MIGRANT LIVELIHOOD AND BUSINESS IN URBAN CHINA: THE CASE OF HENANCUN AND RECYCLING IN BEIJING  By  Jia Feng                  A DISSERTATION   Submitted to  Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of   GeographyDoctor of Philosophy  2016       ABSTRACT  MIGRANT LIVELIHOOD AND BUSINESS IN URBAN CHINA: THE CASE OF HENANCUN AND RECYCLING IN BEIJING  By  Jia Feng  Henancun, as one of the migrant enclaves in Beijing, emerged in the late 1980s with the development of the informal recycling business. Although rural-to-urban migrants and their recycling business play essential roles in providing the recycling service to the local residents and promoting the environmental protection, their existence is nearly invisible in the city. Focusing on the development history of Henancun, the structural and institutional barriers faced by both migrants and recycling businesses, and their coping strategies in Beijing, this dissertation research uses a combined qualitative and quantitative research method to examine the role of Henancun and the nature of the structural and institutional barriers faced by migrants and recycling as well as their coping strategies in Beijing. Based on questionnaires, interviews, observations and government documentation examinations, this study reveals that Henancun is both a migrant and a business enclave that emerged to cope with the socially and politically marginalized circumstances migrants have been facing in the city. Besides, the space of Henancun, with full- and businessess in between the city and migranalso emerged as a strategy to cope with local regulations and uncoordinated governmental policies.  iii  This dissertation is dedicated to Guoting Kang. Thank you for giving me the strength to keep going. iv  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS    This dissertation research cannot be finished without support and encouragement from many professors, colleagues, friends, and family. First, I want to give my gratitude to Dr. Guo Chen, for her patience and critical opinions that helped me tremendously in my research. I would like to thank my dissertation committee of Edward Murphy, Steve Gold, Bruce Pigozzi and Joe Darden for their support over the past eight years. This study also received financial support from NSF-DDRI and International Studies & Program at MSU.  I also want to thank Prof. Alan Arbogast and Prof. Ashton Shortridge for supporting and believing in me especially during the hard time. In my Ph.D. study, I am greatly indebted to Prof. Jay Harman, who has been a great friend and inspiring mentor. I also want to express my thanks to Sharon Ruggles and Claudia Brown for their assistance and push in my dissertation writing.   In my fieldwork, Liwen Chen from NGO Nature University provided generous help. Ma Yongjian from the Urban Planning institution in Henan Province provided tremendous help in my fieldwork as well. I also would like to thank the group of students who assisted me in data collection in Beijing: Tang Xian, Hong Jian, Liu Yun, Han Weizhe, Zhang Shengnan, Wang Lingling, Zhang Weishuo, Bao Yang, Lin Pengfei, Xu Liying. I am also greatly indebted to many migrant recyclers and the recycling companies who participated in my dissertation research.  Finally, I want to express my gratitude to my parents, my wife and the little Nina. Without their emotional support, the completion of this dissertation is merely impossible. v  TABLE OF CONTENTS   LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. ix  LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ x  CHAPTER 1 ....................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Finding Henancun ..................................................................................................... 2 1.1.1 Finding Henancun .............................................................................................. 3 1.1.2 Henancun. A Migrant Enclave? A Business Enclave? ...................................... 6  ......................... 10 1.1.4 Henancun: Convenient Invisibility .................................................................. 12 1.2 Study Background ................................................................................................... 14 1.2.1 Introduction of Henancun ................................................................................ 20 1.2.2 Statement of Problems ..................................................................................... 23 1.2.3 Research Questions .......................................................................................... 24 1.3 Study Areas ............................................................................................................. 28 1.4 Research Framework, Methodology, and Methods ................................................ 32 1.4.1 Conceptual Framework .................................................................................... 32 1.4.2 Methods and Methodology .............................................................................. 35 1.4.2.1 Research Methods ..................................................................................... 36 1.4.2.2 Research methodology .............................................................................. 43 1.4.2.3 The role of women in my research ........................................................... 49 1.5 Dissertation Structure and Outline .......................................................................... 52  CHAPTER 2 ..................................................................................................................... 55 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................. 55 2.1 Internal Migration in China .................................................................................... 56  .............................................................................................. 60 2.3 Marginality and Informal Economy ....................................................................... 63 2.4 Enclaves and Ghettos .............................................................................................. 67 2.4.1 Ethnic Economy and Ethnic Enclave Economy .............................................. 67 2.4.1.1 Ethnic economy and middleman minority ................................................ 67 2.4.1.2 Ethnic enclave economy ........................................................................... 69 2.4.2 Ethnic Enclave and Ghetto Development ........................................................ 70 2.5 Recycling under Solid Waste Management ............................................................ 72 2.6 Summary ................................................................................................................. 74  CHAPTER 3 ..................................................................................................................... 77 THE DEVELOPMENT AND SPATIAL TRAJECTORY OF HENANCUN ................. 77 3.1 Recycling Business in Beijing ................................................................................ 78 3.1.1 Recycling under Planned Economy ................................................................. 78 vi  3.1.2 Recycling in a Transition (the late 1970sthe mid-1990s) ............................ 81 3.1.3 Developing Migrant Recycling Business in Beijing (the mid-1990saround 2003) ......................................................................................................................... 85 3.1.4 Domination of Migrants in Recycling (2003-Present) ..................................... 88 3.2 Informal Recycling Business Structure in Beijing ................................................. 90  ................................................... 94 3.3.1 Migrants in Recycling ...................................................................................... 95 3.3.2 The Informality of Recycling........................................................................... 96 3.4 Informal and Unstable Recycling Space in Beijing .............................................. 100 3.4.1 Informal Recycling Space in the Making ...................................................... 100 3.4.2 Unstable Recycling Space in the Contract ..................................................... 108 3.5 Outward Moving Trend of Henancun in Beijing .................................................. 109 3.6 Conclusions and Discussions ................................................................................ 115  CHAPTER 4 ................................................................................................................... 119  EXPERIENCE IN HENANCUN, BEIJING ................. 119  ............................................................................ 120 4.1.1 The Disposable Income in a Good Year ........................................................ 121 4.1.2 The Disposable Income in a Bad Year .......................................................... 125 4.1.2.1 Method 1: Add a small number to the zeros ........................................... 125 4.1.2.2 Method 2: Two-step analysis .................................................................. 126  ................................. 130 4.3 Summaries ............................................................................................................ 134  CHAPTER 5 ................................................................................................................... 137 INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS FOR HENANCUN AND ITS RECYCLING DWELLERS ................................................................................................................... 137 5.1 Recycling Structure and an Upward Ladder to Climb .......................................... 139 5.1.1 The Recycling Structure ................................................................................ 140 5.1.2 A Dream to Follow in Recycling ................................................................... 144 5.2 Structural/Institutional Barriers for Migrant Recyclers in Beijing ....................... 151 5.2.1 Hukou (Household Registration System) ...................................................... 151 5.2.2 Housing .......................................................................................................... 152 5.2.3 Education ....................................................................................................... 158 5.2.4 Demolition and Relocation ............................................................................ 163 5.2.5 Shourong, Stigmatization, and Discrimination .............................................. 165 5.3 Structural/Institutional Barriers for Recyclers at Different Levels ....................... 171 5.3.1 The Itinerant Recyclers, Xing Shang () ................................................. 172 5.3.1.1 Renters in Henancun ............................................................................... 175 5.3.1.2 Shourong policy in the 1990s ................................................................. 177 5.3.1.3 Unstable income...................................................................................... 179 5.3.2 The Community Recyclers, Xiao Zuo Shang () ................................. 181  ................................................................... 183 5.3.2.2 Mr. Sun in the recycling business ........................................................... 184 5.3.2.3 Daily business ......................................................................................... 187 5.3.2.4 Working in a gated community ............................................................... 190 vii  5.3.3 The Yard Buyers, Da Zuo Shang () ................................................... 192 5.3.3.1 Stigmatization and Shourong .................................................................. 197 5.3.3.2 Demolition and relocation in Beijing ...................................................... 203 5.3.4 Recycling Companies, Sometimes Known as the Henancun Organizer ....... 205 5.3.4.1 Land leasing, demolition, relocation ....................................................... 206 5.3.4.2 Regulations from different government aspects ..................................... 214 5.3.4.3 Tricky taxation on recycling activities .................................................... 221  CHAPTER 6 ................................................................................................................... 229 ATEGIES IN BEIJING .................................................... 229 6.1 Revisiting the Structural Barriers ......................................................................... 231 6.1.1 Hukou Remains a Strong Structural Barrier for Rural-to-Urban Migrants ... 231 6.1.2 Pathological View against the Recycling Business ....................................... 233 6.2 Coping Strategies in Recycling ............................................................................. 238  ................................................. 239 6.3.1 Chain Migration to Achieve a Successful Migration ..................................... 242 6.3.2 Coping with Hostile Urban Policies, Especially Shourong ........................... 247 6.3.2.1 To formalize ............................................................................................ 249 6.3.2.2 To informalize ......................................................................................... 250 6.3.3 Coping with the Lack of Social Facilities in Beijing ..................................... 253 6.3.3.1 Open market and grocery stores organized by recycling companies ...... 255 6.3.3.2 Education ................................................................................................ 259 6.3.3.2.1 Hometown schools vs. migrant schools in cities ............................. 260 6.3.3.2.2 Instability ......................................................................................... 262 6.3.3.2.3 Informality ....................................................................................... 263 6.3.3.3 Other services.......................................................................................... 265 6.3.4 Coping with Poor Housing in Beijing ............................................................ 266 6.3.4.1 Investment? ............................................................................................. 267 6.3.4.2 Self-construction ..................................................................................... 270 6.3.4.2.1 Bathing room and restroom ............................................................. 270 6.3.4.2.2 Temporary furnace ........................................................................... 272 6.3.4.2.3 Moveable house ............................................................................... 273 6.3.5 Coping with Unstable Income ....................................................................... 274 6.3.5.1 Formal strategies ..................................................................................... 275 6.3.5.1.1 Specialization ................................................................................... 275 6.3.5.1.2 Contract ............................................................................................ 277 6.3.5.2 Informal strategies .................................................................................. 280 6.3.5.2.1 Make extra money from becoming familiar .................................... 281 6.3.5.2.2 Making extra money by working more ............................................ 282 6.3.5.2.3 Making extra money from the yard ................................................. 284 6.3.5.2.4 Making extra money from acting as a group ................................... 287 6.3.5.2.5 .com generation ................................................................................ 289 6.4 Recycling Companies in Beijing .......................................................................... 291 6.4.1 Market vs. Company ...................................................................................... 291 6.4.1.1 Recycling market .................................................................................... 292 6.4.1.2 Recycling company ................................................................................. 294 viii  6.4.2 To Formalize or to Informalize ...................................................................... 296 6.5 Summary ............................................................................................................... 297  CHAPTER 7 ................................................................................................................... 300 CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................ 300 7.1 Henancun: A Complex Recycling Enclave .......................................................... 302 7.2 Henancun: in between the State and Society ........................................................ 304 7.3 Complex Internal Structure with Complex Structural Barriers in Henancun ....... 306 7.4 New Urban Space in the Making .......................................................................... 308 7.5 Informality and Coping Strategies ........................................................................ 312 7.6 Discussions ........................................................................................................... 314  APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 317 APPENDIX A Detailed job for constructing the reusable materials recycling system .................................................................................................................................... 318 APPENDIX B Eight city-level comprehensive sorting centers .................................. 322 APPENDIX C Twelve district-level comprehensive sorting centers ......................... 323 APPENDIX D Out-migration destinations by Labor Department in Gushi County .. 324 APPENDIX E Interview respondents ......................................................................... 326 APPENDIX F Questionnaire & Questionnaire code book ......................................... 327 APPENDIX G Introduction to Key Chinese Terms ................................................... 344  BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 345    ix  LIST OF TABLES   Table 1: Composition of questionnaire participants ......................................................... 38  Table 2: Regression results for the income equation in a good year .............................. 124  Table 3: Regression results for the income equation in a bad year ................................ 126  Table 4: Logistic regression results for the binary income in a bad year ....................... 127  Table 5: Regression results for the non-zero income equation in a bad year ................. 128  Table 6: Shourong experience vs. feeling being unfairly treated ................................... 130  Table 7: feeling being unfairly treated vs. satisfactory with the current job .................. 131  Table 8: feeling being unfairly treated vs. intention to change their job ........................ 132  Table 9: feeling satisfied with their job vs. intention to change their job ....................... 132  Table 10: satisfactory with their job vs. intention to let their children continue the job 133   ........................ 134  Table 12: Housing condition for housing in Henancun .................................................. 155  Table 13: Where have you purchased or do you intend to buy houses?  ........................ 157  Table 14: Official documents about the development of recycling business ................. 235  Table 15: Emigration destination percentage for different townships in Gushi County 245  Table 16: Location changes for the two schools in DXK ............................................... 262  Table 17: Informal activities in migrant recycling yard for extra profit ......................... 285  Table 18: Eight city-level comprehensive sorting centers .............................................. 322  Table 19: Twelve district-level comprehensive sorting centers ..................................... 323  Table 20: Out-migration destinations in Gushi County .................................................. 324  Table 21: Description of variables .................................................................................. 337 x  LIST OF FIGURES   Figure 1: Photograph: Community recycler at the gate of a residential gated community 5  Figure 2: Photograph: Gushi restaurants and grocery stores in DXK and PC .................... 7   ........ 10  -2012) China Data Center ............... 16  Figure 5: Chart: Recycling business structure in Beijing ................................................. 22  Figure 6: Map: Migrants are not evenly distributed in Beijing, while suburb areas become important migrant settlements in Beijing. ......................................................................... 29  Figure 7: Map: Henan migrants are not evenly distributed among migrants in Beijing. Henan migrant enclaves are found in suburbs of Beijing. (Based on 2000 Census data, made by Jia Feng) ............................................................................................................. 30  Figure 8: Map: Henancun sites in my dissertation fieldwork ........................................... 30  Figure 9: Chart: Research Framework .............................................................................. 35  Figure 10: Chart: Locations migrants have previously stayed in Beijing (in black circles)........................................................................................................................................... 37  ........................................................................................................................................... 80  Figure 12: Chart: Informal recycling structure in Beijing today ...................................... 91  Figure 13: Pie chart: Migration origins ............................................................................. 95  Figure 14: Photograph: Gushi and Henan elements outside a recycling enclave ............. 96  Figure 15: Photograph: Forbidden items from recycling posted by police .................... 100  Figure 16: Chart: Shourong experienced by migrants after arriving at Beijing ............. 101  Figure 17: Chart: Where to buy groceries ....................................................................... 104  Figure 18: Chart: Where to buy other supplies ............................................................... 104  xi  Figure 19: Photography: Self-organized Services in Henancun ..................................... 105  Figure 20: Chart: Frequency communicating with Beijing local residents in a week .... 107   ..................................... 111   ..................................... 111   ..................................... 112  Figure 24: Map: Questionnaire  ..................................... 112   ..................................... 113   ..................................... 113   ..................................... 114  Figure 28: Map: Questionnaire  .. 114  Figure 29: Map: Outward movement trends in Henancunory (based on interviews)....................................................................................................................... 115  Figure 30: Chart: Distribution of the disposable income in a bad year .......................... 125   ............................................ 141  Figure 32: Chart: Informal recycling structure in Beijing today .................................... 142  Figure 33: Chart: Levels of recycling jobs ..................................................................... 146  Figure 34: Chart: Dispensable income comparisons in a good year ............................... 148  Figure 35: Chart: Dispensable income comparisons in a bad year ................................. 149  Figure 36: Photograph: Housing for recyclers in Henancun .......................................... 154  Figure 37: Chart: Size of housing and the averaged number of residents living in their houses .............................................................................................................................. 155  ......................................................................................................................................... 161  responses) ........................................................................................................................ 161  xii  Figure 40: Photograph: Forbidden items from recycling posted by police .................... 165  Figure 41: Chart: Have you experienced Shourong in Beijing? ..................................... 167   ........ 169  Figure 43: Chart: First year arriving at Beijing for all itinerant recyclers ...................... 174  Figure 44: Photograph: Mr. Qian as an itinerant recycler in Beijing .............................. 175  Figure 45: Photograph: Mr. Sun works as a community recycler .................................. 183  Figure 46: Photograph: Mr. Li (down) and his cousin working with their truck ready to go......................................................................................................................................... 189   ............................................... 195  Shourong ................ 203   ............................................... 210  Figure 50: Photograph: Government Document on Recycling System Development in 2011 (See Appendix A) .................................................................................................. 215  Figure 51: Chart: Frequency communicating with Beijing residents in a week ............. 241  Figure 52: Chart: How many Beijing residents to interact with per week ...................... 241  Figure 53: Chart: Migrant home provinces ..................................................................... 242  Figure 54: Chart: The cities where Henan migrants are from ........................................ 243  Figure 55: Chart: The counties where Xinyang migrants are from (xx represents no answer) ............................................................................................................................ 243  Figure 56: Chart: Through which channel migrants come to Beijing? ........................... 246  Figure 57: Photograph: Afternoon market outside DXK Henancun .............................. 256  Figure 58: Chart: Where migrants buy groceries ............................................................ 258  Figure 59: Chart: Where migrants buy other necessities ................................................ 258  Figure 60: Photograph: Zhenhua primary school at DXK area ...................................... 259  xiii  Figure 61: Chart: Other services (Top left: everyday market; Top right: car services; Bottom left: hometown restaurant; Bottom right: kindergarten) .................................... 265  Figure 62: Photograph: Various housing in Henancun (Top left: housing section of recycling companies; Top right: housing for electric appliance recyclers; Bottom left: ......................................................................................................................................... 267  Figure 63: Photograph: Bathing facilities and public restroom ...................................... 271   ..................... 273  Figure 65: Photograph: Various self-constructed housing .............................................. 274  Figure 66: Chart: Materials recycled by Hebei yard buyers ........................................... 277  Figure 67: Chart: Yard buyers sign contract with various parties for their business ...... 278  Figure 68: Chart: Disposable income comparisons in good years for yard buyers ........ 279  Figure 69: Chart: Disposable income comparisons in bad years for yard buyers .......... 279  Figure 70: Chart: For what reasons, migrant recyclers do not work .............................. 284  Figure 71: Photograph: Spraying water in paper recycling as an informal strategy ....... 287  Figure 72: Chart: What license yard buyers use in their recycling business .................. 294  1  CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION  different. They are full of in from working with trash, and the dirt in my fingernails can         ----a yard buyer in Henancun   much money as before. But I have to have it, so when I need to sign a contract with some companies, I will drive over to show that I have the ability to buy their trash.     ----another yard buyer with a Buick parking in his yard   One of the reasons I am confident with carrying out my fieldwork in Beijing is because I have many friends from high school and college who could host free tours to show me around there in Beijing. While none of them is running their own business in Beijing, most of them work in the so-financial services, law firms, and urban planning institutions. When I told them I was doing research on recycling enclaves in Beijing, they could immediately give comments on Beijing's environmental issues, the dysfunctional trash classification system, and the migrant recycler who works by the gate of their community. But interestingly, when I asked them where the community recycler took their collected recyclable materials to, none of them had any idea while what they knew was that the materials were recycled and gone. When I told them the electric-motored tricycles on the streets were for 2  transporting recyclable materials, they all gave me a blank look. Then I realized maybe they are not that helpful. I first thought this situation might be because my friends were technically migrants too Hukou1to Beijing, so they were not familiar with Beijing. But when I find out that even the taxi drivers2, with help from their company radio, have no idea about what Henancun3 is, I realize Henancun does not exist I know that Henancun processes almost all of the recyclable materials and there are around 200,000 recyclers in Beijing, their invisibility becomes quite a surprise and suddenly I was stricken by the situation that Henancun only flaky mille-feuille pastry4 in the society.  1.1 Finding Henancun In the literature, Henancun is a term widely used when in comparing migrant enclaves for migrants from different hometowns. In Beijing, four migrant enclaves emerged in the literature (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Liu, 2002) including Zhejiangcun, Henancun, Anhuicun and Xinjiangcun5. These terms emerged along with the rising popularity of Zhejiangcun as one of the largest garment market in Beijing in the 1980s. However, the parallel usage of these terms has introduced misleading messages for                                                  1 Hukou, a.k.a. the household registration system is a system set up in 1951 to register China's population according to their birthplace. A Person's Hukou is either urban or rural while urban Hukou people could have access to social welfare and social services but rural Hukou holders do not.  Frequently used Chinese terms are listed under Appendix G. 2 Taxi drivers are thought to know every corner in Beijing, with support from their company-wide radio system.    3 Henan is a province in central China while Cun means village. Here cun does not have an administrative  Henancun is used in the literature to describe the residential or business enclave where Henan migrants live.  4 Lefebvre, Henri. (1992) The Production of Space. Wiley-Blackwell.  5 Zhejiang, Henan, Anhui and Xinjiang are four provinces in China.  3  Henancun and Anhuicun (this term is gradually fading away in the literature) particularly because these two enclaves are not as spatially concentrated as Zhejiangcun. Rather, their existence can be found everywhere in the city to provide accessible services to the local residents in every corner of the city.  Therefore, to some extent, Henancun is a term referring to a series of Henan enclaves in many locations in Beijing. But because the word emerged parallel with the singular Zheijiangcun in Beijing, the singular written form of Henancun has been widely used. Thus, in this study, with the knowledge that Henancun(s) are present in many different locations in Beijing, I will continue using its singular formHenancunin my study to refer to the Henan recycling & migrant enclaves in Beijing.   1.1.1 Finding Henancun  When I first attempted to look for the largest recycling enclave6 in Beijing in the summer of 2009 with the location recorded in the literature (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Liu, 2002), the taxi driver told me that he never heard of such a place called Henancun. After I had given him the place names as Datun Rd. or Wali village, he gave me a surprised look and told me that the address is called Beijing Olympic Village instead of Henan Village. At the place close to Datun Rd. and Wali village, what I saw is nothing but newly built Bird Nest Stadium, the Water Cube, and well maintained parks7. While the taxi driver never heard anything about Henancun or recycling enclaves in Beijing, he told me about a Henan recycler who he had known in his community. He kindly took me back to his gated community and introduced me to the recycler he knew who had a recycling depot inside the gate of their community.                                                    6 Henancun, is used to describe the recycling enclave because most recyclers are from Henan province.  7 My first attempt to find Henancun happened in the summer of 2009, one year after the Beijing Olympic Games 4  -story apartment buildings, which were probably built in the 80s to serve workers for a work unit (danwei) or state-owned companies. When the taxi driver parked his car at the gate of the community, I immediately saw on the sidewalk several half-full sacks leaning against a large trash can, which was painted light blue with a recycling company name on the side. An empty floor scale was on the edge of the sidewalk, but nobody seemed to work there. The driver pointed to the other side of the sidewalk and told me to talk to the man who was playing mahjong8 with other residents in the shade by a building. While he was playing mahjong with three other local residents, several local residents were watching and commenting on the side. While I joined the viewer group and stood behind them, I was quite reluctant to ask him to accept an interview because I was very nervous to request my first interview and because I could not be sure that he was the recycler I was looking for since he looked no different from other mahjong players. Then, after a couple of games, I heard someone shouting by the side of the floor scale, "trash collector!" and he gradually moved his eyesight from the mahjong table to the scale, slowly responded, "here, a minute." But, he did not move until he finished that game, then he gradually collected his cash on the table, and gave his spot to one of the people who stood behind him. Nobody said anything about him leaving the table, and they continued the game with the same laughter and comments as what they did before.   9" came from a resident in his 40s who had a kid, probably his son, by his side after he parked his car by the scale. When the recycler went over to the scale, he opened the trunk of his vehicle and pulled out a plastic bag of pop cans                                                  8 Mahjong is a traditional Chinese game, which needs four people to play. People would play it with friends, and sometimes the game involves some cash gambling.  9 ˙f.d&ò,´, the person who collect trash, is the common term to call recyclers in Beijing.  5  (some plastic, some metal). The recycler counted the cans and told the resident that the price went down very fast recently and they were not worth as much as before. After some explanations, he gave the resident 1.4 yuan (about 20 cents) for about 30 cans. The local man took over the money, handed the money immediately to his son, got in the car and left. (Figure 1)   Figure 1: Photograph: Community recycler at the gate of a residential gated community  Then, the recycler noticed and asked me while kept organizing all the materials around his scale without lookthe project I intended to carry out for my dissertation research, but his response did not 10explained more about my trip from MSU to Beijing, he explained that he heard from his fellow recyclers that one journalist used a fake research excuse to publish some articles with pictures without consent and how that article put some recyclers in trouble. He agreed to take my interview after I explained my intention with an IRB required consent form and his rights in this study. This interview not only was my first interview about the                                                  10 Interestingly, this very sentence became the most common response when I conduct my dissertation fieldwork. 6  topic of recycling and internal migration but also opened my access to understanding all aspects of problems around Henancun, including recycling, migration, demolition, urban renewal development, housing, enclaves and family strategies, faced by this group of people in Beijing.  Since he (Mr. Sun as Case 3 in Chapter 4) was from Henan province and worked as a recycler himself, I was quite confident that I could find Henancun through him. However, when I asked him about Henancun, he shook his head and told me that there was no such place called Henancun as he knew of. After I had described the place as a recycling center that was full of migrants from Henan province and it used to be at Datun Rd. and Wali village, where Olympic Park was now, he showed me a surprised look and asked me, thats called Henancun? I live there but I never heard that name. He told me that almost everyone in that place was at Datun and Wali before 2003 when Beijing Olympic Games developed the place to become the location for Bird's Nest and Water Cube. The place was not far from the community, and recyclers like him and other itinerant recyclers all lived there at night and came to recycle during the daytime. Then, he gave me very detailed directions about how to go to the place which I described as Henancun.  1.1.2 Henancun. A Migrant Enclave? A Business Enclave?  The Henancun is not visible from any major street in Beijing, but it is right around the corner from a major north-south road named Heiquan Rd., that serves as one of the primary linkages between the northern residential housing section and the central city. Turning east from the divided six-lane Heiquan Rd. onto the two-lane dusty Xixiaokou Rd., many recycling yards and all different kinds of Henan hometown-flavored restaurants start to appear to the east of the sign that shows the boundary between 7  Haidian and Changping districts of Beijing. After turning onto the Xixiaokou Rd., the landscape changes dramatically from a well constructed six-lane road with various newly transplanted trees on both sides and well watered bush plants as a road divider, to a noisy 2-lane street with people walking, riding bicycles, tricycles, scooters and electric motored tricycles among various trucks loaded with different recycled materials. On the south side of the street, many recycling yards are next to each other under the giant electricity towers; and on the north, various Henan hometown-flavored restaurants and deli shops are running their businesses (Figure 2). The look struck me hard because that is completely different from what I could imagine when I first visited the Olympic Parks, but I know that I have found my Henancun since almost every restaurant specializes in a dish with Henan to start with.     Figure 2: Photograph: Gushi restaurants and grocery stores in DXK and PC  As one of the migrant enclaves in Beijing, Henancun has not attracted much attention and not much detailed information is revealed yet. Based on various research papers and book chapters about migrant enclaves, Henancun is a homogeneous space for migrants from Henan province to dwell in Beijing. As I gradually know more about this place in my fieldwork, I learn that Henancun is organized by different recycling companies rather than migrants themselves. By leasing land directly from Dongxiaokou village committee, 8  these recycling companies further divide their leased land into 0.5-1mu11 yards, which are further leased out to migrant recycling families to recycle one or two specific materials. Also, these companies also build housing sections with rows of one-story houses to house the workers and the itinerant/community recyclers, who recycle in the city during the daytime and only sleep in Henancun at night. Further, businesses other than recycling also emerge in this region to provide various social services for the migrant recyclers as well. Thus, rather than a mere residential enclave for Henan migrants, Henancun, regarding its overall cultural landscape, is more of a full-fledged recycling business center with fully self-institutionalized services on the fringe of Beijing.  To some extent, the term Henancun exists almost only in the literature (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Liu, 2002) and the place is referred in this way to compare with the established Zhejiangcun on the south side of Beijing. But initially, in the 1980s, Henan migrants chose to live close to each other mostly because of the housing availability and the pursuing of a clustering effect for ease of transportation and commodity flow in recycling. In fact, it was not until the late 1990s when various service businesses started to emerge, and the so-called Henancun developed to be a self-sustainable migrant enclave. Also, while Zhejiangcun relied heavily on factories in Zhejiang province and Zhejiang migrants who operated and ran businesses for/with the factories, Henancun is not exclusively Henan migrants or Henan province related. Rather it was named so only because there are more Henan migrants in recycling, who preferred the clustering effect in its business model. Therefore, although I will continue using Henancun to refer to this place, its existence relies more on recycling than Henan migrants. In another word, the place will not disappear without Henan migrants; but it                                                  11 1mu=667m2, which is about a space of 26m*26m, or 85ft*85ft.  9  will without recycling. And what I am trying to argue in the very beginning of this dissertation is that we need to focus on both "migrants" and "recycling" to fully understand Henancun. Henancunto refer to the recycling enclaves in Beijing.  Since most people in this Henancun worked at the Datun Rd. and Wali Village region before, which was the largest recycling center in Beijing, this place in Dongxiaokou , I will refer to this location as the Dongxiaokou (DXK) Henancun. As the largest recycling center in Beijing, Dongxiaokou has six different recycling companies whose leased lands are next to each other on the south side of the main road of Dongxiaokou village. Being empty around 2003 when migrants leased it, the land was directly beneath high-voltage electricity wires. All six companies divided their land into square recycling yards, which connected through North-South and East-West roads in between. Each north-south road has an opening on the north to connect to the main road as entrance to each company. The individual yard is further subleased to recycling families to recycle, sort and store one or two specific types of materials. Also, recycling companies also build residential sections next to the recycling yard section to house the itinerant and community recyclers, like Mr. Sun who directed me to this place. Some companies also run packaging businesses for certain materials as well. But the companies are the core of Henancun to organize recycling activities as well as recycling migrants in Beijing.  10  1.Recycling is the Main Force of Environmental Protection."   Figure 3: Photograph: Recycling is the main force of environmental protection."   Interestingly, on the wall at the entrance of all recycling companies are slogans written with red paint, in a similar fashion as the propaganda banners by the party, stating how important environmental protection is for urban development. While I thought the painting was organized by the local government, people in the company offices told me that they were all painted by the recycling companies to enhance their legitimate status in the city. Interestingly, almost every single one of my interview respondents has also presented similar statement during the interview about how their action reduces waste and the total trash volume for the city. However, I gradually realized that this statement was more from frustration than their pride in recycling.  After rounds and rounds of ice-breaking and familiarizing with various company managers, yard buyers and itinerant/community recyclers, they expressed their frustration that their location had been facing repetitive demolition and relocation in Beijing 11  although they believed what they were doing was for the environmental protection. Using Mr. Zhous (Case 5 in Chapter 4) words, I was invited by an NGO in Beijing to participate in a recycling conference in India last year [2011]. They called us environmental protection specialists and showed their respect to us and what we are doing in China. I was so honored there, which never happened to me before. But when I came back to Beijing, nobody cares about us at all although you see environmental protection banners everywhere in the city. Mrs. Wu (Case 6 in Chapter 4), as a board member for the FYXY recycling company, also indicated that the company painted all the cartoons and banners to promote environmental protection because I need to let them [the government] know that what we are doing are protecting the environment, not anything illegal, here in the recycling company. As a Beijing government-designated recycling company in Beijing, FYXY company hosts tours for various environmental protection departments from different foreign countries, such as Japan, Sweden, and Germany. Mrs. Wu told us when she was talking with a Japanese environmental protection official, he said someone like me would be awarded a medal in Japan [for doing recycling]. I dont want a medal, as long as I can have a stable space in Beijing, I am satisfied.  In Beijing, the total amount of trash (excluding kitchen waste, construction waste or recyclable materials) is 6,690,000 tons for the year of 2009, while in the same year, the total recycled materials weighed 4,400,000 tons, which is close to 40% of the total weight of residential waste (not including kitchen waste or construction waste)12. As illustrated by China Resource Recycling Association, trash is a mislocated resource, ' and they                                                  12 Data from Summary of Shanghai Residential Trash Sorting and Collection 2«˙fLö˜²F . By Shanghai Institute for Design & Research on Environmental Engineering. .2012 huanke.com.cn/08/UserFiles/2012-8/31/2012831155710432.doc  12  should be carefully considered as a form of urban mining.13 While these ideas are well received by the government and residents, such as my classmates, why do recycling migrants and recycling companies have to prove what they are doing is something important and worthy? While a residential waste reduction rate of 40% by weight in 2009 by itself could well illustrate the contribution of recycling for the city, why is nearly no one in the city aware of their existence? With all these initial questions in my mind, interviews with recycling company managers/owners and the yard buyers in recycling companies have gradually helped me understand the history and social context that Henancun and its dwellers have been facing, bearing and dealing with in Beijing.  1.1.4 Henancun: Convenient Invisibility The more I visit Henancun and interview its inhabitants, the more I realize that their invisibility in Beijing is not a coincidence. Rather, in the past 25-30 years, both rural-to-urban migrants and the recycling companies have been facing unfriendly social environment, stigmatized political policies and even nonnegotiable, if not brutal, demolition orders in Beijing. To make way for various projects such as infrastructure (such as ring road construction, subway development, highway construction), commodity housing projects, urban renewal projects or even global events (such as Beijing Asian Games in 1990 and Beijing Olympic Games in 2008), recycling companies and recycling migrants have been on the move, repetitively and continually, from inside the 3rd ring road in the early 1990s all the way to outside the 5th ring road in the mid-2000s. On top of the spatial instability, migrants also experienced brutal political and social policies, such                                                  13 http://www.crra.org.cn/index.php?m=content&c=index&a=show1&catid=7&INAR_ID=19110  13  as Shourong14, till the early 2000s while the recycling companies faced and are still facing strict regulations from various local governments.  While Henancun is mostly organized by recycling companies, the willingness for migrants to choose to live inside recycling companies is related to the stigmatized and discriminatory social circumstances they were facing on the streets. Robert (1997) has described a typical situation when he compares the Chinese rural-to-urban migrants with the Mexico-to-U.S. immigrants, while the unskilled migrant labor is essential for the economy, migrants themselves are excluded from the society. While recycling migrants have faced serious threats from the Shourong policy in Beijing till around 2003, to some extent, an enclosed Henancun became a haven for them to carry on with their livelihood and businesses in Beijing. Further, while their access to social services is restricted by social and political policies and their everyday needs could be satisfied by self-institutionalized services inside Henancun, contacts with local urban residents or the became even unnecessary. Thus, the emergence of Henancun is almost the most important coping strategy migrants have taken in reacting to the unfriendly environment and seeking protection and security in Beijing. In addition to migrants uncomfortable experiences in Beijing, recycling companies are facing no better circumstances in the city. After Chinas market economy turn in the late 1970s, the dominant players of recycling business have gradually transferred from the state-owned recycling companies to migrant dominant recycling activities. As recycling is operated mostly through yard buyers as organized by the recycling companies, the local government takes a pathological interpretation and criticizes recycling activities for                                                  14 Shourong:  in Chinese, which literarily means to take inChapter 4 Section 4.2.5.  14  being dirty, messy, backward15 in the city. Various government departments have long been criticizing recycling companies, and their operations for situations such as waste/trash is everywhere in the recycling yards, surrounding areas and along the transporting routes; yard buyers home is right next to the recyclable material pile in the yard which increases the potential threats from fire incidence; there are common practices such as burning rubber-covered wire, continuously running trucks and groups of random people waiting for jobs on the side of streets, and also recycling yards are always the most likely place for purchasing stolen items in the city.   As I have argued in the previous section that Henancun is more than a simple migrant enclave while the conveniently invisible situation is related to both its "migrant" characteristic and its "business" style. In other words, staying "invisible" on the one hand has helped migrants to avoid various unfriendly circumstances or discriminatory policies in the city, on the other hand, has helped Henancun and recycling companies to continue operating their recycling business in a conventionally accepted way which is viewed as "informal" or "dirty, messy and backward" from an urban management point of view. This dissertation will try to understand and scrutinize Henancun from two angles: the recycling migrants as well as the recycling companies.  1.2 Study Background  While keeping its economic growth at a two-digit level for nearly two decades since 1992, China sees over two hundred million of its rural-to-urban migrants facing discrimination and exclusion in its urban environment, regarding housing, job opportunities, education, or other basic entitlements. This is partially due to the Hukou policy, a.k.a. the household                                                  15 Dirty, Messy and Backward () is a set term commonly associated with activities that do not fit the modern urban images.   15  registration system, which was set up in 1951 to monitor and restrict population mobility in China. Hukou system has registered all of Chinas population as either urban or rural status according to their hometown classification. After the population mobility control is lifted in the early 1980s, migrants with rural Hukou found that they are excluded from various urban social welfares such as education, job market, housing, and medical services. While there are only limited ways to change a Hukou status in China, most of these rural migrants cannot change their status to the urban Hukou in their migration destination. So, their movement is considered temporary, " and they are also referred to as floating population in China.  In 2000, Chinese cities and towns were home to approximately 144.4 million migrants, including 73.9 million people who had moved away from their home counties (NBS 2000a). Beijing, as Chinas capital city and one of the countrys economic centers, has become an important migration destination for rural-to-urban migration. Between 1985 and 2013, Beijings permanent population16 has increased from 9,603,000 to 21,148,000 while its household registered population rose from 9,579,000 to 13,163,400 (China Yearly Provincial Macroeconomy Statistics, China Data Center), which means Beijing Beijings permanent population under a migratory status) from 0.25% to 37.76% in a short time span of 28 years (1985-2013, see Figure 4).                                                   16 Permanent population means people who have lived in Beijing for over six months.  16   Figure 4: Chart: -2012) China Data Center  During the massive Chinese internal rural-urban migration since 1978, the dichotomized household registration (Hukou) structure has constituted an overarching factor explaining Researchers have observed that the rural migrants are associated with subordinate political, economic, and social status in the urban environment (Chan, 1996; Fan, 2002; Meng, 2001; Roberts, 1997; Wang and Zuo, 1999; Shen, 2002; Wu and Li, 2005). At present, China still sees over two hundred million ruralurban migrants facing discrimination and exclusion in its urban environment, whether regarding housing, job opportunities, education, or other basic entitlement (Chan, 1996; Fan, 2002; Shen, 2002; Ding, 2001). destination for rural-urban migrants. In 2012, eight million (38.1%) of the 21 million Beijing residents are non-Hukou residents (CNBS, 2013), many of whom have become part of the in China (Chan, 1996). The Hukou division has also led to divided job markets (Chan, 1996; Solinger, 1999; Fan, 2002). In 2006, about 168 millionmainly rural migrantsof the 283 million total urban labor were in the informal 17  economic sector (Hu and Zhao, 2006), which are primarily in the subordinate economic sectors, such as car washing, community security, nannies, recycling or trash transportation. Due to the relatively lower economic status, most migrants live on the fringe of Beijing seeking affordable housing such as rental housing or business dorms (Zheng et al. 2009). In 2008, the 867 urban villages in Beijing Metropolitan Area had played a "prominent role in the provision of housing in Beijing (Zheng et alLater, various migrant enclaves started to emerge based on migrants hometowns and their associated jobs in Beijing. Urban villages have become significant ethnic enclaves for migrants sharing the same hometown. Many of such ethnic enclaves are in Beijing such as Zhejiangcun, Xinjiangcun, corporations, Fujiancun and Henancun (Gu and Liu, 2002; Ma and Xiang, 1998; Xiang, 2005; Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Jeong, 2000).  Henancun, viewed as one of the ethnic enclaves in Beijing, is associated specifically with the recycling business. And they did not emerge until the late 1980s when Henan migrants in Beijing sought to subcontract recycling jobs from local business runners. The recycling activities had a low skill requirement and served as an important market niche for migrants, who have little education and limited skill set, to earn a living in Beijing. With migrants hard work and the increasing labor demand during the rapid economic development in Beijing, Henan migrants survived and dominated the recycling business. Gradually, various recycling companies started to emerge and set up their recycling yard-buyer based enclaves, which later are referred to as Henan enclaves, a.k.a. Henancun. Henan recycling enclaves also started to self-institutionalize with various social services and facilities. In fact, the recycling business and the Henan enclaves have turned Henan blind migration into a path-specific one and developed quite a distinct 18  connection between Henan province (Gushi County specifically) and recycling business in Beijing. Despite facing economically, politically and socially unfriendly and stigmatizing circumstances, Henan migrants have carved out space for themselves with job opportunities and supporting networks in the city.  Meanwhile, when chain migration formed between Henan and Beijing through the recycling business, a seemingly stable Henancun have still been facing serious challenges in Beijing. In most countries, formal or informal recycling activities have been treated or are encouraged to be addressed as part of the Solid Waste Management (SWM) program so to promote material recovery from waste (Wilson et al., 2009; Velis et al., 2012); however, China has a parallel system for SWM and recycling under two different ministries. While SWM is under Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development, Ministry of Commerce oversees the recycling companies and activities because recyclables were treated as resources instead of waste in the Maoist era.  In another word, recycling has been treated as an economic activity instead of a type of service to reduce the amount of solid waste in Chinese cities. Comparing with other high-tech or international corporations that Ministry of Commerce oversees, the recycling activities and companies, modern which put these activities as a burden instead of a glory for the ministry. Furthermore, since recycling companies need a lot of open space for truck running, loading, unloading, storage and sorting, urban fringe becomes an ideal location due to their low land value and close location to the central city, where recyclables are produced. However, under the Chinese land system, when most recycling companies leased the land from the local village government, the contract already states that the contract will automatically 19  become invalid facing development orders from upper-level governments. Unfortunately, due to their adjacency to the city, these places also happen to the place to produce the highest potential profit through redevelopment by the state. Therefore, the recycling enclaves have been facing serious threat of being demolished for urban renewal (with compensation) and the companies would have to find another location to continue their business. Throughout the past 25 years, Henancun has been constantly changing its location and these migrant-run recycling companies and enclaves have always been ready to move since every first day they arrive at a new location.  Therefore, the continuation of chain migration from the rural home to Beijing, the flourishing recycling business under Chinas massive economic development and the instability of Henancuns spatiality have introduced a thriving but complicated situation for the migrant recyclers and their enclaves in Beijing. Throughout the years, recycling enclaves (Henancun) have developed quietly and peacefully while the locals are not even aware of their existence comparing with other migrant enclaves whose service is more enticing to Beijing residents interests. However, this seemingly peaceful equilibrium is only achieved through migrant sacrifice from different aspects: their economically disadvantaged hometowns, socially disadvantaged skill sets, politically impotent status and geographically excluded position in Beijing. While the recycling business and Henancuns unstable condition start to become widely accepted in Beijing, it is time to reexamine the history and spatial trajectory of Henancun to fully understand what structural and institutional barriers have shaped the enclave to become the way it appears today and how migrant recyclers and recycling companies cope with the various structural and institutional barriers in Beijing.  20  1.2.1 Introduction of Henancun Henancun, a.k.a. Henan migrant enclave, started around the late-1980s when Henan rural migrants found a market niche of recycling in Beijing that not only fit their limited skill sets but also provided sufficient income to sustain their migration in Beijing. As Beijing witnessed massive economic development in the past 25 years, the recycling business grew accordingly. However, aside from their growing economic gains, Henancun still stays nearly invisible in the society. Meanwhile, Henancun and its dwelling migrants have experienced repetitive demolition, relocation, reorganizing and reopening from the centrally located places towards the fringe of Beijing.  Today, on any street of Beijing, following almost any tricycle with loads of reusable materials on board, we would arrive at one Henancun location when signs appear along the road showing Gushi restaurant, Gushi Ekuai (goose nuggets), and Gushi--Beijing bus lines. They locate close to the main traffic road but are usually not visible from the road. In Henancun, various service stores, run mostly by rural migrant, are along the street, providing almost everything that is needed to sustain livelihood for a family, for example, grocery stores, general stores, restaurants, hotels, bathing facilities, barbershop, primary schools, middle schools and even an afternoon street market which sells groceries and clothes which are leftovers from a morning street market in the city. Behind the stores along the street are various recycling markets, which host different family yard buyers in square yards specializing in specific recyclable materials, for example, metal, plastic, foam, and paper. On the side of these recycling markets also located rental houses, which dwell mostly the recycling workers and the itinerant and community recyclers.   21  A typical day of Henancun started around dawn when itinerant recyclers start to wake up and head to the city. During the daytime, buyers in the market yards, together with his/her hired workers, start around 7:30 am to manually sort their materials into different piles and sell them when reaching a truckload to clear the yard. After a short break and when their kids come back from school around dusk, all kinds of recyclable materials start to flow in with itinerant and community recyclers bicycles/tricycles/trucks from the city till around midnight depending on the season. In Henancun, itinerant and community recyclers and yard buyers work seven days a week except for heavy rainfall or snow situations (also heavy wind for paper recycling) or governments regulations on transportation for events, such as 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. Henancun is self-sustainable regarding everyday necessities and social services. At the same time, although invisible to the city, Henancun is well connected (1) to the city by the tens of thousands of itinerant and community recyclers and (2) to migrants hometowns through multiple everyday bus lines and various services featuring their hometown styles. Within the past 25-30 years, Henancun and its recycling business have developed a well-organized business structure and material flow system as illustrated in Figure 5, which shows that Henancun functions similarrecyclable material producers with factories that use the materials as their raw materials. The reason for comparing Henancun with a black box is first due to its invisibility to the broad society and second because of its mythical function to turn the mixed trash/wastes/recyclables into sorted/ordered raw materials again. Rather than the transparent and visible process of shipping items from factories to retailers and 22  distributing items through retailing, the reversed flow remains unknown as well as where it happens, how it happens, who processes it, or even why it happens the way it does.   Not so surprisingly, inside this black box contains a well-organized, hierarchical recycling structure. Recyclers, including community recyclers, selective itinerant buyers, yard buyers, packaging companies and even used markets, make possible the recycling process in Beijing. Henancun at various locations in Beijing is where these recycling activities happen every day and night, and they serve as the home for most migrants who work in the recycling business.   Figure 5: Chart: Recycling business structure in Beijing 23  1.2.2 Statement of Problems Recorded as one of the migrant enclaves in Beijing that have existed since the late 1980s, the history and developing process, inner structure, the structural/institutional barriers and the coping strategies taken by migrants and recycling companies of Henancun has not been well studied. Based on my exploratory fieldwork in Henancun, this dissertation research is trying to understand the role of Henancun by embedding Henancun within a broader social, economic and political context of Beijings not so friendly social circumstance, rapid economic development and changing political policies to further the understanding of three problems as follows.  First, despite Henancuns long existence in Beijing, researchers have been treating it indifferently as other ethnic enclaves as a residential cluster on the fringe of Beijing. However, as I have stated earlier, Henancun has an intriguing history in Beijing since it not only replaced the conventional state-owned recycling companies to become the dominant recycling force and thrived together with Beijings rapid economic development, it has also been facing repetitive demolition and relocation events to give way to various urban development projects. While the demolition and relocation have become a social context for Henancun and its dwellers, the processes, and impacts of it are still nearly unknown to both residents and the academics. Secondly, while Henancun is treated indifferently among the migrant enclaves, its association with the informal recycling business has added additional weight to the burden, it is bearing in the city. Specifically, what economic, social and/or political forces Henancun is facing in Beijing as structural or institutional barriers are still yet to be studied. policy, Henancun and its dwellers face much more complex social, political and economic barriers than the 24  overarching constraint from the Hukou policy in the city. Last but not least, while the literature has well recorded that rural migrants are living and working in a subordinate condition in Chinese cities, there are not as many studies on migrants strategies in coping with the circumstances where they are living. In fact, while migrants from different hometowns or with different background are facing entirely different structural and institutional barriers, the coping strategies of Henancun dwellers are quite unique. Specifically, for Henancun and migrant recyclers, their coping strategies, including the formal and informal ways, with the structural and institutional barriers are not well documented or examined.  Therefore, based on the statements of these three yet-to-be-studied problems, this dissertation will answer the following research questions to understand the developing history of Henancun, the economic, social and political context that shapes the development of Henancun, and the strategies migrants and recycling companies take to cope with these circumstances in Beijing.  1.2.3 Research Questions This dissertation uses Henancun in Beijing, China as a case study to examine what kind of physical and sociopolitical spaces Henan migrants have carved out for themselves in the city of Beijing and the role of Henancun and the nature of the informal recycling business And, how does this reflect, on the one hand, the importance of recycling as a business in the city and, on the other hand, both the economic clout that some Henan migrants have gained and the continued social marginalization and political marginalization of Henan migrants overall?  This 25  dissertation focuses on the following three sub-questions to investigate the above-mentioned research questions. Question 1: What are Henancun? How eijing affect their business and income?  Question 2: What are the structural constraints faced by Henancun and its dwellers?  Question 3: What are the coping strategies of Henancun and its dwellers in coping with its marginalized and stigmatized status?  The first question of my dissertation will examine Henancun developing history and spatial trajectory in Beijing through the following five aspects. First, this research studies the recycling business in Beijing to understand how it has served as a market niche and opportunity for Henan migrants. Secondly, this study examines the development of the recycling business structure. Third, this research investigates the dual identity of Henanun of its association with  and informal business." Fourth, I examine the informal and unstable status of Henancuns business space in Beijing. Finally, I investigate Henancuns development history and spatial trajectory in the past 25 years in Beijing. In the literature, Henancun has not attracted much attention and various researchers have been referring to Henancun simply as one of the migrant enclaves in Beijing (Gu and Liu, 2002; Ma and Xiang, 1998; Xiang, 2005; Fan and Taubmann, 2002). Also, the structure of the recycling business in Beijing recorded in different research projects (Furedy, 1993; Shi and Furedy, 1993) needs to be updated since migrants have taken over the recycling business in Beijing. Further, while the literature has recorded the static distribution pattern of various migrant enclaves in Beijing, the mobile spatial trajectory associated with Henancun is also largely missing. Thus, the first research 26  question sets a stage for opening more discussions in the following chapters to explain the role that Henancun s of their migrant livelihood and business in Beijing.  While the first question focuses on a descriptive history of Henancun, the second research question examines the structural and institutional barriers faced by Henancun, in terms of both the recycling migrants and recycling companies in Henancun. I first explore the sources of structural barriers faced by Henancun and an inherent upward mobile ladder in the recycling business. Then I investigate the structural barriers that are associated with Henancun dwellers migrant identity and recycling business status in Beijing. In the Chinese migration and urbanization study literature, various researchers have studied Hukou1994a, 1994b, 1996; Fan, 2001, 2002; Garcia, 2004; Ma and Fan, 1994; Meng, 2001; Shen, 2002) in terms of the Hukou welfare and facilities in the city. However, while Hukou has gradually transferred from a socio-political policy to control migration to a social and political context that defines various social, political and economic accessibilities for migrants, an overarching Hukou effect has gradually dissipated. Rather, the Hukou related social, political and economic constraints have become the key factors in migrants' livelihood and businesses. Also, internal migration studies also tend to focus mostly on the "migrant" identity miss the importance of their job type or job style as a factor in determining migrants' livelihood. This dissertation tries to understand the sources of structural barriers through these two different angles to challenge the conventional view on Henancun simply as a 27  consolidated migrant enclave rather than a complex space influenced by both migra.  Further, the third research question follows the previous one to tackle the question of how migrants and recycling companies cope with the structural barriers they are facing in Beijing. Since most Chinese migrant studies are based on questionnaires or secondary survey data, coping strategies are usually not the main topic in these studies. But various coping strategies are discussed in these studies for activities such as building social networks, buying houses in hometowns, sending money back to their families, return migration and/or temporary stay in their migration (Shen, 2002; Wang et al. 2009; Xiang, 2005; Zhang et al. 2003b; Zheng et al. 2009). In various countries, economic activities in slum conditions have been witnessed to be closely associated with the informal sector, which accommodates those excluded from the mainstream economy (Bourgois 2002; Lewis, 1961; Murphy, 2015; Shen 2002; Venkatesh 2006, 2008). These informal, either legal or illegal, activities have extensively supported and sustained migrants' livelihood, and these informal activities typically connect to the formal sectors as well, such as in the cases of electricity service and car wash (Neuwirth 2005). Moreover, institutionalization within the slums, such as ethnic stores and churches, helps to sustain slums and slum dwellers (Massey 1985), whereas social networks enable them to engage informal economic activities (Lomnitz 1977; Neuwirth 2005). While recycling business in Beijing awkward position, this research will answer this third research question through two angles: the migrants in Henancun and the recycling companies who organize and operate Henancun. Detailed coping strategies from each party show the adoption of both formal 28  and informal strategies they take to survive in the harsh social circumstances based on the previously shown structural barriers.  Through these three sub questions, this dissertation examines the history and spatial trajectory of the  Henancun and the interaction between the structural barriers and migrants and recycling companies coping strategies in Beijing. This research not only tends to build a thorough understanding of Henancuns struggle with its spatiality in Beijing but also challenges the conventional migrant studies focus on migrants Hukou based subordinate status in Beijing by understanding the emergence and developing processes of Henancun through the interaction between structural barriers and Henancuns coping strategies.  1.3 Study Areas 17 (with an average yearly increase of 447 thousand from 2000 to 2010) in 2010 (BMBS 2010). Many rural migrants either choose to or are forced to stay in their hometown-based migrant enclaves and use contract work and informal sector to support their migration in Beijing (Ma and Xiang 199from outside BeijiBeijing Olympic Games. Facing various city-level projects such as Asian Games, Beijing Olympic Games, the ring road construction, commodity housing development,                                                  17 Rural migrants here mean migrants whose household registration is their hometown and their status in Beijing is considered temporary.  29  subway construction and various urban renewal projects, these urban villages, serving as important migrant enclave locations, are usually demolished, redeveloped, or at least covered up by building a concrete wall to hide their inappropriate appearance in modern Beijing. However, while enclaves and villages were demolished, migrants cannot be removed in the same way. Henan migrants have been suffering from various demolition cases in Beijing. While Henancun is mostly located on the fringe of Beijing to serve their yard-buyer based recycling market model, their space is very enticing to various urban development projects due to Henancuns low construction density, informal business status and their association with potential safety risks and stealing activities in the city.   Figure 6: Map: Migrants are not evenly distributed in Beijing18, while suburb areas become important migrant settlements in Beijing.                                                  18 Urban Beijing refers to the inner-city districts and inner suburban districts (Dongcheng, Xicheng, Xuanwu, Chongwen, Chaoyang, Haidian, Fengtai, and Shijingshan) within an administrative boundary set by the Beijing municipal government. 30   Figure 7: Map: Henan migrants are not evenly distributed among migrants in Beijing. Henan migrant enclaves are found in suburbs of Beijing. (Based on 2000 Census data, made by Jia Feng)   Figure 8: Map: Henancun sites in my dissertation fieldwork  31  The locations of Henancun are referred by government officials, recycling company owners and officials from Gushi County of Henan province. After visiting various Henancun of different sizes, I decided to choose three locations in this dissertation study based on their accessibility (by walk, bus and taxi), relative size (large size provides wide coverage to represent the population), popularity (more popular Henancun has a potentially richer history), and history (Henancun with a longer history makes possible of retrospective surveys and interviews). Thus, this study focuses on three existing sites of Henancun in Changping, Chaoyang, and Daxing/Fengtai districts of Beijing (Figure 8). The three existing Henancun sites are spatially scattered, which fulfills a wider geographical coverage of Henancun in Beijing and previously visited to ensure their existence for fieldwork.  All three existing Henancun localities are major concentrations of the recycling companies mostly run by rural-to-urban migrants. These Henancun communities are organized by recycling companies which generally lease land that is from 50 to 150 mu19 to host from 200 and over 1500 migrant recyclers. All three Henan enclaves are located close to the fifth ring road of Beijing. Although these three locations serve Beijing through their recycling business, their coverage does not overlap in general. However, because different districts in Beijing have their own regulations on the recycling business, migrant recyclers also take all of them as well as other smaller recycling centers as possible trading posts. When Henancun faces examinations from their district or township government, it is possible for them to completely close for a certain period of time. During this period, other Henancun trading locations.                                                   19 1 mu=666 square meters.  32  The Changping Henancun (DXK) is home for many recycling migrants relocated from the Datun Rd. and Wali Village which was reserved for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games since 2003 and it was during the negotiation process for demolition in 2011 when I visited it. While recycling yard buyers in DXK focus on residential materials, the Chaoyang Henancun (PC) represents a slightly different type of business because it locates much farther from the central city than DXK and many yard buyers in PC have contracts with various factories, business or construction sites to secure their material inflow. I also choose Daxing Henancun (DXFT) because the Daxing district tightens up its control of recycling business due to a fire incidence in a garment market in April 2011 and they have been facing a threat from being demolished since then. But DXFT Henancun serves similar functions as DXK Henancun and recycles mostly residential materials from the city.  1.4 Research Framework, Methodology, and Methods 1.4.1 Conceptual Framework  This dissertation research takes Chinese internal migration and urbanization studies as the research context, uses Henancun (Henan migrant enclave) as my study focus and raises the research questions concerning what kind of physical and sociopolitical spaces Henan migrants have carved out for themselves in the city of Beijing, the role of Henancun and the nature of the informal recycling  and in addition, how recycling remains as an important business in the city while recycling enclaves remain socially and political marginalized. I examine three topics to answer the research questions posted here. (1) Henancuns developing history and spatial trajectories; (2) the structural constraints faced by Henancun and its dwellers; (3) coping strategies 33  from recycling migrants and recycling companies to deal with the structural constraints examined in the second question. Figure 9 has illustrated the theoretical framework of my dissertation research.  While I have challenged the previous understanding of Henancun as solely a migrant enclave through my fieldwork in Beijing, this study further examines Henancuns dual identity as both migrant and recycling enclaves in Beijing. I embed this research under the framework of the migration theory (ecological theory in the U.S.), economic sociology (enclave development and ethnic economy), marginality studies (informality, stigmatization and marginality) and Chinese internal migration and urbanization processes to make sense of the history and spatial trajectory of Henancun in Beijing, the structural and institutional barriers in front of the recycling migrants and recycling companies and further the coping strategies migrants and recycling companies take to deal with the stigmatized and unfriendly circumstances.  While these theories intertwine with each other regarding their perspectives on understanding international immigrants in their migration destination society, the theoretical stage was embedded in a capitalist society, where capital has a dominant role in understanding migrant activities and proposing conceptual understandings. In the Henancun case, Chinas socio-political structureSocialism with Chinese Characteristicshas set a different socio-political context other than a capitalist society. With Chins planned economy background and high society control on internal migration before the late 1970s, structural forces, such as Hukou and Hukou-based restrictions on accessibility to various social facilities and services, have a strong influence in the society. Thus, capitals role is in a relatively weaker position in Chinese 34  society than in their capitalist counterpart, and in fact, Chinas structural forces have set boundaries on capitals capability in everyone and every companys economic, social and political activities in China. Therefore, my dissertation research is based on the previously mentioned theories, but they will be within the Chinese context. Economic power is no longer the primary indicator as to understand the recycling migrants or recycling companies activities, rather the structural barriers and the coping strategies are embedded in Chinas socio-political context.  Although Chinas sociopolitical structure has introduced various social, political and economic challenges in the society, it is rooted deeply in Chinas historical and political context and has defined Chinas sociopolitical environment over an extended period. While this research is not interested in directly challenging or criticizing Chinas socio-political structure, I will treat the structural forces as a social and political context in my analyses and arguments. At the end of this dissertation research, I would like to show the complex internal structure of Henancun and the recycling business in Beijing, and the -down vs. bottom-up urbanization process through examining Henancunrepetitive demolition and relocation history. This research will further the discussions on the institutional barriers to show the double exploitationmigrant identity and business identityHenancun and its dwellers are facing in the city as well. Also, I would like to argue for a new urban space in the making that associates with the urban fragmentation in Beijing where Henancun represents one important part of the residential segregation. Last but not least, this research is to further challenge the pathological view by the government of Henancun35  recycling migrants and recycling companies are not inherent with Henancun while it is the exact result of the harsh government policy against informality in the city.   Figure 9: Chart: Research Framework   1.4.2 Methods and Methodology Research methods in this dissertation rest on a combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods including unstructured and semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, close observations and using archive data as a secondary data source for policy 36  examination in Beijing. While first-hand data could provide the most direct information in research, carrying out interviews, questionnaires and observations face series of obstacles in China, with a group facing stigmatization and discrimination in the society.  1.4.2.1 Research Methods This dissertation research on Henancun started in 2009 when I carried out my first visit to the Dongxiaokou area in North Beijing, which has been the largest recycling center to recycle and sort the residential recyclable materials in Beijing. Because of the high denial rate to my interview requests in Henancunpreparing for ice breaking in my dissertation interviews. Since over 70% of the rural migrants in Henancun are from Gushi county, Henan province (which is also the reason for them to have the name of Henancun), I spent one month in summer 2010 in Gushi County and visited the county center as well as three key townships (Hongbu, Lidian, Jiangji), which were hometowns to most of the recycling migrants in Beijing. I paid another short visit to Henancun in Beijing in 2011 to confirm that my fieldwork sites are still intact before I carried out my dissertation fieldwork in three Henancun locations between August 2012 and February 2013.  In total, this research collected 304 valid questionnaires (320 in total and 15 testing ones) with help from 10 local college students in the three recycling sites in early January 2013. After visiting the three existing Henancun and sketching the building structure of Henancun, I used a proportionally stratified sampling method to determine the general sample size for each Henancun with a total sample of n = 300 (Two relatively small recycling companies in DXFT and PC; six recycling companies in DXK). In practice, the execution plan is based on a systematic sampling with replacement plan (SRS) to 37  interview every other recycling yard and every other residential house in each alley in the three recycling enclaves. On average (slightly different among yards recycling different types of materials), I have the estimation that each recycling yard has five to eight recycling persons (owners, workers or someone who come to recycle), surveying one person in every other yard ensures a sampling rate of close to 6-10% of the total population in our analysis. Because of the high denial rate in this research, a simple random sampling with replacement  was not appropriate because it might lead to a tendency of relying on a biased friendly sample as ten individual researchers choose interviewees based on their judgment. Thus, a structured method is suitable for carrying out the survey to ensure our sampling is representative and random. The questionnaires are taken between 8 am and 8 pm in a three-day period in January 2013. While the recycling enclaves are not accessible by bus after dark, considering the commuting time for the questionnaire takers, we only conducted the survey till 8 pm.   Figure 10: Chart: Locations migrants have previously stayed in Beijing (in black circles)20                                                   20 See Appendix F. Q3.7 38   In addition to the systematic sampling scheme, the highly mobile nature of the recycling migrants also ensures that the three sites provide representative responses to the questionnaires for the recycling migrants in Beijing. Figure 10 illustrates that the 238 valid responses with detailed relocation information in the survey records have previously stayed at a total of 111 locations (6 inside second ring road; 11 between second and third ring roads; 15 between 3rd and 4th ring roads; 32 between fourth and fifth ring roads; 47 outside the fifth ring road).  While the questionnaires were conducted in these three existing Henancun in Beijing, questionnaire participants cover a broad range of the recycling migrants that have previously stayed in various locations across Beijing. The highly mobile nature of the Henancun dwellers has further ensured the randomization and representation of our sample for the overall population of recycling migrants in Beijing.    Table 1: Composition of questionnaire participants  Total   304 Sex Male 198  Female 106 Location PC 72  DXFT 111  DXK 121 Primary Job Construction 2  Fixing Window 1  Iron Worker 1  Kindergarten Teacher 1  Recycling  294  Sales 1  Taxi Driver 1  Truck Loader 3 Recyclers Community Recyclers 4  Market Yard Buyers 144  Itinerant Recyclers 62  Recycling Workers 84    39   Marital Status  Married  289  Single  13  Divorced  2 Age <=20 2  21-30 45  31-40 75  41-50 115  51-60 50  61-70 15  >70 2 Years in Beijing 0-9 128  10-19 122  20-29 46  30-39 7  >40 1 Education None 41  Primary School 133  Middle School 101  High School 25  Professional High School 2  Professional College 2       Table 1 shows the composition of the questionnaire participants in this dissertation21. Among the total of 304 respondents, there are 198 male and 106 female participants because men represent most of the recycling workforce, and unmarried women are very rare in the recycling workforce (1 in 106 women is single while 12 in 198 males are single). We also have 72 respondents from PC, 111 respondents from DXFT and 121 respondents from DXK which agrees with our observation that DXK is the largest recycling enclave among the three while PC is smallest.  Among all the 304 questionnaire respondents, 294 indicate that their primary job is recycling, including 62 as itinerant recyclers, four as community recyclers, 144 as market yard buyers and 84                                                  21 See Appendix F for detailed questions and variable codes: Sex: SEX; Location: LOCATE; Primary Job:  TYPERCY; Marital Status: Q3.3 MARRY; AGE: Q3.1 YBORN; Years in Beijing: Q1.1 FYINBJ; Education: Q3.2 EDU.   40  recycling workers. The composition is also compatible with our observation in that community recyclers choose to live outside Henancun in seeking for better living conditions because they do not need space to store their recyclable materials while the itinerant recyclers normally live inside Henancun. Meanwhile, the yard buyers and the recycling workers who work in different recycling yards represent most Henancun dwellers. Also, most of the questionnaire participants are married (289 out of 304) and the age distribution indicates that the largest age group is between 41 and 50 years old while only a few are very young adults (2 under age of 20). Generally speaking, most of the questionnaire respondents arrived at Beijing within the past 20 years, and more people came within the last decade than between 20 and 10 years ago. Education-wise, the largest group for education background, is the primary school (133 in 304) and many have a middle school education (101 in 304). For extreme cases, 41 indicated illiteracy, two attended professional high school, and two has an educational background in professional college. But none has experience in academic colleges or post graduate degrees.  In addition, I carried out more than 60 formal and informal interviews with various Henancun stakeholders, such as recycling company owners, recycling company managers and accountant, recycling yard buyer families, recycling yard workers, recycling yard purchasers (who came to buy individual item directly from the yard for their hobbies or businesses), downstream paper factories representatives, used market furniture recyclers, housing section managers, supermarket managers, bathing facility receptionist, school principals, itinerant recyclers, community recyclers, Beijing residents, recycling business association representatives, government officials from Commerce 41  Bureau and district offices, NGO staff members and state owned recycling business managers. While the largest group of my interview respondents is the yard buyer group because they live and work in a fixed location in Henancun, various random interview opportunities also happen on the side of city streets, on my way to breakfast, in taking taxis and on local buses. These unstructured interviews helped enormously in constructing a contextual understanding of Henancun and its dwellers. Depending on interview respondents availability and their willingness of sharing information, interviews generally last between ten minutes and four and half hours. When the answers from the interviews start to repeat themselves from different parties, I consider the interview answers are saturated. However, because many interviews are unstructured and semi-structured, it is hard to quantify the total number of interviews I have conducted in my research while my judgment on the number of enough interviews relies on saturation situation of the answers I gained for different research questions.  Further, I have successfully carried out three close-up observations with one paper yard buyer in DXK, another paper yard buyer in PC who signed a contract with a local major retailing supermarket and one itinerant recycler who live in DXK with two other failed observation attempts. While I spent two days with the paper buyer from DXK, one day with paper recycler from PC and one day with the itinerant recycler, I followed their living and business routes to experience their schedule and their everyday life in my observation. While these observations provide valuable information, it built an additional trust relationship between me and my interview respondents and helped me to learn more about some informal and sometimes illegal activities they would carry out in their business as coping strategies.  42  To understand the situation faced by recycling companies, I have luckily gained access to not only interview business owners, managers, and accountants but also access many government documents in different recycling company offices as well. But the major resource for me to investigate the political and social policies in Beijing concerning the recycling business is following recycling companys guidance to access the government documentations through various online portals. I have referenced the websites in my following chapters, and they serve as an important secondary data source in my study as well.  I use both quantitative and qualitative methods in analyzing the first-hand data from interviews, questionnaires, observations and the government documentations. Quantitatively, in Chapter Four, I examine migrants disposable incomes at either a good or bad year with migrants education attainment as well as the length of their experiences in the migration using the Mincer equation (Zheng et al. 2009). Besides, I used contingency tables and odds ratio to reveal the relations among variables of migrants Shourong experience, their feeling of being unfairly treated, their satisfactory with their current jobs, their intention to change their jobs and their willingness for their children to continue what they are working on. The quantitative analyses have illustrated that migrants disposable income is significantly related to migrants education attainment before their migration, but not with migrants experience after their migration. This is different from what is shown in Zheng et al.'s study, and I argue that the structural and institutional barriers faced by the informal recycling business have shaped the business in a way that the job experience is not relevant in their disposable income. Meanwhile, the internal structure of the recycling business is also significantly related to migrants 43  disposable income as well, which suggests that I should take the internal structure into consideration when examining the institutional barriers as well as migrants coping strategies. Furthermore, the contingency tables and odds ratios have shown that Shourong policy is significantly affecting migrants feeling of being unfairly treated in Beijing, and also migrant recyclers have a low rate of willingness to let their children continue their business, which is another indication of the informal and marginal status of the recycling business in Beijing.   In Chapter Five and Six, I use a combination of both quantitative illustration from the questionnaire and qualitative interpretation of migrants behavior and responses to demonstrate the structural/institutional barriers as well as migrants coping strategies. While the questionnaire has provided a reference to the overall situation of the migrant recycler population, interviews provide detailed illustrations to show how and why the structural barriers have marginalized and stigmatized migrants livelihood and recycling business in Beijing.  1.4.2.2 Research methodology As an emerging economic power in the world, China has changed dramatically since the 1980s. At the same time, the drama has also set a fantastic stage for researchers to observe and document the social, economic and political changes on local, state and global scales. But official data in China, such as census and other population data, are questioned for its authenticity because their coverage on temporary migrant population is not sufficient. However, contemporary researches focusing on internal migration in China tend to the city (Zheng et al., 2009; Fan, 1996, 2001; Feng et al., 2008). While these studies 44  provide valuable information about migrants as a group in terms of their socioeconomic status and their condition in comparison with other groups in the city, the disadvantage lies in the assumption that migrants' information are correctly collected and stored in the national census, and migrants can be treated as a homogeneous group in the questionnaires. As I have already argued that Henancunbusiness is very peculiar in Beijing among migrant groups, these conventional internal migration study methodologies are not suitable for this dissertation research when the recycling business information is missing in the secondary data. Studies on chengzhongcun or urban villages have been using questionnaires as a primary method to obtain reliable information, such as He, S.J. (2010) and Chen, G. (2012). And some also take the ethnographic route to understand the social structure and relationship in the migrant enclaves, such as Xiang (2005). Both the quantitative analysis and qualitative studies provide valuable information in understanding the social composition and internal structure of the urban socio-spatial transformation. In order to construct a quantitative analysis, ethnographic understanding is necessary for researchers to ask right contextual questions in the questionnaires. Meanwhile, preliminary results from questionnaires also further our understanding of the economic, political and social situations in a structural way that would further guide our interviews. Since we have very little knowledge about Henancun and its dwellers, a combined qualitative and quantitative analysis suits perfectly for this research. Thus, this research uses surveys, interviews, and observations to gain an overall understanding of Henancun and its dwellers by myself.  However, the constantly changing cultural context, which goes hand in hand with the rapid social development, significantly affected the working environment in the field. 45  Understanding the spatial, economic, social and cultural context becomes even more important for scholars to study the rural migrants, who still live in the city under a temporary residential status. The loss of trust among strangers in an unfriendly society, media's stigmatizing report on migrant workers, various unpleasant experience in the cities and people's uncertain socioeconomic status have left researchers little space to maneuver for even an icebreaking attempt in fieldwork.  In the late 1980s, studies (Adler, N et al. 1989) have illustrated the importance of understanding China's cultural contexts which rooted deeply in a communist regime and Cultural Revolution, which praises for "holding the correct view" for everyone in the society. In addition, with the long-existing threats to be locked up in Cultural Revolution, staying anonymous and "correct" are even more serious in Chinese society at that time. With their study on Chinese entrepreneurship, Adler, N et al. (1989) argue that there exists a "trade-ccurate data while losing the individual demographic characteristics, versus obtaining detailed demographic data on each individual but receiving only the most politically acceptable responses to each question (Adler, N et al. 1989:67)." Although the study was from more than 20 years ago, the impact of the communist regime and Cultural Revolution has long lasting effect till today's society in China. The communist regime culture, together with the Hukou policy, which has been an important factor in determining and legal status in Chinese cities, has greatly affected and shaped the economic, social Thus, background chatting, the denial reasons for interview requests and trust building all provide valuable information about the social context of Henancun in my research.  46  First, when I started my fieldwork in the field, I normally had a backpack with me and sometimes with a DSLR Nikon camera in my hand. Although I do not have any questioning eyes on me in the main city, many people in Henancun stare at me when I walk by, probably due to my student looking outfit which is not common in Henancun. While I walk around, I also notice that there are always background chatting from Henancun dwellers about my potential identity. Their voice is usually low, but their conversation is meant for me to hear with an expectation that I may confirm by looking back at their stares. Their most common answers include hes probably a journalist, hes probably from the government to check for demolition, hes here to experience something different, or he just wants to see what Beijing really looks like. While I normally turned to them to explain that I was a Ph.D. student to conduct my dissertation research, they would generally pretend they did not say anything and turned around while murmuring  dont know what you are saying, I don't have culture (˘A"Ñ22). With this situation happening too often, to some extent it shows the worrisome mood they have in Henancun about potentially stigmatized reports, demolition and their difference from the image of a commonly recognized Beijing. This situation helps me a lot with how to phrase my icebreaking talk in the field and prioritize to clarify migrants questions about my identity.  Second, as an outsider, the initial start in my fieldwork is very challenging that no one would talk to me in my interview attempts back in 2009. Besides, as an outsider, many hometown in Gushi County of Henan Province in 2010 to understand the social and economic                                                  22 ˘A"Ñ˛9 is a term used to indicate that they dont have a good educational background. But the literal translation is I do not have culture.  47  condition they are from. Then, I started to earn my trust among migrant recyclers in Beijing in my fieldwork in 2012 and 2013.  Third, the most common denial reasons in my interview attempts include I am busy, find  I dont take interviews, some journalist cheated on us last year and posted pictures without consent, why are you interested in here? You are not even from Henan, are you? and the most interesting response I found is that I know XXXX (a name). While I could understand the first several answers about their concerns on time, potential threats to their business and the validity of my identity as a researcher, I was at first very confused by the last answer. However, because this answer is not very uncommon, I have later asked my interview respondent about its meaning. They told me that they only wanted to show me their connections with local officials to show that they are protected from any fraud that it looked like I was bringing. While on the one hand, these untrusting incidences have made my research hard to carry out, but on the other hand, they perfectly illustrate the social and political contexts that shaped their feeling against someone from the outside. Therefore, I have adjusted my icebreaking phrase to tackle issues on interview time, my legitimacy and validity, my background, and even include some managers names of the recycling company they belong. If they are from Gushi County, Henan province, I would further ask them about their home township and mentioned a few township officials names to hook their interests and show off my visits to their hometown in my following answers. These tactics helped a lot with the interview requests in my fieldwork, and I also have built up close relationships with a few of my interview respondents as well.  48  Fourth, another difficulty is migrant recyclers constantly changing schedule and unexpected situations. For many times when I set up an interview time with a recycling yard buyer, company manager or itinerant recycler, they did not show up and explained in a phone call that they could not take my interview anymore because they were busy with some unexpected business or family events. One case I found fascinating was my observation attempt with a wood recycler in PC in December 2012. The recycler looks very young and is probably in the early 20s. When I asked the wood yard recycler to take me with him on a trip to sell a truckload of timber to Shandong province, he told me to come to the gate of the yard at 10:45 pm and we could leave at 11 pm. The trip would take about 10 hours one way, and he also told me that I could ride with him in the truck all the way. After charging my camera batteries, preparing extra batteries for my voice recorder and writing down all my questions for the trip, I walked about 30 minutes in the dark to the recycling yard at 10:40 pm. After waiting in the cold for over 20 minutes, I called his cell phone, but nobody answered. Then a few moments later, his wife came out in her pajamas. She shouted very loudly and angrily at me at the gate of the recycling company and told me that she would never allow me to go with her husband. She called me a fraud and said that whatever I was trying to do, she will not allow. I told her that would be OK, and I was sorry that I t gain her permission in the first place, but I did not want to bring any trouble either. She shouted at me for over 10 minutes at the gate in cold and later forced me to leave the recycling company before she returned to their wood yard. While this situation was not expected, it brought to my attention that I should be more careful with requesting interview and observation access as well as building trust with my interview respondents in my fieldwork.  49  1.4.2.3 The role of women in my research This failed observation attempt later brought to my attention the role of woman in my fieldwork and research. As I have shown earlier that Henancun and its dwellers are largely invisible in the city, women respondents are mostly invisible in my fieldwork. This situation is due to the several reasons associated with general cultural tradition, family strategies as well as the work distribution in migrant households.   First, in a typical Chinese rural family, the old tradition of "men work outside, women work inside23still dominates the cultural context of families. During my fieldwork, few cases of interviews with women respondents are set up in a non-family setting, which means the interviews were conducted at recycling company offices, coffee shops, or when men were not present at the time of interview. Majority of my interviews which last over one hour were conducted inside or right outside migrant house (either rental houses or yard buyer houses) or community/itinerant recycling sites. If there is a man working at the place, he would automatically become my interview respondent. And interestingly, during these interviews, women were the ones who would directly speak out to question my identity and ask about my research objectives. This situation has a lot to do with the cultural context I illustrated earlier that when men represent the family business to secure or increase familys income, women reserve as a security measure to reduce the risk for the household in any cases. Secondly, rural-to-urban migration in China has also been through a process of men-only migration, to men-migration women-staying-home situation, then to the stage now as both husband and wife are in the city together. This case shows the gender difference and family strategy change in a migration situation.                                                   23 : This is a common Chinese saying to describe the family responsibilities.  50  Secondly, women are also considered more of a supporting role in making money at homes as a family strategy. While yard buyer families are working in the yard, women are the ones who need to cook, send and take children to and from schools, do grocery shopping, and help kids in their school work. For many itinerant and community recyclers, their wives are either staying at home during the daytime or working as contracted janitors in the communities these men are working around. Again, this strategy well illustrates the situation that men are the primary force in the family for money making while women play a supporting role. The division of labor resembles the conventional rural family strategy whereby men are considered manual workers who need to devote their hard labor in agriculture, while womens roles are more family centered for taking care of the children, cooking, washing, cleaning or sewing in the past. Interestingly, in a paper recycling yard that I visited many times, the eight sorting workers, who are four couples, also have different working identities. The men are working in the yard as permanent worker who needs to work seven days a week while the women are working temporarily. In other words, men are paid by the month while women are paid by the hour. This situation is because in addition to sorting work that is done by both men and women, men also need to load and unload trucks, which are believed to be almost a man-only job. Although most of jobs men and women do are the same sorting work, mens income is higher than womens in a recycling yard as a sorting worker.  Thus, under such a family strategy, when I go to Henancun during the daytime, both husband and wife are in the recycling yards. In such a condition, the husband is more approachable while the wife normally either directly turns down my interviewing request 51  or directs me to her husband for the request. The wife of the wood recycler I mentioned earlier represents an extreme situation, but it well illustrates the role of gender in a recycling yard. Meanwhile, the housing section of the Henancun is left nearly only with wives and old parents of the itinerant and community recyclers after about 8:00 am when all the recyclers left for the city. When I go to these housing sections, I could immediately sense the nervous atmosphere from my presence. When I tried to request an interview with one of them, I can feel the hostile tension in their voice and they normally directly told me I dont know what you are saying. Just leave before they turn around and go into their house. I think this is due to my physical appearance that might pose a threat to them. But I did not get any interview done with any of the wives or parents that stay in the housing section during the day time.  So, my method design and methodology have gradually evolved along with my experience in Henancun. Using primary data as my main data source, I found researching within the local context extremely important. And it is extremely so when carrying out interviews, questionnaires, and observations with any socially disadvantaged group because the social, political and economic context they are facing has already introduced too much stress for them to trust anyone from outside their group. I tried to act local, speak local and stay within the limit that is defined by my identity as a researcher from outside the group to maintain an objective view on my research topic while used every opportunity in my fieldwork experience to construct my understanding about Henancun, its dwellers and the recycling companies.  52  1.5 Dissertation Structure and Outline  This dissertation consists of seven chapters to answer the research questions I have previously stated through four empirical chapters. Chapter One and Two are introduction and literature reviews for the dissertation. Chapter One introduces Henancun and their locations in Beijing, the study background of this dissertation research including the statement of problems and research questions, the study areas, research frameworks, methods and methodology and finally the structure of the dissertation. Chapter Two is the literature review that directly relates to my research framework to focus on Chinas internal migration, Chins urbanization, marginality issues, economic sociology, enclave and ghetto studies and the informal business of recycling.  Chapter Three focuses on the structure of the recycling business and the spatial development of Henancun to set up our research context for the following empirical chapters. Through examining the history of the recycling business and the emergence of Henancun in Beijing, this chapter investigates how Henancun became the way it is today joining the recycling business. This chapter reveals that Henancun, different from the conventional view of a homogeneous migrant enclave, emerged from the recycling activities and has a complex internal business structure. Also, Henancun has always been facing demolition and relocation events that rarely happen to other migrant enclaves in Beijing.  Chapter Four is using quantitative methods to study what factors are related to migrants levels of income from recycling in Beijing and to investigate the relationship between Shourong and their opinions on their feeling of being unfairly 53  treated, satisfactory with their recycling business. Through regression modeling and Beijing has little to do with their income level in recycling, which is very different from other formal job opportunities that are examined in the literature (Zheng et al., 2009). Also, despite migrants' feeling in Beijing, migrants in recycling have a very low rate of willingness to let their children continue with their recycling business and only the market yard buyers are more willing to let their children join the recycling business. This situation suggests that (1) recycling's informal status is playing a crucial role in the business; and (2) recycling must have been facing serious structural/institutional barriers in the society which have limited the development of the recycling business, while the institutional/structural barriers also need to be examined at different levels of the recycling business structure. This chapter serves as the leading chapter for the following two chapters on the structural/institutional barriers and migrants' coping strategies.   Chapter Five tries to understand the dual structural barriers faced by the migrant recyclers as well as the recycling companies in Henancun. This chapter examines various barriers that are related to Hukou status for the migrant recyclers and illustrated the barriers that are related to the recycling business from an urban management and policy point of view for the recycling companies.   Chapter Six examines the coping strategies that migrant recyclers and the recycling companies take to stabilize/secure their existence and to flourish in the business in response to all the structural barriers they are facing. This chapter has opened discussions on both formal and informal coping strategies taken by the migrant recyclers and the recycling companies in Beijing.  54  Chapter Seven is the conclusion chapter to summarize the dissertation. In this chapter, I have answered the research questions posted at the beginning of the dissertation and argued that (1) different from the conventional understanding, Henancun should no longer be viewed as a simple migrant enclave, rather the intertwined migrant identity and iers in the city; (2) Henancun has a very vulnerable position in between the state and the society and the demolition it has been facing is a result of the conflicts between the bottom-up business development and the top-down state projects throughout the years; (3) the complex nature of Henancun has been facing structural/institutional barriers that derive from two focuses: Henancun represents a new urban space in the making, that has adopted a permanent label of being "outsiders" not only to their host city of Beijing but also to migrants' hometowns in rural China; (5) the informality of recycling is due in large part to the uncoordinated, sometimes overly strict urban policies on both Henancunspatiality and the recycling companies.   55  CHAPTER 2  LITERATURE REVIEW   The understanding and examining of Henancun and its dwellers rest on the following aspects. Existing literature on immigration, marginality, enclave and ghetto development and informal recycling business provides a solid foundation in illustrating a well-structured way of researching the marginalized immigrants/citizens in their destination society. Moreover, the experience from the informal recycling activities has shown how the local government treats the recycling activities from an urban management point of view. However, these social theories and policy considerations developed in a different socio-political context. Meanwhile, Chinese studies on chengzhongcun and migrant enclaves, I tend to argue, have focused too much on spaces functionality or the institutional barriers these enclaves are facing as an indivisible whole. Also, I also think the internal migration studies emphasize too little on the compound nature of the contextual socio-political circumstances migrants have confronted by over-simplifying the rural migrants to be part of an indivisible group based on their job types, hometown, or ethnicity. However, these existing theories in international and local contexts provide invaluable resources in understanding Henancun and its dwellers in Beijing. By stretching and intertwining the theories through a structural agency debate under Chinas sociopolitical context, this research is contextualizing Henancun and its inhabitants' experiences under Chinas internal migration and urban management angles.  56  Thus, the literature review will focus on the following five theories or aspects to build an intertwined stage to carry out my analysis in the next chapters.  2.1 Internal Migration in China Hukou (household registration system) policy, which "was restored in 1951 first to monitor movement and residence of the urban population and further expanded to cover both the (Chan, 1996:135). With the help of grain rationing and job and housing allocation policies, Hukou system locked individuals in their registered areas and prevented rural-born residents from moving freely into cities. According to Chan (1996), this system guaranteed non-peasant households with everyday necessities and access to social welfares such as education, social and medical services. On the contrary, households with peasant Hukou did not have any of these benefits. Potter (1983) and Chan (1996) state that since one could not choose their registration status but inherit it from their family, it is a "birth-ascribed stratification" system. ociety was in a dichotomized structure, composed of rural and urban residents. During this period, rural-urban migration was nearly impossible except for incidents such as college graduation, formal labor recruitment and the urbanization of agricultural land for development (Chan, 1996).  It was not until China adopted the open policy in 1978 when rural-urban migration started to flourish together with the market economy regime and an export-oriented industrialization strategy (Chan 1996). When town and village enterprises (TVEs) were rural migrants' primary destinations in the 1980s, large metropolitan areas became new destinations for rural-urban migrants after the relaxation of Hukou in employment in the 57  non-state sectors in the early 1990s (Garcia, 2004). However, because of the existing Hukou system, which functions as an internal passport system and grants urban citizenship only to migrants deemed desirable by the city while keeping others under a temporary migrant status (Fan, 2002), migrants continue to be in a subordinate situation in the urban environment. The urban landscape is thus a two-category structure along the line of Hukou: one with all the social welfare entitlement and the other without (Chan, 1996). Based on these observations, Solinger (1999) argues that there be a virtual globalization process inside China, whereby Chinese government internally dichotomizes the country into core and periphery categories to promote the economic development of cities following a globalizing neoliberal ideology.  While Hukou has been playing a substantial role in determining migration, scholars examine Chinese internal migration through the following three approaches: neo-classical /human capital model, dual labor market and social capital studies. First, the neo-classical economic model is a significant migration research perspective, which started by assuming the rationality of immigrants' activities. It assumes that immigrants have prior knowledge of the economic and occupational situations in both the original and the destination places. Pull-push factors are used to explain the motivation and actual action of the migration. Fan (1996) has revealed that both the present and expected economic opportunities for migrants are important factors in explaining migration volumes and directions. Also, human capital part of the consideration under the neo-classical capital determines whether a migrant can be in the job market in his/her migration.  58  Based on the dichotomized structure along Hukou policy, many have also adopted the dual labor market in the context of Chinese internal migration studies. This theory proposes that developed countries have developed a polarized urban fragmentation in the contemporary era of the capital globalization process. Sassen (2001) illustrated that global cities show a trend of economic polarization, where dual markets exist for both high-skilled elites and poorly paid workers in the service sector. With the Chinese cities exhibiting similar traits, reinforced by the specific workings of the Hukou policy, Chinese internal migration studies also adopt the dual labor market perspective. Wang and Zuo (1999) identified five differences between temporary migrants and urban residents in the Chinese cities. One of the important factors is the segregated labor market and occupation, which supports the dual labor market perspective and further confirms the criticism of the neoclassical model in the Chinese context. When the urban setting is bifurcated through the Hukou system, migrants are considered to be in a separate and subordinate condition in the society. A plethora of evidence is recorded in many different cities in China in supporting this model (Ding et al. 2001; Garcia, 2004; Roberts, 1997; Wang and Zuo, 1999; Solinger, D.J., 1999). Ding et al.'s (2001) work have shown the emergence of "Hukou dam," which constrains temporary migrants' access to the formal job market, but reserves them for the locals. The existence of "Hukou Dam" substantially affects the labor market structure in the cities while urban residents and migrants do not have equal opportunities in joining the formal job markets while migrants are trapped mostly in the informal sector.   In addition to the neoclassical and human capital explanation of internal migration, social 59  in the city and the interaction between migration origin and their destination. Massey et al. (1998) argue that through cumulative causation, migratory movements become self-sustaining after they start and chain migration plays a significant role in the continuation of the population movement. Similarly, Ma and Xiang (1998) have illustrated that when the first wave of migrants starts to settle down in the urban environment formally or informally, more migrants will follow their kinship relationship (xueyuan guanxi) and geographical relationship (diyuan guanxi) to the cities, which considerably lowers their risks in their migration destination. Ma and Xiang (1998) further show that many migrants secure their jobs in the cities before they make the decision for migration and ortant factor in seeking mutual support and building up native-place based enclaves. Moreover, Fan and Taubmann (2002) indicate that about 75% of first-time migrants find jobs through their relatives or friends and native-place is necessary for sharing information to usher more migrants to the cities. Xiang (2005) examines the case of Zhejiangcun in Beijing and demonstrates that social capital, such as networking, significantly affects the turnouts of migration results in Beijing. Therefore, under the hierarchical social structure in the Chinese urban context, social capital serves as an important means to mobilize and sustain migration.  In addition to Hukoueffect on the labor market, Wang et al. (2002) have demonstrated that geographical location and urban expansion substantially affect ethnic enclaves, which are viewed as subordinate in implementing new urban developing policies.     decision-making processes. However, while most studies focus on the rural to urban migration, little is known about the trajectories migrants experienced after they arrive in 60  the cities. Also, internal migration studies have over-generalized the rural migrants in cities as an indifferent group, while the internal differences and structure of the migrant people is largely missing. This research will focus on the spatial-temporal developing trajectory of Henancun in Beijing to show the unstable urban context migrants are facing in the city, the internal structure of Henancun and migrantsboth to secure their migration and to thrive their business in Beijing.  2.2 Chinas Urbanization Chinese urbanization can be divided into three periods since 1949. First, between 1952 and 1960, the First Five-year Plan (1953-57) and the Great Leap Forward (1958-60) dominated Chinese urbanization, when China attempted to industrialize based on a model of the Soviet Union (Chan, 1994a; Young and Deng, 1998). During this time, the development policy was highly urban-oriented and sometimes "price scissors" were adopted to describe this phenomenon. During the Great Leap Forward period, the urban population24 reached 19.7% by 1960, which was the highest among any year before 1981 (Chan, 1994a, Young and Deng, 1998). Second, 1961 to 1976 represented a period with two major events. Between 1960 and 1966, due to the rapid urbanization before this period, the government adopted agriculture-prioritized policies and promoted agriculture production. During the Cultural Revolution period (1966-1976), around 30 million urban residents were moved to rural areas (Chan, 1994a) in response to the movement calling opening policy in China, several policies were adopted to promote the urbanization process. First, the "household responsibility system" in the rural areas and reduction in                                                  24 Urban population is defined as the population who have an urban household registration based on their Hukou status. This urban population is not defined by where people are, but where people belong.  61  quotas (as a form of rural tax) freed labor from the agricultural land. Besides, the loosening of ration system in cities also provided possibilities for urbanization.  the socialist industrialization belief, took urbanization as a cost for industrialization (Zhang and Zhao, 2003a). To maximize industrial output, the state adopted urban-biased policies to promote city-based industrialization (Chan, 1994b) by limiting access to urban welfares to rural migrants (Chan, 1994b, 1996; Wang, 2004; Garcia, 2004) and utilizing price-scissors mechanism between rural and urban areas (Wang, 2005; Renard, M. 2002). In the pre-reform period, the state limited the urbanization volume by highly controlling the migration process, which physically limited the population mobility; while in the post-reform period, Chinese governments at different levels, on the one hand, relaxed the migration process, but on the other, administratively denied urban citizenship to rural- urban migrants. In a relaxed migration control context, a continued urban bias in combination with an authoritarian political system has developed two forms of urbanization: one from above and the other from below.  First, the urbanization from above is viewed as a state-led urbanization process, tightly linked with different levels of governments' profit-seeking and economic development needs (Zhou Y. and Ma, L.J.C. 2003). Before the economic reform in 1978, only state-sponsored urbanization existed, which formed the basis of the Chinese urbanization model during that period. "As the state was also the major investor in both the urban economy and urban construction, the pre-reform model of urbanization was also called on from above' (Shen and Wong, 2006:702)." Even after China's economic reform in 1978, the state-sponsored development is still a key driver of Chinese 62  industrialization, which promotes the spatial urbanization processes through new district development. Rapid urban land expansion has been observed in new areas or different development zones set up by various levels of government, such as Economic and Technological Development Zones (ETDZ) and High Technology Development Zones (HTDZ) (Wei, Y.D., and Leung, C. 2005; Li X. et al. 2010:2).  Second, the urbanization from below, a.k.a. the bottom-up urbanization, is considered as an urbanization processes of rural residents being urbanized through the process of "li tu bu li xiang25" (Ma and Fan, 1994; Ma, L.J.C. and Cui, G. 2002; Shen, J. et al. 2006). This rural-urbanization is associated with villages' intention to promote industry enterprises in rural areas since the 1980s. TVEs (Town and Village Enterprises) development is considered as the primary force behind this bottom-up urbanization (Li, X. et al. 2010; Shen, J. et al, 2006). The difference is that urbanization from below features the self-employed entrepreneurship in village and township level, while urbanization from above is mostly led by the government.  chengzhongcun) emerged in large Chinese cities. Li and others have described urban villages as "rural villages surrounded by newly built city districts, and form a particular urban landscape of villages encircled by built-up areas of cities" (Li, X. et al. 2010:13). These villages provide affordable housing for mostly migrant laborers coming to the cities. The dualistic aximize development chengzhongcun in large Chinese cities (Wang, Y. et al. 2009; Zhang, L. et al. 2003b; Li, X. et al. 2010). Under this process, Wang et al. (2009) takes Shenzhen as a case study to                                                  25 li tu bu li xiang: leave the land but not the village. 63  understand the development process of urban villages in South China and summarizes that urban villages are a crucial part of urbanization in providing affordable housing and potential job opportunities for the low-income population. Despite its critical role in supporting urbanization, government officials, and urban planners take a negative view of chengzhongcun for their high crime rate, poor living conditions, risks for fire and pressures on infrastructure (Wang, Y. et al. 2009).  To some extent, migrant enclaves in Beijing and Chengzhongcun in South China share many similarities regarding their housing function, job opportunities, and migrant centers. Moreover, towards both rural migrant centers, the local governments all take pathological views against their existence and criticize them for their informal and illegal activities. For the migrant enclaves in Beijing, the outward urban development, as a top-down urbanization force, serves as a major structural force to relocate Henancun repetitively to development. Moreover, it is precisely this unchallengeable urbanization force that has defined the socio-political circumstances Henancun and its dwellers are facing in Beijing. From an urban management point of view, this research examines the various political, social and economic policies that have significantly affected the existence of Henancun and their spatial trajectories in Beijing.  2.3 Marginality and Informal Economy When the teleological thinking of urbanization-leading-to-modernity failed in several Latin American and African countries, researchers start to question the former belief about the causational relationship between urbanization and modernization (Ferguson, 1999). Marginalized groups are observed to gather and persist in both developed and 64  developing countries, while their social, economic, and political behaviors have also shown differences from the mainstream society.  When space is compressed by time in the globalization era, the worlds corporate elite becomes placeless (Castells, 1983:210) and this situation, on the one hand, redefines the socioeconomic and political norm in the society, and on the other excludes a significant portion of population from the social and political decision-making processes and their access to citizenship. Although different researchers take different angles to analyze marginality and marginalized groups in the society, the process of capitalist rationalization (Wacquant, 1996), which also leads to a series of countries structural adjustment programs, appears to be the fundamental cause behind the creation of marginality , and globalization catalyzes and perfects the labor division on a global scale (Harvey, 1989). Saskia Sassen (2001) has also noted the influence of globalization and an overall internationalization of the global cities since the 1960s. She emphasizes the changing socio-political focus and social order in a globalizing era whereby globalization has promoted the informalization and casualization of work in the society (p.288). Wacquant (1996) has also coined the term advanced marginality, which describes a much severer poverty situation now than in the Fordist time, especially in the United States. Among the marginalized groups in many different countries in the world, the forms of marginality are not the same in different contexts.  Similar situations in Beijing have also gained attention in academia. While Beijing has joined the globalization processes and become a global city, social stratification and different social classes also emerged in the society (Fan, 2002). Facing a discriminatory 65  context and a stigmatized identity in Beijing, Henancun and its dwellers also reflect a form of marginality in the society. It is not only their recycling business activities, but also their temporary access to land, and Hukou constrained access to the formal social facilities all to reflect their limited access to the local society.   Furthermore, informal economy literature is also important in understanding Henancun and its recycling business. Informal economy originally appeared in Harts (1973) study in Africa, where he emphasized the dynamics and diversity of the activities which appear as the gap between my experience there and anything my English education had taught me before (Portes 2010), which considered informal economy as a dynamic outcome of a certain societal context. However, later on, International Labor Organization (ILO) abandoned the original dynamic understanding and took a more practical understanding to associate informal economy with poverty. This marginal social perspective is related to ILOs Kenya report in 1972. According to this point of view, the informal economy is linked to unstable workers and urban poverty. Cheng and Gereffi (1994) believe that the informal economy represents problems of urban poverty caused by demographic dislocation in the process of imbalanced industrialization people who have been squeezed out of agriculture but not yet absorbed into the modern urban sector rely on informal activities for survival. While some informal activities serve as a survival strategy, some are viewed to take back some of the economic power from the centralized agents (Hart 1990) and to avoid the various fees posed by the government and other agencies. Castells and Portes (1989) stated that the definition of the informal economy includes economic activities, which are unregulated by the institutions of society, in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulatedAs the organizer 66  of Henancun in Beijing, recycling companies are well registered with various local departments and operate similarly to the recycling factory at Michigan State University except that the recycling and sorting activities are under an open market style. However, the changing political and social policies have gradually forced recycling business to become informal for them to maintain their operation and profitability in Beijing. Thus, informal economy literature provides a foundation for understanding Henancuns organization and functioning in Beijing.   Since informal economy stays outside the state regulations, it becomes a form of untamed market (Hart, 1990). However, because of the lack of regulations, the informal economy has to rely on the social ties to function. Mutual trust becomes a significant factor in sustaining the existence of informal economic activities, which further illustrates the importance of social embeddedness in the informal economy (Portes, 2010), which is against its untamed feature in the economic activities. Second is the paradox that the more regulated a society becomes, the more informal economy will appear. As stated by Lomnitz (1988), Order creates disorder. The formal economy creates its own informality. Cheng and Gereffi (1994) argue that this situation is happening both in developing and developed countries and it adopts a holistic framework in which informal firms are depicted as integrally linked to the regulated areas of national economies as well as the global economy and [informal economy] constitutes a source of national competitiveness. Moreover, third, informal economy can also have a positive consequence for the state. Castells, M. and Portes, A. (1989) illustrates that the informal economy evolves along the borders of social struggles, incorporating those too weak to defend themselves, rejecting those who become too 67  conflictive, and propelling those with stamina and resources into surrogate entrepreneurship."  By providing a cushion in dealing with the limited capacity in the formal sector, informal economy functions as a way for the disadvantaged group to sustain relative peace in the society. Also, since the informal economy can also lower the costs of consumption for people in the formal sector, it can contribute both to the political stability and economic viability in the society as well (Portes, 2010).  Since recycling in Beijing is a cash- business, it is inherently not against informal activities. Moreover, as an important coping strategy to succeed in recyclers competition, almost all recyclers adopts their own version of informal activities to increase their profitability. Meanwhile, as recycling companies are facing very strict regulations in the city, they are also forced to adopt informal strategies to survive in Beijing. Ironically, it is solely the strict social and political policies and regulations to formalize recycling activities that have forced migrants and recycling business to informalize their business operations.  2.4 Enclaves and Ghettos 2.4.1 Ethnic Economy and Ethnic Enclave Economy This section examines two theories that look similar but derive from different perspectives: the ethnic economy and ethnic enclave economy, which are critical components of the economic sociology.  2.4.1.1 Ethnic economy and middleman minority Ethnic economy studies derive from a middleman minority perspective to understand the "subtler racism" (Zenner, 1991) in the society towards stigmatized groups. Zenner (1991) shows that middleman minorities are associated with "economic success" and "political 68  impotency" while also being charged with "having hidden power (p.xii)." Thus, these middleman minorities are in the middle rung of the society in that they cannot easily join the elites while their socioeconomic status also prevents them from dropping to the bottom in the society. According to Light and Gold (2000), middleman minorities originally derive from the struggle of family-based traditional capitalism in the modern capitalist realm. The best illustration is Jews in Europe, whereby their businesses are successful, making them middleman minorities. Becker (1956) coined this term and expanded the concept to include trading people all over the world in any multi-ethnic context. According to these conceptualizations, a traditional family-based mode of business practice before they migrate to a new environment is necessary for them to become middleman minorities. Then Bonacich (1973) argued that the middleman minority theory is also applicable to other businessmen without a capitalist tradition, such as Asians in the United States. She argues that these migrant entrepreneurs choose to intensify their social solidarity in an uneasy overseas context. Then through ethnic solidarity and the willingness to do low-paid jobs, they fill in the market niches of the economy, which are not cost-effective for formal businesses due to the high cost of local labor. Light (1972) studied self-employment among different racial and ethnic groups in the United States and proposed that social trust is essential in building entrepreneurship among the middlemen. Later Bonacich and Modell (1981) coined the term "ethnic economy," which refers to the self-employed, employers, and employees based on a co-ethnic basis. However, although ethnic economy provides coethnics with better access to jobs, incomes, and social services, it does not imply any location or spatial clustering structure (Light and Gold, 2000). In building up the ethnic enclaves, class also emerges 69  during the process. Since international migrants come at different time, earlier cohorts are usually with a higher socioeconomic background and their earlier arrival and longer time spent in the society also help them to consolidate their position in the enclaves. Later migrants, due to their relatively lower socioeconomic background and less social capital in the host society, generally fall into a lower class than the earlier waves of migrants (Portes, 1987; Light and Bonacich, 1988).  Despite facing constant demolition and relocation, Henancun developed a recycling sector and formed a relatively stable migration path and migrant economy (a form of ethnic economy) in Beijing. It offers a chance to incorporate ethnic economy perspective to the study of the recycling business and migrants in China. Similar to the situation as a middleman in the society, Henan migrants are de facto entrepreneurs in Beijings recycling industry who have dominated the business as their ethnic economy. However, their entrepreneur identity is almost completely ignored due to various social and political policies they are facing in Beijing. 2.4.1.2 Ethnic enclave economy On a separate path, the power of spatial business clustering is noted in the ethnic enclave economy literature. Although similar to the concept of ethnic economy, ethnic enclave economy is an extension of the dual labor market theory, which argues that there exist an inferior, secondary job market parallel with the primary sector and disadvantaged groups are channeled and eventually locked in the secondary labor market (Tolbert et al. 1980). Not satisfied with the dual market concept, some authors argued for a more sophisticated segmentation of the labor market, either based on ethnic economy or market niches for ethnic businesses (e.g., Portes and Bach, 1985; Castles and Miller, 2009). The 70  characteristics of enclaves help to build economic advantages. Wilson and Portes (1980) illustrate that economies operated by co-ethnics could enhance the power to monopolize the market. Also, the horizontal and vertical integration of ethnic businesses guarantee the value of each stage of production stays within the ethnic community. Later, with inclusion of coethnic employers and employees, the ethnic enclave economy, according to Portes and Bach (1985), is characterized by a locational cluster of businesses whose owners and employees are coethnics. This form of patial clustering of co-ethnics-operated businesses is a fundamental element in the thriving of ethnic economy.   Although Henancun has shown marginality and informality in the society, little is known about the details on how marginality is reflected in their activities and their coping strategies. Based on the economic sociology framework, this dissertation will investigate how Henancun becomes the way it is today in coping with the stigmatization Henancun is facing, how social capitals functions in negotiating their activities in Beijing and how Henancun and some of its dwellers thrive in their recycling business.   2.4.2 Ethnic Enclave and Ghetto Development  In addition to the economic sociology framework in understanding Henancun, ecological theory in the U.S. provides a comparative context in understanding how social context shapes the migration trajectory in the receiving society. The ecological theory emerged from the Chicago schools in the 1920s based on European immigrants in the U.S. This line of literature has focused substantially on the after-immigration lives of the international immigrants and how they were further assimilated into the American society through a melting-pot model in the U.S.  71  Under this line of thinking, residential segregation and spatial assimilation are two stages immigrants experience when they seek to join the American society. When immigrants start to surpass cultural and economic barriers in the society, they move out of their immigrant enclaves or racial ghettos and try to achieve spatial assimilation with -model in U.S. cities. Cultural and economic assimilation enables spatial assimilation, which reinforces the cultural and economic assimilation and finally leads to social level of cultural and economic assimilation.  But this model cannot be applied to the racial ghettos in the U.S. and various studies have revealed structural barriers in various aspects to limit spatial assimilation for certain groups. on 1980 census data, and Darden (1987) shows that blacks and whites are highly status is. Racial discrimination, as a structural factor, can be found in all aspects of the society. Scholars have discovered occupational discrimination (Porter 1985), educational discrimination (Darden 1981) and housing discrimination (Darden 1982, 1995; Gotham 2000). In the case of Henancun and its dwellers, while the business provides financial support in their migration, their income cannot be transformed to a better living condition in Beijing. This is due to their temporary migration status, their unstable business condition and various stigmatized and discriminatory policies that have been facing in Beijing. While they have developed chain migration to sustain their rural-to-urban migration, 72  assimilation is nearly impossible under the structural barriers that have derived along the Hukou system. This situation is very similar to the enclave/ghetto studies in the U.S. in that rather than the structural force along race and ethnicity to constrain assimilation for certain socially, politically and economically disadvantaged groups in the U.S., the structural constraints in Chinese cities are the political and social policies which set the boundary for migrants existence in Beijing.  2.5 Recycling under Solid Waste Management To understand Henancun in Beijing, not only do we need to stage it within an ethnic enclave framework, but the associated recycling business also needs examining. In most developing countries, resource recovery from solid waste relies heavily on informal recycling activities. In many case studies, scholars have shown that these are often critical but unrecognized in many cities' solid waste and resource management programs (Velis C. et al., 2012; Sembiring E. and Nitivattananon., 2010; Wilson D., et al., 2009; Afon, A., 2007; Ahmed and Ali, 2004). However, the recycling rates achieved by the informal recycling sector could reach up to 15-20% in developing countries (Wilson D.  et al. 2009). And not only do the informal recycling activities increase the recycling rate, Medina (2000:52) estimated that up to 2% of the urban population survive by scavenging in Asian and Latin American cities while Scheinberg A. et al. (2010) provide similar results by showing that in average, the informal and micro-enterprise collection and recycling sector provides livelihood to over 0.5% of the population in their 12 referenced cities in different developing countries. Furthermore, because the informal recycling activities rely solely on the revenue produced from buying and selling the recyclable materials, it could save more than 20% of what is needed to be spent on solid waste 73  management otherwise (Wilson et al., 2012). In recent years, due to the importance of these informal activities, researchers have argued that these informal activities should be integrated into the solid waste and resource management programs.  Meanwhile, the informal recycling sector operates usually side by side with the existing, if any, formal recycling sectors. In many countries, the informal recycling sector has almost all of the characteristics for being an informal sector illustrated by International Labor Organization (1972) as: ease of entry, reliance on indigenous resources, family ownership of enterprises, small scale of operation, labor intensive, with skills outside the formal system, unregulated and competitive markets. As a small-scale, labor-intensive, low-technology counterpart with the formal one, the informal solid waste sector refers to "individuals or enterprises who are involved in recycling and waste management activities but are not sponsored, financed, recognized or allowed by the formal solid waste authorities, or who operate in violation of or in competition with formal authorities. (Velis et al., 2012)" In many developing countries, open dumping makes recyclable materials available to scavengers, and subsequently, the urban poor form an efficient informal recycling system based on recycling activities. Wilson et al. (2009) further argue that although the formal waste management sector views their informal counterpart as backward and unhygienic, the informal sector is efficient in recycling and also could reduce poverty, which is compatible with the Millennium Development Goals set by Unitd Nations (2005). In recent years, more and more studies have suggested that informal recycling sector is necessary for urban solid waste management and should be integrated into the formal solid waste management programs (Velis C. et al., 2012; Wilson D. et al., 2009; Sembiring E. and Nitivattananon, 2010).  74  Similar to recycling in other developing countries, recycling in China has also become an informal business since the market economy turned in 1978. In Beijing, recycling has been viewed as dirty, messy and backward, against the modern image Beijing has been pursuing. Business-wise, viewed differently from other formal entrepreneurship, recycling has been considered as a tolerated business for temporary rural migrants to sustain their livelihood in Beijing.  2.6 Summary Based on the reviewed literature, this dissertation will embed the analysis within but not limited to Chinas internal migration studies, urbanization studies, marginality studies, enclave and ghetto studies and informal recycling in solid waste management studies. Based on the examination of these existing researches on marginality related studies, this research tends to propose that Henancun and its dwellers are not simply facing various Hukou related forces as illustrated in various Chinese studies. On the contrary, Henancun is facing double exploitation for its dwellers as well as the recycling companies as Henancun organizers. The exploitation derives from complex social, political and economic policies in Beijing, which have set a limit on migrants and Henancuns capability in seeking security/stability and profitability. These limitations further forced migrants and recycling companies to adopt various coping strategies, formal and informal, legal and illegal, in Beijing in coping with the structural and institutional barriers they are facing in Beijing. Drawing upon the researches on a global scale, this study will challenge the existing Chinese studies on several main points through examining the nature of Henancun, the structural forces faced by Henancun dwellers as well as 75  recycling companies, the complex internal structure, migrants coping strategies and the sources of informality in Henancun and the recycling business.   In the reviewed literature, there are some issues I would like to point out before we move onto our analysis.  First, in Chinese internal migration and migrant enclave studies, I would like to argue that the contemporary studies on these issues have treated migrants as an indivisible group.  This situation is not necessarily correct in many cities because the internal structure of migrants and their businesses are very complex and we should not treat them as one indivisible group in our studies.   Secondly, migrant enclaves, as well as chengzhongcun, are in general treated as one static place in the city. This is also not the case for Henancun since they have experienced repetitive demolition and relocation inside Beijing. The spatial trajectory of migrant enclaves is mostly missing in the literature as well.   Third, I also would like to pay specific attention to the complex nature of the structural and institutional barriers Henancun and its dwellers are facing in Beijing. While most of the institutional barrier studies of migrant enclaves and chengzhongcun have focused a lot on the land title and migrants Hukou status, Henancun becomes an interesting case because the obstacles it is facing derive from both the migrants temporary identity and the recycling business informal status in the city.  Fourth, while many studies on marginality issues in other countries have explained the interactive but distinctive relationship between the marginalized groups space (such as slum, shantytown or favela) and city, Chinese urban studies tend to treat the migrant enclaves as part of the city by default while they have largely ignored the self-sustainable 76  feature of these enclaves in the city. This is very convenient from an urban governance point of view since migrants are excluded from any potential rights to the urban land they are living. This study will try to challenge this default understanding by illustrating the complexity of Henancun it has developed to be through various self-institutionalized social services and social facilities. Although the chance of the long-term existence of Henancun is still very slim, the development of different migrant enclaves should be given enough respect in future Chinese urban studies.  Last but not least, while marginality studies have recorded migrants informal activities as a way to make their living in a stigmatized social circumstance, Henancun is still viewed by the local government from a pathological angle. The business operating styles, its limited investments, migrants activities in recycling are all part of the informal recycling business which the local government has been criticizing. However, how did informal activities become a norm in Henancun and recycling business has not been examined in any literature.  So, this study will try to challenge the existing literature from the above mentioned several points and hope this research could help people to have a relatively newer view on Henancun, its dwellers and the migrant recycling business in Beijing. 77  CHAPTER 3  THE DEVELOPMENT AND SPATIAL TRAJECTORY OF HENANCUN   In the 20 years of development, Henancun has always been telling a two-folded story: one with rural-to-urban migration, while another with the recycling business. Nowadays, Henancun makes possible the livelihood and business for more than 200,000 rural migrants through recycling in a city that resides 20,000,000 people. While some are long-term migrants who work in recycling with a regular schedule, some are short-term and seasonal to make quick money to fulfill their social obligations, such as paying for for medical services. Generally speaking, internal migration and recycling business in Beijing made possible the emergence of Henancun recycling enclaves, and they go far beyond residential functions and serves as an economic, social and even political haven for both the "floating" migrants and the "informal" recycling in the city of Beijing, recycling, in fact, had nothing to do with Henan migrants till the late 1980s. Henancun becomes the way it is today in the historical process of a series of local policy changes, strict political controls, and exclusive social circumstances. This chapter focuses on the developing history and the spatial trajectory of recycling business in Beijing and Henan examine the meaning Henancun represents in the process of Chinas economic turn to the market economy.   78  3.1 Recycling Business in Beijing Recycling business in Beijing has experienced dramatic changes from the 1950s to the 2000s along with significant policy changes happening in China. In general, it could be categorized into four periods based on recycling purposes, recycling population and recycling organization.  3.1.1 Recycling under Planned Economy Recycling business in Beijing was in practice even before the Communist regime established in 1949. At that time, resources were scarce which ensured a very efficient separation, collection, and re-utilization of all useable wastes as secondary raw materials (Wilson, 2009:634). In Beijing, recycling businesses were mostly small-scale private family companies until mid-to-late 1950s when private companies were reorganized to become state or publicly owned under the publicprivate joint management ( program in China. In 1957, Beijing city government set up the Beijing Waste Company (), which was renamed in 1965 to become Beijing Materials Recovery Company (BMRC) and Beijing Supply and Marketing Co-op was in charge of the BMRC, which served as the only official recycling network in Beijing (Shi and Furedy, 1993; www.lunnex.com). The BMRC was also in charge of district level recovery companies, which had two main functions in the recycling business: maintaining recyclable material flow and post-recycling processing.   To collect materials and maintain their flow from both residents and various businesses, BMRC has also set up district/county level MRCs, under which redemption stations have been arranged in each district/county to store and sort different materials for that specific district or county. Further, each redemption station also set up 20 to 30 recycling depots, 79  including both fixed location ones and itinerant ones, as nodal points to directly purchase recyclable materials from residents. In the recycling structure (See Figure 11), the redemption stations serve as an overall collection market for collecting all kinds of materials before processing, while the stations hired people to collect materials from industries, companies, and residents. For residential materials, the stations hired residents, mostly retired or unemployed people, as agents to run the recycling depots to buy materials from residents. The stations will provide them with funding to purchase materials and pay either monthly salaries or by percentage of the worth of materials they collected as their income. Also, recycling stations also assigned people to work at particular industries and mining companies and set up regular collecting schedules to maintain the material flow. During that time, each station had their operational territory and was responsible for its profits and losses based on their profit only26.  Further, redemption stations at that time also had material processing facilities based on different material types, for example in the metal section, there was cutting and pressing facilities. Also, transportation was also a stand-alone section of the recycling company to maintain the material flow smoothly between the upstream industries and station and also the station and downstream industries.                                                   26 Based on interviews with various government-run district level recycling companies in Beijing.  80   Figure 11: Chart: Beijing City materials recovery system. (Source: Shi and Furedy, 1993)  However, due to the monopoly status, all stations were able to stay profitable at the time. Moreover, sometimes, recycling stations were picky about the materials and occasionally refused to send out trucks to collect materials for being too little or too crappy (Mr. Wang, as Case 8 in Chapter 4). In addition, the government also gives incentives to recycling companies as recycling business is under the category of special industry ((©) which normally includes hotels, entertainments, auto repairing and rentals, pawn shops, auctions, stamp making, and recycling whose work is considered to have the potential to involve some illegal activities so that they need to be registered with the local police station. The income tax for recycling was reduced from 55% to 27.5%, and also 81  workers at different depots receive health care fees as incentives as well (Shi and Furedy, 1993).  In addition to all the benefits that recycling companies enjoyed under planned economy in China, recycling at the household level also worked as important extra income for families. Families tended to sort everything into details for recycling and also some everyday items, such as toothpaste and batteries, required families to trade in the used ones, toothpaste tubes and used batteries, in their purchase of new items. While the main purpose of the recycling company was to recover all types of materials, the recycling business was very efficient and effective. In 1985, 12 types of 274 subcategories of materials were under the recycling scheme (www.lunnex.com), while Shi and Furedy (1993) also recorded the official recycling data for 14 types of materials from 1983 and 1989 including fiber, paper, newspaper, old shoes, textiles, glass, plastic, rubber, bone, hair, steel & iron, copper, aluminum, lead and other. Besides, recycling during this time is highly controlled by the state and run only under the management of the official recycling companies. Even those contract workers for the companies are residents with financial difficulties or who have the flexibility to gain extra money for their families. This period of monopolized recycling lasts from the 1950s to around early 1980s when China introduced a series of state-level policy changes with the open policy in 1978.  3.1.2 Recycling in a Transition (the late 1970sthe mid-1990s)  At the end of the 1970s and early 1980s, China experienced an economic turn from a planned economy to a market economy through its open policy in 1978 (Chan 1996). In the 1980s, recycling, together with several other forms of small-scale service jobs such as newspaper stand, breakfast carts, milk delivery, parking lot watchers and night market 82  stations, provided many urban laid-off workers a second job opportunities after market economy out competed many traditionally State Owned Companies (SOCs), which were forced to lay off a significant number of employees. Also, after the market turn, the newly introduced household responsibility system in the rural areas in 1982 and the loosening of the ration system in the early 1980s also made possible a long suppressed rural-to-urban migration. Together with all the effects associated with this market economy turn, the recycling business experienced great change including the purpose of recycling, recycling population, and even recycling organization from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s. During this period, recycling business developed dramatically both in the formal realm and informal sector.    The first major change happening in the recycling business is the shift of the purpose of recycling from targeting resource recovery to be profit-driven. Shi and Furedy (1993) have shown that recycling has changed from covering all types of materials to focus on selected materials. They also explained that the transition was due to (1) the upgrading of peoples living standards, which made residents no longer take recycling profits as worthy; and (2) recycling companies focus on profit, which forced them to concentrate on selected profitable materials. After examining the recyclable material recovery data in Beijing from 1983-1989, the overall weight of recyclable materials dropped from 604,115 tons to 491,408 tons (Shi and Furedy, 1993). Also, the number of redemption stations set by the MRCs in Beijing declined from over 400 at its peak to 270 in 1989 (Shi and Furedy, 1993; Wilson et al., 2009). Although the purpose of recycling changed in the 1980s, residents are still the only people who could hold a recycling license to 83  operate the recycling depots and redemption stations while recycling still served as an important employment opportunity for the local people who had difficulties in their lives.  Furthermore, recycling also started to witness a population shift which accompanied the emergence of an informal recycling sector from the mid-1980s. The process of informalization in recycling is not only a result of the market turn, but rural-to-urban migration played an important role in the transition as well. After the household responsibility policy and a relaxed control on migration, rural population started to migrate to the major cities in search of job opportunities in the mid-1980s. From my interview with many migrant recyclers in Beijing, the pure motivation for migration was  many migrants first choice because, as several first-the songs and magazines glorifying Beijing during the height of communist regime. However, when migrants arrived in Beijing, many joined jobs in manual work opportunities, such as farmers again (raising pigs, chickens or growing vegetables), contract factory cleaners, truck loaders, construction workers and other manual work as such. Most were not satisfied with their first jobs not only because of the meager income but also the rigid working schedule which differed drastically from their previous agricultural environment, where they had the freedom to determine their working schedules. When some migrants built up good personal relationship with their workplace, the latter would generously allow them to have any trash from the business operation for free as a bonus on top of their meager salaries. Through the process of selling recyclable materials to local registered recyclers, migrants gradually became connected with local 84  recycling workers. Over time, they also became aware of the very low entry requirement such that instead of selling materials to recyclers, they could take on this role. In the late 1980s, subcontracting jobs were popular among the traditional recycling depots even stations, and it was a very practical and safe way to materialize the local Hukou identity27 with cash returns while locals retained their privileges as business owners and established urbanites. Finally, the rapid urban development guaranteed the generation of a vast amount of recyclable materials, which, in turn, created a surging demand for recycling jobs. Thus, the growing request of the recycling sector and the retreat of urban locals from the on-site recycling work created a perfect market niche for rural-to-urban migrants in need of jobs and ready to commit their hard work in Beijing. In addition to the changes in the recycling purposes and population, the recycling structure was also under challenge between the mid-1980s and about mid-1990s. After rural-to-urban migrants had started to arrive at cities, recycling opened a very attractive market niche with little entry skills, flexible schedule and better paychecks.  Starting from loading trucks for recycling, cleaning warehouses and companies, sorting materials in recycling depots, rural-to-urban migrants began to join the recycling business scene in Beijing. However, between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s, migrants either worked for the local recyclers or worked outside the formal structure. The right side of the Figure 10 clearly shows the informal recycling structure under development during this period. Moreover, in the following years, the informal half of the recycling business developed rapidly and gradually took over the formal structure in Beijing.                                                   27 Local urban Hukou status was required to open a recycling yard in the state-owned recycling company in the 1980s.   85  3.1.3 Developing Migrant Recycling Business in Beijing (the mid-1990saround 2003) Starting around 199228, the planned economy began to fade away from the recycling business, while migrants and private companies began to join the recycling business. It was around the year of 2005, the BMRCs and all district level recycling companies finished their turn from state or publicly owned to become joined stock enterprises entirely. This period witnessed the transition of the recycling business from the official system to a migrant-dominated private recycling type. However, the turn is not in all aspects complete in that migrant-run recycling activities we considered informal even after the formal business gradually stepped out of the recycling scene. But this period is crucial in shaping migrants role in a once formal business in Beijing and changed the overall landscape of recycling since.  The formal-to-informal recycling structure shift was closely related to the developing of a market economy, whereby efficiency leads to advantages. When migrants entered the recycling business, they started to compete with state-owned and collectively owned companies. Due to the low efficiency, complex administrative system, and high welfare costs of state-owned and collectively owned enterprises, they started to lose business to the family-based, small-scale, highly flexible, and efficient migrant counterparts. A former manager of a district MRC29 -owned or collectively owned recycling enterprises could no longer make the same profits as during the time of state mo One example suffices to show how this transition                                                  28 www.lunnex.com  29 The state-owned recycling company at the time of the interview was not conducting any recycling work. The state-owned company had become a landlord and was using the rent collected to pay the salaries and welfare for the company workers, who were no longer working in the recycling business.  86  changed the recycling business in Beijing: In 1998, the Chaoyang district reorganized the (redemption stations) in order to keep all the recycling activities in order. Only one market still functions as a post-processing (packaging) center in 2011, while the other four have been demolished, redeveloped, and become the property of the recycling companies who collect rents as their primary income. Since the mid-1990s, some migrant recyclers have already saved enough money and started to open their own recycling companies through the help from the official MRCs. During this time, recycling business was still considered as a special industry and requires application to the local police office for the special industry permit to apply for the business license. The permit was only given to local Hukou holders in Beijing, which made only the local Hukou holders as recycling license holders. Between 1995 and 2003, an upward mobility sequence started to develop among migrant recyclers from working as itinerant recyclers, community recyclers to material yard buyers (being in charge of recycling depots for buying materials from residents) and then to be in charge of the redemption stations.  Although migrants started to become a dominant power in the recycling scene, recycling licenses were still tightly controlled by the central and local government. Recycling licenses were only issued to the local residents who worked in the official recycling business and recycling was still treated as a special industry (). Thus, although rural migrants are working in all different areas of recycling, they still could not open their own recycling business independently in Beijing. And even when some migrants already started to build redemption stations, the recycling license for the station was still under the name of someone who worked for the official recycling business. This 87  situation lasted until 2003 when Beijing Government published Notice on Beijing Peoples Government Publication of the Third Round of Canceling and Adjusting Administrative Review Project List in Beijing.30 Officially, this notice has canceled the special industry status of recycling and second-hand market in Beijing while recycling companies are required to be registered directly with the Municipal Industry and Commerce Administration.  Besides the economic and business transition happening during this period, migrant recyclers marginalized social and political status, in fact, catalyzed the formation of recycling enclaves in Beijing. During this period, many recycling workers mentioned their experience with the Shourong policy31, by which many migrant workers were put into custody for never-happened stealing or other cases. To stay away from further harasses, many migrants chose to join organized recycling yards for protection. Since most migrant recyclers were from Henan province at that moment, they formed a proto form of migrant enclave focusing on recycling businessHenancun. One of the interview respondents (Mr. Zhou as Case 5 in Chapter 4) the recycling enclave after I was locked up twice. The profit [in the enclave] was not as good as outside, but it felt much safer in the enclaves. Ironically, many itinerant recyclers started to save their money at my house because it was insecure for them to keep money with them on the street and our house was much safer than theirs. The banking business Henan recycling enclaves emerged in different parts of Beijing. Many enclaves, in the name of a recycling company, also supported the development of Henan hometown restaurants,                                                  30  [2003]8 B3˙¤ http://govfile.beijing.gov.cn/Govfile/ShowNewPageServlet?id=2263  31 More detailed information about Shourong is in Chapter 4.  88  public bathrooms, middle and primary schools and kindergartens for migrants, and even pools of temporary labor workers also started to gather around different Henancun in Beijing.  In 1999, Beijing Materials Recovery Company (BMRC) finished its transition from collectively owned to a joint stock company, which is still owned by the Beijing Supply and Marketing Co-op. But the company no longer collects all material types but only focuses on selected materials, the post-processing phase of the recycling business and businesses on international trade. (www.baike.com) 3.1.4 Domination of Migrants in Recycling (2003-Present)  With the retreat of the formal recycling business from the collection phase of the recycling business, migrant-run business gradually dominated this area. When the Hukou registration was lifted by the city governments in 2003, Henan migrants began to out-compete the traditional state-owned and collectively owned recycling enterprises and came to dominate the recycling business. In 2003, Henan migrants started to operate, manage and open the recycling companies as well. Based on the original official business structure, Henan migrants developed their own informal hierarchical recycling business structure in Beijing. By then, Henan migrants outnumbered others in this economic sector and they have dominated almost every aspects of the business hierarchy.  At the same time, urban redevelopment projects have also speeded up the transition of recycling Under the official document advice about testing on promoting the development of Beijings large-scale company based recycling 89  system32 in 2006, all recycling markets and sorting businesses should be outside the 5th ring road of Beijing. In 2005, Chaoyang District introduced a program to regulate and standardize the recycling business as well. The traditional state-owned and collectively owned recycling companies faced lots of pressure for closing down from the district government because they were well registered and recorded in the administrative system. Meanwhile, the informal nature of many migrant-run businesses and their small size in comparison with the state-owned and collectively owned recycling centers help the migrant recycling enterprises survive the government review and further to dominate the recycling market (by interviews with Mr. Wang, Case 8 in Chapter 4). Nowadays, rket is dominated by Henan recyclers, and Henancun serves as important gathering, sorting and distributing centers in the recycling processes.  Throughout the history of recycling business after its early reorganization around 1958, the recycling business has completed a transition from a state-owned or collectively owned business to mainly Henan-migrants-dominated private business in Beijing. During this process, although Henan political status is still limited thanks to Hukou-constrained discrimination and the resembling the ethnic enclave economy, Henancun become important ethnic enclaves in Beijing to give migrants residential, economic and social support in their migration destination. An ethnic economy and ethnic enclave economy are emerging through the                                                  32 Ct$À&é˙é www.bjmbc.gov.cn/download/ad/1069516645.doc  90  Henancun enclave in Beijing, although some discrepancies from the theories are apparent in the enclave development processes, which I will elaborate in the following section.  3.2 Informal Recycling Business Structure in Beijing In todays Beijing, Henan migrants dominate the recycling business in almost every aspect and its operation has virtually eliminated the traditional formal recycling business in the collection phase of the business. However, in order to efficiently maintain the material flow of recyclable materials, they have adopted a similar business structure. Todays recycling operation is fundamentally different from the formal one in that it relies solely on the profits derived from price differences in each stage of the material flow and highly depends on the market price fluctuation of the materials. The collection of materials is no longer channeled towards one designated company as in the planned economy and market price is almost the only driven force to maintain the material flow from its source to the collector.  91   Figure 12: Chart: Informal recycling structure in Beijing today  (1) Community Recyclers have a fixed location at the gate of their assigned community township government, which they have the priority to buy all the recyclable materials from the community residents. They generally do primary sorting to separate different materials in order to sell to different yard buyers. When they collected enough materials to fill up their tricycles, trucks or specialized materials. For large items, such as furniture and household appliances, the community recyclers normally sell them directly to the itinerant buyers who rove around 92  among different communities for these large items. The community recyclers in general selling materials in the market.  (2) Itinerant Recyclers neither have a fixed location nor have recycling permits from any local organizations. They only focus on targeted high-profit items, normally either furniture or household appliances. Driving or riding their tricycles, trucks or vans, each of these buyers normally has a preferred territory where they know all the community recyclers and also send out their name cards to residents in order to secure sources for the targeted materials. After collecting a full load of items, they wimarket, first try to fix the items and sell as used furniture or appliances either to bulk buyers or ship them back to hometown used market for higher profits. If the items are not fixable, they will dissemble the item and sell parts based on the material type they recover from it.  (3) Specialized Yard Buyers lease their yard from the (4) Recycling Companies and choose to specialize in specific materials, such as general plastics, PET (#1 plastic, polyethylene terephthalate), paper, metal, cloth, foam, glass, timber, clothes or mixed materials not belonging to any class. After community recyclers and itinerant buyers sell their primarily sorted materials to the yard buyers, hired workers or family members of the yard owner run detailed sorting based on how industry wants the materials. These of materials. After the detailed sorting and before the materials are shipped to the packaging company or industry, people with special interests (Personal Use) will come to yards and buy items to their specific interest. For example, book collectors or sellers will 93  buy their favorite, based on weight, from the book pile to either keep for their own or sell in the used book market. Or, from a pile of steel bars, a craftsman might find cheap materials for model making. In PET recycling, some businessman would come to purchase bottle caps containing promotional codes at a discounted price. All these activities open specific minor niche markets for specialized persons with interests to extract the potential values from materials before they are shipped to be materialized. After these people picked out the valuable materials, the yard buyers will pack the leftovers onto a truck and ship them to Hometown Storage33, deliver to a (5) Packaging Company34 or transport to specific industrial Factories. Some yard buyers also have contracts with Industries or Businesses to buy a specific type of waste from them. The buyers routinely pick up loads of materials and keep them in a clean shape and in large quantities in order to sell for a better price.   (6) Used Market also serves as an important receiver of recycling materials. Most of them focus on high-value items such as furniture or household appliances. These markets are also closely associated with recycling business through different channels. Some market sellers are also itinerant buyers while some would go to the entrance of Henancun to buy from other itinerant recyclers before they arrive at the market. Some recycling company owners also expand their businesses to include used market into their recycling company by providing a particular yard to reside the appliance itinerant buyers while providing them storage spaces in front of their rented houses.                                                   33 Hometown Storage is for specific materials, such as plastics or metal. These materials are expensive and the price is not stable throughout the year. Buyers of these materials purposely keep them for a period of time to achieve a buy-low-sell-high strategy. 34 Packaging Companies are formal companies, which reduce the size of the recyclable materials, mostly for cardboard or metal, by pressing the materials into cubes for further long-distance shipment. 94  This recycling structure adopts parts of the traditional structure of the state-owned recycling business. Their bu) due to its open-market operation and various pollution issues associated with the sorting and processing process. While the situation is similar to the status of recycling in many developing countries, in China, there is no sign of intention to further regulate or incorporate them into the urban system as appearing to be more and more relevant in other contexts.  3.3 Recycling as a Migrant and Informal Business Although recycling in China has long been associated with garbage picking activities, the scale of recycling activities has far exceeded the level of picking in garbage piles. While China has kept its economic growth at two-digit level since 1992 for about 20 years, the waste produced from peoples enriched lives has opened a giant niche market for rural migrants in the cities. Ministry of Commerce in July, 2012, about 14,000 people are registered to be working in the official recycling stations or depots. In addition, there are 1617 registered resource recycling companies and 98,000 people working as registered recyclers. Based on the registered recycling stations/depots and recycling companies, 112,000 people are registered recyclers in Beijing. In addition, the report also commented that only about 22.1% of the recycling companies are unregistered while around 80% of the recycling stations/depots are also unregistered, an estimate of 200,000 people is always referred to be the total number working in the recycling business in Beijing. And from the percentage of unregistered recycling activities, the original official system has lost its dominating status to their informal counterparts. And, recycling has 95  gradually adopted a migrant label with it in Beijing. This section will focus on the dominance of migrants in recycling through a descriptive analysis of my questionnaire based study.  3.3.1 Migrants in Recycling Nowadays, recycling business in Beijing is dominated by rural migrants but in fact, these migrants are mostly from only a handful of provinces, such as Henan, Hebei, Sichuan, Hunan, etc. And the most significant province associated with the recycling business in Beijing is undoubted the Henan province. Even out of the 18 administrative units at the city level in Henan province, most recycling migrants come from the Gushi County of the Xinyang City area. Based on the 303 respondents (out of 304 in total) who provided their hometown information, 74% are from Henan province, while only 14% are from Hebei province as the second largest contributing province (Figure 13).  Figure 13: Pie chart: Migration origins35                                                    35 See Appendix F. Q1.4 PHUKOU  96  This is also well reflected in the urban landscape around all the recycling centers in Beijing. Almost every recycling enclave has certain social and economic aspects from Gushi County, Henan province. The connection between the recycling enclaves and Henan province is also visible through various stores featuring Henan hometown restaurants, Henan-flavor deli stores, Henan hometown style snack shops and the long-distance bus services between Beijing and Henan. (Figure 14)    Figure 14: Photograph: Gushi and Henan elements outside a recycling enclave  Because of its close tie to the Gushi county and Henan province, the recycling enclaves in Beijing is considered as a form of Henan migrant enclave in Beijing, which is comparable with other migrant enclaves, such as Zhejiang village, Xinjiang village and Anhui village (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Liu, 2002). In addition, as rural migrants from Gushi county of Henan province are associated closely with the recycling business, the recycling business has also been labeled as a matter of Henan business in Beijing. So, these recycling enclaves are also a form of migrant enclaves, which for easy notation is also Henan Henancun (translated directly as Henan village) in Chinese.  3.3.2 The Informality of Recycling As we have illustrated that the official recycling structure has given way to the migrants-run informal recycling structure, the business itself has also become "informal" 97  comparing with its traditional official status. Although the informality of recycling business in China echoes similar status as informal recyclers in the form of garbage scavengers and tax avoiders in other developing and developed countries, the Chinese version of informality is due in large part to (1) the political and administrative structures; (2) pollution issues; and (3) safety and security related critics.   The first reason for the informal status of recycling business is due to the political or administrative structure in managing recycling. In most countries, recycling is or is encouraged to be part of the Solid Waste Management program (Wilson et al., 2009) to promote recycling to reduce solid waste. However, in the administrative system of China, the Solid Waste Management is under the Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development, while the Ministry of Commerce is in charge of the recycling companies and activities after the official recycling business gave way to the migrant recycling business. As illustrated in Chapter 1, recycling companies and activities have been considered as an economic activity instead of a type of service provided to the public. Comparing with other high-tech or international corporations in the charge of Ministry of Commerce, the recycling activities and companies modern image se activities as a burden instead of a glory for the ministry. This status has left recycling largely out of the Solid Waste Management Plan. Thus, in the "Comments about Developing Test Plans for Incorporating Resource Recovery Companies in Beijing36,made development plans for recycling business and focused mainly on regulating or formalizing the economic activities and limiting the local pollution impacts from the                                                  36 ˙é˚x [2006]52 98  recycling activities in Beijing. By treating recycling and solid waste management separately, recycling business itself does not have the status of a service provider to better the environment, but has to strive to maintain profitable while being labeled a potential threat to the environment in Beijing.  And, recycling business has been viewed as a polluter in the city throughout its collecting, transporting, sorting and storing processes. Recycling process normally reverses the distribution process and thrives solely on profits which are based on the profits earned through transportation and sorting from the retail to the wholesale operations. In the collecting stage, roving vendors tricycles are officially not allowed by the government due to the potential to drop materials onto the street. In the transporting stage, the Ministry of Commerce also has regulations for recycling stations and depots to use unified close-back trucks to ensure zero-pollution. When the recyclable materials reach the recycling yards, sorting process is also related to pollution as fragmented parts, waste water (in washing process), and even some illegal burning of rubber casing around the metal wires that are sought for. After sorting, the packaging and long-distance transportation also have the potential to leave traces of solid waste along the roads. As Beijing Municipal Commission of City Administration and Environment () is in charge of the cleanness of Beijing while recycling is under the management from the Ministry of Commerce, recycling, as a form of economic activity, is  than a waste reducer.  In addition, recycling enclaves, in the shape of open markets, are quite vulnerable to fire accidents, which put these enclaves under high risk not only from the fire accidents but also various unfair policies to prevent fire incidents. In recent years, several fire accidents 99  in Beijings recycling enclaves or used markets have tightened the control on renewing license for these enclaves in some districts. Several recycling enclaves experienced forced demolition in Daxing District after a severe garment processing related fire incident on Apr. 25th, 2011, which caused 17 deaths and 25 injured. Meanwhile, the recycling enclaves in Daxing district could not complete their annual recycling license renewal with the District Commerce Bureau due to the fire incident. In addition, the township government further shut down various Henancun voluntary projects to  banned all recycling activities that are associated with potential fire causing materials especially cloth recycling. While different local government departments are in charge of different aspect of the recycling business, when an unexpected hazard situation happens, like the fire incident in Daxing district, it is not uncommon for the government to stop recycling business all at once.  Last but not least, recycling, as a way to turn used parts back to raw materials, is also criticized for the inherent nature of its potential association with stolen items. When the police receive stealing case report, the first target they check is always the recycling enclaves in the adjacent areas. In all of the recycling enclaves, the manager's office always has the chart to illustrate what is forbidden from recycling on their walls (Figure 15). To some extent, recycling markets are always under police's radar as related to stealing activities, which not only leads to a stigmatized reputation to the recycling enclaves but also put recycling business at risk financially for accidentally purchasing stolen materials as well.  100   Figure 15: Photograph: Forbidden items from recycling posted by police  3.4 Informal and Unstable Recycling Space in Beijing 3.4.1 Informal Recycling Space in the Making  The emergence of Henancun, or recycling enclaves, as crucial migrant clustering space is closely related to the city's discriminatory policy on the rural migrants in Beijing. In the beginning of the enclave development stage, migrants are partially forced to join the about their experience with the Shourong37 policy in Beijing in the 1990s. The notorious Shourong policy, including Shourong education and Shourong Forwarding, was in place officially from 1982 to 2003. In 1982, this policy was initially designed to help, educate, help settle and return to hometown the homeless and panhandlers in the city as a way to apply social welfare and maintain the image of cities. But in the early 1990s, the policy started to include people with no legal residential permits (national ID), no stable living space (temporary residential permit) or no stable income (outsourcing labor permit) in the city. This policy has lead to many controversial debates across China and many migrant workers were locked up and sent back to their hometown if they couldnt afford the price                                                  37 Shourong:  in Chinese, which literarily means to take in 101  to bribe themselves out. Out of the 303 respondents in the questionnaires, 72 reported to have experienced Shourong lock-up from the policy, which has significant effects on migrants who arrived in Beijing between 1990 and 2005.  Figure 16: Chart: Shourong experienced by migrants after arriving at Beijing  In addition to t38he aggregated questionnaire data; many interviewees have told their stories of the Shourong policy, and many left Beijing to escape the potential threats from Shourong policy as a result. Shourong policys effect is especially significant for people who worked mostly on the street for a living. Hers a quote from one interview respondent, Mr. Zhou (Case 5 in Chapter 4), as he stated his personal experience with Shourong policy. After a Shourong lockup in 1990 and forced by the police to beat other locked-up migrants, Mr. Zhou went back to his hometown in Henan province for one year to escape any possible revenge from other migrant workers. Then he returned to Beijing in 1991 to continue his bottle recycling.                                                  38 See Appendix F. Q1.1 FYINBJ & Q1.22 SHOURONG.  102  Wohuqiao, but bought them at . At that time, one bottle sold for ten fen, but we bought them at nine. So basically, we made money on transportation. Every morning, we went there at 4 or 5am. It was about 20-30 kilometers away. We rode tricycle over and loaded the gunny sacks then came back to Wohuqiao market to sell. However, all the three of us were stopped by the Community Watch (Public Order Joint Defense Force) and put away for stealing gunny sacks [which s market at the time]. Then, I had to admit stealing and let two friends to go back to the market for help. The market owner showed proof for my legal stay on the market and also paid a fee to take me out. After the lock-up, I stayed in the market all the time. We only made about 50 yuan a day but were safe for staying inside the market all the time. In addition to Henancuns affordable housing, the threat from Shourong policy also sped up the enclave formation. As the case of Mr. XF, several interview respondents had shared their agreement with the reluctance of going onto the street for recycling activities when the threat of Shourong policy was in effect. Thus, to some extent, Henancun, as a migrant recycling enclave also gained support from migrants themselves as a way to protect themselves against the unfair, stigmatized and discriminatory policy that was in Beijing, which greatly hinders recycling activities. Thus, although Henancun is informal to some extent in the city, they provided an informal space for protection in the business and secured migrants livelihood in a way not to be affected by the hostile urban environment.  103   Furthermore, when more migrant workers took advantage of Henancuns affordable housing and markets protection, various services also started to emerge around Henancun areas to complement the neglected social infrastructure. Migrants began to open business and social service facilities such as hometown restaurants, grocery stores, deli shops, long-distance bus services between Beijing and Gushi country of Henan province, afternoon markets (selling whatever left from a city morning market), migrant primary and middle schools, public bathing facilities and even hotels. Figure 17, 18 and 19 show where migrants choose to buy grocery and living supplies and we can see that most of the respondents buy grocery inside the Henancun and about half of them also shop living supplies in Henancun as well. Also, temporary workers started to gather around several spots along the streets around Henancun and used markets, temporarily built rental housing and even unlicensed taxis all started their business around this neglected area in the city. Although the Henancun has the reputation for being temporary and informal, it opens many potential opportunities for the non-recycling migrants whose livelihood now depend solely on the patronage from the residents in Henancun area as well.  104   Figure 17: Chart: Where to buy groceries   Figure 18: Chart: Where to buy other supplies39                                                    39 See Appendix F. Q2.1 BUYFOOD & Q2.2 BUYOTHER 105     Figure 19: Photography: Self-organized Services in Henancun (top left: Hometown (Xinyang) Deli; top right: Selling fruits at market bot left: Zhenhua migrant school; bot right: Selling seafood at market)  With a self-sufficient social service system, Henancun gradually started to isolate or to be isolated from the city due to various potential Shourong threats that were in place still the early 2000s. Furthermore, Henancun, together with other informal services exist almost exclusively on the fringe of Beijing due to land availability and affordable housing, which are also mostly invisible to the Beijing local residents. From our questionnaire, most of the migrants in the recycling business rarely communicate with Beijing local people (Figure 20). Because of the long existing Shourong policy and stigmatization which relates recycling workers with liars, thieves, and being dirty, migrants also bear the pressure when entering the formal space as well. Mr. Zhou mentioned his experience with taking subway in Beijing and in his own words,  106  my hands look different. They are full of callus from working with trash and the dirt in my fingernails can never be cleared. Also, I never sit down either on buses or in subways because my clothes are not as clean and I dont want people to judge me on that.  In Beijing, the distinction between informal, rural, or outside sphere and formal, urban, or local sphere is very strong due to the long existing stigmatization by associating crimes, poverty, dirtiness, despised jobs, and misdemeanors with rural migrants in the public media. This unfair situation has penetrated every aspect in both local residents and migrants business as well as livelihood. In the case of recycling business, local residents and businesses are able to conduct recycling activities through the agent of community or contract recyclers, who are required to have recycling permits through the local community (while unlicensed recyclers normally pay extra to secure their material in-flow). Except for the short negotiation on price, where materials are shipped to and how they are sorted are not visible or aware to/by the local people. In the industrial and business realm, recycling yards normally sign official annual contract with a particular industry or business. In Henancun, almost every yard, especially the metal and plastic recycling yards, has a car in order to show the strength of the company in front of the contract customers; however, as one yard buyer illustrated that I almost never drive it for personal reasons because the market is so unstable and I cant afford to drive it too much.  107   Figure 20: Chart: Frequency communicating with Beijing local residents in a week40  However, at the same time, the connection between the two is invisibly ubiquitous in every aspect as well. Although invisible, Henancun serves as an important site for collecting, sorting, packaging and shipping recycled materials from the end users back to the industry. They are also the practitioners of carry out recycling activities to support the sustainability and environmental protection advertisement hanging everywhere on the streets in Beijing. But most local residents do not have any clue about what people are doing when they ride tricycles or electronic ones on the streets in Beijing, not to mention where they live at night. It is precisely the divided urban vs. rural, formal vs. informal sphere in the city that not only led to but also reinforced the coherence of Henancun in recycling migrants business and livelihood.                                                   40 See Appendix F. Q.2.4 INTOUCHBJ.  108  3.4.2 Unstable Recycling Space in the Contract The first step to start a recycling enclave, or Henancun, is to lease a piece of land from the village government. However, under the Chinese land system, when most recycling companies leased the land from the local village government, the land remains collectively owned, which leaves companies little bargaining space when the land faces redevelopment by a township or district government. Unfortunately, due to their adjacency to the city, these places also happen to the place to produce the highest potential profit through redevelopment by the state. Therefore, the recycling enclaves have been facing serious threat of being demolished for urban renewal (with compensation) and the companies would have to find another location to continue their business. Throughout the past 25 years, Henancun has been constantly changing its location and these migrant-run recycling businesses and enclaves have always been ready to move since every first day they arrive at a new location.   In the land leasing contract between Henancun and yard buyers in Daxing district, there are five explicitly stated responsibilities for the yard buyers.  1. If the contract cannot be carried out due to irresistible factors (natural disasters, national policy adjustments, national land expropriation, or markets need to use the yard space), neither party take any economic responsibilities. The concurrent month rent will be adjusted based on the actual days in business.  2. The yard buyers are required to have safety measures on fire prevention, theft prevention and gas prevention. If accidents happen, yard buyers will take all the responsibilities and the market will not take any responsibility.  109  3. If no incidents happen during the contract period, the cash collateral will be fully returned to the yard buyers. If there are any incidents happen against regulations, disciplines or market rules, charges will first be taken from the cash collateral and the yard buyers are required to pay in full within one week.  4. In case of a yard buyers improper business attitudes, breaking rules, affecting normal business activities and the buyer do not adjust their behavior, the market will clear the particular buyers yard. All the economic loss, rent and cash collateral will not be returned.  5. If the provided houses are not enough for yard buyers to carry out recycling activities, yard buyers are allowed to build by themselves but the houses have to be built to the same standard as required by the market. All the constructions belong to the market and the yard buyers do not have the rights to demolish. As in the first responsibility, national land expropriation is viewed as irresistible, which although is quite common in all different businesses especially in renting. But Henancun has experience much more demolition than other businesses or enclaves due to its normally adjacent location to the city, which makes them face much more direct threats from urban sprawl, urbanization and redevelopment projects.  3.5 Outward Moving Trend of Henancun in Beijing Since the late 1980s, Henancun has started to emerge in Beijing. And throughout the past 20 years, it has experienced many demolition and relocation events in its developing process. Because the recyclable materials are generated mostly in the city, these enclaves 110  tried their best to stay as close to the recyclable sources as possible. But as the city sprawls, the markets lost their rented land and gradually move outward towards the fringe of Beijing. The questionnaires asked migrants about their previous locations in Beijing, the time they spend there, and the particular work they carried out at each place. In the total of 303 questionnaire replies, 238 respondents filled out their spatial trajectory in Beijing. Based on their responses, I have developed a series of maps (Figure 21-27) to document where they were since the first migrant arrived in Beijing in 1971. The three different colors used are associated with three distinct enclaves where I took the survey and the location only captures their location at the end year in the specified period in the map. Figure 28 compiled all the respondents together to show their previous location versus their current locations. And a clear trend of outward movement can be seen in migrants spatial history in Beijing.  The timeline of the demolition and relocation of Henancun are closely associated with urban development projects such as fourth and fifth ring roads constructions, Olympic Park development, new residential center construction, river management projects and also projects to build new socialist countryside (). Fig 29 illustrated the locations that more than four migrants have reported to stay before versus the existing locations which are recorded through interviews with recyclers during the fieldwork. During my fieldwork in 2012 and 2013, DXK Henancun is in the process of being closed and demolished for new socialist countryside development41, " and many migrant recyclers have already moved out of one market in DXK region to seek new locations to farther north.                                                   41  111   Figure 21: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 1985   Figure 22: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 1990  112   Figure 23: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 1995   Figure 24: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 2000  113   Figure 25: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 2005   Figure 26: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 2010  114   Figure 27: Map: Questionnaire respondents locations in 2013    Figure 28: Map: Questionnaire respondents previous locations vs. current locations 115   Figure 29: Map: Outward movement trends in Henancuns developing history (based on interviews)   3.6 Conclusions and Discussions Recycling business in Beijing has experienced a significant turn from its original collectively/state owned and official status before the 1980s to market-based migrant-run, private business. While the rigid official recycling system gradually lost business to the flexible migrant businesses, recycling opened an important market niche in providing jobs opportunities and living space for the rural-to-urban informal/floating migrants. Additionally, the official and formal recycling structure also gradually gave way to a migrant dominant family based recycling structure as well, while the official recycling companies, in the end, abandoned their recycling activities and become land lords and post-recycling companies, such as packaging or metal processing centers.  116  However, although recycling has become a migrant business, the status of recycling also turned from an official/formal status to become an informal sector. This is due to three main reasons from the administrative, environmental and safety/security aspects in Beijing. When more rural people follow chain migration into Beijings recycling business, migrant recycling enclaves started to emerge in the 1990s. These recycling company-based migrants enclaves further gained popularity among the rural migrant recyclers in the mid- to late-1990s as a safe harbor to protect them from various discriminatory social and political policies, such as Shourong. Furthermore, when more and more migrant recyclers gathered around Henancun sites for security, other migrant businessmen also joined the market to provide various social services and facilities, such as grocery stores, hometown restaurants, public bathing facilities, migrant schools, and even a temporary worker gathering point. These services and facilities are built to supplement the missing institutions that is lacking in the area and make Henancun more self-sustaining and to become stand-alone enclaves in the city. When recycling businesses and everyday livelihood could be sustained inside the enclaves, an informal space featuring recycling business is in the making since the 1990s.  However, due to its informal status and unstable land leasing contract with the local government, Henancun has been facing threats from demolition since the first day they started their recycling business. Through a series of migrant location maps, we can clearly see that Henancun has been moving outward from their original locations inside the 3rd ring road in Beijing. Various infrastructure construction and urban development projects, such as the building of fourth and fifth ring roads, new residential community development, Asian Games development, Olympic Games Village development and river 117  management projects, have expropriated Henancuns space in the past 25 years. This trend also does not seem to come to an end and even when most Henancun and their migrant recyclers have been pushed farther and farther away from the central city, the threat of demolition is always there as a factor to shape Henancun and its migrant dwellers business and livelihood in Beijing.  Therefore, Henancun in Beijing serves as a very interesting case as both a migrant and business enclave. Different from various slum, shantytowns or favelas in other social contexts, Henancun as a recycling enclave emerged as a formal-turned informal recycling center. Additionally, rather than the central debates on land deeds in other studies, Henancuns land has never been in the possession of migrant recyclers or recycling companies. As migrants are labeled as temporary floating population, migrant run recycling business has turned the recycling business from their formal identity to an informal status. Therefore, the demolition and relocation have become part of Henancuns experience in Beijing since the companies have never owned or had the title of the land in the first place. The informal status of recycling business and migrants temporality in their migration have become a natural excuse for the local government to use the land for various urban projects that are more locally embedded. This situation is quite unique among the enclave development in other social and political contexts whereby the enclave space is developed or occupied by the residents in the first place. In Henancuns case, the land lease is always based on formal but temporary land leasing contracts between the land owner and recycling companies, which have significantly deprived migrants and recycling companies claim in holding onto their Henancun in Beijing.  118  In the next chapter, I will continue to examine the structural forces that have shaped Henancun regarding the recycling companies and the migrant recyclers, so I will be able to show how Henancun never is or will be part of the city of Beijing.    119  CHAPTER 4   EXPERIENCE IN HENANCUN, BEIJING   Henancun and its dwellers have experienced many times of demolition and relocation events in Beijing as shown in the previous chapter. However, the social need for the recycling service in Beijing has created a relatively stable but informal job market for income and their experiences in Beijing at the individual level using the first-hand questionnaire data collected in the three Henancun in Beijing.  income in a good year and a bad year. The reason for using two variables to understand tant fluctuation in the recycling business as an informal cash-trading business that relies heavily on the market price. According to interviews with various migrant recyclers, the price for the recycling materials has been steady until a peak emerged in 2008. After 2008, the price of recyclable materials dropped sharply and many migrants associated this price drop with the slowing down in the financial crisis that was witnessed globally. I am using linear regression models and generalized linear models to education attainment as well as their experience on the individual level in Beijing based on the Mincer wage equation (Zheng et al. 2009).  120  Henancun through the retrospective questionnaires to understand how Shourong experience, migrants' feeling of being unfairly treated and satisfactory with the recycling business relate to their intention to change their current job and the willingness for them to let their children continue with their recycling job opportunity. The study is on an individual level, and I will be using contingency tables and odds ratios to investigate the relationship between the variables mentioned above.   4.1 Income in Recycling  Migrant earnings in the city is always an important variable reflecting migrants economic status in their migration. Since migrants have gradually taken over from their urban counterparts to dominate in the recycling business, recycling has become many migrants sole income to support their migration in Beijing. However, because the recycling business in Beijing is a cash business, the economic gain for migrant families rely heavily on the price of recyclable items in particular years, which further depend on the overall economic situation in the society. In the test questionnaires, a simple question asking about migrants average yearly disposable income is not feasible because many indicated that their income has a vast fluctuation from year to year. Thus, to understand migrants income in Beijing, two questions are asked for migrants to indicate their disposable income in a good year for their family (Q3.14 DISPINCH) and in a bad year (Q3.14 DISPINCL) respectively. Moreover, these two variables will be analyzed individually to examine the relationship between migrants human capital/demographics and their income level in the city.  121  4.1.1 The Disposable Income in a Good Year  However, although these two variables are both income related, they represent different meanings in migrants income. The disposable income in a good year represents the maximum money one could make in a good year, which could be considered similar to the earning variable that depends on their human capital and demographics since structural factor (the market price in this case) has a limited effect on migrants income. Meanwhile, the disposable income in a bad year is limited by the structural force (low market price in this case), and it represents migrants ability in dealing with the bad situation. The income analysis is based on the standard labor economics literature that the expected earning is related to his human capital and demographics (Zheng et al. 2009). The Mincer earnings function is adopted in this analysis as a base model to study migrants income. The logarithm of earnings is modeled as years of education and a quadratic function of years of potential experience. log (DISPINCHi) = log (y0) + 1AGEi + 2BJYEARi + 3BJYEARi2 + 4EDUi    + 5RTi +i Where, DISPINCHi is migrant worker i's disposable income in a good year for his/her family. AGEi (Q3.1 2013-YBORN) is included to represent one type of years of potential experience. BJYEARi (Q1.1 2013-FYINBJ) indicating the years migrant i has stayed in Beijing, is used as the variable to represent years of potential experience for migrant i in recycling. EDUi refers to the migrant i's education attainment level (Q3.2 EDU: 1: illiterate; 2: primary school; 3: middle school; 4: high school; 5: professional middle school; 6: academic college; 7: professional college; 8: graduate studies). While this variable is slightly different from the years of education in Mincers function, I 122  assume that illiterate (1), primary school (2), middle school (3) and high school (4) to have the same interval between the adjacent categories. Meanwhile, I reclassified the two observations of professional middle school to have the same value of high school (4) and two observations of professional college as one additional category above high school (5). There are no observations of migrants whose educational attainment is from academic college or graduate studies. Also, I also include a dummy variable of RTi, representing the type of recycling job migrant i is conducting (Q1.4.1 TYPERCY). I have reclassified the type of recycling jobs and use RT=MOBILE to represent itinerant recyclers (TYPERCY=1 MOBILE with tricycle or bicycles or TYPERCY=2 MOBILE with cars); RT=COMMUNITY to represent community recyclers (TYPERCY=3 Fixed-Location Community); RT=MARKET to represent yard buyers (TYPERCY=4 Fixed-Location Recycling Market) and RT=WORKER for workers (TYPERCY=5 Long-term Worker in Market or TYPERCY=6 Temporary Worker in Market). Table 1 provides the descriptions and summaries for these variables.  Moreover, multicollinearity has the potential to significantly affect our test results. Thus, before the analysis, pair-wise correlation is calculated in R. With n=262 observations, the correlation coefficient between BJYEAR and EDU is 0.00373 (t-test: 0.06); the one between AGE and EDU is -0.3304 (t-test: -5.64), which is understandable since older migrants experienced the period of cultural revolution and schools were mostly closed during that period. The correlation coefficient between AGE and BJYEAR is 0.213 (t-test:3.516). So, we could tell that the pair-wise correlations among BJYEAR, AGE, and EDU are not very strong, which would not lead to multicollinearity issues in our analysis. Lastly, correlation coefficient between BJYEAR and BJYEAR^2 is 0.945 (t-value: 123  46.59), which indicates that these two factors are highly correlated with each other. However, because the proposed methods have shown that migrants income has a quadratic relationship with experience earned in migration, both the BJYEAR and BJYEAR^2 will be used as independent variables in our analysis.  I have tested two regression models based on the Mincer equation. Table 2 shows the two models, which explain 28 and 29 percent of the variation in the logarithm of migrant disposable income in a good year. In the first model, EDU comes out to be significant at 1% level, and the coefficient of 0.192 indicates that the increase of one level in EDU attainment (e.g. from primary school to middle school) would contribute to 1.92 times (e0.192) of the disposable income holding other variables constant. In the model, AGE, the number of years in Beijing and its quadratic term are not significant. However, the signs of their respective coefficients indicate that the number of years in Beijing has a positive relationship with migrants income in a good year while migrant age has a negative correlation the migrants income in a good year. Among the three dummy variables indicating the recycling job type, the dummy variable for being a market yard buyer is significant at 1% level. That is to say, holding every other variable constant, being a Market Yard Buyer would be translated to have an expected disposable income in a good year 3.08 (e1.125) times the expected disposable income in a good year for a Community Recycler, 2.99 (e1.125-0.03) times for a Mobile Recycler and 2.32 (e1.125-0.2833) times for a Recycling Worker, which is to say that the disposable income for a good year is significantly related to the work type of being a Market Yard Buyer.   In the second model, I include the identity of being a migrant from Henan province as a dummy variable. With all the other variables, which I tested in the model (1) remain 124  almost the same in terms of their significance, being a migrant from Henan province would have an adverse impact on migrants income in a good year. The expected income during a good year for a non-Henan migrant would be 1.289 (e0.254) times for a Henan migrant. While I have already illustrated that Henan migrants are the dominating group of people in the recycling business, their relatively lower income during a good year partially confirm our observation for Henan migrants domination. While recycling has become a market niche for migrants from Henan with minimum barrier due to the fact that they are well socially and economically connected, migrants from another province would normally face a higher threshold when they join the recycling business. The higher expected income for migrants from other regions indicates that this situation agrees with our assumption on the relationship between recycling and Henan migrants.  Table 2: Regression results for the income equation in a good year Variables log(DISPINCH42) (1) (2) Coeff. (p-value) Coeff. (p-value) AGE -0.003998 0.42336 -0.00493 0.32121 EDU 0.192 0.00132*** 0.1693 0.00480*** BJYEAR 0.006873 0.72837 0.009467 0.63517 BJYEAR2 0.00004031 0.94802 -3.914E-05 0.94921 dummy: HENAN43   -0.254 0.02534** job type dummies:     MARKET YARD BUYER 1.125 0.00413*** 1.071 0.00598*** MOBILE RECYCLER 0.03096 0.43622 0.2696 0.4948 RECYCLING WORKER 0.2833 0.47799 0.1734 0.66378 Intercept 9.431 <2e-16*** 9.766 <2e-16*** No. of Observations 262 (df:254) 262 (df:257) adjusted R2 0.2824 0.2937  ***,**, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1, 5, and 10 percent levels,                                                  42 See Appendix F. disposable income in a good/bad year: Q3.5 DISPINCH/DISPINCL 43 See Appendix F. dummy: Henan: Q1.4 PHUKOU   125  respectively.  4.1.2 The Disposable Income in a Bad Year  After examining the factors that contribute to the prediction on the expected income in a good year, I also investigated the variables that relate to migrants income in a bad year. However, for a migrant to survive in their migration, their income in a good year should not be zero; but for their income in a bad year, it is possible to have zero as their income. While the reason to use the logarithm of income as the dependent variable is to transform the right skewed income distribution to be more normally distributed, the existence of 0s in the data has posed problems to the analysis. Here I used two methods to cope with the zero situation that emerged with the income in a bad year. (Figure 30)  4.1.2.1 Method 1: Add a small number to the zeros The minimum value of the disposable income variable in a bad year other than zero is l 0s while keeping them at the low end of the log transformation, I added 100 to all the 0s. Although the distribution is still not quite normal, the logarithm function could be applied to the income.      Figure 30: Chart: Distribution of the disposable income in a bad year    126  Table 3: Regression results for the income equation in a bad year Variables log(INCL.n0) (3) (4) Coeff. (p-value) Coeff. (p-value) AGE 0.00717 0.6619 0.009 0.5804 EDU 0.1295 0.5057 0.1759 0.3724 BJYEAR -0.026 0.6932 -0.0311 0.637 BJYEAR2 0.00059 0.7735 0.0007 0.713 HENAN   0.5194 0.1656 job type dummies:     MARKET YARD BUYER 0.6784 0.5961 0.7887 0.5378 MOBILE RECYCLER 1.3315 0.3087 1.4133 0.2795 RECYCLING WORKER 1.944 0.1393 2.1685 0.1012 Intercept 6.5151 0.000119*** 6.3484 0.0002*** No. of Observations 262 (df:254) 262 (df:253) adjusted R2 0.028 0.032  ***,**, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1, 5, and 10 percent levels, respectively.   Table 3 shows the results for the two regression models for migrants disposable income in a bad year. No single none-intercept variable is significant at 10% level, and I suspect that this is because there are too many 0s in the dependent variable which has significantly impacted the distribution. Thus, to some extent, these two models are not very useful in our analysis.   4.1.2.2 Method 2: Two-step analysis The first step, we treat the disposable income variable as a binary variable including 1s and 0s, which represent whether or not the disposable income in a bad year for a particular observation is non-zero or zero respectively. We can run a logistic regression based on this binary variable to see which variable contributes to the zero income in the bad year for migrants.   127  Table 4: Logistic regression results for the binary income in a bad year Variables log odds of L0  (5) (6) Coeff. (p-value) Coeff. (p-value) AGE   0.0105 0.4738 EDU -0.2069 0.1789 0.0182 0.9182 BJYEAR -0.098 0.09584 -0.0528 0.4369 BJYEAR2 0.0026 0.1545 0.0014 0.5202 HENAN   0.6658 0.0563* job type dummies:     MARKET YARD BUYER   0.172 0.8674 MOBILE RECYCLER   0.9399 0.3749 RECYCLING WORKER   1.9879 0.0709* Intercept 1.9 0.000923*** 0.0375 0.979 No. of Observations 262 (df:258) 262 (df:253) AIC 333.41 317.36  ***,**, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1, 5, and 10 percent levels, respectively.   Table 4 shows the results for two logistic regression model results for the binary disposable income variable of either zeros or none-zeros. The first model (5) indicates that none of the independent variables are significant. But when we include the indicator variables of their migration origin and the recycling work type, some independent variables show significance at the 10% level. The status of being a Henan migration is significantly related with the logarithm of the odds for being non-zero income in a bad year. Holding other variables constant, the odds for the disposable income in a bad year to be non-zero for a migrant from Henan province is 1.9460 (e0.6658) times the odds for a migrant from somewhere other than Henan province. This confirms our observation that because Henan migrants dominate the recycling business, the risk of running the business is lower for them than the migrants from other provinces. In addition, the work being a recycling worker is significant at 10% level and it indicates that the odds that holding 128  every other variable constant, the income in a bad year is none-zero for a Recycler Worker is 7.3 (e1.9879) times the odds for a Community Recycler, 2.85 (e1.9879-0.9399) times the odds for a Mobile Recycler, 6.15 (e1.9879-0.172) times the odds for a Market Yard Buyer. This is understandable simply because recycling workers salary is not tied to the changing market price of the recyclable materials, which means their income is more stable than other recyclers whose income is closely related to the fluctuating market price for recyclable materials.    The second step, after testing the binary situation of the disposable income in a bad year, I would develop linear regression Mincer models only on the none-zero disposable incomes in a bad year.  Table 5: Regression results for the non-zero income equation in a bad year Variables log(DISPINCL) (7) (8) Coeff. (p-value) Coeff. (p-value) AGE -0.00052 0.9359 -0.00036 0.955 EDU 0.2711 0.00059*** 0.2569 0.00109*** BJYEAR 0.01884 0.4397 0.0191 0.4309 BJYEAR2 -0.000377 0.611069 -0.000394 0.5927 HENAN   -0.26628 0.07423* job type dummies:     MARKET YARD BUYER 1.2254 0.036221** 1.1764 0.04312** MOBILE RECYCLER 0.712627 0.2271 0.6554 0.2641 RECYCLING WORKER 0.7428 0.2081 0.6123 0.2996 Intercept 8.1089 <2e-16*** 8.1524 <2e-16*** No. of Observations 177 (df:169) 177 (df: 168) adjusted R2 0.1486 0.1596  ***,**, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1, 5, and 10 percent levels, respectively.   Table 5 shows the results for two regression models using the logarithm of non-zero disposable income in a bad year as the dependent variable. Both models indicate that 129  migrants education attainment is significant at 1% level and being a market yard buyer is also significant at 5% level in predicting the logarithm of the non-zero disposable income in a bad year. The first model (7) concludes that the expected disposable income in a bad year for one person with certain level of education attainment is 1.311 times the income for one with one lower level of education, with other variables being held as constant. Moreover, the expected none-zero disposable income in a bad year for a Market Yard Buyer is 3.41 (e1.2254) times the expected non-zero disposable income in a bad year for a Community Recycler; 1.67 (e1.2254-0.712627) times for a Mobile Recycler and 1.62 (e1.2254-0.7428) times for a Recycling Worker. The second model shows very similar results, but in addition, it suggests that the identity of being a Henan migrant is also significantly related with the logarithm of the non-zero disposable income in a bad year. The non-zero disposable income in a bad year for a none-Henan migrant is expected to be 1.3051 (e1.3051) times the non-zero disposable income in a bad year for a migrant from Henan province.  Thus, we can see that the education plays a significantly important role in predicting the expected disposable income in both good and bad years. Also, the Market Buyers status is also significant among the various recycling jobs in predicting the disposable income in a good year and the non-zero income in a bad year. Meanwhile, Recycling Workers are significant in having none-zero incomes in a bad year. Further, the identity of being a migrant from Henan province serves as a double-edged sword in that during a bad year; Henan migrants tend to have none-zero disposable income. However, for the disposable income in a good year as well as the non-zero disposable income in a bad year, being a 130  Henan migrant is related with relatively lower income than the migrants from other provinces.  4.2 Migrants Experience and Their Opinions about Migration  In Chinese cities, structural barriers have set a long-existing discriminatory and stigmatized social and political context for the migrant recyclers in Beijing. They also have a profound influence in migrants experience as well as their opinions about their feelings in Beijing. In the questionnaire, we have four subjective questions to understand how migrants experience affects their views about their feelings in Beijing, including (1) the feeling of being unfairly treated (Q1.23, UNFAIR44); (2) considering other jobs (Q1.21, CHGJOB); (3) satisfaction with the current job (Q1.20, SATISFY); (4) whether wanting their children to work in the same job if children are not working (Q3.4.5, KIDPW). Here I use both contingency table/odds ratio and logistic regression as methods to examine what factors are related to their opinions.   Hypothesis 1: Shourong experience is related to recyunfairly treated in the city.   Table 6: Shourong experience vs. feeling being unfairly treated45  Unfairly treated Not unfairly treated Total Shourong  43 29 72 No Shourong 45 177 222 Total 88 206 294  Odds Ratio = 43*177/(45*29) = 5.832184*** (2.28e-10***)46 The odds ratio is equal to 5.83 which is significant at 1% level in the significance test using                                                   44 See APPENDIX F & 7 45 See Appendix F. Q1.20 SATISFY, Q1.21 CHGJOB, Q1.22 SHOURONG, Q1.23 UNFAIR, 46 ***,**, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1, 5, and 10 percent levels, respectively.  131    Thus, we can argue that the feelings of being unfairly treated are significantly related to their Shourong experience in Beijing. The estimated odds for the group who experienced Shourong to feel being unfairly treated are 5.83 times the odds for the group who does not experienced Shourong. While we can see that the Shourong experience has a huge impact on migrants feeling of being unfairly treated in Beijing, I continue to examine whether this being unfairly treated feeling is related to migrants' satisfying feeling with their jobs.   Hypothesis 2: I hypothesize that being fairly treated is an important feeling in hypothesis H0 is people who feel being fairly treated are more likely to be satisfied with their jobs.  Table 7: feeling being unfairly treated vs. satisfactory with the current job  Unsatisfied with job Satisfied with job Total Unfairly treated  27 61 88 Not unfairly treated 66 140 206 Total 93 201 294  Odds Ratio = 140*27/(66*61) = 0.939 (0.8191) The result is not significant, which suggests that we reject our null hypothesis that people who feel being fairly treated are more likely to be satisfied with their jobs. And being ir jobs.  132  Hypothesis 3: I propose that people who feel being unfairly treated would express the intention to change their jobs. Thus, the null hypothesis H0: Individuals who felt being unfairly treated in the city have the intention to change their jobs.  Table 8: feeling being unfairly treated vs. intention to change their job  Intention to change job No intention Total Unfairly treated  38 50 88 Not unfairly treated 60 146 206 Total 98 196 294  Odds Ratio = 38*146/(50*60) = 1.849** (0.01942**) The odds ratio of 1.849 is significant at 5% level and the odds for the group with feelings of being unfairly treated to express an intention to change their jobs are 1.849 times the odds for the group without the feelings of being unfairly treated.  After confirming that feeling being unfairly treated is related to migrants intention to change their jobs, I further investigate the relationship between migrants satisfactory feeling about their jobs and their intention to change jobs.  Hypothesis 4: I hypothesize that H0: People who are satisfied are less likely to have the intention to change their jobs.  Table 9: feeling satisfied with their job vs. intention to change their job  Intention to change job No intention Total Satisfied w/ job 45 156 201 Unsatisfied 53 40 93 Total 98 196 294  Odds Ratio = 156*53/(45*40) = 4.593*** (5.132e-09***) The odds ratio of 4.593 is significant at 1% level, and the result confirms the null hypothesis that the odds for people who are satisfied not intending to change their job are 4.593 times the odds of people who are not satisfied.   133  Next step, I am interested in the last opinion variable about migrants intention to let their children continue working in their jobs. Here I am using migrants satisfactory as the variable to test the relationship.   Hypothesis 5: People who are satisfied would want their children to continue with their business.  Table 10: satisfactory with their job vs. intention to let their children continue the job  Continue with job Not continue Total Satisfied w/ job 18 170 188 Unsatisfied 5 84 89 Total 23 254 27747  Odds Ratio = 18*84/(5*170) = 1.779  (0.266) The odds ratio is not significant with a p-value of 0.266. This rejects our null hypothesis that people who are satisfied would want their children to continue with their business. However, most of the recycling people are not willing to let their children to continue with the recycling business and only 23/277=8.3% would be willing to let their kids continue with recycling.  to let their children continue their job is also related to the size or type of their business. And since yard buyers are considered entrepreneurs with much larger investments, I would assume that the odds for yard buyers to let their children continue recycling would be higher than the other groups. I reclassify the work type to be either yard buyers or not and use this as a control variable to indicate the size or type of the business. In other words, I further divide the contingency table into two layers based on recyclers' work type and use these to describe                                                  47 The difference of total respondents is due to the fact some peoples children are already working, or they are not married.    134  the conditional association between migrants' willingness to let their children continue recycling and whether they are satisfied in their jobs.   Table 11: satisfactory vs. childrens jobs with business type controlled    Continue the job Not continue Total Yard Buyers Satisfied w/ job 15 82 97  (15.46%) Unsatisfied 1 36 37  (2.70%) Others Satisfied w/ job 3 88 91  (3.30%) Unsatisfied 4 48 52  (7.69%) Total Satisfied w/ job 18 170 188  (9.57%) Unsatisfied 5 84 89  (5.62%)  Because several entries are less than five, we cannot use the chi-square distribution based reference for our odds ratio. Thus, we will rely on partial tables to interpret the difference in different levels (the type of business in this case). We use Table 11 to investigate the conditional association between migrants satisfactory and their intention to let their children continue their business. When we are focusing on yard buyers, satisfactory has an effect in that 15.46%-2.7%=12.76% more people who are satisfied with their job would be willing to let their children continue their business than the people who are not satisfied. However, for people who are not yard buyers, it is more likely for the unsatisfied people to let their children continue with their business. This situation is very uncommon in that it goes completely against our assumption and obviously satisfactory does not lead to other recyclers willingness to let their children continue their business.  However, if we compare the situation for these two levels against the overall situation, we can see that the real relationship is hidden for people who are not yard buyers.   4.3 Summaries  In the first part of this chapter, I use linear regression and generalized linear regression to examine how disposable income in a good year and a bad year relates to the human capital factors such as education attainment and years of experiences for migrant 135  recyclers at the individual level. The original study (Zheng et al., 2009) has shown that Education, Years in Beijing and Age are significant in explaining the wages of the residents in the urban villages of Beijing. Our results illustrate a different situation. First of all, education attainment has a significantly positive relationship with migrants disposable income in a good year. Also, the different types of recycling jobs that represent the internal structure of the recycling business also affect migrants disposable income in a good year as well. Moreover, further, the identity of being a migrant from Henan province has shown significant but negative relationship with disposable income in a good year. For the disposable income in a bad year, I used a two-step method to understand first the difference between the zero and non-zero disposable income in a bad year for the migrant recyclers. Two factors stand out significant and showed that being a migrant from Henan province is more likely to make non-zero disposable income and also working as a relatively more stable recycling worker is more likely to have non-zero disposable income in a bad year. Further, for none-zero disposable income in a bad year, education attainment and a yard buyer job type are significantly related to the logarithm of the income, just like the previous linear model for the disposable income in a good year.   However, different from similar studies conducted in the urban villages in Beijing (Zheng, et al. 2009), neither of age and years in Beijing is significantly related to migrants income no matter in good or bad years. This situation indicates that the job experience, which is viewed as a human capital represented by the time in Beijing and migrants age, is not necessarily related to their income level in a good or bad year. This situation indicates that in the recycling work, job experiences are not significant for making a 136  better disposable income, which leads to further argue that as part of an informal sector, recycling is facing some potential institutional and structural barriers in the city to limit their upward mobility concerning their disposable income. And I will further examine this topic in the following two chapters.   Secondly, I also use contingency tables and odds ratio to study the relationship between migrants experience and their view about the recycling job they are working in. Sufficient evidence in odds ratio has shown that the experience of Shourong is significantly related to their feeling of being unfairly treated in the city. But, the feeling of being unfairly treated in the city is not significantly associated with their satisfactory with their recycling job. While the feeling of being unfairly treated is significantly related to migrants intention to change their jobs, the satisfactory of their jobs indicates a stronger relationship with their intention to change their jobs. And interestingly, in hypothesis five, I have further tested the relation between migrants satisfactory and their willingness to let their children continue with their current jobs. The result shows that the market yard buyers are more likely to let their children continue with their jobs than migrants from other types of recyclers. This has further confirmed my argument in Chapter Three that the internal structure of the recycling business is significantly related to migrants income, their experiences, and feelings in their migration. Thus, when I examine the institutional and structural barriers in the following chapters, I will also investigate the role of the barriers at different levels in the informal recycling structure in Beijing. 137  CHAPTER 5  INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS FOR HENANCUN AND ITS RECYCLING DWELLERS   The outsiders in Beijings recycling follow such a process whereby they rode tricycles at the beginning and later started to recycle in a community or our market yard. Theres a saying about this: a father is an itinerant businessman, while a son is a sitting businessman.                 ------interview with a market manager   Henancun, as a migrant enclave focusing on the recycling business, is widely viewed as one of the migrant clusters in Beijing (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Shen, 2003). But at the same time, its location at the rural fringe area of Beijing also makes it comparable to many chengzhongcun (urban villages) cases in South China. As plethora of researches on the institutional barriers chengzhongcun faces in the city illustrated that they can provide affordable housing for rural migrants to support their migration (Wang, et al. 2009; Zhang, L. et al. 2003b; Li, X. et al. 2010), government officials and local planners usually take a pathological view of their existence for their high crime rate, poor living conditions, risks for fire and pressures on infrastructure (Wang et al. 2009; Liu et al., 2010; He et al., 2010). He et al. semergence of chengzhongcun to keep the economic growth at a low cost as well. Henancun in Beijing shares similar situations as their counterpart of chengzhongcun in 138  South China in providing affordable housing, building available socioeconomic space for migrants, and providing various social facilities for rural-to-urban migrants in Beijing. At the same time, they also face similar institutional barriers as chengzhongcun as well regarding Hukou limitations and land accessibility. However, since recycling has a whole business structure that includes the recycling company, recycling yard buyers, itinerant and community recyclers, migrants at different layers face very complex and sometimes entirely different institutional barriers and have very different expectations in their business as well as their livelihood in Beijing.  This chapter focuses on the structural constraints, or institutional barriers, that faced by Henancun and its migrant recyclers at different layers of the recycling structure. However, the long existing rural-urban divide along the Hukou policy has led to the segregated job markets for people with urban and rural Hukou, and restricted r various social facilities in the city, such as social welfare, kindergarten, education and housing. In this chapter, instead of focusing on Hukoudirect impact on migrants' business and livelihood, I rather consider Hukou as a long existing context. However, the impact of Hukou is not neglectable, and its implications have materialized in every aspect of migrants' living and business. Additionally, as I have argued in the first chapter that Henancun is more than merely a migrant enclave and its recycling business is also very important in its development. Therefore, this chapter will tackle the structural barrier issue from two important aspects: the ones faced by migrant recyclers and ones by the recycling companies in Beijing.  139  5.1 Recycling Structure and an Upward Ladder to Climb Although the recycling system to ensure commodity flow remains effective and efficient when incorporating the new labor force of rural-urban migrants in Beijing. While almost all of the migrants initially joined recycling from the very bottom end of the structure, some of them have gradually made their way up to become an entrepreneur as a yard buyer or even a market owner. This process has been widely referred to by almost all recycling actors as an upward mobile ladder in the an itinerant businessman, while a son is a sitting in (). The difference between itinerant and sitting represents a status change in addition to a change in economic returns. Being an itinerant businessman in recycling is widely considered as a first step in the city, but being a sitting businessman represents that life is stabilized with a secured business for which you can sit back as a manager.  During many interviews with different migrant recyclers in Beijing, although the saying is a metaphor to describe a consistent upward mobile process in recycling, it has two inherent meanings with it. First, as a businessman, the "upward" ladder represents an improvement in profitability economically. While itinerant recyclers need to find the material sellers, sitting recyclers would have consistent in-flow materials bringing to them. Secondly, due to recyclers' long-time association with Shourong policy in the city, a sitting businessman also represents one that could avoid this political and social policy, in other words, they become part of the "formal" system and are protected against those unfair structural barriers. This represents a social or political upward mobility instead of a purely economic one. Therefore, naturally, the analysis of structural/institutional barriers 140  and the coping strategies is a two-sided story: the economic side vs. the political/social aspect, or to seek profits vs. to seek security/stability in the city.  5.1.1 The Recycling Structure  As illustrated in Chapter Three, Beijings recycling today has partially adopted a recycling structure that was set up during Maos planned economy. Under the planned economy, recyclable materials were an important source of industrial resources. A couple of examples here would help illustrate this situation. Before the 1980s, one has to bring a used zinc toothpaste tube to purchase a new one to ensure that all zinc tubes are recycled through the vending system. Besides, families and work units during Maos era separated all used materials, such as newspaper, used fabrics, animal bones, bottles, batteries, and metal, to sell to local recycling depots, redemption stations or itinerant buyers. The sales are always considered as important part of the family or workplaces (Furedy, 1993).  At that time, the efficiency of recycling in the society was achieved by two important factors. First, there existed a very efficient recycling system. At that point, the recycling structure involved several important collecting or buying nodes along the commodity flow process: the lowest level is the itinerant buyers (roving recyclers); the second lowest level is the recovery net points (recycling depots); the next level is the purchase stations (redemption stations), which is the central place for sorting and organizing before materials could be shipped to different factories. Although local residents would sometimes go directly to a higher-level node to seek more money, the formal structure provided an effective commodity flow system connecting residents (or other factory users) with the factories. Second, recycling was operated based on monetary returns or administrative orders. While some items like toothpaste tubes or used batteries are 141  required to purchase new ones, many items are collected simple through cash trade. Until about the late 1980s, family recycling income was always considered an important supplement to the family income. At that time, schools would also organize pupils to bring used recyclables from home to sell as part of the fund to finance school activities as well. Thus, in addition to an efficient recycling system, the administrative orders and the monetary incentives have further ensured an efficient recycling system to avoid wasting any resources in the society.   Figure 31: Chart: Beijing City materials recovery system  After the market economy turn in China, when migrants gradually entered the urban labor force, recycling business have become an important market niche for them to have a job which has a similar working scheduleto work at willas their agricultural background. 142  Also, when they saved enough money to subcontract from local recycling depots, their time flexibility, working for profit instead of salaries circumstance, and no administrative burdens have further enlarged their advantages in their competition with the conventional state-owned recycling counterparts. Besides, the return of young adults to cities from rural areas due to historical movement48 during Maos era has also helped reshaped the recycling structure in Beijing. Although the traditionally efficient recycling structure was still in place, the administrative orders no longer existed and monetary return or profit became the solely driven force in the recycling business (Figure 31 and 32).      Figure 32: Chart: Informal recycling structure in Beijing today                                                   48 : up-to-the-mountains, down-to-the-countryside movement 143  Three major changes were happening with the market turn in the recycling structure in Beijing. (1) Rather than recycling depots that were set by the recycling companies to cover several danwei (work unit) and their associated residential communities, district government offices or residential committees have set up new community recycling depots in each community to provide job opportunities to local people in poverty and young adults who came back from the up-to-the-mountains, down-to-the-countryside movement (). Although the community recycling depots served similar functions as the conventional recycling depots, the recyclers were no longer hired by the recycling companies. These new community recyclers are referred by themselves as small-scale sitting businessmen (); (2) Company itinerant recyclers no longer served as a key connection between residents and the recycling depots. Since the late 1980s, migrants have joined the recycling business, and the first investment for most migrants was a flat-back tricycle. Migrants became itinerant buyers in Beijing. Because they were not part of the conventional recycling companies, they sought profits by transporting the collected or bought recyclables from the streetresidents or work unitsdirectly to the redemption stations. These migrant itinerant buyers with were referred to as itinerant businessmen (); (3) the redemption stations, which were in charge of sorting and organizing materials, also changed their operations. The redemption stations were traditionally operated by the recycling companies, which divided up the company space and set up different sub-factories in charge of different materials. However, when migrants joined recycling, migrant families would lease a yard to recycle certain materials as well. By simply raising the collecting price a little, they swiftly dominated the recycling market. Since each yard would focus on single or mixed types of 144  materials, they are called yard buyers or large-scale businessmen (). At the same time, individually owned recycling companies also emerged in Beijing. They normally dont have recycling or sorting function by themselves, and rather, they leased land from the local landowners (many times, the village government) and divided them into smaller yards and further lease them to different yard buyers.  Therefore, the recycling structure has changed from a four-level structure: itinerant recyclersrecycling depotsredemption stations---recycling companies to a three level one: itinerant/community recyclersredemption stations (yard buyers)recycling companies/organizers. Within the new recycling structure, different types of recycling work are not free to choose when migrants first arrive at the city because different jobs require different levels of investment to start. And the process of making ones way up from a beginner can be witnessed in recycling to serve as an upward mobility model to fulfill migrants expectation in recycling.  5.1.2 A Dream to Follow in Recycling  No matter who I interviewed in the recycling business in Beijing, they all talked about this current upward mobile channel for migrants in the business: a father is an itinerant businessman, while a son is a sitting businessman. While the channel does not represent the de facto father-son relationship, it is telling a story about the process whereby migrants can upgrade their recycling jobs through wealth accumulation. In recycling, it is widely accepted that there are mainly three general types of work that most migrants are working in the itinerant recyclers, community recyclers, and yard buyers. Meanwhile, the yard buyers, who choose specific materials as their main recycling focus, are organized by a recycling company, which is registered with the local government. In addition to the 145  differences ways how these jobs operate, these different recycling jobs also represent varying levels of investment, income levels, and security status as well.   (1) In the business structure, the itinerant recyclers and community recyclers serve similar purposes as to purchase and transport the residential recyclable materials to the yard buyers (figure 33). While the community recyclers typically sign a contract with the local residential committee with payments involved, itinerant recyclers are very flexible recyclers without a contract. Since itinerant recycling does not involve any overheads or investment except for a tricycle around 100 yuan49, it serves as a beginners job in recycling. In the 1980s, when the first wave of migrants arrived in Beijing, itinerant recycling was normally the very first job they did in recycling. The benefit of being an itinerant recycler is that in the 1980s, they were highly mobile, which gave them access to various recyclables from trash and other waste on the street as well. While most migrants came to the city without any money in the 1980s, itinerant recycling served as an important job niche for them. Even today, these itinerant recyclers still act as an important component in purchasing recyclables from the residents. They are still widely referred to as itinerant businessman or . The character $h in Chinese literally means swim, and emphasizes not only itinerant but also slippery or tricky in that these people avoided all of the possible payments to run a business in the society.  means business or businessmen in Chinese.                                                   49 Sometimes, they also buy electric motors to change their tricycle to a motorized tricycle.   146   Figure 33: Chart: Levels of recycling jobs  (2) When migrants were saving money as itinerant recyclers, many of them also made local connections with certain areas they favored as their business territory. In the 1980s, community recycling spots were set up as a temporary way to solve unemployment problem for two types of residents: the local people living in poverty or having financial difficulty and the young people who returned from rural areas after the up-to-the-mountains, down-to-the-countryside movement (). However, the job was not a favored one by many because it required a lot of manual labor and also was looked down upon in the cities as garbage pickers. Thus, as these jobs were almost exclusively provided to people with local Hukou status, migrants were initially excluded. But after migrants worked as itinerant recyclers for some time to know the local recyclers, they started to subcontract from them with a fee. While the local residents still held the title of the business, they became rent collectors while migrants became the recycler in the communities. They are referred to as small-scale sitting businessmen or  in Chinese.  means little," which is used to represent the business size being little within 147  a community.  has a literal meaning of sit or sitting. So  is used here in corresponds to $h to not only show that they sit to recycle, but also emphasize that they no longer has the need of being slippery or tricky in their business operation.  (3) While the itinerant or small-scale community recyclers need to buy materials piece by piece from the local residents, yard buyers are people who only focus on purchasing one or a few type(s) of materials inside an enclosed recycling company. In the survey, we recorded a total of 11 types of popular materials yard buyers would focus on as follows:  1 = 'Steel and Iron',   2 = 'Copper and Aluminum',  3 = 'Paper',    4 = 'Wood',  5 = 'Plastics',    6 = 'PET',  7 = 'Foam',    8 = 'Leftover',  9 = 'Furniture',   10 = 'Electronics', 11 = 'Variety',   12 = 'Other' Some of the yard buyers would focus on two different types of materials, but most only have one type as the only kind they buy from the itinerant or small-scale community recyclers. To start being a yard buyer, one would need a large amount of start-up money to buy the initial batch of materials to keep the business running. For example, during the interviews, yard buyers indicate that the yard recycling for different materials requires varying levels of investment, for instance, paper recycling in a yard would require an initial investment of around 100,000 to 200,000 yuan in the early 2000s, but a metal (steel/copper) yard might require at least 1,000,000 to 10,000,000 yuan depending the size of a yard. Thus, as most migrants arrived at Beijing without money initially, many of them could not start straight as a yard buyer. Many became yard buyers after they saved 148  up enough money by working as itinerant recyclers and/or community recyclers. The yard buyers are widely referred to as a boss due to their de facto entrepreneurship as a businessman. In recycling, they are called yard buyers, or .   means big/large and here represents their large business scale. So, we can see that their category is comparable with small-scale community recyclers since both have somewhere to sit when operating the business. But again,  has the meaning of being stable or secured here as opposed to $h being the opposite.   Figure 34: Chart: Dispensable income comparisons in a good year50                                                   50 See Appendix F. Q3.5 DISPINCH  149   Figure 35: Chart: Dispensable income comparisons in a bad year51  Recycling income is very unstable due to many factors such as price change, location change, government orders or even international relationship. In the questionnaire, I asked about recyclers income in two different questions, as referring the condition being a good  or bad year income-wise, to loosely control the yearly fluctuation. Figure 34 and 35 show a comparison among these three different groups on their income level in a good year and a bad year. No matter whether it is a good year or a bad one; community recyclers have the least outliers, which indicate that their income is relatively the most stable one among the three. The median income for Community Recyclers is higher than the median income of the itinerant recyclers, which further suggests that the community recyclers are at a relatively better position income-wise. Although yard buyers have a median income similar to the itinerant buyers, during a good year, there are many outliers on the high-value range which suggests the possibility of higher income than the itinerant recyclers. Because yard buyers have more responsibilities for overheads, their actual                                                  51 See Appendix F. Q3.5 DISPINCL.  150  income is expected to be greater than the itinerant buyers as well. There are several key points here:  (1) Community recyclers are the most stable recyclers among the three income-wise. But disappearing together with the risk associated with it is the potential to have a high-cost high-income year as well. However, due to the limited observations (4) of community recyclers in our sample, this argument is weakened.  (2) During a bad year, all three groups of recyclers have the potential to have an income of 0, which suggests that although community recyclers are more stable, they are still under certain levels of risk, income-wise.  (3) Two unstable recycling groupsitinerant recyclers and yard buyersboth have many high-income outliers during both good and bad years. These outliers serve as important attractions for migrants in the business, and they also well demonstrate the potential association of high income with the high risk these two groups are bearing.  So, although these three types of jobs are significantly different from one another in operating styles and investment levels, there exists an upward mobility ladder within the three groups of recyclers. Itinerant recycling is considered unstable newcomers jobs while yard buyers are viewed as bosses, which indicates an economic and social status upgrade from being an itinerant recycler to a yard buyer. Community recyclers are viewed as having a very stable job with relatively small investment so that changing from an itinerant recycler to a community recycler represents a stability upgrade. Therefore, the upward mobility from an itinerant recycler () to a fixed-location (community or yard) recycler () accounts for both economic and social status upgrading for the migrant recyclers. Meanwhile, the recycling companies which organize the yard buyers 151  and housing rentals for both community and itinerant recyclers are not approachable in the recycling ladder system because recycling companies normally do not have recycling business by itself and need the local connections to access land leasing and recycling business licensing.  The next section will examine the overall structural barriers for almost all migrant recyclers in Beijing through descriptive analysis from the questionnaires conducted in 2012 and 2013. Also, since people at different layers of the recycling business face structural barriers and threats from various institutions, the following sections will examine migrants at various job opportunities to further investigate the structural/institutional barriers at their corresponding level.  5.2 Structural/Institutional Barriers for Migrant Recyclers in Beijing  5.2.1 Hukou (Household Registration System) There are several structural/institutional barriers faced by almost all migrant recyclers in Beijing. One important characteristic shared by all migrant recyclers is their migrant status, which is directly defined by their rural Hukou status. When migrants arrive at Beijing with Hukou status other than locally registered status, they need to register at the local police office to obtain a temporary living permit (), which is required upon signing the housing lease for a living place in Beijing. While researchers have indicated a waning impact of Hukou in regulating peoples movement (Wu et al. 2014), this project also finds that the migrant recyclers have expressed nearly no concern about their rural Hukou status for their stay in the city although almost all of the questionnaire respondents are rurally registered at places outside Beijing.  152  But, is Hukoumigrants Hukou is not am skeptical in arriving at the same conclusion. I found in my study that Hukou policy has been so well institutionalized in the society that migrants no longer expect Hukou would change in a way that can change their condition in cities. Rather than losing its power in the society, Hukou policy has gradually developed to become a social context Moreover, recycling migrants in Henancun still faces structural and institutional barriers that relate to their rural Hukou status in aspects such as housing, education, and the Shourong policy.  5.2.2 Housing  After China took the market turn at the end of the 1970s, Chinese cities also abandoned the traditional way of assigning housing as a type of welfare by the work unit (danwei) (Bjorklund, E.M., 1986; Yeh et al., 1995; Feng et al. 2008) and instead, cities have gradually developed its land leasing system and the real estate businesses (Wu, 1996). Today in Beijing, different real estate services indicated that commodity housing price outside the fifth ring road, which is the place for recycling businesses, are over 40,000 yuan/m2. If we compare this price with migrants disposable income in Figure 27 and 28, we can immediately draw the conclusion that by income from recycling, it is very hard for migrants to purchase commodity housing at the places even close to their businesses on the outskirt of Beijing. Thus, almost all migrant recyclers in Beijing choose or are forced to rent rather than purchase houses in Beijing. While many shook their head when I asked them about their housing choices, several interview respondents complain with a 153  surprising tone, the price for buying one restroom in Beijing is enough to build a three-story house at home, with a yard. So why do I want to spend money here?  But although most migrant recyclers rent housing inside Henancun or the recycling companies, the company runners such as company owners, managers, or office clerks in general have or rent commodity housing and commute to work in the company offices that locate inside Henancun. They are either Beijing residents or have gradually gotten used to their new identity as a company owner and manager in a formal business style.  Migrants in the three groups shown in the above structure are mostly, if not all, either residential housing renters or living inside their recycling yard around or inside Henancun. Despite having different recycling styles in their business, itinerant and community recyclers mostly live either in the housing section of Henancun or rent directly from local villagers for their cheap rents. Living next to Henancun also gives them the advantage of knowing the price change in a very fast manner and keeps their commuting distance to a minimum. They normally get up before dawn, ride tricycles to their preferred or assigned locations to buy recyclables during the daytime and ride back at dusk to sell to different yard buyers next to their rental houses before going back home. (Figure 36)  Meanwhile, yard buyers typically rent a yard that is about 0.5-1 mu (666m2) from the recycling company and live at the built houses inside the assigned yard to not only save on housing but also to watch and protect their materials at night right by their houses. While this situation has the advantage of living with their commodities as a security measure, it also increases the risk of fire incidents since they cook and furnace at their house next to the materials as well. (Figure 36)  154      Figure 36: Photograph: Housing for recyclers in Henancun  However, the housing situation is not great. Many migrant recyclers indicate that their living condition has been the same for the past 25 years after they first arrived in Beijing. I will explain this situation in the following sections. The average housing area for one person in the questionnaire is less than 10 m2. As we can see from Figure 30, most migrant recyclers live in a house between 10-20 m2. For people who live within 10 m2, there average 2.3 persons living in that house; for other housing sizes 10-20 m2: 2.8; 20-30 m2: 3.1; 30-40 m2: 3.9; over 40 m2: 4.5. Thus averagely, people who participated in the questionnaire, in general, live at a place under 10 m2 per person. (Figure 37)  155   Figure 37: Chart: Size of housing and the averaged number of residents living in their houses52  Also, the housing condition question is also constructed under the local context. Since recyclers are mostly not under complete poverty, their houses have all the necessities to live under Beijings climate. TVs, refrigerators, and sometimes even washers are present when I visited their houses because in the recycling market, these items are all available at usable conditions at very low prices. Thus, the question about housing focuses mostly on the elements that relate to housing hygiene conditions. Table 12 shows the results based on all 304 questionnaire takers.  Table 12: Housing condition for housing in Henancun53 In House Restroom Running water Solar hot water Elec hot water AC Furnace Public heating  # 11 140 149 19 61 241 9 % 3.62% 46.05% 49.01% 6.25% 20.07% 79.28% 2.96%  From Table 12, we can see that about half of the people participated in the questionnaire have running water and solar heated water at their rental houses and close to 80% of the people have furnace in their house. These numbers are relatively high because they                                                  52 See Appendix F. Q1.10 NOINHOUSE, Q1.13 HOUSEAREA.  53 See Appendix F. Q1.13 IHRESTRM, IHRUNNINGW, IHSOLARWT, IHELECWT, IHAIRCOND, IHFURNACE, IHPUBCHEAT.  156  represent the very cheap way to obtain the necessities recyclers need to survive Beijings summer and winter. Meanwhile, the high-cost necessities such as electrically heated water (6.25%) and AC (20.07%) are present at much fewer houses, which indicates that migrants would also like to keep investment at minimum. Meanwhile, restroom and public heating, which are considered as part of the public facilities that need infrastructure development from the recycling company or the local government, have an extremely low presence at recyclers houses. Therefore, we can see that the housing condition stays at a surviving level while both the company/local government and the migrant recyclers use minimum investment in building the rental housing and yard houses in Henancun. In the official contract between the company and yard buyers, the company usually builds one or two one-story one-bedroom house(s) for each recycling yard. These houses are company property and are not allowed to reconstruct. To keep investment low, recycling companies only provide the houses to accommodate the minimum needs for family to live in the yard. Meanwhile, the contract also specifies that if the yard buyer decides to build housing for their family use in the yard, the built houses would belong to the company, which makes yard buyers reluctant at building additional houses for themselves. However, many yard buyers would rather purchase temporary mobile houses or build temporary houses as a coping strategy, which I will discuss in the next chapter.  My research also investigated the willingness or actions of migrants purchasing new houses for their families. During my interviews with the itinerant, community recyclers, and yard buyers, every one of them indicates the uselessness to own commodity housing in Beijing. The reasons they gave generally involve (1) housing in Beijing is too 157  expensive; using much less money, they could build a several-story house at hometown with a nice yard; (2) buying houses no longer grants local Hukou; (3) they have no interests for staying in Beijing forever, so they would rather buy houses in their hometowns. While these are the main reasons for recycling migrants not to buy houses in Beijing, questionnaire results also suggest the same answer when I ask about whether they have already purchased houses anywhere by a multiple-choice question. Out of the 303 responses from the questionnaire, only one person indicated that he had purchased local housing in Beijing. Among the 302 answers otherwise, I further ask them to show where they have bought or where they intend to buy houses for their family. Table 13 shows the results from this question:  Table 13: Where have you purchased or do you intend to buy houses? 54 Answers Responses (302 total) Percentage  1 = 'Self-Built one at Home Town',  2 = 'Self-Built one at my Rural Village',  3 = 'Bought one at Home Town',  4 = 'Bought one at Rural Village', 5 = 'Self-Built one at Another Town',  6 = 'Self-Built one at Another Village',  7 = 'Bought one at Another Town',  8 = 'Bought one at Another Village',   9 = 'Plan to self-build one at home town', 10 = 'Plan to self-build one at home village',  11 = 'Plan to buy one at home town',  12 = 'Plan to buy one at home village',  13 = 'Plan to self-build one at another town', 14 = 'Plan to self-build one at other village',  15 = 'Plan to buy one at another town',  16 = 'Plan to buy one at another village',   17 = 'I'm not going to build or buy house',  18 = 'I haven't thought about this question'   1    0 2    123 3    22 4    0 5    0 6    1 7    0 8    0  9    2 10  14 11  4 12  3 13  0 14  8 15  2 16  0  17  72 18  51    40.73% 7.28%   0.33%    0.66% 4.64% 1.32% 0.99%  2.65% 0.66%   24.17% 16.89%                                                   54 See Appendix F. Q1.12 HPLAN.  158   Out of the 302 responses, about half of them (48%) have already self-built houses at either their rural home village or the town that their village belongs to. About 11% intend to buy, or self-built houses in their home village or hometowns. And 24% has no intention to buy or build houses at all while about 17% have not taken housing into serious consideration.  Therefore, we can see that migrant recyclers are mostly living with dense and poor housing conditions while they almost have no intention to buy housing in Beijing at all. On the contrary, many of them still take hometown as the potentially permanent place to live sometime in the future. This situation is well beyond housing itself, and in fact education is another barrier migrants are facing in the city.   5.2.3 Education When Hukou has lost its power on controlling peoples migration from rural to urban areas, its far-reaching impacts in various social aspects remain strong, such as job market, housing and education. But education serves as a highly important factor in that most migrants took their childrens education as their only way to join the formal system, which they considered themselves to be excluded from. The most important issue associated with education is the country-wide College Entrance Exam. All high school graduates will take the three-day exam at the same time in the province related to their Hukou registration. However, universities have the rights to decide how much percentage of students they are willing to accept from certain provinces, which makes the odds greatly favoring the provinces with more universities. However, since most universities are in the major cities, college entrance exam competition becomes extremely intense for 159  the rural provinces and provinces with high population. Henan has a total population that ranked the 3rd among all of the 31 provinces in China during the 2010 census. And in 2013, Henan province has a total number of 758,000 people who took the college entrance exam, which ranked 1st among all provinces. But it has an A-level college acceptance rate of 6.79%, which ranked the 26th among all provinces55. We can see that Henan migrants in recycling are facing a very serious challenge in how to let their children succeed in the college entrance exam. Also, because the place to receive the public education is also Hukou based, many migrant recyclers would have to decide where they will have their children to receive education, the formal schools at hometowns or the migrant-run schools in Beijing, to better prepare for the college entrance exam as well.  In Changping district of Beijing, two important documents relate to migrant childrens education. One is the temporary method for applying public education for floating populations children under education ages in Beijing () published by Beijing Municipal Commission of Education in 2002. The method emphasizes that children, whose age is between 6 and 15 years old and who have not finished the nine-year compulsive education, should go to school to receive the compulsive education. For migrant children who have relatives being responsive to them at their hometowns, they should go back to their hometown to receive the compulsive education; if this is not the case and the childs parents have resided in Beijing for over half a year with temporary living permits, the child can apply for local public schools to receive compulsive education. The method also indicates that                                                  55 College entrance exam data are from http://gaokao.ajiao.com/163062.html; and http://edu.people.com.cn/n/2014/0606/c367001-25114811.html.  160  parents should prepare the following documents: (1) Hukou documentation for the family, (2) parents ID, (3) temporary living permits, and (4) working proof before they can go to the street office or township government to submit their application for temporary education allowance documentation (). Then parents can use this allowance and transcripts from the hometown school to apply to local public schools for the opportunity to receive local education for their children. However, the local schools retain the rights to decide whether they would accept the child or not. In fact, in many cases, migrants have to pay an additional construction fee before the school would accept their children as students.  In 2014, another important documentation Examination standards for the non-Beijing-Hukou childrens schooling application Five Documentations in Changping District56 came in place at the end of April. Although this documentation is from the district level education department, every district has published similar standard at the same time. The document required that migrants should provide additional local residential location proof in supporting their application. Thus, since 2014, migrants need to provide five documents, including the previously mentioned four and the residence proof in their application. Previously, migrants could bring ID, Hukou and house deed or rental contract to the local street office or township governments to apply for a hand-written proof. But in 2014, this document has become house deeds or rental documentation only, while also put strict regulations on the allowed type of rental houses to exclude military properties, economic housing, indemnificatory apartments, commodity houses or basements. However, in 2014, public media has recorded cases where application was                                                  56 http://edu.sina.com.cn/zxx/2014-05-06/1036417298.shtml  161  turned down for many migrant applicants who live in rental houses57. Thus, local formal education is nearly inaccessible for many migrant parents who even have spent more than ten years working in Beijing.   Figure 38: Chart: Where migrants oldest child attends primary school? (266 responses)58   Figure 39: Chart: Where migrants oldest child attends junior high school? (202 responses)59                                                    57 M”1ƒ3W5Y .  http://learning.sohu.com/20140520/n399784881.shtml  58 See Appendix F. Q3.4.1 WIFEHERE, Q3.4.2 KIDBJFP, KIDBJMP, KIDHTP, KIDOTP.  59 59 See Appendix F. Q3.4.1 WIFEHERE, Q3.4.3 KIDBJFM, KIDBJMM, KIDHTM, KIDOTM.   162  Figure 38 and 39 show that many migrants choose to let their oldest child attend schools at their hometowns. The questionnaire is designed to cover migrants choices in selecting school locations specifically for the nine-year impulsive education. The percentage of migrants who have their children to take hometown primary school is 75% while the one for junior high school is 86%. Furthermore, more children tend to stay in Beijing through primary schools (total of 24%) than middles schools (total of 13%), which is because since Beijing has much higher odds for local children to enter a college, college entrance exam competition is much more severe at their migration hometowns. This situation has further led to a condition whereby migrant hometown education emphasizes much more on succeeding in an exam rather than teaching materials outside the textbooks, while Beijings education has different objectives. To succeed in the college entrance exam, migrants would preferably send their good school performing children, who have the potential to succeed in the exam, back to their hometown to receive more practical education.  From Figure 38 and 39, we can also see that many families would take a split family strategy to accommodate this educational dilemma as well. This has been a common coping strategy for migrants to accommodate the education reality in China. However, socially and culturally this strategy has led to many unforeseeable conditions. During my visit in Gushi County of Henan province, many local officials have indicated that because many grandparents are illiterate, they cannot take care of help with their grandchildrens homework or questions. Meanwhile, without parents presence, many middle school, and high school children have formed or joined various street gangs and further led to all kinds of social problems in their family. There are further coping strategies with this 163  situation as well. The wealthy migrant parents or migrants whose parents are not able to take care of the children would pay money to the hometown teachers to take extra care of their children, meaning the teachers home would serve as host families for the children to take care of them and make sure they are on the right track. However, this is not the main theme of this dissertation, and I will leave this topic for my future studies.   5.2.4 Demolition and Relocation While recycling normally follows urban development for the recyclable materials from construction and housing decoration, recycling enclaves, such as Henancun, in fact, face serious threats from various urban development projects as well. At the end of Chapter Three, I have examined the spatial movements of Henancun in Beijing since the 1980s. However, almost these demolitions and relocation happened due to urban renewal or urban infrastructural development. The most well known ones are related to several large urban projects such as the 1990 Asian Games in Beijing, the 3rd, 4th and 5th ring road construction, Wangjing residential area construction, 2008 Beijing Olympic Games construction, Tiantongyuan residential area construction and various Subway system construction projects. As we have already illustrated in previous sections, the recycling business is highly efficient because of the direct connection with local residents through community and itinerant recyclers, traveling distance serves as a major cost in recycling. The closer a recycler could live to the source of recyclable materials, the higher profit they could obtain. While these projects are pushing Henancun farther and farther away from the central city, profits are also cut heavily by the increased travel distance in between. Almost all itinerant and community recyclers express their concern over the 164  repetitive demolition and outward relocation of Henancun in a similar fashion. In one of the itinerant recyclers words,    I am not sure about what would happen if we [Henancun] need to relocate again. I have been traveling farther and farther now, and if Henancun moves too far from the city, I will not be able to make anything out of recycling. But Im not just talking about myself. Beijing will be full of trash one day if we recyclers are too far from the city to make a profit.  However, while the local governments pathological interpretation of Henancun is not helpful for the demolition situation, the main reason for Henancun to face repetitive demolition lies in the spatial conflicts they always have with various urban development projects. Henancun, as both a migrant and business enclave, always takes serious consideration on how its spatial location would maximize their recycling profits. To some extent, the factors they take into consideration, for example, being close to the central city, low construction density, and large contingent cheap land, all happen to be the characteristics urban development projects prefer in a city. This coincidence is interesting and understandable, but it is also devastating for Henancun as a business seeking long-term spatial stability. I will illustrate this in more detail as one of my main arguments in Section 7.2. Therefore, the migrant enclave has always been and will continue facing demolition and relocation in the future, and migrant recyclers and the recycling companies have already taken demolition and relocation as a known fact in that they never expect to stay in one place for long. In Dongxiaokou area, when I ask my interviewees about their stay in Dongxiaokou, many of them are surprised that they can 165  stay at Dongxiaokou since 2003 or 2004 (close to 10 years when I conducted my interviews in 2012 and 2013).  5.2.5 Shourong, Stigmatization, and Discrimination  Recycling in China is now widely viewed as an informal economy in that they are too flexible and could avoid all governmental regulations even taxations, but another important historical reason for being viewed it as informal is the possible relationship it has with potential criminal activities of stealing. When urban infrastructure such as copper wire, sewer cover, traffic signs are missing, the first thing police would do is to search the recycling centers for clues to find the criminal. Because of this potential connection between the illegal activities and recycling business which is considered as the easiest place to cash out the stolen items, the police put a lot of attention in regulating the recycling activities. On walls of almost every recycling company office, there are always signs to show what items are allowed to be recycled and what items are resurfaced from potentially stolen infrastructure items (Figure 40).   Figure 40: Photograph: Forbidden items from recycling posted by police  166  When Henan migrants first joined the business in Beijing in the 1980s, many of them made their living through hard manual work in the recycling business. However, since they worked mostly in the recycling business and many stolen cases are also related to recycling, gradually their fame is stigmatized through these connections as well. Even during my interviews with Henan migrants, they did not deny that they have heard about stories that migrants from Henan province were involved in stealing in the 1980s and 1990s. And since that was a much faster and easier, despite illegal, way to make a fortune and many people in recycling also made a good living during those years, the loose association has become a stigmatized tie between the two. However, although many people talked about the few possible cases of stealing they heard from someone, nobody could practically trace back to the source where the stigmatization and discrimination started in Beijing.  Although we cannot confirm any of the stealing and fortune making stories that stigmatizes Henan migrants and Henancun, Shourong as a discriminatory social policy did have long-existing effects on mig in Beijing. Shourong () is short for the two-part policy of ShourongQiansong60 (˙f) in China that was in place after 1982 and ended in 2003 when a college student was beaten to death under this policy in Guangzhou, China. This policy originated in 1982 when the State Council of China established the policy as of the custody and repatriation method for vagrants and beggars in cities . This was originally set as a welfare policy to help, educate and arrange the urban vagrants to manage the inflow of rural                                                  60 Shourong: putting in custody and Qiansong: repatriation 167  migrants under poverty in cities. This policy expands to cover the Three-No People61  in the early 1990s and required that people with non-local Hukou status to apply for a temporary living permit in the city. When Three-No People were caught, they would be Shourong, or locked up and qiansong, or sent back to their hometowns. Figure 41 shows that 87.5% (64 out of 72) of the people who experienced Shourong in Beijing arrived in Beijing before 2003 while 48.28% (112 out of 232) of the people who did not experience arrived at Beijing before 2003.   Figure 41: Chart: Have you experienced Shourong in Beijing?62   All the migrant recyclers who experienced Shourong in my interviews condemned the policy as being brutal, inhumane and absurd in that it functioned more like a money                                                  61 Three-No People: means people without legal documentation, stable residence or stable income, which means no ID, temporary living permit or working permit in cities.   62 See Appendix F. Q1.22 SHOURONG & Q1.1 FYINBJ.  168  collecting method for the contract-based public order joint defense team (63) instead of the police in the city. When Shourong was in place, migrants had to use different ways to escape the Shourong policy. It was exactly under this situation, Henancuns emergence became one of the most important coping strategies against Shourong for recycling migrants, in Beijing.  In addition to the controversy of the connection between recycling and illegal activities and the negative image of migrants through the Shourong practice, stigmatization of Henan migrants has been spreading so heavily that it impacts both the recycling business and migrants way of living in Beijing. During my interviews with some itinerant recyclers and yard buyers, two stories caught my attention. Although the stories are stand-alone cases they have encountered in Beijing, it shows the extent to which migrants are taking discrimination as part of the social and economic context in Beijing when they are running their business and living the city life.  Mr. Zhao (Case 1, itinerant recycler by car) is an itinerant recycler in Picun of Chaoyang district. Picun located almost at the boulder between Chaoyang district and Tongzhou County and is far out of the fifth ring road of Beijing. Since the places outside the fifth ring road in Chaoyang is still yet to be developed, there are not many residents in that region and many places are still considered as rural villages. Thus, the PC Henancun are quite different from the ones in Dongxiaokou in that they are not aiming at residential recyclable materials. Many yard buyers in these companies have contracts with industries, large commercial companies, supermarkets, shopping centers, airports or even some large periodic events through contracts. Meanwhile, the residents in the housing section in                                                  63 This is a community resident team organized by the local police to assist police in maintaining public order. They normally work under temporary contracts.   169  Henancun are also different from ones in Dongxiaokou in that they must use cars to travel into and out of the city, while the location is also not economic for community recyclers to commute from the city. So, the residents in the housing sections of PC Henancun are the ones who specialize in high-profit items such as electronic appliances, computers and furniture mostly from small businesses.  The housing section is one section inside a large yard in the recycling company. The space is a combination of several yards with one-story houses surrounding an empty yard. In the housing section, there is a total of about 25 one-story houses next to each other constructed in a U sharp with a gate on the opening side. The surrounded yard is used to store all the recycled items for each recycling family before they reach a certain volume to sell as a bulk. (Figure 42) Recycling is still family based, but in many cases, several houses would host one business together and share their recycling resources together. Either one or a couple of families would have a car, which is more like a small van in that the trunk size is what they need to transport all the items they bought from the city.      Figure 42: Photograph: Mr. Zhaos electric appliance recycling and rental house  Mr. Zhao is in his 40s and focuses on electronics, especially parts from computers. While he does not have any contract with any companies, he needs to drive his van around the 170  city and sends out his name cards to other local recyclers (community/itinerant recyclers in particular locations) in order to buy those specific items from them or their customers. In addition, like what all other young people do, he uses internet to advertise his recycling business as well. As he told me, most of the recyclers like him would take internet cafes as very promising customers because the computers wear off very fast and computer upgrades are so common that they always need to sell their old computers. When I asked him to what extent his Henan identity affects his business, he bitterly smiled and gave me a simple answer.  Everywhere, for example, one time I got a phone call from someone who probably saw my ads online. He was an owner of an internet cafe and wanted to sell some computer screens and asked me about the price I could offer. After setting up a time to collect the computer screens, I drove over with my friend and parked at their back door. All the screens were already left outside. When I approached to get them, he asked me where are you from? I told him I was from Henan province. He said then I dont want to sell anymore. I asked him why and he told me that he heard that Henan people are not trustworthy. We talked for hours about this, and I told him, there are bad guys and good guys everywhere, you cannot judge based on where people are from. Well, after all, he became a friend of mine. But what I want to tell you is these kinds of cases are everywhere. While this guy sold me all the materials, many will not and trust me many will not even talk with you. Are there liars and thieves from Henan? Sure, 171  I cannot deny there are. But you cannot take everyone from Henan as bad people.  In my interviews, this reflection is very common among Henan recyclers. In Beijing, even in China, Henan people have related to illegal activities many times. One time, even a police station in Shenzhen city posted banners saying heavily striking on the extortion and blackmailing gangs from Henan province , and 500yuan award for reporting extortion and blackmailing gangs from Henan province 50064 in March 2005 without any evidence backing up their statements. The police station sent official apology after a court rule. There are also many cases of job advertisement that specifically excluding people from Henan province as well. These cases reflect the social condition many Henan migrants are facing in the society. The police actions, stigmatization, and discrimination have significantly affected migrants business and livelihood in Beijing. However, at the same time, this situation has further pushed the emergence and development of Henancun as stand-alone enclaves in Beijing as well.  5.3 Structural/Institutional Barriers for Recyclers at Different Levels  Based on my fieldwork, I have concluded these five factors, Hukou, housing, education, demolition and relocation, and Shourong, stigmatization and discrimination as important structural/institutional barriers almost all migrant recyclers are facing in Beijing. However, while migrants working at different levels in the recycling structure face different people and use different business style, they are facing more specific barriers in                                                  64 Sohu News. http://news.sohu.com/20060209/n241734731.shtml  172  both their business and livelihood as well. I will explain some of the most important specific factors that have significantly shaped the everyday life of migrant recyclers at different levels of the recycling structure.  5.3.1 The Itinerant Recyclers, Xing Shang () The roving recyclers represent the group that has existed in recycling for the longest period. Before the economic reform, they are organized by the recycling companies to purchase residential recyclables from local residents, while industrial/office wastes are normally collected directly by the recycling companies. After the reform, the local itinerant recyclers are gradually replaced by the newly arrived migrants because this job does not require specific skill set or investment other than the willingness to ride a flat-back tricycle on the streets. Since this job was highly mobile and hard to regulate, they remained untaxed and unregistered even today, which gave them the advantage to maximize profit directly by cutting out the additional charges recycling companies needed to keep the business running for the whole company. Since then, itinerant recycling has been serving as very important entry level market niche for migrants who came to the city with [only] a shoulder on the head.  As an entry-level recycling job, it has the advantage of avoiding all potential charges from subcontracting fees, overheads for business utilities, cleaning fees for fixed-location recyclers to salaries yard buyers pay for sorting recyclables. They represent a low-cost, low-income group of recyclers who typically choose to ride flat-back tricycles or electrically motorized tricycles every day and commute from their rented flats to different residential communities in the city. Itinerant recyclers are the biggest group of house renters in Henancun. Spatially, Henancun are comprised mainly of different recycling 173  companies. But on the side of those companies, there are normally residential areas either owned by different local landlords or the recycling companies themselves. These residential areas are predominantly one-story houses built in several rows with narrow pathways in between. These houses host almost exclusively itinerant recyclers, community recyclers, migrant temporary workers65, and some furniture recyclers66. Itinerant recyclers normally ride their tricycles to the city at dawn, come back to sell in different yards, and leave the empty tricycle by their rented house at night. They also use the pathway as a place to dissemble electrical appliances, such as electrical washer, air conditioner and fridge, and sell dissembled materials based on elements if the items are not fixable. Itinerant recyclers take advantage of staying close to the recycling yards while paying low rent because of their location out of the main city.  Also, itinerant recyclers are the group that experienced most Shourong cases in Beijing. When Shourong policy was still in place around 2000, public order joint defense team members would check the required documents of almost everyone who looked or acted like a migrant in the city. Because itinerant recyclers have to ride tricycles on the streets for their business, they face a lot of risk being exposed to Shourong in their everyday life. Although we do not have quantitative data to understand how migrants reacted to Shourong policy, many migrant recyclers have indicated that they chose to leave Beijing during those years only because Shourong has great impact on their business and lives.                                                   65 Migrant temporary workers are groups that wait at certain areas for day hire to load/unload trucks.  66 Furniture recyclers are a very particular group of recyclers from Hebei province. They live in the housing sections in Henancun, but only buy used furniture from the itinerant/community recyclers. At dusk, they will come out in groups to different entrances to Henancun and negotiate with recyclers to purchase furniture directly there. Because their hometown in Hebei province is relatively close to Beijing, they ship all the furniture back home to fix and resell in markets at second/third tier cities, towns and villages.   174  After Shourong police ended in 2003, migrants gradually returned to Beijing to restart their recycling business again. In figure 43 showing migrants first year of arrival in Beijing, a clear peak appeared in 2003 when Shourong was officially terminated. While recycling on the street no longer face the discriminatory Shourong policy, itinerant recycling has flourished again. However, itinerant recyclers still face very unstable economic situation as day-by-day income still serves as the sole income for them to go through their livelihood in Beijing.   Figure 43: Chart: First year arriving at Beijing for all itinerant recyclers67   Among all the recyclers I interviewed, although only a few are working as itinerant recyclers, many community recyclers and yard buyers have previous experience being one. Here, I include two cases of interviews to illustrate further how their business and lives appear to be in Beijing.  Mr. Qian (Case 2, itinerant recycler) is an itinerant recycler I met in the residential area of DXK Henancun. I initially met with him at dusk of a sunny day after my interview with                                                  67 See Appendix F. Q1.1 FYINBJ, Q1.5.1 TYPERCY 175  the owner of the rental houses. After arrangement, I scheduled to interview him at 7:30am in the following morning because he has an AC to dissemble before he heads over to the city. (Figure 44) Mr. Qian is 42 years old (in 2012) and came from a rural township right next to Huai River on the north end of Gushi County, Henan province. After trying different jobs in making bricks, construction, carpenter, raising fish in Changzhou of Jiangsu province at the age 15 or 16, he was introduced to come to Beijing by his dantiao (˘õˇA68) in 1995 without knowing anything about jobs. He bought a flat-back tricycle immediately and started working as an itinerant recycler.    Figure 44: Photograph: Mr. Qian as an itinerant recycler in Beijing  He initially stayed in Wali in 1995, but moved to Chenying after 3, 4 years when Wali was demolished for the 2008 Olympic Games. After a few years in Chenying, the land was developed for something he did not know  you know, we dont know, its all national things. Then he came to Dongxiaokou and had been living here since. Based on his answers, demolition does not affect his business much except for riding a longer distance, but Im still pulling everything back to sell no matter where I live.  5.3.1.1 Renters in Henancun                                                  68 Dantiao: the husband of ones wifes sister.  176  While most migrant recyclers live in the housing section of Henancun, many indicated is very typical as an itinerant recycler who has been in Beijing since the 1990s. As a renter in Henancun, he talked about his housing situation between now and in 1995.  How can it change? I cant make more money although I want to. The living situation is about the same as during that time. I think its already quite good, no better than before; they are about the same. We have running water, and you can tell that we are all using the same hose here (shared hose in the pathway). We also have electricity. Everyone is using the same restroom, just the one outside. For bathing, we put together this hut for it (using used wood board) and we dont have public bathing facilities. We have an AC at home and you can tell by the part outside the window. I am going to take it away and sell because its getting cold now and we dont need it any more. Also, the electricity is not very stable and its hard to use the AC. Electricity is very expensive too. One degree (1000wh) costs more than one yuan. This thing cost one degree an hour. Now [the society] is promoting reducing energy and environmental protection, right? The energy saving ACs saves on electricity, but they dont work well when electricity voltage is low.  The house has one kitchen and one bedroom with about 20m2 of total area, but he turned the kitchen to a temporary bedroom as well. He has all kinds of used electrical appliances such as a TV, an air conditioner, a fridge, a desktop computer and a washer inside the house as well. His rent is only 240yuan/m.  177  5.3.1.2 Shourong policy in the 1990s Throughout my interviews with Henan migrants, people in their 40s or older almost have the exact reaction to my question on Shourong: shaking their head, waving their hands rk history and nobody wants to veteran migrant recyclers in Beijing experienced Shourong policy until 2003 when the policy came to an end. As a veteran itinerant recycler, Mr. Qian experienced Shourong himself for several times. His case is quite typical among the responses I have gained in my study. The first time was in Wali, 2000.  I was in Wali in 2000 when I recycled around Changqiao in the city. When you are in the street recycling, they [the defense team members] dont care whatever you say, they just take you and send you to your hometown, Henan for me. If you have money, theyll let you go. Its just brutal. At that time I was riding my tricycle, but it doesn't matter whether you are walking or riding. They can easily tell that you are not local, and theyll just take you without explanation. Theyll send you to the police to register, then send you away. In 2000, we need to pay 300 yuan. If you have money, give them 300, [theyll let you go], then 200, then 100. If you dont have any money, theyll take you to Henan and let you go. So, if you pay, they dont care about you anymore and will let you go from the train at the cargo stations. I was let away at somewhere close to Baoding or Shijiazhuang, still more than 1000km from Henan. Then they just dont care anymore, no matter 178  you choose to walk or whatever. If you know someone who they know of, you can go too. Otherwise you have to be sent out of Beijing. At that time, my wife couldnt get hold of me and worried a lot. What she knew was that I simply disappeared and nobody knew where I went. When I was released, I was able to buy a ticket and came back [to Beijing]. But many times, they dont send you away immediately because they need to accumulate enough people to fill the train. Sometimes, I was locked in Qiliqu () for two or three days. But luckily, since there are lots of Henan migrants in Beijing, its easy to fill the train to Henan. [bitterly smile] Only our trains go very frequently because we have many people in Beijing.  When I asked him about the temporary living permit, he said,  Temporary living permit is useless. [When they check] if you have it, theyll simply tear it up then put you away. At that time, nobody cares about any documents. If you have a temporary living permit, theyll tear it up. Do you have it now? No? Then they lock you up. I was taken for Shourong for about five or six times. Pay every time but the amount is different. The minimum to pay during this period was about 100yuan then theyll send you to Baoding before they let you go. Almost all of the Shourong cases were around 1999 or 2000 and just those two or three years. Did you stay in Beijing after Shourong?  179  No. I got taken away several times for Shourong. Then I went back, back home. And at about 2002, it [Shourong] was all over. You know I cant stay at home, because what are you going to eat while staying home? Then I came back to my dantiao in Beijing again.  5.3.1.3 Unstable income  Mr. Qians business and livelihood are maintained daily just like thousands of other itinerant recyclers in Beijing. When I started my interview with Mr. Qian in the pathway in front of his house, several items were in front of him while he was working on an air conditioner. There is also a pile of items stored at the corner of the wall and the constructed bathing hut including used shoes, coats and pants as he explained that those are collected because he wants to sell them to construction workers to make some extra money.   The business is OK. Well, I dont know about other businesses anyway. Income is OK, but not very stable. If lucky, I can make several thousand yuan [per month]. But if not, I cant even make 2000. It all depends on buy-and-sell, how could one be sure about it? Sometimes I can make one or two hundred, but sometimes I cant even make 30 [a day]. [when asked if he wants to become a community recyclers hard to find one [opportunity]. If you dont know anyone there, they wont give you the job. But if you get one, thatll be very stable, at least 30 or 50 a day. [when asked whether he could become a yard buyer] A sitting businessman? I dont have that kind of brain, not enough money or investment. My life stays about the same all these years. People like us dont have a good 180  education or the business brain, so just here to hold our living based on this income. We really just cant make more. If you want to make the business big, you have to have the business brain. Without that brain, you can never make it big. Who doesnt want to make big money? But you have to have the opportunity and relatives to pull you up. I dont have a relative who has money, then whos gonna pull you up?  During the interview, Mr. Qian is dissembling the recycled AC at the same time. He explained to me how it works for the AC recycling:  This one will sell for more than 300 yuan, close to 400. I lose money because I spent more than 400 on it. After dissembling it, I can only sell it a little more than 300. The most expensive part is the motor, compression engine, copper and aluminum. Without these, youll lose more money. So, I am dissembling it to pieces, like plastics, copper and so on. How would you sell it without dissembling it? The whole dissembling would take about half to one hour. Then Ill go to the city. If you come here late, I would be gone. I go out every day then came back around dusk. [when asked whether he sells everything every day] No, I sell when I have sometime. If it rains, I cant go out. If it rains for days, we will be staying home all time without any income, no security. But even when you go out, your income is still not stable. [Making money] is like gambling, you cant be sure. Going out doesnt mean making money. Sometimes if you go out and cant buy anything, you cant have a business. Even buying this AC, if the motor is made of copper, I can make some money. If it is steel, I wont 181  make any. Its not like others with a formal job, we dont have stable income. [asked whether he has stable resources] Im familiar with the city. Maybe they count as stable resources, just friends, we call each other. But this is still not sure. I dont buy from the local residents, but more like a trader. He [friend] purchases it, then sells to us. They are community recyclers. They are just watching there, then sell to us because they don't travel as far as we do. We make money by traveling far. They dont sell those materials to us because they keep them to sell by themselves. And they only sell big furniture or electrical appliances to us. I know all of them. If you dont know them, they wont sell it to you.  Although different itinerant recyclers have different experiences in Beijing, Mr. Qian shows a general condition how this group of migrant recyclers makes their living in the city. Thus, we can generally understand that other than the five common factors that shape the livelihood and business for all recycling participants in Beijing, itinerant recyclers need to deal with the unchanging living conditions, Shourong and unstable income as extra burden in their everyday lives as well.  5.3.2 The Community Recyclers, Xiao Zuo Shang () In Beijing, community recyclers are considered more stable than itinerant recyclers for the following several reasons: (1) stable resources for materials; (2) being able to avoid police check on the street; (3) protected by formal contract with the local government. In Beijing, one community would normally have one recycler by the gate (or two by two gates depending on the size of the community). By signing a contract with the local district government or community office, they have the space as his recycling territory by 182  paying monthly/seasonal payment and a cleaning fee. Because the recycler is inside the community, he does not need to face any situation such as Shourong on the street. Besides, because of the rarity of a community recycler position, it is widely viewed as a much more stable position than itinerant recycling because a community recycler is locally connected rather than floating in the city by oneself. However, although this job is more stable than the itinerant recycler in resources, it faces a very similar situation in making a living daily and also income is highly related to daily exercises. Also, because of the overhead fee they need to pay for their contract, they normally have to commit more to the job than their itinerant counterparts.  Meanwhile, because they do not need to remove their inventory every day due to their assigned space in the community as storage, they exercise a little bit of price control during a good season (when the price is going up) to make a bit more profit. Because of this, they have the freedom to live a little farther from the recycling companies or yard buyers for nicer and larger housing conditions. But their migrant status still puts restrictions on their access to social facilities or other resources in the city as well.  Mr. Sun (Case 3, community recycler) was my first interview respondent. I met him in the summer of 2009 in one residential community just north of the fifth ring road in Beijing. He has his recycling depot, about 500 sqft, by the gate inside a gated community. All he has around his recycling depot are one truck for transportation, one trash can hold recyclable materials, one floor-scale and many sack bags stacked together by the scale. While he was organizing the collected recyclable materials, he agreed to take my interview request. He didn't stop working when answering my questions and insisted several times trying to persuade me that this research topic is quite useless and "you 183  should focus on the good side of China." When I ask him about the "good side," he gave me some examples such as the economic development, urban development, industry and so on. He kept referring to his work as "collecting garbage" and told me that his work is something nobody would do in the city. (Figure 45)    Figure 45: Photograph: Mr. Sun works as a community recycler  5.3.2.1 Mr. Suns migration journey Mr. Sun was born in 1966 and came from Gushi county of Henan province. Similar to many of his hometown neighbors, his family had a hard time before the early 1980s. The average farmland per person at his house and neighboring region is about six fen69, which was just enough for growing food for the family without any savings. After the household responsibility policy was in place in his rural hometown in the early 1980s, farmers could sell their agricultural products in the market to make extra money for the family and they started to have the choice of leaving agriculture to work at other places too70. Mr. Sun decided to come out to dagong71 in 1986 when he was 20 years old under pressure from the need to get married and to make a living to support his family. In the 1980s, going out to dagong was not only new to the rural families but also viewed as a                                                  69 six fen: 0.6 mu, which is about 400m2, or 4300ft2.  70 Rural-to-urban migration was not feasible because of the ration system limited by Hukou policy.  71 dagong is a term used specifically to describe "working under contract for somebody else," which is entirely different from farming which is self-employing.   184  sign to indicate the impotency of the family in supporting family members in their culture. Mr. Sun said he chose to come to Beijing simply because some friends from his hometown have come to Beijing already and asked him to go with them. Mr. Sun arrived in Beijing in 1986 and started to work under contract as a painter for Sinopec. He continued to work as a painter in Beijing Forestry University in 1990, then in a furniture store close to Beijing Normal University in 1991. In the late 1980s, the job opportunities open for rural-to-urban migrants were almost all temporary and contract based manual labor jobs, including loading/unloading trucks, painter, carpenter, flooring, or construction. Including Mr. Sun, many migrants in the recycling sector who migrated in the 1980s indicate that they had the experience of waiting for jobs under the Lishuiqiao Bridge. Lishuiqiao Bridge over Qing River on the north side of Beijing served as an important location of migrant clustering center as well as an open job market. Migrants, some holding signs showing what they can do72, would line up under the bridge and wait 73 a day work or contract work. With a lot of construction projects around the Lishuiqiao region in the 1990s, it also became an important urban-rural transitional zone to provide affordable housing, restaurants, and social services for rural migrants as well as a cheap labor market for locals to hire temporary workers.  5.3.2.2 Mr. Sun in the recycling business In 1993, Mr. Sun saved up enough money and got married with a hometown girl who was introduced to him by one of his relatives. After having their first baby boy in the same year, he stayed home for two more years. At that time, more and more people from Gushi                                                  72 Many migrants stood or squat on one side of the street holding interlinked signs saying Carpenter, Painter, Welder and so on.   73 Boss is what migrants normally call an employer who has money to hire people for certain work.  185  County has joined the recycling business in Beijing and stories about successful businessman in recycling started to spread among Gushi people. In 1995, Mr. Sun spent 500 yuan on a tricycle and began to join the recycling business in Beijing because almost all of the people from his hometown, Gushi county of Henan province, worked in recycling by then. He rented a small local village house to live, which was close to the largest recycling market in Beijing at Datun Rd. and Wali village on the north side of Beijing. Then, he rode his tricycles and roved around Beijing every day to collect and buy recyclable materials from local residents during the daytime and rode back to the market at dusk to sell them at a slightly higher price to yard buyers then went home to sleep and prepare for another trip on the following morning. Between 1995 and 2000, he was in Beijing alone while his wife was taking care of both their first son and his mom in his hometown. In 2000, because the local defense team was tightening up their control in Beijing and several of their fellow migrant friends were locked up by Shourong, Mr. Sun went back to his hometown to escape the Shourong policy for a year.  With a few tens of thousand yuans of saving from the roving recycling business between 1995 and 2000, Mr. Sun upgraded his roving recycling business to become a yard buyer for paper when he and his wife came back from Gushi County together to Beijing in 2001. He moved into Beijings biggest recycling center and rented a small yard at Datun Rd. and Wali village. The recycling center at that time was operated mostly by local residents in Beijing, who would divide an open bare land into many 400-sqft yards, build one one-story house in the yard and keep the rest open for storage. Mr. Sun added that staying inside a recycling company felt much safer than riding a tricycle on the street and they felt protected from the local defense team by the company owner as well.   186  Mr. Sun and his wife were running the recycling yard from 2001 to 2003. When SARS became prevalent in Beijing in 2003, they and many other rural migrants escaped Beijing and went home. During the same year, Beijings largest recycling center, which was an empty, rural, bare land before recycling took over, became the location for building a series of infrastructure and public parks to host the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, such as Beijing National Stadium (Bird Nest), Beijing National Aquatics Center, Beijing Olympic Park, and Beijing Olympic Village. After Mr. Sun and his wife came back from Gushi County in search of a place to start their business again later in 2003, they found that everyone who previously worked at the recycling center on Datun Rd. and Wali village moved north to a place called Dongxiaokou. Mr. Sun and his wife then followed their hometown people and rented a small village temporary house in the Dongxiaokou region as well.  However, this time Mr. Sun and his wife decided to take a more stable recycling job. Haidian District Material Recycling Company, Mr. Sun was introduced to the local street office74 which was in charge of the gated community he is in now. He signed a contract with the street office and started to recycle in the gated community by paying 800 yuan per month to the street office. The contract did not specify the time range they were allowed to carry out recycling in the community but served as a permit to exclude others from recycling inside the community. Mr. Sun and his wife lived in Dongxiaokou and started to have this a gated community in Beijing.   1986    Great Wall oil company, Painter                                                  74 Street office is the lowest level of government office.  187  1990    Beijing Forestry University, Painter 1991    Beijing Normal University, Painter 1995    Roving recycler, 500for a tricycle 2001    Datun, Wali Village, Buyer 2003    Back to Rural hometown End of 2003  Recycling in a residential community When I asked Mr. Sun why he preferred this work to other contract jobs, he told me that the most attractive character of this fixed-location recycling work is its flexibility. He did not like other contract jobs or office jobs because they have a very rigid working schedule, which is too different from his farming experience at home. In agriculture, Mr. Sun could have a very flexible schedule, and nobody told him what to do or when to do it. He said, "a farmer is almost only busy during planting, fertilizing and harvesting time of the year but working in an office is too rigid for me." This is also a very typical feeling for most migrant recyclers from Henan. In the 1980s, many migrants tried various job opportunities, such as janitors, painters, carpenters, fixing TVs and washers and even sales work. The reason for them to join recycling is mostly for the flexible working hours recycling business could offer. For Mr. Sun, the contract only gave him the permit he needed to work in the community without too much regulation except for keeping the recycling depot in order and clean. Thus, he could have his own working schedule and freedom to work just like being a farmer at home.  5.3.2.3 Daily business Mr. Sun normally would come to his recycling depot at around 8 am at summertime or 9 am during winter and leave at about 8 pm in summer or 5 pm in winter, which goes with 188  dawn and dusk. He worked every day except for rain or heavy snow when no one would come out to sell their materials. During his working hours, he has a very flexible work style. Sometimes, he would join other local residents to play some Mahjong or Poker after most local residents go to work; then take a nap after lunch, which is either something he brings from home or a quick, easy meal outside the community; in the afternoon, he would start to organize his materials into different categories depending on the categories yard buyers would purchase them. After putting the sorted materials in different general categories into different sack bags, he stacks them in the trunk of his truck and makes a decision whether he should drive it to the recycling center to sell them or leave it for another day or two to make a full load. Then he locks the truck and goes home on his electric bicycle.  After Mr. Sun started to recycle in the gated community, the business and income become more stable than before. Mr. Sun indicates that what he makes is the profit from purchasing in retail and selling in bulk. What he pays as overhead every month now is a much smaller commitment than being a specialized yard buyer. Being a yard buyer, he needs to pay about 3000 yuan per month to the recycling company as rent and electricity depending on how much he uses it. But as a community fixed location recycler, he is paying 800 yuan to the street office and 200 yuan as rent for housing. By reducing the monthly overhead from 3000 to 1000 yuan, Mr. Sun is enjoying less pressure in making money. In his words, now if he makes 50 yuan every day, it would be enough to make his living in Beijing. But the concern is that with no savings, he cannot take the chance to get sick or go to the hospital.  189  Meanwhile, community recyclers income is highly dependent on seasonal effect too. While itinerant recyclers focus on certain high-value items, community recyclers have their focus on daily residential materials, such as bottles, cans, paper box, packaging and general plastic. Among these wastes, water bottles and cans are the most valuable items and the most seasonal items. Thus, their more reliable income as a community recycler depends on how hot the weather happens to be. Another community recycler Mr. Li (Case 4) indicates that because his location is very close to Bird Nest (The National Stadium for Beijing 2008 Olympic Games), his income is highly related to the volume of water bottles and cans from the tourists visiting the site. At the day of my interview with him (Oct. 29, 2012), he filled his 4.2m long close-back truck with recyclable materials and told me that for that day, he bought about 3000 water bottles, 1 ton of waste paper, around 100kg scrap steel, 200kg plastics. And in general, he and his brother-in-law could make about 300yuan as profit for that day in Beijing. (Figure 46)    Figure 46: Photograph: Mr. Li (down) and his cousin working with their truck ready to go   190  5.3.2.4 Working in a gated community During the interview, Mr. Sun was organizing the collected materials and trying to put them into different piles of plastics, plastic bottles, metal cans, newspapers, books, metal, etc. His cell phone started to ring when he was explaining his payment to the Street Office. After a short conversation over the phone, he said sorry to me and asked me if I could wait while he needs to go to some apartment to fetch some materials. Instead of waiting, I got his permission to go with him to get the materials. The apartment is at Rm.629 of one of the residential buildings, and since the buildings do not have elevators in them, we walked the stairs to the sixth floor. In my memory, when I try to recycle at my home or university, I always need to bring everything over to the depot to sell. But Mr. Sun told me asking the recycler to get recyclables at their door becomes very common especially for some ladies who are not willing to take them out. And all recyclers, no matter fixed-location or itinerant ones now all have business cards. Thus, with the business cards, local residents could call them to sell materials instead of walk to the recycling depots. To secure access to recyclable materials from all residents in the community, he tries hard to satisfy local  like this. When we walked to the door of Rm.629, a lady opened the anti-theft door and pointed to a pile of newspapers, glass bottles and pop cans. Mr. Sun counted the bottles and cans, weighed the newspapers and told the lady that they worth three yuan and three jiao75. The lady said how about 3.5. Then, he pulled out three yuan and five jiao nything else during the trade and closed the door after receiving the money. In the dark hallway, Mr. Sun pulled a plastic bag out of his pocket to put all cans and bottles in and tightened the string around the newspapers. On our way back, Mr. Sun sighed and told me,                                                  75 ten jiao=one yuan.  191  you see this? For a little more than three yuan materials, I need to climb to the sixth floor and grab it. Business is hard to run, and they [the locals] take our legs and feet (7¯7J) as  He also said that he normally would give a little more than the actual price to keep them happy so they would come to him again.  In between buying the materials, Mr. Sun would light a cigarette and slowly organize those materials into different sacks by their general types. He told me, I dont need to sort them in details, but the more detail I can separate them, the more money I could ask for in the market.the yard buyers will hire people to sort them into different detailed categories. For example, they would sort plastics not only by their types but also by colors. And paper buyers will sort papers into books, cardboard, boxboard, etc. I just need to sort by their types, then go to the market and sell them to different yard buyers.  un mostly by rural-to-urban migrants in Beijing, it had its golden time from the 1990s to 2008.  "In the 90s, local people had no idea how much recyclable materials were worth, so they just gave them away for free. Recyclers during that time earned a lot of easy money because they got them like that. In the 2000s, when more people started to buy recyclable materials, locals stopped giving them for free anymore. The local people were so lazy and became jealous of what we were makingas easy as before, we have a lot of materials to recycle in Beijing because of the various urban development projects and the price is quite stable too. So, in 192  general, I can save up about 1000yuan per month easily [in the early 2000s].  In 2008, recyclers experienced a sharp price drop in recyclable materials especially after the Summer Olympic Games in Beijing. During the Olympic Games, no trucks were allowed to go inside the fifth ring road, so no recyclable materials were able to be shipped out of Beijing. Besides, during the soaring price time before the Olympics, many recyclers started to stock up their materials expecting for a continuing price increase. However, when the price began to drop after the Games, it walloped recyclers in their cash flow, and many quit the business altogether.  Although community recyclers are considered more stable than itinerant recyclers, they face similar situations as making their living daily, and their income is highly influenced by price change as well. The community recyclers are also well registered with the local government and serve as the group of recyclers to interact with the local residents in their business as well.  5.3.3 The Yard Buyers, Da Zuo Shang () The yard buyers are widely referred to as bosses in the recycling realm because these yard buyers are the de facto entrepreneurs in the society. While itinerant recyclers and community recyclers are the ones to buy materials directly from local residents, yard buyers are the recycling operators in the recycling companies of Henancun. While we talk about Henancun, in general one Henancun would consist of several recycling companies which have their space. Inside each of these companies, they subdivide their space into smaller yards (about 400m2 each) and connect every yard with shared roads as truck passages. The company would also build empty houses for each yard as housing for 193  the recycling family. Then, based on preference for location and the size of their business, different families would rent one or two yard(s) from the recycling companies and conduct their recycling operation for one or two specific type(s) of material(s), which need to be specified in their contract as well.  The main job for yard buyers is to sort the specific materials into their detailed types. Taking paper recycling yard as an example, community recyclers normally come to sell their recycled paper in the very early morning or after dark by unloading them to the yard; then during the daytime, few local residents would come to sell small amount of paper products they have collected. At dusk, itinerant and community recyclers would come in to sell their materials one after another. The day normally ends at midnight, but some latecomers might also knock on the door to sell as well. So, these yard buyers do not have an official open time for their business, and they are considered open at any time.  Thus, in the morning, the paper recycling yard is filled with purchased materials from the previous night. Several long-term or temporary workers hired by the yard would sort the purchased paper into newspapers, books, mixed office paper, corrugated boxes and paper boxes. In general plastic recycling, the scale is much smaller because the volume of recyclable plastic is much smaller than recyclable paper.  And in a plastic yard, there are usually no workers while the family members would sort plastics into about 15 to 20 different kinds based on type and color by themselves. The more detailed they can sort them into, the more valuable those plastics would become. In metal recycling, the yard buyer would either hire someone or DIY to cut and squeeze the metal into cubes for sale. And PET and HDPE recycling took a huge space because the materials are for everyones everyday use and the PET and HDPE bottles are hollow inside. Workers in the 194  PET/HDPE yard would process them by cutting them into pieces then washing those pieces to rid of the labels on the bottle before the materials could be packaged. Thus, we can see that recycling different materials does need specific knowledge and experience in the business and the keywords in yard buyers everyday life is to sort, to package and to load onto the trucks. Their business exercise is on a daily cycle, and the goal for many yard buyers is simply to clear out the yard by sorting during the daytime and fill the yard by purchasing more at night.  After sorting materials in the yard, the yard buyers would normally sell the materials to either the packaging companies for certain materials or directly to the factories who would use the recyclables as raw materials. So, yard buyers are at the last step in the recycling cycle of buying in retail, selling in bulk as well. Because they have completely different business style and running styles from the itinerant or community recyclers, they face different structural and institutional barriers in Beijing as well. What threatens them the most might not concern other recyclers and what threatens other recyclers the most might not be their concern as well.  Mr. Zhou (Case 5, yard buyer) is a yard buyer to recycle foams in Dongxiaokou. At the time of the interview (Sept. 4th, 2012), Dongxiaokou was in the middle of demolition and redevelopment, but because the compensation price is not agreed between the village committee and the recycling company, the recycling company remains open. Since the first notification for redevelopment sent by the township government in October 2011, the recycling company has notified every yard buyer about the order and requested that everyone might need to find a new place to continue his or her recycling business. While most of the over 100 yards have left, Mr. Zhou and his foaming yard stayed open because 195  they want to show their support of the company in the negotiation process by remaining inside the company to stop government's possible forcible demolition. (Figure 47)    Figure 47: Photograph: Mr. Zhous foam recycling yard  Mr. Zhou was 41 years old and born in 1972. He has graduated from junior high school and started working at about 15 or 16  age. Mr. Zhou first went to Zhengzhou, which is the capital of Henan province, as a construction worker. However, the workload was too heavy for a teenager, so he went back home again after a little over one month. But too many people at home meant too many hungry bellies, which forced him to come out again. While a lot of people from his hometown were in Beijing, he joined them by loading and unloading trucks with sand and stones for the fast-paced urban construction projects. At that time, the work is never long term, and everyone was waiting under the Lishuiqiao Bridge, which is considered completely outside Beijing while the 3rd ring road was not even constructed yet. Lishuiqiao was famous for its sand and stone extraction from the river which further became almost every migrants job in the late 1980s and the early 1990s in Beijing.  His hometown in Hezhai () village of Hongbu (), Gushi County also contributes to his out-migration in the 1980s, just like most rural migrants from Gushi.  196   has a large population and little land. There are two types of land, hill-top () or river-side (). If you live at hill top, you have more land; but if you live on the riverside, you only have very little. That is because of the Great Chinese Famine in the early 1960s. At that time, tax is paid by crops and the more land you have, the more crop you need to turn in. But if you have more land, you also need to work more; however, the more work you do means nothing for your family since you need to turn in all of the products anyway. So, a lot of people choose to live on the river side. While nothing could grow on the hilltop in the wintertime, the land at riverside is never frozen. So, living on hilltop means, you will turn in a lot while working a lot and in the winter it would be impossible to grow anything. However, you dont need to turn in a lot if you live on the riverside. During the Great Famine, the riverside people were able to stay alive because of the vegetable during the winter time which we simply added to the little flour we had to make meals. During those three years, a lot of people died in China, but few in our riverside areas. Then later, riverside became a place with a lot of population on top of only little land. That makes our living hard when I was a teenager in the 1980s so many came out, and almost every family in my village had people outside to work for food.  So as Mr. Zhou illustrated, poverty serves as a very important reason for migrants to come out in the 1980s. This situation is very typical for migrants who arrived at Beijing in the 1980s and the early 1990s. Many migrants then have several 197  siblings but the limited amount of land assigned for each family is too little to support everyone at home. However, migrants who arrived in Beijing in the mid- to late-2000s show different situations as most of them indicate that it is quite natural for people in their 15 or 16 years old to come to Beijing and join the recycling business. Instead of coming out of poverty, they would start working in  5.3.3.1 Stigmatization and Shourong  Mr. Zhou arrived in Beijing right after the Beijing Asian Game in 1990 when Shourong was heavily enforced on the street. After arriving in Beijing, Mr. Zhou lived at one village of Beijing on the outskirt and rode tricycles to buy recyclables in the city as well. As an itinerant recycler, he experienced several times of Shourong which had great impact on his business and life decisions. His experiences show similarities as Mr. Qian but his decisions after experiencing Shourong has led him to become a yard buyer inside Henancun.  when I started recycling. There were already established recyclers in all of the residential communities. So, we couldnt really go directly to compete with them. That was just not right. So, we tried to find something they didnt do to avoid competition. I was young at that time and liked to do something clean. At that point, beer and soda are sold by cases because all the beverages were in glass bottles. Many rich families would buy those in cases and left some deposits at the retail store for the case. If the locals forgot to give back the cases, the retailers would keep the deposit for themselves and the cases became 198  waste. Well, they will be sold to our people for recycling. So recycling those beverage cases seemed like a good and clean job for me. If we collected a lot of cases, we could sell in bulk to make some extra money. For example, one case was worth 5 yuan, if I have 20 of them, they will raise the price to 5.5 yuan. So just like that, I collected three tricycle load worth of cases. Then I went to the yard buyer and asked him to pick them up because we didnt even have a tricycle at that time. We were living at Laohumiao, which is about 1km from the Wohuqiao Market. I knew the buyer really well because we were all from Gushi and had been working on bottle case recycling for quite a while.  So, the yard buyer came for the cases. The trade was just like before, but after the trade, he was caught by the defense team. After locking up his tricycle, they accused him of stealing the bottle cases and beat him up for denying their accusation. Then, he was forced to find my friend and me. They accused us of stealing all the bottle cases and beat us up heavily that day. I told them that we bought the cases one by one on the street and saved them up because we wanted to sell them for a better price. But they for me to recall what happened that day and if I describe it now, I will cry out today. I didn't admit in the end, and they took me to the Datun Rd. Police Station. I was locked up with many people there. After arriving at the police station, the police needed to log me in and asked me where I stole those cases. Well, even if I wanted to admit the stealing, there had to 199  be some places that lost those cases, right? I had no idea what to write, and there's nowhere I could steal them at all. So that night they just beat us up hard. When they hit us, there was no way they could do it physically for every one of us simply because there were so many people being locked up. So they would force you to stand on the bricks, then they beat whoever that could not stand straight on the brick any more. Eventually, they forced us to beat each other. I was very little at that time and had a small body size too. Then the police forced me to beat other people. If I didthey would let them beat me. There were many familiar faces in the crowd and others from Hebei, Shandong, or other places. the stealing case and nobody reported any loss, there anymore. But even like that, I was forced to find someone who knew them and bought them two cases of cigarettes and fruits to the head of the defense team before they let us go.  The night I was let free, I ran back to my hometown immediately. I was so scared the people I beat inside would come to me for revenge. I had spent about one year before I came back to Beijing again. After I had come back, I stayed close to Wohuqiao simply because they [the defense team] couldnt go inside the market to arrest people. At that time, Wohuqiao Market was an official market organized by Beijing Recycling Company. Because the city was growing very fast and the previous company didn't have enough space to hold those increased amounts of plastics and other materials, they set up this new market at Wohuqiao. That was similar to 200  the recycling market and yard buyers now, and people leased yards from the company and specialized in different materials. Because I knew someone who is running a big plastic bottle recycling yard, I started a smaller recycling yard for those bottles. So, what we did was to buy bottles at a lower price from another recycling yard far away then ship them to sell at Wohuqiao market. In the beginning, before we had a truck, we rode tricycles at about 4 am or 5 am in the morning before dawn to , filled up our sacks with those bottles and rode back to Wohuqiao which is 20-30 km away. So essentially, we are making money on transportation.  At that time, we have three people working together. One morning when we were riding tricycles to Market, we were stopped at Niujie. They asked us where we stole those sack bags. We told them where we bought them and they were for our business. We even showed our recycling license since we were part of the recycling company at that time. I told them here were just 100 bags, and I had 500 more at home. Also, at that point, you could simply buy those sack bags everywhere. They took us to their defense team office, which was a small room on the side of every street in Beijing. We three were beaten up very hard before they sent us to Niujie police station. People in the police station used my belt to beat me. Because I was still young at that time and my clothes didn't fit well, I had to hold my pants up, and there was even a woman police officer by the 201  side, and I only wore my underpants in that winter time. They were so used to it, but I was so (cursing) disgusted.  I told the police that we were businessmen and had to use sack bags for the business. We have a lot at home as well. If you want me to admit stealing, there need to be someone who lost those items, right? What the up for two days; then you can told me that my other two friends already admitted that I was the one who stole the bags. I told them, that was fine, and they could say it. So they let go them two. I was heavily beaten up after they left, but I didn't admit even in Shourong away.  They two ran back to our market because our market was protecting us at that time. The market wrote a note and put their stamp on it to prove that I was part of their business, and the sack bags were not stolen. They took the note over to the police station, and I was then let go finally. During those years, whenever there were some events in Beijing, for example, some big conferences, they would start locking people up. And they only focused on us poor migrants who rode tricycles and who bought trash on streets.  So, during those years, when we started to save up some money, we also started to build our connections in Beijing. Gradually when we were 202  locked up by Shourong, we would contact those people who knew someone in the defense team or the police to get us out. But nobody had come out since you couldnt contact the people who could get you out. So, during those years, nobody would go out alone. When we had to go onto the street, we had to have at least two people going together. For example, when we two needed to go out, we had to go separately, as I walk about 50m ahead of you. If I got caught, you could go back to seek help to get me out. But you also needed to pay the one to get people too. And this catalyzed the emergence of a particular type of job to get people out from the defense team, Shourong or the police station. They consisted of people who knew someone or had their connection with someone from the inside, and they can get people out for some money. I have experienced several times of things like this, and I'm telling you that it is very rare for people at my age or older not to have experienced things like this. I had those experiences for 6 or 8 years, until the time when we apply for hosting the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics."  The experience is quite typical for a migrant recycler in his 40s in Beijing. Thus, we could see that Shourong, as a social policy, has significantly influenced rural migrantsbusiness and livelihood in cities. Because it has living in Beijing, migrants took different ways to protect themselves from being Shourong away. During the interview, Mr. Zhou showed his finger to me and told me to notice the 203  Shourong, and  (Figure 48)  Figure 48: Photograph: Shourong  While migrant yard buyers are technically entrepreneurs in the society, they are not protected by the local policies merely because they are under a non-local Hukou status. While this situation is even taken by migrants as an existing social context, it represents the conflicts between the local and the outside, the top-down urbanization and the bottom-up one and the state and the society.  5.3.3.2 Demolition and relocation in Beijing  While demolition and relocation do not impact itinerant and community recyclers that much, they have a significant influence on yard buyers because yard buyers have to rely on steady resource inflow to support their business. Mr. Zhou has also indicated his experience with demolition and relocation in Beijing while working as a yard buyer. His moving trajectory in Beijing is as follows:  1990  Laohumiao, 1km from Wohuqiao Went home after Shourong 204  1991  a place close to Wohuqiao Market  Joined Wohuqiao after Shourong 1993/94 Wali village    Wohuqiao demolished for fourth ring rd. 2002/03 Qinghe (Qing River)    Wali demolished for Olympics 2004  Dongxiaokou    Qinghe demolished for fifth ring rd.  2013   Dongxiaokou was demolished.  Using his own words, the following explains how demolition and relocation affect the yard buyers business in Beijing.  people who you know very well. Every time of demolition and relocation, we lost a lot in the transition. When you move to a new location, your material sources are going to change. In our hometown, there is a saying,  any more. Because when you move to a new location, others already have their stable customers. So, if you want to run your business, you have to raise your price to attract people to sell to your yard. When you move, basically you will lose at least a whole year's profit to build your connection at a new location. So, every time you move, you must create a new customer network from ground. While we are recycling in Beijing, we always need to move every two to three years. We have stayed in Dongxiaokou for eight years. That is something we have  This situation is quite common for almost all yard buyers in Henancun. Although their location is built and provided by the recycling company, an easy-to-access and stable 205  location with few other competitors is ideal for all yard buyers. However, during demolition, they are also the ones that face the most loss in terms of business network, transporting materials and less ideal location relative to the central city.  Therefore, we can see that yard buyers are a group that faces entirely different structural/institutional barriers than the itinerant/community recyclers as they bear the most burden from demolition and relocation with Henancuns spatial movement. As "bosses," not only do they carry the burden to keep a recycling yard running, they also serve as important cash payers to maintain the itinerant/community recyclers' recycling activities rolling in Beijing.  5.3.4 Recycling Companies, Sometimes Known as the Henancun Organizer Among all the recycling players in Beijing, recycling companies are the largest organization that set the structure and organization of all recycling activities. Different from the previously mentioned recyclers whose migrant identity is generally the reason to trigger the structural/institutional barriers; recycling companies face different set of variables as their recycling business is the factor that faces all the barriers for the companies existence, growth, and demolition in Beijing.  Under the planned economy, district level recycling companies are organized into different departments such as general office, sales, transportation, and operation. And the operation part is further divided into sorting facilities for steel, copper, paper, plastics and so on. So, despite recycling companies similarity as district level recycling company in the planned economy era, most recycling companies nowadays have abandoned the operational function. Instead, the recycling companies carry out its function to organize 206  recycling activities into various specialized recycling yards. We might consider the recycling companies as simple as landlords, who only manage the land and run its business on rent collecting while providing supporting services and facilities to ease the recycling operation carried out by the yard buyer families. However, the recycling companies still need proper license to register as a recycling company in the city.  Different from all three types of recycling activitiesitinerant/community recycling and yard buyerswe have already discussed, the recycling companies we see nowadays, in general, do not directly involve in the recycling activities at all. However, they are crucial in managing the recycling operation through proper registration and formal contract with different departments of the local government. The recycling companies also need to work through all different regulations that are imposed on recycling as a business. Because recycling is considered informal by government which emphasizes a pathological interpretation of the recycling activities, little room is there for recycling companies to maneuver in their operations. And accordingly, the recycling companies face a whole different set of regulations/barriers from various aspects as well.  5.3.4.1 Land leasing, demolition, relocation In the development of recycling business in Beijing, land for recycling has always been an important factor because of the large space the recycling business needs for sorting the materials. Under the planned economy, recycling companies are considered SOEs as supported by the city and district governments of Beijing. Their land was assigned by the government to use for recycling activities specifically. Inside the recycling companies, large open space was reserved for metal, plastic, and paper storage and sorting activities. After Chinas market turn, recycling business licenses were still not open for application 207  to the public while only someone affiliated with the recycling company could use the companys license to carry out recycling activities. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, although many migrants started to work as recyclers, they were not able to run recycling yards without subcontracting from a local person who was associated with the city or district recycling company.  This situation started to change after China also opened its land and housing market in the mid- to late-1990s. When commodity housing began to emerge in the market, many locals began to have the opportunity to move to new commodity apartments while left their traditional one-story houses with yard for rent. These one-story houses with yards were perfect for carrying out recycling activities due to the large open yard next to the house. Gradually, locals with recycling licenses started to rent these houses for recycling and later migrants began to subcontract from these license holders for their recycling activities as well. These yards broke the land control by the state-owned recycling companies and provided the opportunity for migrants to become recycling yard buyers. While these types of recycling yards have gradually disappeared in Beijing today, they were widely referred to as small yard buyers at that time. At about the same time, people affiliated with the recycling companies and several rich migrants started to lease larger spaces to open recycling markets as well. Meanwhile, Shourong was in its peak in Beijing which further increased the need for an enclosed and protected space for migrants in the city. It was at this time and the particular socio-political circumstance when large recycling companies, other than the state-owned ones, started to emerge in the city.   Gradually, while the SOE recycling companies lost their land to urban development and retreated from the recycling business, the newly emerged individually owned recycling 208  companies became the main player and organizer of the recycling business in Beijing. Because they are market players instead of government owned companies, their business space is not endorsed by the local government. In Beijing, almost all individually owned recycling companies are leasing land from Beijings rural villages on the fringe of Beijing, and the land is usually neither housing nor agricultural land at the moment of leasing.  At the village level, there is no village government, and instead, villages are still organized by a structure adopted from the planned economy period. Everything in the village is considered collectively owned by all the local villagers, and there is a community board to represent the village community in signing contracts and making development decisions. Also, the income from land leasing and economic activities is shared by all the village members as well, which makes the economic activities very beneficial for everyone who is locally and rurally registered in terms of Hukou. While the leasing contract was signed by the village community board and the company, it specifies the years the land lease will last. However, in the signed contract, it also specified that the lease cannot guarantee the recycling company to operate all the time until the end of the lease due to unforeseeable urban development or urban renewal projects which might happen on the leased land. So, in the land lease, in addition to the time, price, and types of business operations, it also indicates that facing those urban renewal projects or new development that are designed and planned by the district or city government, the recycling companies would have to accompany with the project plan and the company will be compensated for its investment in construction and profit loss during the demolition period of time.   209  DXK.  FYXY is one of the six recycling companies in the Dongxiaokou village. Five of the six companies leased land from the village community while the other one leased land from a Beijing construction company which had the title for that specific part of the land. As one of the earliest companies that started recycling in the region, FYXY has the privilege to choose where to build its company, so it chose the east-most location in the Dongxiaokou village. When the construction for Beijing Summer Olympics demolished the largest recycling center in Datun Rd. and Wali village around the year 2003, most recyclers in this region were in seek of the next closest-to-city location for recycling. In 2003, Dongxiaokou village was entirely rural, and only villagers were living in the area. The land, which was later leased to different recycling companies, remained empty as high voltage electricity pathways. FYXY recycling company officially registered with the government department in August 2003 and signed their land leasing contract with Dongxiaokou village for eight years initially and renewed for another two years. The recycling company has leased a total of 133.2mu land, which was further divided into 167 yards for recycling operations. The company also leased additional land to provide housing for recycling workers, itinerant and community recyclers, and furniture recyclers as well.  While the government has been criticizing recycling for being dirty, messy, backward  for years and promoting the development of large-scale recycling centers in its most current official documents from the Commerce Bureau, the boss, Mr. Li, of FYXY company decided to start a paper packaging center inside FYXY. The boss organized 14 paper recycling families as shareholders to start this project and the paper packaging 210  company opened in 2007, which took up about two rows of recycling yards from inside the FYXY Company (Figure 49). Therefore, rather than being only the landlord for yard buyers, FYXY started its own recycling business as well.   Figure 49: Photograph: paper packaging center  When recycling companies began to lease land from the village around the year 2003, Beijings urban planning and Changping district urban planning has considered Dongxiaokou village as allowed for future construction and specifically, the land FYXY company leased was designed for high-rise residential buildings to compensate for the local farmers who lost their land due to urban renewal project, or Old Village Reconstruction () project in this case. To promote the urban renewal project, Changping District set up a deconstruction team, Dongxiaokou township on-site demolition headquarter , to promote the compensation negotiation between the village community and the recycling companies. In October 2011, FYXY received the first notice for demolition from the demolition team, and it required the company to stop recycling activities immediately and indicated that the 211  village committee would compensate for the business loss during the time after it stops recycling till the demolition date.  The second and third notices came in May 2012 together with a group of people from Dongxiaokou Township Comprehensive Management Office , who went inside the recycling market and told every yard buyer to leave. During my interview with Mrs. Wu, she told me,  At that time, since the government said so and came twice trying to drive away everyone working inside the company, we as a recycling company have to cooperate with the government. So, we talked to every yard buyer and told them that (1) the township government wants us to stop all recycling activities and (2) our company happens to be at the location for the compensation residential building of two nearby villages. Then we told everyone to take some time to figure out where they want to go to reduce their business loss. The yard buyers are not happy, but I told them that the company happens to be at this position and we just happen to be the first company that is going to be demolished in this whole demolition process. Over 100 yard-buyer families left and about 15 or 20 are still here with us. I do not know where they went but heard that quite a few of them went to some other recycling companies in the west part of Dongxiaokou.  Also, the negotiation was also a tough process for the recycling company when the demolition team tried to depress the total price for compensation. While the recycling company has officially registered with the commerce department and has all legal documentations required to carry out its business activities, the land leasing is also 212  backed up by the required leasing contract as well. In the land leasing contract with the local village office, the risk for being demolished was clearly understood by both parties. And almost all recycling companies understood and expected that the demolition for urban renewal/redevelopment project would be the end of the business one day and compensation was the only hope that would pay back their investment and even provide potential money for continuing to build new recycling locations in the future.  Throughout my interviews with all recycling company business owners/board members at different locations, land is the most important factor all companies are craving for. Because recycling activities in Beijing are completely profit driven and cash-trade based, transportation cost has always the biggest concern for all the migrant recyclers. While recycling companies have gradually moved from the 3rd ring road to the 4th ring road and now outside the 5th ring road, an available open-for-lease location that is close to the main city is nearly impossible to find in Beijing. Interestingly, all the recycling company owners in my interviews indicated that they have already reserved some land far outside Beijing as potential locations for building a new recycling market in the future in case that their current one is facing demolition. Some of the land reservation has already extended to the 6th ring road or even outside the administrative boundary of Beijing as well. Meanwhile, although a couple of traditional state-owned recycling companies are still exercising recycling activities, most have lost their land in urban redevelopment or urban sprawl processes as well. Since they are well registered and are under guidance from the local city and district government, they normally do not have the opportunity or intention in seeking new locations for recycling. Some of the recycling stations that were set up by 213  district level recycling companies have already lost all their lands and became landlord. Their business now solely relies on the collected rent to support the cost of the company as social welfares for its registered company workers. However, even after the state-owned recycling companies gradually retreated from the recycling business after losing their designated land, the recycling activities carried out by other individually owned recycling companies are still considered as informal activities, for which the local government has not even considered to reserve land for their business at all.  In November 2012, when the demolition team threatened to forcibly demolish the FYXY Company, the FYXY Company immediately restarted its recycling business and leased its empty yards to recyclers at a very low price to have a group of recyclers to protect the land from being demolished. The recycling yard business ended later in December along the negotiation process, and a deal was finally reached in spring 2013, and the FYXY Company was demolished in April/May 2013. When I visited the place again in 2015, the site is already replaced by several high-rise residential buildings under construction. After the demolition, public media has labeled the FYXY Company as illegal constructions and cited the demolition as a Changping District government achievement to demolish about 300 illegally built houses, dismiss over 5000 people in recycling business and release 133.2mu land for urban development. Further, it also praised the demolition to promote the construction for the local villagers, effectively protect the ecological environment and maintain social order for the villages76.                                                     76 http://news.sina.com.cn/o/2013-08-28/033428064634.shtml; http://esf.fang.com/newsecond/news/10880559_999.htm  214  5.3.4.2 Regulations from different government aspects While land has become a life-death issue for the recycling business in Beijing, recycling as a business has always been facing attention from many government departments. One example is a government document, Beijing City Government [2011]7877 which is Beijing City Peoples Governments Notification on Publishing Development Opinions of speeding up the Promotion of Reusable Material Recycling System Development and Scaling-up of Recycling Structure 78. In this document, the government has set up developing goal as developing 1) better recycling station distribution; 2) high-level sorting centers; 3) more efficient recycling network organization; 4) model recycling companies; 5) more effective reuse rate of the recyclable materials. At the end of the Notification, it also indicates the details about the job assignments for each relevant government department as in Figure 50.                                                   77  78 http://govfile.beijing.gov.cn/Govfile/ShowNewPageServlet?id=5969  215   Figure 50: Photograph: Government Document on Recycling System Development in 2011 (See Appendix A)   In Figure 50, 21 administrative bureaus, departments or offices at the municipal levels are requested to cooperate in developing the recycling system in Beijing. This illustrates one example of the social and political contexts recycling companies are facing in their business exercises. As complained by Mr. Zheng (Case 7, one manager for FYXY Paper Packaging Company) during my interview with him,  so, this is how it works, when we tried to set up the recycling business, everyone told us that he or she is in charge of something or some aspect of the recycling activities; now when it comes to demolition, no one could tell us what we should do, and none of them is actually in charge of anything.  216  In Beijing, recycling was considered a special industry as I illustrated in the previous chapter until 2003 when the government published the JingZhengFa[2003]#8 Notice on Beijing Peoples Government Publication of the Third Round of Canceling and Adjusting Administrative Review Project List in Beijing.79 In this document the government has stopped the requirement for recycling companies to register with the police office for the special industry permit while they can directly register with the Municipal Industry and Commerce Administration. After 2003, since almost everyone could start an officially registered recycling business, the number of recycling companies increased rapidly in Beijing. However, since there was no guidance or planning on recycling locations, recycling companies developed in a spatially random pattern following wherever yard and housing were available. This situation lasted until 2006 when one designated government watchwoman suggested to the Bureau of Commerce that they should stop reviewing the recycling companys application and rectify the existing recycling companies80. Later in 2006, the Beijing government has gathered 11 administrative bureaus in Beijing and released the advice about testing on promoting the development of Beijings large-scale company based recycling system81.  This advice has been the main guidance document for Beijings recycling system development. And in the guidance, it specifies that in recycling, it asks the government to guide the development, community to be the recycling agents, the market mechanism to lead the process. And it also specified four working guidance as formalizing recycling stations, market-based transporting system, professional sorting and reusing, directly                                                  79  [2003]8 B3˙¤ http://govfile.beijing.gov.cn/Govfile/ShowNewPageServlet?id=2263  80 http://www.bjxfb.gov.cn/xfgzdt-qzdt/c23-old851.html  81 Ct$À&é˙é www.bjmbc.gov.cn/download/ad/1069516645.doc  217  linking sorting companies with factories82. In this advice, the government specifies that Beijing will not develop the yard-buyer based market-style recycling companies, but instead, all recycling company development should follow the Beijing recycling facility location spatial plan83, which has specifically chosen one or two large-scale and professional recycling companies in each district, as designated city-level or district-level key recycling and sorting centers, to gradually replace the yard-buyer based recycling companies with professional recycling and sorting centers.  Since the document was published in 2006, it stopped the flourishing number of recycling company after 2003 when the Notice was issued to ease the registration process for them. Since 2003, there has been a working style change in the urban management in Beijing. Regulations on the recycling companies focused more on what should be checked or not allowed instead of guidance on how to build a standardized or formal business. Governance has changed from a pre-event guidance  to a post-event regulation  style, which not only reduced the rules that recycling companies could follow but also increased the probability that a recycling company might step into an unknown violation of certain rules from different government departments. This situation further makes recycling companies more vulnerable in that while there is no guidance to follow to operate it the right way, they could only know what is wrong when they receive a fine or notice from various administrations or government departments.  This governance style change has serious outcome for recycling companies that struggle for their legal status in the city. Although many companies have gained their city-level                                                  82 (Ž#qG}F1 83 Aî˙í 218  or district-level formal recycling company title, my interviews with recycling company managers imply that the advice is not helpful for guiding them about how to build a formal recycling company. Mrs. Wu illustrated that she is very proud of the fact that the two recycling companies she is running are both key companies in the list. While FYXY is a district level key company, GLFY is a city level key recycling company. However, she also indicated that  We tried to follow all government documents to build the company to a high standard and sought to convert the traditional yard-buyer based market to a recycling company based running model. You know thats whats suggested in the government documents, but they never tell us what a high standard means or what a recycling and sorting center should look like. As key companies, we are government designated recycling companies in the actual plan, so we should have some benefit or privilege for location or company space, right? But when demolition comes, it does not give us any protection at all, and now they even want to say that we are all illegal construction. Currently, our land lease still has another year on it, but they dont want to pay us the compensation. So now we are still negotiating, and although everyone from different government departments seems like they could have some power in the demolition case, nobody is responsible for making the decision. Also, since we are the designated company in Beijing, we need to follow the guidance to register well with the Commerce Administration and follow the rules from every government department. What this does for us 219  is that whenever the city wants to make sure everything is in line for those big events or conferences, the first company they check is always us, simply because we are registered in their book. Like the Daxing fire case84in 2011, almost immediately the fire departments sent people over to check our equipment and facilities. That is a good thing, but it also costs us money to prepare more equipment just in case. But you see, there are many recycling companies which are not registered and even running without license. Since they are not registered, all those government departments don't check on them at all. So, in the recycling business, they could make more money and stay in a better position in competition against us all the time.  This situation is also confirmed by a state-owned district-level recycling company manager Mr. Wang (Case 8 Business manager of one recycling station in Chaoyang district). When I arrived at the location he told me to go to; there is no recycling yards or market at all; instead, the place looks like a residential one-story house in a gated double-yard area. I interviewed Mr. Wang in one of the rooms in the house, and he explained to me that the recycling station now has completely lost its land to urban development and the company has become a landlord and live on rents only.  This place used to be one of the eight recycling stations of the Chaoyang District Recycling Company which is part of the Beijing City Recycling Company. In about 1995, we subcontracted all our recycling depots and                                                  84, a four-story building was on fire in Daxing district on April 25th, 2011. The building was considered as illegal construction used as a combination of market, garment factory and residential uses. The fire led to 18 deaths and 24 injured. The building did not have fire exit or other equipment at the event. After the event, the Daxing district  220  even recycling stations to Henan migrants, and we became rent collectors, or tile eaters  as what the Beijing locals call us. In 2006, the government tried to move all recycling companies out of the 5th ring road, and they came almost every day at that time. Because we were the state-owned company, they knew exactly who I was and where to find us. But those migrant recyclers, they can just run like guerrillas, so the government simply couldnt find them. So, thats how they survived, but we lost our land. This situation sets quite a good example in illustrating the process how informal businesses out-competed the formal businesses in recycling. Profit-wise, some informal businesses have the advantage that they do not have the burden of paying government dues or welfares to their employees. And, facing demolition, formal companies have nowhere to hide, and the informal ones were able to survive rounds after rounds of demolition simply because they tried hard to stay under the radar in the city. The competition between formal and informal recycling businesses is never fair, and ironically, various local government bodies have focused and can only concentrate on the formal companies that have well registered with them to achieve their formal business status in the city.   While this is one of the structural barriers that the local government has wrongly set specifically on the formal recycling companies, I will continue to show another structural barrier established by different uncoordinated departments of the local government.  221  5.3.4.3 Tricky taxation on recycling activities Since 2006 when Beijing published the advice to regulate the development of recycling companies, this advice has become the key document in shaping the recycling landscape in Beijing. The advice regulates that all recycling companies are not allowed inside the 5th ring road. Besides, it says that  will no longer develop open-market type and yard buyer based recycling markets, meanwhile also restrict the development of new sorting centers. All of Beijings recycling sorting centers should follow the Beijing recycling facility location spatial plan, and the key is to upgrade and reform the existing markets that are designated in the plan and gradually turn them into professional sorting centers. Although it does not specify the standard for building a recycling company, it does point to a direction for what the city is after.  Both Mrs. Wu and her husband, as the two owners of FYXY recycling company, are Beijing local residents, which is relatively rare in Beijings recycling scene. Mrs. Wus husband85 followed the government guidance closely and realized that the yard-buyer style recycling market was not an ideal type to continue in Beijing, as indicated in the advice. So, in 2006 and 2007, he was trying to organize and operate the recycling company in a new way to follow the advice and to hold onto FYXY and GLFYs formal status in Beijing. He cleared up two rows of recycling yards and started a covered paper packaging company inside FYXY, trying to set a model of building a professional sorting center in Beijing. At the end of 2007, he has organized 14 different paper yard buyer families as investors and shareholders, who not only specialize on paper recycling but also joined with paper resources from their own businesses. In addition to the rent                                                  85 Mrs. Wus husband was the owner of the company till about 2010 (unsure) when he was locked up in prison for a crime charge.  222  collector identity, FYXY Company started to have the recycling operation business for itself as well. However, what the paper packaging company ran into was quite unexpected.  Paper packaging technique was non-existent in China before 2007, when all different types of recycled paper were shipped out on covered/open trucks to the paper companies most of which are 10 hours away in Shandong Province. This situation created a lot of critiques for pollution as recycled paper flying all over the place during transporting. In 2007, some companies in China started to make the paper packaging machines, and FYXY started its own paper packaging company to (1) change its open market type and yard buyer based recycling market; and (2) set a model to build a professional sorting center. The paper packaging business flourished until about 2010. And taxation has suddenly become almost a throat cut for this locally registered formal paper packaging company.  Taxation on recycling has been quite tricky. As a business, the profit of recycling companies in China are based on: first, buying low from various parties; second, adding values through bulking, sorting, packaging, cubing and loading onto trucks; and finally selling at a higher price. In Chins taxation, it should follow the value added tax (VAT) and the tax should be paid based on the value added in the process by subtracting the purchasing price from the selling price. So, the usage of VAT involves two parts: the purchasing receipt received from the party that sells the recyclable materials and the sales receipt given out to the party that buys the finished recyclable products. While the sales receipt, in the form of tax receipt books, could be directly purchased from the China State 223  Administration Taxation or local taxation bureaus, there has never been such a thing as receipts for buying recyclable materials in China.  First, the residential recyclable materials are not taxable. People consider recyclables as part of the waste and since recycling income has always been viewed as a little bonus for taking the recycling activities, this part of the revenue has always been nontaxable for local residents. Second, for many factories, commercial companies or institutions, the recyclables are also considered as part of the trash. While cleaning work is usually contract based, recyclables are typically taken as part of the salary, or bonus to the salary of the cleaning companies or individuals. Obviously, this kind of trash is also not taxable. Third, for state-owned or large companies that involve products, such as metal, paper, electronic devices, wood and plastic products, and services such as conferences, construction, infrastructure, news media and filming industry, the entity might have a department to be in charge of selling the recyclable materials. These formal entities would consider waste sales as part of the income so that they might involve offering formal receipt to the party they sign contract with. Only this third kind of recycling involves using of formal tax receipt, which could be utilized by the recycling company as proof for buying the recyclable materials.  While the VAT is quite tricky for recycling companies, taxation policy has taken this into account, together with the consideration that recycling activities are unique for a while.  China started to use VAT in 1979, but it started to standardize and formalize after the Temporary Ordinance of the Peoples Republic of Chinas Value Added Taxation86                                                  86 0>˝² 134 1993.  224  under the 134th documentation of State Council of the Peoples Republic of China in 1993.  In 1995, Cai Shui Zi87 [1995]24 ordered that after 1995, 70% of the VAT paid by the recycling companies will be returned by both the central finance and local finance. Basically, after 1995, the central and local finance will refund the company 70% of the tax the recycling companies have paid for that specific year.  Later in 2001, the government assigned further benefits for recycling companies through Cai Shui88[2001]78 in that after May 1st, 2001, recycling companies are free from paying VAT for all the sales of recyclable materials, which was a tax-free policy for the recycling companies. Also, this order also indicates that businesses that buy recyclable materials from the recycling companies could use 10% of the tax receipt from recycling companies to be counted as part of their purchasing tax. So, this is not only a boosted benefit for recycling companies, but also a promotion for other companies to purchase recyclable materials for them to save on their VAT. However, the fact that the tax paid by recycling companies is calculated by the tax receipt book, which recycling companies purchase during that year, makes tricky the carrying out of this new tax order.  In 2005, China State Administration of Taxation released a new order Guo Shui Han[2005]544 Notice on enhancing the management over VAT for recycling companies89, which required that the taxation administration should verify the qualification of the recycling companies and that recycling businesses that use other                                                  87  By the Department of the Treasury and State Administration of Taxation [1995]24 http://baichengtax.com/ps_5816.html  88 By the Department of the Treasury and State Administration of Taxation [2001]78 http://www.mof.gov.cn/zhengwuxinxi/caizhengwengao/caizhengbuwengao2001/caizhengbuwengao20019/200805/t20080519_21403.html  89 [2005]544 0>1Ñ*6˛9 http://www.chinatax.gov.cn/n810341/n810765/n812188/n812925/c1200187/content.html  225  companys license should be locally registered at their business operation location. It also requested the recycling companies to use the tax-free VAT only for the qualified items. The new order was due to the situation that many recycling companies have abused the tax-free VAT to overuse recycling company VAT for other activities, companies also use the tax-free VAT for raw materials other than recyclable items and even a black market to trade recycling company VAT receipt book has emerged as well. This served as a warning to the recycling companies for some of the illegal activities in using their VAT tax-free privilege.  2008 was the turning year for all the recycling companies. Cai Shui [2008]15790released the new order Notice about the recycling companies VAT policy, which nullify the recycling company VAT tax-free policy and the 10% usage of the recycling materials towards tax deduction. The tax-free policy was allowed to last until the end of 2008. Then in 2009, the taxation administration returns 70% of the VAT to recycling companies; in 2010, the taxation administration returns 50% of the VAT to recycling companies. Although the notice did not specify what would happen after 2010, the Department of Treasury and State Administration of Taxation did not publish new policies on the tax issue for recycling companies. Therefore, after 2011, the recycling companies started to pay full VAT as their taxes.  However, because recycling companies have the problem of lacking the official purchasing receipt from local residents, itinerant/community recyclers or yard buyers, the taxable income for recycling companies are not the added value but the total sales instead. Although China adopted the plan to change from Business Tax to Value Added Tax in                                                  90 CR0>[2008]157 Ct˙o1ƒ http://www.chinatax.gov.cn/n810341/n810765/n812171/n812675/c1190499/content.html  226  2011, ironically recycling companies started to pay their VAT based on their total business income. Because VAT has largely reduced the proportion of taxable income compared to Business Tax, VAT rate is at 17%91. As Mrs. Feng (Case 9, FYXY company accountant) showed me,  For example, I bought some recyclable paper from various itinerant recyclers or yard buyers for our paper packaging company. I paid them 100,000 yuan for the paper, but they dont have any receipt. After I pack the paper and load it on the trucks for sale, I might sell them at 150,000 yuan. So, what I make is 50,000 yuan in the trade. And this 50,000 should be the added value or taxable income for us; thus, the VAT should be 50,000*17%. Because we dont have the purchase receipt, there is nothing I could use to prove that I spent 100,000 yuan for the materials. Now the 150,000 becomes the taxable income. What we are paying now actually becomes 150,000*17%. Do we have a profit margin of 17%? Thers no way.  But before 2008, everything was fine because no matter how much we pay for tax, they returned almost all of them to us, except for about 6% as additional tax items. That was how the paper packaging company was profitable then. Later in 2009, they only returned 70% [close to 63% because the tax for other items is not returned] of the tax we paid, but we were still somewhat profitable then. The tax refund became 50% when we barely made it even. After 2011, we still paid the 17% tax and about 6% for other items, but there was no refund any more. As we have to pay for                                                  91 There are different levels of VAT rate, and 17% is set for general businesses.   227  labor, transportation, impurity, we would just lose money. Now without the tax refund, who would dare to do this business? Doesnt this simply mean throwing money away?  Then Mrs. Wu [company board head] added that,  During those years [tax-free years], recycling tax receipt was very popular because people could make money out of these tax receipt. Then the government worried about the abusive use of this receipt so they canceled it. Last year during the government meeting, they have the intention of doing the tax refund again, but they are still discussing it because they need to make sure that the receipt traders wont mess up the market again. I think the government consideration is very good, but they might still be discussing it But you see, our case is just such a small case, right? But on a country scale, there are a lot of big things the government needs to consider. So, it just moves step by step. Thats it.  Therefore, we can see that the recycling companies face completely different structural/institutional barriers than other recycling actors. While other recyclers face more of a barrier associated with the Hukou status, the recycling company is dealing with forces that correlate with the informal status of the recycling business. Although so many parties are the actual stakeholders in monitoring and managing the recycling business, there still lacks strict guideline about how to formalize or standardize the business operation. What is even worse is that different government bodies have different opinions towards recycling. As what was illustrated here, when the Commerce Administration is 228  trying to limit illegal recycling activities and to promote certain registered formal recycling companies, different parties such as urban development, fire stations and police all took advantage of the full registration of those formal companies and actually led informal businesses to have a better chance to survive in Beijing. Meanwhile, the tax policy from the Administration of Taxation almost wipes out the recycling companies who want to be as formal as they can in the city and what the Administration of Taxation reformed in the policy has further impacted the formal and locally registered recycling companies rather than their informal counterparts.  So, there has been an interesting dispute between the Commerce departments willingness to promote the development of formal, large-scale recycling companies and various other government bodies easy action to focus on only the formal, large-scale and well-registered recycling companies instead. While the plan is to eradicate the informal recycling activities, formal ones became the de facto target every time during the routine checks and investigations. Ironically, no department cares about the future of these recycling companies or the recycling activities; instead, every and each one of the stakeholder government bodies simply needs to confirm that nothing would go wrong within their responsibility.  Maybe Mrs. Wu is right. China is still too big for the government to pay attention to recycling companies and their associated recyclers.   Next, we will continue to examine how migrant recyclers and the recycling companies cope with these structural and institutional barriers in Beijing.     229  CHAPTER 6  MIGRANTS COPING STRATEGIES IN BEIJING  Beijing is never our long-term plan, and we will go back to our hometown one day.    --- almost everyone considers their stay in Beijing as temporary   While we have discussed the structural/institutional barriers in the previous chapter, we could categorize the in into targeting two main factors: migrant status and recycling activities. The development of recycling enclaves or Henancun has witnessed the barriers that were set up by the local government to gradually squeezing the social and economic space migrants, and recycling companies need to survive in Beijing. As illustrated in the previous chapter, many migrant recyclers, including itinerant and community recyclers and yard buyers, have experienced a widespread stigmatization or discrimination against them through not only the administrative policies but also public media as well. Meanwhile, the recycling business itself also faces bureaucratic barriers, such as land acquirement, fire department regulations, urban planning and even taxation, in their operation as well. These two factors, the migrant identity and the informal status of recycling in Beijing, have gradually catalyzed the emergence and flourishing of the recycling enclaves, or Henancun in Beijing. The development of Henancun, on the one hand, has helped migrants to strengthen their economic opportunity by offering protection from discriminatory socio-political policies, but on the other hand, has also limited their economic and social space into an unstable and enclosed space on the fringe 230  of Beijing. To keep their livelihood and business stable and profitable, migrants have taken various coping strategies against the barriers they are facing.   Thus, gradually an intriguing paradox has emerged in the recycling business and Henancun in that local governments intention to formalize recycling is the de facto reason for recycling to informalize. Because there are so many regulations against recycling and so few protections for recycling, recycling companies, recyclers, and buyers have to seek alternative ways to stabilize their business and stay profitable. Meanwhile, since the government is so enthusiastic in ensuring that the well-registered companies follow regulations; informal recycling companies could easily survive and out-compete their formal counterparts. In some sense, the government has catalyzed the development of informal recycling through active and heavy regulations to formalize the business.  The situation is well illustrated by a random glurge I ran into on the internet. Kids without an umbrella would have to run fast. This saying is perfect to illustrate the coping strategies migrants and recycling companies are taking in the city. Raining here represents the structural barriers or institutional forces that are constructing the social circumstances. To deal with this unfavorable social context, migrants, and recycling companies have two routes of strategies they can take. On the one hand, umbrella not only represents the protection, stability or safety migrants, and recycling companies are seeking in the city but also represents a legitimate role migrants are running their businesses; and on the other hand, running fast acts as a have-to strategy for migrants and recycling businesses to stay alive and profitable by trying to avoid the structural forces as much as they can. These two strategies are examples of the formal and informal 231  strategies migrants and recycling companies normally take in their exercises. And this chapter will try to examine both their formal and informal coping strategies.  6.1 Revisiting the Structural Barriers 6.1.1 Hukou Remains a Strong Structural Barrier for Rural-to-Urban Migrants  In migration studies, Chinas internal migration resembles the international immigration situation (Robert, 1997) as shown by various researchers in the ecological schools of migration studies (Park, 1926; Massey, 1985, 1998) and the enclave development studies as well (Portes, 1987; Wilson and Portes, 1980; Light and Bonacich, 1988). But the social and political contexts in these studies are a little different since Chinas urban context is not as welcoming or tolerating as the situation faced by international immigrants in the countries in those studies. In the international immigration research in the U.S., Park (1926) has illustrated the connection between the ethnic enclave development and the language, culture and race factors when immigrants first arrive in the country. Massey (1985) has further pointed out that the immigration involves a two-step process: residential segregation and spatial assimilation. Following chain migration, immigrants are channeled into already segregated areas of cities, and even the cultural division of labor (Hechter, 1978) might appear to solve the employment issue for the newly arrived immigrants. After immigrants surpass the cultural and economic barriers, they start to assimilate into the receiving society through residential relocation (Gordon 1964). Massey (1985) further illustrated that the residential location is related to immigrants level of cultural and economic assimilation while their socioeconomic status can lead to desegregation and integration with the majority group in the society. Therefore, the ethnic 232  immigration situation in the U.S. is generally based on a socioeconomic status related melting-pot process in that the barrier immigrants face in the society is believed to be related to cultural, economic and social differences they have between their home and the destination society, while structural forces are not as significant in determining immigrants spatial location and socioeconomic status.  But meanwhile, racial ghetto studies have challenged this theory in that researchers (Darden 1987; Darden and Kamel 2000a, 2000b; Taeuber and Taeuber 1964, 1965) have found that socioeconomic status is not the determinant factor for the spatial distribution of certain minority92 groups (African Americans or Hispanic immigrants). Darden (1985) has indicated that spatial segregation is present in all socioeconomic levels in Chicago between the blacks and whites. Racial discrimination is believed to be present in many aspects of the society such as occupational discrimination (Porter, J.1985), educational discrimination (Darden and Parsons, 1981) and housing discrimination (Darden 1982, 1995; Gotham 2000). Therefore, we can see that while the structural barriers are not present in ethnic immigrants from the Europe in the early 1900s, immigration is represented through segregation and assimilation. However, while some structural forces, such as race or ethnicity based discrimination, function like a doorkeeper for segregation, assimilation is in fact restricted to the minority groups.  In China, since Hukou no longer restricts peoples movement from rural to urban areas like the pre-reform era, Chinas rapid urban economic development has attracted rural migrants to cities for various job opportunities. While the rural-to-urban migration looks very similar to international immigration in terms of chain migration, segregated migrant enclave and cultural division of labor when migrants arrive in the cities, the channel for                                                  92 Minority indicates other racial or ethnic group other than white Americans.  233  migrants to assimilate locally as described in the Ecological School theory remains shut mainly because Hukou, being an internal passport system (Fan, 2002) between rural and urban China, is associated with a series of limitations on migrants access to various urban social welfare and facilities. While the social welfare related to migrants education opportunities and medical services is still officially assigned to their hometown as defined by their Hukou status, rural-to-urban migration always remains tied to their hometown administratively. Therefore, while migrants are living and working completely in the city, their security measures, regarding social facilities and welfares, remain in their rural hometowns. In another word, migrants economic gain or even their economic upward mobility in the city remains solely  and cannot be translated to cultural, spatial or social assimilation. Hukou remains a strong source of structural/institutional barriers to rural-to-urban migration. The force of Hukou on migrant enclaves functions very similar to the structural force of racial discrimination in racial ghettos in the U.S. Migrants, on the other hand, are compelled to carry out various coping strategies to deal with this inevitable and unfavorable structural barrier in the city.  6.1.2 Pathological View against the Recycling Business In Beijing, recycling is needed by the city while the way recycling is carried out has been heavily criticized by the government. However, the criticism from the government is not very clear and further there still lacks detailed guidance on how to develop a standard and formal recycling business in Beijing.  Recycling was organized by the government before Chinas market turn through state-owned recycling companies in Beijing. After migrants gradually arrived at Beijing and started to use recycling as a way to make their living, recycling has become a unofficial, 234  or informal business due to the fact that before 2006, almost everyone could rent some local residents yard to recycle with or without license by using the yard as storing and sorting area and the houses as their residential space. Before 2003, the recycling license for official or formal recycling companies has to be under the name of someone with a Beijing Hukou, but after 2003, this rule was no longer in effect, and everyone could register with the Ministry of Commerce to obtain a recycling license officially. In 2006, 11 administrative bureaus in Beijing together released the advice to stop all recycling company applications and proposed four working guidance as for the developing objectives of the recycling business as formalizing recycling stations, market-based transporting system, professional sorting and reusing, directly linking sorting companies with factories. The advice also indicated that following the Beijing recycling facility location spatial plan, Beijing will use professional sorting centers to replace the recycling-yard based recycling companies in the future. The Plan has proposed to develop comprehensive sorting centers93: the eight city-level comprehensive sorting centers will have a radius of 30km as service area to serve several districts/counties; while the eight district-level comprehensive sorting centers will have a radius of 20km as service area to serve one specific district/county (See Appendix B & C). The proposed comprehensive sorting centers will cover used paper, used or old plastics, used or old iron and steel and used or old electric appliances and have functioned as storage, collecting, sorting and selling, preliminary processing. All in all, the advice and the plan have theoretically proposed a radical change to the whole recycling business in Beijing: unregistered informal recycling companies are on the edge of being canceled and demolished, while the registered formal recycling businesses that are yard-                                                 93 $À5, 235  buyer, and market-based will also be gradually canceled by the government. So, what the documents are promoting is that recycling business should be operated instead of managed by recycling companies; in another word, the recycling companies should not have the identity of a land leaser by transferring the recycling operations to the yard buyers who lease yards from the company.  Table 14: Official documents about the development of recycling business Year Name  Content 2001 JingShangFaJiao(2001)#30 (2001)3094 Implementation of promoting and standardizing Beijing community recycling system.    Build standardized community recycling network One recycling station/1000-1500 families; 1800 recycling stations in 8 districts of Beijing; Build 6-8 recycling markets at the end of 2002; Build 10 recycling markets at the end of 2003;  Recycling markets should be accordance with urban service function and environment protection.  Recycling markets should be built with easy access to transportation and are better to be between the 4th and fifth ring road.  Rectify unlicensed itinerant/community recycling, recycling stations subcontract situation, and unlicensed recycling markets.  2003 JingShangFa(2003)#28 (2003)2895 Beijing Ministry of Commerces notice on strengthening the management of recycling business during SARS prevention     During SARS prevalence period, community recycling should continue its recycling function;  Government bodies should check the sanitary situation of community recycling stations to avoid SARS prevalence through recycling.                                                   94 http://www.34law.com/lawfg/law/1797/3021/law_892443434309.shtml  95 http://www.34law.com/lawfg/law/1797/3021/law_8989178924.shtml  236   2006 JingShangJiaoZi(2006)#52 (2006)5296 advice about testing on promoting the development of Beijings large-scale company based recycling system   Promote several recycling companies through government contract as major business body to gradually replace dispersed and individual recycling;  Formalizing recycling stations, market-based transporting system, professional sorting and reusing, directly linking sorting companies with factories; One recycling station/1000-1500 families; 2000 recycling stations in eight districts of Beijing;  Build ten professional sorting centers;  Build professional sorting centers to replace the recycling markets; Sorting centers site location should follow Beijing City Master Plan, the Beijing 11th Five Year Plan, and Land Use Plan.  Use close-back recycling trucks and stop recyclers from using tricycles for transporting recyclable materials;  Three uniformity: uniform trucks and signs, uniform uniforms for recyclers, uniform scales;  Professional sorting centers should be built outside the 5th ring road.  2007  JingShangJiaozi(2007)#80 (2007)8097 Beijing Ministry of Commerces notice on continuing to strengthen the power in closing illegal recycling sites (markets) () Closing illegal recycling stations and illegal recycling markets in making sure the success of Good Luck Beijing test game and the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games.   Through Table 14, a series of notice from Ministry of Commerce in Beijing has shown a policy change about the recycling business.                                                   96 http://www.34law.com/lawfg/law/1797/3021/law_894634248934.shtml  97 http://www.34law.com/lawfg/law/1797/3021/law_178938384325.shtml  237  1. Recycling markets or centers are pushed out from between 4th and fifth ring roads to outside the 5th ring road;  2. Recycling markets are no longer the preferred way of operating the recycling business. Instead, the city is promoting the development of professional sorting centers;  3. Recycling is considered as a valuable social service by the Ministry of Commerce through planning; 4. Recycling is standardized through uniform trucks, clothes, and scales in residential communities.  Besides, while the government has always been considering recycling as an important social service to the residents and an important way to reduce waste, it has gradually taken a pathological view of recycling business and tried to rectify and formalize it. First, the Ministry of Commerce in Beijing has sought to rectify the unlicensed recycling activities and continue to use recycling markets as the main business type for recycling in 2001. So, during that time, only unlicensed recycling is viewed as informal recycling while the typical yard-buyer based recycling market was considered as an acceptable business type. But in 2006, the government tried to standardize the recycling business at both the itinerant/community recycling level and the recycling company level. At the itinerant/community recycling level, the government still focuses on the situation along proper licensing; while at the recycling company level, the government started to question the yard-buyer based recycling market and promote the development of professional sorting centers instead.  238  Thus, how do migrant recyclers and recycling companies cope with these more and more hostile policies in the city? This chapter will further this discussion along both the Hukou divide and the informal recycling status to understand migrants formal and informal coping strategies with the structural/institutional barriers in Beijing.  6.2 Coping Strategies in Recycling  By the structural/institutional barriers which form along Hukou and informal recycling, the subjects to cope with this situation involve two parties: the migrants in recycling and recycling companies. However, no matter what kinds of barriers they are dealing with, the key indicators for successfully coping with the structural barriers are continuing the business and staying profitable.  While Hukou has predefined the legal boundary for migrants temporality in the city, migrants have long lost their interests in fighting for their long-term stay in the city while practically they have, almost unanimously, viewed recycling as a temporary way to make a living for their return to their hometowns in the future. Migrants need to cope with all different kinds of barriers since their initial migration, and there are two defining factors in migrants mind: to seek security/stability and to stay profitable. In this sense, security/stability means their stay needs to be legal, their business needs to be sound, and their lives should be supported with social facilities and social institutions, in another word, to make sure that both their business and their lives to stay under the searching radar for illegal or improper activities from various administrative departments. Meanwhile, to maximize profits in recycling means, they need to buy low and sell higher.  239  For recycling companies, we have already reviewed the government documentations and understood that the government had changed their attitudes towards recycling companies several times in the early 2000s. What the government is promoting is formal, standardized and professional recycling companies that could replace the traditional informal yard buyer based recycling markets. While we all know that informality is one way to achieve profitability, the chance that the formal, standardized and professional recycling companies could financially win in competition with their informal counterparts without governments support is very slim. Inevitably, recycling companies need to choose their routes in this profitability vs. formality war as well.  All in all, all coping strategies are taken by recycling migrants and recycling companies could be summarized into two routes: to formalize or to informalize. These two guiding routes on coping strategies are not mutually exclusive, and they are well intertwined in migrants coping strategies in the city. More interestingly, while the government has always taken a pathological understanding towards the recycling business and tried so hard to formalize and standardize them, it is right this force from the government that has pushed recycling to become more and more informal.  6.3 Migrant Recyclers Coping Strategies in Beijing  For migrant recyclers in Beijing, the emergence and development of Henancun mean much more than a secured residential and business location. Rather, Henancun has become their second hometown in their lives and redefined the socio-political situation in their migration. Fundamentally, as outsiders in the city, migrants have redefined their living and business spaceHenancunto become a new local for themselves inside an unfriendly and unwelcoming urban society. What Henancun has brought them is more 240  than safety or security; rather it has become their new hometown in Beijing as a stand-alone and fragmented space from the urban environment. It has become a small self-sustaining society where migrants could escape both their hometown villages and their migration destination city. Figure 44 shows that only the community recyclers need to interact with Beijing residents while both itinerant recyclers and yard buyers do not normally interact with residents in Beijing at all. Meanwhile, most itinerant buyers have very specific items to recycle, and they normally buy directly from community recyclers instead of the residents. Meanwhile, most yard buyers do not need to interact with Beijing residents at all since they purchase materials directly from the itinerant and community recyclers. However, some yard buyers do have to communicate with local people in Beijing because their business relies on contract instead of itinerant and community recyclers. I will address this issue in a later section. But what we could see from figure 51 and 52 is that Henancun must have the ability to provide all necessary services so that migrants do not need to go out for their livelihood or business at all. 241     Figure 51: Chart: Frequency communicating with Beijing residents in a week98   Figure 52: Chart: How many Beijing residents to interact with per week  For migrant recyclers in Beijing, the most important structural barrier is their non-local Hukou status, which sets many constraints on their access to local opportunities and                                                  98 See Appendix F. Q2.4 INTOUCHBJ.  242  services. The migrants are forced to take various coping strategies to secure their migration and business in Beijing. They need to find a way (1) to migrate, (2) to live in a stable environment, (3) to have a livable environment, (4) to have social facilities to support the family and (5) to secure a profitable business. We will discuss these coping strategies here to understand how migrants deal with these barriers in the city.   6.3.1 Chain Migration to Achieve a Successful Migration  When migrants decide to migrate, there are several choices in front of them. Especially for rural migrants from Gushi county, Henan province whose location is almost in the middle of the eastern part of China, migrants have the choice to migrate to all first-tier cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. But for the migrants who are in the recycling business, many followed chain migrations led by early explorers in Beijing. As Massey (1998) has stated that through cumulative causation, migratory movements become self-sustaining after the initial migration. Migrants in recycling have well used the chain migration strategy to increase the probability to succeed in Beijing.   Figure 53: Chart: Migrant home provinces99                                                  99 See Appendix F. Q1.4 PHUKOU.  243   Figure 54: Chart: The cities where Henan migrants are from100   Figure 55: Chart: The counties where Xinyang migrants are from (xx represents no answer)101   From Figure 53, 54 and 55, we can see that the questionnaire participants have shown that 73.6% (223/303) of the migrants are from Henan province; among Henan migrants, 95.1% (212/223) are from the city of Xinyang; 96.7% (205/212) of the people from Xinyang are from Gushi County. We can see that migrants hometowns are highly concentrated. For the Henan migrants, which are the majority migrant group in recycling,                                                  100 See Appendix F. Q1.4 CHUKOU.  101 See Appendix F. Q1.4 COHUKOU 244  over 90% are from Gushi County. This concentration has further indicated that there has been an association between the recycling business in Beijing and the Gushi County of Henan province.  Furthermore, the Gushi Gushi County Labor Export Situation Report102in 2009 that  Gushi emigrants choose Guangdong, Zhejiang, Jiangsu and Beijing as their primary destinations.  The purpose of working outside is to take money back for building houses, supporting the old, and letting children take education.  Despite the Labor Agency introduced by the Labor Department, 90% of emigrants rely on Three Relationships103 in their migration. Most migrant workers are not seeking job opportunities based on market need-supply relationship, but concentrate at places where their relatives and friends are working to form concentrated working situation, which not only loses the opportunity cost but also decreases their income.  We can also see chain migration situation through a survey that was conducted by the labor department in 2009. Table 15 (details in Appendix D) has shown that migration destinations are not random. Migrants in the 33 townships in Gushi County have their preference for where to go. Close to 15-20% of the migrants in Gushi County choose Beijing, Guangdong, Jiangsu and Zhejiang as their migration destination. However, the distribution is not uniform spatially in that two counties have over 50% while five                                                  102 "w˘Õ 103 : >pThree relationships mean the blood relationship, location relationship, and work relationship. Blood relationship includes the relationship between relatives; location relationship means neighborhood or village/county relationships; work relationship means classmates, teachers or other social ties.   245  counties have over 30% of their out migrants to choose Beijing as their destination. This situation is similar for migrants in other counties to choose Guangdong, Jiangsu or Zhejiang as their destination as well. Thus a clear trend of chain migration is also visible at the township level in addition to province, city and county levels as shown before.  Table 15: Emigration destination percentage for different townships in Gushi County    Beijing Guangdong Jiangsu Zhejiang Duangji 5.19 16.53 26.97 14.85 Magang 22.90 25.51 11.01 24.47 Nandaqiao 15.18 13.59 15.83 12.80 Huzu 12.36 30.92 12.66 13.14 Shifo 2.49 6.62 22.82 30.66 Yangji 21.40 21.90 7.49 25.71 Chenlin 9.59 4.51 53.75 19.60 Wumiao 12.27 14.87 20.81 19.19 Wangliu 32.76 28.12 14.98 10.03 Xuji 26.66 18.44 16.30 11.81 Guolutan 9.40 54.46 6.28 10.33 Chenji 15.59 12.95 30.40 8.97 Quanhe 12.08 8.01 18.71 6.88 Wangpeng 14.15 32.35 4.75 18.37 Guantang 31.70 16.05 11.61 11.67 Zhangguang 14.37 17.84 28.32 21.73 Liushu 3.66 6.26 32.76 19.96 Fangji 8.63 14.20 11.26 13.98 Lidian 65.20 8.70 7.24 6.18 Shahe 4.45 9.70 33.26 16.83 Fenshui 18.28 15.60 20.74 18.40 Sanhejian 5.53 33.20 11.74 5.94 Caomiao 30.45 36.51 2.09 3.05 Zushi 12.53 14.95 20.71 19.18 Liji 10.35 8.84 39.60 32.66 Hongbu 50.53 23.48 6.70 5.68 Zhanglaobu 3.77 10.28 52.66 21.88 Zhaogang 3.71 11.54 34.37 6.89 Jiangji 44.49 12.57 12.57 8.12 Fenggang 21.17 14.55 6.53 5.31 Chengjiao 34.14 20.71 8.41 5.96 Chengguanzhen 21.97 17.92 12.43 2.02 Chengguan Community 20.04 18.05 13.49 16.01 Total 20.70 17.93 18.39 14.95 *Data obtained from the Labor Department in Gushi County 246   Figure 56: Chart: Through which channel migrants come to Beijing?104   Figure 56 has further shown that 114/304 people in the questionnaire came to Beijing through their relatives, while 45/304 people came through their friends or unknown hometown people, and close to 50%, 145/304 people came by their self-decision. Interestingly, in the questionnaire, no single migrant arrived in Beijing through a job agency105. With the majority people from the same hometown, the "self-decision" represents a well-established migration culture that has developed in migrants hometowns, which is not against our assumption of the chain migration.  In addition to following a chain migration to the city, the business is also well maintained through this chain. Mr. Chen (Case 10, a recycling market & used market owner in Daxing district) has shown his experience in Beijing:  "I recycled paper in the very beginning because that didn't need much  then in 1998 I gave the steel business to them too while I started a recycling and used appliance                                                  104 See Appendix F. Q1.3 HOWBJ.  105 We also have a choice as job agency while nobody chose that one as his or her answer.   247  market. By then, all the relatives I knew had come to Beijing, and they took over those paper and steel recycling businesses I started This situation is very common for migrant recyclers in Beijing, especially for the young generation who recently joined the business. They would normally work at a recycling yard for their parents, uncles, father-in-law or other relatives for a couple of years to accumulate experience, then take over to operate it while the parents could start new businesses or go home to take care of their grandchildren for their education.  Thus, we can see that chain migration has paved quite a stable migration path. Also, because recycling has become a hometown business, migrants following chain migration have the advantage of accessible information and market resources. Although recycling is still informal, the yard buyer business is, in fact, an entrepreneurship with or without a license. Relative based chain migration provides the recycling families the opportunity to continue this family entrepreneurship, and we can also see a cross-generation migration that starts to emerge in the recycling business today as well.  6.3.2 Coping with Hostile Urban Policies, Especially Shourong  While Shourong was in place, recycling activities were not safe on streets in Beijing. However, in the late 1990s, recycling was still operated by itinerant/community recyclers with small-scale individual-yard based buyers. Since obtaining an official license was nearly impossible, some migrants rent individual yard in the city to run their businesses. They were referred to as small-scale yard buyers because not like the organized yard buyers today, they still needed to either buy materials on the streets by themselves or transport goods from some sellers. While traveling on streets was nearly inevitable for most recyclers these small-scale yard buyers still faced threats from the Shourong policy. 248  While many recyclers have experienced the Shourong lock up, they started to look for various ways to deal with the extremely insecure situation in Beijing.  The most commonly used temporary solution was to return to their hometowns to avoid Shourong, but the lack of income from giving up their recycling activities became a serious issue after a while at home. Thus, after the temporary retreat from Beijings street, they needed a longer-term strategy to cope with this situation. The goal at that time was to avoid the street activities while remaining in the recycling business. Thus, under such a political and economic context, some yard based recycling markets started to emerge and serve as a safe harbor for migrant recyclers who could afford a recycling yard inside the recycling markets. It was at that time when recycling companies started to transform from a recycling operator to a market organizer, or in another word, landlord. They began to lease large pieces of land from various village community boards to start their recycling business. While some of them have the recycling company license (either by themselves or subcontracted from a local license owner), some do not have a permit at all. Since recycling companies started to become the landlord, what they are operating is no longer the recycling business, but instead, they are operating recycling markets through leasing out individual business space to yard buyers. So technically, the business license these recycling companies should use is a market license instead of a business license, which I will discuss in section 6.4.  There are two ways for recycling migrants to cope with this unfriendly political situation: to formalize or to informalize.  249  6.3.2.1 To formalize  During the Shourong period, recycling companies offered a feasible way to solve the street issue for recyclers by letting them hide inside a walled recycling company. These companies became the prototype of Henancun in Beijing. This transformation of business operation and migration situation represent a form of formalization strategy. While the social, political and economic space in Chinese cities was organized by walled work unit (danwei) until the late 1990s, a walled recycling company represented a formal and recognized social, political and economic space that is, or at least seems to be, accepted by the city. Besides, while the company is locally registered with a recycling license, the company has the legality to provide work proof to protect its employees (although they are renters in fact). Also, the background of a recycling companys owner also became an important factor for recycling migrants to think about when they seek protections.  While I was conducting my interviews in Henancun, several potential interviewees have responded to my interview request with answers such as you know, I am a friend of XXX or what do you need? I know XXX in the district. With their doubts about my intention, their response was trying to prove their legitimacy by showing: first, they are well connected with the formal system and second, they are legitimate with the right credentials. While this is quite trivial in my fieldwork, it shows how unstable a status their business is at and how often they need to prove their formal status in the city. This was also the case in the late 1990s when Shourong was in place. Migrant recyclers would exchange their information about a recycling company owner with friends and relatives to judge which recycling company is reliable to follow in the long term. And for migrants without local connections, the company, its owner and their social connection became 250  part of migrants assets to use as their umbrella to prove their legitimacy in the city before they run." In some sense, the emergence of Henancun represents the divide between the migrant and the local, the informal and the formal, the outside and the inside in the city.  If formality or to be close to formality provides partial protection to migrant recyclers in the society, the physical walled-up recycling company offers a spatial haven for migrants to hide from the potential Shourong threats on the streets. While this seems to be a  plan for migrants to escape those discriminatory policies, it has interesting outcomes for migrant recyclers.  6.3.2.2 To informalize  While some of the relatively affluent recyclers started to gather inside the recycling companies, the streets were still not safe for itinerant or community recyclers. Because Shourong practice had turned out to be a monetary business, it became extremely tricky for migrant recyclers who needed cash to purchase the recyclable materials. Since it was not safe for recyclers to carry cash with them while they still need cash at any moment for potential usage, yard buyers home became a possible safe house for itinerant recyclers to store their money. Mr. Zhou (Case 5) was one of those yard buyers around 2002. After he went home several times following Shourong, he finally decided to invest in one yard inside a recycling company. After talking with several friends and relatives, he decided to follow one boss Mr. L, the husband of Mrs. Wu. From what he had heard, Mr. L was a local businessman who had the close relationship with the local government and could smooth things out when in conflict with the local government. After Mr. Zhou had become a yard buyer for bottles in Wali,  251  we became yard buyers and had some money. That was our money-saving time. Shourong was still going on outside, so I didnt dare to go out and just made some small money inside the yard. Whats funny and unexpected was that while I didnt go out, somebody was still out on the street, right? They saved all the money they made every day at our home because our home was safe. Nobody would come over to mess up at our yard. The tricycle itinerant buyers who I was familiar with all left their money at our home, and I made a note for each of them to record their savings. At that time, there were not many people who purchased materials, but instead, most are garbage pickers. The pickers are not usually from our hometown Gushi, but more from somewhere like Zhumadian. These people didnt have tricycles. What they had were those flat push carts. Wherever they went, they dragged it with them and picked through garbage there. That thing [the flat push cart] was even more unsafe [facing Shourong]. In the beginning, they didnt know each other and were not familiar with us at all. What they did for their money was to put the cash inside a glass bottle then buried it somewhere in the vegetable field or open field next to their rental house. For example, like he made ten today, twenty tomorrow, then he buried it underground. Many stored their money like this. And some would put their money in some wall cracks too, because if you were locked up by Shourong, they just took your money. So, after they sold their stuff to me several times, they started to know me and use our yard as a bank.  252  That helped our business a lot because the more money we had to purchase materials, the more stuff we could sell to earn the difference. At that time, whatever significantly bought, you could make money. There was no way people would lose money in recycling. During this period, I had around tens of thousands of yuan106 through their savings. Well, I had such a hard time whenever we were close to Spring Festival107 because everybody came over to take their savings back to go home. I didnt even have money to go to my own Spring Festival at home during those years.  Mr. Zhou decided to join a recycling company and became a yard buyer because he was tired of the strict or discriminatory policy on the streets. While his attempt to formalize his business inside a recycling company did not bring him the extra profit, he made an unexpected fortune through an unexpected informal financial service he was able to provide. Technically, the unexpected profit was created by the security and stability from the formality of being inside a well-connected recycling company. The stability and security embedded in the formality have then materialized as a banking service to further protect the extra profit made by itinerant recyclers who bore the risk by running on the streets. In fact, this has illustrated the interesting relationship between the formality and informality. To some extent, being close to formal is always a way of making profits comparing to the informal activities.  From this case, what we could see is that while Mr. Zhou could afford the cost to become a yard buyer to formalize his business and to provide security and stability to his                                                  106. This is a big amount of money in the early 2000s when people who have 10,000 yuan in their bank account are called as big money . 107 Spring Festival is Chinese New Year. In Chinese culture, people need to clear their debts to welcome a new year.  253  operation, itinerant recyclers were also trying their best to seek protection by someone who has the connection to the formality. The reason for everyone trying to formalize their activities was that the cost of Shourong was too high to bear in Beijing. We can see that the most secure way to cope with the unfavorable social circumstance is always to seek an umbrella . However, there are cases whereby umbrella simply does not exist at all, for example, migrants access to social facilities in Beijing.  6.3.3 Coping with the Lack of Social Facilities in Beijing  As shown in the last section, there are usually two ways to deal with a situation: the formal way (umbrella) and the informal way (run). Both have their advantages and disadvantages, but the key is to get over the situation and stay stable and vigorous.   While Shourong officially became history in 2003, migrants lives and businesses started to stabilize and flourish. Recycling companies, which organized the yard-buyer based recycling market, became a form of recycling operation condoned by the government. However, although Shourong became history, the discriminatory social condition lingers in the society and migrants have adapted to the lifestyle of staying together around the recycling companies for mutual care and protection. With the development of recycling companies and further flourished recycling enclaves, recyclers started to enjoy the best time of business in recycling. In my fieldwork, various recyclers and business managers have indicated that the time between around 2002 and 2008 was the best time for recycling, economically, socially and politically. And this situation is due to several reasons.   254  First, in 2003 Beijing city government has allowed everybody to freely register their recycling company with the Ministry of Commerce in Beijing, which made various recycling companies be able to register officially. Migrants were also allowed to be owners of recycling companies in Beijing. Second, China experienced a fast economic development at a rate of over 10% during those years, and Beijing has also experienced a rapid urban expansion. All the infrastructure construction, commodity housing construction, urban renewal and all of the associated interior decoration projects have created unprecedentedly vast amount of waste for recycling. While local residents became wealthy, they also cared less about the money gained from recycling and a lot of recyclable materials were given away to recyclers for free. Third, tax wise, Beijing offered a promotional free VAT (value added tax) policy for recycling companies since 2001 but later tightened up this policy in 2008. The free tax policy has helped enormously for recycling businesses. However, the turn in 2008 has significantly struck the recycling companies because the recycling companies could not provide their purchasing receipt in their VAT calculation. This has suddenly added a huge burden to the companies in that they are paying consumption tax at an astonishing 17% VAT rate. Last but not least, in 2001, the local government accepted the form of a recycling market as the primary way of recycling in their document (shown in 5.1.2). And it was until 2006 when the government started to criticize the form of recycling markets and promoted the replacement of these markets by a list of planned professional sorting centers in each district. Therefore, we can see that between 2002 and 2008, various government bodies and the demand-supply markets both contributed to the flourishing recycling business.  255  While recycling markets were quite stable during this period and the migrant recyclers also made a fortune, many of the young rural migrants were able to get married during this time as well. Then there came the family need for various social facilities, such as markets, kindergartens, schools, transportation between Beijing and hometowns, and also their hometown-flavored restaurants. Because of the relative stability associated with recycling companies and Henancun during this time, various services started to emerge around these places as well. In all the three recycling enclaves in my fieldwork, DXK has fully developed to have almost every service provided by migrants themselves. Although some of the functions such as grocery store, hometown flavor restaurants, and a couple of printing stores rent their house from the recycling market, most of other businesses emerged solely on market demand such as kindergartens, primary and middle schools, public bathing facilities, long distance transportation system, truck rental, spots for hiring daily manual work, truck service, barber shop, hotels, and even an afternoon street market.  6.3.3.1 Open market and grocery stores organized by recycling companies  In DXK, there is an afternoon street market on the main transportation road. Starting around 4 pm, vendors would come by trucks, tricycles or bicycles to sell all the necessities such as vegetables, fruits, raw meat, fish, live animals, deli food, clothes, hats, scarf, socks, shoes, books, toys, shampoos and soap to migrant recyclers and surrounding residents. All the items have the same featurelike a typical street marketthey are cheap. To some extent, they are even cheaper in that vegetable, fruits, and meat products are mostly the leftovers from a morning street market, which is very popular in China to sell the freshest agricultural products harvested on the exact same day. And the clothes, 256  shoes, and other garment products are also on the cheap end of the spectrum in that they are purposely sold to recycling and other manual workers who normally do not invest much in their clothes because of the manual job they are working. Also, all different kinds of shampoos and soaps are sold on the street as well, and the vendor would kindly tell the customers which one is the real one and which is a fake product but cheap.      Figure 57: Photograph: Afternoon market outside DXK Henancun  The vendors normally have their regular space from their daily practices and they simply park their whee on one side of the street and start selling immediately. While the vendors are operating their business on both sides of the road, the street is usually very crowded and filled with recycling trucks, buses, tricycles/vans which came back from their daily itinerant/community recycling work, parents who push their bicycles with their kid(s) sitting on the bike and some of the residents who live nearby and want to pick up some food on their way back home. The market would continue until around 7 pm or 8 257  pm depending on the seasonal sunset time. When the number of customers seems to decline, vendors start to leave by themselves. (Figure 57)  While the street market appears to be self-organized and as informal as it could be, there are also formal grocery stores and small retailers organized by different recycling companies. While recycling companies normally leased out the divided yard space inside the company to recycling yard buyers, the roadside houses are open for leasing to all kinds of businesses. The most popular businesses include grocery stores, small markets, restaurants, deli shop and truck services. Different from the afternoon street market, these businesses are more likely to be locally registered and operated formally with strict open hours and facilities like fridge and freezer inside. Because these stores are right outside the company gate, they are very convenient for migrant recyclers to buy grocery and other necessities. Since many migrants tend to buy grocery right before their meals, these stores with extended opening hours provide very customer-friendly services.   So the informal street market and formal roadside stores have well covered almost all the necessities for migrants who live in the Henancun region. Nor only do they offer convenience, but these services provide both a stable supply and an economic choice of the everyday necessities for the people who are nearby. In fact, they have made possible for the Henancun dwellers to sustain their living inside Henancun without going out to 258  the city at all.  Figure 58: Chart: Where migrants buy groceries108     Figure 59: Chart: Where migrants buy other necessities109  In continuation of the discussion above, Figure 58 and 59 have illustrated that majority of the migrants in the survey would purchase their everyday items, including grocery and other necessities at the open market and close-by food stores. About 20% would buy food from supermarkets which are considered not in the immediate range of Henancun and about 35% would buy everyday necessities from supermarkets. Thus, open market and                                                  108 See Appendix F. Q2.1 BUYFOOD.  109 See Appendix F. Q.2.2 BUYOTHER 259  food stores along the street inside Henancun provided important sources for migrants to have the opportunity to stay exclusively inside Henancun for their living.   6.3.3.2 Education      Figure 60: Photograph: Zhenhua primary school at DXK area  As we have discussed in 5.2 (3), migrants do not have access to Beijings local education and thus Henancun has created a vast educational need. Many migrant-run primary and middle schools emerged to provide education for migrants children in and around Henancun areas. In addition, these schools are mostly initiated by the migrants themselves. For example, two popular schools around DXK area, Zhiquan and Zhenhua, which provide both primary and middle school education to nearby migrant children, are both owned and operated by migrants from Gushi County. During demolition and relocation of Henancun and recycling companies, these schools also move with the migrants because their essential goal is to provide affordable and accessible education to 260  migrants family. But these schools are referred to generally as migrant schools110. (Figure 60) 6.3.3.2.1 Hometown schools vs. migrant schools in cities Mr. Wan from Zhenhua has indicated that if nobody out migrates, there should be around 500 students (primary school) in his home township, but now there is only about 100 students. While most children are with their parents in cities, others are having education at the central town of Gushi County instead of their home township schools.  There are so few students in our rural hometowns. When I was in our hometown Central School, the school is a combination of high school, middle school, and primary school and there were several hundred students then. Later, high school is canceled, then the middle school is gone too and now only the primary school is still there. For my own child, I rented an apartment in the central town of Gushi county and my mom is taking care of my children for their education. Education resources, like in our school, are not as good as back home. At least teachers at hometown are formally registered teachers. Our teachers here are pretty good but not comparable with hometown teachers. 95% of our teachers have teaching certificate and the few without have taught for quite a long time so they have experience.  Because Hukou has restricted the location to take the college entrance exam to be students hometown, most children would go back to their hometown to take middle school and high school education because they need to get used to the fierce exam competition in the college entrance exam at their hometowns. Thus, this created an                                                  110 ˚Q 261  interesting dilemma that migrant schools are losing children while they grow up because the older they become, the more their parents want them to go home for an official and formal education. Like Mr. Wan has further indicated that  Our primary school and seventh or 8th-grade middle school children won several awards and even top the competition in those Olympic math matches. But in their 9th grade, many children would go back to their hometown, especially the ones who have a good performance at school. Theres no hope to go to college if they continue their education here. But if they go back home, they could go to college. You cant take the exam if you dont have local Hukou, which is why many children went home in their 9th grade. We have two classes for each of the 7th and 8th grade, but only one class for 9th grade. At the end of their 9th grade, for the children who want to continue their education but have nowhere to go, I have contacted a Dachang Shiyan Boarding High School in Sanhe County of Hebei province. We sent them there. They can live there at the school, and because its not far, they can also come back to Beijing once a month to see their parents. We sent quite a few students there, and for students who perform well, we also send them to good schools such as Changping professional schools to learn some skills as well. Thus, we can see that migrant schools in Henancun serve as valuable educational opportunities for migrant workers nearby. However, they are in an awkward position in that they cannot provide as good an education as the hometown schools while in fact, they function as a temporary solution for migrants to keep their children with them in 262  their migration. With the college entrance exam linked with the Hukou status in China, students almost have to receive education at their hometown in order to get used to the educational system and learning style they need to use for taking the exam.  6.3.3.2.2 Instability  Schools are also very unstable. First, they also face similar demolition and relocation situation as the recycling companies. The reasons are almost the same because their land is also through leasing while there is no protection or guarantee on how long the lease would last before the next urban project that requests the land. Table 16 has shown the location changes for both Zhenhua and Zhiquan schools in Dongxiaokou. We can see that their migration path is very similar to the recycling companies. However, the locational instability is a much more severe problem for schools than for recycling businesses in that they need to build more houses for classrooms and set up a playground and other facilities as well.  Table 16: Location changes for the two schools in DXK Year Zhenhua  school Year Zhiquan school 1997-99 Datun Rd 2000-2000 Tongzhou  1999-2001 Wali west Village 2000-2002 Wali village 2001-2002 Hebei village 2002- Dongxiaokou village 2002-2004 Xiejia village 2004- 2nd location: Dongsanqi village, Beiqijia town 2004- Dongxiaokou village    In addition, the Principal from Zhenhua School has further illustrated that students are not stable as well.  The students are highly mobile. In our school, from the day we started a semester until the day before the summer/winter vacation, there are always students who come and go. It is almost too frequent. For those official and formal schools, which are based on school districts, the students are stable, 263  and their homes are right here. But for us, humans are floating around. If they move today, they wont live here anymore, then their child just move away. Every semester, we have about 300-400 students leaving and about 300-400 coming in. This situation is quite common, and the total number remains about the same.  6.3.3.2.3 Informality  While the government has regulated that every child should take the nine-year compulsory education, migrant schools follow this rule as well. However, because official and formal schools are subsidized by the government to provide the almost-free education, migrant schools which are privately owned have to rely more on the money paid by parents to run the schools. While the local government also provides subsidies for students during the school-year ages, each student would receive 80 yuan/semester in primary schools or 130 yuan/semester in middle schools (in 2011). Migrant schools would return this money to students but they also charge students for education and books. For example, Zhenhua is charging each student 600 yuan/semester in total, while Zhiquan is charging 570 (education) +80 (books) yuan/semester. However, although this is not much money, migrant families sometimes still have difficulties in paying in full. The day I conducted my interview with the principal of Zhiquan school happened to be the day the school was collecting education and book fees and during the interview, one father came in and wanted to talk to the principal.  Because I did not explain to him about my research and IRB approval, I will not quote him here. But the principal said the situation is quite typical every semester, so I will repeat the situation in general. It was a hot day in August, and the father had sweat all 264  over his T-shirt. He said he needed some extra time in paying the money and explained that he was working as a construction worker nearby. Normally, he started working at 6am but today he took two hours off to come to school for the fees. He is about 50yuan short now, but his work will pay him in a couple of days. After receiving the permission to pay later in full, the father almost cried and said that he was just making money here and the childs mom is in their hometown. While he was taking care of his child by himself and working in construction, he did not know what to do. He cannot read and that was the exact reason why he wanted to make sure his child would not be like himself to be illiterate so that the child could avoid all the trouble like he was having. The principal nodded almost the whole time during the conversation and told me,  There are not many parents like this, but this is not uncommon either. I just need to talk to him to see what is happening in his life. There are cases quite absurd, like last time someone couldnt pay the fee in full. He drank quite a bit and came to school and told us he was going to crash down the whole school. I just couldnt communicate with some parents like that. Thus, we can see that migrant schools not only provide accessible education, but also function informally to accommodate various situations faced by migrants. While many migrants think that the migrant schools serve more like a daycare center for their children, they also indicate that without those schools they would have no way to keep their children by their side in Beijing. On the one hand, migrant schools do partially satisfy the education demand from migrants; but on the other hand, they could not provide the high-quality education as what children would receive at hometowns either. However, in most migrants view, the migrant schools function more like a daycare than a school because if 265  their children want to go to college, they have to go back home to receive better education.  6.3.3.3 Other services There are also other services offered to accommodate migrants need in the city such as transportation, truck rental, truck and car service, restaurants, and even hotels. These services mostly emerged by the market need. While most business runners are migrants, very occasionally one or two local village residents would also operate a small-scale business close to Henancun. I will not discuss these services one by one but together with the previously mentioned market and educational services, they make possible that Henancun becomes self-sustained. (Figure 61)     Figure 61: Chart: Other services (Top left: everyday market; Top right: car services; Bottom left: hometown restaurant; Bottom right: kindergarten)   266  6.3.4 Coping with Poor Housing in Beijing  In addition to the self-organized social facilities, housing has been an essential issue in migrants life because one of the primary functions of Henancun is to provide residential locations for migrants in Beijing. However, housing situation inside Henancun is quite poor. Generally speaking, there are three primary sources of housing in Henancun area. The first ones are the yard buyers houses. The recycling company built these houses inside each designated yard. Depending on the size of the yard, there are in general one or two one-story flat house(s) inside each yard when the yards are open for leasing. These houses are provided to the yard buyer families as part of their contract. The second type is the residential sections built by the recycling companies. These housing sections serve as important residential housing rental to accommodate either recycling workers or itinerant recyclers. (Figure 62) By living directly in or right next to the recycling companies, not only could itinerant recyclers save on transportation, but they become stable recycling materials sources for the yard buyers too. Also, the temporary or long-term recycling workers, who are conducting the sorting, truck loading and unloading work in different yards, also enjoy walking to their work in the morning as well. The third type of housing is in the residential areas of the village. These houses are either the housing provided by the local villagers or a stand-alone residential housing section built by either Beijing residents or migrants. These houses are usually in a better condition and targeting the families of construction workers in the region or the community recyclers who do not need to live by the recycling company and would like a quieter place to live. However, although these different housings are a little different in their sources, their 267  condition is quite similar. As figure 37 has shown, most of the houses are 10-20m2 in size and per person housing area is lower than 10m2.      Figure 62: Photograph: Various housing in Henancun (Top left: housing section of recycling companies; Top right: housing for electric appliance recyclers; Bottom left: housing section for workers and community recyclers; Bottom   In fact, the housing situation has not changed much in the last 15-20 years, but migrants are quite content with the housing situation because the condition is already much better than their hometown rural housing. Meanwhile, there are several ways migrants cope with this situation to make their living better as well.  6.3.4.1 Investment?  Since the second and third types of houses are provided as rows of one-story flat houses migrants cannot change the housing structure at all. Any investment in the housing is nearly impossible. For the yard houses, in migrants leasing contract with the recycling 268  company, the company requires that the provided homes not be allowed to be changed or reconstructed. Meanwhile, migrants are allowed to build additional one-story houses inside their yard for residential use, but the built houses will belong to the recycling company, which means in demolition, migrants investment on additional houses are not compensatable. Thus, it further restricted migrants willingness to build better houses for themselves. Thus, most migrants choose not to modify their rental houses or build additional houses for their stay in Beijing.  At the same time, because recycling companies are facing unstable urban political and social policies on their business, they are trying to minimize their investment in building the houses in the recycling yards as well because of the uncertainty of future compensation in unpredictable upcoming demolition events. Thus, the housing condition left almost unchanged since about 15-20 years ago.  However, although migrants are reluctant at investing in better housing, they are trying to make the rental houses as comfortable as possible. Since they could take all the appliances with them during relocation, they typically put serious considerations on purchasing all necessary electric appliance for their stay in Beijing. No matter which kind of houses they are living in, their houses normally have all appliances as a typical commodity houses in Beijing: TV, washing machine, fridge, electric fans, cooking stove, air conditioner, desktop computer and sometimes laptops because they have access to all different used items when they recycle. When recyclers purchase a used electric appliance from a local resident, they will test whether it works. After renovating and making sure it works, migrants would keep the machines in good shape before they make further decisions to sell to specialized recyclers or a second-hand used market. But all in 269  all, there is a huge second-hand used market in Beijing for the huge temporary migrant population. As Mr. Qian (Case 2) shows,  Used items are perfect for us migrants because nobody is certain about where we will be next month. For example, I can buy a used fridge for 200 yuan just from my friend. Then when I need to move after three months, I can sell it directly back to him for about 170. I only lose 30 for using the fridge for three months. But if I buy a new one, the price dropped too much. They are not worth that much if you count the price of all the materials inside. Theres a big market for these used items because everyone here is a migrant and not sure about future. In the recycling market, all the items are evaluated for their recycling value instead of commodity value. For example, for Mr. Qian, a used air conditioners price only means the recycling price for the metal cover, plastic back cover, copper or steel wire, an electric motor, copper wires and the plastics that hold everything in place. He also told me that different brands of air conditioners cost differently and sell differently. Many companies nowadays started to use steels in their wires and electric motors simply because the material is much cheaper111. But they are supposed to use copper in the motor because it can last longer than steel. Thus, although the price for those electric appliances such as washer, fridge, and air conditioners are similar, the recyclers almost immediately know their real value based on their brand, year of make and models.  Therefore, rather than investing in their housing, migrants tend to keep their investment at minimum. But interestingly, although the housing condition is not excellent, their                                                  111 Steel price is about 1-2yuan/kilogram, while copper is close to 50yuan/kilogram 270  living condition is well established through the recycling and used market, which gave migrants access to all used and affordable electric appliances.  6.3.4.2 Self-construction Although migrants keep their investment on housing at a minimum, many are still willing to improve their living condition through various clever and creative self-constructions. These activities are considered informal because what they are building are temporary structures which could be easily removed any time when they need to. Among all the self-constructed structures, several are very common and make a difference in migrants lives.  6.3.4.2.1 Bathing room and restroom A typical migrant rental house has two rooms: the living room right connected to the door and an inner bedroom. In many migrants home, they normally have the living room as a place for cooking, eating, washer machine and indoor hanging place to dry the washed clothes. And the bedroom would normally have one or two bed(s), a TV, a computer and sometimes an air conditioner partially fixed onto the window. However, two important necessary and standard rooms that are in commodity apartments are missing: the restroom and the bathing room.  Interestingly, public restrooms are built by the housing managereither the recycling company or the housing section owner. The toilets, typically built in a traditional way by digging a hole and building squatting places on top of it, are built to serve about 10 to 15 houses right next to it. They are part of the public facilities that are provided to migrants. However, while migrants in rental houses cannot build or change their houses, the yard buyers sometimes would make a temporary restroom to get themselves through cold 271  winter nights in Beijing. This is not very common but still a self-construction that helps them in their stay in Beijing.  Meanwhile, bathing room is not provided in any of the rental houses in Henancun; instead, there are public bathing facilities that operate on the streets. But, since bathing does not need much space, many migrants choose to build their bathing shed by only putting together several used plastic or steel board together. This is very convenient for migrants lives because they could have easy access to bathing right next to their house. During the summertime, almost all migrants use solar heated water as their source of hot water by putting up a black plastic bag or steel barrel on top of their bathing construction. While these black plastic bags and steel barrels are specifically designed to become solar water tank, migrants only need to fill the bag or the tank in the morning then hot water would be available at night by receiving solar energy directly from the sun. Although these constructions are not allowed by the company or the housing managers, because they only take a small space for one person to take a bath and it also does not increase potential fire risks, the self-constructed bathing rooms have become a common tolerated practice among migrants. (Figure 63)   Figure 63: Photograph: Bathing facilities and public restroom  272  6.3.4.2.2 Temporary furnace In the winter time, while the commodity apartments or houses are connected to the public heating system in the city, migrants do not have the luxury of receiving public heating service in Henancun. While most migrants in the housing sections would rely on putting more covers to bed at night with a little assistance from an air conditioner, yard buyers would normally have the option to install an external coal furnace to provide heating to their rooms. However, the use of coal furnace also depends on the weather condition in specific years. (Figure 64) For example, during my interview with a wood recycler, who was installing a removable furnace in PC, he told me that  I would usually wait for the temperature to drop. Some years are fine for us. But its getting too cold now, so we decided to have furnace this year You can buy furnace right in the village center. Several companies are making these specifically for us during the wintertime. And the furnace is designed to burn coal pieces, which are much cheaper than the honeycomb briquette. So, we install the burning part outside the house, then connecting the heating portion through a hole to the inside of the house. We will have this until spring; then we would take it off and save it for next year or resell as scrap.  273       Figure 64: Photograph: Temporary f  6.3.4.2.3 Moveable house One of the biggest self-built projects is to install a temporary removable house in the yards of the recycling companies. While migrants are restricted from building their housing inside a recycling yard, many would choose to install a temporary housing for themselves. As there are so many styles of houses available, migrants would either purchase an already-built container house or build their own by using recycled materials from various yard buyers in the recycling companies. While some make a temporary kitchen or temporary bathing room, some use the container/self-built housing as their actual house to reside in. While they enjoy the extra space provided by this temporary accommodation, the construction is not considered a waste of investment at all because the houses could be easily moved by either taking it apart or moving it as a whole during demolition. This is very convenient for the yard buyers who in general have more income but face serious demolition and relocation issues in their stay in Beijing. By using an easily built mobile house, they could improve their living condition a little by both avoiding the restrictions in their leasing contract and investing in a movable property they own forever.  274  While some of the mobile houses are well constructed like the shipping container houses, some self-built ones are in a relatively poor condition. For example, one house I visited has slightly tilted paperboard floors while the roofs and sidewalls are from scrap steels from construction wastes. However, no matter what condition they are in, they serve migrants needs pretty well by both preserving their investment and increase their floor areas of their home in Beijing. (Figure 65)       Figure 65: Photograph: Various self-constructed housing  6.3.5 Coping with Unstable Income  Last but not least, while the migration is unstable, what migrants business can bring them is almost all through income. While migrant-run recycling out-compete their official counterparts through informal activities which cut out all the unnecessary spending for the migrant business, the informal activities are always the way to keep 275  recycling alive in Beijing. As informality could help migrants win their competition against the formal recycling, the competition among migrants themselves has harmed the profitability in recycling activities. Thus, although profitability is not directly hurt by the structural barriers we mentioned earlier, it is the most important issue for migrants to sustain their living in Beijing. Migrants have developed several coping strategies to strengthen their profitability in their business, and again we can consider them to be either formal or informal way in coping with the over-competition issue.  6.3.5.1 Formal strategies 6.3.5.1.1 Specialization  Since community recyclers income is relatively stable because their materials resource is from the community they are assigned to, itinerant recyclers and yard buyers have several ways to cope with the issue of over-competition. For itinerant recyclers, the most typical and formal method to increase their profit is to specialize in certain types of items and become an expert in trading. As Mr. Qian told me to make money in this itinerant recycling business, the most important thing is a good eye, by which he is referring to the experience to be able to tell the price by a simple glance at the item. For example, by recycling electric appliances for over 15 years, he can tell the price of an item by brand, year, and model of a particular item. Basically, the money is made on the accumulated experiences but as he said, we make mistakes all the time because you thought you knew some brand; suddenly they just changed their materials.  In Henancun, in addition to the specialized yard buyers, many recyclers choose to specialize in certain materials as well. For example, as Henan recyclers are in every recycling business, many Hebei recyclers focus on furniture, appliance, steel, plastic and 276  PET recycling as their strategies to take advantage of their hometown land availability which is very close to Beijing. While steel, plastics, and PET are recycled inside the recycling yards, furniture and appliances are recycled in a different manner. At about dusk, the furniture and appliance recyclers would group up at the several entrances of Henancun to buy their interested items directly from itinerant and community recyclers before they enter the recycling market. Then when they have a full truckload, they sent them directly back to their hometown factories. In those factories, carpenters and workers would try to fix and renovate the recycled furniture and appliances before they sell them in the used market in their hometown towns or county centers.  Similarly, the steel scraps are usually shipped back to migrants hometowns after they reached a truckload. Then based on the market, they would keep the steel scraps for a while to wait for a better market price. For plastics, the major plastics recycling center of northern China is at County of Hebei province. And most of the plastic recyclers are associated with specific family factories in to process the recycled plastic materials. PET recyclers are also mostly from Hebei province. Since PET plastics are an expensive material for the garment industry, the demand for PET plastics has been increasing since China is becoming a world's factory for all kinds of clothes. Thus, after they have purchased PET plastics as bottles from the itinerant and community recyclers, they normally have a processing line inside their yard first to separate the bottle from the caps; then to shatter them into pieces, and further to rinse them through hot water for three times to separate the PET from the cover. After packing them into large sack bags, they can be sold to the factories directly as a raw material. (Figure 66)  277   Figure 66: Chart: Materials recycled by Hebei yard buyers  The specialization has provided migrant recyclers the opportunity to accumulate materials to large quantities. With the constant offering of large amounts of certain materials, the buyers and factories would usually offer a better price for building long term trading relationships with them. All in all, recycling is a buy-in-retail and sell-in-bulk business. By specializing in a particular item or materials, migrant yard buyers can build a better reputation for providing a stable purchasing yard for the community and itinerant recyclers while also build trust with their customers by offering a stable flow of the materials in bulk. This strategy is quite commonly used in recycling and still serves as an important business strategy.   6.3.5.1.2 Contract In addition to specializing in certain items/materials, many recyclers also manage to secure their recycling materials inflow by signing a contract with various parties such as factories, construction sites, commercial business, government departments, and various large-scale conferences. Through these contracts, migrants are able to run their yard 278  buyer recycling business at a farther location from the central city to avoid the relatively high cost of leasing space close to the city.   Figure 67: Chart: Yard buyers sign contract with various parties for their business112  Figure 67 has shown that out of the total of 145 yard buyers in our questionnaire, 43 yards (29.66%) have signed contracts with various parties to collect their recyclable materials. But the situation is quite different from place to place. DXK and DXFT are relatively closer to the central city, and their yard buyers focus mainly on the residential recyclable materials. Meanwhile, PC is far from the central city, so the yard buyers' business in PC relies more on contacts with various parties in Beijing. As shown in Figure 60, while about 20% and 30% of yard buyers have contracts in DXK and DXFT, exactly half of the recycling yard buyers in PC are relying on recycling contracts with various parties. Also, recycling yards in PC has more contracts with construction sites. This is because many recycling yards in PC are steel recyclers to take advantage of the relatively cheap rent for leasing larger operating spaces. Interestingly, none of the                                                  112 See Appendix. Q1.18 CT_SM, CT_OM, CT_CSTRCT, CT_COMMUNITY, CT_GOV, CT_OTHER 279  recycling yards are associated with any government department. However, although contracts could provide a secured commodity inflow for yard buyers, it is not a guarantee for making more money in their recycling business.  Figure 68: Chart: Disposable income comparisons in good years for yard buyers113   Figure 69: Chart: Disposable income comparisons in bad years for yard buyers114  Figure 68 and 69 have additionally illustrated the disposable income distribution for contracted and non-contracted yard buyers during good years and bad years. Figure 68 shows that during a good year, contracted yard buyers have higher incomes than their                                                  113 See Appendix F. Q3.5 DISPINCH.  114 See Appendix F. Q3.5 DISPINCL.  280  non-contracted counterparts. This further confirms our assumption that a formal contract would help migrants to have a better income. However, figure 69 further demonstrates non-contracted yard buyers. Interestingly, this is also understandable in that contracts are mostly signed as a fixed price to buy all the materials from the company. During a bad year, the price would drop significantly. However, since the contract price was decided when the price was high, the recycling yard buyers would inevitably lose the profit margin to the pre-set high contract price. Meanwhile, the non-contracted yard buyers could adjust their purchasing price at any time according to the market change, which could prevent them from losing too much money during a bad year.  Therefore, the commonly used formal strategies to stabilize and secure migrants' recycling business are specialization and contract. These two strategies have also made recycling a highly competitive and professional business. In addition to these formal strategies to stabilize the business and increase profits, migrants also take various informal ways to accomplish the same goal.  6.3.5.2 Informal strategies  The informal economy is widely understood as unregulated by the institutions of society, in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulated (Castells and Portes, 1989:12)." Further, Roberts (1994) explains that informal economy is not referring to the inherently illegal activities, but instead, it is "legal activities that are carried out illegally by avoiding one or more applicable state regulations (Roberts, 1994:7)." The recycling activities in Beijing fall well into this category. Migrants in recycling also take various informal strategies to cope with 281  different structural barriers and to make an additional profit in their recycling business. The strategies I will discuss here only cover a small portion of the different mild "informal" ways migrants take in their business, but their strategies are not limited to these methods.  6.3.5.2.1 Make extra money from becoming familiar Because most migrants in recycling business came through chain migration, hometown familiarity became a natural bond to ease the business in trading. Gradually, the hometown relationships expand to include other migrants in the business as well. However, being familiar with each other could lead to a smooth trading process and this network is refortified through repetitive visits to the same vendors as well. While this relationship exists between community and itinerant recyclers, the most significantly affected relationship in recycling is between the yard buyers and the itinerant/community recyclers.  Since itinerant/community recyclers are working directly with the local residents, they determine the inflow volume of recyclable materials. Thus, the non-contracted yard buyers normally tend to build a long-term relationship with itinerant/community buyers to secure their materials inflow. For certain recyclers who could bring long-term and large-volume materials, yard buyers would pay them a bit more than the market price to secure their relationship and encourage their next visit. During my interview with Mr. Zhu (Case 11) as a paper yard buyer, he told me that he knew almost all the itinerant and community recyclers who came to his yard. "I knew these people very well because they came over all the time. For a few of them who consistently bring high-quality and large-quantity materials, I would pay them a bit more. First, their materials are worth the 282  money because they already sort them a bit. Also, I want to make sure that they would come to my yard all the time."   Meanwhile, most of the itinerant and community recyclers also indicate that they typically only go to about 2 to 3 yards for one material to have a good relationship and save themselves from the sudden shock that one yard might stop doing business one day. But all in all, while the relationship is reinforced through their everyday businesses, trust and connection are built between the yard buyers and the itinerant/community recyclers. Further, hometown relationship based familiarity has become a significant social capital that helps migrants to better their business and livelihood in Beijing mutually. And gradually, the hometown bonded connections as a form of social capital has become an important factor in the recycling business and an ethnic economy starts to emerge and dominate recycling business in Beijing.  6.3.5.2.2 Making extra money by working more One important feature for migrant recyclers to win their competition against the state-owned business is that their informal business operating styles make themselves free of administrative burden. While the competition becomes history after state-owned companies gradually lost their business and land, their informal business operation lingers on. One typical informal working style in recycling could be reflected by their working hours and working days since their money is solely based on recycling activities, which means they have no official 40-hour work time during weekday or weekend time at all.  Based on my observations with several yard buyers, recycling yard is open for business from about 5:30 am or 6:00 am and work until past midnight during the summertime. 283  However, the work is not formal, and when some itinerant/community recyclers want to sell their materials past midnight, they would directly go over to the yard house and knock on the door until the business runner comes over to buy their materials. After the trade, the yard buyer would go back to sleep since that is not a busy time for business. Same things happen at night as well, and Mr. Zhu even complains to me that he couldn't sleep well because "there is this one itinerant recycler who always comes around 00:30 at night and he has to sell his items at that time. I never wait for him, but it's always right at the moment when I fall asleep when he comes over and knocks on the door. Because he always brings his materials to us, it's hard to say no, and it has been this way all the time."   In addition to a very flexible working hour, they also never have weekends since residential wastes are coming out constantly. Particularly, the weekend is usually the busy time because that is when local residents would have some time to organize and sell their recyclable materials. So basically, the recycling business is open almost all the time, with only a few exceptions. Figure 70 has shown that heavy rain and snow have the strong impacts on migrants' recycling work, while heavy wind does not affect the recycling as much. Additionally, fog almost only has some impacts on the itinerant recyclers. But among all different types of recyclers, community recyclers are not impacted as much as other recyclers and only less than 30% are affected by heavy rain, while less than 20% are affected by other weathers. In addition to these weather situations, they are rarely affected by any other reasons to stop their business.  284   Figure 70: Chart: For what reasons, migrant recyclers do not work115   6.3.5.2.3 Making extra money from the yard -on-one trade, there are little informal tricks they could do to increase their business. But sadly, during my interview with a group of recycling market managers in Chaoyang district, one manager very proudly told me about his famous invention for recycling business: a scale, which was broadly received as a business standard to "help" recyclers to make more profit and save on spending. But as recycling is always a cash business, there are a lot of issues like this that nobody would normally notice unless he or she knows someone from the inside. Besides these not-so-great informal activities, the cash business has also inspired the full potential of recycling when materials move through the recycling system.  When recycling was run as a formal business, all standard procedures have limited the recycling style, a lot of previously nonexistent customers emerge in the recycling yards too. As they provided an opportunity for yard buyers to make extra money on their                                                  115 See Appendix F. Q1.7 DTWK_RAIN, DTWK_SNOW, DTWK_WIND, DTWK_FOG, DTWK_OTHER.  285  recyclable stock, it also increases the chance for reusing the material before they are treated as "resources." Although several of the following activities might be on the edge of being either illegal or informal, they function so perfectly to potential before they are remade into resources.  Table 17: Informal activities in migrant recycling yard for extra profit Type Activities in the recycling yard Paper  1. In the paper pile, cash belongs to the person who spots it first. Interestingly, recycling workers were able to recover over 2000yuan in the sealing part of some unopened gift packages (possibly for bribing).  2. "Book pickers" are allowed to enter the book pile, and search for whatever used books they think are still valuable. The books are sold by kilograms but at a higher price than the recycling price. These books will be sold again at used book markets or street markets.   3. Large and clean corrugated boxes will be saved to sell to specific factories for a better price. The boxes will be measured and reshaped into smaller corrugated boxes to be used by mailing and delivery companies again.   4. Nice unused notebooks will be saved by the yard buyer families themselves, and they will be reused in their everyday accounting.   5. Some paper recycling yard also signs a contract with supermarkets to recycle their corrugated packaging boxes. The recyclers illustrated that the price they use to win the bidding is too high to make any profit through recycling. What they are interested in are the deluxe brand fruit boxes, which will later be sold on the black market at a higher price. The used fruit boxes will be reused again.   Plastics   2. The yard buyer family would also repack the leftovers from shampoo and body wash bottles to use by themselves.  3. Sometimes, people would also sell medical plastics to them too, although the activities are highly restricted.   Wood  1. Model builders would come to wood recyclers to pick the pieces they want for their model building hobbies.  2. Furniture recyclers would also buy recycled wood materials to fix their recycled furniture.  3. Local residents would also come to buy pieces for their hobbies such as patio gardening.   Metal 1. Model builders would come to select the right pieces of metal for their hobby.  2. Sometimes, nice and useable items would also come in large quantity from certain factories or organizations. Yard buyers would reuse the items as well.   286   PET bottle 1. Special award hunting. As all water and juice bottles are made of PET, the PET recycling yard is filled with recycled bottles. While many companies have the promotion printed on bottle cap for a cash price, or an additional bottle, migrant workers who sort the bottles by color would check each bottle cap for potential award. While the bottles arrive in a large quantity, these collected caps cannot be exchanged for cash directly. However, there is a special group of people who are doing the award cap hunting business. They would arrive at the PET recycling yard by motorcycles then migrant workers would take their collected cap to trade with him one after another. Then the "hunter" would sell these caps to retails for a lower price than the award price; then the retailers could also make money on the awarding caps as well. It is a win-win-win situation.  Transport 1. While each recycling yard has their specific shipping route to the factories or next customer, they know the height limit for their route. Thus, many recyclers would overload their trucks by about a foot to reduce their transportation cost. For example, while the height limit is 4m in the city, the truck for paper recycling would be loaded to about 4.4m to ship more each time but also to stay under the height limit through the bridges on the way.   These activities (Table 17) have increased the recycling profits in the recycling yard and they further make full potential of the use value for all of their recycled items. While the recycling business is based on cash trade, these informal activities are inevitable, and to some extent, they are favored not only by yard buyers but also by various local residents as well.  Meanwhile, there are other informal activities in their recycling exercise. When I first visited a paper recycling yard in 2012, a yard worker is spraying water on the corrugated boxes. While they first told me that was a way to keep the dust down during truck loading, later they admitted that the water is mostly for adding weight to the paper pile before they are sold to the paper packaging companies (figure 71). But depending on the level of wetness, paper packaging companies may cut weight on the received paper materials. While the price of recyclable paper is going down, the paper recycling yard also complains about the high water price that spraying water on paper might be no longer 287  worth the effort. However, these forms of informal practices are invisible and considered as a business secret in recycling different materials.   Figure 71: Photograph: Spraying water in paper recycling as an informal strategy  6.3.5.2.4 Making extra money from acting as a group  As migrants have built vertical connections through hometown based relationship, horizontal connections have also contributed to materialize the social capital of ethnic economy. Since the recycling business is operated by hometown friends, relatives, and acquaintances, they also work together as a group in seeking better business positions in their trade. As some yard buyers business relies heavily on contracts with different parties to secure their material inflow, nowadays migrants also work as a group to win the bidding-based contracts. Since most recyclers who recycle the same material know each other and even have the same hometown, it is quite easy for them to work out a preferred deal with the factory or business. For example, Mr. Zhou (Case 5) has shared his experience with me:  When you see people bidding for a contract with a company, most recyclers already know each other. But they pretend they dont. When a 288  bidding event is open, if one recycler first told everyone else that he wants the contract, generally speaking, nobody else would try to compete with him. So, he will tell everybody about his bidding price, then everyone else would bid with a lower price to make sure he wins it. Then he will give people some taxi money for transportation to come over and help him. Then when theres another bidding event, he would come too to help others. So, this is how it works around bidding in recycling.  Also, he further illustrates that  Nobody could win the competition against Henan people in recycling. For example, if I come here to do recycling, almost everyone is from my hometown. And they would know that I will work in recycling for a long time. While the recycling company knows that Henan migrants could work in recycling for a long time, it is also a protection for their business. Now we already have this network that covers the whole China. In less than one day, we could know where certain items are at a high price, where they are being sold at a low price. When we are in recycling, we communicate with each other all the time. I often call my friends in Shaanxi, Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang about pricing. Because recycling materials typically cannot be shipped in long distance because the price changes so fast. Lets say you ship out a truckload today for a good price far away, when you get there after several days, and the price has already changed. But when we know the price all over China, we have a sense of feeling about the general trend for the price. 289  Therefore, in Henancun, the domination of recycling business by Henan migrants has created an ethnic economy advantage for themselves. And the ethnic economy has further materialized into extra profit when migrants are doing business with other parties outside their realm defined by their ethnicity. This situation is quite a common strategy for ethnic businesses to cope with the social and political barriers they generally face in their business.  6.3.5.2.5 .com generation  Recycling in Beijing has changed vastly from a formal state owned company to an informal migrant business. Nowadays, migrant recyclers also enjoy the new technologies through different online services. While many yard buyers have computers at their home, they are advertising their business through various search engines and online social media to promote and extend their businesses. Based on the most commonly used search engine www.baidu.com116, searching waste recycle Beijing ( will return over 1,500,000 items and most of them are advertising migrants own recycling companies with full contact information on there. While this research does not cover this topic during the time it was designed, online business has expanded the scale of recycling business in Beijing.  Interestingly, when I took a bus to leave Henancun one day in September, a local unhappy couple, probably in their 70s, was on the same bus. They dressed very nicely and seemed very annoyed by the loud, dusty and messy situation in Dongxiaokou. While I asked them if they are from here in Dongxiaokou, they told me that they wanted to buy a used bed, and on baidu.com, they found a recycling company who posted that they have                                                  116 Baidu.com is the most widely used search engine in China because Google is banned.   290  different furniture in stock. Following the address, they took a bus and came to Dongxiaokou. However, after seeing the recycling yards in the recycling companies, they could not find the advertized recycling company at all. While they were quite in shock to see the messy situation around the recycling companies, they believed this was not the right place for them. They also never knew the existence of these recycling enclaves at all. After complaining about the messy and unordered situation around Dongxiaokou, they said they would never come back again.  There is still a difference between what people think an online advertisement should bring and what the reality really is.  Therefore, migrants have taken various strategies to cope with the unfriendly and stigmatized social environment which is associated with migrant nonlocal Hukou status in Beijing. While some of the strategies are formal, some are informal. However, their crucial goals are the same: to stabilize the business and to make a better profit. In the past 25-30 years, migrants have tried to secure their migration through chain migration, then to avoid the brutal Shourong policies by entering a recycling yard, and further to develop a self-institutionalized Henancun with various social service, later to improve their housing condition based on a minimum investment strategy and to promote a favored recycling business relying on ethnic economy as their social capital through all different kinds of formal and informal activities. While migrants are coping with their Hukou based structural barriers, recycling companies also face their own informality based structural barriers.  291  6.4 Recycling Companies in Beijing  While Beijings policy on recycling has been changing these years, recycling companies face various risks on their long-term existence and there still lacks a standardized model for them to follow. Therefore, unlike the recycling migrants who take almost all kinds of formal and informal strategies, recycling companies coping strategies appear entirely exploratory. Different recycling companies seem to have different understandings about the policies as well as socioeconomic conditions they are facing. Thus, strategically, they took completely different routes in achieving their own interests. While some recycling companies tend to build the company as a market, some recycling markets try to register as a recycling company. While some companies try to localize themselves to get closer to the government, some businesses try to stay as far away from Beijing as possible. This is quite intriguing because as an observer and researcher, it seems that nobody is confident about the future of the recycling companies at all and there still lacks the guidance about how to build a qualified recycling company in Beijing.  6.4.1 Market vs. Company  Nowadays, although almost all recycling companies unanimously take the form of land-leasing, land-dividing and subleasing to yard buyers as their business strategy, the recycling business type is actually along two completely different routes. Technically speaking, the way recycling companies are operating is under the category of a market instead of a company. However, since there is no formal guidance on which one is allowed or not allowed, the recycling companies are operating based on their own preferences or choices.  292  6.4.1.1 Recycling market The reason recycling companies should be classified as a market is because the company does not carry out any recycling operation; instead, their income is solely from their rental business with different yard buyers. Although recycling companies very rarely take this route in their business registration, FYXY Company registers as a market. Instead of registering with the Commerce Department, markets need to be registered with the Industrial and Commercial Bureau. Since only Beijings local resident could be the license holder for any market in Beijing, this only works for the local owners. One of the most important benefits of registering as a market is that all the recycling yards are allowed to register for their own recycling operation licenses, in another word, their own recycling company license. Also, recycling market license has a very low tax rate that is imposed on their income from rent. As the board member of FYXY Company explained, This is the official way to run recycling because technically speaking, all of the recycling companies like us are not operating recycling activities by ourselves. And, this is the form that is defined as the right form by the government as well.  This is partially true because the local government did classify all recycling companies as recycling markets in their 2001 government documentation JingShangFaJiao(2001)#30, and also has further plans to build official or formal recycling markets in different districts. However, the government also revoked its previous statement in 2006 by stating that the government is promoting the replacement of the traditional recycling markets by professional sorting centers in JingShangJiaoZi(2006)#52. Apparently, the government has realized that the market style of recycling operation is not wanted by the city because of a markets appearance as low-density, low tech and messy style of operation 293  which is not following Beijings global city image. The local government has directly stated that the recycling markets will be replaced and they are no longer the way recycling should be operated. Paradoxically, while the government is against the market style, they missed the fact that most recycling companies are not using market license at all; instead, most of them are registered as a recycling company in Beijing.  While FYXY has a local owner, most recycling companies are owned by migrants, especially after 2003 when JingZhengFa[2003]#8 freed the local Hukou requirement in recycling business registration. Since migrants are still not allowed to register their business as a market in Beijing, many of them are forced to register their businesses as recycling companies. Thus, although most recycling companies have the business style of a recycling market, what they registered with the local government is officially the recycling companies.  This situation then becomes very awkward. While the government is trying to stop the market style of the recycling business, in operation they are in fact fighting against the few correctly registered  owned recycling markets while the majority of recycling markets were able to escape the ruling because they are forced to incorrectly register as recycling companies in Beijing. While their operating style is almost identical to the correctly registered FYXY market, they cannot enjoy the benefit of low tax rate; instead, they have to pay as a company for their business tax as VAT. But this is another issue since they are not operating recycling exercises by themselves and they do not have sales receipt at all. Meanwhile, instead of letting every recycling yard to have their own recycling license in the market, the recycling yards in these companies are 294  part of the recycling company and individual yard could use their company license for their recycling business.  Figure 72 has demonstrated that majority of the yard buyers are using the recycling markets license in their operation, which further confirmed our illustration that most recycling companies are registered as recycling companies instead of a more proper recycling market license.   Figure 72: Chart: What license yard buyers use in their recycling business117  6.4.1.2 Recycling company After 2003, anyone could register with the Commerce Department to start a recycling company. Although the City Ministry of Commerce has stopped the registration for recycling businesses in 2006, numerous recycling companies have established in Beijing. During this time, several migrant recyclers also started their own market-type recycling companies. Although this license only allows them to run recycling operation by themselves, opening a market-based recycling company is in a gray area as they could argue that yard buyers are part of the company in their recycling business. However, most of the companies start to face tax issues as the city government has gradually canceled                                                  117 See Appendix F. Q1.16 LICENSE.  295  the tax refund policy in the recycling business. On the one hand, these companies are not recycling based which makes their earnings not based on sales at all; on the other hand, and these companies also tend to register in some industrial parks in other cities to enjoy the tax-free policy in their business. Thus, we can see that although registering as recycling companies might bring the recycling market potential tax issues locally, migrant recyclers manage to avoid it by registering in another city. Later in 2006, while the city is introducing the policy to replace recycling markets with professional sorting centers, these companies do not catch any attention because their operation is thought to be in line with the governments intention. However, at the same time, recycling business which registered as recycling markets ran into trouble.  As I have illustrated in 5.3.4 (3), FYXY Company is owned by a local Beijing resident and his local Hukou status gave him the privilege to register his recycling company as a market. However, following the 2006 government documentation, the market type of recycling business is no longer the favored business style by the local government. Thus, in 2007, FYXY started its own professional sorting center inside the FYXY recycling market. As part of FYXY, the new paper recycling company is registered as a sub-company of FYXY. However, because the paper packaging company is locally registered, they have to follow the new tax rules in 2008 to pay VAT in full in and after 2011. Because the paper packaging company cannot obtain the receipt from purchasing the recycled paper materials, they are paying the high VAT rate of 17% based on their full sales price. While the profit margin associated with paper packaging company is way less than 17%, they started to have a deficit in this business even though 296  it strictly follows the guidance from government requirement in building a formal and legal business.  6.4.2 To Formalize or to Informalize  As illustrated above, we have witnessed a quite strange competition between the formal and informal recycling businesses in Beijing. While different departments of the local government are not coordinated on setting an overall developing plan for the recycling business, the formal business is losing their business to the strict government rules instead of losing to their informal counterparts. On the contrary, the informal activities, such as registering non-locally, recycling market registering as recycling companies and avoiding local taxation, migrants owned informal recycling companies can avoid all the restrictions in the city. Also, with the Hukou limitation, migrants are still treating their stay in Beijing as temporary, which makes their operation in Beijing very flexible as well. If their operation is not allowed in Beijing anymore, they still have their hometown as a potential escaping plan.  However, the recycling business owned by a local resident does not have the opportunity to escape from Beijing, on the contrary, they are restricted in Beijing to continue running the recycling business no matter how the economic situation turns out to be.  All in all, different government departments design their own policies, and there still lacks an overall design to regulate or standardize recycling business in Beijing. Following the policies from one department, a recycling company might be harmed by the policies of another department. This situation creates a trap for recycling companies who want to operate as formal as possible simply because the formality standard is still in the air. However, informal recycling businesses are favored in this process because their 297  flexibility allows them to avoid the strict regulations set by various government departments.  Therefore, the informal status of recycling is not inherently informal. On the contrary, the constantly changing urban policies as well as governments pathological interpretation on recycling business have gradually channeled recycling business into informality and informality has become recycling business inevitable coping strategy to survive in the society.   6.5 Summary  In this chapter, I have discussed the coping strategies taken by migrant recyclers and recycling companies to deal with the structural barriers, associated with Hukou and informality respectively, in the city. As we could see that almost all the coping strategies are pointing at two goals in the city: to stabilize and secure their business and to increase their profits in the city.  In this process, while migrants are locked in a temporary status in their migration to the city, they have taken all different kinds of formal and informal coping strategies to make their migration successful. Following chain migration, migrants could have a more secured status in the city when they arrive. Then by escaping the unfriendly and stigmatizing political and social policies such as Shourong, migrants started to live inside different recycling company yards. After these yards had started to emerge as a dominant recycling business style, Henancun began to emerge and flourish with all types of self-institutionalized social services. While the recycling companies function as a protection for their existence, they also incorporated different family projects with minimum investment to make better their living in Beijing. Later, when the recycling business is 298  more and more stable and secured, migrants also took all kinds of formal and informal strategies to make extra income from their businesses. The hometown based recycling, as a form of ethnic economy, has gradually started to materialize its social capital through acting as a group in the business as well. Through these strategies, recycling business in Beijing has developed to be a full fledge ethnic economy. Although assimilation, which is common in international immigration cases in the Western countries, is still not feasible due to Hukou limitations, migrants stay in Beijing has become self-sustainable and been strengthened by the shared ethnic identity as migrant recyclers.  Meanwhile, although migrant recyclers have successfully carved out a piece of their own living and working space in Beijing, their organizers, in the forms of recycling companies, still faces uncertain government policy issues in Beijing. Further, because there still lacks an organized cross-government policy on recycling business, various policies that are from different government departments have forced formal recycling into a controversial position between the formal and informal routes as their coping strategies. While business formality and standards are still lacking in the city, recycling companies are channeled into taking informal coping strategies to deal with the paradoxical government policies. While recycling companies seem to be able to survive through informality, the informal situation of recycling business might further cause the government to put more strict rules on their existence.  Therefore, we can see that migrant recyclers and recycling companies have taken various coping strategies to deal with the structural barriers they are facing in Beijing. While neither Hukou nor cross-government coordination would change significantly in the near future, migrants and recycling companies will continue with their current coping 299  strategies to stabilize and secure their business as well as to maximize their profit in Beijing.  300  CHAPTER 7  CONCLUSIONS   Henancun? I never heard of such a place in Beijing.       ---- a Henan community recycler in Beijing   The term Henancun has emerged since the late 1980s, together with other ethnic enclaves such as Zhejiangcun, Xinjiangcun, and Anhuicun in Beijing. Henancun is also viewed in the category of the typical self-organized placed based rural-migrant enclaves in the city with its specific ethnic business of recycling. As Henancun stays nearly invisible to the locals in Beijing, they bare various criticisms and stigmatization from the local government through different political and social policies with a pathological view that Spatially, their existence in Beijing also faces challenges from repetitive demolition events to accommodate the fast-paced urban infrastructure development, urban renewal, and various commodity housing projects.  By focusing on three dynamic Henancun locations in the north (DXK, Changping District), east (PC, Chaoyang District) and southwest (DXFT, Daxing and Fengtai districts) of Beijing, this dissertation research has tries to understand the emergence and development of Henancun, the structural or institutional barriers in the city and strategies in coping with these constantly changing urban policies as illustrated in three main chapters. Based on 304 valid questionnaire respondents in the three Henancun areas, 301  over 60 unstructured and semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders in and of Henancun and close observations with their recycling business practice, this project has revealed that Henancun that lie on the fringe of Beijing for affordable housing or land availability; rather, relying on a vivid, active and dynamic business structure, migrants in Henancun have built and dominated an effective and efficient recycling system and tried their best to adapt to various unfriendly, stigmatizing and discriminating, if not devastating, urban social, political and economic policies to survive and thrive in the city. With tears and blood, migrants have successfully developed a self-sustaining parallel society: Henancun in Beijing is not only for migrants to make a living in their migration, but it represents one Chinese person in the city.  Based on three interrelated but stand-alone chapters, this dissertation research has tried to understand Henancun and its dwellers from three different angles: the history and geography of Henancun, various structural and institutional barriers faced by migrant recyclers and recycling companies and their coping strategies to continue their livelihood and business in Beijing. With many surprising moments in my fieldwork, this research revisits the typical view on Henancun as an indestructible whole to be represented as one of the migrant enclaves in Beijing and tries to illustrate the vivid inner structure that helps Henan migrants to successfully join, thrive and dominate in Beijing's recycling business. Also, their success is not by luck; instead, they broke through series of structural and institutional barriers and constraints using various formal and informal, sometimes even illegal, strategies in the past 25 years.  302  7.1 Henancun: A Complex Recycling Enclave The term Henancun emerged as one example of the migrant enclaves in Beijing around the late 1980s in the academic literature (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; Gu and Liu, 2002). But the term is somewhat misleading because Henancun emerged not only from a hometown-bonded relationship but the recycling business plays a determining role in its development. After China adopted the open policy in 1978, restrictions on rural-to-urban migration are gradually lifted, and people started to migrate from rural hometowns to the major cities for various job opportunities. In the 1980s, because of the growing needs for all kinds of living necessities in China, Zhejiangcun was developed in Beijing as a garment trading center on the south side of Beijing. While it became the biggest garment center in Beijing with almost all its products from Zhejiang and all of the businessmen from the same province, the place is widely referred to as Zhejiangcun in Beijing. During the same period, migrants from different provinces gradually arrived in Beijing to look for job opportunities as well. However, while the urban job market is segregated and segmented by a limitation on Hukou status into formal and informal ones, most migrants stayed in temporary or contract based jobs. While recycling happened to function as a market niche for Henan migrants in Beijing, chain migration has further guided or channeled Henan migrants to , 1978), rural migrants have witnessed their form of "hometown division of labor" in Beijing.  However, the emergence of Henancun is not merely because Henan migrants were seeking a living space to survive their initial migration in the city. Instead, while almost all the rural migrants in Beijing faced serious unfair and stigmatizing political and social 303  policies in Beijing, recycling companies evolved to become a safe and secure haven for recycling migrants to escape the risk they would have experienced in the streets. As illustrated in the first, third and fourth chapter, the emergence of Henancun is not coincidental; rather, it is one of the most important coping strategies migrants took in seeking protection in the city. However, the appearance of Henancun was catalyzed by various stigmatizing and discriminatory urban policies while Henan migrants happened to be the dominant force in the recycling business which involves a great deal of traveling on the unsafe urban streets. As I have illustrated in the first chapter, the enclave would always form without Henan migrants, but it would not without the recycling companies. Therefore, I would like to first challenge the long-existing view about Henancun as merely a migrant enclave and argue that the emergence and development of Henancun be closely related to he informal recycling companies in Beijing.  In addition, Chinese enclave studies about chengzhongcun in South China or migrant enclaves in Beijing mostly choose the focus on the space itself as a whole to discuss the various institutional barriers they are facing or the social functions the space represents in the city (Fan and Taubmann, 2002; He et al., 2010; Ma and Xiang, 1998; Zhang et al., 2003b). However, Henancun reveals a different kind of enclave in Beijing which has a rich and complex internal social and business structure that is very different from the traditionally known housing function an enclave provides in the city. Similar to our argument that we cannot treat rural migrants as one homogeneous group in the city, Henancun should not be treated as an indivisible enclave as well. We should acknowledge the fact that Henancun, as both a migrant and business enclave, has 304  developed complex business structure to ensure the efficient and effective recycling business in Beijing. I would like to argue Henancuns complex internal organization, including the business companies, different recycling actors, and the self-institutionalized social service, have created a parallel society on the fringe of Beijing. Despite migrants temporary Hukou status and recycling companies informal condition, Henancun has become an inseparable but invisible part of Beijing to provide recycling services to all residents and local businesses in Beijing.  7.2 Henancun: in between the State and Society While Henancun has experienced numerous demolition and relocation cases in the past 25 years, their spatial trajectories have been studied and recorded through retrospective interviews and questionnaires in this dissertation research. Even though enclaves also faced relocation cases (Wang et al., 2002), Henancunexperience with demolition and relocation is at another level in severity and frequency. While the situation is not caused directly by Henancun-targeted state or local policies, these policies in deed set up a socio-political context which has the temporary and informal status associated with Henancun and its dwellers is a very projects, this is not sufficient to explain the fact that Henancun has experienced much more demolition events than other migrant enclaves in Beijing. I believe there should be other factors that are playing the determining role in shaping Henancuntrajectory in the past 25 years.  305  First, the development projects Henancun has been facing are mostly large urban level or district level projects such as infrastructure (ring road construction, subway construction, river clearing and widening), commodity housing development, and large international projects (the Asian Games, the Olympic Games), which are the typical projects that are designed and pushed by the local government through top-down urbanization and development orders. Since these projects are designed from the consideration on a city scale, I do not believe these projects are specifically designed to target Henancun as location choices. Henancun just always happens to prefer the places that are facing demolition in the city. Following this bizarre statement, I would like to further argue that Henancun either always had bad luck with their location or they happen to share similar considerations in location choices as those large projects. Wang et al. (2002) have argued that the demolition of Hui (Muslim) enclave in Beijing is related to their location being on the developing path of urban projects. But since luck is something that is very hard to predict or study, I would like to argue that the numerous demolition and relocation events Henancun has been facing are because Henancun location choices are sharing similar considerations as these urban projects favors in Beijing.  Here, I would like to emphasize again that Henancun is more than a migrant enclave rather than a migrant one. Thus, the enclave is not just for seeking affordable housing for migrants; rather the recycling companies, as Henancun organizers, made choices and decisions on where they will set up their business to successfully carry out recycling with the probability to maximize their profits. Generally speaking, a recycling enclave like DXK, which focus on residential recyclable materials, would prefer to stay close to the residential centers or newly developed housing/business centers for material access and 306  low transportation cost, close to a main traffic path for transportation, areas with low usiness style, and large pieces of um profit through clustering the business. I think these are all attractive features for building any large projects in that: first, being close to the central city guarantees high land value in the future; second, Henancun, where recycling operates in open market style, always has low developing density which suggests low demolition cost; third, the clustering of Henancun also reserves large pieces of contiguous land which are necessary for all large projects and land with this feature happens to be very rare in the city.  Thus, I would like to argue that the many times of demolition and relocation events experienced by Henancun are not accidental. Rather, it has illustrated the conflicts between the top-down and bottom-up urbanization while the top-down urbanization projects have crashed the bottom-up ones represented by entrepreneurial recycling businesses in Beijing. While the top-down and bottom-up divide is also viewed as a metaphor for state-society relations, Henancun in Beijing has provided a perfect example to demonstrate Smiths (2014:210) argument that the state [is] often positioned above society. Meanwhile, the informality of recycling and temporality of migrants become very convenient excuses for the local government to persuade Henancun out of the way for the pursued large urban projects in Beijing.   7.3 Complex Internal Structure with Complex Structural Barriers in Henancun While the literature has considered Henancun as one of the many migrant enclaves in Beijing, I have argued that it emerged and developed as both a migrant and business 307  enclave in that both factors play significant roles in its development. And more importantly, Henancun is not a solid and indivisible space; instead, it has a very complex socioeconomic structure with almost full-fledged self-institutionalized social facilities and services to support the self-sustaining lifestyle inside Henancun. Also, the causes of stigmatization and discrimination for people at different levels of the Henancun structure also vary significantly. While this research has presented detailed structural barriers that are faced by migrant recyclers and recycling companies at different layers of Henancuns inner structure, generally speaking, I could briefly classify the barriers into two categories: one faced by the recycling migrants and one faced by the recycling companies.  These two different types of barriers functioned differently in shaping Henancuns socioeconomic landscape of various angles. The one encountered by the recycling migrants are targeting migrant status instead of their recycling activities. The barriers faced by migrants we have examined include the Hukou-status based inaccessibility to various social services and facilities in the city; Shourong policy; unstable income and demolition events. These barriers have generally set a boundary in migrant recyclers everyday life and businesses to politically extinguish the possibility for migrants to fully migrate to Beijing, socially exclude migrant families from accessing social services and welfares in Beijing and also economically force migrants to rely on unstable income from their informal activities without security. Particularly, Shourong policy illustrate the extent to which migrants have been unfairly treated in the city. Although Shourong arrived at its end in 2003, Shuorong policy shows one corner of the social and political context migrants are facing in the city.   308  Furthermore, the barriers faced by recycling companies are even harsher from unstable land leasing status, constantly changing government guidelines on recycling business and paradoxical and unpractical policies from various government departments that squeeze the business from different angles. These barriers not only increases the instability in recycling companies business operation but also even drives recycling companies out of business in Beijing.  These political, social and economic barriers experienced by Henancun and its dwellers have largely defined the formal boundary of migrant and business activities in Beijing. And although migrants no longer face physical threats from these policies, their businesses at different levels are all confronted with a life-or-death situation space-wise and profit-wise. Further, it is just these harsh and uncoordinated urban policies which forced migrant recyclers and recycling companies to adopt various coping strategies in seeking protection, security, stability, and profitability in Beijing.  7.4 New Urban Space in the Making  While the rapidly developing Beijing and the influx of rural migrants in the city have gradually challenged the traditional work unit (danwei) based homogeneous urban structure, Henancun has well illustrated the process how new urban space is in the making. From a space point of view, this space emerged in between the courses of a top-down and a bottom-up urbanization that represents the government-led structural forces and the entrepreneur-led market forces respectively. As illustrated earlier, in the state-society relations, the state, in general, has the upper hand, and Henancun is no exception as we can see in its developing history and spatial trajectory in Beijing.  309  Different from the enclave studies whereby capital is playing the determining role in immigration, the influence and effects of the capital as a market force are heavily restricted by a series of urban policies against the rural migrants as well as the recycling business in Beijing. This situation resembles the ghetto development in the U.S. because both are facing some structural barriers that highly restricted capitals capability. While racial ghettos in the U.S. face serious structural barriers in the city regarding ghetto dwellers access to occupation and education in the society, Henancuns dwellers do not have access to local social services or facilities either. While Henancun emerged through its economic function in recycling, migrants economic status could somewhat support their livelihood and business. While recycling business thrived together with Chinas rapid economic development during the 2000s, their capital is almost bounded within Henancun area, but their capital cannot be translated into any social or political improvements, such as education, medical services, housing, or Hukou status, in the society. Therefore, while the demand for social facilities and services grew with migrants increasing capital accumulation, the bounded Henancun was forced to expand internally to develop various institutions to ease migrants life and support migrants businesses in the enclave. This is how Henancun gradually developed into a full-fledged parallel society in Beijing under the forces of politically stigmatizing rules, socially excluding urban policies and economically tolerating attitudes on Henancun and its recycling business.  Based on all of the socio-political barriers in the city, different layers of societies started to form in Beijing as well. From an urban management point of view, Henancun is considered as informal for both its dwellers temporary migrant status and recycling 310  s operation styles in Beijing. When Henancun gradually developed to be a full-fledged sub-society by itself, the whole place adopts the label from its dwellers and its dominating recycling business as being informal, no matter how physically close to the formal society they are located. The formal and informal space in Beijing is also a representation of an inside-outside dichotomy. If we include migrants hometown in our analysis, Henancuns functionality, and identity become even more intriguing. Henancun is viewed as being outside in Beijing mainly because as a migrant-dominated space, migrants have their hometown as their Hukou registration location. But at the same time, Henancun also has the outsider status as comparing with migrants hometowns as well. To some extent, under the Hukou defined and related structural barriers in Chinese cities, the spatial organization in overall China has changed from an urban-rural dichotomy during the planned economy era to a urban-outside space-rural structure. Using Henancun as an example, this outside space serves as a buffer zone between rural and urban space in China. From a rural viewpoint, Henancun has considerably helped alleviate poverty for the countryside through migrants working in the city. And from an urban point of view, Henancun has also helped provide cheap recycling services to the residents of the city as well.  Despite that I have been arguing that Henancun has developed to be a parallel outside society in Beijing, its economic tie with the city is undeniable and inseparable. However, while service is well received in the city, the links between Henancun and the locals are kept hidden through a convenient invisibility. Rather, the few open ties between them are through well-registered parties that are as formal as it could be, such as the registered community recyclers to collect recyclable materials from local residents, the recycling 311  companies which sign contracts with local businesses and offices, and even various used and second hand markets that specialize in books, furniture, electric appliances in the city. Let me recall the two quotes at the very beginning of this dissertation.  different. They are full of callus from working with trash, and the dirt in my fingernails         ----a yard buyer in Henancun  much money as before. But I have to have it, so when I need to sign a contract with some      ----another yard buyer with a Buick parking in his yard Although migrants have their migrant space in the making, whenever they need to make contacts with the formal society, they want to show a representation as formal as possible. The informal status migrants are bearing not only imposes heavy weights on migrants shoulder when they cross the insider-outsider boundary, but it also forces migrants to accept their subordinate condition and to some extent, to depreciate themselves for their existence in Beijing.  Therefore, although Henancun appears to some extent as a new space with full fledged social institutions in the making, the inherent temporality and informality which the local government has strong-handedly imposed on them through structural forces have predefined their ephemeral existence in Beijing. Will this buffer zone disappear one day or may it transform to become a long-term existence in Beijing? I dont know. But what I find interesting is that from both urban and rural points of view, Henancun has finally 312  adopted something permanent: the permanent outsider identity. As neither part of Beijing nor part of migrants rural hometowns, Henancun stays conveniently invisible in both urban and rural residents eyes. While urbanites care about the recycling service in the city and ruralists care about the economic gain from the city, nobody cares about the physical existence of Henancun on the fringe of Beijing. To some extent, this new space in the making, as represented by Henancun, is not necessarily important to anybody in the society, except for the migrant recyclers and recycling companies which bare all the burdens and structural barriers in the society.  7.5 Informality and Coping Strategies  Facing various structural and institutional barriers, migrant recyclers and recycling companies in Henancun take all kinds of coping strategies to seek stability/security and profitability. While there are both formal and informal strategies they take, the purpose of these approaches are the same and ironically the formal ones seem not to work as good as the informal ones. From an urban management point of view, Henancun is criticized for its informality and potential association with safety risks and illegal activities as a pathological interpretation from the government. While technically the interpretation is not completely wrong about Henancuns real situation, from a developing perspective, the reasons Henancun becomes informal are precisely since the government is trying too hard to formalize migrants recycling activities.  As illustrated in various marginality studies under different social contexts, informal activities have always been a common strategy in slum conditions for slum dwellers to sustain their livelihood (Bourgois 2002; Neuwirth 2005; Shen 2002; Venkatesh 2006, 2008). But Henancun has demonstrated quite a different case in that its emergence and 313  development derive from its economic functions as the recycling service provider. And the informal status is not inherently associated with their recycling activities in Beijing. Instead, their activities are gradually recognized by the city as informal because the local government views their recycling activities and business styles as incompatible with Beijings contemporary modern image. Therefore, the local governments have gradually changed their regulations on the recycling business styles, locations, and even the recycling companies functions in the city. But the poor execution in banning informal/illegal recycling activities and the poor cross-department coordination have led to a situation whereby being formal is very costly for both the recycling companies and migrant recyclers in Henancun.  As I have illustrated in Chapter Five, formally registered recycling companies face various regular visits and checks from different government departments, ironically because they are well registered so they could be easily tracked down in the city. However, because the local government cannot keep track of the informal recycling activities who chose not to register with the local government, these recycling companies enjoy the benefit of staying informal and anonymous in the city. Inevitably, this paradox has gradually cornered the formal companies who try hard to remain formal in the society, while informal ones stay well under the radar from various government departments. Thus, the poor execution in banning informal/illegal recycling activities has ironically made informal recycling companies favorable in Beijing.  Besides, although there are over 15 government departments that are partially related to the recycling business in Beijing, the coordination among them is nearly impossible. While one government department sets too strict or detailed rules on the style of a 314  business operation without coordinating all government departments, business runners would inevitably face risks of losing business from policies that came from other government departments. This situation has forced recycling companies to adopt informal strategies to stay profitable in Beijing.  Meanwhile, when the competition gets more severe with more migrants in the cash-trading recycling business in the city, migrant recyclers also face the threat of losing their profit to other competitors in their everyday practice. While governments order on what to recycle and what not to recycle is quite straight forward, migrant recyclers use all sorts of formal and informal strategies to increase their profits in the business. But, formal strategies in generally are not very effective or efficient in winning a business competition because formal strategies, such as specialization and contract recycling, take a long time to build and operate. Therefore, I would like to argue that ironically and paradoxically, the informal coping strategies and informality associated with migrant recyclers and recycling companies are a direct result of the local governments intention to formalize the recycling business without providing feasible operational guidance and appropriately coordinating different government departments.  7.6 Discussions All in all, this dissertation has presented the emergence and existence of Henancun in Beijing. While we have investigated the history and spatial trajectory of Henancun, the structural and institutional barriers it is facing and various coping strategies migrant recyclers and recycling companies are taking in the city, many additional questions are still yet to be answered.  315  Will Henancun disappear one day in Beijing? Maybe, since the local government did not seem to want it in the first place.  Will recycling be gone too? Probably not, since the local government will always need them.   This dilemma is not only for Henancun or Henan migrants in Beijing. Rather, this is quite a big question that all our social scientists should pay attention to in cities on a global scale. Although I have argued for a double exploitation in Henancun, the exploitation is everywhere in the world, such as Mexican workers in the U.S., Zimbabwean nurses in the U.K., and sweatshop workers in Chinese garment factories. These people share common situations as someone whose work is needed but their physical existence is not desired in their working environment. However, this exploitation is also due to the huge gap that exists between these peoples hometown and their workplace regarding income, social services or even food security. While severe inequality starts to become a global phenomenon, this dilemma will emerge and persist in various places.  At the same time, this dilemma also represents the conflicts between the local and the outside, the formal and the informal, the state and the society, the authoritarianism and the democracy. Henancun provides quite an intriguing case to understand the nature of these conflicts through a structural-agency debate by examining the interaction between structural barriers and coping strategies. Under Chinas political structure, the localthe formalthe statethe authoritarianism remains an upper hand in the conflicts between urban development and Henancun. Although Henancun is not physically segregated from the city (in fact, they are closely interlinked with each other through recycling business), 316  there is always an invisible wall between the two. The closer an outsider can get to the local; the more secured or more stable one can get in their livelihood.  I have revisited DXK Henancun in the summer of 2015. The DXK Henancun I visited in my fieldwork is replaced by high-rise residential building with over 30 stories. But recycling is still in operation in some recycling companies around DXK area, and they seem to have an even worse them than in 2012. Basically, after 2008, the global financial crisis has hurt the recycling business badly. With Chinas economy is slowing down after 2012, recycling is suffering even harder than before and many migrant recyclers have left recycling to work in other jobs. In fact, many became cab drivers in the DXK region. Although they cannot join the local, formal taxi companies, other nonconventional companies, such as didi and kuaidi118, accept them as casual cab drivers. While every registered driver has to use his/her car as the taxi, the car has to be locally registered with a local car plate. In my casual chatting with some drivers in DXK, I asked them what they did before they became a taxi driver. Almost all of them answered recycling. When I asked them what they felt about leaving recycling to become a taxi driver, one of them answered with a very mysterious smile,  Im lucky. My car had a Beijing plate when I was in recycling, so now I can work as a taxi driver in Beijing.  Maybe Henancun will become a taxi enclave in the future, but I am sure this time that I can ask a didi/kuaidi driver about its location.                                                    118 Chinese version of Uber.  317  APPENDICES 318  APPENDIX A  Detailed job for constructing the reusable materials recycling system  Municipal Development and Reform Commission Policy making; project distribution and policy; Making Recycling company list with Municipal Commission of Economy and Informatization and Municipal Environmental Protection Bureau  Municipal Commission of Economy and Informatization Guide recycling company in skill levels, cooperate to promote the connection between recycling companies and reuse companies.   Municipal Public Security Bureau Watch and guide the security work for recycling; enhance checking and examination of recycling company illegal recycling activities  Municipal Bureau of Urban Planning; Municipal Bureau of State Land and Resources Planning and Land Provision for recycling landuse and sorting centers  Municipal Commission of City Administration and Environment Testing on residential community trash sorting; developing certain closed trash station as recycling site; building connection between the recycling economic park development and recyclable sorting centers; being in charge of building the professional collection, transporting and reutilization system for kitchen waste oil; managing the quality of companies in collecting, transporting and reusing companies for kitchen oils; developing standards and guidance polices for collecting, transporting and reusing kitchen oil.   Municipal Traffic Committee  Being in charge of checking and examining illegal recycling materials transporting vehicles   Municipal Bureau of Commerce Managing recycling business; designing business development policies; designing recycling system construction planning; guiding districts and counties in developing recycling system; guiding contracted restaurant units in allocating oil-water separator and collection devices  Municipal Industry and Commerce Administration 319  In charge of recycling company registration, investigating on unregistered recycling activities; cooperating with other relevant parties in recording municipal kitchen waste and waste oil in Beijing company credit information system   Municipal Bureau of Health In charge of revising the detailed management for setting quantitative scales for restaurants; including the kitchen waste oil in the management system   Municipal Environmental Protection Bureau  In charge of managing the protection on environmental pollution during transporting recyclable materials and kitchen waste oil; fining on illegal activities, including restaurant kitchen waste oil into daily routine monitoring  Municipal Bureau of Work Safety Monitoring, managing and guiding work safety for recycling activities  Municipal Statistics Bureau Cooperate with relevant department in building recycling statistics system; building recycling data work   Capital Civic Enhancement Committee Office In charge of propagating work and activities for the theme of recycling  Public security traffic administration of the Beijing municipal public security bureau Easing the passing of registered specialized recycling transportation vehicles; investigating and monitoring the illegal activities of transporting kitchen waste oil  Municipal Fire Department  In charge of monitoring and examining on fire prevention work  Municipal Law Enforcing Bureau of City Comprehensive Administration  In charge of monitoring, managing the dirty and messy environment and relevant activities around recycling stations, sorting centers and recycling markets; investigating and regulating unregistered itinerant recycling activities.   Municipal Bureau of Finance, Municipal Human Resources and Social Security Bureau, Municipal Commission of Housing and Rural and Urban Construction, Municipal Agriculture Municipal, City Social Office   with other bureaus to promote city recycling system development 320  "A˙oˇØ+OCt$À˙fAî     ˙i  4ÿ#~    ?ô  ˙o             321     OÆG-2î/”˙·˝>  FJ1Ñ  1Ñ˘Š  /nAî  322  APPENDIX B  Eight city-level comprehensive sorting centers  Table 18: Eight city-level comprehensive sorting centers District # Name Current (ha) Planned (ha) Notes Chaoyang 1 Lou Zi Zhuang 6.0 6.0 Planned Chaoyang 2 Dou Ge Zhuang 6.0 6.0 Planned Haidian 3 Shang Zhuang 6.0 6.0 Planned Fengtai 4 Beijing Huajingyuan 4.3 6.0 Current Fengtai 5 Chang Xin Dian  6.0 6.0 Planned Changping 6 Guang Li Fu Yuan 4.0 6.0 Current Daxing 7 City recycling model area 10.0 10.0 Current Shunyi 8 Ying Zhao Xin 6.7 6.0 Current Total   49 52      #      1  6.0 6.0   2  6.0 6.0   3  6.0 6.0   4  4.3 6.0   5  6.0 6.0   6  4.0 6.0 )à(æB3˙¤  7  10.0 10.0   8  6.7 6.0     49 52   Source: Notes in seeking advices of Beijing Recycling Market Distribution and Location Planning by Beijing Urban Planning Committee    323  APPENDIX C  Twelve district-level comprehensive sorting centers  Table 19: Twelve district-level comprehensive sorting centers District # Name Current (ha) Planned (ha) Notes Mentougou 1 New Recycling Market 3.0 3.0 Planned Tongzhou 2 Songzhuang sorting center 3.0 3.0 Planned Tongzhou 3 Kuoxian sorting center 3.0 3.0 Planned Changping 4 Xiaotangshan recycling market  3.0 3.0 Planned 5 Nankoujuduoyuan 5.5 5.0 Current Daxing 6 Detonghuaxian 3.0 3.0 Planned Pinggu 7 Lv Jie Market 5.4 3.0 Current Miyun 8 Shanlinfeng Recycling 1.3 3.0 Planned Fangshan 9 Shunyi Fazaisheng Market 4.0 3.0 Current 10 Yanshan  3.0 3.0 Planned Yanqing 11 New Recycling Market 3.0 3.0 Planned Huairou 12 New Recycling Market 3.0 3.0 Planned Total   40.2 38    #  M™ M™   1 Ct 3.0 3.0   2  3.0 3.0   3  3.0 3.0   4 +OCt$ÀLö˙fi 3.0 3.0  5 $À 5.5 5.0 )à(æB3˙¤  6 G÷ 3.0 3.0   7 *6 5.4 3.0   8 ˙f˛9 1.3 3.0   9 +O 4.0 3.0  10  3.0 3.0   11 Ct 3.0 3.0   12 Ct 3.0 3.0     40.2 38   Source: Notes in seeking advices of Beijing Recycling Market Distribution and Location Planning by Beijing Urban Planning Committee    324  APPENDIX D  Out-migration destinations by Labor Department in Gushi County Table 20: Out-migration destinations in Gushi County   # Emigrants Beijing Guangdong Zhejiang Jiangsu BJ Percent GD Percent ZJ Percent JS Percent !åLö 8136 422 1345 1208 2194 5.19 16.53 14.85 26.97 Pœ5‚ 17845 4086 4552 4367 1964 22.90 25.51 24.47 11.01  10320 1567 1402 1321 1634 15.18 13.59 12.80 15.83  21606 2670 6680 2840 2735 12.36 30.92 13.14 12.66  14910 372 987 4571 3403 2.49 6.62 30.66 22.82 ˛ŸLö 9255 1981 2027 2379 693 21.40 21.90 25.71 7.49 Lx#û 13177 1264 594 2583 7082 9.59 4.51 19.60 53.75  11231 1378 1670 2155 2337 12.27 14.87 19.19 20.81  14762 4836 4151 1480 2212 32.76 28.12 10.03 14.98  14477 3860 2670 1710 2360 26.66 18.44 11.81 16.30 G˛Lv%ˇ 11569 1088 6301 1195 726 9.40 54.46 10.33 6.28 LxLö 16114 2512 2087 1446 4898 15.59 12.95 8.97 30.40 "ù"ã 13376 1616 1071 920 2503 12.08 8.01 6.88 18.71  13184 1866 4265 2422 626 14.15 32.35 18.37 4.75  5769 1829 926 673 670 31.70 16.05 11.67 11.61  10526 1513 1878 2287 2981 14.37 17.84 21.73 28.32 ˚#˚A 8311 304 520 1659 2723 3.66 6.26 19.96 32.76 ˙éLö 14302 1234 2031 1999 1610 8.63 14.20 13.98 11.26  13260 8646 1153 820 960 65.20 8.70 6.18 7.24 "É"ã 14325 637 1390 2411 4764 4.45 9.70 16.83 33.26  13766 2516 2148 2533 2855 18.28 15.60 18.40 20.74  7410 410 2460 440 870 5.53 33.20 5.94 11.74  6125 1865 2236 187 128 30.45 36.51 3.05 2.09 325    11236 1408 1680 2155 2327 12.53 14.95 19.18 20.71 TþLö 24723 2560 2186 8074 9791 10.35 8.84 32.66 39.60  32000 16171 7514 1819 2145 50.53 23.48 5.68 6.70  8456 319 869 1850 4453 3.77 10.28 21.88 52.66  6623 246 764 456 2276 3.71 11.54 6.89 34.37 :»Lö 27245 12122 3424 2212 3424 44.49 12.57 8.12 12.57  14845 3142 2160 789 969 21.17 14.55 5.31 6.53  4259 1454 882 254 358 34.14 20.71 5.96 8.41  346 76 62 7 43 21.97 17.92 2.02 12.43  54724 10967 9876 8764 7385 20.04 18.05 16.01 13.49 Total 468213 96937 83961 69986 86099 20.70 17.93 14.95 18.39  326  APPENDIX E  Interview respondents  1. Mr. Zhao: Car recycler in PC, Beijing 2. Mr. Qiao: Itinerant recycler in DXK, Beijing  3. Mr. Sun: Community recycler in Haidian district, Beijing  4. Mr. Li: Community recycler with a truck, close to Bird Nest  5. Mr. Zhou: Foam yard buyer in DXK, Beijing  6. Mrs. Wu: DXK FYXY recycling company board member  7. Mr. Zheng: DXK FYXY recycling company manager  8. Mr. Wang: Chaoyang district recycling company manager  9. Mrs. Feng: DXK FYXY recycling company accountant  10. Mr. Chen: DXFT recycling company owner  327  APPENDIX F  Questionnaire & Questionnaire code book  Part I. Questionnaire (In Chinese)                       ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~    ˝Œ6± ˝Œ7O 1.1 ?  _____________6Ë 1.2   ˝Œ>R7J  ˝Œ@H:ł   ˝Œ=l?¾ ˝Œ8E<˝___________________ 1.3    ˝Œ8ø8>1−:} ˝Œ7flAò1−:}    1.4     ˝Œ)è;1/È2û   ˝Œ7J*Æ/È2û ___________________;1____________>ù  ;(6¥6˲à____________˛Í*´________________;1________>ù8É3Ł     ˝Œ5S,à    ˝Œ.nDX'ÐD[(–-Ý    ˝Œ8E<˝___________ 1.5      ˝Œ8E<˝ ________________________ 1.5.19È.œ6Û            ˝Œ,ð8˘/ù;6+—)Å8;/0=M.E9¬    ˝Œ8E<˝ _________________.  ;6,Þ;˚˛à˝Œ;(  1.5.29È.œ6Û+e/ù;6˛à˛É,A@B˛Ê  ˝Œ0Ò,ð8˘ ˝Œ,ð8˘/ù;6+—*Ó.E ˝Œ?‡9ˇ/ù;6,ð8˘ ˝Œ2Ë<’>˝;6-ØD7,ð8˘   ˝Œ8E<˝_________________________.  1.5.3 9È.œ6Û__________?  ˝Œ-·<Û3Á ˝ŒAñ:L1‚;U ˝ŒD˚  ˝Œ,÷3Á;ý4p ˝Œ;ý4p8    1 / 2 / 3 / 4 / 5 / 6 / 7 / 8 / 9 / 10  #____________________________      2013/01/ 12 / 13 / 14 / 15 / 16 / 17 / 18  328  ˝Œ7~6”   ˝Œ,ð2*0³2@  ˝Œ,ð2*+‹8X ˝ŒDü/0/ù;6  ˝Œ8E<˝ _____________________. 1.15 ______*¯-Ý/Ü/ù;6>P8˘+eD73Á˛à  9È.œ6ÛAñ-Ý/Ü.ž/ù;6>P8˘D73Á˛Í-Ý/Ü+eB”ASAñ˛à˛É,A@B˛Ê  ˝Œ>P8˘;=.}D')˝B«?ÎBº/ù;6       ˝Œ,Þ(—.}3Î  ˝Œ8ø8>7flAò1−:} ˝Œ8E<˝____________________________ 1.16       1.17      1.18   ˝Œ:m+‰/)Í;1  ˝Œ*Ô?®;1)   /     ˝Œ8E<˝_____________________. 1.19   ˝Œ,_/ØA56»    ˝Œ>F/ØA5=… 1.20    ˝Œ;(  1.21  ˝Œ;(  1.6? ________6Û  ______________. 1.7   ˝Œ>ã@J    ˝Œ>ã>N  ˝Œ8E<˝____________. 1.8 _________<Í  ˝Œ.–1w   ˝Œ8E<˝____________. 1.9;(/-Ù(‚9¬*Ó.E˛Í:p.ž'Á˛à  ________________˛Í____________________.  1.14    ˝Œ;1)Â<Â.J ˝Œ7J*ÆDÂ,à  1.10 >÷B»6Û24DÂ+e,à0ÅD1A˝.SAñ________9¬A˝8Q24D²à˛É'Ý3›6ÛDõ0ł˛Ê 1.11          ˝ŒAñ)[9›,à˛Í+L>3)˝DÂB»6¨3Ð     __________1w+a___________:‹9ˇ 1.12   ˝ŒB»3°0³ >ù)è/7J*Æ ?£1I/.[5S    ˝ŒB»8E<˛ >ù)è/7J*Æ ?£1I/.[5S   >ù)è/7J*Æ ?£1I/.[5S     >ù)è/7J*Æ ?£1I/.[5S   329   ˝Œ6€8Ñ/Ú5ÜAñ2Ý5(.žC…-×>+<à 1.13 ;++y,Þ*Ó.U@BBÒ˛Ê DÂ,à 108˚6» 10-20 20-30 30-40 408˚5øA5:p >>6» )?<ˆ Dõ3Ł;Ï >å<Í:Z;Ï4}B‡ +‹9©4}B‡ 2ö+Ÿ  0’D17P8Y Añ        >?        1.22       ˝Œ;(  1.23  ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 2.1      2.2        ˝Œ,A;^B»/ù;6;1)Â/ù;6;ˆAä  ˝Œ8E<˝___________________. 2.3    ˝Œ1-2*¯  ˝Œ3-5*¯  ˝Œ5-10*¯  2.4 _______________9¬˛à 2.5 6Û;(//ù0³˛à     ˝Œ7],\  ;(//ù0³?    ˝Œ7],\  ;(//ù0³˛à   ˝Œ7],\  2.66Û1™6Ë;(//ù3°0³.ž6Ë˛à          ˝Œ8E<˝_____________________________.  2.7  .k.M A$/.B‚ )Å)è /×3·.i <Í'fi5æ.—) <Í<fl           ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 3.1  ____________ 3.2 6Û+e>%/Ð)í,);(?  ____________ 3.3 ?  ˝ŒA   ˝ŒB  ˝ŒC  ˝ŒD8E<˛___________ 3.4 ?  ˝Œ5ÜAñDô7O    ˝Œ_______-× 3.4.1 ? / ˝Œ;(+e ˝Œ,˛)˝B» ˝Œ'Ê5#/.____8Q˛ÍAñ____-×)˝B» 330      ____________________. 3.4.2 ?‡@H˛à˛É,A@B˛Ê     ˝ŒB»3°0³:p.ž?‡@H    ˝ŒB»8E<˝+y,Þ:p.ž?‡@H   3.4.3 D1@H˛à˛É,A@B˛Ê    ˝ŒB»3°0³:p.žD1@H˝ŒB»8E<˝+y,Þ:p.žD1@H  3.4.4 9È.œDô   ˝Œ;(  3.4.5 9È.œDô/  3.5________________B‰˝D 3.6  5à<Í  5àB£               5à6Ë )õ,Ú +F,!DÂ,à ;Ï+‹  <’>˝,ò Dô7O1mB˚ 0¥/ù0³        3.7   ?Ó/& ˛É6Ë˛Ê +y+—() 119  2@<Æ.EE˘6»9¾ 3Ì2ËB”AS  ˛:       ˛;       ˛<       ˛=       ˛>       ˛?       ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 4.1       ______________? 4.2 ?      4.3   _________________ 4.4  _________________ 4.5 __________-7_________________________  ˝e/  ____________________-7________________             _____________ 4.6      ________________________                                                   119˛:/˛;/˛</˛=˛:/˛;/˛<˘öEñ 331  ;˚˛Í,Þ(—9¶/T:‘9Ì,ä<Ž˛à9È.œ6Û)/0´,ä<Ž>35è<Â.J,O=…)ˆ +‹/Ñ__________________________________   332  Part II. Questionnaire (in English)                    Questionnaire about the Emergence and Development of the Migrant Enclaves in Beijing  Hello, we, as a research team from the Department of Geography in Michigan State University at the U.S., are conducting questionnaires about the emergence and development of the migrant enclaves in Beijing. This questionnaire is completely anonymous and will be used for academic research purposes only. In appreciation of your corporation, you will receive a small amount of cash as a compensation for your time.  ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Socioeconomic Situations ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Please record gender of the participant     1.1 First year you came to Beijing  _____________ 1.2 What is your occupation before coming to Beijing?      -off     1.3 Through what channel did you decide to come to Beijing˛à   unknown people from hometown   -decision 1.4 Is your Hukou   or  The location of your Hukou is _________Province________City__________County Is your Hukou changed to Beijing during the years in Beijing? If your answer is yes,  Which year? ___________, From _______Province______City______County Through which channel˛à 1.5 What is your or your family's primary job?    _____________ 1.5.1What is your primary way of recycling, if your and/or your spouse is/are working in the recycling business?           -location community   -locaiton recycling market  -term worker in market    Are/Is you and/or your spouse plan to change the way of recycling in the future?    1.5.2If your and/or your spouse work in the recycling business, which way(s) of recycling have you ever been working in? (pick as many as there are)       Surveyor 1 / 2 / 3 / 4 / 5 / 6 / 7 / 8 / 9 / 10 Questionnaire ID #______________________ Date     2013/01/ 12 / 13 / 14 / 15 / 16 / 17 / 18  333     1.5.3 If you and your spouse work in the recycling business˛Íthe main item(s) you collect is/are?                1.6  When do you normally get up in the morning? ________ When do you normally go to bed˛à  ______________. 1.7 Under what weather condition would you stop working?          1.8 Other than the above mentioned conditions, how many days do you work per week in general? What do you do after working?       1.9 Before your current job, do you work as a temporary worker for others in Beijing? If you answer yes, please give an example _____________, why did you give up in the end?  ____________.  1.10 How many people are living together in your house/room? (including yourself) ______ 1.11 Do you own a commercial housing in Beijing?       If you have a commercial housing, it is located at ______Street _______Community.  1.12 After working in Beijing, have you built or bought new housing? (Circle as you see fit)    ilt/Purchased    1.13 Please indicate your living condition in Beijing (Please circle the area of the house you are living in and mark Yes or No for different facilities) Housing <=10m2 10-20 20-30 30-40 >40 m2 In House Restroom Running water Solar heated hot water Electric heated water AC Furnace Public heating facilities Yes        No         1.14 The place you are living is:  -built or built by others        334  1.15 ________ times have you changed the type of materials you are recycling, since your and/or your spouse joined recycling business? If you have changed before, the reasons for the change include? (choose all you see fit)  cling           1.16Do you need a recycling license when running the recycling business?        1.17 Are you cooperating with your relatives and friends in your business   ds  1.18 Do you have long-term recycling contracts with any of the following institutions or companies?          _________. 1.19 Where do you work? (not including passways) nd ring road nd and 3rd ring roads  rd and 4th ring roads th and 5th ring roads  th ring road 1.20 Are you satisfied with your current job?     1.21 Do you have the intention to work in other jobs?      1.22 Have you ever been taken away for Shourong in Beijing?    1.23Do you feel being unfairly treated for the job you are working in or your migrant identity?    ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Everyday Livelihood ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 2.1 Where do you/your family buy groceries for most of the time? (choose all that fit)    cycling yards  -grown  2.2 Where do you/your family buy everyday necessities?          ______________. 2.3 How many times on average do you/your family eat outside in the restaurants per week?     -2 times -5 times -10times  2.4 How many Beijing local people do you have contact with on average in a week? 2.5 Do you go home  during agriculture busy time (planting/harvesting)   during spring festivals?      335  during Tomb sweeping day?      2.6 Do you plan to go home this spring festival?   If you answer 'No,' why is that?          2.7 How many times have you been to the following tourist places in Beijing? The forbidden city  Yiheyuan The Great Wall Happy Valley Tian'anmen Square Tiantan Houhai Capital Museum          ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Demographics ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 3.1 Which year were you born?  ____________ 3.2 What is your highest education attainment?  ____________ 3.3 What is your marriage status?      3.4 Do you have any children?      children    3.4.1 Are your spouse and children living together with you? (for married couples with children)       se here, no children yet    3.4.2 Where did your oldest child go to primary schools? (choose all that fit)         3.4.3 Where did your oldest child go to middle schools? (choose all that fit)     ry schools at hometown     3.4.4 If your child(ren) is/are working, is s/he in the same work as yours?      3.4.5 If your child(ren) is/are not working yet, do you hope s/he will continue with your current job?      3.5 The yearly disposable income (best income) in a good year is about ______ yuan; the yearly disposable income (worst income) in a bad year is about _______yuan.   3.6 Cost situation for you/your family (if you live in the yard, please only fill in the Rent Fee).   Per Day Per Month      Per Year Food House rent Utility Entertainment Rent Fee Kid's Education Send home 336         3.7 Please indicate all of the places you have lived in after coming to Beijing. If you are not clear about the name, please write the name and mark it on the map in the following page.  # Year Location Access120  Detailed work  Reason to leave Compensation? ˛:       ˛;       ˛<       ˛=       ˛>       ˛?       ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~About Hukou Holder ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 4.1Are you the Hukou holder of your family? End of Questionnaire   If you answered "No," the Hukou holder is your ____________? 4.2 Sex of Hukou holder?    4.3 Which year was Hukou holder born? _________________ 4.4 Education attainment of Hukou holder? _________________ 4.5 Hukou is at __________Province_____________City____________County  Is the Hukou changed to Beijing during the years in Beijing? If your answer is yes,  Which year? ___________, From _______Province______City______County Through which channel˛à 4.6 What is Hukou holder's current job?       Thank you so much for your cooperation. If possible, could you please leave your phone number for scheduling a detailed follow-up interview? For the follow-up interviews, we will compensate on the time. We will store your information in this questionnaire very carefully and delete all your information after the research is completed. Thank you.  Phone Number: _________________.                                                     120 Accesses include ˛:Relatives ˛;Friends ˛<Unknown people from hometown ˛=Searching by oneself; Leaving reasons include ˛:Cannot continue with the business ˛;For better opportunities ˛<Demolition  337  Part III. Questionnaire Codebook  Number of Variables : 131 Number of Cases : 304  Table 21: Description of variables  Variable Name Label Value Label(s) 1 LOCATE  ,Þ˛†   1 = 'PC', 2 = 'DXFT ', 3 = 'DXK ' 2 STUNO  1-10 3 QNO   4 SEX  1 = 'Male', 2 ='Female' 5 FYINBJ   6 JOBBFBJ  1 = 'Farmer', 2= 'Student', 3 = 'Laidoff', 4= 'Retired', 5= 'Other' 7 OTWK$ 4öB$˝>  8 HOWBJ  1 = 'Introduced by Relatives', 2 = 'Introduced by Friends',  3 = 'Introduced by Unknown People from Hometown',  4 = 'Job Agency',  5 = 'Self Decision' 9 PHUKOU$   10 CHUKOU$   11 COHUKOU$   12 CURHK$   13 PRIMEJOB$   14 TYPERCY  1 = 'MOBILE with tricycle or bicycles',  2 = 'MOBILE with cars',  3 = 'Fixed-Location Community',  4 = 'Fixed-Location Recycling Market',  5 = 'Long-term Worker in Market',  6 = 'Temporary Worker in Market',  7 = 'Other' 15 CHGTYPE ˙iE÷ 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 16 E_PICK  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 17 E_WORKER  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 18 E_COMMU  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 19 E_ALL  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 20 E_MARKET  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 21 E_OTHER$           338   22 MATERIAL ˙f˛•˙É 1 = 'Steel and Iron', JÒ 2 = 'Copper and Aluminum',  3 = 'Paper', 4è2« 4 = 'Wood',  5 = 'Plastics',  6 = 'PET', 1 7 = 'Foam',  8 = 'Leftover',  9 = 'Furniture',  10 = 'Electronics',  11 = 'Variety', ˙f 12 = 'Carpet',  13 = 'glass bottle' )ë*³+& 23 MATOT  1 = 'Steel and Iron',  2 = 'Copper and Aluminum',  3 = 'Paper',  4 = 'Wood',  5 = 'Plastics',  6 = 'PET',  7 = 'Foam',  8 = 'Leftover',  9 = 'Furniture',  10 = 'Electronics', 11 = 'Variety', 12 = 'Other' 24 WKUPTIME General wake up time  25 SLEEPTIME General time to sleep  26 DTWK_RAIN Don't work during heavy rain 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 27 DTWK_SNOW Don't work during heavy snow 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 28 DTWK_WIND Don't work during heavy wind 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 29 DTWK_FOG Don't work during heavy fog 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 30 DTWK_OTHER  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 31 WHATOTHER$   32 WKDAY   33 HPKIDHW  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 34 SHOPPING FK>⁄ 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 35 TOURISM  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 36 WNW What else to do if not work  37 WNW_OTHER$ Other means ...  38 WKFOTHER  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 39 WKFOTHER$   40 WHYQUIT$   41 NOINHOUSE how many people are in the house?  42 OWNHOUSE Do you own housing in Beijing? 1 = 'Yes, I live there',  2 = 'Yes, I don't live there though',  3 = 'No, I live close to my work',  4 = 'No, I live a little far from my work' 43 WHRHS$   339   44 HPLAN New bought or Self built house? 1 = 'Self-Built one at Home Town',  2 = 'Self-Built one at my Rural Village',  3 = 'Bought one at Home Town',  4 = 'Bought one at Rural Village', 5 = 'Self-Built one at Other Town',  6 = 'Self-Built one at Other Village',  7 = 'Bought one at Other Town',  8 = 'Bought one at Other Village',  9 = 'Plan to self-build one at home town', 10 = 'Plan to self-build one at home village',  11 = 'Plan to buy one at home town',  12 = 'Plan to buy one at home village',  13 = 'Plan to self-build one at other town', 14 = 'PLan to self-build one at other village', 15 = 'Plan to buy one at other town',  16 = 'Plan to buy one at other village',  17 = 'I'm not going to build or buy house.',  18 = 'I haven't thought about this question' 45 OTHSPLAN  1 = 'Self-Built one at Home Town',  2 = 'Self-Built one at my Rural Village',  3 = 'Bought one at Home Town',  4 = 'Bought one at Rural Village', 5 = 'Self-Built one at Other Town',  6 = 'Self-Built one at Other Village',  7 = 'Bought one at Other Town',  8 = 'Bought one at Other Village',  9 = 'Plan to self-build one at home town', 10 = 'Plan to self-build one at home village',  11 = 'Plan to buy one at home town',  12 = 'Plan to buy one at home village',  13 = 'Plan to self-build one at other town', 14 = 'PLan to self-build one at other village', 15 = 'Plan to buy one at other town',  16 = 'Plan to buy one at other village',  17 = 'I'm not going to build or buy house.',  18 = 'I haven't thought about this question'  46 HOUSEAREA How big is the place you are staying in? 1 = 'within 10sqm',  2 = '10-20sqm',  3 = '20-30sqm',  4 = '30-40sqm',  5 = 'over 40sqm' 340   47 IHRESTRM In house restroom 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 48 IHRUNNINGW in house running water 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 49 IHSOLARWT in house solar heated water 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 50 IHELECWT in house electric heated water 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 51 IHAIRCOND in house air conditioner 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 52 IHFURNACE in house furnace 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 53 IHPUBCHEAT Public heat 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 54 SELFB  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 55 MKTH  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 56 AGH  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 57 URBAPT ˜¬˘o 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 58 TIMESCHG 2«  59 REASONCHG$   60 LICENSE 'Š 1 = 'Yes, I am using my own license',  2 = 'Yes, I am renting or using friends' license',  3 = 'Yes, I am using the market license',  4 = 'No' 61 SHAREOP  1 = 'Cooperating with relatives',  2 = 'Cooperating with friends', 3 = 'Complete family business',  4 = 'Work for other people's business' 62 CT_SM contract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 63 CT_OM contract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 64 CT_CSTRCT ˙fcontract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 65 CT_COMMUNITY /contract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 66 CT_GOV contract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 67 CT_OTHER contract 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 68 OTCT$   69 WKAREA1 I work inside the 2nd ring road 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 70 WKAREA2 I work between second and third ring road 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 71 WKAREA3 I work between the third and fourth ring roads 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 72 WKAREA4 I work between the fourth and fifth ring roads 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 73 WKAREA5 I work between the fifth and sixth ring roads 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 74 SATISFY Are you satisfied with your current job? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 75 CHGJOB Intention to change your current job 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 76 SHOURONG ever been kept away for Shourong  1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 341   77 UNFAIR ever been unfairly treated 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 78 BUYFOOD Where does your family buy grocery? 1 = 'Open Market and Food Store Around', 2 = 'SuperMarkets', 3 = 'Provided by the Recycling Yard',  4 = 'Self-Grown by family',  5 = 'Never buy' 79 BF2  1 = 'Open Market and Food Store Around', 2 = 'SuperMarkets', 3 = 'Provided by the Recycling Yard',  4 = 'Grown by family' 80 BUYOTHER Where does your family buy everyday stuff? 1 = 'Open Market or Close-by store',  2 = 'SuperMarket', 3 = 'Use Recycled Ones in Market',  4 = 'Other' 81 BO2 else 1 = 'Open Market or Close-by store',  2 = SuperMarket', 3 = 'Use Recycled Ones in Market',  4 = 'Other' 82 EATOUT Frequency to eat in restaurants per week 1 = 'Nearly Never',  2 = '1-2 times',  3 = '3-5 times', 4 = '5-10 times',  5 = 'Almost all the time' 83 INTOUCHBJ How many Beijing people you have contact with per week?  84 GHAG Do you go home during agricultural busy time? 1 = 'Never',  2 = 'Often',  3 = 'Sometimes',  4 = 'Only when something special happened' 85 GHSF Do you go home during spring festival? 1 = 'Never',  2 = 'Often',  3 = 'Sometimes',  4 = 'Only when something special happened' 86 GH45 Do you go home on Aprial 5th? $5˝> 1 = 'Never',  2 = 'Often',  3 = 'Sometimes',  4 = 'Only when something special happened' 87 GHTY Are you going home this year for SF 1 = 'Yes',  2 = 'No. All relatives are here, barely no one's at home', 3 = 'No. hometown's condition is not as good as in Beijing',  4 = 'No. Good business during Spring Festival. ',  5 = 'No. Can't afford to go back.',  6 = 'Other',  7 = 'Haven't decided' 88 OTRNGH$    342   89 TMSGG How many times visiting the forbidden city?  90 TMSYHY How many times visiting Yiheyuan?  91 TMSCC How many times visiting the Great Wall?  92 TMSHLG How many times visiting Huanlegu?  93 TMSTAM How many times visiting Tiananmen?  94 TMSTT How many times visiting Tiantan?  95 TMSHH How many times visiting Houhai?  96 TMSCM How many times visiting Capital Museum?  97 YBORN which year you were born  98 EDU Education 1 = 'None',  2 = 'Primary School',  3 = 'Middle School',  4 = 'High School', 5 = 'Professional Middle School', 6 = 'Academic College',  7 = 'Professional College',  8 = 'Graduate Studies' 99 MARRY Marital Status 1 = 'Married', 2 = 'Single',  3 = 'Divorced',  4 = 'Other' 100 NUMKIDS How many kids do you have?  101 WIFEHERE Is your wife with you? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 102 NKHERE how many kids are with you?  103 KIDINPS Is your oldest child in primary school yet? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 104 KIDBJFP Did your oldest child go to Beijing's local primary school? 1 = 'Yes',  0 = 'No',  2 = 'Beijing private school' 105 KIDBJMP Did your oldest child go to Beijing's migrant primary school? 1 = 'Yes',  0 = 'No' 106 KIDHTP Did your oldest child go to hometown primary school? 1 = 'Yes',  0 = 'No' 107 KIDOTP Did you oldest child go to primary school at other places? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 108 KIDINMS Is s/he ever in Middle School? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 109 KIDBJFM Did your oldest child go to Beijing's local middle school? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 110 KIDBJMM Did your oldest child go to Beijing's migrant middle school? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 111 KIDHTM Did your oldest child go to hometown's middle school? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No'   343   112 KIDOTM Did your oldest child go to middle school at other places? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 113 KIDWORK What work does your child do? 1 = 'S/he's not working yet',  2 = 'S/he's doing the same work as I do',  3 = 'S/he's not doing the same work as I do' 114 KIDPW Do you plan to let s/he work as what you do? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 115 DISPINCH Disposable income highest per year  116 DISPINCL Disposable income lowest per year  117 SPDFOOD Spending on food per day  118 SPDHOUSE Spending on housing per month  119 SPDUTIL SPending on Utility per month  120 SPDENTERT Spending on Entertainment per month  121 SPDYARD Spending on renting yard per month  122 SPDEDU SPending on Kids' education per year  123 SPDHOME Money sending home per year  124 HKHOLDER Are you the Hukou holder? 1 = 'Yes', 0 = 'No' 125 RELTTY$ Hukou holder's relation to you?  126 HKHSEX Hukou holder's gender 1 = 'Male', 2 = 'Female' 127 HKHAGE the year Hukou holder was born  128 HKHEDU Hukou holder's education 1 = 'None',  2 = 'Primary School',  3 = 'Middle School',  4 = 'High School', 5 = 'Professional School',  6 = 'College',  7 = 'Graduate Studies' 129 HKHJOB Hukou holder's current job? 1 = 'Recycling', 2 = 'Other' 130 HKHJOB$   131 HKHHUKOU$ Hukou holder's Hukou location?   344  APPENDIX G  Introduction to Key Chinese Terms    Giving the context of this dissertation research, several Chinese terms are important for understanding the discussion and analysis. Here is a list of the Chinese terms in this dissertation with brief introduction. I will also discuss these terms at greater length elsewhere in the dissertation.  Henancun : Henan is a rural province in China and cun is the administrative name for village in Chinese. Henancun means the migrant enclaves most Henan migrants live and run businesses in Beijing.  Gushi : Gushi is a county in Henan province where migrants are from.  Hukou : Hukou is the policy to divide Chinese population to be either rural or urban, which further determines their access to different social facilities and welfares.  Shourong : Shourong taken away by the public order joint defense team under Shourong policy in Beijing.  Xingshang : itinerant businessman. Xingshang refers to the roving recyclers who do not have a fixed location to run recycling.  Zuoshang : sitting businessman. 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