemaker, for example, said:

“The best is for her to quit. She can take

care of the children and the husband gets

more sleep. I don't like hiring a baby-
sitter. She has to pay and what she gets,

N
She pays' an 14, Pr. 8.

The alternatives and the predicted consequences were
stated in the context of the immediate, including know-
ledge of the situation in which She lived.

One other decision which showed the relationship
of bridging the past and the future was stated thus:

“She has to learn to work. My mother

forced us. But next time, no more.

We work ... When She go marry, nobody

do her job. When mother dies, nobody
I!
come to do her job. HM 19' Pr. C

Thus, present action with its roots in the past was in-
vested with a far-reaching value that extended into the
future. This transformation of the past into an SXpecta-
tion Of tomorrow gave meaningful continuity to this
decision.

In two instances, HM 5 implied the value of wait-
ing and thinking to get what she wants. But the pro-
duct rather than the experience seemed indicated as i&
the following response:

"That's what I'll do first. GO to the

laundry for the clothes to think it over -

maybe to buy a washing machine."
EM 5, Pr. A

and in quite another vein, she said,
"If both work, they'll have a little more
money. But if she doesn't, then they'll
be a little tight, real tight but depends ...

If she continues working, not happen very
good - maybe just fight." 71 5 Pr 3
ms." ' O '

Forecasting rather than certainty is indicated.
The self became detached. The past was relegated to the
background and only the potential action and the probable

outcome of this action were mentioned.

Past reference

Tradition, habitual behavior, and experience
either by the decision-maker or as recounted by others
constituted the past reference of present behavior.

Past reference dominated seven out of forty-eight
responses (Table 28, p. 82). It also appeared equally
with future reference in one reSponse and with future and
present reference in another.

Of these Specific past references, personal ex-
perience was the most frequently mentioned (Table 31).
Personal experience was mentioned forty-seven times, and
tradition was mentioned fifteen times. Habitual behavior
and recounted experiences of others were reported seven
and Six times, respectively.

Thirty-four reSponses made mention of the past.
Personal experience was mentioned in half of the responses.

Habitual behavior was mentioned only in four instances.

86

Table 31--Frequency Of Mention of Specific Past Refer-
ence in Forty-eight ReSponses.

-- H w.—_.. ~.-~r....._,.1 .—.~.. _. . .
...—...— .__..,. . ...—..“_— w.-_._ -..—....“ .-.. -...

 
 

  

 

 

 

 

Specific past reference Frequency
Personal experience 47
Tradition 15
Habitual behavior 7
Recounted eXperience by others 6
Total 75

 

NO past reference was evinced in fourteen reSponses

(Table 32).

Table 32--Number of ReSponses with Specific Past Reference

 

 

Specific past reference Number of responses
With past reference 34
Personal experiences 24
Tradition 6

Recounted experience of others 6

 

Habitual behavior 4
Without past reference 14
Total 48

 

The seven responses with predominantly past
reference (Table 28) showed how experience, tradition,
and habitual behavior were carried over and unquestion-
ably became the reference for behavior. Homemakers 4

and 9 behaved consistently in this reSpect. Note the

87

experience carryover in this response:
"Get a new one. You know, I had an old
refrigerator. It broke. I called repair
man. He charged $60. The motor burned.
So I decided to buy a new one. For $60

it is too expensive to have it (referring
T o o a 0 "
to washing machine) fixed. HM 4' Pr. A

This illustrates how eXperience was transferred from one
area to another Similar area and then extended to affect
the present. Tradition's role appeared in this solution:

"... That's her place and her duty - to

take care of her children, and the

house. If She's out, nobody will do

things. Husband Should not do it. If
she's home, everything cared. That's

all". an 9, Pr. B
Tradition not only determined the solution but also
brought moral undertones that reinforced the solution.
“Duty" and "husband should not do it" strengthened the
whole inference that woman's place is in the home. Thus,
in many ways tradition had become internalized and di-
rected the tone of living. Customary and time-honored
norms Of behavior had become the main source of author-
ity, one characteristic of a past time orientation. The
past by itself is not what is emphasized. Rather, like
the Navaho, "... the Past is the source Of important
knowledge and by looking back in an orderly way one can
maintain continuity, keeping the Present stable and the

Future predictable...."1

 

1 F. R. Kluckhohn, and F. L. Strodbeck, Variations
in value orientations, Evanston, Illinois: Row, Peterson
and Company, 1961, p. 326.

88

Present reference

Immediacy Of need, feelings, Opinions, evaluations,
and the circumstances or situations obtaining were used
as references of present behavior. Data indicated that,
the majority Of responses had a present reference (Table
28, p. 82). The present time reference occurred equally
in five responses with the future reference and with the
future and the past reference in one reSponse.

Of the Specific present references, the circum-
stances Obtaining predominated. Opinions, feelings and
evaluation of events were made thirty-six, thirty, and
thirty-four times, reSpectively. Need was the least

mentioned (Table 33).

Table 33--Frequency of Mention of Specific Present

 

Reference.
W
Specific present reference Total
Circumstances Obtaining 65
Evaluation Of events 36
Feelings 30
Opinion 24
On-going events 21
Need 16

 

Tota1 192

 

89

The present was mentioned in forty-six reSponses.
No present reference was explicitly mentioned in two
responses. "Circumstances" were mentioned in thirty-

three responses and "need" in eight reSponses (Table 34).

Table 34--Number of Responses with Specific Present

 

 

 

Reference.
Specific present reference Number of reSponses
With reference 46
Circumstances obtaining 33
Feelings and wishes 22
Evaluation of events 20
On-going events 17
Opinion 15
Need 8
Without present reference 2
Total 48

 

The inclination towards the use of what was
felt or sensed or apprehended at the moment of deciding
indicated an awareness of the here and the now. Present
reality more than imagined tomorrow had greater effect
on the decisions. What was happening around her parti-
cularly gave fife to decisions as one homemaker's reason
to her decision revealed:

‘1 have a neighbor who does that (hire a

babysitter). She's not like a mother.
A babysitter can't take care of them well -

90

sometimes feed, sometimes not. Then
children get sick. And what she makes
II

The above homemaker's observation coupled no less with
an opinionated illustration showed her present refer-
ence.

Reference to need, though not as common with the
sample as was voiced in this reason to an action, thus:

"... because I need to do it if I have no
I.
money to get machine. HM 6, Pr. A

Thus Homemaker 6 exemplified a decision forced by need.
Need became the ever—persistent present which asked for
an immediate action. It might have been a need brought
about by the past but not necessarily requiring an action
based on the past. The present reference need not be
occasioned by gratification alone. In decision-making
an evaluation of what were on-going events, a change
from the old to the “new" somehow had bearing on a prob-
lem. For example, a homemaker said:

".... Nowadays,it's different. Before I

used to do all. Now a lS-year old does not
H
know how to wash dishes. HM 13' Pr. C

The changes occasioned by time had been accepted
and used as a basis for decision. The past still crept

in but the present state became the focus of decision.

Summary of time reference

The present tended to be referred to, in general

 

more often than the past or future. References to the

91

present were made twice as frequently as reference to
the future and two and a half times as many as to the
past. These 192 present references were made in forty-
four responses; the eightyeeight future references, in
forty-four reSponses; and the seventy-five past refer-
ences, in thirty-four reSponses.

The present reference tended to emphasize the
circumstances existing at the time of the decision. The
future emphasized immediate consequences, and the past
emphasized personal experiences.

When dominancy of time reference was determined,
the present dominated in thirtybone responses and occur-
red equally with other time references in another six
responses. The past dominated in seven, and the future,
in three. Each of them occurred equally with other time
references in two and seven responses. In general,
therefore, the time element of decision process used was
primarily the present with emphasis on circumstances

existing.

Decision-making_Rule

The third element of a decision style is deci-
sion-making rule. In any decision-making, the person
strives to arrive at a closure. The overall procedure
used in discriminating between alternatives in order to
arrive at a choice was considered the decision—making

rule. Three rules were identified from the forty-eight

92

0

responses made in this study: namely, preference ranking,

objective elimination, and immediate closure.

Preference ranking
When closure was reached by choosing one's best
alternative from alternatives arrayed in their rank
order, a decision rule identified in this study as prefer-
ence was utilized. Twenty-three of forty-eight reSponses
were reached in this manner (Table 35). The reSponses
tended to be directive rather than diffused, as shown by
the persistence of the choice of the best alternative.
Furthermore, these manifested an uncompromising stand.v
For example, the following homemaker's response shows
preference ranking:
"It is the mother's job to stay home.
If it is necessary, find somebody else
to take care of children. If there is
a member of the family to take care of
the children, its alright, very good.
"The best is for her to quit work. The
children and the husband must be cared
for. The worst is to get an outside
person to take care of the family because
its hard to trust your family to her.
"In my own case, I like to stay home.
It's my job. If I work, nobody will
take care of the home and the family.
Now that the children are all grown up
I work. I like work. Like my daughter
she worked. She had her baby. Her hus-

band says to quit. But they told her she
can come back anytime. HM 1' Pr. B

These decisions reached by preference ranking

could mean that the homemakers were guided by a more or

93

Table 35--Frequency Distribution of ReSponses by Decision-
making Rule.

 

 

Decision-making rule Number of responses
Preference ranking 23
Objective elimination 18
Immediate closure 5
No closure 2

 

Total 48

 

less stable set of preferences to which they consciously
or unconsciously clung. They appeared to be Open to
more than one possible course of action, although they
were quite certain about what they preferred as shown by
the consistency of their rankings and reasons in the
solutions of the problems.

Their decisions imply that these women knew for
a fact that given a choice, this is what they would cer-
tainly do. There is a prediction of the future in
light of their preferences much more than in light of
possible conditions prevailing. There is clear cut
resolution relative to which of the possible alternatives
is "best“ and which is "worst". Such arrival at closure
required knowledge of what they considered important in
light of the consequences to which each action might
lead. The focus is the realization of some preference of
the decision-maker rather than consideration of the sit-

uation.

94

Objective elimination

when the ”best" alternative is seen in light of
conditions existing so that no one is viewed as "best"
under all circumstances, then the decision—making rule
used is objective elimination. Eighteen of forty-eight
reSponses used this rule of objective elimination (Table
35).

The decisions reached by objective elimination
manifested a reliance on situations related to the prob-
lem. Decision by objective elimination manifested a tend-
ency to be adaptive to conditions as perceived. More-
over, the use of this rule showed a willingness for further
change since what was described as "best" depended upon
the circumstances. Let us note, for example, the reply
to the question, “What could be done in this situation?"
by one homemaker.

"Depends. Probably both have to work. Or

well, if he makes enough money, she don't
need to work. Stay home. If they are payh
ing something: furniture, house, car, well
she should work and he should be more con-
siderate with her. But depends on case, I
think. I know its hard if they have kids.
I'm sorry for him.

"If both work, they'll have a little more
money. But if she doesn't, then they'll
be a little tight, real tight but depends.
If she continues working, not happen very
good. Maybe just fight.

"Most of the wives stay home. Spanish
peOple have lots of kids ... When my husband
was working at night, he gets up at 9:20-10.
I keep them quiet for a little while. Tell

stories. For summer, I let them out.
I experienced this too, so I know.

95

"For me, I'll probably work for a While.
And then if I get tired of his complain-
ing, I'll stop. Ybu'll have to take care
of the kids ... some peOple can sleep with
noise, some cannot. That's my husband.
Not me, I can't sleep with any kind of

II
problem. HM 5’ Pr.B

Since only verbalized behavior was the basis for
this statement in regard to a hypothetical situation, the
terminal point might not necessarily have been reached
by the decision-makers. It could be probable that the
hypothetical problem necessarily drew a detached analyti-

cal reSponse.

Immediate closure

The third rule of decision is immediate closure.
Since no other alternative except that which was eXpress-
ed was given, decisions by this rule may not be consider-
ed a decision at all. But what is verbally expressed
may not necessarily indicate everything that was con-
sidered. Thus, it is assumed that there had been implicit
alternatives in the decision but that the one which had
been immediately given was the result of a speedy screen-
ing in the individual's mind. Five of forty-eight deci-
sions were reached by immediate closure.

The decisions using the immediate closure rule
were characterized by one immediate suggested action,
followed by the basis for this action. This decision-
making appeared simplified. In actual situations, an

apparently immediate decision need not necessarily be

96

immediate. An accumulation of experience, pleasant or
unpleasant, a keen observation of what others have gone
through or a real familiarity with the problem shortens
or eliminates the period of exploration, thus fosters
the immediacy of the action. The decision, however, may
not necessarily be firmly based. The decisions made,
might require considerations of aspects of the problem
which would not necessarily be verbalized. Foreexample,
one homemaker used immediate closure in this reSponse:
"Stay home. My husband does not work.
If you have a husband who works, then
stay home. Like my sister, she was
working in laundrette. Her husband
worked nights. She was working in
laundrette. Husband does not like.
She likes/ Well, I could if he likes
you to quit. She doesn't like. She
quit, anyway."

what would you do? Why?

"Better to quit to avoid trouble. You
know." in
r13.“ 5 ' Pr. B

Summary of decision-making rule

The third element of decision-making style is
decision-making rule. This rule pertains to a way by
which a resolution is reached in a decision problem.
Preference ranking, objective elimination, and immediate
closure comprised the decision-making rules examined in
forty-eight decisions.

In approximately one half of the reSponses, the

decision-making rule used was preference ranking. This

97

indicated that the decisions were directive, that is,
the decisions manifested a persistence in the choice of
an alternative. The results seemed to indicate that the
decision-makers had a stable set of preferences, thus
the uncompromising stand.

About a third of the responses were based on
objective elimination. This indicated that the situation
in this instance was viewed as important in determining
what was "best." Decisions were thus adaptive and
seemingly detached.

Only a few decisions used immediate closure.
This indicated that the problems given under the condi-
tions of the study enabled the homemakers to see alter-

native choices and express them explicitly.

CHAPTER VI

DECISION-MAKILTG STYLES

This chapter discusses how the elements of deci-
sion—making style are interrelated. These elements are
mode, time reference, and decision-making rule. Their
interrelationships are referred to as decision-making

styles.

Predicted Decision-making Styles

In the conceptual framework presented, each
element was assigned a symbol: namely, H for mode, T
for time, and R for decision-making rule. The dimensions

of each element were denoted by the following symbols:

Mode (M) Time reference (T) Decision-making
rule (R)
iypothetical - ml Future - tl Preference ranking- rl
Factual - m2 Past - t2 Objective elimina-
tion - r2
Action-suggest-
ive - m3 Present - t3 Immediate closure - r3

With three dimensions for each of the three ele-
ments, a possible 3x3x3 or twenty-seven relationships
could be predicted as shown on page 99. Of these twenty-
seven possible relationships, however it was predicted
that three distinct ones would emerge from the empirical
study; namely,

1. A hypothetical-future reference-preference

ranking style eXpressed as mltlrl and identified as

98

99

hypothetical oriented style:

2. A factual-past reference-objective elimination
style expressed as m2t2r2 and identified as factual-

oriented style: and

3. An action-present reference-immediate closure
style expressed as m3t3r3 and identified as an action-
oriented style.

Schema I. Theoretical Styles for Three Trichotomous
Elements.

 

 

 

 

J I
Interacting mode (M) and Decision-making rule (R)_
time reference (T) r r r
1 2 3
mltl mltlrl mlter m1t1r3
mlt2 mltZrl mitzrz m1t2r3
mlt3 mlt3rl mlt3r2 mlt3r3
mZtl mZtlrl mztirz m2t1r3
m2t2 mztzfl m2t2r2 m2t2r3
m2t3 m2t3ri m2t3r2 m2t3r3
m3tl thlrl m3t1r2 m3t1r3
m3‘32 m3t2r1 m3t2r2 m3t2r3
m3t3 m3t3r1 m3“”‘3r2 m31:3”:3

 

To determine whether these predicted styles were
manifested in the decisions to three problems reached by
sixteen homemakers, each decision was examined for the

predominancy of the elemental dimensions. Then the

lOO

relationships of one element to another were noted. The
forty-eight decision styles were then analyzed for similar-

ities and differences.‘

Empirical Decision-making_Styles

The resulting styles varied as noted in Schema II.
In the forty-eight reSponses, two groups of styles were
distinguished, one that showed multidimensional elements
and another that.consisted of unidimensional elements. The
multidimensional or complex style showed equal bidimension-
ality or tridimensionality in one or more elements.

Thirty-four reSponses manifested a unidimensional-
ity and twelve presented multidimensionality (Table 36).
Twoébcision patterns were unclassified since the decision-
making rule did not occur. The two former groups of

styles were analyzed separately.

Unidimensional styles
The thirty-four unidimensional styles were
classified according to the theoretical style map (Schema

I, p. 99). The following twelve distinct styles emerged,

mltzrl m2tlrl m3t2rl
m1t3r1 m2t2r2 m3t2r3
m2t2r3 m3t3rl
m2t3rl m3t3r2
m2t3r2
m2t3r3

lOl

Schema II--Decision-making Styles of Sixteen homemakers
for Decision to Three Problems.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Homemaker Decision-making style
Problems

A B C

1 m1 2t3r2 mlt2rl m1 2t3r2

2 m2tl 2r1 m3t1 3r1 m1 3t3r1
3 m2t1 3r2 m2t2r2 m2t2r2
4 m2t2r3 mztl 2 3:3 m2t2r2
5 m2t3r2 mltl 3r2 m3t3r2
6 m2t3rl mlt3rl m2t3rl
7 m3t3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl
8 m3t2rl m2t3r2 m2t3r2
9 m1 2 3t1r2 m2 3t2r3 m3t3r1
ll m2t3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl

12 mltBrl m3t3rl m2 3t3r2
l3 m2t3rl m3t3rl m3t3r2
14 m2 3t3r2 m2tlrl m3t3rl
15 mztzr- m2t3r3 m3t3r2
l6 m3t3r- m3t2r3 m3t3r2
l9 m2t3r2 m2t3rl m2tlrl

 

Only one of the three predicted styles emerged, the

factual-oriented style identified as m2t2r2. When empiri-

cal relationships were mapped on the theoretical set of
proriles, cells for mltlrl and m3t3r3

The distribution of the thirty-four decisions among the

were both empty.

twelve styles is shown in Table 37.

102

Table 36--Distribution of Types of Decision-making Styles.

 

 

 

Type of decision-making style Frequency Percent
Unidimensional 34 72.90
Multidimensional 12 25.00
Incomplete 2 4.10

Total 48 100.00

 

Table 37 indicates that although the mltlrl or a
hypothetical style did not emerge, three styles approached

it: namely, mlt2rl' m2tlrl' and mlt3rl. These differed

with the predicted altlrl in one element. These styles
were evinced in five decisions.

The predicted factual-oriented style, m2t2r2,

emerged in three instances. Two other empirical styles'

approached this; namely, m2t2r3 and m2t3r2.

Again while the predicted action-oriented, m3t3r3,
style did not emerge, four styles approached it. These
were m3t3rl, m2t3r3, m3t2r3, and m3t3r2. These four
styles were evinced in eleven decisions.

Table 37 also reveals empirical styles in which
the elements varied. Hence, these styles did not approach
the predicted three styles. These were m2t3rl and
m3t2rl. The factual-present-preference ranking style
(m2t3rl) emerged most frequently, 26.47 per cent.

The occurrence of each of the elemental dimensions

in the twelve styles was examined to determine whether

103

the factual-present—preference ranking which occurred in

nine decisions was an indication of an overall trend.

The results revealed a striking support for a factual-

present-preference ranking predominancy (Table 38).

Table 38 indicates that in the thirty-four uni-

dimensional styles, the factual mode predominated to-
gether with the present time reference and preference
ranking. Among the dimensions of the three elements,
time reference, and rule, the hypothetical mode, the

future,time reference, and the immediate closure rule
occurred least frequently.

Table 37--Distribution of Thirty-four Unidimensional
Styles Among Decision-making Styles.

mode,

 

 

Decision-making style Number Percent
mlt2rl l 2.94
m2tlrl 2 5.88
mlt3rl 2 5.88
mztzr2 3 8.82
m2t3rl 9 26.47
m3t2rl l 2.94
m2t2r3 l 2.94
m2t3r2 4 11.76
m3t3rl 5 14.71
m2t3r3 l 2.94
m3t2r3 l 2.94
m3t3r2 4 11.76

 

Total 34 100.00

 

104

The occurrence of the dimensions of each element
with the dimension of the other elements was also exam-
ined. This was done to determine any tendency for
dimension linkage. No statistical analysis was done
since only a few decisions were involved.

The interrelationships indicate that all the
dimensions of mode - the factual, hypothetical, and the
action—suggestive occurred most frequently with the present
time reference while the factual mode occurred with all

Table 38--Distribution of Thirty-four Unidimensional
Styles Among Dimensions of Three Elements.

 

 

 

 

__‘— I
Element Dimensions Frequency Percent
Mode ml (hypothetical) 3 8.83
m2 (factual) 20 58.82
m3 (action-suggestive) 1 32.35
Total 34 100.00
Time tl (future) 2 5.88
reference
t2 (past) 7 20.58
t3 (present) 25 73.53
Total 34 99.99
D-M rule rl (preference ranking) 20 58.82
r2 (objective elimination) 11 32.35
r3 (immediate closure) 3 8.83
Total 34 100.00

 

105

time references, the hypothetical mode and action-suggestive
mode never occurred with the future time reference in the
thirty-four unidimensional styles.

when mode and decision—making rules were inter-
related, the hypothetical mode was found to occur only
with preference ranking (r1), whereas the factual (m2) and

Table 39--Relationships of Elements of Thirty-four Unidi-
mensional Responses.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mode and time reference Decision-making rule Total
r1 r2 r3
mltl
mlt2 l
mlt3 2 3
m2tl 2
mzt2 3 1 20
m2t3 9 4 l
m3t1
m3t2 1 l
m3t3 5 4 11
Total 20 ll 3 34

 

the action-suggestive (m3) modes occurred with all rules
but much more frequently with preference ranking.
The interrelationships with time reference and

decision-making rules revealed that future time reference

106

occurred only with preference ranking whereas the past

and the future occurred with all rules. The past occurred
almost equally with all rules while the present occurred
much more frequently with preference ranking.

This trend towards factual-present—preference rank-
ing style indicated that decisions were usually made with
reliance on information stated conclusively however
limited this information might be. Such information as
was used did not show analytical putting together such as
a hypothetically-oriented individual might do. Thus the
collating, planning, and choosing of relevant information
may have been done intuitively, a level of thinking
which could not be subjected to analysis in this particu-
lar study. The present time reference revealed informa-
tion about the situation in which the homemakers lived,
their feelings and desires, and their needs. Although
eXperiences and consequences had not been excluded in
their decision-making, these did not seem to be of import-
ance since they were underemphasized. The reSponses
indicate that these women were more inclined to act in
accordance with what the present demanded. The here and
the now had precedence over tomorrow or yesterday.

The predominant style Which emerged suggests
that the decision-maker had a steady set of preferences
as revealed in the consistent manner in which the choices

were made in both the detached reSponse to the question

107

"How would you rank the possible solutions you gave, that
is, from the best to the worst?" and "If you were faced
with the same situation, how would you go about solving
it?“ This quite consistent selection of and reasoning

for a course of action indicates a steadiness in these
women's scale of preferences, whether the are fully

aware of them or not. Their preferences seemed to have
taken on a certain fixity, as revealed in the persistence
of a pattern of solving the problem. It is possible that
those who used the preference ranking role recognized
immediately what was possible. They were able to limit
goals thus tempering expectations. Reality rather than
wishful thinking took precedence. The limits of the en—
vironment were readily recognized, and actions immediately
tailored to them. The daring and adventurous Spirit seem-
ed lacking. Uhen there is practically no gap between the
level of aSpiration and reality, then stability is main—
tained. This group of women somehow evinced this state

in their decision-making style. In their day to day
decisions, they probably sought that which was certain,
rather than that which was not so certain. Their inclina—
tion was towards what was already known rather than what

had yet to be explored.

Multidimensional styles
Twelve reSponses of multidimensional or complex

style were analyzed, as a separate group. The analysis was

108

separated to determine to what extent aside from their
complexity they were different from the decision-making
styles already identified.

from twelve multidimensional responses, ten dis-

tinct styles emerged. The following are the ten styles:

(2) ml 2t3r2 mzti 2r1
m1 3t3r1 m2t1 3 r2
m1 2 3t1r2 m3tl 3r1

(2) m2 3t3r2 mltl 3r2
m2 3t2r3 mztl 2 3:3

These ten styles were distinctly different from the twelve
unidimensional styles in Table 37. Five of the styles
were complex in mode and five, in tine reference.

The complex patterns tended toward a factual-
present-objective elimination style. The factual dimen-
sion predominated in nine responses, the action dimension
in six responses, and the hypothetical, in five reSponses.
The present time reference emerged in ten reSponses, the
past in five responses and the future time reference in
six responses. The objective elimination rule was used
in seven responses, immediate action rule in two res-
ponses, and preference ranking rule in three responses.

Thus, it appeared that the complex decision
style differed from the unidimensional style in that the
former tended to utilize to a much greater extent the
objective elimination rule whereas, the latter used

preference ranking or immediate clo ure. The persistence

109

of the occurrence of the present time reference even in
complex styles substantiated the findings alluded to
earlier, i.e. the greatest number of emerging styles were

present-oriented.

SummarV

From the interaction of the three trichotomous
elements, twenty-seven styles could be expected. For the
study, three styles were predicted to emerge in the
decisions made by the sixteen homemakers as they solved
three decision problems. These predicted styles were
hypothetical, factual, and action-oriented.

The actual styles were varied. Two groups of
styles became evident: the unidimensional and the multi-
dimensional or the complex. Thirty-four reSponses were
unidimensional; twelve, complex: and two reSponses were
incomplete since no rule was verbalized.

Twelve styles were used in the thirty-four uni-
dimensional reSponses and ten styles were used in th
twelve complex reSponses.

Of the twelve styles only one predicted style
emerged, the factually oriented style. The style on which
nine reSponses concentrated was a factual-present-prefer-
ence ranking style. The remaining responses were thinly
scattered among the rest of the eleven decision-making

styles.

110

The results indicate that for predicting the
emergence of styles in decision-making a larger sample,
cutting across varied backgrounds and using a greater

range of problems, is required.

CHAPTER VII

THE HOMLMAKERS AND THE DECISION PROBLLMS IN RELATION
TO THE DECISIOh-MAKING STYLJS
In the previous chapter, the variations in deci-
sion-making styles were discussed. In this chapter, the
styles are examined in relation to the decision-maker (in

this case, the homemaker) and the decision problem used.

The homemakers and Their Decision-making Styles

Two styles of decision-making were recognized and
analyzed in the previous chapter. These types were identi-
fied as the unidimensional and the multidimensional. The
unidimensional styles were used by fifteen homemakers
(Table 40). Six of these fifteen homemakers solved all
three of the decision problems using unidimensional
styles: seven used unidimensional styles in two decision
problems: and two used unidimensional styles in solving
one decision problem. Only one homemaker did not employ
a unidimensional style.

The twelve multidimensional styles were traced to
eight homemakers, one of whom used multidimensional
styles in all three decision problems.

The specific decision styles used varied among
homemakers. Even with one homemaker, the style usually
varied from problem to problem. Ten homemakers evinced

varied styles for each problem (Table 41). Only one

111

112

Table 40--Frequency of Use of Unidimensional and Multi-
dimensional Styles in Three Decision Problems by
Sixteen Homemakers.

 

Homemaker Frequency of use
Unidimensional Multidimensional

 

 

1 l 2

2 0 3

3 2 1

4 2 l

5 2 l

6 3 0

7 3 0

8 3 0

9 1 2

11 3 0
12 2 l
13 3 O
14 2 l

* 15 2 0
* 16 2 0
l9 3 0
Total 34 12

 

*In one decision problem these homemakers did not apply
decision rule.

homemaker was consistent in style for all three problems
and five homemakers had the same decision-making style

for two problems.

113

Table 4l—-Humber of onenskcrs who.fianife sted Types of
Consistency in Style for Three Decisions.

W

 

 

Type of consistency Number of homemakers
Completely consistent in three 1
Consistent in two 5
Completely varied 10

Total 16

 

“lthough the decision style used by a homema ‘<er
varied with the decision problem, the styles exhibited
similarities in the occurrence of elements. The indivi-
dual styles, therefore, of each homemaker were ex amined
relative to occurrence of elements. The results are
shown in Table 42.

Data indicate that nine of the homemakers had the
factual mode recurring at least two out of three times in
solving the decision-problems. Four homema‘crs had the
factual mooe recur in all three responses. rive nad the
action-suggestive mode recur in at least two responses.
One homemaker had varied modes, none of which recurred
(Table 42 and Schema III).

Thirteen rome (ers had the present time refer—
ence occurring at least twice in their decision profile:
two had the past time-reference occurring twice. Jo re-
currence of the future was found. One homemaker had all

the time references mentioned (Table 46 and Schema III).

114

Table 42--Eumber of Homemakers with Dominancy in Elements
in Three Decision-making Problems.

 

Elements dominating Number of homemakers
Mode
(hypothetical) 1
(factual) 9
(action-suggestive) 5
no dominancy l

 

Total 16

 

Time reference

 

(future) 0
(past) 2
(present) 13
no dominancy 1
Total 16

 

Decision-making rule

(preference ranking) 8
(objective elimination) 4
(immediate closure) 1
no dominancy 3

 

Total 16

 

115

All of the dominant elements for each homemaker
were combined to form a style tendency for each one of
the sixteen homemakers as shown in Schema III. The result-
ing patterns indicated twelve complete patterns and four
incomplete ones. The complete patterns indicated six
styles.

The complete patterns showed five homemakers with
factual-present-preference ranking style. Three home-
makers tended to exhibit an action-present-preference
ranking (m3t3rl) style (Table 43).

The style tendencies seem to indicate that, given
a large sample and a wider range of problems, this group
of low socio-economic status homemakers would tend towards
a unidimensional style. Specifically, the factual-present-

preference ranking style (m2t3rl) seems to emerge.

Problems and Decision-making styles

Styles were examined as they related to the three
decision problems. The unidimensional and multidimen-
sional responses were seyarated for this analysis.
Differences for each problem and among three problems Jere
observed.

Table 44 indicated that more unidimensional
styles were used in response to problems C and B than to
problem A. The kind of styles used for each problem also

varied. Problem B utilized ten styles, problem C, six

styles, and problem A, five styles.

116

SchemaIII--Decision-making Styles in Three Problems and
Decision Style Tendency of Sixteen Homemakers.

 

 

 

 

Homemaker Decision-making style Decision-style
q problem fl tendency
r"; .23 L.
1 m1 2t3r2 mltZrl m1 2t3r2 m1t3r2
2 m2t1 2r1 m3t1 3r1 m1 3t3r1 m3t3r1
3 m2tl 3r2 m2t2r2 m2t2r2 m2t2r2
4 m2t2r3 m2tl 2 3r3 m2t2r2 m2t2r3
5 m2t3r2 mltl 3r2 m3t3r2 m-t3r2
6 m2t3rl mlt3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl
7 m3t3r m2t3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl
8 m3t2rl m2t3r2 m2t3r2 m2t3r2
9 ml 2 31111?2 m2 3t2r3 m3t3rl m3t-r-
lO m2t3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl m2t3rl
12 mlt3rl m3t3rl m2 3't3r2 m3t3rl
l3 m2t3rl m3t3rl m3t3r2 m3t3rl
14 m2 3t3r2 m2tlrl m3t3rl m2t3rl
lS m2t2r- m2t3r3 m3t3r2 m2t3r-
l6 m3t3r- m3t2r3 m3t3r2 m3t3r-
l9 m2t3r2 m2t3rl m2tlrl m2t3rl

 

Of the twelve unidimensional styles, three were used
With all prbblems. ihese were m2t3rl, m2t3r2, m3t3rl.
Moreover, the predominating style for problems A and B
was a factual-present-preference ranking (m2t3rl) style.

For problem C, an action—present-objective elimination

117

Table 43--Frequency Distribution of Twelve Complete
Decision Style Tendencies.

   

._ - - h i V .--

Decision style tendency Frequency

 

 

m2t3rl 5
m3t3rl 3
m2t2r3 l
m2t3r2 l
m2t2r2 l
mltsr2 1
Total 12

 

Table 44—-Prequency Distribution of Unidimensional Style
Among Decision Problems.
W

 

Decision style Problem Total
N
mltzrl O 1 O l
m2tlrl O l l 2
mlt3rl l l O 2
mztzr2 O l 2 3
m2t3rl 3 3 3 9
m3t2rl l O O l
mztzr3 l O O l
m2t3r2 2 l l 4
m3t3rl l 2 2 5
m2t3r3 O l O l
m3t2r3 O l O l
m3t3r2 O O 4 4

 

Total 9 12 13 34

 

118

(m3t3r2) style was most frequently evinced. No problem
used the hypothetical (mltlrl) style, but problem B used
two styles approaching the hypothetical, mltzrl and
mztlrl. Problem A avoided any style with future time
reference. It did not use any immediate closure as a
decision-making rule. This was also true with problem C.
It seemed, therefore, that of all the problems used to
elicit decision-making responses, problem B provided for
the use of all the dimensions of the elements in uni-
dimensional decisions better than did problem A or C.
Problem B was concerned with the working mother who was
faced with a dilemma.

The ten multidimensional styles varied in distri-
bution among the three problems (Table 45). With the
exception of two styles, ml 2t3r2 and m2 3t2r3, each of
which occurred in two prOblems, the remaining eight
styles were used in only one problem. Problem A had five
styles occurring: problem B, four, and problem C, three.
Problem C had all its styles multidimensional in mode
only, whereas the other two problems had their multi-
dimensionality in both mode and time reference. Multi-
dimensionality seemed to be attributed more to mode than
to time. No multidimensionality of decision-making rule
occurred.

Thus, in unidimensional styles, problems A and B

used a factual-present-preference ranking (m2t3rl) style

119

but for the homemakers employing multidimensionality, the
same problems had a factual-present-objective elimination
(m

style. For problem C, the styles were, generally

2t3r2
a factual-present-objactive elimination (m2t3r2) style and
tended toward an action-present—preference=ranking (m3t3rl)
style. For the multidimensional styles, the mode seemed
to be the most unstable element.

Table 45--Frequency Distribution of Hultidimensional
Styles in Three Decision Problems.

 

 

 

Multidimensional Problem
decision-making styles A B C Total
ml 2t3r2 l O l 2
ml 3t3rl O O l 1
ml 2 3tl 2 l O O 1
m2 3t3r2 O O l 1
m2 3t2r3 1 l O 2
m2 1 2rl l O O 1
m2 l 3r2 1 O O 1
m3 1 3rl O 1 O 1
ml 1 3r2 O l O 1
m2 1 2 3 3 O l O 1
Total 5 4 3 12

 

It is evident, then, that in general, problem C
elicited more variation in styles than did either prob—
lems A or D. It emphasized almost equally action—suggestive

and factual mode and objective elimination and preference

120

ranking. Emphasis on time reference did not seem to vary
with decision problems.

The present time reference was mentioned most
frequently in all problems (Table 46). The past was
mentioned least. Mention of present reference was made
by almost all homemakers (Table 47). While mention of
the future was less than mention of other time references,
these references were made by fifteen homemakers in both
problems B and C and by twelve homemakers in problem A.
The past was mentioned by twelve homemakers in problem B
and C and ten homemakers in problem A. The data, however,
did not show any particular variation of the time refer-
ence with any of the problems.

Preference ranking was distinctly used for prob-
lem B (Table 48). For problems A and C, objective elim-
ination and preference ranking were almost equally used.
No immediate closure was used for problem C. It seemed,
therefore, that problem B, concerning the working mother,
aroused a greater degree of stability in preferences than
either problems A or C.

Table 46--Frequency of Mention of Time Reference in Three
Decision Problems.

 

 

 

Time reference AFrequency problemc Total
Future 28 27 33 88
Past 26 24 19 69

Present 63 63 66 192

 

121

Table 47--Number of Homemakers who Used Particular Time
Reference in Three Problems.
W

 

 

Time reference Number of homemakers
Problem

A B C

Future 12 15 15

Past 10 12 12

Present 14 15 16

 

Table 48--Number of Homemakers Using Decision-making Rule
in Three Problems.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Decision-making rule Number of homemakers
Problem

A B C

Preference ranking 7 9 7
Objective elimination 6 3 8
Immediate closure 1 4 O

No rule 2 0 0
Total 16 16 16

 

Summary

Specific decision styles varied with both home-
makers and problems. Six homemakers had completely uni-
dimensional styles and one homemaker had a completely
multidimensional style. Only one homemaker was consistent
with a style in the three problems, and ten evinced a
different style for each problem. Five homemakers had the

same style for two decision problems. Data indicate that

homemakers tended more toward unidimensionality than

122

multidimensionality in their decisions. Multidimension-
ality seemed to be caused primarily by the element, mode.
With a large group of homemakers, it is predicted that
styles will be unidimensional.

Homemakers varied in decision-making styles. How-
ever, five homemakers tended to have a factual-present-
preference ranking style. This result might indicate that
with a large sample factual-present-preference ranking will
emerge as the predominant style.

Three styles were used in all problems. These
were a factual-present-preference ranking style; a
factual-present-objective elimination style: and an
action-present-preference ranking style. Of the three
problems used, problem B, which dealt with the working
mother, provided for the use of all the dimensions of the
elements in unidimensional decisions. This result sug-
gests that the nature of the problem might affect the use

of elements and eventually, the resulting style.

CHAPTER VIII

SUMAARY AND IMPLICATIONS

This chapter summarizes the results of this ex-
ploratory study on decision-making style, points out

certain limitations, and suggests implications for research.

Summary

The researcher studied the decision-making
styles of sixteen Mexican homemakers of a low socio-
economic class in an unincorporated area of Lansing,
Michigan. The framework used included the conceptualiza-
tion of three elements of decision-making style: mode,
time reference, and decision-making rule and their res-
pective dimensions. It further predicted the emergence
of three distinct decision-making styles: the hypotheti-
cal, the factual, and the action styles from the relation-
ships of the dimensions of the three elements.

The instrument used for eliciting decision-making
responses was a set of three decision problems concern-
ing management in home situations. The researcher con-
structed, tested, and used these problems and tape-
recorded and transcribed the decision protocol. When the
protocol was in Spanish, an interpreter translated them.

A content analysis of the reSponses was made to

identify the elements of mode, time reference, and

123

124

decision-making rule and the reSpective dimensions of
each using a set of formulated criteria. The resulting
patterns of elements emerging from the reSponses were
analyzed according to decision-making styles as predicted,
then according to similarities in dimensionality home-
makers' consistency in style and kind of decision prob—
lems.

Results indicated that the elements of decision
style were identifiable in the decision protocol. Of the
three modes, the factual mode emerged most frequently,
the hypothetical, least frequently. Of the three time
references, the present dominated the past and the future
in most responses. Of the decision-making rule, prefer-
ence ranking was used most frequently.

Two groups of decision styles were noted. Twelve
unidimensional and ten multidimensional styles were
observed.

The decision-making styles varied much more than
those predicted. It was predicted that three styles
would emerge: namely, the hypothetical style, consist-
ing of the combination of hypothetical mode, future time
reference, and preference ranking, (2) the factual style,
consisting of the factual mode, past reference, and
objective elimination: and (3) the action style, con-
sisting of action-suggestive mode, present time reference,

and immediate closure. Only one of the predicted styles,

125

the factual style emerged.

Decision-making styles varied with homemakers and
problems. Six homemakers had completely unidimensional
styles and one had a completely complex style in all three
decision problems and ten had completely different styles
for each problem. However, the elemental dimensions factual,
present, and preference ranking recurred at least twice
in responses of more than half of the homemakers.

The homemakers' styles also varied with problems.
Hence, for problem B homemakers used ten styles: for
problem C, six styles: and for problem A, five styles.

In solving problem 3, homemakers tended to use the
factual-present-preference ranking style, whereas in
problems A and C, homemakers tended equally to manifest
preference ranking and objective elimination but also
manifested the same factual mode and present time reference
as homemakers did in problem B. The results suggest that
the nature of the problem might affect the use of ele-

ments and eventually the resulting style.

Limitations

The reSpondents' ability to verbalize, the nature
of the problems used, and other factors limited the find-

ings of the study.

The reSpondents

The research design called for the thinking aloud

of the homemakers. It is possible, that the reSpondents

126

might not have thought aloud throughout, that they tended
to edit what they verbalized, or that some did not know
how to verbalize what they had in mind and, therefore,

did not reveal all of their thought processes. Further-
more, their own mental processes might have been too quick
for them to verbalize. The ability to verbalize itself

is a factor in the thinking aloud instruction. Bilingual-
ity might have limited the ability of some to verbalize
even though an interpreter and a tape recorder were pro-

vided to overcome this difficulty.

The problems

 

The problematic situations used did not cover the
entire range and kind of situations which a homemaker
meets. It would have been ideal to have worked on a

~number of problems.

Locale of the study

 

Studying homemakers' decision-making in their own
homes proved convenient for them and gave them the
security and confidence that familiar surroundings engender.
however, it is possible that negative feelings about
one's own home could have affected the reSponses. Know-
ledge of effects of varied home situations and a con-
trolled environmental situation could be examined by

future researchers in a similar study.

127

One other factor which was uncontrolled was the
length of time alloted for responding to the decision
problems. No attempt was made to limit or hurry the pro-
cess although efforts were exerted to direct the proceed-

ings when the respondents talked on and on.

Implications for Research

The results indicate a need for further research
on decision-making styles and their elements.

Using the same conceptual framework with sharpen-
ed categorizations, the study needs to be expanded to in-
clude a large heterogeneous group. This study would not
only test the wider applicability of the conceptual frame-
work but also would allow for comparisons of decision-
making styles between or among groups. Furthermore, the
results could pave the way for further study of the
elemental dimensions involved that would lead to the
quantification of decision-making styles.

Decision-making styles can be more precisely
studied, hence, a way for setting up a scale is a real
possibility.

Scaling provides a method for quantifying styles:
if this is empirically achieved one can then hypothesize
precise relationships of certain styles with significant
variables such as types of problems, socio-economic

groups, Specific attitudes to time, and to clusters of

128

values, within the conceptualized system. Furthermore,
one would then be in a position to determine the relation-
ships between decision-making styles and home management
practices or functions, resources, and involvement. Do
styles of decision-making differ with the managerial
function of planning, actuating, organizing, and control-
ling? Do styles of decision-making differ with vari-
ations in resources used? Do styles differ with the
range of involvement occasioned by the decision problem?
Knowledge of these differences and variations will enable
those who are involved in teaching to predict decision-
making behavior under Specified conditions which allow
for the preparation of apprOpriate approaches.

In scaling of decision-making style, this study
suggests certain items: namely, for mode: degree of
inquiry, degree of production of ideas, range of relation-
ships: for time reference: degree of explicitness con-
cerning a consequence: and for decision-making rule:
extent of closure and degree of consistency of actions.

Another line of inquiry suggested is studying
each element in depth and approaching each element in an
altogether different manner. For example, mode itself
could be studied in another way. In this study, the
assignation of mode depended on the greatest frequency of
the kind of statements used. This method needs to be

scrutinized. It can be pointed out that a hypothetically

129

oriented individual might want to bring in factual state-
ments to support him. The more he does this, the more his
hypothetical orientation is blurred. The same is true

for an action oriented person. The assignation of mode
after a frequency count is made does not seem to be the
crucial use of hypothetical, factual, and action cate-
gories. The frequency of use of factual statements indi-
cates this.

What is perhaps important is how each kind of
statement relates to the other in a developmental sense:
which statement precedes and which statement follows.
What finer categories could be set up to differentiate
the different dimensions of decision-making rule.

Nobody has seemed to tackle the question of what
an alternative is and how this is structured. This seems
to go back to the structure of ideas. Assumptions are
made that an alternative is a possible course of action
with an outcome or several outcomes, or it is a choice,
or it is a potential action leading to a goal. One may
raise the question Whether an alternative is a choice or
a possible action leading to a choice. An alternative,
may vary from the simple to the complex. It seems that
alternatives have been considered as simple constructs
when they may not be. It is perhaps how an alternative
is built, analyzed, and chosen on the basis of its identi-

fied attributes which is crucial in decision-making.

130

This study has suggested further possibilities
for research in both decision-making style and for each
separate element of style. Although exploratory in nature,
it has demonstrated the feasibility and productivity of

an approach, heretofore, untried in home management.

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Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1961.

Thomson, R. The Psychology of Thinking. Edinburgh,
=3reat Britain: Penguin Books, 1959.

Thompson, J., and Tuden, A. "Strategies, Structures, and
Processes of Organizational Decision." in
Comparative Studies in Administration. Edited by
J. Thompson. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg
Press, 1959.

Thrall, R. M., Coombs, C. H., and Davis, R. L. (eds.)
Decision Processes. flew York: John Wiley and
Sons, 1954.

Thurstone, L. L. The Measurement of Values. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1959.

Whiting, C. B. Creative Thinkipg. London: Chapman and
...-Iall’ Ltd.' 1958.

Williams, J. D. Compleat Strategyspy Few York: McGraw
hill Book Co., Inc., 1954.

Willner, D. (ed.) Dedsions, Values, and Groups. Vol. I.
New York: Pryamnnnon Press, 1960.

160

Bulletinsy Repprts,,and Supplements

Beal, G.M., and Bohlen, J.r. "The Diffusion Process."
Special Report Nopng, Agric. Ext. Service,
Ames, Iowa: Iowa State College, March, 1957.

Bloom, B.S., and Broder, L.J. “Problem-solving Processes
of College Students: An Exploratory Investigation,"
Supplementary Eggpational Monogrgphs. No,y73, July,
1950, Chicago 37, Illinois, The University of
Chicago Press.

Gartner, J., Kolmer, L., and Jones, E.B. “Consumer
Decision-making." Consumer Marketing Bull. I.
Coop. Ext. Service. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State Univer-
sity, 1960.

Knight, D., and Greve, R.W. ”Farmer Use and Understanding
of Inductive and Deductive Reasoning and Figuring
Costs and Returns.” Tech. Bulls 107. Kansas Agric.
Exper. Sta., March, 1960.

. “The Study of Giftedness: A
Multidimensional Approach", in The Gifted Student.
COOperative Research Mono. No._g., U.S. Office of
Education, 1960.

 

hasserman, F., and Silander, F.S. Decision-making: An
Annotated Bibliography. Graduate School of Business
and Public Adm. Cornell University, Ithaca, New York,
1958.

Wilkening, E.A. "AdOption of Improved Farm Practices as
Related to Family Factors.“ Res. Bull. 183, Univ.
of Eisconsin, Madison, Dec. 1953.

Unpublished Materials

Bouthilet, L. "The Measurement of Intuitive Thinking."
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago,
1948.

Davis, J. "Decision-making in Relation to the Performance
of Household Activities in New Yerk State Homes."
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University,
Ithaca, Kew York, 1957.

141

Gibbs, M.3. “A Descriptive Study of the Decision-making
Procedures Followed by Boys and Girls When They Buy
Certain Consumer Goods." Unpublished 36.9. Disserta-
tion, Teachers College, Columbia University, flew
York, 1931.

Johnson, G.L. "The Interstate Cooperative Research
Project on Decision-making in Farm Management,” in
Proceedings of_Conference on Values and Decision-
making in Home Management. East Lansing, Michigan,
Department of Home Management and Child Development,
Michigan State University, 1955 (Himeographed).

Klietsch, R.G. "Decision-making in Dairy Farming: A
Sociological Analyses." Unpublished Ph.D. Disserta-
tion, Univ. of Minnesota, 1961.

Magrabi, F. "A Model of Consumer Choice." Unpublished
Ph.D. Dissertation, Iowa State University, 1962.

Miller, P.A. "A Comparative Analysis of the Decision-
making Process in Community Organization Toward
Major Health Goals." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,

Michigan State College, 1953.

halven, F. "Defense Preference and Perceptual Decision-
making." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Boston
University Graduate School, 1961.

Schomaker, P.S. "Financial Decision-making as Reported by
100 Farm Families in Michigan.” Unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1961.

APPENDICES

142

APPENDIX I

HYPOTHETICAL PROBLEMS

Here is a series of problems for you to solve. We
would like you to help us out since you would know more of
the problems of the homemaker here in the United States.

We would like to take down in this tape recorder your
answers. We feel that there is no wrong answer so we
would like you to be free to give all your thoughts regard-
ing the matter. Be free to say anything, to ask any ques-
tions to yourself, or of yourself while doing so. (Note:
give the stories at random.

a. Imagine that you are a mother with two children
under 10. Ybu received $500 from a company as
a result of a contest you participated in. The
money has to be used in one month without any
Specification, otherwise, it reverts back to the
company. What would you do?

b. Mrs. C. has three children all boys aged 8, 11,
13, 15. Her husband works as head janitor in a
university building and is therefore out of the
house before 4 every afternoon. All of the
children do not help with the household chores
nor with the small garden the husband just
started. Mrs. C. feels that they should help
but every time they do they expect to begaid.

She wants to stOp this business of paying the
children for household chores. What would you do?

c. Imagine you are a working mother, you are not
satisfied with some aspect in the management of
your home. This has bothered you really and you
certainly want to do something. Will you kindly
share this with me?

143

€-

154

Imagine that you drove to a store to purchase
some sewing items including a Spool of blue
thread. Actually this was your reason for going
down to the store so you can finish the dress

you started last night. You forgot your cloth
sample and while you know that the bread is blue
you cannot exactly recall its hue.

Imagine you met somebody you quite reSpect and
who knows you quite well. You have wanted to
talk over a problem that has been bothering you
and you know she is just the rightgerson, trust-
worthy and sympathetic yet objective. Will you
kindly verbalize this to her.

APPERDIK II

INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE

BASIC INFORMATION:

1.

 

Persons in the household

 

 

 

 

husband
wife
children
grandparents
others

Ages

Sex

Marital Status
Formal Education

grade school
high school
junior college
college

other

Occupation of husband

professional and managerial
clerical and sales

service

agriculture, fishery, forestry
skilled

semi-skilled

unskilled

Occupation of homemaker

professional and managerial
clerical and sales

service

agriculture, fishery, forestry
skilled

semi-skilled

unskilled

 

 

 

 

 

145

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

145

How long have you stayed here in East Lansing?
(Cuanto tiempo ha vivido usted en East Lansing?)

Where did you live before coming to Lansing?
(Donde vivira usted astes de mudarse a Lansing?)

Before that?
(Y auteriormente?)

what are your reasons for moving to Lansing?
(Porque razon se mudo usted a Lansing?)

Do you belong to any organization? For how long?
(A que asociaciones pertenece usted?)

Church (Iglisia)

School group (asociacion escolar)
Club (club)

Union (Union 0 obrera)

Others (otros)

Aside from housework, what else do you do?
(Ademas del trabajo domestico, gue mas hace usted?)

Are there any particular radio programs (or TV programs)
you like? Why?
(cue programas de radio y Tv prefiere usted? Porque?)

fihich newSpapers or (magazines) do you read?
(Que periodicos o revistas (review) lee usted?)

Tell me a little about the family you grew in? Probe

into number of sisters and brothers, her ordinal

position in the family, who made decisions in her

parents' family.

(Cuantos hermanos y hermanas tiene? Ouien hace las
decisiones en su familiar?)

17.

13.

19.

III.

147

In your Opinion, what should a homemaker be?
(In su opinion, como deben ser e1 la senora de case?)

What are her most important duties?
(Cuales deben ser sus deberes principales?)

How do you expect a husband to behave?
(Como eSpera que su eSposo se porte?)

If you could change yourself to anything you want,
what would you like? hhat reasons do you have?
(Si usted pudiera transformarse cambiarse, y ser
locque usted quisiera, que? Por que?)

ACT IV III‘I 1:15 .

Tell me how a day is like in your family?
(describa como pasu el dia en su familia?)

How would you like your tomorrow to be like? Why
would you like it to be like this?
(Como 1e gustaria que fuese e1 futuro? Por que?)

How can you be sure that tomorrow will turn out the
way you want it to?
(Como sabe usted que el futuro sera como usted dice?)

How is your home run at present?
(Como functiono su hogar?)

The other day you said you wanted to . Did
things go like you wanted them to?

(Ayer usted dijo que queria ... Sucedio lo que usted
eSperaba?)

If yes, what did you do to make it happen?
(Que hizo usted para logarlo?)

How did you feel about it?
(Como se Siento?)
FISANCIAL PROBLEM.

"Suppose your family's yearly income is $4,000. how
:ould you use the money?"

"If you had to divide this money for your living ex-
penses, how would you do it?“

"Now if your income were increased by $1,000, what
would you do?"

IV.

10.

11.

12.

13.

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I will read to you incomplete sentences. Complete

them as fast as you can and I will write down your
responses.

(Las siguientes oraciones estan incompletas. .Com-
pletelas tan rapido como pued as y yo escribire las
respuestas.

Lhen you were a child ...
(Cuando usted era nina ...)

My father was in the best humor when ...
(Mi padre estaba de mejor humor cuando ...)

hhen I was little, work at home ...
Cuando yo era pequena, e1 trabajo en la casa ...)

My mother used to say ...
(Mi madre decia ...)

My brothers were always ...
(Mis hermanos estaban Siempre ...)

My sisters were always ...
(His hermanas estaban siempre ...)

Little children are ...
(Los ninos pequenos son ...)

Fathers ought to ...
(Los padres deben de ...)

A well managed home is ...
(Un hogar bien dirigido (administrado) es ...)

Deciding is ...
(Decidir es ...)

Homemakers are supposed to ...
(Las amas de casa se supone que ...)

The best part of keeping house is ...
(Lo mejor de los quehaceres domesticos es ...)

Husbands expect their wives to ...
(Los eSposos eSperan que sus eSposas ...)

As a manager, one can ...
(Como administradora de un hogar uno puede ...)

H
U1
0

16.

17.

26.

27.

149

The most difficult decision I made was ...
(La decision mas deficil que tome ...)

I dislike homemakers who ...
(5e disgustan las anas de casa que ...)

Tasks in the home should be ...
(Los guehaceros del hogar deben ser ...)

If I had enough money ...
(Si you viese dinero suficiente ...)

fin: is . ..
(31 tiempo es ...)

I dislifie husbands who are ...
(Le disgustan los maridos que ...)

I do not like to do the de cicing' when ...

( me gusta hacer las decisiones cuando ...)
I ys ask my husband when ...
( r

we
mp e 1e pregunto a mi eSposo cuando ...)

I-" "J

I“!
U

The futire is ...
(-1 future es ...)

when I think of my father ...
(Cuando pienso en mi padre ...)

.hat is important today is ...
(“oy, lo importante es ...)

I like to be home because ...
Me gusta estar en la casa porque ...)

I'd like my children to be ...
(Me gustaria que mis hijos fueran ...)

The most upsetting job is ...
(El trabajo mas indeseable es ...)

Husbands are not expected to ...
(Se supone que los maridos no ...)

If I could do what I want, I would ...
(Si yo pudiera hacer lo que quiero, yo ...)

Decisions are for ...
(Las decisiones son para ...)

150

So few have enough because ...
(Kuy pocas personas tienen suficiente por que ...)

I like men who ...
(Me gusta el hombre que ...)

I like women who ...
(He gusta la mujer que ...)

Old peOple are ...
(Los ancianos son ...)

To me housemaking is enjoyable because ...
(Para mi las quehaceros domesticos son agradable por
cue ...)

I always feel terrible after ...
(Siempre me siento mal despues de ...)

A decision must ...
(Una decision debe ...)

The easiest decisions are ...
(Las decisiones mas faciles son ...)

e is ...

ood wif
Jena eSposa es ...)

DLQ

A
An good husband is ...
(J buen eSposo es ...)

What I would like most is ...
(Lo que mas gustaria es ...)

To finish my work, I ...
(Para terminar mi trabajo, yo ...)

To make money last, I ...
(Para estirar e1 dolar o dinero, yo ...)

Children ought to ...
(Los ninos deben ...)

Parents are expected to ...
(Se supone que los padres ...)

V. HY}? TESTICIL PRC-Ii 11.318.

Here is a series of problems for you to solve. He
would like you to help us out since you would know more of
the problems of the homemaker here in the United States.
We would like to take down in this tape recorder your
answers. he feel that there is no wrong answer so we
would like you to be free to give all your thoughts regard-
ing the matter. he free to say anything, to ask any ques-
tions to yourself, or of yourself while doing so. (Iote:
give the stories at random.)

Problem A. For quite sometime now, the family has
felt a need for a washing maChine. The mother can not
finish washing all the clothes for her four children, her
husband and herself without getting a back ache. They
have an old, broken machine. School has just started and
they naturally have too many expenses.

I

(Desde hace algun tiempo la familia piensa que
necesita una lavadora. La mama no puede hacer e1 lavado
de rOpa para los cuatro hijos, su eSposo y ella, sin que
le duela la eSpalda. Tienen una maquina vieja y descom-
puesta. Las clases han empezado y naturalmente tienen
muchos gastos.)

Problem B. The mother has been working out for quite

 

a while now. She likes her work and tie money She gets.
The husband, however, likes her to stay home so he can
sleep well before going back to work at night. He cannot

do this now because he has to attend to the children.

152

(La mama ha estado trabajando fuera de la casa desde
hace tiempo. Le gusta su trabajo y el dinero que gana.
Pero al eSposo le gusta que ella se quede en la casa para
que el pueda dormir bien antes de ir a trabajo durante
la noche. 51 no puede hace esto ahora, por que tiene que
cuidar a los ninos.)

Problem C. Ironing in the family has piled up for
about three weeks because the mother has been working in
the fields for two weeks. The twelve-year old daughter
does not seem to like doing the ironing.

(La ropa para planchar se ha acumulado desde hace
tres semanas, por que la mama ha estado trabajando en el
campo por dos semanas. A la hija que tiene doce anos

parece que no 1e gusta planchar.)

The three hypothetical problems, which Shall
henceforth be referred to as decision problems, were used
as stated.

The following questions were asked after each
decision problem was stated:

(1) What could be done in this Situation?
(Que se podria hacer en esta situacion?)

(2) Which would you consider the best and second
best thing to do? Which the worst? Why?
(Que 1e parece a usted que seria mejor hacer

en primer lugar? Yen segundo? Que seria
lo peor? Por que?

(3) If you were faced with the same problem, what
would you do? Why?
(Si usted tuviera el mismo problema que haria?
Por que?)

153

(4) Have you ever experienced this problem?
What did you do then?
(Alguno vez ha tenido este problema? due
hi 20?)
(If a discrepancy was observed in 4 and 3,
then more probing followed.)

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A. In your Opinion, what Should a
Code
a Worker
b 1. Child care
2. Guild discipline
3. Husband care
c Affective function
d Resource regulation
e Promotive function
f Aesthetic function

'154

m

OISE SHDE' QUESTIOIS
homemaker be?
household work

do everything in the
house

clean the house

wash the clothes

cook appetizing meals
for all

others

care of children
don't let them run
around

care of husband
see to their needs

love them

Show interest in them
Should be home

watch over family

that both ends meet
of resources prOper-

see
Use
1y
See that money is suf-
ficient

Tell children What to
do and give orders
Others

teach them to respect you
so they will learn
educate them

see to their welfare

take care and beautify
maybe, cleanliness

"2‘
U.

155

How do you expect a husband

9.222

a Provider of basic
needs

b Helper around house

c Companion

d Thoughtful

e Children disciplin-
arian and care

f Boss

g Others

to behave?

Work out

Provide for family

Pretty good worker pays
attention to work

Brings home check

Gives everything I want

Thinks about the house

Repairs
Help around once in a while
Take care of the house

Be good husband

Be more in the house,
go out a lot

Always nice with me, with
kids

Bring kids fishing

Be good to me, be home
early

not

Gives me what I need as
surprise

Spank children
Help me with children

Tells us, not him
Rests not work

Should know something
Decides

Not to drink
Kot to go out with women
Mine is lazy

If you could change yourself into anything you want,

what would you like?

Coee

 

a Satisfied with self

Can't change
Nothing

As I am

Happy

As a homemaker

 

C

d

156

nith skill

dot with one self
with children

with self but

I wish I can sew
Be good

An animal

Play piano

Be secretary

Be minister
Education of children
Buy a farm for children

Purchase of house
Purchase of mat. goods
Lovely things

 

Age of house

Condition of painting
papering of walls

or

Condition of floor or

covering
living room condition
kitchen

(for wood-n floor)

Over-all condition of
cleanliness

Bath and toilet

Hot water

Heat adequacy

Room per person

Total score

 

 

157

El.
ICE “CUSIZE
Three point scale
2 l O
9 years 10+ 20+
or less
v. well starting faded (torn)
to fade splattered
wall to linoleum none
wall
good bit faded warped,
and used need change
badly
good bit faded need
change badly
shellacked faded not
waxed polish polished
polished
very passable littered,
dusty,
dirty and
muddy
indoor outdoor none
always part of none
year
very two or most in—
adequate, more rooms adequate
all rooms one room
heated only
1:1 1:2 1:3
16 8 O

Housing condition - comparative

fairly good
fair
poor

very poor

15'

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