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ABSTRACT

SIX, EIGHT, AND TEN YEAR OLD CHILDREN'S
VIEWS OF OCCUPATIONAL ROLES

BY
Ruth F. Scheresky

The subject of this research was children's percep-
tions of occupational roles that are traditionally stereo-
typed by society. More specifically, the differences among
the views of children as they varied with age, gender, and
location regarding their acceptance of occupational roles
for men and for women were explored.

The sampled population for the study included three
school districts, each representative of the location fac-
tor: rural, suburban, and central city. A stratified ran-
dom sample was taken to generate groups of fifteen boys and
fifteen girls at the ages of six, eight, and ten years, at
each of the locations: rural, suburban, and central city.
The total number in the sample was 270 children.

The individual interview, using an instrument in
which photographs played the significant part, was the
method selected to measure the occupational role percep-
tions of the children. The measure, including fifteen

occupations which are stereotyped by society in general,

Ruth F. Scheresky

compared each subject to the traditional stereotypic views.
For each occupation, the response could be one of three
choices: male, female, or both. A stereotypic response
received a score of "l"; a response of either the Opposite
sex choice of the stereotypic answer or the response "both"
received a scores of "0." Interpretation of the score
resulted in degree of stereotyping; the higher the score the
more stereotyped the subject.

It was hypothesized that there would be no signifi-
cant differences among the factors of age, gender, and loca-
tion in the responses of the children regarding their accep-
tance of occupational roles for men and for women.

The three-way analysis of variance used for statis-
tical analysis of the data revealed no significant differ-
ences, resulting in the following conclusions:

1. The degree of stereotyping was high among all
subjects. Children perceived occupations as the role of one
sex or the other, according to traditional stereotypic views.

2. Age had little or no effect on the child's
acceptance of occupational roles for men and for women.

3. Location, whether rural, suburban, or central
city, had no significant effect upon the child's acceptance
of occupational roles for men and for women.

4. The number of years children had spent in school
did not appear to lessen the degree of stereotyping that

was done.

SIX, EIGHT, AND TEN YEAR OLD CHILDREN'S

VIEWS OF OCCUPATIONAL ROLES

Byzfi
Ruth F3}Scheresky

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Elementary Education

1975

Dedicated
to

My Parents

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Grateful acknowledgment is expressed to Dr. Don
Nickerson, my guidance committee chairman, and to the other
committee members: Dr. Cal Collier, Dr. Glen Cooper, and
Dr. Louise Sause. Each has given me valuable guidance,
encouragement, and support throughout my doctoral program.
I have sincerely appreciated it.

To Dr. John Schweitzer and his staff; and to Eric
Gordon for his special assistance and encouragement through-
out the research project, my appreciation.

To the school districts, specific school staffs,
and most of all to the children without whom this research
would not have been possible, my sincere thanks.

i I am further indebted to White's Photography and
John Haan for their photographic skills; and to Elaine
White and Jack Hoke, the silhouette models.

Finally, an expression of gratitude is extended to

friends who have been a continual source of encouragement.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vi
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vii

PROLOGUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii

Chapter

l-‘

I 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O C O O I O O O 0

Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . . 6
Importance of the Study . . . . . . . . . 6
Statement of the Problem . . . . . . . . 8
The Population and Sample . . . . . . . . 8
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Limitations of th Study . . . . . . . . ll
smary I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 11

II. SOCIALIZATION AND SEX-ROLE STEREOTYPING:
A REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

AND RESEARCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
The Socialization Process . . . . . . . . 14
Culture and Socialization . . . . . . . 16
Beginning of Socialization . . . . . . 18
Socialization and Identification . . . l9
Socialization and Maturation . . . . . 21
Socialization and Play . . . . . . . . 22
Age and Identification . . . . . . . . 23
Sex-Role Socialization and Sex-Role
Stereotyping . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Stereotype Defined . . . . . . . . . . 26
Effects of Sex-Role Stereotyping . . . 27
The Family as a Sex-Socializing
Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
School as a Sex-Socializing Agency . . 38
Mass Communication as a Sex-
Socializing Agency . . . . . . . . . 49
Occupational Stereotyping . . . . . . . 52
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

iv

Chapter Page

III. DESIGN OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
DeveIOpment of the Instrument . . . . . . . . 62
Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Testable Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Pilot Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

IV. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESEARCH DATA . . . 72

Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Hypothesis 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
Interaction of Variables . . . . . . . . . 83
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Implications of the Study to Education . . . 93
Suggestions for Further Resaerch . . . . . 96

APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
A. PERMISSION LETTER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
B. SCORE SHEET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
C. THE INSTRUMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O 134

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

3.1 Occupations, Roles, and Validation Results of
Role Stereotyping by Seventy-Eight

Graduate Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.2 Design of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
3.3 Analysis of Pilot Data . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
4.1 Analysis of Research Data . . . . . . . . . . . 73

4.2 A Comparison of the Observed Combined Means

Scores for the Age Factor . . . . . . . . . . 74
4.3 - Responses to Occupational Roles .‘. . . . . . . 75
4.4 Least Stereotyped Occupations . . . . . . . . . 74
4.5 Most Stereotyped Occupations . . . . . . . . . 76

4.6 Number of Subjects According to Ages Viewing
the Kindergarten Teacher Role . . . . . . . . 77

4.7 A Comparison of the Observed Combined Means

Scores for the Gender Factor . . . . . . . . 79
4.8 A Comparison of the Mean Scores for Boys . . . 80
4.9 A Comparison of the Mean Scores for Girls . . . 80

4.10 Occupations With the Greatest Difference
Between Boys' and Girls' Stereotypic
Responses 0 I O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O 81

4.11 Occupations With the Least Difference
Between Boys' and Girls' Stereotypic
Responses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

4.12 A Comparison of the Observed Combined Means
Scores for the Location Factor . . . . . . . 83

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. Interaction of Variables Age by Gender . . . . . 83
2. Interaction of Variables Location by Gender . . 84
3. Interaction of Variables Location by Age . . . . 84

4. Interaction of Variables Location by Age
by Gender 0 O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 84

vii

PROLOGUE

The little girl put the stethosc0pe around her neck
and said, "We can't play hospital unless we have a doctor."
"Carol," I asked her, "why can't you be the doctor?"
"The doctor has to be a boy!" All the girls agreed.
"Carol," I persisted, "your mother is a doctor."
"But she really is a mother. A daddy has to be the
doctor."
David ran up. "I'll be the doctor." He grabbed
the stethoscope. David's mother is also a doctor.
Everyone in the doll corner was satisfied. The dra-
matic play they call "Michael Reese" (named after a local
hospital) could continue.

Vivian Paley

"Is the Doll Corner a
Sexist Institution?"
School Review 81 (1973):
569.

 

viii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The subject of this dissertation is children's
perceptions of occupational roles that are traditionally
stereotyped by society. Specifically, the interest is in
exploring the differences among the views of children as
they vary with age, gender, and location regarding their
acceptance of occupational roles for men and for women.

In this "age of antidiscrimination agencies and
affirmative action programs,"1 with interest in and pres-
sures from the Women's Liberation Movement running higher
than ever before, a look at elementary school age chil-
dren's views regarding sex roles in occupations is in
order.

Because the school is an important socializing
agent of the child, the study can help the educator to be
aware of the degree of stereotyping that the elementary
school child is doing and, if necessary, changes can be
made in the learning environment to avoid the continuance

of sex-role stereotyping.

 

lR. Healy and D. Lund, "Chapter 622: One State's
Mandate," Ineguality in Education 18 (1974): 36.

1

Background

 

American children are growing up within the most
rapidly changing culture of which we have any record
in the world, within a culture where for several gen-
erations each generation's experience has differed
sharply from the last, and in which the experience
of the youngest child in a large family will be
extraordinarily different from that of the first
born. . . .2

Margaret Mead's statement, made almost a quarter

of a century ago, is still applicable today. One of the
areas affected significantly by change in a culture is
the area of sex roles. Psychologists Stone and Church
wrote, "We have already, many times over, changed our
conceptions of sex roles, . . . , and will almost cer-

3 Brown indicated sig-

tainly have to change them again."
nificant changes have taken place within a single genera-
tion concerning traditional conceptions of what is masculine
and what is feminine.4 Another author, Rogers, said the
current status of sex roles in our culture is in a state

of flux; it is not clear.5 Evidence indicates the gap

between the sexes is narrowing.

 

2M. Mead, "The Impact of Culture on Personality
DevelOpment in the United States Today," Understanding the
Child 20 (1951): 17; cited by I. J. Gordon, Human Develope
ment (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 131.

3L. J. Stone and J. Church, Childhood and Adoles-
cence, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1973), p. 148.

4D. G. Brown, "Sex-Role DevelOpment in a Changing
Culture," Psychological Bulletin 55 (1958): 232.

5D. Rogers, Readings in Child Psychology (Belmont,
Ca.: Brooks/Cole, 1969), p. 221.

The most basic category in which human beings,
regardless of race, creed, or culture, are placed is the

6 The psychological and

category of sex: male or female.
behavioral differences associated with the obvious bio-
logical differences between boys and girls and men and
women are perhaps even more important for individual
adjustment than are the biological differences.

To be genuinely happy, in almost all cultures it
is essential that biological maleness or femaleness be
accompanied by psychological and social maleness or female-
ness.7 However, psychological and social maleness or
femaleness does not allow for the traditional stereotypic
views of maleness and femaleness.

The Women's Liberation Movement has applied con-
siderable pressure regarding sex discrimination in all
aspects of our society. Evidence of the high interest in
the Movement is indicated by the enormous volume of writing
and speaking it has generated. Feminist articles on sex
roles have received extensive print and broadcast pub-
licity.

This is the age of antidiscrimination agencies

and affirmative action programs.8 Schools are under attack

 

6B. R. McCandless, Children Behavior and Develop-
ment (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1967), p. 448.

71bid.

8Healy and Lund, loc. cit.

for promoting sexism. Chapter 622,9 a measure outlawing
discrimination based on sex in the public schools of the
state of Massachusetts, was the first anti-sex discrimina-
tion legislation of its kind:h1the country. This legis-
lation was passed in August 1971; it came into being at a

time when interest in and concern about sex-role stereotyping
and the public schools was just beginning to be expressed.

The first broadly circulated report on sexism and
public school policies and practices appears to have
been Dick and Jane as Victims, a study of children's
readers done by women in Princeton, New Jersey (who
later organized themselves as Women on Words and
Images), first published in 1972. Studies of school
systems were done that same year in Ann Arbor ("An
Action Proposal to Eliminate Sex Discrimination in

.the Ann Arbor Public Schools," March, 1972), and New
York City ("Report on Sex Bias in the Public Schools").
Following these, a number of women's groups, teacher
groups and individuals came out with collections of
materials, studies and action plans for eliminating
sex-role stereotyping in the schools. . 10

Children begin to learn about sex roles very early
in their lives, probably before they are eighteen months

11

old, and certainly long before they enter school. These

roles are learned through relatively simple patterns that
most of us take for granted. Some of these patterns are:
throwing boy babies up in the air and roughhousing with

them, as Opposed to cooing over girl babies and handling

 

91bid.. pp. 36-46.

loIbid., p. 45.

JJTH Howe, "Sexual Stereotypes Start Early,"
Saturday Review 54 (1971): 76.

them delicately; choosing sex-related colors and toys for
children from their earliest days: and encouraging boys
to be physically active while expecting girls to be
quieter and more docile.

Public education plays a substantial role in sexual
stereotyping. Many writers believe the school has become
one of the major elements in the socialization of Ameri-
can children.12 One of the functions of the schools is
socialization into age-sex roles.13 It is true schools
reflect the society they serve. Schools function to
reinforce the sexual stereotypes that children have been
taught by their parents, friends, and the mass culture
we live in.14

Levy and Stacey stated that the elementary school
promotes sex stereotyping through various aspects of the
curriculum, the organization of the classroom, the struc-
ture of the school, teacher behavior with children, and
the extracurriculuar milieu. The authors further claimed:

Schools exist in part to perpetuate various roles

which maintain our sexist society . . . schools do
"make a difference" in that they remain effective

 

12D. Gottlieb, "Children in America: A Demographic
Profile and Commentary," in Children's Liberation, ed.
D. Gottlieb (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973),
p. 17.

13N. K. Denzin, "Children and Their Caretakers,"
in Children's Liberation, ed. D. Gottlieb (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973), p. 134.

14Howe, op. cit., p. 77.

agents of social control, perpetuating the exist-
ing classs racial, and sexual divisions in our
society.
Thus, in fact, it can be assumed that through
development and education a child learns broadening con-

cepts of what one can accept in regard to the role of men

and women.

Purpose of the Study
The present research was undertaken to explore the
differences among the stereotypic views of children: among
ages, between boys and girls, and among children in rural,
suburban, and central city schools. Specific aspects of

the research are discussed in the remainder of this chapter.

Importance of the Study
The educational system remains a primary agent for
socialization, reflecting the society it serves.16 Burton
stated, "A basic tenet of our society is that all Ameri-
cans should have equal opportunity to pursue interests,
develOp talents and grow to full potential."17 In our

society a conflict occurs between the ideal the society

 

15B. Levy and J. Stacey, "Sexism in the Elementary
School: A Backward and Forward Look," Phi Delta Kappan,
October 1973, p. 105.

16Howe, loc. cit.

l7G. Burton, "Sex-Role Stereotyping in Elementary
School Primers," A position paper prepared for the Mont-
gomery County Chapter of the National Organization for
Women (1974), p. l. (Mimeographed.)

endorses and the actual practice of the society regarding
this equality. Burton continued, "It becomes the duty of
the school to hold true to the basic ideal, to cease
reflecting deviations, and to take positive steps to
correct and to reshape the 'reality.'"18

A study of stereotypic views of children may pro-
vide a basis for evaluating various aspects of the educa-
tional system so that the Opportunity to become a fully
developed human being can be a reality to all.

Children become more aware of occupations as they
grow Older. This study may reveal whether older children
are more predisposed to sex-role stereotyping of occupa-
tions than are younger children. An evaluation of the
educational process could determine the factors that may
contribute to sex-role stereotyping at the various age
levels or a lack of sex—role stereotyping.

The study may also help determine whether loca-
tion is a major factor in the degree of sex-role stereo-
typing Of occupations by elementary school children.
Results may indicate whether the influence of rural,
suburban, and central city environments is a factor in
the child's sex-role socialization process.

The gender of the child is another factor to con-

sider when studying the perceptions of sex roles in

 

lBIbid.

occupations. Both boys and girls must be aware Of the
opportunities available to them as human beings not to be
limited by sex. The study can have implications regarding

the planning of career education in school curriculum.

Statement of the Problem

 

The research described here addressed the follow-
ing questions: Does age level determine to some degree
the acceptance of certain occupational roles for both
sexes? Are boys or girls more predisposed to stereotype
occupational roles according to sex? Do the rural, sub-
urban, and central city factors make for differences in
viewing the sexes in certain roles? To answer these
questions, hypotheses were formulated, a population for
the research identified, and a methodology selected,

using an instrument developed by the researcher.

The Population and Sample

The sampled pOpulation for the study included
three school districts, each representative of the loca-
tion factor in the research: rural, suburban, and central
city.

A stratified random sample was taken to generate
groups of fifteen boys and fifteen girls at the ages of
six, eight, and ten years, at each of the location factors:
rural, suburban, and central city. The total number in the

sample was 270 children.

Definition of Terms

 

Stereotype: ”An exaggerated belief associated

 

with a category. Its function is to justify (rationalize)

our conduct in relation to that category."19
Ages of children: Six year Olds are those chil-

dren whose sixth birthday fell between December 1, 1973,

and November 30, 1974, inclusive; eight year Olds are

those children whose eighth birthday fell between December 1,

1973, and November 30, 1974, inclusive: ten year Olds are

those children whose tenth birthday fell between December 1,

1973, and November 30, 1974, inclusive.

Urbanized area: The area consisting of a central

 

city, or cities, and the surrounding closely settled ter-

ritory.20

Central city: A city of 50,000 inhabitants or

 

more,21con5isting of the pOpulation of the city named in
the title of the urbanized area:22 central city is not
synonymous with the "inner city" concept.

Suburban: The surrounding closely settled terri-

tory of a central city in an urbanized area.

 

19G. W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (New York:
Doubleday, 1958), p. 187.

20Dictionary of Economic and Statistical Terms
(Washington, D.C. : Government Printing Office, Nov. , 1972) ,
p. 69.

 

ZlIbid.

22Ibid., p. 62.

10

Rural: That area not included in an urbanized

area; can consist Of "a farm and/or non-farm pOpulation."23

Central city school: A school in a school dis-

 

trict located in a central city.

Suburban school: A school in a school district

 

located in a suburban area.

Rural school: A school in a school district

 

located in a nonurban area.

Sampled population: The six, eight, and ten year

 

Olds in the selected schools: "it is the population for

strict statistical inference."24

Target population: The group to which a general-
ization is made, or "the primary population Of interest";25
the six, eight, and ten year Olds in the Midwest region.

Stratified random sample: Sample randomly drawn
26

 

from each stratum or suprpulation.

Hypotheses

 

The following hypotheses were tested in this

study:

 

23Ibid.. pp. 64, 69.

24M. J. Slakter, Statistical Inference for Eduog-
tional Researchers (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1972),
p. 50.

 

ZSIbid.

26G. Sax, Empirical Foundations Of Educational
Research (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968),
p. 135.

11

Hypothesis 1: There is a significant difference

 

among the responses of the six year Old, eight year Old,
and ten year old children in their acceptance of occupa-
tional roles for men and for women.

Hypothesis 2: There is a significant difference

 

between the responses of boys and the reSponses of girls
in relating their acceptance of occupational roles for
men and for women.

Hypothesis 3: There is a significant difference

 

among children from rural, suburban, and central city
schools in their acceptance Of occupational roles for men

and for women.

Limitations of the Study

The following limitations are noted in regard to
the study. The study is limited by the influence the
interviewer may have had on the subjects' responses, the
interviewer being a female. The study was conducted by
the researcher alone. The use Of only one interviewer
precludes statistical verification of interviewer relia-
bility. The absence of such verification constitutes a
limitation of the study. The study is further limited to

those children willing to participate in the study.

Summary

In this chapter, a brief introduction to the study

was made; the background, purpose, and importance of the

12

study were discussed; and the specific problem to be
addressed by the study was defined: Are there differ-
ences among the stereotypic views of children among ages,
between boys and girls, and among children in rural, sub-
urban, and central city schools? The sample and definition
of terms were presented. Hypotheses of interest were then
specified, and the limitations of the research noted.

In the following chapter, literature and research
relevant to the present study are examined. The design
of the study, including the methodology and the develop-
ment of the instrument, is presented in Chapter III, as
well as the analysis of the pilot data. In Chapter IV
the analysis and the discussion of the research data are
presented. The final chapter incorporates a summary, con-
clusions, implications of the study, and suggestions for

further research.

CHAPTER II

SOCIALIZATION AND SEX-ROLE STEREOTYPING:
A REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

AND RESEARCH

"As the twig is bent . . ." has long been part of
Western folklore. Scientific data now support this View.
The origin of self lies in the early years.1 Individuals

learn the skills that enable them to function in particu-

lar types of roles; they are not born with these skills.2

Gesell stated:

Psychically, the child inherits nothing fully
formed. Each and every part of his nature has to
grow--his sense of self: his fears, his affections
and his curiosities; his feelings toward mother,
father, playmates, and sex; his judgments of good and
bad, of ugly and beautiful; his respect for truth and
property; his sense of humor: his ideas about life
and death, crime, war, nature, and deity. All his
sentiments, concepts, and attitudes are products of
growth and experience. . . .

 

11. J. Gordon, "The Beginnings of Self: The Problem
of the Nurturing Environment," in Exploring Human Develop-
ment, ed. H. W. Bernard & W. C. Huckins (Boston: Allyn &
Bacon, 1972). p. 261.

2A. E. Guskin and S. L. Guskin, A Social Psychology
of Education (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1970), P. 98.

3A. Gesell, Infant Development (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1952): P. 83.

 

l3

14

The importance of the early years of a child's
life cannot be emphasized enough. The concern in sex—
role identity is the child's attitude toward himself, not
sex-role stereotyping.

In this review of literature and research, two
aspects are dealt with: (l) the socialization process of

the child and (2) sex-role socialization and stereotyping.

The Socialization Process

 

Each individual is born into a society. The mem-
bers of the society practice a way of 1ife--a culture.4

Elkin stated, "A child is born into a world that already

5

exists." "A child is shaped by the nuclear group into

"6

which he is born. The culture of childhood, like all

cultures, is learned, shared, and transmitted. "It is
learned, but not necessarily taught."7

Socialization is defined as the process by which
an individual learns the ways of a given society--the

behaviors, values, and expectations of others—-so that he

can take on particular roles in society and function within

 

4
Teachers College Press, 1970), P. 7.

5F. Elkin, The Child and Society (New York: Random
House, 1961), p. 7.

6E. W. King and A. Kerber, The Sociology of Early
Childhood Education (New York: American Book, 1968),
p. 44.

M. E. Goodman, The Culture of Childhood (New York:

’

 

7Goodman, loc. cit.

15

it.8 Elkin felt socialization includes both learning and

internalizing apprOpriate patterns, values, and feelings.
The child not only knows what is expected of him and behaves
accordingly, he also feels that this is the prOper way for.
him to think and behave.

Through the process of socialization, the phenom-
enon of the self-concept evolves. Just as individuals
are not born with skills that enable them to function in
particular types of roles, neither is the self-concept a
biological phenomenon with which infants are born. It
evolves from the social and environmental aspects of living.
An awareness of an individual's own attributes through his
experiences with people who surround him is acquired as
early as the first weeks of life. The child reflects
these experiences in his personality and behavior as he

deveIOps.lo

Socialization is a function of social interaction.11
The child's interaction with his family, beginning from

birth, determines his idea of himself, an essential aspect

 

8Guskin and Guskin, loc. cit.

9Elkin, Op. cit., p. 4.

10King and Kerber, Op. cit., p. 46.

11Elkin, Op. cit., p. 5.

16

Of his personality. One sees self only as reflected by
the attitudes of the people around him.12

Elkin discussed three preconditions that are neces-
sary for a child to become socialized: (1) There must be
an ongoing society, the world into which he is to be
socialized; (2) The child must have the requisite biologi—
cal inheritance (e.g., if a child is feeble-minded or
suffers from a serious mental disorder, adequate social-
ization becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible);
and (3) A child requires "human nature," defined as "the
ability to establish emotional relationships with others
and to experience such sentiments as love, sympathy,

shame, envy, pity, and awe."13

Culture and Socialization

From the beginning, boys and girls grow up in dif-
ferent, culturally determined emotional atmospheres. The
uniqueness rooted in the biochemical composition of the
individual is fostered by the nature of his cultural experi-
ence. The ongoing social environment into which a child
is born allows for the first lessons in being a boy or a

14,15

girl. Stressing the importance of the awareness of

 

12King and Kerber, Op. cit., p. 45.
13Elkin, Op. cit., p. 7.

14L. J. Stone and J. Church, Childhood and Ado—
lescence, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1973), p. 151.

151. J. Gordon, Human Development, 2nd ed. (New
York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 15.

17

what goes on around them, Gesell stated:

. . . But we may grant, on the basis of objective
signs, that even the young infant has a considerable
degree of mental life. By the age of one month his
behavior is too coherent, too integrated, and too
personal in its individuality to be regarded as merely
"subcortical." He manifests pleasure, pain, desire.

He evidently senses comfort, discomfort, satiety,
warmth. He responds to the touch of ministering hands;
he heeds the human voice and face. . . . He is . . . an
adaptive, changing, growing being--assimilative, explor-
ative, and conscious on his plane of immaturity. He
may well be capable of awarenesses which arise from
processes of synthesis and integration. His "mind"

is not larval. It is already in the making.

Culture prescribes masculine and feminine beha-
viors.17 These behaviors are not learned at any given age.
The Swiss psychologist, Piaget, defined learning as "a
prOcess provoked by external situations (a psychological
experiment, a teacher, some exigency of the environment)

18 The child learns "a single

and limited in SOOpe."
structure," or solves a single problem. Such learning is
subordinate to development; "DevelOpment is the essential

process and each element of learning occurs as a function

 

16Gesell, op. cit., p. 57.

17P. H. Mussen, J. J. Conger, and J. Kagan, Child
DevelOpment and Personality (New York: Harper & Row, 1974),
p. 398.

18J. Piaget, "Cognitive DevelOpment in Children:
The Piaget Papers," in Piaget Rediscovered: A Roport of
the Conference on Cognitive Studies and Curriculum Develop-
ment, ed. R. E. Ripple and V. N. Rockcastle (Ithaca: Cornell
University, School of Education, March 1964): PP. 6-48;
cited by M. Almy, E. Chittenden, and P. Miller, Young
Children's Thinking (New York: Teachers College, 1967),
p. 20.

 

18

of total develOpment, rather than being an element which
explains develOpment."19
The crucial fact for Piaget seems to be that this
"set“ or attitude must come from within. What is learned
at any given point is, at least in part, determined by
what has gone on before--not merely by what the child has
experienced, but more by the elements to which he has paid
attention. "Every instruction from without presupposes a

construction from within."20

Beginning of Socialization

Socialization is a process that begins immediately
upOn the child's entrance into the world. There are many
statuses and roles, some general and some specific, in
which a person is involved.

A status may be defined as a position in a social
structure. A person has many statuses, some of which
include age status, sex status, religious status, and
nationality status. To each status is attached a role or
a pattern of expected behavior. "Role implies not only a
knowledge of the expected behavior but also culturally

appropriate values and feelings."21

 

19Ibid.

20Ibid., p. 21.

21Elkin, Op. cit., p. 19.

19

Thus, a child is born with a status determined by
his sex. The role of that status, then, is the part that
is learned through social interaction within a given
society, or through the process of socialization.

Socialization and
Identification

 

Psychologists such as Gordon,22 Mussen, Conger, and

Kagan,23 and Gewirtz and Stingle24 referred to identifica-
tion as a process by which a person views himself as being
like another and then behaves accordingly; the process by
which roles and attitudes are learned. These roles and
attitudes become a basic part of the core of the child's
self and are fairly stable elements in the way he will
feel and behave throughout life, since they are learned
early in life in a close interpersonal setting.25 The early
childhood period is the period of the greatest intensity of
identification, of the greatest need to identify.

Regarding sex identification, Ira Gordon wrote, "A
major task of early childhood consists of identification

with one's own sex--learning the apprOpriate male or female

 

22Gordon, Human DevelOpment, Op. cit., p. 84.

23Mussen, Conger, and Kagan, Op. cit., pp. 395-396.

24J. L. Gewirtz and K. C. Stingle, "Learning of
Generalized Imitation as the Basis for Identification,"
Psychological Review 75 (1968): 374-375.

25Gordon, Human Development, Op. cit., p. 116.

 

20

26 Identification is not ordinarily a con-

adult role."
scious imitation process. The many highly significant,
complex patterns of personality characteristics, reactions,
motives, attitudes, personal idiosyncracies, and moral
standards appear to be acquired by the child spontaneously,
without direct training or reward--without anyone's "teach-
ing" and without the child's intending to learn.

Gordon stated that "parent behavior in the first
six years of life influences the child's identity and the
standards he will set for typical sex-related behavior."27
The stability of an individual's behavior over time is
determined by the major factor of the individual's own
desire to make his behavior agree with the culture's defi-
nition of sex.

Two kinds of processes by which children acquire
attitudes, values, and patterns of social behavior were
discussed by Bandura.28 First, learning can occur on the
basis of direct tuition or instrumental training. In this
form of learning, parents and other socializing agents are

explicit about what the child is expected to learn. The

attempt to shape behavior is through reward and punishing

 

26Ibid., pp. 114-115.

27Gordon, "The Beginnings of Self," op. cit., p. 260.

28A. Bandura, "The Role of Modeling Processes in Per-
sonality Development," in Readings in Child Behavior and
Development, ed. C. S. Lavatelli and F. Stendler (New York:
Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1972), p. 334.

 

21

consequences. Although Bandura felt a certain amount of
a child's socialization takes place through such direct
training, most of the personality patterns are acquired
primarily through the second process--the child's active
imitation of parental attitudes and behavior. Most of
these attitudes and behavior patterns the parents have
never directly attempted to teach.

At this time there is no firm evidence that males
and females are destined by nature for the arbitrary roles
and characteristics assigned to the two sexes in this or
any other culture.29 Baller and Charles believed that only
in late childhood is there any physiological reason for
different behavior between males and females.30 However,
our culture insists that boys and girls behave differ-
ently, learn different sex roles. The differences in the
sex roles are discussed in more detail in the second part

of this chapter.

Socialization and Maturation

Maturation is closely related to socialization.
Biological maturation underlies the social develOpment of
the child. In a suitable environment the biological organ-

ism follows a systematic and orderly pattern in the

 

29Mussen, Conger, and Kagan, Op. cit., p. 398.

30W. R. Baller and D. C. Charles, The Psychology
o§_Human Growth and Development (New York: Holt, Rinehart
& Winston, 1968), pp. 352-353.

22

develOpment of neural, muscular, and glandular tissue. A
person, regardless of the amount of training given, must
be biologically ready before he can function in given
ways.31

Elkin interpreted Jean Piaget's work as showing
the relevance of maturation to socialization.32 There are
distinct lines of development, and quite early in a child's
life social factors combine with physiological development
to permeate the child's ways Of thought and perception of
the world. The assumption that the child's mind is not an
immature form of the adult mind underlay Piaget's research.
Rather, "the child thinks in a world of his own, a world

inherently and distinctly different from that of the adult."

Socialization and Play

Through mimicry, a universal type of play, and par-
ticularly the mimicking of adult activities, through
observation and imitation of that world, the culture of
childhood comes to include versions of adult values as

33

well as of adult roles. As a part of identifying, chil-

dren devote many hours to role-playing. In this activity,
a child "acts out" the behavior he perceives to belong to

certain roles. This is essential to his develOpment.34

 

31E1kin, op. cit., pp. 21-22.

32Ibid., p. 22.
33Goodman, Op. cit., p. 133.
34Gordon, Human Development, p. 117.

 

23

Age and Identification

During the preschool years, most parents pay atten-
tion to the sex appropriateness Of their children's beha-
vior.35 Even though the identification process is subtle,
the very young child's perceptual abilities are quick to
grasp the obvious physical characteristic of sex differ-
ences. Children learn about sex roles very early in their
lives, probably before they are eighteen months old, cer-
tainly long before they enter school.36 By the age of four
years, a child has already divided the world into male and
female people. The question of boy-girl differences has
already been raised.37’38

Goodman stated that the three year old in any
society knows his identity as a boy or girl, and is rapidly
learning what is considered appropriate behavior for boys
and girls, for men and women.39 However, games are played
or chores performed quite willingly for another two years

or so, which in his culture are generally the domain of the

opposite sex. At the age of three or earlier, the child

 

35Mussen, Conger, and Kagan, loc. cit.

36F. Howe, "Sexual Stereotypes Start Early,"
Saturday Review 54 (1971): 76.

37King and Kerber, Op. cit., p. 66.

38D. G. Brown, "Sex-Role Development in a Changing
Culture," Psyohological Bulletin 55 (1958): 233.

39Goodman, Op. cit., p. 27.

24

is likely to be curious about sex organs. He learns to
sex-classify the peOple around him on the basis of body
structures. But, according to psychologists Stone and
Church, "at age four, even those children who know about
genital differences between boys and girls regard them as
secondary to styles of coiffure or dress in determining
sex and sex differences." To illustrate their point, they
added this story:
One four-year-old, visiting a family new to the
neighborhood, observed their small baby creeping
about the sunny lawn in the nude. Reporting on the
new family to her mother, she was asked whether the
baby was a boy or a girl and replied, "I don't know.
It's so hard to tell with their clothes off."40
The processes of identifying and role-taking, begun
during earlier stages of self-development, continue through
middle childhood, the period of growth from about six to
about twelve years. The child is extending his concept of
self as "male" or "female," primarily through his relation-
ships with his peers. "The peer group is the locus of much
of the role-taking that occurs during these years." The
role of the "other" now involves the child's peers, in
addition to his parents.41
Havighurst said middle childhood is characterized

by the child being thrust "out of the home and into the

peer group, the physical thrust into the world of games and

 

40Stone and Church, Op. cit., p. 165.

41Gordon, Op. cit., pp. 200-201.

25

work requiring neuromuscular skills, and the mental thrust
into the world of adult concepts, logic, symbolism, and

42 The individual has worked out his partic-

communication."
ular style and his level in all three areas by the end of
this period--middle childhood.
Sex-Role Socialization and
Sex-Role Stereotyping
Socialization occurs in many settings, and in

interaction with many people. Organized groups, such as
family, church, school, and peer group, and settings, such
as the mass communication media, are spoken of as agencies

43'44 Each agency socializes the child

of-socialization.
into its own patterns and its own values. Each agency also
helps to socialize the child into the larger world, for
each is a surrogate of wider social and culture-orders,
and its impact extends beyond its own organizational
limits.45

Cultural trends affect all agencies. Currently,

as mentioned in the previous chapter, the Women's Liberation

 

42R. J. Havighurst, "The Developmental Tasks of
Middle Childhood," in The Psychology of the Elementary School
Child, ed. A. R. Binter and S. H. Frey (Chicago: Rand
McNally, 1972), PP. 12-13.

43Elkin, op. cit., p. 45.

44T. N. Saario, C. N. Jacklin, and C. K. Tittle,
"Sex Role Stereotyping in the Public Schools," Harvard
Educational Review 43 (1973): 387.

45Elkin, loc. cit.

26

Movement is proclaiming its message about the prOpagation
of sexism in schools. Not only is the subject of sexism

a concern of the Women's Liberation Movement, it is also
becoming a major concern of peOple interested in child
develOpment. There is growing awareness of the damage
done to individual growth by channeling peOple into narrow

roles according to sex.46

Stereotype Defined

 

Allport defined stereotype as "an exaggerated
belief associated with a category. Its function is to

justify (rationalize) our conduct in relation to that cate-

gory."47

In the article, "Decoding the Messages," sex-role
stereotypes were defined as "the beliefs we hold about the
'right' way for girls to act or the 'right' way for boys
to act." Further, it was stated that these beliefs are
"part of our basic value system."48

The Michigan Women's Commission stated the follow-
ing concerning sex stereotyping:

Sex stereotypes arise from the belief that cer-

tain abilities, traits, and interests usually occur
only in men and boys and other abilities, traits,

 

46C. Jacobs and C. Eaton, "Sexism in the Elementary
School," Today's Education, December 1972, p. 20.

47G. W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (New York:
Doubleday, 1958), p. 187.

48
(1973): 8.

 

 

"Decoding the Messages," The Awareness Game 6

27

and interests occur only in women and girls. These
stereotypes are grounded in ignorance and fear and
unreasonably restrict the rights of individuals to
make their own life choices. They are particularly
destructive to children, because they profoundly
influence their level of self-esteem, choice of occu-
pation, and means of self-expression.

Howe defined sexual stereotypes as assumed differences,
social conventions or norms, learned behavior, attitudes,

and expectations.50

Effects of Sex-Role
Stereotyping t

 

 

As a result of sexism, both boys and girls are
limited in develOping to their full human potential..
Men are victimized, as are women, by sex-role stereotypes.51
Sexism places "a higher value on male characteristics and.
values," placing men in a "superior" position. This
dichotomy, however, prevents all concerned from attaining.
full humanity, for sexism predetermines peOple's choices
in life on the basis of sex, without regard to individual

differences.52

 

49Sex Discrimination in an Elementary_Reading Pro-
gram (Lansing: Michigan Women's Commission), p. 1.

50Howe, Op. cit., p. 77.

518. Tobias, "The Case for Women's Studies," p11
Minority Connecticut Conference on the Status of Women
(Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, August
1972), p. 21.

52"From a Parent's Perspective," Sexism in Education,
3rd ed. (Minneapolis: The Emma Willard Task Force on Edu-
cation, 1973), p. 20.

28

Personality traits are stereotyped according to
sex. Not only at home but at school, girls tend to get
the message to be dependent, passive, quiet, and "good."
They are rewarded for conforming behavior. This type of
behavior promotes the inhibition of negative feelings,
viewed as a concomitant Of the charge to women to be
accommodating. Females are expected to yield to others'
requirements or demands. The male has greater freedom in
this area: negative feelings can emerge.53

In contrast, home expectations of boys differ from
those of school, which creates different pressures.
Traits of aggression, independence, and achievement are
encouraged in the home; Obedience and quietness are expected
at school. Boys who can reconcile and live up to the dual
standards tend to become high achievers and "successful
chauvinists." Those who are unable will often "rebel,
act out, or become low achievers and unsuccessful chauvin-
ists."54

In a study entitled "Sex-Role Pressures and the

Socialization of the Male Child," Hartley interviewed

eight to eleven year old boys; her results supported the

 

53J. Mosher et a1., "Masculinity and Femininity,"
51% Minority Connecticut Conference on the Status of Women
(Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, August
1972), p. 31.

54B. Levy and J. Stacey, "Sexism in the Elementary
School: A Backward and Forward Look," Phi Delta Kappan
October 1973, p. 107.

29

hypothesis that boys in our culture are under greater
pressure to conform to stringent sex role norms than are
girls. A boy who is labeled a "sissy" is more ostracized
than a girl who is considered a "tomboy." The boy who
aspires to female pursuits is thought to be engaged in a
kind of a "status slumming." It is the smart girl, how-
ever, who wants to do boy things.

Furthermore, the boys in the study indicated they
had to be able "to fight in case a bully comes along, run
fast, play rough games, take care of themselves, and know
what girls don't know." They said grown-ups expect boys
to be noisy, get dirty, get into more trouble than girls
do, and not be cry-babies. They saw men as "strong, able
to protect women and children in emergencies, able to sup-
port their families, and be in charge of things." The
boys' concept of the female role was that girls "stay close
to the house, play quietly, keep clean, and be gentler than
boys, and they cry when they are scared or hurt." Adult
women were seen as "indecisive, afraid of many things,
tired a lot, staying home most of the time, squeamish, and

55 Thus, with such ludicrous exag-

not very intelligent."
geration of the woman's role, the young boy pressures him-
self to become an athletic he-man and to suppress his tender

feelings.

 

55R. Hartley, "Sex-Role Pressures and the Social-
ization of the Male Child," Psychological Reports 5 (1959):
457-468.

30

Sexism has its effects beyond those on the child in
the classroom. A look at the population and the world of
work reveals that 51 percent of the population is female,
and women make up 40 percent of the labor force. Women
work because of economic need: they are single, divorced,
deserted, widowed, or married to men earning less than
$7,000 a year.56 Women are concentrated in low-paying,
dead-end jobs, resulting in the average woman worker earn-
ing less than three-fifths of what a man does, when both
work full time the year round.57

Bem and Bem cited three basic reasons why women
work at jobs rather than pursuing careers. These were
discrimination, sex-role conditioning, and the presumed
incompatibility of family and career.58 Women do not pur-
sue challenging or even well-paying careers because of the
"homogenization" of America's women, a consequence of the
sex—role ideology. The majority of America's women become
full-time homemakers; Of those who work, 78 percent end up

in dead-end jobs as clerical workers, service workers,

factory workers, or sales clerks. The authors pointed out

 

56E. D. Koontz, "Education for Survival," Non-Sexist
Education for Survival (Washington, D.C.: National Educa-
tion Association, 1973), p. 7.

57"Have You Heard???" Sexism in Education (Min-
neapolis: The Emma Willard Task Force, 1973), p. 6.

588. L. Bem and D. J. Bem, "Training the Woman to
Know Her Place," an article prepared for the Pennsylvania
Department of Education (Pennsylvania Dept. of Education,
Division of Pupil Personnel Services, 1973), pp. 3-7.

31

.that the role of homemaker is not necessarily inferior,
but that in spite of their unique identities, the majority
of America's women end up in virtually the same role.

It is important that a child develOp a healthy
"self." Sex identity and role behavior are inseparable

59

from the develOpment of the self. Binter and Frey

emphasized the importance of recognizing and acquiring

60 But if, for a girl,

behaviors apprOpriate to one's sex.
learning the "prOper“ sex role restricts the right of
making her own life choices, this certainly is not devel-
Oping the best self-concept, or allowing for a means of
self-expression.

In a fluid world, with a constantly shifting diver-
sity of activities that can be pursued by both men and
women, outmoded sex-based stereotypes have no place. Such
stereotypes "check both boys and girls from giving free

61

rein to their hOpes and dreams." Olds further stated

sex-biased stereotypes hold boys and girls "from following
their own talents and inclinations, and keep them from

realizing their true potential as human beings."62

 

59Elkin, Op. cit., p. 55.

60A. R. Binter and S. H. Frey, The Psychology of the
Elementary School Child (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972),
p. 294.

615. W. Olds, "Giving Children the Freedom to Be
Themselves," The Awareness Game 6 (1973): 9.

62Ibid.

32

The Family as a Sex-
Socializing Agency

 

As brought out previously, the socialization of a
child begins immediately upon entrance into the world.
Thus, the first and most important socializing agency is
the family. Even though many of the functions that were
once considered routine for the family have been taken over
by other agencies, the family remains the major agency of
socialization.63

The process of sex stereotyping begins early.
Lewis discussed the preoccupation parents have with the
sex characteristic of the unborn child--from discussing
their preference for the sex of the unborn child and pro-
viding names as a function of the sex of the child, to the
responsiveness of mothers to the activity of the fetus in

64 . .
For instance, an active,

a sex-apprOpriate fashion.
kicking fetus that moves a great deal is interpreted as a
sign that the child is more likely to be male than female.
Although parents have other concerns, such as physical and
mental health, their attitude toward the fetus usually
centers on specific characteristics of sex. Lewis felt

this concern may be reflective "of a cultural need, con-

cern, and/or value system."

 

63Elkin, op. cit., p. 47.

64M. Lewis, "Parents and Children: Sex-Role DevelOp-
ment," School Review 80 (1972): 230-232.

 

33

The channeling process of sex stereotyping begins
at birth, when the parents are told the sex of their child.
If it's a boy, certain expectations are held. The parents
might speculate about what their sxul will become-~a chemist,
a doctor, a newspaper editor, an artist. The choice of
career is his, meeting his individual needs and abilities.
If the child is a girl, however, the parents don't bother
to do much guessing. Individuality becomes irrelevant if
the child is a female, for there seems to be one activity
to which most females are channeled--that of housewife.65
Parents' treatment of their children is an important
factor in the creation of sex stereotyping. Comparing the
life of a young boy to that of a young girl, a critical
difference emerges: a girl is treated more protectively.
She is subjected to more restrictions and controls. A boy
receives greater achievement demands and higher expecta-
tions.66
Colors serve as announcements to the world of how

the new infant is to be treated. A blue world surrounds

the infant boy; around the baby girl everything is pink--

 

65N. Frazier and M. Sadker, Sexism in School and
Society (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), p. 82; citing
S. Bem and D. Bem, "We're All Nonconscious Sexists," in
Beliefs, Attitudes and Human Affairs, ed. D. J. Bem
(Monterey, Ca.: Brooks/Cole, 1970).

661bid., p. 84.

34

from ribbons to stuffed animals, to the clothes she
wears.67'68

A great deal of "appropriate" sex-role behavior is
learned as the child rummages through the toy box. Toys
are differentiated between the sexes as children begin to
grow. Looking at a trade catalogue of a toy manufacturer,
one Observes substantial differences between the toys aimed
at boys and girls.69’70

Roles are learned through relatively simple pat-
terns that most of us take for granted. Energetic and
physical activity for boys is encouraged, just as it is
expected that girls are to be quieter and more docile.
Parents evaluate a child's behavior by the criterion of the
sex of the child: thus, boys are allowed, even expected,
to be naughtier than girls. Aggression defines masculinity.

Girls are expected to be soft and emotional.72

 

67Ibid., p. 83.

68H. H. Franzwa, "Working Women in Fact and Fiction,
Journal of Communication 24 (1974): 104.

69C. Cannan, "Female From Birth?" The Times Educa-
tion Supplement 2956 (January 14, 1972): 20.

 

 

7OHowe, Op. cit., p. 76.

7llbid.

72Cannan, loc. cit.

35

McNeil discussed aggressive responses by school—
age children, categorizing them into physical or cognitive
manners of expression.73 Physical expression included
fighting, kicking, pushing, throwing stones, bullying, and
teasing. Name calling, ridicule, sarcasm, swearing,
threats, commands, and criticism were listed as cognitive
manners of expression. Developmental studies indicate that
as mental age and language competencies increase, overt
physical actions as a primary mode of expressing hostility
and anger decrease. Girls learn to disguise their anger
feelings more rapidly than do boys, using more subtle
modes such as gesture and language. Probably the most
important variables in effecting this difference between
boys and girls are the sex-role expectations as designated
by the culture. For example, the admonition given to girls
is, "good little girls don't fight."

Feshbach and Feshbach pointed out that the general-
ization that males are the more aggressive of the two sexes
does not hold for all forms of aggressive behavior.74 Con-
siderable evidence shows that boys are more physically

aggressive than girls. The findings are less consistent

 

73E. B. McNeil, "Patterns of Aggression," in The
Psychology of the Elementary School Child, ed. A. R. Binter
and S. H. Frey (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972), p. 275.

74H. Feshbach and S. Feshbach, "Children's Aggres-
sion," in The Young Child, ed. W. W. Hartup (Washington,
D.C." National Association for the Education of Young
Children, 1972), p. 293.

36

when other forms of aggression are measured. Whereas
boys are more likely to hit than are girls, girls are
more likely to scold or insult another child.

Differences in play between boys and girls are not
merely expected, but actively encouraged. Only very young
boys may be allowed to play with their sisters' dolls
without ridicule or remonstrance. Rarely are boys given
dolls of their own, although stuffed animal toys may be
allowed. Girls enjoy playing with toy trucks, cars, and
train sets but are rarely given these as gifts.75

Older girls particularly are discouraged from par-
ticipating in physically aggressive activities. The label
"tom-boy" is given to those girls who do not conform to
the quieter, gentler, less aggressive activities expected
of them. Boys are labeled "sissy" if they avoid rough
games, or prefer reading or playing the piano.76

The common assumption is that children's games are
one of the ways in which boys and girls learn appropriate
sex-role behavior in their own society. Their perceptions
of behavior appropriate to their own sex are reflected in

the differences between the games chosen by boys and girls.77

 

75$. Millar, The Psychology of Play (Baltimore:
Penguin Books, 1968), p. 194.

76Ibid., p. 195.

77B. G. Rosenberg and B. Sutton-Smith, "Revised
Conception of Masculine-Feminine Differences in Play Activi-
ties," The Journal of Genetic Psychology 96 (1960): 165.

37

Along with imitation of a model, through which a
child identifies appropriate sex behaviors, is the direct
communication that an activity is specifically for a girl

78 Liebert, McCall and Hanratty reported a study

or a boy.
on first-grade children investigating toy preferences,
whereby they experimentally manipulated the sex-typed

79 After being told

information for two groups of toys.
that a group of toys was preferred by their own sex and
that a second group was preferred by the Opposite sex, the
children were asked to choose the toys they preferred. The
results of the study showed that when children were told
which toys their own sex preferred, they matched prefer-
ences. Knowledge of what the Opposite sex preferred did
not influence their preferences. The conclusion drawn from
the study indicated that same-sex labels are more effective
in influencing toy preference than are opposite-sex labels.
Montemayor attempted to extend the positive rela-
tionship found between sex label and choice of toy or task

80 A game that

to a behavioral index of performance level.
was labeled either sex-apprOpriate, sex-neutral, or sex-

inapprOpriate was played by children six to eight years Old.

 

78R. Montemayor, "Children's Performance in a Game
and Their Attraction to It as a Function of Sex-Typed Labels,"
Child DevelOpment 45 (1974): 152-156.

79R. Liebert, R. McCall, and M. Hanratty, "Effects
of Sex-Typed Information on Children's Toy Preferences,"
Journal of Genetic Psychology 119 (1971): 133-136.

80

 

Montemayor, loc. cit.

38

Measures of performance and attractiveness of the game

were obtained. The results of the study indicated perfor-
mance was highest when the game was labeled sex-apprOpriate,
intermediate when no sex label was given for the game, and
lowest when the game was labeled sex-inapprOpriate for both
boys and girls. The apprOpriate and neutral label condi-
tions were similar for attractiveness, and both were higher
than the inappropriate condition.

School as a Sex-V
Socializing Agency

 

The social world Of the child expands rapidly upon

school entrance.81 The school has as a principal function

the socialization of youth.82 This function is to "educate

the young," transmitting certain basic knowledge and skills

of the culture.83 Schools function to reinforce the sexual

stereotypes that children have been taught by their par-
ents, friends, and the mass culture in which we live.84'85

Denzin wrote: "Another function of the schools is

 

81R. E. Hartley and F. P. Hardestly, "Children's
Perception of Sex Roles in Childhood," The Psyohology of the
Elementary School Child, ed. A. R. Binter and S. H. Frey
(Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972), pp. 347-348.

2Saario, Jacklin, and Tittle, loc. cit.

83Elkin, op. cit., p. 57.

84Howe, op. cit., p. 77.

85Saario, Jacklin, and Tittle, loc. cit.

39

socialization into ageesex roles. Girls must be taught
how to be girls and boys must learn what a boy is."86

Gottlieb believed "the major element in the social—
ization of American children has become the school."87
According to statistical reports, more and more children
are attending school for longer and longer periods of time.

Schools do "make a difference," in that they "remain
effective agents of social control, perpetuating the exist-
ing class, racial, and sexual divisions in our society."88
Sexism permeates aspects of the curriculum, classroom organ-
ization, the structure of the school, teacher behavior with
children, and the extracurricular milieu. Boys and girls
are taught lessons in sexual equality throughout their
schooling experience. These lessons are overt as well as
being more subtle.89

Although school is one facet of a child's world

that contributes to stereotyping, the messages transmitted

to the child in school carry much weight. A large portion

 

86N. K. Denzin, "Children and Their Caretakers," in
Children's Liberation, ed. D. Gottlieb (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973), p. 134.

87D. Gottlieb, "Children in America: A Demographic
Profile and Commentary," in Children's Liberation, ed.
D. Gottlieb (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973),
p. 17.

 

88Levy and Stacey, Op. cit., p. 105.

89M. Sadker and D. Sadker, "Sexism in Schools: An
Issue for the 70's," The Journal of the National Association
for Women Deans, Administrators, and Counselors 37 (1974):
69.

40

of a child's life is spent in the classroom, approximately

90 l
10 , 000 hours by the time he graduates from high school . ' 9

Phil Jackson, in Life in Classrooms, underscored

 

how great an influence, in terms of time, the elementary
school actually has:

Aside from sleeping, and perhaps playing, there
is no other activity that occupies as much of the
child's time as that involved in attending school.
Apart from the bedroom (where he has his eyes closed
most of the time) there is no single enclosure in
which he spends a longer time than he does in the
classroom. From the age of six onward, he is a more
familiar sight to his teacher than to his father,
and possibly even to his mother.92

Frazier and Sadker continued on the elementary
school:

Another remarkable thing about elementary school
is that children are forced to be there. Only two
other institutions--prisons and mental hospitals--
are so thoroughly compulsory in nature. Of course,
this is not to suggest that conditions are similar
to those in prisons and mental hospitals. The
authors, however, do mean to point out the one fac-
tor the three have in common: in Sach, human beings
are forcefully institutionalized.9

It is readily apparent that the elementary school
is a place where many child-hours are spent. Here children
are exposed to a variety of stimuli; they cannot escape

from these stimuli, regardless of how much they want to.

 

90Jacobs and Eaton, loc. cit.

91Frazier and Sadker, Op. cit., p. 80.

92Ibid.; citing Phil Jackson, Life in the Classrooms.

93Frazier and Sadker, loc. cit.

41

Awareness of the symbolism and hidden messages
inherent in the structure of the school has been heightened
in the last decade by educational reformers and critics.
Students learn much more than reading, writing, and arith-
metic within the confines of the classroom. Schools func-
tion as sorting and classifying mechanisms. Schools foster
and amplify such questionable personality traits as pas-
sivity, conformity, and dependency. Factors such as cur-
riculum materials, testing materials, programmatically
prescribed curricular patterns, teacher behavior, counsel-
ing practices, peer group influences, and many other
instructional factors convey multiple messages to children.94

The standard elementary curriculum contains the
element of reading. The child's first contact with school
is likely to leave a lasting impression. Since learning to
read is the principal task of the early years at school,
the contents of the books with which children spend so
much time needs attention in regard to sex stereotyping in
the schools.

Reading texts convey many subtle messages to the
young school child regarding role assignment. Through
textbooks children learn about role models and expectations.
This is influential in the life planning of pupils and is

a major supplement to the children's home experiences.

 

94Saario, Jacklin, and Tittle, loc. cit.

42

Most children are exposed to a reading textbook every day.
Even a child who is unable to read will experience in the
classroom group discussion of the stories and other mate-
rial in the texts. Whatever overt and covert messages the

book contains penetrate children's minds early and Often,

whether by passive reception or active involvement.95

A study of 144 elementary school textbooks made
by the New Jersey Chapter of the National Organiza-
tion for Women (NOW) showed that boys were the focus
of 881 stories, whereas only 344 of the stories cen-
tered around girls. Similarly, adult males were
featured in 282 stories, women in only 127. There
were 131 biographies of famous men, 23 of women.

Time after time, the report declared, girls were por-
trayed as passive, dependent, and incompetent; boys
as active, self-reliant, and successful.96

Similar studies analyzing reading series in terms
of sex stereotyping and career roles have confirmed the
findings of the New Jersey Chapter of the National Organi-
zation for Women. The studies referred to include those
of Britton,97 the Committee to Study Sex Discrimination in

the Public Schools,98 and one by Women on Words and Images.99

 

95Sex Discrimination in an Elementary Reading Pro-
ram (Lansing: Michigan Women's Commission), p. ix.

96J. Hoyt, "Target: Sex Bias in Education," American
Education 10 (1974): 7.

97G. E. Britton, "Sex Stereotyping and Career
Roles," Journal of Reading 17 (1973): 140-148.

98Sex Discrimination in an Elementary Reading

Program, op. cit.

99Dick and Jane as Victims (Princeton, N.J.: Women
on Words and Images, 1972).

 

 

 

 

43

Implications from studies analyzing reading series
in terms of sex stereotyping and career roles are broad.
Role models are used in all societies to encourage self-
develOpment of their children as individuals and function-
ing members of the group. When the role models remain
static, however, while society changes, their value as
educational devices is lost. Instead they become psycho-
logical straightjackets that constrict individual develop-
ment and preparation for life. Models deliberately build-
ing up the self-images of one group at the expense Of
another become viciously repressive. "If socialization
has twin goals, to rear fit individuals as well as individ-
uals who fit, the models presented in school readers can
"100
be faulted on both counts.

Women psychologists are drawing attention to the
great damage done to both men and women by our narrowly
defined role models. In a statement to the American Psy-
chological Association in September 1970, the Association
of Women Psychologists said:

Psychological oppression in the form of sex role
socialization clearly conveys to girls from the ear-
liest ages that their nature is to be submissive,
servile, and repressed, and their role is to be ser-
vant, admirer, sex object and martyr . . . the psycho-
logical consequence of goal depression in young women--
the negative self-image, emotional dependence, drugged
or alcoholic escape-—are all too common. In addition,

both men and women have come to realize the effects on
men of this type of sex role stereotyping, the crippling

 

looIbid., p. 34.

44

pressure to compete, to achieve, to produce, to stifle
emotion, sensitivity and gentleness, all taking their
toll in psychic and physical traumas.

The groundwork for a healthy adjustment to social
change has to be laid in childhood. Readers are an
important part of the groundwork. Changes in role
models and behavior patterns they depict can have a
great impact on the changing images children have of
themselves. Few but the strong can function under a
constant barrage of self-doubt and social disapproval.
If we wish our children to avoid the destructive con-
flicts in social relationships which can be traced to
the effects of sex role conditioning with its dehuman-
izing consequences for men and women alike, then we
must begin now to reform the images with which they
will form themselves.102

An example of overt sex typing is "Alpha One," a
new phonics program for kindergarteners and first graders
being used in an estimated 8,000 classrooms around the

nation.103

The program is used as a multi-media approach
to reading instruction. It seems to teach more about sex
roles, however, than it does about phonics. In this pro-
gram, each letter of the alphabet is given a personality
and a gender. The twenty-one consonants are male, known

as "the letter boys"; the five vowels are female, each

having something wrong with her. The sex-role message

 

lOlIbid., citing from printed "Statement, Resolutions,
and Motions," presented by the Association of Women Psycholo-
gists to the American Psychological Association at its con-
vention in Miami, Florida, September 1970.

102Dick and Jane as Victims, op. cit., p. 36.

 

103A. Kerins, "Vowels Are Seeking Lbrtn Frm th
Cnsnnts," Report on Sex Bias in the Public Schools (New York
Chapter of the National Organization of Women, 1972), p. 21:
cited by B. Levy and J. Stacey in "Sexism in the Elementary
School: A Backward and Forward Look," Phi Delta Kappan,
October 1973, p. 105.

 

45

portrayed through this language arts program could hardly
be more harmful.

Aside from readers, math books, science books,
and social studies texts continue the sex-stereotyping
tradition. Especially in social studies texts, opportuni—
ties for sexism are enormous with such themes as the family,
community helpers, and work.104

Not only do textbooks make for the perpetuation of
sex-role stereotyping, but teachers also play an important
part. Teachers tend to rate girls as more responsible
than boys, but see the boys as possessing more leadership
qualities.105

A study in which junior high school teachers were
asked to select adjectives they felt described male and
female students indicated the expectations teachers hold

106 The following lists form a partial

for boys and girls.
catalogue of sex stereotypes. Through a multitude Of
nonverbal ways, teachers transmit these sex-typed expecta—

tions to their pupils.

 

104
Levy and Stacey, Op. cit., p. 106.

105U. Bronfenbrenner, "The Changing American Child--
A Speculative Analysis," in Exploring Human DevelOpment, ed.
H. W. Bernard & W. C. Huckins (Boston: Allyn & Bacon,
1972), p. 328.

106B. J. Kremer, "The Adjective Check List as an
Indicator of Teachers' Stereotypes of Students" (Ph.D.
dissertation, Michigan State University, 1965), p. 64.

46

 

 

Adjectives Describing Adjectives Describing
Female Students Male Students
appreciative emotional active energetic
excitable sensitive adventurous enterprising
OOOperative dependable aggressive loud
changeable efficient curious independent
reliable thorough determined inventive
healthy awkward

The phenomenon demonstrated by Rosenthal and
Jacobson that one person's expectations can influence

another's behavior is often referred to as the self-

107 It has a substantial effect on

108

fulfilling prophesy.

the develOpment of children.
Other messages are conveyed in a less subtle fashion.

Studies by educational researchers examining the language Of

the classroom to determine the nature of verbal interac-

tion have revealed that teachers speak to boys and girls

in different ways. Boys receive more disapproval than

girls. Iflmnrreceive eight to ten times more control

messages--comments like "stOp talking" or "listen to the

instructions." Teachers are more likely to use harsh or

angry tones when criticizing boys than when criticizing

girls.109'llo

 

107R. Rosenthal and L. Jacobson, Pygmalion in the
Classroom (Chicago: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968).

108L. R. White, "Sex Role Stereotypes," Nonsexist
Education for Survival (Washington, D.C.: National Educa-
tion Association, 1973), P. 5.

109

 

Sadker and Sadker, op. cit., p. 70.

110Levy and Stacey, op. cit., p. 107.

47

Another classroom interaction pattern is that
teachers talk to boys more about the subject matter and
listen more to what they say. In short, boys receive more
of the teacher's attention than do girls.111

Aside from the formal elementary curriculum and
teacher behavior, which sexism permeates, other mechanisms
of sex-role reinforcement include segregated classes and
activities. Physical education and playground activities
are frequently segregated. Certain activities, such as
cooking and sewing, are encouraged primarily for girls:
other activities, such as wood work and mechanical work,
are encouraged for boys. In instrumental music, girls are
encouraged to play the violin and flute, while percussion
and brass are perceived as masculine. Assigned duties or
jobs also teach sex roles: "Girls water the plants; boys
move the chairs."112

Another way messages Of sexual inequity or lessons
about the inferior status of women in this society are
transmitted to students is through the staffing patterns
prevalent in the schools. Only five or six school districts

have female school superintendents, despite the fact that

the vast majority of teachers are women. Alimited number of

 

lllP. Sears and D. Feldman, "Teacher Interaction
With Boys and Girls," The National Elementarprrincipal,
November 1966, pp. 30-37.

112Levy and Stacey, loc. cit.

48

senior and junior high schools are headed by women prin-
cipals.ll3’114

Statistics regarding women in the educational pro-
fession reveal that "three-fifths of the women professional
workers are teachers." Their participation in administra-
tive and supervisory positions is not representative of the
numbers of women in the profession.115

A national survey taken in 1970-71 revealed that
although 67 percent of all public school teachers were
women, only 15 percent of principals and .6 percent of
superintendents were female. The women administrators were
concentrated mostly in the elementary schools: 19 percent
elementary principals and 34 percent elementary assistant
principals. Only 3.5 percent of the junior high and 3 per-
cent of the senior high principals were women. At the
district level, the national picture is even more dismal.
There were only a few women superintendents, and just 7 per-
cent Of the deputy, associate, or assistant superintendents

116
were women.

 

113S. Martinez, "Sexism in Public Education: Litiga-
tion Issues," Inequality in Education 18 (1974): 10.

114S. S. Taylor, "Women in Education," 51% Minority
Connecticut Conference on the Status of Women (Washington,
D.C.: National Education Association, August 1972), P. 66:
citing National Education Association, "Estimates of School
Statistics, 1971-72," Research Report l97l-R13.

115"Fact..Bombardment," The Awareness Game 6 (1973): 30.

116C. D. Lyon and T. N. Saario, "Women in Public
Education: Sexual Discrimination in Promotion," Phi Delta
Kappan, October 1973, p. 120.

49

Because education has traditionally been character-
ized as a "woman's field," public awareness of diScrimina-
tion against women within education has been slow to
emerge.117 Thus, through staffing practices as well as
interaction patterns and teacher eXpectations, schools con-
tinually send messages to children that help prepare them
to assume sex stereotypes and perpetuate a society based on

sexual inequality.118

Mass Communication as a
Sex-Socializing Agency

A relatively recent development and a significant
socialization agency, although interpersonal interaction
is not directly involved, is the mass communication media.
These media include the press, radio, magazines, comic
booklets, movies, television, and other means of communi-
cation.

The mass media function to give the child a wider'
range of role-taking models than he ordinarily finds in
his family, neighborhood, and school.119 Movie and tele-
vision stars can become strong objects of identification.

The socialization derived from the mass media generally is

incidental, since the child employs it for immediate

 

117Ibid.

118Sadker and Sadker, Op. cit., p. 71.

119Elkin, Op. cit., p. 73.

50

gratification and not to learn the patterns of society.
Of particular significance in socialization are only
those situations and models that are used imaginatively
or directly in interaction situations.120

Feminists do not accept Elkin's idea that social-
ization through the mass media is incidental. Courtney
and Lockeretz analyzed women's depictions in advertisements
in eight national U.S. magazines. The conclusions indi-
cated that magazine advertisements portray women in very
limited roles. Implications made by print advertisements
included: (1) woman's place is in the home, (2) women do
not make important decisions or do important things, and
(3) women are dependent upon men and are regarded primarily
as sexual Objects.121 These findings were corroborated by
the results of four studies conducted in three U.S. cities
to analyze the roles of women as portrayed in television

122 The data provided evidence that women are

commercials.
not portrayed as autonomous, independent human beings.

Comparative analysis verified that men and women are

 

1201bid., pp. 73-74.

121A. E. Courtney and S. W. Lockeretz, "A Woman's
Place: An Analysis of the Roles Portrayed by Women in
Magazine Advertisements," Journal of Marketing Research 8
(1971): 92—105.

122A. E. Courtney and T. W. Whipple, "Women in TV
Commercials," Journal of Communication 24 (1974): 110—118.

51

presented differently in advertising and that each sex is
still shown in traditional roles.

Sexism characterizes regular television program-
ming for children as well as for adults. This is of great

concern, since children often spend as much time watching

television as they do in school.123

Tedesco reported on a subset of data collected
from 1969 through 1972 as part of an ongoing project called
Cultural Indicators, which studied the message system of
prime-time network dramatic television programming and
what these messages cultivate in viewers. The most notice-
able finding regarding the major characters who populated

the world of noncartoon, prime-time network dramatic tele-

. . . . 124
Vision was the continued underrepresentation Of women.

This analysis of major non-cartoon television
characters has revealed that males are generally
active and independent. They are more mature, more
serious, and more likely to be employed than females.
Males have adventures and get into violent situations.
They are powerful and smart, and their independence
requires that they be relatively unattached (not mar-
ried) and thus able to take risks. Females, on the
other hand, are presented as‘lacking independence.
They are not usually found in adventure situations:
they are younger, more likely to be married, and less
likely to be employed.125

 

123Levy and Stacey, loc. cit.

124N. S. Tedesco, "Patterns in Prime Time," Journal
of Communication 24 (1974): 124.

125Ibid., p. 122.

52

In contrast to the major noncartoon characters
populating the world of television, Streicher said of
stereotyping displayed in cartoons:

In general, cartoon females were less numerous
than males, made fewer appearances, had fewer lines,
played fewer "lead roles," were less active, occupied
many fewer positions of responsibility, were less
noisy, and were more preponderantly juvenile than
males. In many activities in which girls showed some
form of skill (e.g., cheerleading), their performance
was duplicated by a dog or other pet. . . 25

The perpetuation of stereotypy itself by the producers of
cartoons and commercials seems to be most important at

this point.127

Occupational Stereotyping

 

A 1973 study by Beuf on sex-role perception of
children born since the Women's Liberation Movement showed
there has been little change.128 The sample included thirty-
seven boys and-twenty-six girls between the ages Of three
and six. A twenty to twenty-five minute individual inter-
view was held, during which the interviewer asked specific
questions regarding parents' occupations and about tele-
vision viewing habits while engaged in conversation about

the child's interests, school activities, and family. Each

child was asked, "What do you want to be when you grow up?"

 

126H. W. Streicher, "The Girls in the Cartoons,"
Journal of Communication 24 (1974): 127.

127Ibid., p. 129.

128A. Beuf, "Doctor, Lawyer, Household Drudge,"
Journal of Communication 24 (1974): 142-145.

53

Then each child was asked, "If you were a boy (girl),
what would you be when you grow up?"

The children also played a game called "the O.K.
picture game." The object of the game was to see whether
a picture was "O.K." or not. Among several "dummy" pic-
tures were three pictures that reversed traditional sex
roles: a father feeding a baby, a man pouring coffee for
a woman, a female telephone line repairperson.

A strong relationship was noted between sex and
career aspiration both for own-sex and projected "other-
sex" conditions. This indicated the extent to which the
children luni observed and properly grasped the role
structure of our society. Boys seized upon rather adven-
turous types of careers; policeman, sports superstar, and
cowboy were the most pOpular. Girls showed a preference
for quieter pastimes. Nursing rated high as a choice
occupation here, and was the occupation most selected by
boys as what they would do if they were females. The
girls' favorite OOposite-sex ambition was to be a doctor.

Both sexes had a tendency to stereotype aspira-
tions, even though the actual jobs differed by sex. Stereo-
typical careers were chosen by over 70 percent of the boys
and 73 percent of the girls. Responding to the "what if
you were a boy (girl)" questions, 65 percent of the boys
and 73 percent of the girls selected careers that are

societally labeled appropriate for their sex.

54

An interesting trend in the children's behavior
with regard to the same question is that girls had an
answer to the question, whereas boys did not. This beha-
vior tends to indicate girls think about what it would be
like to be a boy, what they would do as adults if they
were boys. Boys, on the other hand, often regarded the
interviewer suspiciously out of the corners of their eyes,
or with open, outright astonishment. This behavior in
boys might indicate they do not think about what it would
be like to be a girl, or what they would do as adults if
they were girls. Even when presented with the question
some did not want to think about it. A regular response
was, "That's a weird question, you know."

This study further revealed that television view-
ing is related to career choice. Moderate viewers appeared
to exert a wider range of choice in career selection than
did the heavy viewers. Seventy-six percent of the viewers
selected stereotyped careers for themselves, as compared
with 50 percent of the moderate viewers.

Sex stereotyping increased on the responses to the
O.K. picture game as the move from child-care to husband-
wife to occupation roles was made. Fourteen percent of
the children said it was "not O.K." for the father to feed
the baby; 20 percent believed that it was "not O.K." for

the man to be preparing the meal for the seated woman, and

55

49 percent thought the female telephone repairperson was
"not O.K."

These data indicate that although the Women's Lib-
eration Movement has attracted much attention, children
are still learning about a role structure that is sex
typed, especially in the occupational sphere. The find-
ings also reveal that young children, four and five years
Of age, hold the same kinds of stereotypes about careers
that American society as a whole has, as noted by sociol-
ogists and Movement women. Preschool children, in addi—
tion to knowing their sex, seemingly know the social
implications and limitations of that sexual definition.

Another study, an exploratory investigation of the
develOpment of children's concepts Of adults' sex-based
social roles, with the major emphasis on women's roles,
was conducted by Hartley.129 One part of the study
involved a measure, the Role Distribution Technique, in
which children were to tell who usually performed each of
the 150 different activities, covering aspects of social
and family living. Results indicated that children clearly
differentiated one group of items, which they assigned to
men; another group, which they assigned to women; and a

third group, which they perceived as belonging equally to

 

129R. E. Hartley, "Current Patterns in Sex Roles:
Children's Perspectives," National Association of Women
Deans and Counselors 25 (1961): 3-13.

56,

both sexes. Although the children did not agree equally
on all items, no single individual had difficulty in mak-
ing these judgments. It was apparent these boys and girls
knew pretty well what sorts of tasks they could look for-
ward to as men and women. They also had a set of clear-
cut expectations regarding the Opposite sex.

Children learn quite early what roles society
expects of them. Indications of this have resulted from
studies of children's vocational aspirations. Looft, in
1971, inquired of first and second graders, "What would
you like to be when you grow up?" The girls mentioned a
total of eight different occupations, all sex typed, the
most common being nurse and teacher. The boys' list totaled
eighteen different occupations, from doctor, to astronaut,
to football player. The children were then questioned,
"What do you think you really will do when you grow up?"
with the interesting result of Often-changed answers.

Many of the girls changed occupations to housewife and
mother, or else downshifted their choices; for example, one
girl who had said whe wanted to be a doctor changed to
"store lady."130

In another study, Iglitzin found that fifth-grade

children saw most jobs and their own aspirations as being

defined by sex. A series of questions was designed to show

 

130W. R. Looft, "Sex Differences in the Expression
of Vocational Aspirations by Elementary School Children,"
Developmental Psychology, September 1971, pp. 366+.

57

sex stereotyping based on views of career and employment
patterns, social roles in home and family, and the child's
view of his future life. Both boys and girls revealed

sex stereotyping as measured by the response "men" or
"women" rather than "either" or "both" to the questions.
It was found that the proportion of girls who had non-
stereotyped responses in all categories was significantly

higher than the proportion of boys making' such responses . 131

Summary

A review of literature and research related to
sex-role stereotyping of occupations was presented in this
chapter. The review emphasized two major areas of rele-
vance to the present research. First, the socialization
process of an individual was examined, with specific ref-
erences to culture and socialization, the beginning Of
socialization, identification and maturation as they
relate to socialization, and play and age in relation to
socialization.

In the second part of the chapter, sex-role social-
ization and sex-role stereotyping were examined. Stereo-
type was defined; the effects of sex-role stereotyping,

the three agencies contributing to the sex-role socialization

 

131L. B. Iglitzin, "A Child's-Eye View of Sex
Roles," Today's Education 9 (1972): 23-25.

 

58

of the individual, and occupational stereotyping were pre-
sented and discussed.

In the following chapter, the description of the
sample, the methodology, the develOpment of the instru—
ment, the design of the research, testable hypotheses, and

the pilot study are discussed.

CHAPTER III

DESIGN OF THE STUDY

In this chapter, the description of the sample,
the methodology, the develOpment of the instrument, the
design of the research, testable hypotheses, and the pilot

study are discussed.

Sample

Three school districts were selected for the study,
each representative Of the location factor in the research:
rural, suburban, and central city. The settings are in
south-central Michigan.

The school district representing the rural location
factor encompasses approximately 123 square miles.1 The
school system includes one senior high school (9—12), a
middle school (6-8), two elementary schools (K-5), and one
K-3 elementary school. The total school population, K-12,

is 2,102.2

All levels of socioeconomic status are repre-
sented in the school pOpulation. Minority students comprise

less than 1 percent of the school pOpulation.

 

1Interview with Assistant Superintendent of school
district, February 20, 1975.

2Michigan Education Directory and Buyer's Guide
(Lansing: Michigan Education Directory, 1974-1975), p. 180.

59

60

The school district representative of the suburban

3 The district

location factor is eighteen square miles.
is considered a residential suburban area within short
commuting time of business, industrial, and cultural cen-
ters of a central city. The school system includes one
senior high school (10-12), two junior high schools (8-9,
6-7), and five elementary schools (K-5). The total school
pOpulation is 4,489.4 .All socio-economic levels are rep-
resented. The school population includes 5.85 percent
minorities.5

The school district representing the central city
location factor encompasses an area of fifty-five square
miles.6 The central city is composed of a multi-ethnic
pOpulation with industrial, business, and cultural centers.
The school system includes four senior high schools (10-12),
five junior high schools (7-9), and forty-seven elementary
schools (K-6). The total school population is 29,702.7 All.

socioeconomic levels are represented. Twenty-six percent of

 

3Descriptive Statistics, Board of Administration of
school district.

4Michigan Education Directory and Buyer's Guide,
Op. Cit.’ .p. 1730

5School District Student Services Office, informa-
tion obtained through the Elementary and Secondary School
Civil Rights Survey, Fall 1974.

6Descriptive Statistics, Board of Administration
of school district.

7Michigan Education Directory and Buyer's Guide,
Op. cit., p. 172.

61

the students are classified as minority students. Integra-
tion is accomplished through the cluster program in the ele-
mentary schools. A cluster, consisting of four schools,
combines two schools with a majority of students being Of
minority representation with two nearly all-white schools.

In each of the three locations, a sufficient number
of schools was randomly selected so that each of the sample
populations would include a similar number of students.

Two schools were used in the rural school district, three
schools in the suburban district, and three in the central
city district. The total population for this study included
between eight and nine hundred students (K-6) at each of

the location factors.

A stratified random sample was used to generate
groups containing an equal number of boys and girls at the
ages of six, eight, and ten years. The total number in the
sample was 270 children. Fifteen boys and fifteen girls
were included at each of the age levels: six, eight, and
ten years; and at each of the location factors: rural,
suburban, and central city.

Permission was granted by the schools and parents
of sample children to participate in the study. In a small
number of cases in which letters were not returned or per-
mission was not granted, replacements for the children

were randomly selected.

62

Methodology

 

Personal interviews were used as the data-gathering
method for the study. An instrument was developed that used
photographs of occupational roles to minimize the amount of
verbal description by the interviewer. The instrument
measured the occupational role perceptions of elementary
school children.

The researcher conducted all interviews in January
and February, 1975. The time involved in each individual
interview was three to four minutes. One day was desig-
nated for each school so that interviews could be completed
within the day, thus avoiding any home communication among
children from the same family. Interviews with all children
from the same classroom were conducted within one period
Of time, to avoid any communication among the children
regarding the nature of the interview. All interviews took

place on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays.

Development Of the Instrument
The instrument measuring the occupational role per—
ceptions of elementary school children using pictures was
based on Taylor's rationale:
The use of pictures . . . has at least three distinct

advantages: (a) all school children are accustomed
to hearing stories based on pictures, (b) pictures

63
help to hold the attention of children, and (c) . .
pictures provide an objective method of scoring.é
In addition, the pictures as used in the instrument elimi-
nated the need for a child to read.

In developing the instrument, fifteen occupations
were selected on the general preconceived idea that each
was either a male or a female occupational role. As a
validation procedure, seventy-eight adult graduate stu-
dents were used as a try—out group to determine if they
agreed about how each of the occupations is stereotyped in
society. The results, shown in Table 3.1, indicated strong
agreement on how the roles are normally stereotyped.
Therefore, all fifteen occupations were included in the
instrument measure.

A black and white photograph was made portraying
the setting Of each occupation. The photographs did not
include any person(s) in the settings with the exception
of the kindergarten classroom. The kindergarten scene
included children involved in various activities; however,
the teacher figure was not present. Thus, the child was
not influenced by the presence of an adult in the photo-

graphic setting.

 

8R. G. Taylor, Jr., "Racial Stereotypes in Young
Children," in The Psychology of the Elementary School Child,
ed. R. Binter and S. H. Frey (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972),

p. 257.

64

Table 3.1.--Occupations, roles, and validation results of
role stereotyping by seventy-eight graduate students.

 

 

Occupation Role Results
Gas station attendant male 100%
Nurse female 100%
Farmer male 100%
Kindergarten teacher female 99%
Executive male 99%
Secretary female 99%
Waitress female 97%
Truck driver male 97%
- Fireman male 96%
Telephone operator female 96%
Garbage collector male 95%
Homemaker female 94%
Minister male 94%
Dentist male 92%
Doctor male 85%

 

To avoid any ambiguity about the identification of
the photographic settings, thirty children, ten children
at each age level of six, eight, and ten years, were asked
to identify the photograph fur answering the question,
"What is this a picture of?" Verbal clues and comments
were noted for use in writing the verbal description of

the occupational role to be used in the interview.

65

For each occupational setting, an accompanying
photographic silhouette pose of a male and a female model
was used. The silhouettes were partially lighted, above-
the-waist photographs. The same female and male models
in different poses were used for the fifteen occupations,
with apprOpriate attire for each occupation represented.

The same thirty children used in identifying the
photographic occupational settings were asked to identify
the male and the female in each silhouette pair. This was
done to insure that the photographs of men and women were
recognized as such by the children.

Each 8" x 10" photograph of the occupational set-
ting was mounted On an 11" x 13" heavy-weight poster board.
The individual cards were placed in a spiral-type book,
allowing the card pages to be turned easily. The 3" x 5"
silhouette photographs were mounted on poster board of
the same size. Paired silhouette photographs were labeled
to correspond to the appropriate occupational setting.
These were placed in a file box.

The introduction and the verbal descriptive state-
ments for each occupational setting were included on the
individual score sheets.

The interview began with the interviewer reading
the introduction to the child. Following the introduction,

each child was shown the occupational settings and asked to

66

point to the person or persons who would work at that occu-
pation.

The instrument was designed to compare the per-
ceptions of each individual to the traditional stereotypic
views. The measure had three choices--male, female, or
both--for each occupation. Responses were scored according
to the traditional views of the occupational roles as
Obtained by the validation procedure. Responses were given
a score of "1" and "0." A stereotypic response received a
score of "1"; a response of either the Opposite sex choice
of the stereotypic answer or the answer "both" received a
score of "0." The score can be interpreted as degree of
stereotyping--the higher the score, the more stereotyped
the subject.

To determine the internal consistency reliability
in the instrument measure, Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha

Formula9 was employed. This formula is as follows:

_ K 2 o 2
rxx _ K-1 (1 - 0x2 )

 

where
r = reliability
xx
K = number of items
012 = item variances
2 = sum of
CW = total test variance
9

L. J. Cronbach, "Coefficient Alpha and the Internal
Structure of Tests," Psychometrika 16 (1951): 297-334.

67

The Coefficient Alpha formula is a generalization of the
Kuder-Richardson formula, KR-20. Using this formula the
instrument generated a reliability of .70. A reliability
of approximately .75 is considered sufficient in a measure

classified as an attitude scale.lo

Design

The three-way analysis of variance was used for
the statistical analysis of the research data. Table 3.2

illustrates the design of the study.

Testable Hypotheses

The purpose of this study was to analyze elementary
children's perceptions of sex-role stereotyping of occupa-
tions as they vary with location, age, and gender.

The following null hypotheses were tested:

Hypothesis 1: There is no significant difference
among the responses of the six year old, eight year Old,
and ten year old children in their acceptance of occupa-
tional roles for men and for women.

Hypothesis 2: There is no significant difference
between the responses of boys and the responses of girls in
relating their acceptance Of occupational roles for men and

for women.

 

10W. A. Mehrens and I. J. Lehmann, Measurement and
Evaluation in Education and Psychology (Chicago: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 1973), p. 570.

68

Table 3.2.--Design of the study.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Location Age Gender
9:
boys sh
6 ‘;
girls Sh
boys
Rural 8
girls
boys
10
girls
boys
6
girls
boys
.Suburban 8
girls
boys
10
girls
boys
6
girls
boys
Central City 8
girls
boys
10

girls Sh

69

Hypothesis 3: There is no significant difference
among children from rural, suburban, and central city
schools in their acceptance of occupational roles for men

and for women.

Pilot Study

 

A pilot study was conducted to eliminate ambiguity
in the language and to standardize procedures for admin-
istering the test. An initial indication of reliability
of the instrument was also sought. An Opportunity to
familiarize the researcher with the actual administration
procedure of the instrument was provided.

4 The pilot study was completed in two locations,
rural and suburban. Thirty children in an elementary school
at each location were randomly selected--five boys and five
girls at each of the age levels: six, eight, and ten years.
In total, sixty children were interviewed.

The pilot study established the reliability of the
instrument, thus eliminating any need for alteration. A
summary of the results of the pilot study is found in

Table 3.3.

Summary
In this chapter, the design Of the study was pre—

sented and discussed. The sampled population included three
school districts, each representative of the location fac-

tor: rural, suburban, and central city. A stratified

70

random sample was taken to generate groups of fifteen boys
and fifteen girls at the ages of six, eight, and ten years,
at each location. The total number in the sample was 270

children.

Table 3.3.--Ana1ysis of pilot data.

 

Source of Mean Degrees of

 

Variation Square Freedom F P less than
Location .600 l .0796 .78

Age 61.1167 2 8.1039 .001
Gender 4.2667 1 .5657 .46

L x A 13.8500 2 1.8365 .17

L x G .0667 1 .0088 .93

A x G 21.0167 2 2.7867 .07

L x A x G 1.2167 2 .1613 .85

R: L A G 7.5417 48

 

The interview method, using an instrument in which
photographs played the significant part, was selected to
measure children's occupational role perceptions. The
measure, including fifteen occupations that are stereotyped
by society in general, compared the individual to the tra—
ditional views Of stereotypeness.

The three-way analysis of variance was used for

the statistical analysis of the research data. The testable

71

hypotheses were presented. Results of the pilot study
indicated the reliability of the instrument was acceptable,
eliminating any need for alteration of the instrument.

In Chapter IV, an analysis and discussion of the

research data is presented.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF

RESEARCH DATA

The purpose of this chapter is to present, analyze,
and discuss the data relevant to each hypothesis. The
three-way analysis of variance was the method employed to
analyze the data.

A sample of 270 children was used. Three factors
relevant to the study included location, age, and gender.
Fifteen boys and fifteen girls were randomly selected at
each of the age levels: six, eight, and ten years; at
each location: rural, suburban, and central city.

All findings are based on interviews employing the
measurement instrument, which used photographs. The
results Of the analysis of the research data are presented
in Table 4.1.

The following hypotheses, stated in null terms,

were tested:

Hypothesis 1 There is no significant difference among the

 

responses of the six year old, eight year Old,
and ten year Old children in their acceptance

of occupational roles for men and for women.

72

73

Table 4.l.--Analysis of research data.

 

 

Sifiiiiififi 52322. ”332233..“ F P less than
Location 23.1593 2 2.5325 .08

Age 12.5815 2 1.3758 .25
Gender 8.8926 1 .9724 .33

L x A 3.0426 4 .3327 .86

L x G 10.6037 2 1.1595 .32

A x G 4.6259 2 .5058 .60

L x A x G 8.6537 4 .9463 .44

R: L A G 9.144974 252

 

In Table 4.1, the analysis of the data reveals an
F score Of 1.3758 was Obtained for the age factor. This
score was not significant; therefore, the null hypothesis
was not rejected.

The degree of stereotyping was high among all the
subjects. Children at these ages were seeing most occupa-
tions as either a masculine role or a feminine role,
according to traditional views.

In Table 4.2, a comparison of the observed combined
means scores for the age factor is shown. The six year
Olds had a combined means score of 12.03; the eight year
Olds, a score of 11.60; and the ten year Olds had a score

of 11.29.

74

Table 4.2.--A comparison of the Observed combined means
scores for the age factor.

 

 

Age Combined Means Score
6 year Olds 12.03
8 year Olds 11.60
10 year Olds 11.29

 

As shown in Table 4.3, most children appeared to
be conservative in their thinking, following closely
society's expectations of occupational roles for men and
women. Except in a few cases, boys and girls tended to
make similar kinds of role judgments.

Looking at specific occupations, the least stereo-
typed occupation was that of waitress, with a total of
seventy-four boys and seventy-three girls responding to it
as a female role. The occupation of dentist followed
closely; it was perceived as a male role by eighty-two

boys and eighty girls (refer to Table 4.4).

Table 4.4.--Least stereotyped occupations.

 

 

. NO. Boys Selecting NO. Girls Selecting
Occupation Stereotypic Role Stereotypic Role
Waitress 74 73

Dentist 82 80

 

75

Table 4.3.--Responses to occupational roles.

 

 

No. Boys NO. Boys NO. Girls No. Girls
Occupation Role Selecting Selecting Selecting Selecting

Stereotypic Nonstereo- Stereotypic Nonstereo-

Role typic Role Role typic Role

Gas Station
Attendant M 105 30 97 38
Nurse F 119 16 118 17
Farmer M 102 33 102 33
Kindergarten F 102 33 97 38
Teacher
Executive M 108 27 88 47
Secretary F 100 35 95 40
Waitress F 74 61 73 62
TrFCk M 125 10 127 8
Driver
Fire
Fighter M 128 7 129 6
Teleph°ne F 86 49 102 33
Operator
Garbage
Collector M 121 14 115 20
Homemaker F 119 16 124 ll
Minister M 120 15 115 20
Dentist M 82 53 8O 55

Doctor M 107 28 93 42

 

76

The most stereotyped occupations were fire fighter,
truck driver, nurse, garbage collector, minister, and home-
maker, as shown in Table 4.5. For the fire fighter, 128 boys
and 129 girls responded to it as a male role. The truck
driver received responses as a male role from 125 boys and
127 girls; the nurse as a female role by 119 boys and 118
girls; 121 boys and 115 girls said a garbage collector was a
male; 120 boys and 115 girls viewed a minister as a male;
and the homemaker was seen as a female role by 119 boys and

124 girls.

Table 4.5.-—Most stereotyped occupations.

 

 

N:..E:z:.:::e::izg Nariztipislzziiv
Fire Fighter 128 129
Truck Driver 125 127
Nurse 119 118
Garbage Collector 121 115
Minister 120 115
Homemaker 119 124

 

The role Of the kindergarten teacher as a female
was stereotyped more by the six year Olds; the eight and ten
year Olds were more Open in their views, accepting both male

and female for the kindergarten teacher, as seen in Table 4.6.

77

Most of the children viewing the kindergarten teacher as
either male or female were in schools that had some male

upper elementary teachers.

Table 4.6.--Number of subjects according to ages viewing the
kindergarten teacher role.

 

 

Age Male Role Female Role Both
6 year Olds 4 78 8
8 year Olds 0 63 27
10 year Olds 1 57 32

 

Several isolated voluntary remarks contrary to the
general conservative thinking were noted during the inter-
views. An eight year Old boy said, "A woman can do it but I
heard that sometimes a man can be a nurse." A ten year old
girl made the choice of "both" for all the occupations,
remarking at the end, "I see a lot of TV and there's a lot
about Women's Lib on it. My sister's for that. My sister's
about twenty years old." A ten year old boy, when asked to
choose the gas station attendant, said, "They both can work
in a gas station because I heard about Women's Lib."

Another ten year old girl was extremely hesitant
before making her choices. She made several remarks that
indicated possibly a thought process was involved to a

greater degree than by most of the children. For instance,

78

for the farmer she said, "Well, I think both could do it if
the lady was strong enough." For the executive, the answer
was, "I think the lady could do it if she was trained for
it." "Anybody could do it who can drive" was the remark

made for the truck driver. In conclusion, she said, "I think
a woman could do anything a man can do."

It is interesting that in the pilot a significant
difference was observed for age (refer to Table 3.3). Reasons
for the inconsistency Of the findings in the pilot and the
study may be one or a combination of the following: (a) The
greatest number of the ten year old children came from one
classroom. The teacher's influence in the classroom regarding
sex-role awareness and transmission of this to the children
either consciously or unconsciously may be much greater than
the average teacher's. (b) Because the P was at the .05 level
of significance, the results fell to chance. One considera-
tion in dealing with inferential statistics is that the null
hypothesis can never be rejected with 100 percent certainty.
There is always some error, however small. The probability
level (G alpha) selected for rejecting the null hypothesis
indicates how much risk of being wrong the researcher is

willing to take.

Hypothesis 2 There is no significant difference between the

 

responses of boys and the responses of girls
in relating their acceptance of occupatiOnal

roles for men and for women.

79

Referring to Table 4.1, an F score of .9724 was
observed for the gender factor. This score is not signifi-
cant. Both boys and girls perceived occupational roles for
both men and women closely to the traditional stereotypic
views.

In analyzing the combined means scores (Table 4.7),
the boys combined means score of 11.82 is slightly higher
than the girls' score of 11.46. The difference, however,
is not significant; therefore, the null hypothesis was not

rejected. This is in agreement with the pilot data results.

Table 4.7.--A comparison of the observed combined means scores
for the gender factor.

 

 

Gender Combined Means Score
Boys 11.82
Girls 11.46

 

Further examination of the data indicated a greater
variation in the individual group means scores of the boys,
shown in Table 4.8, than of the girls, Table 4.9. The range
of variation is 3.40 in the boys' mean scores; ranging from a
mean score of 9.87 for the suburban ten year Olds, to a score
of 13.27, the mean of the rural six year old boys. In com-
prison, the girls' mean scores ranged from 10.73 to 11.93, a

variation of 1.20.

80

Table 4.8.--A comparison of the mean scores for boys.

 

 

Location 6 Year Olds 8 Year Olds 10 Year Olds
Rural 13.27 11.53 11.80
Suburban 10.73 12.00 9.87
Central City 12.80 12.40 12.00

 

Table 4.9.--A comparison of the mean scores for girls.

 

 

Location 6 Year Olds 8 Year Olds 10 Year Olds
Rural 11.93 11.80 11.40
Suburban 11.93 10.73 11.07
Central City 11.53 11.13 11.60

 

The six year old boys varied the most within age
groups with mean scores of 10.73 (suburban), 12.80 (central
city), and 13.27 (rural); the eight year Old boys varied
the least with mean scores of 11.53 (rural), 12.00 (suburban),
and 12.40 (central city).

Of the girls' mean scores, the suburban eight year
old girls were the most Open in acceptance of occupational
roles for both men and women. The mean score was 10.73.

The rural and suburban six year old girls stereotyped to the
greatest degree, each having a mean score of 11.93, followed
closely by the eight year Old suburban girls with a mean score

of 11.80.

81

The occupations that had the greatest difference
between the number of boys and the number of girls viewing
them as the traditional role were executive, telephone Oper-
ator, and doctor. As shown in Table 4.10, the number of
boys who viewed the executive as a male was 108 as compared
with 88 girls; 86 boys chose the telephone Operator to be
female, whereas 102 girls chose the female role for the
telephone Operator; and 107 boys chose a male doctor as

compared to 93 girls.

Table 4.10.v-Occupations with the greatest difference between
boys' and girls' stereotypic responses.

 

 

Occupation Boys Girls
Executive 108 88
Telephone Operator 86 102
Doctor 107 93

 

Since the occupations of executive and doctor were
stereotyped less by the girls, it may indicate the girls
desired such professional roles for themselves, professions
that require more education and training.

In Table 4.11 are shown six of the fifteen occupa-
tions that had the least difference, varying from zero to
two, between the number of boys and of girls making similar

kinds of role judgments. These included the occupations of

82

nurse, farmer, waitress, truck driver, fire fighter, and

dentist.

Table 4.1l.—-Occupations with the least difference between
boys' and girls' stereotypic responses.

 

 

Occupation Boys Girls
Nurse 119 118
Farmer 102 102
Waitress 74 73
Truck Driver 125 127
Fire Fighter 128 129
Dentist 82 80

 

Hypothesis 3 There is no significant difference among chil-

 

dren from rural, suburban, and central city
schools in their acceptance of occupational
roles for men and for women.

In Table 4.1, the results for the location factor
showed an F score of 2.5325. This score is not significant.
Children living in rural, suburban, and central city loca-
tions followed the traditional stereotypic views of accept-
ing occupational roles for both men and women. The rural
group had the highest combined means score, 11.96; the central
city combined means score was 11.91, followed by the suburban

group having the lowest score, 11.06, as seen in Table 4.12.

83

The difference is not significant; therefore, the null
hypothesis was not rejected. In the pilot data results, the

findings were similar.

Table 4.12.-—A comparison of the observed combined means
scores for the location factor.

 

 

Location Combined Means Score
Rural 11.96
Suburban 11.06
Central City 11.91

 

Interaction of Variables

 

The data were analyzed for the interaction of the
variables. The variables tested for interactions included
age by gender, location by gender, location by age, and
location by age by gender (Figures 1 through 4). The analy-
sis indicated some differences in each interaction; however,
no specific kinds of differences were revealed. The differ—

ences were not significant in any case.

15.00
14.00
13.00
12.00 _
11.00 H
10.00
9.00

Boys
Girls 0000000.

         

6 yrs. yrs. 1 yrs.

Figure l.--Interaction of variables age by gender.

84

15.00
14.00
13.00

12.00
11.00 " Boys
10.00 Glrls 0 O 0 o o .

9.00

    

CC

Figure 2.--Interaction of variables location by gender.

15.00
14.00
13.00

12.00 . . 6 yrS. . . o o o 0

11.00 "’7 ' ’"‘ "‘ 7
8 yrs. -----

10.00
9.00 10 yrs.

 

R CC

Figure 3.--Interaction of variables location by age.

 

15.00 6 yr. boys -———————

14.00 8 yr, boys . . . . . .

13.00 10 yr. boys -- —--

12.00 , '

11.00 ’7 ' . 6yr. girls at x a: K x

10.00 Byr.girls _. —. -—.
9.00 lOyr.girls *°*- t-

S CC

Figure 4.--Interaction of variables location by age
by gender.

Summary

In this chapter the analysis of data was presented.
Obtained results for each of the three hypotheses of interest
were presented. No significant differences were found in the

responses of the children regarding their acceptance of

85

occupational roles for men and women. The three factors
included location, age, and gender.
In the final chapter, Chapter V, the summary and

conclusions are presented.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

A brief summary of the study is presented at the
beginning of this chapter, followed by the conclusions,
implications of the study, and suggestions for further

research.

Summary

The subject of this research was children's percep-
tions of occupational roles that are traditionally stereotyped
by society. Specifically, the differences among the views of
children as they varied with age, gender, and location regard-
ing their acceptance of occupational roles for men and for
women were explored.

The sampled pOpulation for the study included three
school districts, each representative of the location factor:
rural, suburban, and central city. A stratified random
sample was taken to generate groups of fifteen boys and fif-
teen girls at the ages of six, eight, and ten years, at each
of the locations: rural, suburban, and central city. The
total number in the sample was 270 children.

The individual interview, using an instrument in
which photographs played a significant part, was the method

86

87

selected to measure the occupational role perceptions of

the children. The measure, including fifteen occupations
that are stereotyped by society in general, compared each
subject to the traditional views of stereotypeness. For
each occupation, the response could be one of three choices:
male, female, or both. A stereotypic response received a
score of "1"; a response of either the Opposite sex choice
of the stereotypic answer or the response "both" received a
score of "0." Interpretation of the score resulted in
degree of stereotyping; the higher the score the more stereo-
typed the subject.

The purpose of the study was to analyze elementary
children's perceptions of sex—role stereotyping of occupa-
tions as they varied with age, gender, and location. The
testable hypotheses were:

Hypothesis 1: There is no significant difference
among the responses of the six year old, eight year Old, and
ten year old children in their acceptance of occupational
roles for men and for women.

Hypothesis 2: There is no significant difference
between the responses of boys and the responses of girls in
relating their acceptance of occupational roles for men and
for women.

Hypothesis 3: There is no significant difference

among children from rural, suburban, and central city schools

88

in their acceptance of occupational roles for men and for
women.

The three-way analysis of variance used for the
statistical analysis of the data revealed no significant
differences among the factors of age, gender, and location
in the responses of the children regarding their acceptance

of occupational roles for men and for women.

Conclusions

 

The conclusions drawn from the analysis of the data
are:

l. The degree of stereotyping was high among all
subjects. Children perceived occupations as the role Of
one sex or the other according to traditional stereotypic
views.

2. Age had little or no effect on the child's accep-
tance of occupational roles for men and for women. NO sig-
nificant difference was found from the six year Olds to the
eight year Olds to the ten year Olds.

These findings indicate children learn quite early
what occupational roles society expects of men and women,
substantiating the findings of Beuf in 1973, Looft in 1971,

and Iglitzen in 1971 and 1972.1

 

lA. Beuf, "Doctor, Lawyer, Household Drudge," Journal
of Communication 24 (1974): 142-145; W. R. Looft, "Sex Dif-
ferences in the Expression of Vocational Aspirations by Ele-
mentary School Children," Developmental Psychology, September

 

89

The data in Beuf's study on sex-role perception of
three to six year Old children indicated that although the
Women's Liberation Movement has attracted much attention,
children are still learning a sex—typed role structure,
expecially in the occupational sphere. Also it revealed
that young children, four and five years of age, hold the
same kinds of stereotypes about careers that American society
as a whole has, as noted by sociologists and Movement women.
Preschool children, in addition to knowing their sex, seem—
ingly know the social implications and limitations of that
sexual definition.

Looft's investigation of first and second graders,
and the research conducted by Iglitzen with fifth-grade
children, revealed that boys and girls learn early to aspire
to sex-typed occupations. The sex—typed aspirations for
girls are dreams that fall aside when they are asked to "be
realistic," for then they see themselves doing what society
has sanctioned women to do: clean house and raise children.

Evidence of the socialization process has been
revealed by the findings of such studies. Socialization,
defined as the process by which an individual learns the given

ways of a society, begins at the time of his birth.2 The

 

1971, pp. 366+; L. B. Iglitzin, "A Child's—Eye View of Sex
Roles," Today's Education 9 (1972): 23-25.

2L. J. Stone and J. Church, Childhood and Adolescence,
3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1973), p. 151; I. J. Gordon,
Human DevelOpment, 2nd ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1969),
p. 15.

 

 

90

learning and internalization of "appropriate" patterns,
values, and feelings is accomplished early in a child's
life. Goodman stated that the three year old in any society
knows his identity as a boy or girl, and is rapidly learning
what is considered appropriate behavior for boys and for
girls, for men and for women.3

The socialization of the child continues in school
settings. Minuchin said of the school:

Any school is a small society. It offers most chil-
dren their first paradigm of a larger society beyond the
family and subtly teaches something about the parameters
of possible development. It offers models of adult roles
and possible life-styles. . . .4

3. Location, whether rural, suburban, or central
city, had no significant effect upon the child's acceptance
of occupational roles for men and for women.

It is generally assumed that the suburban child is
in an environment that allows for a broader experience; in
contrast, the rural child supposedly has a more limited
experiential environment. If, in fact, this were true, the
suburban child would be expected to be more Open to the
acceptance of occupational roles for men and for women. The
data revealed no such difference. Children in all locations

were sex typing occupational roles according to traditional

views.

 

3M. E. Goodman, The Culture of Childhood (New York:
Teachers College Press, 1970), P. 27.

4P. Minuchin, "The Schooling of Tomorrow's Women,"
School Review 80 (1972): 200-201.

91

Several factors may contribute to the fact that loca-
tions had no significant difference in the child's acceptance
of occupational roles for men and for women. First, nearly
all American children have easy access to television; it has
become an important factor in their lives. The children
respect television and "regard it almost as a 'third parent'
in terms of affection and trust."5 LeBaron claimed tele-
vision is one of the most powerful environmental influences
on children. The typical child is "fully familiar with a
wide variety of television programming before he is even

"6 More than half of the pre-

aware of school's existence.
schooler's waking day is spent before a television set.
After a child begins to attend school, the television still
claims more of his time than the classroom.

Sexism characterizes regular television programming

for children as well as adults.7 The television, providing

a wider range of role-taking models for the child than he

 

5W. Schramm, J. Lyle, and E. B. Parker, Television
in the Lives of Our Children (Stanford, Ca.: Stanford Uni-
versity Press, 1961), p. 30; cited by E. Christensen, "Tele-
vision: Tiger by the Tail," Children and TV (Washington,
D.C.: Association for Childhood Education International,
1967), p. 4.

6J. LeBaron, "School, Community and Television,"
Childhood Education, February 1975, p. 190.

7H. W.-Streicher, "The Girls in the Cartoons,"
Journal of Communication 24 (1974): 125—129; N. S. Tedesco,
"Patterns in Prime Time," Journal of Communication 24 (1974):

92

ordinarily finds in his family, neighborhood, and school,
extends the sex-role stereotyping of the culture.8

Mobility of families may account for the location
factor's having had no significant effect upon the child's
viewing sex roles with no difference. The rural population
today includes many families who have moved from the central
city and/or the suburbs to live in the rural area. Many
children, therefore, may have experienced more than one loca-
tion environment.

4. The number of years children had spent in school
did not appear to lessen the degree of stereotyping. No
significant difference was found from the first grade to the
third grade to the fifth grade. These results suggest the
question: "What is being done in schools concerning sex
stereotyping?"

What is being done in career education at the ele-
mentary levels to eradicate stereotyping of sex roles? Are
teachers making a conscious effort to alleviate sex stereo-
typing in the activities of the school day? Are there
inservice programs designed for and available to school per-
sonnel regarding sex stereotyping? Is there a follow-up of
the inservice training to measure its effectiveness? What
is being done in teacher education programs to help stem

the sex stereotyping of roles?

 

8F. Elkin, The Child and Society (New York: Random
House, 1961), p. 73.

 

93

Implications of the Study_to Education

Considering the current burst Of consciousness and
universalization of sex roles in society, what are their
effects on education today? In presenting the study to the
three school systems, responses of individuals indirectly
involved in the study were noted. These were the adminis-
trators, teachers, and parents.

The administrators' interest in the study was posi-
tive. Without exception the principals and central office
personnel indicated the study could be of special interest
and importance in developing the career education aspect of
that school system's curriculum. One assistant superinten-
dent related that the previous year a workshop regarding
sex-role stereotyping and sexism in the schools had been
conducted for the teachers in the school district. An ele-
mentary teacher, an intern teacher in the system, and one of
the county's social workers had presented the workshOp.
Attendance was voluntary, and no follow-up sessions were held.

Some teachers in the participating schools expressed
a sincere interest in the study. However, the teachers made
no comments about teaching specific units on occupations or
conscious efforts on the part of teachers to eliminate stereo-
typing in the children's learning environment. Some teachers,
questioned about whether they were doing anything specific
regarding sex stereotyping, responded, "No, do you have a

unit I could use?"

94

A limited number of parents wrote comments on the
permission letters to the effect that the study was inter-
esting and they would like to know the results.

The study indicated interest alone is not enough to
bring about a change in the existing condition. It is
recognized that differential treatment of men and women exists
in almost every segment and aspect Of our society. However,
when such treatment appears in and is transmitted by the edu-
cational institutions, which are supposed to provide all
citizens with the tools to live in a democracy, it perhaps
is the most damaging.9

Educators must be aware of how sexism is reinforced
in the schools. An educator must be able to recognize "the
insidious way abilities, values, roles, and rewards are
assumed or assigned on the basis of a person's sex."10
Inservice training programs should be provided for school
personnel, which would assist them in identification and
correction of sex bias.

Inservice training related to areas in which sex
stereotyping prevails might focus on: (a) instructional

materials, e.g., basic textbooks and library books;

 

9M. C. Dunkle and B. Sandler, "Sex Discrimination
Against Students: Implications of Title IX of the Education
Amendments of 1972," Inequality in Education 18 (October
1974): 12.

lo"Recognizing Sexism in Your School" (Washington,
D.C.: National Foundation for Improvement of Education),
poster.

95

(b) classroom organization and management, e.g., grouping
according to sex--"boys line up," "girls line up"; (c) teacher
interaction, such as boys receiving more attention than girls,
even though it may be negative, because of aggressive behavior;
and teacher expectations, such as girls being quieter than
boys; (d) curriculum, e.g., courses designed specifically

for one sex or the other; (e) staffing and administrative
organization--sex-role stereotyping is purveyed through the
staffing patterns in the school settings, especially at the
primary levels, with the majority being male principals and
female classroom teachers; and (f) teacher beliefs, atti-
tudes, and values whereby an Opportunity for educators to
self-evaluate might check personal prejudices and biases
regarding sex.

Career education provides an Opportunity for schools
to teach not only the world of work but attitudes toward
occupational roles and the peOple in the roles. Beginning
in the kindergarten year and continuing through secondary
school, a bias-free career education curriculum should be
designed so that develOpment of an individual's self-concept
and ability is not limited.

Teacher education needs to go beyond the conscious-
ness level of sex stereotyping. When teachers know themselves,
the attitudes they possess and why, they can take action

toward making changes in the existing curriculum.

96

The elementary school is the first setting beyond
the family that includes the years when basic attitudes,
perceptions, and skills are being developed. "All human
beings (children) should enjoy the rights that are theirs
by virtue of their being human, and not one iota of their
rights should ever be abridged on the ground Of sex: . . ."11
Schools can and should be the most powerful influence in
readjusting the sexes to each other. Harmony and OOOper—
ativeness is the essential human state; culture has managed
to produce a complex separateness and lack of understanding
between the sexes. To break down this separateness, the
sexes must be educated for each other, not in opposition to
each other.12

Educators must realize how great the responsibility
of the school is: whether it remains a force in perpetuat-

ing the stereotyping of sex roles or becomes a force in the

elimination of stereotyping in our culture.

Suggestions for Further Research
Through the process of the current study, several
questions arose. These questions, reformulated, are included

as suggestions for further study.

 

llA. Montague, The Natural Superiority of Women (New
York: Collier Books, 1968), p. 209.

lzIbid., p. 199.

97

1. Replication studies using larger samples are
seen as useful to yield additional data for support or rejec-
tion of the current study results.

2. Using the current design but expanding the
instrument to include a greater range of occupations would
be of interest to see if the narrow variation of answers
would still prevail.

3. Replication studies using different age groups
are seen as useful to determine to what degree the preschool
child stereotypes occupational roles and/or the junior high
and high school individuals accept the occupational roles
for men and for women.

4. Research should be undertaken using schools in
which career education has been implemented into the curric-
ulum, as compared to schools that have not had career educa-
tion. Such research could provide information about the
amount of stereotyping that might be eliminated through the

career education program of instruction.

APPENDICES

98

APPENDIX A

PERMISSION LETTER

99

APPENDIX A

PERMISSION LETTER

January 13, 1975

 

 

 

To the Parent(s) of :
I am doing a study approved by the School District
of which School was randomly selected. School

District is one of three school systems participating in the study.
It is a study on children's views of occupational roles.

Your child has been randomly selected to participate. The
only personal information required concerning your child is the birthdate.

I will have a 3—4 minute interview with your child, using
photos of occupational settings and silhouette photos. I will read a
brief introduction to your child indicating this is not a test. There
are no right or wrong answers. For instance, as your child sees the
photograph of a garage, I will say, "Here is a garage. Choose the
mechanic." I will mark your child's response on a score sheet.

Your child will remain anonymous in the study of 270 children.
A report of the study will be available at the school.

If you have any questions, please call me. I will be most
appreciative for your child's participation.

Sincerely yours,
Ruth Scheresky

MSU Doctoral Candidate
Phone: 332-0902

 

Please indicate whether you wish your child to participate and return
before or on .

My child may participate in the study.

My child may not participate in the study.

 

Signature of Parent

100

APPENDIX B

SCORE SHEET

101

School

APPENDIX B

SCORE SHEET

Date

 

Name

Code

 

 

Birthdate

Age

 

 

INTRODUCTION:

Today, I want you to help me by making some choices.
There are no right or wrong answers.
tures of places where people work or jobs people do.

choose whether a man or a woman or both could do the job.

A. Here is a gas station.
B. Here is a hospital room.
C. Here is a farm.

D. Here is a kindergarten classroom.

Choose the gas station attendant ......
Choose the nurse....... ..... .........
Choose the farmer.............................

Choose the

kindergarten teacher.........................................
E. Here is an executive's office. Choose the executive...........
F. Here is a secretary's desk. Choose the secretary..............
G. Here is a restaurant. Choose the person who waits on people...
H. Here is a truck. Choose the truck driver.. ........ ............
I. Here is a fire truck. Choose the fire fighter.................
J. Here is a telephone switchboard in an office. Choose

the telephone Operator.............................. ....... ..
K. Here is a garbage truck. Choose the garbage collector.........
L. Here is a laundry room in a home. Choose the homemaker,

or the one who does the ironing..............................
M. Here is a church. Choose the minister.........................
N. Here is a dentist's chair. Choose the dentist.................
0. Here is an emergency room in a hospital. Choose the doctor....

102

This is not a test.
We are going to look at some pic-
They you will

M

APPENDIX C

THE INSTRUMENT

103

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104

 

105

 

106

 

107

 

 

108

 

 

109

 

110

 

 

111

 

 

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114

 

115

 

 

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116

 

117

 

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119

 

120

 

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123

 

 

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125

 

126

 

127

 

128

 

 

129

 

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131

 

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132

 

133

 

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1 3,4

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