ABSTRACT CHANGE IN A PEASANT SOCIETY: THE CASE OF THE CENTRAL HIGHLANDS OF BOYACA, COLOMBIA BY Hector F. Rucinque Rural modernization is an issue of growing concern in developing areas. In the context of regional develop- ment, it is evident that the rural sector lags behind the urban centers, and more often than not, programs for its transformation obtain inadequate support from planning agencies. By contrast, when attempts are made to induce regional development, cities receive substantial govern- mental assistance to improve their physical infrastructure and social overhead, and to provide stimuli for, or direct investment in, industrialization. Such a policy, stemming largely from growth pole theory, assumes that the regional urban center will generate forces of change to affect the rural areas, thereby inducing agricultural modernization. This study focuses on the problem of spontaneous technological modernization in the rural areas of Central Boyaca, Colombia, a region which has distinguished itself for being typically peasant. The leading hypothesis states Hector F. Rucinque that rural modernization is significantly related to dis- tance from a regional center to the individual farm. Three urban centers-~Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama--have been transformed largely by industrialization, a process which began with the establishment of the first Colombian steel mill near Sogamoso in the early 19503. To test the hypotheses, a comprehensive field sur- vey was conducted in 1976. The study area comprises thirty- five municipalities in which nearly 900 interviews were administered to the farmers. The data were qualitatively evaluated through cartographic analysis, supplemented by statistical correlation of the dependent variable--modern- ization--with distance from the farm to the nearest city, and with other physical and socio-economic factors. The research detected a moderate inverse relation- ship between modernization and farmrto-city distance, thus confirming the principal hypothesis. The correlation of modernization level with income, physical attributes of the land, and farm size reveals the existence of a wide gap between a small number of wealthy, progressive farmers, and the bulk of poverty-stricken, traditionalist campesinos. Agricultural modernization in Boyacé, then, is a selective process from which the peasantry is largely disassociated. Therefore, it is concluded that spontaneous modernization does not automatically accrue to the traditional peasant farmer as a by-product of city growth. CHANGE IN A PEASANT SOCIETY: THE CASE OF THE CENTRAL HIGHLANDS OF BOYACA, COLOMBIA BY Hector F. Rucinque A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1977 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my gratitude for the valuable guidance and assistance rendered by the many individuals and institutions cooperating in several ways to the com- pletion of this study. My thanks first are in order to the members of my guidance committee. Dr. Robert N. Thomas patiently and constructively directed the writing phase of the dissertation. Dr. Clarence W. Minkel, serving as my academic advisor, has been a continuous source of encour- agement and assistance since our association in the effort to promote geography as a scientific discipline in Colom- bia. Dr. Dieter Brunnschweiler and Dr. Ian M. Matley, from Geography, and Dr. Robert H. McKinley, from Anthropology, contributed important suggestions. Similarly, Dr. John M. Hunter, from Economics, added valuable criticisms to the final draft of the dissertation. I am also indebted to Dr. John Whiteford, from Anthropology, who provided significant advice in the early stages of the doctoral program. The research as well as the academic program which preceded it were possible because of the support of the Universidad Pedagégica y Tecnologica de Colombia, Tunja; the Department of Geography at Michigan State University; and the Ford Foundation. I am filially indebted to the Asociacién Colombiana de Geégrafos (ACOGE) which has been ii a permanent incentive for professional advancement and an inspirational challenge. The list of persons who contributed to implement my doctoral program and research includes, among many others, Enrique Molano Calderon (formerly Director of the Oficina Departamental de Planeacién, Tunja); Dr. Emily Vargas De Adams, and Ms. Hilda De Piedrahita (of the Ford Foundation, Bogota); my colleagues Telmo Bravo, Carlos Cuervo, Miguel Suarez, Ovidio Toro, and Sady Uricoechea (of the University of Tunja); Luc Mougeot (a doctoral candidate at Michigan State University); and my brothers Carlos and Jaime Rucinque (Instituto de Asuntos Nucleares, and Facultad de Medicina at the Universidad Nacional, Bogota, respectively). The disinterested assistance of all these persons is greatly appreciated. I owe far more than can ever be acknowledged to my wife, Cecilia, and my children Constanza, Marzya, and Héctor Saulo, whose patience, encouragement and confidence helped me immeasurably. My parents, Luis Felipe and Ana Fidela Rucinque, have done more than their share on my behalf. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii LIST OF FIGURES o o o o o o o 6 o o o 6 o o o o o o o Viii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Problem Statement . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Objectives 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 6 7 7 9 Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Role of the City . . . . . . . . . Growth Poles . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Case Study: General Background. . . . 12 The Agricultural Sector in Colombia . . . 15 II. MODERNIZATION AND PEASANTS: A REVIEW . . . . . 20 Change Pervasiveness . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Tradition and Modernity . . . . . . . . . 25 Modernization: Origins and Perspectives . 29 Modernization Research in Geography . . . 34 Peasants and Peasantries . . . . . . . . . 42 Peasants in the Modern World . . . . . . . 47 III. BOYACA'S CORE REGION: GEOGRAPHIC SETTING . . . 51 Introduction to Boyacé . . . . . . . . . . 51 Regionalization of Boyacé . . . . . . . . 54 The Central Boyaca Region . . . . . . . . 56 The Urban-Industrial Corridor . . . . . . 61 The Physical Environment . . . . . . . . . 63 Landform Setting . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Climate and BiOta O O O O 0 O O O O O 6 5 Mineral Resources . . . . . . . . . . 69 iv CHAPTER Page The Cultural Environment . . . . . . . . . 71 Historical Background . . . . . . . . 71 The Boyacense People . . . . . . . . . 73 Socio-Cultural Evolution . . . . . . . . . 77 Population Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Administrative Characteristics . . . . 82 Internal and External Relationships . . . 87 IV. FACTORS AND INDICATORS OF RURAL CHANGE . . . . 90 The Sources of Change . . . . . . . . . . 92 Industrialization . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Regional Infrastructure . . . . . . . . . 100 Socio-Economic Factors . . . . . . . . . . 102 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Health Services . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Other Services . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Regional Development Plans . . . . . . . . 114 Expressions of Change . . . . . . . . . . 115 Urbanization Trends . . . . . . . . . 116 Peasantry-City Interactions . . . . . 121 Urban Hierarchy . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Expectations and Frustrations . . . . . . 125 V. RURAL MODERNIZATION PATTERNS ANALYZED . . . . 135 The Adoption of New Technology in Boyaca . 135 The Spatial Distribution of Moderni- zation O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O 150 Province of Tunja . . . . . . . . . . 161 Province of Sugamuxi . . . . . . . . . 163 Province of Valderrama . . . . . . . . 166 Province of Tundama . . . . . . . . . 167 Testing the Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . 168 Analysis of Relationships . . . . . . . . 171 Other Factors Affecting Modernization . . 174 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . 178 Implications of the Study . . . . . . . . 181 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 V Page APPENDICES A. GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS AND ACRONYMS . . . . 191 B. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 LIST OF REFERENCES 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 203 vi Table l. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Page Socio-Economic Structure of the Rural Sector in Colombia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Municipios of Central Boyaca: Basic Data . . . . 60 Indian Population in the Region of Tunja, 1537-1755 a o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 75 Census Figures in Boyacé in 150 Years . . . . . 82 Demographic Evolution, by municipios, 1938- 1973 O O O I O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O 83 Schools and Pupils in Rural and Urban Areas of the Central Boyacé Region in 1971 . . . . . 108 Changes in Rural and Urban Population in BOyaCé, 1938-1973 c o o o o o o o o o o o o o 117 POpulation Growth in the Three Principal Cities of Central Boyaca . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Peasants' Perception of Regional Needs and Problems in the Central Boyaca Region . . . . 130 Government's Expected Role in Rural Affairs According to the Peasants' Perception . . . . 133 Aggregate Values of Modernization Indicators by Municipal Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 Independent Variables Correlated with Rural Modernization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Pearson's Correlation Matrix of Modernization and Selected Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Location of the Study Region in Boyaca . . . . . 13 2. The Central Boyaca Region . . . . . . . . . . . S7 3. Urban-Industrial Corridor of Boyaca . . . . . . 62 4. Regional Development Induced by Industrial- ization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 5. Theoretical Structure of City Impact on Its Rural Hinterland O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O 151 6. Interacting Urban-Industrial Centers and Their Impact on Rural Areas . . . . . . . . . 155 7. Aggregated Municipal Levels of Modernization . . 158 8. Modernization Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION En Boyacé comienzan a elaborarse los fermentos de una transformacion renovadora . . . . Estamos apenas en ese momento oscuro en que se esbozan 1as transiciones, perplejos y confundidos en el umbral del porvenir . . . . Armando Solano1 This study deals with the socio-cultural geography of rural communities in a developing economy. In brief, an attempt is made to examine and explain the process of rural modernization as it takes place in association with growth of local urban centers. During the past few years rural issues have been receiving increasing attention in almost every quarter of the social sciences. This is in contrast to earlier times, however, when the rural sector in developing areas was largely ignored. A historical cleavage can be found in most places between the city dweller and the agriculturalist. While the city, civitas in Latin, was of course a synonym 1In translation: ”Ferments of a renewing trans- formation are beginning to operate in Boyaca . . . . We are just entering that twilight instant in which tran- sitions barely take shape. And we are bewildered and con- fused in the very threshold of the future” (Solano 1959:21). l of civilization, the countryside, the ager, was the realm of the serf or the peasant. Rurality carried a connotation of rusticity, at best. Furthermore, regardless of the fact than civili- zation actually begins with, and rests upon, agriculture, farming has generally been looked down upon by people engaged in other activities. The actual plant cultivators, the peasants, have been discriminated against in almost any society. This situation holds especially true for Latin America where the transplanted Iberian feudal system has endured the passage of time. Times are changing, however. Among the ecumenical consequences of World War II, is the awareness of rural problems which gradually became known as national revolu- tions and the dissolution of colonial ties occurred. Millions of pe0ple--most1y rura1--1iving in the emerging nations suddenly became a political force to reckon with. And their fate is the concern of national and international policy-makers. In many instances, it was the peasants themselves that accomplished great transformations when- ever apt leadership was available. As far as Latin America is concerned, the Mexican revolution is illus- trative. Concern for problems of the rural sector stems from at least two general considerations. In the first place, the world's rural masses constitute a rather complex socio-economic and political phenomenon. This is the part of mankind where poverty is endemic. To quote the World Bank (l975:4), Of the population in developing countries con- sidered to be in either absolute [based on the arbi- trary criterion of an annual per capita income equiv- alent to $50 or less] or relative [incomes above $50 but less than one-third of the national average per capita income] poverty, more than 80 percent are esti- mated to live in rural areas. Agriculture is the principal occupation of the four-fifths of the rural poor [of these, 100 million are Latin American.peasants]. The second major reason for concern for the rural sector is the enormity of recent world population growth. Population is exploding, more acutely so in the cities which are obviously dependent on producers in the primary sector for subsistence. More and more people in the cities, as well as in the rural areas, necessitate additional farm output--a task which will prove difficult since new arable land is limited. The role played by the rural sector in the overall process of development is widely acknowledged by social scientists, although not necessarily by governmental policy-makers.2 In developed countries growth of the 2Of the huge literature on development, rural areas assume a sizeable share. Scholarly periodicals special- izing in development are replete with peasant studies, a good indicator of how topical this thrust has become since the turn of the mid-century. Moreover, some journals are almost entirely devoted to the theme (e.g., Economic Development and Cultural Change, Journal of Developing Areas, Journal of Development StudIes, Rural Sociology, and of course, the Journal of Peasant Studies, just to name a few with well estabIIShed internationaIicirculation in the English language). other economic sectors, particularly manufacturing, has been predicated upon a viable agricultural sector. This is well-known in the case of the Soviet Union where the economic burden of rapid industrialization was ruthlessly imposed on the rural economy. These considerations are valid for the less devel- oped countries where by definition the economy's mainstay is the primary sector, agriculture. In these areas ”peasants are strategically important not only because they produce . . . the food and fibers necessary to sustain any labor which is diverted to any other form of economic activity. Beyond this, they also represent the prime immediate source of foreign exchange earnings in many underdeveloped countries" (Owen 1966:43). Problem Statement This study contends that technological moderni- zation is one of the means conducive or instrumental to rural development. This principle subscribes to the rather comprehensive conceptualization of development as the com- plex set of processes of societal improvement (Seers 1972). In this sense, it should be clear at the onset that modern- ization is not synonymous with development but a supporting and constituent part of it. As a spatial-temporal process, the pace of modern- ization is either expedited or hindered by the operation of key factors which in the context of this study are dis-‘ tinctly geographic in nature. In spite of governmental failure directly to imple- ment rural development policies, agricultural technological transformations are occurring spontaneously in Latin America as in other developing regions of the world. A gradual lengthening and improvement of the communications network have made the interaction of city and rural areas an increasingly integral relationship. An irreversible imprint in the form of modernization of the countryside, with a wide spectrum of variations in degree, is accruing from such kind of spatial interaction. It is the purpose of this study to examine the nature and extent of transformations of rural communities as generated by growing city influences and to explain the spatial structure of rural change in such a context. In contrast to other research based upon aggregated data for regional units, the case study in which the leading assump- tions are tested is supported by data collected and anal- yzed at the lowest level of resolution, namely the indi- vidual peasant household. In summary, the study addresses the problem of providing a geographic explanation of technological and managerial change occurring in the rural hinterland of rapidly growing urban centers. The distributional arrange- ment of modernization is to be explained by the areal variation of a number of interacting physical, cultural, and socio-economic elements. follow: 1. Objectives The principal objectives of the investigation To identify those major regional centers in the urban-industrial corridor which are the major sources of innovation in the highlands of Central Boyacé. To identify those elements of the physical and cultural environment which are crucial variables in determining the level of technological modern- ization in the rural areas. To describe the distribution of the level of tech- nology and management employed in the farms of the study region. To describe and interpret regional change and related phenomena as they pertain to the problem of rural modernization. To identify and evaluate regional needs and expectations of the government's role in Central Boyaca as perceived by the rural people. All findings are subsequently analyzed, evaluated and summarized in the hope that the study contributes to the advancement and support of the body of theory of spatial development, and also may add useful factual infor- mation for planning purposes. Hypotheses The inquiry was guided by two related hypotheses seeking to explain the generation of significant trans- formations and to identify factors upon which changes in the rural areas are dependent. 1. The processes of regional industrialization and urbanization are the crucial forces spontaneously generating change among peasant communities. 2. The intensity of modernization in the rural areas is determined by location relative to the cities. As distance from urban centers increases the level of modernization decreases. The Role of the City The effects of innovation have been found to show themselves in conspicuous spatial structures, termed "modernization surface" (Soja 1968b) or "development sur- face" (Gilbert 1975). Based on the assumption that cities are the main foci of diffusion, the highest values of modernization should occur near the cities and subsequently decrease in intensity outwards toward the periphery. The topographic regularity of such a modernization model is assumed to be disturbed by such phenomena as transportation routes, secondary centers, and others. Most social scientists of central place theory agree that cities perform a decisive role in rural affairs. The overall analytic approach has evolved out of the works of Christaller (1966) and Lasch (1954), originally pub- lished in German in 1933 and 1939, respectively. The organization of spatial functions proposed by Christaller has led to the formulation of hierarchical diffusion from the highest order city down to secondary and tertiary centers and villages (Berry 1972). The notion of rural spatial organization as deter- mined by urban centers is consistent with the von Thfinen model (von Thfinen 1826; Chisholm 1962). This model, originally proposed as an analytical tool for understanding and explaining variation in farming intensity, land rent and labor productivity, has evolved into the so—called "urban-industrial impact" formulation. In such a model a rural region is seen as an integral part of a space economy matrix articulated around a major center whose impact on its surrounding hinterland varies inversely by distance to the city (Schultz 1953).3 3To be sure, in the field of agricultural economics several formulations have been proposed as described by Hayami and Ruttan (1971). Besides the ”urban-industrial impact" model these writers identify four other models of rural development: (1) The "conservation model," (2) the diffusion model," (3) the "high pay-off model," and (4) the "induced develOpment model," which is theirs. Eclectic approaches are abundant in the literature. An excellent work discussing these methodological conceptual- izations of rural development is that of Thornton (1973). Growth Poles A variation of central place theory, both as a methodological tool of analysis and a strategy for regional development planning, the growth pole or growth center theory, also bears on the problem at hand. Growth pole conceptualizations have evolved considerably since the original formulation of Perroux's (1955) péles de croissance.4 But within this body of thought a contention clearly arises: to induce development in a region, public and private investments are concentrated along with ser- vices and other stimuli in the region's urban node. The process should occur whether it is the deliberate strategy, as in programs of industrial decentralization, or if it is the consequence of a spontaneous diffusion process, in the so-called "natural" growth poles. In either case, regional influences would disseminate from the node toward the periphery with intensities varying in degree largely under the frictional effect of distance. In other words, spatial interaction between the node and the hinterland decrease as a function of distance decay. 4Growth pole literature is already voluminous. As far as Colombia is concerned, the theory was tested by Gilbert (1975) in a case study on Medellin. On the other hand, growth pole strategy underlines most of the develOp- mental philosophy of Colombian agencies. A recent work by Richardson and Richardson (1975) reviews the application of growth pole strategies in the Latin American contest as well as the usefulness of the theory in analyzing regional development and planning. 10 It is assumed that one of the important phenomena leading to city growth is industrialization. As this pro- cess develops, the expansion of the labor market attracts migrants to the city, thereby increasing its population. Such expansion affects not only the secondary sector of the economy, but also the sector of services. Obviously, the more the urban population grows the higher will be the demand for rural goods, especially food. Additional demand and better prices theoretically should induce farmers to produce more, probably by means of utilizing better tech— niques, i.e., through modernization. The hypotheses of the research concur with this line of thought. Under unplanned, undirected conditions, rural modernization in a developing country will take place as a result of demand and supply forces, on the one hand, and of exposure of the peasantry to influences spreading out of the regional city, on the other. For the hypotheses to hold true, though, certain supporting conditions are required. Basically, interaction rests upon the provision of an articulated transportation network. Similarly, the availability of public services is instrumental to encourage integration. In the basic conceptualization of the research, allowance is made to provide explanation for departures from the hypothesized outcome. Dysfunctional relationships may be found instead of regional integration, as in those instances described 11 as "internal colonialism" underlining the ties of the countryside with the pre-industrial city. Such type of relationship may remain in some cases due to what Harvey and Bhardwaj (1973) identify as the "parasitic tendency of the urban areas." Methodology This study falls primarily within the field of socio-cultural geography. As may be inferred in the following chapter, this branch of the discipline has several contact points and methodological affinities with other social sciences, particularly anthropology and cul- tural ecology. The theme of modernization requires a highly interdisciplinary approach. Emphasis is placed on a qualitative analysis of the processes of change, the factors intervening, and the manifestations of those processes. The investigation correlates the dependent variable, modernization, with distance from the urban centers as well as with other variables which it is assumed bear on the explanation of spatial variation of change in the rural areas. For the purposes of the study, modernization is operationally defined as a composite value of modern technological elements found in the farm unit, plus indi- cators of management and housing conditions. In a later chapter, details are given of the procedures used to con- struct and quantify this variable. Similarly, further 12 elaboration is presented concerning the other variables used in a correlation analysis to supplement the quali— tative evaluation of the data. Data were gathered in Colombia from mid-1975 to mid-1976. The main thrust of the research concentrated in field observations and interviewing. A comprehensive questionnaire was administered to nearly nine hundred households, covering thirty-five municipios.5 In order to insure a representative sample, Berry's stratified system- atic unaligned sample was employed for each municipality after unsettled areas of paramos were discarded (Berry 1962; Yeates 1974). A team of six full-time assistants spent three months of intensive field work to complete the survey. After preliminary revision several cases were discarded. In the final correlation analysis 887 cases were included. Case Study: General Background A case study region was selected to test the hypotheses and assumptions in an area that might be defined as the geo-cultural core of Boyaca (Figure 1). In the Central Boyaca region rural characteristics persist which are for the most typically peasant. During the past quarter of a century, the old provincial centers of Tunja, 5A Colombian municipality is a county-like unit. Spanish words underlined as well as acronyms are defined and spelled out in full in the Glossary. 13 H musmwm (320.00 /..\ V\ P H o. 2-: 2-: Oc 2. 20.03. >095 a...» no 20:300.. K 14 Sogamoso, and Duitama have been undergoing important transformations. However, no comprehensive programs to deliberately pursue transformational goals have ever been implemented in the rural hinterland of those cities. In the particular case study of this investigation, economic forces seem to have been spontaneously more effective in inducing modernization of the rural areas than the dis- articulated functions performed by official and semi- official agencies. Interaction between the countryside and the provincial center is likely to get stronger as the latter evolve into industrial cities eventually draw- ing growing numbers of peasants to urban jobs and services thereby exposing them to modern ways. Changes in the Central Boyaca region, however, do not represent a unique trend. Since the early 19508 the whole country's drive to industrialization has intensified. Statistics quoted by Gilbert (1976:249) show that "between 1953 and 1969, industrial value-added increased by 6.5 percent per annum in real terms, manufacturing employment increased from 199,116 to 326,826 (64.1%), and industry's share in the nation's gross internal product increased from 16.7 percent to 20.0 percent." Moreover, during this period (in 1954) the most important steel mill in the country was built in Boyaca--a truly historical landmark in a region which distinguished itself for being one of the most rural-oriented in Colombia. 15 The Agricultural Sector in Colombia It has been pointed out that in the country's general economic structure, agriculture still accounts for over 30 percent of the gross domestic product. About 47 percent of the active labor force finds employment in commercial farming, and according to official estimates, about 80 percent of all exports and 50 percent of indus- trial raw materials processed in the country were contrib- uted by agriculture. By and large, the importance of the agricultural sector is widely acknowledged although not necessarily esteemed by the public at large. The country- side, el campo, and the peasantry, e1 campesinado are pervasive elements of the Colombian socio-economic struc- ture.6 However, deeply rooted in the Colombian value system lies the Iberian tradition which rates farming activities as unsuited for caballeros--the gentry.7 Modern farming is increasingly interesting as a commercial 6It would be difficult to find anyone in Colombia who is not directly or indirectly related to the cam 0. Even the traditional elite has linkages with the ruraI areas, if only in the condition of absentee lords owning and exploiting the best lands through administrators and sharecroppers. Urban residents of other classes either were born peasants or can trace their roots back to the countryside not more than one generation or two. 7A decade ago a noted sociologist wrote: "In most parts of Colombia the class structure and class distinctions are such, and the stigma attached to manual labor so great, that only those who have no alternative will engage directly and personally in work in the farm" (Smith 1967:26). His remarks still hold true. 16 productive activity, but still most young graduates in schools of agriculture would rather take an office job than become farmers. Peasants in Colombia as elsewhere in the world, are on the move. They are probably the most important and dynamic demographic element in the country and have been crowding the cities at a dramatic pace during the past two or three decades, a phenomenon which accounts in large measure for the great difference in rates of population growth between cities and rural areas. Statistics quoted by Schultz (1969) place the annual growth rate for cities at 5.6 percent against a mere 1.2 percent for the rural areas. The intensive migration to the larger cities is illustrated by the case of Bogota where in the late 19603 three-fourths of its population aged 15 to 59 had been born elsewhere--mostly in rural regions. To evaluate properly the demographic significance of the rural areas themselves, however, it must be pointed out that in spite of such a large-scale migration, in absolute terms the rural papulation is increasing rapidly. Dorner and Felstehausen (1970:224) make this clear: Although the agricultural population as a percent- age of the total is declining (71.5 percent in 1951 and only 47.2 percent in 1964 [and about 40.0 percent in 1973, with United Nations projections of 35.5 percent for 1980]) even with major migrations population growth adds over 100,000 people to rural areas each year. Lastly, another clue of the growing importance of the rural sector in Colombia is that its problems, actual 17 as well as potential, have become a matter of public dis- cussion. Rural unrest and violence have affected the rural areas almost continuously since the late 19405 and are symptomatic of serious structural agrarian problems. This situation, as well as international pressures associ- ated with the Alliance for Progress, forced the Colombian government to devote a sizeable share of money and effort to rural development programs. Probably the most ambitious of these came into being when a land reform program was enacted by Law 135 of 1961. After fifteen years of agrarian reform, though, the INCORA, namely the Colombian Agrarian Reform Agency, is a disappointment. No attempt is to be made here to evaluate INCORA's accomplishments, a task already performed by others (for instance, Felstehausen 1971; Findley 1973). In spite of huge expenditures and a decade of rhetoric the agrarian reform program "has done little to expand income or employment opportunities for peasants or to re-order the overall distribution of land" (Dorner and Felstehausen 1970:222). There is no reason to believe that the serious misallocation of land exposed by the National Department of Statistics (DANE 1964), with all its socio-economic implications, has changed in significant degree (Table 1). The national concern for the countryside's problem is demonstrated by the emphasis placed by the L6pez admin- istration since the mid-19705 on policies oriented to 18 .os.a .Hasasasum .Hsasz .msomom u sud cocoaodpoamum_mw Hosoaoaz canovoosan .Hdsoaoaz cassava “0mm? .uuauasoon .Aesmav sanaoaooumz~ e.m moo.esa m.muuo.~ 0.. mom.o>~ m.ms eem.sms m.s-uo.a «.0 msm.mm o.PF mss.mms m.ou-m.o v.0 ssm.mn s.m. Nmm.ms. m.o sass: o.oos emm.enm.em o.oos Nem.mom.. Hausa Pfimo Hum .Hmpgz PQOO .va HOD—5.5a Amohdvoo£¢ assoasssoaamm as sass Haa susoossosas Has mwmmawmmmmmmw .MAQEBHOU cw uouoom Hausa on» no musuosuum OwsOGOOMIowoomal.H manna 19 induce modernization in the rural sector. A new approach of semi-directed change is being implemented as Integrated Rural Development Program, or DRI (Programa de Desarrollo Rural Integrado). The project was designed with the coordination of the National Planning Bureau, is experi- mental in nature, and is to be directed by the Caja Agraria, a semi-official bank, rather than INCORA. One of the regions selected for implementation of the DRI program is highland Boyaca, in an area almost coincident with the region with which this study is concerned. Of course, it is too early to deal with the DRI critically. Its approach, however, is innovative and supported by a pragmatic ration- ale. If the rural communities themselves can be involved and the peasant persuaded to commit himself to his own betterment, significant transformations may occur. Hopefully, this investigation may prove useful as an information basic to such endeavors as the DRI's. Furthermore, when future research is envisioned in this developing area these findings may well serve as a base point from which a historical perspective could be gained to evaluate the DRI's accomplishments. A valuable purpose will have been fulfilled to add as a postscript justifi- cation to the study. CHAPTER II MODERNIZATION AND PEASANTS: A REVIEW Multiple phenomena bear upon the processes of socio-cultural transformation. Change is generated, unfolded, and diffused within and between human groups, but such social and temporal dimensions are necessarily tied to a spatial-environmental framework. Similarly, in such a highly systemic interacting set of forces, feedback mechanisms will add further to the complexity of societal change. The basic elements and forces which normally act as change facilitators conversely may perform change- resistor functions. Social scientists confront these processes of social dynamics in several ways. Social geographers, for instance, deal with the spatial attributes that character- ize socio-cultural change as well as those factors of the geographical environment which affect the distribution of change. It is appropriate to realize that geographers seek to identify the distributional geometry of phenomena and to explain and interpret them in terms of areally inter— acting factors and relationships. 20 21 At the onset the underlying premise is that modern- ization of peasant societies, with which this study will deal, can be approached as a spatial problem. Fundamentally, then, the emphasis of the research is geographic. Change Pervasiveness Historically, it is likely that the world's major preoccupations are represented by critical key words. Some terms might be equated to linguistic fossils that serve to identify specific historical periods. If one were to select a word which could fully characterize our times, he probably would choose change for such a function. Deep transformations in social organization, art, science, and technology that occurred during the past century, have evidently institutionalized rapid change as the norm. Moreover, in an epoch of unequaled world-spanning transport and communication, the notion of change surely is ecu- menical. Most of today's change is the result of a series of ideological, scientific, and technological innovations developed during the past two centuries. A most dis- tinctive characteristic of the twentieth century, however, is the increasing pace of change and growth, which have become astonishingly worrisome as the scientific- technological revolution unfolds. While in the most advanced countries innovation has become almost compul- sive, others are involved in a strenuous and frantic mood 22 to catch up. Dennis Gabor (1970), a Nobel prize laureate, has called the trend "growth addiction." The drive for societal development in Asia, Africa, and Latin America is a costly and not always successful commitment which has been going on for nearly three decades. These are the continents where the so-called traditional societies still survive. In general, programs to induce socio-economic transformations have fallen short in their ability to make significant changes. Now it appears that the key for effective transformations lies in overall public policies which may gradually lead the society into a self- sustained process of development. “Thus, it is not only important to change from traditional to modern, but also to incorporate the process of change as a permanent feature of the emerging society" (Peshkin and Cohen l967:9). Such a formidable task of human engineering probably presents the greatest challenge for the Third World. The terminology of change is relatively abundant in every language. The most inclusive terms are applied to the all—encompassing process of cultural dynamics as variously referred to as social change (Hagen 1962), or socio-structural development (Chodak 1973), by American sociologists; or historical evolution in Marxian theory (Marx 1965); or civilizational process as depicted by a Latin American anthropologist (Ribeiro 1972). By and large, modernization and develogment are terms used to 23 qualify change in more a restrictive sense. In this respect, the degree of change is frequently assessed through different measures of development (Baster 1972; McGranahan 1972; Seers 1972), either concerning particular aspects of societal life (economy, polity, education et cetera) or multi-sectoral aggregates at the national level. Very often change is associated with a notion of advancement, or progress, though all changes are not neces- sarily beneficial to the target society. Such connotation of progress seems to be implicit not only in the capitalist scheme of the stages of_growth (Rostow 1961) but also in the Marxian model of the so-called socio-economic for- mations (Haring 1975). The ideological goals are different, but the idea of progress is deeply embedded as indicated in Brookfield's (l973:l) quotation concerning societal development: The rise and spread alike of Christendom, liberal- ism, capitalism, communism, democracy, technology, science and the arts are seen as a process of temporal advance, coupled with spatial diffusion, in which the Euro-American region provides the necessary dynamism. This 'great transformation' is often viewed as leading toward a universal community, a world civilization characterized by abundance of wealth and the greatest liberty to enjoy it. The striving for progress is what lies behind the process of modernization. In the developed nations such commitment is taken for granted. On the other hand, modernization as a socio-economic goal has become program- matic in the developing areas. The latter qualification 24 of "develOping" is a polite euphemism to depict in many instances very low levels of modernization. In general terms, the achievements in the advanced nations tend to be advocated as civilizational paradigms to modernization. The road to modernization, be it socio-economic, technological or political, is not an easy one. Even if Western Europe and North America learned to live with change as an everyday occurrence, their people's adaptation to rapid transformation in social organization and tech- nology was difficult and disruptive. Impressive social dislocations related to the industrial revolution, massive intercontinental migration, and widespread urbanization, although "blurred by the mists of time" (Scott 1973:7), indeed occurred as painful episodes that affected the lives of millions. To be sure, today's change-crises are increasingly pressing. This is true not only for peoples in the less developed countries, but also for advanced nations facing population pressures, resource exhaustion, pollution of the environment, and outright socio-political disruption. If these sequels are widely associated with Western societies, they are far from being their exclusive by-products. Cases of environmental deterioration that occurred as a result of technological modernization have been documented in the Russian press by Powell (1971). In the less developed countries worries about the environmental and social maladies associated with change 25 seemingly have been postponed or hidden by expectations of development seen at hand. Since the 19508 and 19608, the decades of economic development programs and Third World awakening, "people throughout the backward and impoverished areas of the world suddenly acquired the sense that a better life was possible for them." And probably with an equal dosage of sincerity and demagoguery, new leaders "encouraged their people to believe in the immanence of progress and the fulfillment of their new, often millennial, hopes” (Lerner 1963:136).l This is what came to be called the revolution of the rising;expectations which, after two decades of failures and disappointments gradually has yielded way to the sad counter-formulation of the revolution of the rising frustrations. Tradition and Modernity A recurring idea in the literature of the social sciences is that change "entails a linear movement from a traditional past toward a modernized future" (Gusfield 1Third World responses to modernization have led to an ideological polarity, with some endorsing it (a commit- ment which in some radical quarters in Latin America is criticized as desarrollismo, i.e., "developmentalism"), and others subscribing to a stand of counter-modernization (which is equated to "nativism"). Besides these, some pragmatic, middle-of-the-road leaders are compromising for eclectic positions. "While we may thus still find tradi- tionalism (we prefer this term to nativism) in various parts of the Third World, it is rarely expressed as direct opposition to modernity. Rather, there is the ambition to combine development and modernization with the protection of traditional symbols and patterns of life" (Berger et a1. 1974:164). 26 1969:284). Such notion is consistent with the conceptual polarity which places tradition in one extreme of the sequence of cultural evolution and modernity in the other, making the two mutually exclusive terms. Although Bendix (1967) and Gusfield (1969) have dealt at length with the fallacies hidden behind this simplistic model, the dichotomy tradition vs. modernity still underlines much of the theory of cultural change. Lately, consensus seems to be veering in favor of change as a set of forces that operates on a socio-cultural continuum in which the resulting form of modernity at a given point in time is closely related with the past. Tradition is the very source of modernity, and innovations absolutely independent of the past are almost inconceivable. The philosophical controversy on this theme has been excellently presented in an essay by Bendix (1967). As he pointed out, dichotomies cast in mutually exclusive concepts as the tradition/modernity polarity can be found in many aspects of Western culture, some of which bear on the theme at hand. Liberalism, then, is just the necessary opposite of conservatism, as democracy excludes oppression. Industrial cosmopoliteness versus peasant localism, the Bfirggr versus the aristocrat, all of these are polarities which have greatly influenced ideas related to the theory of cultural change. And so it is with T6nnies' famous con- ceptualizations of Gemeinschaft (community) and 27 Gesellschaft (society), roughly corresponding with the con- cepts of traditional (rural, agricultural) and modern (urban, industrial) societies. It is not easy to dismiss the analogy of this line of thought with Marx's view of the differences between the old and the new order in which the former is characterized by manifold gradations of social rank, while the latter tends toward a simplified antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat (Marx 1936). Bendix argued that the disjunctive characteri- zation of tradition and modernity can be seriously mis- leading and do not always hold true. For instance Talcott Parsons' dichotomy between universalism and particularism as disjunctive attributes attached to modern and traditional societies are valid only to a certain extent. Medieval societies in Europe, though particularistic in many ways, were inherently universalist through the holistic role played by the Christian faith. Societies vary in their attributes not only in kind but also in degree. More care should be taken when individual behavior is considered. No simplistic assumptions can be adopted to typify personal behavior on grounds of traditional or modern values. "A person can hold traditional values and yet be compelled to act in modern ways or, conversely, hold modern values and not have the ability or the means to implement them" (Peshkin and Cohen 1967:20). 28 The foregoing does not mean that generalizations cannot be formulated to conceptualize the notion of modernity. The list of attributes at which social scien- tists arrive is varied. Scott (l973:2), for instance, subscribes to a conceptual characterization of modernity in terms of "universality of norms, rationalization and secularization, bureaucratization, structural differenti- ation, industrialization, urbanization, democracy (or at least greater popular participation)." It would be very difficult to agree on which of those characteristics of predominant social behavior, or what combination of them, constitutes the essence of development. In a particular case, and the summation of these and certain other tech- nological and institutional adoptions may gradually bridge the gap between tradition and modernity. Although it might look as a semantic technicality, modernization is actually that process bridging tradition and modernity. Usually modernization is viewed as the result of the interaction of two sets of phenomena, namely social mobility and social stability. Social mobility is a factor facilitating socio-cultural change. Mobility is not only social but also geographic and psychic. Each of these types of mobility was harnessed with different degrees of intensity as soon as man was capable of freeing himself of ties to his physical and socio—cultural environment. On the other hand, "the acquisition and diffusion of 29 psychic mobility [man transforming himself to ways suitable for a new situation] may well be the greatest charactero- logical transformation in modern history, indeed since the rise and Spread of the great world religions" (Lerner 1963:138). This property is also called empathy, in the sense of a behavioral mechanism by which men "transform themselves in sufficient breadth and depth to make social change self-sustaining" (Lerner 1963:138). Further recognizing the relationships between these concepts, another writer defines social mobilization as the ”breaking down of old social, economic, and psycho- logical commitments," whereas modernization "is the actual adoption of new commitments and patterns, resulting in use of new levels of technology and in structural differenti- ation" (Migdal 1974:13). Modernization: Origins and Perspectives Modernization is a term derived from the Latin word mgdg, meaning "just now." Its usage can be traced to the sixth century. "First in Latin and later in English and other languages the word was used to distinguish between contemporary and 'ancient' writers and themes, and by the seventeenth century 'modernity,' 'modernizers' and 'modern- ization' were employed in a variety of more or less limited and technical contexts" (Black 1972:241). In current usage to modernize is to bring up to date, or to catch up with a 3O pre-established civilizational model, which in itself is in a process of continuous transformation. Bendix (1967) identifies a close antecedent to the concept of modernity as well as to notions related to those processes leading to it, in the impact of revolu- tionary changes which occurred in Europe during the eigh— teenth century. No doubt, the history of mankind shows a momentous discontinuity associated with the British indus- trial and the French political revolutions. Those revo- lutions brought about societal transformations for most of the world which are "comparable in magnitude only to the transformation of nomadic peOples into settled agricul- turalists some 10,000 years earlier," as appropriately indicated by Bendix (1967:292). In the literature of the social sciences modern- ization is variously defined. In every instance, however, the concept is associated with a notion of change. For example, a specialist in communication defines modern- ization as "the process by which individuals change [emphasis added] from a traditional way of life to a more complex, technologically advanced, and rapidly changing style of life" (Rogers 1969:14). An anthropologist views it as "a sequential process of cumulative change [emphasis added] over time generated by the interaction of economic and cultural innovations impinging on traditional economy, polity, and society, with feedback effects on the 31 innovating activities" (Dalton 1972:234). Another concept- ualization dealing with development at large denotes modern- ization as "a process of bridging the gap between the level of development in a society (or in some sphere of its life) and a more advanced and modern form already achieved in the spheres of life in other societies" (Chodak 1973:257). Still other view approaches modernization as "essentially a process of revolutionary change" [emphasis added], involv- ing "the shattering of traditional institutions of govern- mental authority and social control, a radical shift in class and economic relations and a thorough going re- evaluation of the predominant myths and symbolic images of the society" (Sinai 1971:58). Syncretically, some geog- raphers agree that "aggregate studies of modernization emphasize the characteristic mechanisms of societal change [emphasis added]--urbanization, industrialization, moneti- zation, literacy, mass communications, and political mobili- zation" (DeSouza and Porter 1974:10). Modernization is neither "good" nor "bad" in itself. The concept, however, has not gone unaffected through the epidemics of reification which taints espe- cially terms related to economic and socio-political theory. Modernization frequently is used synonymously with EurOpeanization or Westernization, and the paradigm to which it is assumed to be geared is the Euro-American 32 culture. Eisenstadt (1966) one of the leading specialists on the theme writes on this respect: Modernization is the process of change toward those types of social, economic, and political systems that have developed in Western Europe and North America from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth and have then spread to other European countries and in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to the South American, Asian and African continents. However, making modernization synonymous with Westernization or Europeanization is not only misleading but inexact, especially when the term is used to describe the contemporary impact of the more advanced countries on the less advanced. Black (1972:242) makes the point clear: Yet this [Westernization] is only a part of the process, although a very important one, and it fails to take into account not only the initial transfor- mation of the advanced countries themselves but also the impact of the less advanced countries on the still less advanced. One would not, then, refer to the 'Westernization' of England and France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries or to the 'Europeanization' of Manchuria by Japan in the twenti- eth century. In a different sense, 'industrial- ization,‘ 'industrial revolution,‘ and the 'revolution of the rising expectations' are also too narrow. Induced modernization often is associated with mechanisms of political domination. Technology transfer then is considered and instrument of imperialism, more often than not of the capitalist side. Berger et a1. (1974:161) correctly point out that the modernization strategy is also followed in its own way by the Soviet Union and other advanced socialist nations: 33 Unlike their American counterparts, Soviet devel- Opmental theorists have, of course, emphasized the importance of a revolutionary restructuring of tra- ditional societies before the redemptive benefits of modernity can be fully savored. We would not minimize the importance of this difference. What remains quite similar is the uncritical legitimation of modernity in Opposition to all traditional ways of life. One need mention only the Soviet glorification of such things as rural electrification or the mechanization of agriculture, not merely in their own country but in any part of the Third World into which Soviet development programs have been extended. Moreover, it should be realized that the technology which made possible the transit of semi-feudal societies to world socialist powers during the twentieth century is the result of a long historical evolution which climaxed in EurOpe. On the other hand, if for ideological reasons a counter-modernization stand is adopted against Western culture, it is well to remember that the ideology that inspired the Russian and Chinese revolutions is basically European. In a comprehensive sense modernization includes any spontaneous diffusion of modern culture and any delib- erate and directed endeavor along this line as well. Irrespective of the ideology underlining transformations induced in the less developed world, new epochal forms of modernity can thus be conceptualized for the regions trans- formed. The term "modernization" still is a valid one to identify the processes leading to such a transformation. 34 Modernization Research in Geography Social scientists other than geographers have stressed the temporal dimension of change. Recently, however, social geographers have become interested in studying the phenomenon from the spatial point of view. The spatial analytical approach introduced in this area of research is a by-product of the "quantitative revo- lution" that has affected geography since the 19608 (Burton 1963). Modernization research in geography can be con- ducted through two general approaches: 1. Structurally, the focus of study is the areal spread of certain traits, institutions or activ- ities which may be operationally identified as indicators of modernization (schools, hospitals, machines, co-operatives, etc.). These are referred to as the structural variables of modernization (Harvey and Bhardwaj 1973:145). Sequentially, the responses which occur in space and time to different inputs generating change are stressed. Such responses are called the sequential variables of modernization. For planning purposes these are considered more important than the structural variables. As Harvey and Bhardwaj (1973:145) argue, "it is more important to study 35 literacy [a sequential variable] rather than the number of schools" [a structural variable]. Ideally, social geographers should integrate these two approaches for a better understanding of the spatial distribution of change. Thus far, however, the largest share of the research effort has been directed to the first approach in diffusion of innovations. Recent literature on this theme is already impressive (Brown 1965, 1968; Brown and Moore 1969), so much that diffusion research has evolved into a respectable sub-tradition in geography. Although diffusion is far from being the exclusive domain of geographers,2 they rightfully claim the theme's spatial approach as theirs. Far from disregarding the time per- spective in their studies, geographers make emphasis in integrating temporal-spatial models of diffusion. Man in Space 229 Time: this is the area of spatial diffusion, where processes are frequently the core of our concern as we try to grapple with problems of spatial gynamics (Gould l969:1). The geographical literature on diffusion focuses mostly in such developed countries as Sweden (Hagerstrand 1952, 1967) and the United States (Brown 1968; Bowden 1965) as well as on theoretical issues (Gould 1969; Hudson 1972). 2Sociologists and anthropologists have widely dealt with the temporal dimension of innovation diffusion. While geographers are well aware of this, their research contributions in turn are little known in other quarters. Rogers and Shoemaker (1971:70), for instance, dismiss dif- fusion research by geographers after a brief mention to Hagerstrand and his "enthusiastic coterie" of young American geographers. 36 Only a few theses and articles have dealt with spatial diffusion in developing countries (for example, Garst 1972). A new research thrust in geography addressed to problems of the underdeveloped world started in the late 19608. No longer were geographers interested in environ- mental factors and controls encroaching upon the human condition in this region as in Gourou's (1966) classical approach to the tropical areas. Rather, with a new problem- oriented approach, the purposes were to explain the pro- cesses favoring or opposing change in terms of socio- cultural, economic, and political elements. Geographers who had done research in the less developed areas had, of course, touched several related topics of development, such as agricultural colonization and settlement, industry, and transportation. And the diffusion research tradition may be identified in those studies dealing with the spread- ing of people and ideas, artifacts, plants and animals prior to the quantitative era. The development theme is sensed in those descriptive works of regional economic geography where a wealth of information still can have useful application. More interest on economic development per se is increasingly apparent in the geographical literature since the mid-19608. A comprehensive account of this trend can be found in a review article by Grigg (1973). 37 He recognizes that descriptive and quantitative techniques have proved valuable in analyzing the mechanisms of inno- vation diffusion as well as in aiding socio-economic planning through resource evaluation. However, Grigg points to the geographer's "traditional ways of looking at problems" as his most useful contribution to the under- standing of change in the developing world. In Grigg's (1973:59) view: In the first place the traditional belief that one of the functions of the geographer is to point out differences between places would seem to be an essen- tial corrective to the view, widely held amongst some writers, that the underdeveloped world is a monolithic bloc with much the same problems throughout. This view leads to the belief that the same development plans can be applied to any country with equal suc- cess. This is not so; each country, and each major ecological region, has a particular combination of problems; the keys to development are different and regionally unique. In the second place geographers have been tra- ditionally concerned with inter-relationships between environment and society. In agricultural development there is little doubt that different environments offer different opportunities to the farmer; similarly, different environments offer different problems. Solutions to these problems are most likely to be found indigenously within those environments, not by transferring the techniques of other environments. It behoves geographers to emphasize this point, however commonplace it may seem to them, or however it may smack to some geographical determinism. More recently, a resource paper of the Association of American Geographers' Commission on College Geography has reviewed what geographers are currently doing in terms of research of underdevelopment and modernization in the Third World (DeSouza and Porter 1974). This work is an 38 account of conceptual and methodological issues related to development as a general process and, more particularly, modernization, in geographic terms. As these writers have summarized, the basic interest of the "geography of modern— ization" is the analytical description of levels of devel- Opment--the term development being used "in the restrictive sense of economic and infrastructural growth" (DeSouza and Porter 1974:77). The emphasis is placed in those tangible economico-technological components of the modernizing process. The new research thrust has been pursued almost exclusively by United States scholars of the new gene- ration.3 From doctoral thesis research there has arisen a systematic concern for the study of change patterning, especially in Africa. The problem of nation-building has been there to test the all-inclusive process of post- independence change, not merely economic but institutional, political, social, attitudinal--multi-dimensiona1 modern- ization. This school has been led by Edward Soja (1968a, 1968b, 1971, 1972; Soja and Tobin 1975). 3European geographers have been somewhat cautious about modernization studies. Moreover, some of them have been very critical of their American colleagues, mostly in Britain (Brookfield 1973). French geographers have done some research on underdevelopment and are fully aware of the American school's methodology (see Hinderlink 1975, for a recent account of French research in this field). 39 The conceptual foundations of the geography of modernization are inspired in formulations of spatial interaction, especially those of central place theory. The role of cities in the organization of human activities in space is widely acknowledged. Theoretical consider- ations of this matter in the context of developing areas have been contributed by the economist Friedmann (1969). He has dealt at large with the spatial attributes of development, considering that human activities and social interactions related to change are space-forming as well as space-continggnt (Friedmann 1972:83). As change occurs in a society, its spatial structure is sequentially trans- formed. Concurrently, the process of change is also influenced by existing patterns of spatial inter- relationships. Another way of stressing the geographic dimension of the modernization processes is through the concept of spatial development. In Soja and Tobin's (1975:198) words, this concept involves "a set of processes working within a system of regions to transform structurally the spatial organization of society." Such a transformation "can be viewed as a consequence of innovation diffusion in which the values, attitudes, and material atrributes of 'modernity' are spatially disseminated through a popu- lation; differentially adopted; and eventually incorpor- ated within a territorially defined social system as a 40 primary basis for social, economic, political, and cultural organization." Soja and Tobin (1975:199) propose a definition of the concept of modernity as "a cluster of associated inno- vations which, at a given point in time, represents a pre— dominant paradigm of societal organization." This makes the notion of modernization a more general conceptuali- zation, with wider applicability. Modernization, then, implies the idea of a prevailing form of modernity for every historical period which is further identified by the concurrence of what Kuznets (1966) names epochal inno- vations.4 Thus far the main drive of modernization research in geography has been oriented toward the study of problems pertaining to newly independent countries in Africa (Soja 1968; Gould 1970; Riddell 1970). In part this preference is explained by the spectacular political transformations which took place there in the 19608. The achieving of independence in most African countries provides a clearly defined starting point to trace the evolution of change. 4As an illustration, according to Kuznets the twen- tieth century form of modernity is defined by the extended application of science and technology to problems of eco- nomic production as the century's major epochal innovation. Along this line of thought, contemporary modernization "represents the conjoining of contemporary innovation diffusion with a series of structural transformations-- the former associated with the application of modern science, technology, and organizational theory: the latter characterized by the emergence of attitudes, values, and behavior which support sustained or continuous change and innovation" (Soja and Tobin 1975:199). 41 In many instances there was little transition from tribal- ism to a state actively engaged in modernization. The colonial elite, a world apart from the traditional African societies, was obliterated. Afterwards, African leaders committed themselves to change, the process that modern- ization geographers have been measuring and analyzing spatially. Geographic research on Latin American moderni- zation is meager or nonexistent. A few articles by non- geographers are exceptional (Oechsli and Dudley 1975; Roberts and McBee 1968), although related topics have been explored by Latin Americanist geographers as documented in EEAQ's classical survey of the 19608 (Lentnek et a1. 1971). Thus, Denevan (1971) reviews change literature in the pre- historical perspective, and Aschmann (1971) and Horst (1971) deal with research on cultural change in Indian and mestizo communities. In contrast to the turbulent and transformational character of contemporary Latin American societies, little work on change was found by Lentnek who bluntly recorded "a penchant toward irrelevancy with respect to the dramatic changes taking place" (Lentnek 1971:161). Soja's contribution to CLAG's Benchmark was as programmatic as Lentnek's article. Without too much to review, he projected the potential of modernization research in Latin America based on his African experience on this subject (Soja 1971). Thus far in the late 19708, except 42 for Gilbert's (1975) article on Antioquia, little of importance has been published. The paucity of modernization research in Latin America is confirmed in a recent review by Preston (1975). Studies somewhat related to the theme are exceptional as far as foreign geographers are concerned. The literature of Latin geographers dealing with development surrenders any problem-oriented component to the descriptive approach. As problems become more pressing, however, and also through the formation of a new generation of Latin geographers, not only aware of new techniques and approaches but especially of the need to contribute to change in the region, more native research may be expected in this field. In this sense it is pertinent to quote Preston (1975:164): It is assumed that geographers who research into modernization problems, more than into any other aspect of rural society, will wish to produce results that directly or indirectly help the rural population 'to improve the quality of their life . . . . The many varied problems in rural areas of Latin America demand solution. Peasants and Peasantries The world-wide interest in modernization, induced or otherwise, focuses primarily on peasant communities. A review of the theme of peasantries is, then, a necessary supplement to the theoretical background. Peasants, on the other hand, are the predominant kind of people with which the case study of this investigation is concerned. 43 Peasantries are a socio-cultural phenomenon com- monplace throughout history. Nevertheless, peasantries were recognized as an important and distinctive component of world society only recently. In many ways the peasant was a systematic subject of inquiry only since the post- World War II period. Anthropologists, for instance, did not show a specializing concern for the peasant until the 19508, in spite of the fact that they are probably the most interested in this particular field of research (Foster 1967). The abundant literature on folk societies prior to that time, however useful in the study of peasan— tries, is basically ethnological. A difference in the treatment of the theme can be readily appreciated when comparisons are made between such a classical work as Wolf's Peasants (1966) and Redfield's Tepoztlan (1930). During the past twenty-five years, however, the bibliography on peasants has become voluminous. The peasant has been variously studied as a historical subject as in Chesneaux's (1973) essay on the Chinese peasant, or Hilton's (1974) work on medieval peasantries; or in economic perspective, from which economic anthropology has come into being (Polanyi et a1. 1957; Belshaw 1965; Chayanov 1966; Nash 1966; Dalton 1967); or as a political problem (Mitrany 1961; Beqiraj 1966; Migdal 1974; Duggett 1975); or, among other things, as a subject of ecological and sociological interest (Redfield 1965; Wolf 1966; 44 Galeski 1971; plus such comprehensive readers as Book's 1969; Potter's 1967; and Shanin's 1971). Regional surveys of peasant problems are certainly abundant. In this respect, the Latin American peasantries have been extensively served (Wolf 1955; Landsberger 1969; Pearse 1975; Feder 1971; Huizer 1973). Much of this work has touched on problems of societal change, with communi- cation studies perhaps the field in which the research methodology has become more sophisticated (Rogers 1969; Deutschmann and Fals Borda 1962). Rogers' popular text- book on innovation diffusion is actually a systematization of his research experience in Latin America (Rogers and Shoemaker 1971), an earlier version of which was published in Spanish (Rogers 1966). Apart from the works of Rogers and his followers, peasant research in Colombia is represented by a few but important contributions such as those by Fals Borda (1955b, 1962), Pérez Ramirez (1962), Adams and Havens (1966), Smith (1967), Torres Restrepo (1970), Grunig (1971), and James (1975). A significant addition to the foregoing is Fals Borda's El Hombre y_1a Tierra en Boyaca (1957, 1973) based on his 1955 dissertation in rural sociology. This study is the only substantive published source dealing with the sociology of Boyacé's agrarian problem in a historical perspective. 45 Agriculture is central to peasant life, but peasants are not farmers of the entrepreneurial kind associated with commercial farming. Beyond these char- acteristics, little or no agreement is found when defini- tions are formulated. Such difficulty is to be expected when one considers that a generic type of peasant is almost impossible to find. A whole gamut of transitional forms have been identified in the large regional variety of case studies. The typologies which can be derived are prolific depending on the classificatory criteria. Different points of view yield many possible valid generalizations about peasants. In this sense, an attempt at summarization of the main criteria with which peasants are defined--economic, political, and cultura1--is that of Geertz (1962). Economically speaking, peasants are at least somewhat involved in both cash and market relations. Culturally they are part of a larger society with a liter- ate tradition. And, politically they are subordinate in a hierarchical, relatively centralized state. By the same token, Landsberger (1974) character- izes peasants as those "rural cultivators who occupy rela- tively low positions on various critical dimensions." Basically those are economic and political dimensions, which in turn are broken down into three sets of sub-dimensions in Landsberger's (1974:11) conceptualization: These three sub-dimensions are, respectively, those having to do with the control of the relevant 46 economic and political 'input8;' those having to do with the control of the 'transformation process' within the economy and the polity; and those having to do with the degree of benefit derived from the 'output' of each of these sectors of society. Attempts at more detailed generalizations typify- ing peasants are available. While recognizing an under- lying diversity from region to region, Rogers (1969) claims that for the sake of generalization certain common socio-cultural elements can be adopted as characterization of all peasants. His controversial generalization is then formulated as a subculture of peasantry. The basic argu- mentation was presented in a co-authored work dealing with Colombian peasants (Rogers and Svenning 1969), and then refined in a contribution for a reader on subsistence agri- culture (Rogers 1969). Rogers argues that a subculture includes many traits belonging to "the broader culture of which it is a part but has special aspects not shared by the broader culture or by other members of the particular society." Drawing from Foster (1962) and Lewis (1959), Rogers comes with a ten-fold characterization of his sub- culture of peasantry.5 5Rogers' (1969:115) characterization is as follows: Mutual distrust in interpersonal relations. A lack of innovativeness. . Fatalism. Low aspirational levels. A lack of deferred gratification. Limited time perspective. Familism. Dependency upon government authority. Localiteness. A lack of empathy. OWCDQO‘UIIBUJNH I-" 47 Views similar to Rogers' are commonplace in the literature. On the other hand, others have dispelled this type of negativism. In de-emphasizing Rogers' views, for instance, Brown (1971) points to cases refuting the char- acterization of peasantries as apathetic and unwilling to change. Thus, the Chinese revolution was made by peasants. The caboclos' leagues of the Brazilian northeast are a good example. As Brown notes, too, "such a radical innovation as rural—urban migration" of the contemporary peasant hardly could be explained on the basis of stubborn resis- tance to change, generalized fatalism, and limited world views (Brown 1971:190-191). Brown further elaborates: Overemphasis on the mental and cultural deficiencies of the peasantry has, I believe, obscured far more important structural and situational causes of peasant 'backwardness,‘ and heightened the campesinos' vulner- ability to repression and co-optation. Furthermore, when one looks at what Latin American campesinos do rather than merely what they say, one sees little evidence of apathy or passivity. Peasants in the Modern World The contemporary peasant has to be studied in the context of the nonpeasant world, since he is intrinsically bound to the outside society by means of "long-established interdependence with gentry and townspeople" (Redfield 1960:24). To Redfield the peasantry is actually a half- society, just a part of a larger societal system. There- fore, as a half-culture bearer, the peasant is a hybrid whose locus comprises the field of interaction between 48 traditions of his community and society at large (Redfield 1960:52). The peasant's ties outside his community have also been discussed by Migdal (1974:15): "Peasants have always been subordinate to others in their societies. [They] could never avoid outside contacts entirely as they were always somewhat involved in, and dependent on, institutions such as the market." In Redfield's view cities and peasan— tries are inseparable socio-historical phenomena. To quote him, "there were no peasants before the first cities. And those surviving primitive peoples who do not live in terms of the city are not peasants“ (Redfield 1953:31). Simi- larly, Foster (1967:11) argues that peasant culture is far from being a grass-roots creation of rural folk. Quite the contrary, Foster believes that Peasant societies are what they are . . . because,- throughout history, they have replenished and augmented their cultural forms by imitating customs and behavior of other members of their wider society. But, since peasants comprehend imperfectly what they see in cities, the urban-inspired elements they acquire are reworked, simplified and trimmed down so they can be accommodated to the less complex village existence. And because the process is slow, by the time urban elements are successfully incorporated into village culture, urban life has changed and progressed; thus, peasants are always doomed to be old-fashioned. A balanced interaction seems to Operate between peasants and the pre-industrial city to which their com- munity is tied. One might speak of relative equilibrium in this case. The question of under which conditions such equilibrium is broken, and a process of rapid change is 49 set into motion, is critical for the study of modernization. The answer seems to lie around disruptive mechanisms associated with industrialization, a process which unleashes a chain reaction in the countryside encouraging more intensive interaction with the city. Potter (1967:378) describes this as follows: The major sources of change in peasant societies are the cultural, technological, scientific, and ideo- logical influences which have come in part from the Western industrialized nations, and in art from the elites of the new countries themselves that are basically urban]. A conventional explanation of how peasants change has been geared around the phenomenon of ”culture contact." Foster (1962:25) argues that direct "contact between societies is the single greatest determinant of culture change." For Lerner (1958), however, a more refined model should include another component, mass media, which makes physical contact no longer a requisite in the communication process.) The peasant, then, is converted by the mass media into a mobile, modernizing personality--provided, of course, he has access to the media. The factors that facilitate direct or indirect contact seem to be closely associated with the development of the modern industrial city. It is from these urban centers that impulses of change are generated which diffuse to the countryside. Theoretically, the peasant responds by modifying his value system and behavioral patterns thereby restructuring the rural society. In a world subject to so rapid 50 transformations as today's the peasant stands as an ana- chronism, with little or no chance to remain unchanged himself. Current concern for peasant modernization arises from the realization that the intensity of spontaneous transformational influences of cities now tends to pre- clude gradual adaptation. Applied approaches seek to integrate peasantries into the national society so as to make the rural sector a dynamic and productive force in itself. Leaving rural development up to the "natural" forces of spontaneously diffused modernization, instead of leading to prosperity may cause major disruptions of the rural society. City growth, then, might not be advantageous at all to the agrarian sector in developing economies as some writers contend. Pearse (1975:ix), for instance, takes a cautious stand and warns of deleterious consequences of industrial develOpment on peasant communities, a process which ”is rapidly undermining their landbound security, but is niggardly in offering them advantageous places in the new society." This research will discuss some of the effects of the spread of modernization elements and opportunities among peasants of central Colombia as a by-product of industrial growth and urbanization. The research aims also at disclosing clues of the prospects of further transformations of this peasantry. CHAPTER III BOYACA'S CORE REGION: GEOGRAPHIC SETTING Physically and culturally, Boyaca and Cundinamarca may be regarded as Colombia's nuclear region. Few would contend that these departments have not played a signifi- cant role in the history of the country. Today, Boyaca is an important economic region, with its production role gradually shifting from traditional agriculture to heavy industry. Introduction to Boyacé It is the purpose of this chapter to outline the physical and cultural characteristics of the study area. No attempt at a comprehensive regional description is made, and only those geographic elements closely related to the research theme will be stressed. The ensuing description rests primarily on monographic works by Correa (1938), Reyes Rivera (1954), and IGAC (1971), as well as the historical-sociological study by Fals Borda (1957), and the regional descriptions by Acevedo (1952) and Bernal and Alvarez (1971). 51 52 Physically speaking, Boyaca is a tropical highland region. To Colombians its name brings to mind a landscape of mountains, high valleys and plateaus. This is correct inasmuch as its core region and nearby areas of traditional settlement are a part of the mountain system called Cordillera Oriental. This cordillera is one of the three ranges constituting the Andes of Colombia. However, Boyaca's territory spreads out to the west well beyond the Andean slopes into the lowlands of the Magdalena Valley, and eastward to the foothills facing the vast tropical lowland plains of the Llanos. Until 1974 Boyaca was the second largest department in the country (63,884 square kilometers). That year the national Congress created the new intendencia of Casanare which took away over 60 percent of Boyaca's territory (18 municipios and 90,107 inhabitants). No doubt, Casanare is a region contrasting drastically from Boyacé proper, and actually had been already a separate unit from 1950 to 1955.1 Such a re-organization of the territory was expected, and the same may occur with the western lowlands that comprise the hinterland of Puerto Boyaca. 1Interestingly enough, Boyaca had a sort of ”colonialist” tradition in the Llanos. Irrespective of inaccessibility and geographic dissimilarity, vast expanses of the plains were assigned to Boyaca in different times. The shrinkage began in 1923 when part of its Llanos were segregated to form the comisaria of Arauca (Medina 1936:18). 53 Boyaca remains a medium-size department containing 994,659 inhabitants (1973 census) with an area of 23,797 square kilometers (slightly over 2 percent of Colombia's total territory). Administratively, the department is subdivided into 114 municipal units, customarily grouped into 11 provinces. Boyaca stands important among Colombian regions. This is certainly a land noted for its relative abundance in historical figures and landmarks. The Boyacenses, as natives call themselves, are proud of their homeland's history. Several presidents were born there, including Joaquin Camacho, José Ignacio de MArquez, Santos Acosta, Santos Gutierrez, Salvador Camacho Roldan, Sergio Camargo, Rafael Reyes, Enrique Olaya Herrera (Hernéndez 1954), and closing the list General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-56). Rojas was born in Tunja and was the only dictator the country had in half-a-century, after General Rafael Reyes. Eminent historic events include the facts of the first crop of wheat harvested in Tunja in 1541, the most crucial battles of the independence wars, and Tunja proclaiming itself a republic as early as December 9, 1811 (Correa 19S4:4). Boyaca is closely related to the Colombian capital. A large proportion of Bogota's population either is native from Boyaca or has its ancestry there. Boyaca supplies the capital, and for that matter the country at large, with 54 steel and cement. In a recent estimate CORABASTOS, which is the central agency for food marketing, places Boyaca among its leading suppliers along with Cundinamarca, Meta and Valle (CORABASTOS 1976). Regionalization of Boyaca The land and the people vary widely in Boyaca. Several regions are loosely identified on the basis of natural, and cultural criteria. The largest proportion of the territory is made up of mountains. Two-thirds of the area are cool highlands and paramos. One of the regionalization schemes proposed for Boyacé is Acevedo's (1952:20) "regiones fisiograficas," in which ten natural regions are identified with "well defined characteristics and differences among them." Such regions are (l) the Magdalena Valley rain forests, (2) the western slopes, (3) the Valley of Chiquinquira, (4) the Moniquira basin, (5) the central plateau, (6) the Ramiriqui plateau, (7) the paramos of the main range, (8) the southern eastern slopes, (9) the eastern foothill transitional zone, and (10) the Llanos. Irrespective of the validity of the scheme, the last region obviously is no longer of concern since the segregation of Casanare. The regions which Acevedo named the Altiplanicie Central (central plateau) as well as the Pdramos del Corddn Magistral (bleak cold areas on the main range) are partly included in the region of this investigation. 55 Another classification painstakingly endeavors to integrate geomorphological, climatological and.1and use criteria to subdivide the territory into seventeen regional units. No specific purpose for such regionalization was stated (Bernal and Alvarez 1971:31-32). In an OAS report (Martinez Palacios 1967) exploring development potentials in Boyaca another scheme of region- alization is proposed without any stated rationale. Sim- plistically, four major regions were established, with relative location apparently being the only factor taken into consideration. Region ”A" grouped eleven municipios (Puerto Boyaca, Otanche, San Pablo de Borbur, Bricefio, Buenavista, Coper, Maripi, Muzo, Pauna and Tunungua), whereas region "C" was integrated with the municipios of Pajarito, San Luis de Gaceno, Labranzagrande, Paya, and those now included in Casanare. Region "D" was simply the municipio of Cubara, "for which no concrete data are avail- able." A region "B" (central) comprised all municipios excluded from foregoing regions (Martinez Palacios 1967: 58a, 219-224). Allowance was made for sub-regionalization, which further yielded eleven "B"-subregions. A grouping of municipios into provinces is con- venient for study or planning purposes. After all, this is the "model" empirically agreed upon by the people themselves. Through a number of years this classification has been refined by actual adjustments to real-world 56 problems. Criteria used are not only relative location but also local integration in terms of physical features, transportation lines, urban nuclei, and political and economic characteristics. There is no official subdivision of Boyaca into provinces. But political decision-making, government allocation of services and public investment more frequently are based on consideration of the provincial frame of reference. The Central Boyaca Region This investigation is not principally concerned with urban problems. Rather it applies to rural environ- ments and peasant problems. However, in the delimitation of the region in which these problems were studied, the most important criterion used was the interaction of the countryside with urban places. After all, the central question of the research, peasant modernization, was hypoth- esized as representing a function of city influences. Central Boyaca is defined as the region comprising areas adjacent to three medium-size urban centers in the Upper Chicamocha Valley, namely Tunja, Duitama, and Sogamoso (Figure 2). To define the region, direct strong influences were assumed to spread out from those urban places into the surrounding countryside, villages and towns. A precise identification as to the extent and intensity of such influences is very difficult. Commercial and cultural 57 coammm womaom Hmuucoo 029 N onsmwm O .3254 8.. mm . s a ..--.. (..IO_OU Pat. . ‘ . 2.6.3.3 \. I \ I ... r \ .. «H.825 . o o \ _ toucaoa .aacoEt-aoo {-9.53 322.52 :89 soap-93.5 I {also} 90>... 29 \‘o ~4u¢<3¢z.o tau 0 58 relationships were used to approach a measure of urban influences, but still the problem remains as to the spatial extent of the rural hinterland of each city. A gradient of the decline of urban influence away from the center eventually will lead to transitional zones into other hinterlands. Therefore, the boundary delimiting the region should be conceptualized as an unprecise zone of transition and overlapping. The criteria of assumed influences were tested by direct questioning of the rural population. However, a regional framework had to be hypothesized in advance. Therefore, based on his empirical knowledge of Boyaca, the author took into consideration geographical and historical elements which occur conspicuously in the basin of the Upper Chicamocha River. On the other hand, the traditional delimitation of provinces held by the people helped in making a decision as to the extent of the region. The region thus defined encompasses almost all those municipios customarily included within the provinces of Centro, Tundama, Sugamuxi and Valderrama. Tunja, Duitama, and Sogamoso are the provincial "natural capitals" of the first three. Paz del Rio has gradually taken over such function from Socha as the main urbanizing center in the Valderrama province. This province, however, depends in many ways upon either Sogamoso or Duitama, and Paz del Rio is far from being a competing place with any of those 59 cities. As a direct component of Boyaca's industrial- ization trend, Paz del Rio and the province at large should definitely be a part of the region. The validity of the region thus defined was con- firmed with the research. Maps were compiled which show a distinctive tributary area of the main cities roughly coin- cident with the region hypothesized. No doubt, these cities must be expected to perform service functions to other rural areas not included in the region. However, these areas are outside the basin of immediate influence of the regional cities and are parts of neighboring provinces (like Marquez to the south, OCcidente in the west, Ricaurte in the northwest, and Norte to the north) in many respects very different from Central Boyaca. Municipios which are usually included in the province of Valderrama, like Pisva and Paya, or in the province of Sugamuxi, like Pajarito and Labranzagrande, on the eastern slopes of the main range, evidently are relatively remote to have any significant interaction with the main cities. Therefore, they were excluded from the study. In summary, the Central Boyaca region comprises thirty-five municipios distributed among the provinces of Centro (eight municipios), Tundama (eight municipios), Sugamuxi (fourteen municipios), and Valderrama (five municipios). Table 2 summarizes the basic data concerning the region in question. 60 Table 2.--Municipios of Central Boyaca: Basic Data. -—_ No. Municipio Sq. Total Village Rural No. of Km. P ulation or Areas Rural OP City Families 1 Aquitania 428 24.041 3,867 20,174 3,397 2 Belén 106 8.051 2.538 5.513 1.180 3 Betéitiva 115 3,422 153 3,269 722 4 Busbanza 35 793 203 590 108 5 Cerinza 116 6.737 1,090 5,687 1,031 6 C6mbita 143 8.580 309 8.271 1.589 7 Corrales 57 2,598 1.345 1,253 267 8 Cuitiva 35 2.697 171 2.526 491 9 DUITAMA 186 48,859 36.551 11.908 2,109 10 Firavitoba 76 5.281 1.276 4,005 990 11 Floresta 85 5.028 1,004 4,024 887 12 Gameza 88 6,112 1.108 5,008 1.197 13 Isa 44 1.682 568 1.114 187 14 Mongua 426 6.146 1,483 4,663 996 15 Mongui 80 4.241 2,012 2.229 502 16 Nobsa 65 10.29“ 2.583 7.711 1.512 17 Paipa 424 16,9741 4,260 12.71“ 2.292 18 Paz del Rio 106 7,736 3,464 4,272 889 19 Peace 161 11.119 2,134 8,985 1.636 20 Samaca 160 11.129 1.874 9,255 1.993 21 Santa Rosa de Vit. 107 9.201 4.017 5.184 1.013 22 Siachoque 125 5,955 6’42 5, 313 1 . 157 23 Socoté 164 12.28“ 982 11.302 2.361 24 Sacha 151 8.713 2.544 6,169 1.271 25 SOGAMOSO 132 67.738 48.891 18.847 3.385 26 Sotaquira 197 7,673 577 7.096 1.298 27 Tasco 167 9.929 1,310 8.619 1,765 28 Tibasosa 75 6,936 1.737 5.199 1,030 29 Toca 165 8.132 1,656 6,476 1.137 30 Tépasa 37 3.255 750 2.505 605 31 Tbta 314 4.986 484 4,502 965 32 TUNJA “79 77.873 51.620 25.353 4.746 33 Tuta 162 7.602 1.146 6.456 1.254 3“ TUta55 135 3.29“ 156 3.138 606 35 Ventaquemada 167 11.323 617 10.706 1.958 35 Total 5.513 “35.514 185.122 250.492 “3.526 Source: POpulation data are from DANE (1974) according to preliminary aggregated data of the 1973 census. Data on nunicipan area in square kilometers also from DANE (1967) SP 95 Pie Prc an 61 The Urban-Industrial Corridor The urban-industrial corridor of Central Boyacé is an emergent spatial structure defined in terms of a linear arrangement of the three main urban centers, and such new industrial sites as "Metalfirgica"2 (Tuta), "Maguncia" (Sotaguira), "Termopaipa" (Paipa), Bonza (Duitama), "Cementos" (Nobsa), Belencito (Nobsa), "Malteria" (Santa Rosa de Viterbo), and Paz del Rio. All of them are linked together by the Carretera Central del Norte (Northern Central Highway) and the Ferrocarril del Nordeste (North- eastern Railroad) or their auxiliary transportation lines (Figure 3). Although the urban-industrial corridor is a basic element of the region, it is still far from being a con- spicuous feature of the landscape. However, villages and modern construction are developing along the highway and the railroad with functions which are typically nonrural. The changing pattern is of course more noticeable and intensive in places located near the cities. In other words, a process of suburbanization is sprawling out in association with the transportation network, and villages sprout in the countryside as a sequel of industrial plants established along the same transport routes. 2These toponyms do not yet have an official sanction by government agencies dealing with cartographic surveys or planning. But popular usage is gradually making them proper terms. Of course, they correspond to the name of an industrial plant. 62 woo>om .5 32.30 3.3327235 2.3m .5932 O m whamflh y. OmOEJnly managed very effectively to convert every Indian to 76 Christianity but to serve as a supporting socio-economic force in shaping a new feudal order. In many instances the local priest was the undisputed authority in practically all spheres of social, economic and political life. The Church itself became one of the most powerful latifundistas (large-estate owners). Thus, everything seems to have been Europeanized very effectively. But still, many traits were transmitted from one generation to another and kept hidden in the consciousness and behavioral patterns of the peasants. Indian and mestizos were always a marginal subculture and as such developed social mechanisms of self-defense by preserving tradition. Theirs was a structural marginality in the socio-economic sense of those theories pioneered by Park (1928) and especially Stonequist (1937), and in many ways a geographical marginality, too, as illustrated in studies dealing with land use distribution (Adams and Schulman 1967; Smith 1967). In any case, Indian culture left its imprint on the peasant. And the view that "not even the landscape remains of the Chibcha," as Arciniegas puts it (1961), is to be taken very cautiously. A study still awaits research in the historical geography of the Chibcha, which might shed much light on the Indian background of modern Colombian culture. It is almost impossible to ascertain with pre- cision the racial composition of the Boyacense peasantry. 77 However, any observer would agree that there is a notorious dominance of mestizo stock, i.e., the undefined mixed race coming out of European and Indian miscegenation. The prevalence of mixed blood is an undisputed fact in refer- ence to the Colombian population at large. Estbmates for the country place the mixed group at 69 percent, against 25 percent whites, 4 percent blacks, and 2 percent Indian. Mixed racial types in Colombia are the mestizo (52 percent), mulatto (14 percent), and the zambo, i.e., black plus Indian ancestry (3 percent), approximately (Pérez Ramirez 1962:43). There is no evidence of mulatto and zambg communities in Boyaca,5 but mestizo population may well be over 70 percent. Socio-Cultural Evolution There is a great deal of agreement that present socio-economic characteristics of Boyaca, as well as other Colombian regions of old settlement, are rooted in the manorial system introduced by the Spaniards (Fals Borda 1957, 1973; Smith 1967). Boyaca and Cundinamarca are still referred to as the reino, the kingdom, by peOple 5Although as late as 1835 some 331 slaves were reported by the official census in Boyacé (Medina 1936:114), there is no indication as to their race. Indian legal enslavement was avoided in general in the highlands.. But if those slaves were black, their racial impact in the population should have been gradually absorbed by the racial blend dominated by Indian and white elements. In general, the Colombian highlands east of the Magdalena River have always been nonblack. 78 from other areas. This is due to the fact that Spanish rulers had their stronghold in these highlands, and indeed the colonial grip there was always extremely tight. The European settling of Boyacé began with the founding of Tunja in 1539. In 1540 conquistador Jerénimo Lebrén brought to Boyaca a party of white women with the idea of encouraging soldiers to marry and settle down. There is not much information as to their social status but pre- sumably they were of the same low-class strata as those women who arrived in the Caribbean Islands at that time. Lebr6n is also credited with the introduction of such European crops as wheat, barley, chickpeas, broad beans (known as habgg in Spanish), peas, onions and cabbage (Henao and Arrubla 1938:57). Some of these readily supple- mented such native crops as maize, beans, potatoes, squash, arracacha (Arracaccia xantorrhiza). ibias (Oxalis tuberosa) and other tubers which probably were first domesticated by the Chibcha. In time, a mixture of Indian and European staples became firmly integrated and still constitute the food diet of the campesinos. The usual association is corn, broad beans, potatoes and sometimes squash. Either .barley or wheat provide flour for baking or preparing soup. Small production surpluses of these cereals as well as potatoes and occasionally chickens and sheep are sold in tzhe local market. These yield the little cash needed to Satisfy meager wants of the peasant family. 79 A dispersed type of settlement became dominant in Boyaca. Some towns were founded in the same sites of Indian villages, and eventually the clustering of small farmers (minifundistas) around some hacienda houses origi- nated, in time, other towns. However, towns did not grow much. Even the cities were stagnant. Tunja, for instance, remained only as a sort of over-grown village, in spite of the fact that only two years after its foundation it was granted the official title of "city" by Emperor Charles V (later in time another royal decree proclaimed it may. noble y muy leal ciudad, "very noble and loyal city”). Actually, many towns declined, probably because most activities were geared about the hacienda rather than the town, as Fals Borda noted (1957, 1973:60). In the countryside, dispersed, isolated settlements eventually evolved into two distinct patterns. One is the truly dispersed form where large landholdings are domi- nant, as in the flats of the Chicamocha Valley floor. Houses in this case are widely spaced. The second kind is the typical peasant neighborhood, or vereda, in which houses tend to cluster as a result of the small acreage of each family plot. The contrast between these two patterns (x6 rural settlement is clearly apparent when flatlands azaound Paipa, Duitama, and Sogamoso are compared in their raLther sparsely distribution of farmsteads with those Clensely settled communities of Ventaquemada, C6mbita, 80 Gémeza or Socota. So heavy is the density of rural pOpu- lation in some of these neighborhoods that they actually resemble large, haphazardly patterned villages. In those cases, the name of the vereda becomes as important as the village proper--a situation of which local politicians are very well aware when they are searching for votes shortly before every election. Therefore, the city as a form of settlement has been an important phenomenon only in the most recent past. Boyaca, in general was a typically rural region--and still is in many respects, as will be discussed later. Population Patterns Only fragmentary data are available as to the demographic evolution of Boyaca during the colonial period. The first systematic, though incomplete, census was taken in 1778, when Viceroy Antonio Caballero y Géngora decided that a population count would improve the administration of his Colony. The province of Tunja (roughly present day Boyacé) recorded a population of 258,817 inhabitants. Of that figure, only 36,386 were classed as “pure" Indians, in contrast to more than 112,000 mestizos (Medina 1936:114). The first census of the post-independence period took place in 1825. The province of Tunja had then 190,000 inhabitants. Unfortunately, the territorial base was different and no discrimination by municipio is available as to make this figure comparable to that of 1778. The 81 decrease may partly be attributed to actual diminution of the population as a consequence of the wars of independence. Successive censuses were taken in 1835, 1843, 1851, 1870, 1905, 1912, 1918 and 1928. Censuses applying modern tech- niques of enumeration and data processing and presentation are those of 1938, 1951, 1964, and 1973. Very unstable political circumstances made the 1951 census rather incom- plete, but at least it serves the purposes of showing the marked decline of population in many municipal cabeceras (towns) of Boyaca. Political violence had forced the population to flee. There was little change in the population of Boyaca during the nineteenth century, as can be seen in Table 4 compiled from Medina (1936). There is a consistent pattern of decreasing proportions of the Boyacense population as compared to the rest of the country. The general pattern of course, portrays the gradual settling of other regions, especially in Western Colombia. Needless to say, those censuses prior to 1938 are gross estimating and should be taken cautiously only as indicative of very general population trends. The recent demographic characteristics of Boyacé, and particularly of its core region, reflect important socio-economic changes which have taken place there during the last decades (Table 5). 82 Table 4.--Census Figures in Boyaca in 150 Years. Percent of Year Colombia Total Boyaca Colombia 1825 1,228,259 189,682 23.8 1835 1,686,038 269,299 16.0 1843 1,955,264 308,461 15.8 1851 2,243,064 361,109 16.0 1871 2,951,111 482,874 16.3 1905 4,303,687 513,254 11.9 1912 5,472,604 570,183 10.4 1918 5,855,077 637,437 10.8 1928 7,851,000 924,783 11.7 1938 8,701,816 705,060 8.1 1951 11,548,172 770,531 6.6 1964 17,482,420 991,548 5.6 1973 21,070,115 994,659 4.7 Sources: Data from 1825 to 1928 are from Medina (1936). Other data: DANE (1955, 1969, 1974). Where pos- sible, data have been adjusted to conform with Boyacé's current geographic configuration. Administrative Characteristics Boyaca‘s core region became one of the provinces of the so-called kingdom of New Granada, when this Spanish colony was raised to the category of a viceroyalty during the first half of the eighteenth century. Shortly after August 7, 1819, when the final battle for independence was won in Puente de Boyaca, a republic-- the Great Colombia--was consolidated with the states of Quito, Venezuela, and Cundinamarca. The latter consisted of the former colonial provinces of New Granada, with Tunja being one of them. In 1821, the Great Colombia was 83 .cowmw>wonsm Howuouwnumu mhma mnu spas afiomcou ou omumsnoe mumz mamas meme amen mmmm meam 04s¢ 0mm moms ems owe H66 Nam ma eeem_ omms mmmae moan some. now? smmm moor momma a, «are mmmm memo mmmm moon mew mm¢m was mmboz @— mmmm Naom amom men, swam mmm Femm mmm sumac: me mews mmel emmw mmm emmm 0mm meme 4mm sumac: e. 42?. mom was. wow Fpmm mam amp? was 66H me eoom more meme mmb emmm mom mmm¢ 0mm muosmo NF emov eooe mews amm same Pee emom ~44 sameness Fe woos mam. meme For. momm owe meow 0mm mpopapmssm of moms, Pmmmm memom mmwpm moses nmsp mem mssm <2<9Hpn m mmmm as, somm men Nmom mam mmom Fm. m>Hpaso m mmma meme ems, meme mmlm mama mmmm News mmamsuoo a Femm mom ems» cem mmmm New N¢mm ova «season 6 swam omol @144 amp 66mm Pee mamm Foe muassmo m 0mm mom smm e42 com 04, 4am em mnempmsm a mmmm mm? mmmm cm? meow mow sown cam m>Hpflmpmm m mamm mmmm seem Fem? mama mmm mmes mmm amamm N veloN emmm memme memm meme, mam mall. mam maampfisa< a NmeOmm mmemm. memoem mmmmee sememm seems elmmom emvmv Haves Hmaommmm some mms< mms< mms< Hmhdm Hmpmmo Hmpsm mopsmo Hmnsm Hopsmo Hmhsm. hmvcmo was: name some .mmF mmme Hmaaosasz .oz 1" (Ill.r|il ..msmaummma .mmaueammaofiaas an amausao>m canmuumosmnan.n manna 84 Assoc .mmme .mmmev mzqn .moapmaompmm we ammoaomz o>HpmemHsHsc< opcmEMinmon «moonsom more? was sneer mmm emam men comm eem mememsumpsm> mm mmam ems «com me? meme 0*? seem mm? 668659 4m omem were mmmm mmcr seem om» emse smm mesa mm mmmmm ommem emsmm .msoe Nemem moomm .moom bmmma «nape mm Neme ems VNmm mes mmaw emu memm own 8669 Pm momm ems mmmm mmm comm Poe momm mmm 668669 on save some ammo mam? ovum pom 6mme owe 8669 mm mmrm ems, msme msmr meme mos mooe me mmommbae mm meow came smms msaa ammo mom anm mam comma pm mmoa sum Nose mmm esmm men mmsm oem asazampom mm aemme Pmmme memo. esmmm memm. sewn. mess. memm omozeoom mm more 46mm meme oNlN mmmo mam emom sew meoom em acme? mmm mmmme mam lemme mm» 0442. 6mm apooom mm mamm ~46 mewm are mmmm mom or¢¢ was oncogoaflm mm swam aloe mmam omen meme mmmm Nmmm meam «mom mpawm am mmmm same mmmm mmee mmmm mmm Cmmm orb museum Om mmmm swam mama? ammm «came 6mm? memo were mommm ma mmh< MOH< wwhdw mmhd Hmmsm newsmo Hmnsm Hopsmo Hmmsm Hmpsmo Hansm mopsmo page mam. 46m, Pmme mums Hammoeesz .oz / ||.. .Uwacwuzooll.m OHQME 85 subdivided by a new law into the departments of Cundina- marca, Boyacé, Cauca, Magdalena, Orinoco, Venezuela, and Zulia. Thus the regional importance of Boyacé was legally confirmed. As has been documented by Pardo (1972:20-21), since that time Boyacé remained a distinctive part of different regional denominations adOpted in 1824 (departamento of Boyaca), 1831 (provincia of Tunja), 1857 (estado federal of Boyacé, subdivided into the provincias of Tunja, Tundama, Vélez, and Casanare), 1886 (departamento of Boyacé), 1905 (departamentos of Boyacé and Tundama). In 1909 the departamento of Tundama was again integrated with Boyacé after an abortive attempt to further split the region into four departamentos, Tunja, Chiquinquiré, Santa Rosa, and Vélez . Since 1909 Boyaca has remained a departamento. But its size has changed with the vagaries of politics in Bogota and Tunja. The case of Casanare as a trans-Andean territory of Boyacé, a sort of cattle-ranching colony most of the time under the personal control of a few privileged Boyacense cattle barons, has already been mentioned. On the other hand, the seeds of territorial instability have sprouted 'time and again in secessional movements. There is a c1efinite tendency to city rivalry, particularly strong in Sogamoso with respect to Tunja. In a number of occasions 'tlnere have been talks of secession. The prospect, though, 86 seems to have lost ground with the creation of the intendencia of Casanare--a territory which had been looked upon as the spatial raw material for a departamento of Sugamuxi. The idea is far from being new. There actually existed a unit called that name from 1881 to 1886, with Sogamoso, of course, serving as the departmental capital. For other reasons, mostly geographic isolation from Boyaca proper, the Territorio Vasquez, in the Western lowlands, has also been concerned with independencia, with the new city of Puerto Boyaca heralding the desire of becoming the administrative center of a departamento of the Middle Magdalena Valley. Administrative instability has been also present in the municipal subdivisions. This is to be expected in peripheral areas which eventually reach settlement maturity and thus become eligible for municipal status. Thus, during the past two decades a few municipios have been created in the Territorio Vasquez and in the eastern slopes of the 'main Andean range. A very unusual situation existed in the municipio of Tunja. By decree the late dictator General Rojas Pinilla decided to enlarge its municipality by annexation of seven surrounding municipios--Sora, Cucaita, Chiquiza, Motavita, Oicata, Chivata, and Soraca. In 1976, 23 years later, someone filed a suit contesting the constitutionality of that decision and a judge has 87 ordered that the original status of those former municipios be restored. Internal and External Relationships Tunja is only 170 kilometers from Bogota. Today Central Boyaca is probably one of the best served regions in transportation. The Central Highway is paved and relatively well maintained, and it is paralleled by the Northeastern Railroad. Most likely, the nearness to Bogota has prevented the success of air transportation in Boyaca. Airports were built in Tunja and Sogamoso, and even a regional airline (TABOY) was organized with official funding in the early 1960s. However, the operation became bankrupt, mostly because of lack of passengers. Until the turn of the twentieth century Boyaca was linked with Bogota through the camino real (Royal Trail) which had been built in colonial times, connecting Bogota with Caracas and Quito (Pardo 1972). The Carretera Central del Norte (Northern Central Highway), following approximately the old trail route, was completed to Tunja in 1908. The Boyacenses were aston- ished when President Rafael Reyes, a native of Santa Rosa de Viterbo, made the inaugural trip to his departamento. (He spent only six hours riding in a French automobile. {That was a true record, since previously it took two sstrenuous days on horseback to reach the nearest railroad 88 station, in Nemocén, not very far from Bogota (Santos 1962). The transportation situation was improved when the railroad was extended to Boyacé as the Ferrocarril del Nordeste. In the early 19305, Sogamoso was finally linked with Bogota by rail. Internally, feeder roads were gradually built in the 19403 and 1950s. In time, almost every village was linked with the central transportation network. And more recently, since the mid-19603, the implementation of a program of caminos vecinales (rural trails) has delivered the jeep and the truck, at least during the dry season, to almost every rural neighborhood. The improvement of the transport infrastructure has resulted in a serious man-drain from Boyacé. Increas- ing accessibility occurred simultaneously with the spec- tacular urbanization drive of Bogoté since the 19508. Furthermore, in the late 19403 and early 19508, due to widespread political violence many villages that were predominantly affiliated with the Liberal Party were deserted. Bogota was the ultimate place to find pro- tection, and there townspeople and peasants alike went. The good transportation network serving Boyaca, then, has been used mostly as an outlet which hides the basic dynamism of the Boyacense people. Population has been rapidly growing in Boyaca--but many Boyacenses simply :10 not stay home. Uncounted families gradually shift éiomicile from the rural neighborhood, to the local village, 89 to the provincial city, and eventually to Bogota and elsewhere--a process indicative of their geographic as well as social mobility. CHAPTER IV FACTORS AND INDICATORS OF RURAL CHANGE Change in rural areas can be conceptualized as the cumulative response of its inhabitants to exogenous stimuli. Furthermore, such responses can be hypothesized as dynamic aspects of the society. Their variability may be thought of as a function of several factors, some playing the role of facilitators while others act as deterrents. In this investigation industrialization is assumed to trigger rural transformations. A descriptive model has been designed to outline the major steps of the process of change for a region in association with city growth (Figure 4). A similar sequential schema is Myrdal's 1957 model of circular or cumulative upward causation of early- stage regional development (Keeble 1967:258). In the proposed model, urbanization is induced as a result of industrial activity initiated in the pro- vincial, pre-industrial town, theoretically increasing the demand for goods and services of the countryside. By cumulative causation, rural people moving to the city eventually contribute to the process of city growth, thereby further increasing economic pressures on the rural 90 91 1, REGIONAL INDUSTRIALIZATION +=——— REGIONAL , DEVELOPMENT CITY GROWTH: Ancillary Industry and Tertiary Sector Expansion Rural Sector in Techno-Cultural Transition Conurbation and Metropolitanization Demand for Un- skilled Laborers L— for Urban Jobs _J Growing Demand Goods _. §§¥.§“2“3m“‘:1 ~ Intensification Physical Infrastructure 5 Social Overhead Improved Increasing Urban Influences Spatial Reorganization Marginal Rural Communities RURAL TECHNOLOGICAL AND I ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION Figure 4 Regional Development Induced by Industrialization. 92 areas. Simultaneously, to facilitate city-hinterland interaction, transportation facilities are gradually improved. New functions are likely to be performed by the city to satisfy new wants of the rural population. The outcome is envisioned as a system which exhibits regional harmonization of functions, metropolitanization, and 52521 modernization. When all the feedback mechanisms and grow- ing integration of the economic and social forces have fully operated, a condition of regional development is assumed to have occurred. Remnants of traditionalism and enclaves of marginality would be eliminated. In this chapter some of these processes will be examined, and the findings and manifestations of change and modernization presented. The Sources of Change Several factors are contributing, directly and indirectly, in the modification of Boyaca's ”traditional order." Those factors which are usually thought of as material sources of change, industrialization, the allo- cation of investments in physical infrastructure, and the provision of basic public services, are examined. The research makes no attempt to delve into many subtle stimuli carried out through the channels of personal and mass com- lnunication, and the country-wide and oftentimes world-wide instillation of societal evolution. 93 Industrialization Frequently manufacturing is regarded as the prime mover of development in the Third World.1 Increased par- ticipation of the industrial sector in a develOping economy generates forces which precipitate a transition from tra- ditionalism and modernity. Manufacturing is of course the decisive factor that brings about the end of a distinctive set of social, economic, and political phenomena character- izing the pre-industrial city (Sjoberg 1955). Beyond this, a third categorization, that of post-industrial cities is gaining popularity in developed economies where manufac- turing is superseded by tertiary activities. The direct impact that industrialization may have upon peasant communities is relatively limited. Rather, it is the indirect effects of the process which count more. Thus, modernizing effects should be seen as stemming from urbanization as a by-product of industrialization. In Boyaca, industrialization began as a major economic trend when the blast furnace of Acerias Paz del Rio, S.A., a government-sponsored corporation, was fired in the steel mill of Belencito (municipio of Nobsa), in 1954. Before that time, some industrial activity occurred 1Actually, in the final analysis the primary car- riers of modernization are science and technology as (applied to the satisfaction of human wants. Industrial- ization and urbanization, then, are merely instruments of the process of diffusion of the prime factors (Berger et a1. 1974). 94 primarily in food processing--beverages, flour milling-- and textiles.2 A handicraft tradition existed in this region within the economic framework of a typical pre- industrial society. But, the Paz del Rio iron and steel industry precipitated an entirely new economic and tech- nological order. The Belencito plant enabled Colombia to become practically self-sufficient in the production of iron and steel, and generated a number of important ancillary industries (Birbragher 1965; Acerias Paz del Rio 1976: Colombia Information Service 1976). Currently, the factory processes some 700 tons of iron ore, coking coal and lime- stone per day brought to Belencito from Paz del Rio, Tasco and Samaca, and Nobsa, respectively. As reported recently, "plans have been drawn up for increasing Paz del Ric's steel producing capacity. The short run effect, upon com- pletion in 1979, will be to attain an overall yearly capacity of 400,000 metric tons to keep the steel supply in balance with the installed capacity of the rolling mill. 2The town of Samaca, due west of Tunja, was about to become the iron capital of the region a century ago. A law was passed in 1879 establishing a ferreria (smelter) in Samaca but the initiative never prospered (Acerias Paz del Rio l976:2). More important in the exceptional history of this village was the development of a textile factory, a unique feature in Boyacé's economy. The plant was estab- lished in 1895 and became one of the most important in the country. Due to competition of better plants in western Colombia, this factory eventually was closed in the early 1950s. Since 1968 the plant is active again, with modern- ized machinery and new management. 95 In the long run, plans are under consideration to expand production of steel ingot, bringing capacity up to one million metric tons per year" (Colombia Information Service 1976). According to data obtained directly with Acerias' Economic Studies Division in Bogota, the corporation's current payroll amounts to 7,000 people, of which 5,200 are production workers assigned to the processing plants of Paz del Rio and Belencito as well as to the mines of Tasco, Paz del Rio, Nobsa, and Samaca. Nearly 81 percent of this labor is Boyacense, coming mostly from the Central Boyaca region. This means that about 5,000 families-- over 20,000 people--depend on Acerias for their livelihood. Although no data as to origin of the workers is available, officials at Acerias' presume that the majority of the firm's laborers are former peasants. While this may provide an indication of the current numbers of rural people directly experiencing the effects of industrialization, it must be realized that two decades of aggregated effects would have had greater significance. Actually, the main job boom associated with Acerias took place in the early 19503 when the plants were being built. At that time thousands of peasants were hired for unskilled construction jobs. Nearby towns and villages prospered by ‘the influx of new money into the area. Sogamoso, the self-proclaimed ciudad del acero, the steel capital, 96 overnight was transformed from a quiet agricultural service center into a bustling, boom town. Acerias has done more than merely paying good salaries to former peasants. Since the very beginning a Human Resources Division was organized to improve the general socio-cultural conditions in the region. For all practical purposes, by 1976 illiteracy had been eliminated among its workers. Since Acerias provides education for its employees and their families, today there are some 1,600 children enrolled in the corporation's elementary school system. Technical training is provided through the SENA (National Apprenticeship Service), which is located near the Belencito factory, as well as through schools of mining. An engineering school was recently founded in Sogamoso as an extension of the University of Tunja system. The socio-economic status of the people employed by Acerias is the highest in the region. Salaries are reported over 30 percent above those in any other local industries. This accounts for Boyaca's third place ranking in labor income, after Antioguia and Cundinamarca. Moreover, the impact of Acerias Paz del Rio in Boyaca is visible in the number of ancillary industries developed in the Upper Chicamocha Valley. A sizeable :number of small metal-working plants (talleres) employing Sless than ten people are flourishing in the Central Boyacfi's 97 three main cities, Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama. The most significant industrial developments are, nonetheless, those of Metalfirgica Boyaca, Indumil, and to a lesser extent Sofasa. Metalfirgica Boyaca is a private corporation oper- ating on the North Central Highway, some 30 kilometers northeast from Tunja. This factory, established in 1961, produces approximately 45,000 tons of high quality lami- nated steel yearly. Several improvements introduced in its equipment since 1974 have placed this factory among the best of its kind in South America. According to data supplied by the corporation's President, Metalfirgica Boyaca employs 645 workers, and in his words, these "workers are almost entirely native to the region where the factory is located. They are former agriculturalists who shifted to manufacturing jobs, without losing their customs nor leaving the region. These people have substantially raised their cultural and economic standards" (Londofio, Eduardo, per— sonal interview, 1976). A sample interview taken among the workers confirmed these remarks. About 86 percent of these workers were of rural extraction, and most of them indicated they would rather keep earning a fixed salary in the factory than returning to subsistence farming. Another important metal-working industry is Indumil, located in a semi-rural place between Sogamoso and Belencito. The factory specializes in cast iron works 98 to produce parts for different types of machinery. In late 1976 the Indumil plant employed 420 laborers. A random sample of the workers revealed that 87 percent were born in the Central Boyaca region, and of this group, 64 percent were born from peasant parents. They were rela- tively satisfied with the salaries paid by Indumil (an average $2,600 pesos per month), but approximately 15 percent declared they might eventually return to their home area in the countryside. The rest were considering the prospect of moving elsewhere--Duitama, Bogota, and even Caracas. Somewhat related to the foregoing industries is Sofasa (Sociedad de Fabricacién de Automotores, S.A.), which operates a plant in Bonza, between Duitama and Paipa. Sofasa produces engines for the Renault automobiles which are assembled in Antioguia, western Colombia. The plant was a controversial issue, and as it developed its location turned out to be a political compromise. The engines are manufactured in Bonza while the automobiles are assembled in Antioguia. The Bonza plant gives employment to 750 peOple, the majority of whom are skilled labor who average salaries of $4,700 pesos per month. Seventy-one percent of the laborers were Boyacense, and of these, 80 percent came from the Central Boyaca region. The average salary earned by Boyacense laborers in Sofasa was under $3,500 pesos 99 per month, which is indicative of their little qualified skills. In this particular case, only 40 percent were of rural extraction. Of several other industries established in the Central Boyacé region such as Cementos Boyacé, Bavaria beer (Duitama), Malterias (Santa Rosa de Viterbo), Empresa Licorera de Boyacé (Tunja), Embotelladora de Coca—Cola (Duitama), Caolines Boyacé (Tunja), Ladrillos Maguncia (Sotaquiré), as well as the thermoelectrical plant of Paipa, the distinguishing feature is the absolute dominance of Boyacense laborers in their payrolls. Of these indus- tries, Cementos Boyaca is the most important, employing 314 workers. Cementos Boyaca is a semi-official corpor- ation which began production in 1962, taking advantage of rich limestone deposits of the municipig of Nobsa. Currently, about 360,000 tons of cement per year are pro- duced, and it is expected that by 1977 the output will expand to 420,000 tons. Data supplied by the corporation indicate that in 1975 it contributed to the regional economy over $100 million pesos in different expenditures (near $26 million in salaries alone). If to the number of laborers employed in these industries are added those Boyacense laborers employed by Acerias Paz del Rio, and those presumably of Boyacense origin working in many small plants scattered throughout the Upper Chicamocha Valley, a decisive impact of 100 manufacturing on the region's economy as well as on its societal characteristics should be expected to have occurred. Regional Infrastructure A concomitant development of the industrializing trend initiated in Boyacé in the 19503 has been the trans- formation of its physical infrastructure. The major devel- Opments concern transportation and energy. Up to the 19503 the only relatively passable highway was the Carretera Central del Norte connecting Duitama, Sogamoso, and Tunja with Bogota. It was, however, a narrow, winding road designed and paved for another era. Shortly after the heavy trucks transporting products from Belencito began rolling, the pavement badly deteriorated. In the following years traffic grew in such a way that plans had to be drawn to rectify the design and to widen and repave the road. By 1957 the sector from Bogota to Villapinzén (in the nearby department of Cundinamarca) had been completed and work was under way in the sector westward from Tunja. In 1960 this part was completed, and from then on gradually the highway from Tunja to Duitama and Sogamoso was allo- cated investments. President Carlos Lleras inaugurated the whole system in 1970. The new highway made traffic easier not only for cargo but for passenger vehicles. Communication between 101 Boyacé and the rest of central Colombia was greatly enhanced. Eventually passenger service on the railroad was eliminated. Acerias Paz del Rio extended the railroad for about 30 kilometers away from Belencito to the iron ore mines. Since the 19503 use of the railroad has decreased considerably because the highway not only attracted passenger traffic but also a large proportion of the cargo of cement, steel, and the agricultural goods produced in the region. Duitama and Tunja have become important transportation nodes both for passengers and freight. Each constructed a central bus station to handle the operations serving the rest of Boyaca and the depart- ments of Santander, and Norte de Santander. The second major transformation which occurred simultaneously with industrialization was that related to output and its transmission. By 1953 Boyacé produced some 2,214 Kw by means of small diesel plants, which were insufficient to meet regional needs (Reyes 1954:vai). Until that time Tunja, the capital city, was well-known in the country for its chronic shortages of water and electricity--to say nothing of the other towns. Beginning in 1954 a plan of expansion of energy sources was effectively carried out by Electraguas (the national agency specializing in energy problems, now known 102 as Icel),3 and Electrificadora Boyacé, a semi-official company which own and operates de public electrical system. Successively, thermoelectric plants were built in Tunja and Paipa, and a huge hydroelectric operation in the eastern Andean lepes, on the Data River, was about to begin production in mid-1977. The main benchmark in Boyaca's electrification process was the construction of the plant at Paipa, completed in 1963. The unit produces 33,000 Kw (Montejo 1973), and is connected with the national energy network. A twin unit was added in the early 19703, making Paipa a key energy center of the Regional Electrical System of the Northeast. ICEL has provided the investments needed to construct a 220 Kw transmission line intercon- necting Bogota, Tunja, Bucaramanga, and Cficuta. A similar line 120 kilometers long will shortly interconnect Paipa with the hydroelectric plant of Chivor, on the Baté River, making available for the system 200,000 Kw additional (Montejo l973:6). Socio-Economic Factors All levels of government generally have failed to provide adequate public services to the rural areas of Central Boyacé. Frequently, this occurs where peasantries constitute the bulk of the population. The countryside is 3Actually, Acerias Paz del Rio began the process of large-scale electrification of the region when it built two thermoelectrical units in 1953 yielding 25,000 Kw. The whole output, though, was coped by the Belencito plant. 103 afflicted with poverty and backwardness because the pro- vision of public services is assigned to the regional government, which in turn has to finance its administrative and investment programs on the basis of revenue from the countryside. Therefore, to say that governmental agencies are chronically short of funds is an understatement. During the pre-industrial era there was actually little pressure for funded governmental action, and the peasantry subsisted in relative isolation with little or no wants beyond the community's own resources. However, highway construction brought to an end the region's isolation. As a result, through increased interaction with more developed areas, local leaders and the general population realized the need for improvement in their socio-economic infrastructure. Education However, a minimum infrastructure of social services in the region has been developed by the local government over the past few decades. In spite of deficiencies and limitations, today there is a marked contrast in quali- tative and quantitative levels of education and health services in comparison to those found in the late 19403. And presently the government is promoting local community action programs. An effective educational system is vital to trans- form any society. Education has been a major concern in 104 Boyaca, at least in terms of training peOple for instruc- tional careers. This trend was so prevalent that some people used to disparingly comment that Boyaca's only pro- duction lines were school teachers and policemen. Many teachers indeed were born and trained in Boyaca, but migrated to other departments.4 However, by 1950 Boyacé was desperately lacking in educational facilities. The 1951 census established that almost 60 percent of its school-age population (over seven years of age) was illiterate. This condition, of course, was more of a problem in the rural areas, where the illiteracy rate rose to almost 65 percent in 1951 (DANE, 1955:224). Three examples from typically rural municipios are illustrative of the high illiteracy in the 19503: Socoté (63.5 percent), Betéitiva (68.0 percent), and Tota (69.5 percent). The rural areas of Duitama, Sogamoso and Tunja were not much better off than the rural municipios, with percentages of 47.2, 57.2 and 60.8, respectively. Even in Tunja, the regional capital, the illiteracy rate was 41.2 percent (DANE 1955:224). 4Teachers had been trained in Boyaca since 1872 when a Normal School was founded in Tunja (Suarez 1939:16)p Under the direction of a German educator, Ernst Hochike, the Escuela Normal was a success since the beginning. The school earnéd national reputation with another German teacher, Julius Sieber. Eventually the Normal School evolved into a college of education which later was annexed to the National University in Bogota. 105 Since the 19503 important changes in education in the Central Boyaca region have occurred. First of all, the Universidad Pedagdgica was established in Tunja in 1952. Initially, it was a college of education exclusively dedicated to train high school teachers. In 1960 a school of agronomy was added to the system, later to be supple— mented by specializations in engineering, economics, and nursing. Although no evaluation has been attempted to ascertain the impact which the university may have had on the gradual transformation of Central Boyaca, it is believed to have been instrumental in the development of Tunja as a growth pole. Perhaps the roles in which the university could have better served the region are in the fields of research and agricultural extension, but thus far they have been meagerly pursued. The Universidad Pedagégica y Tecn610gica--as it was named when agronomy was added to its programs--has established two branch campuses in Duitama and Sogamoso that specialize in mines and electrical engineering. A technical vocational school, attached to the Duitama campus, plays an important role in training technicians at the intermediate level, many of whom are of peasant extraction. Needless to say, these educated peasants remain in the cities because their training is geared toward urban employment. 106 Other important educational developments which have occurred during the last quarter of a century include the creation of the Escuelas Radiofénicas de Accion Popular, a system of mass education by radio developed by a priest in Sutatenza, in southern Boyacé; the extension to Boyaca of the SENA system (Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje, or National Apprenticeship Service); the organization of several consolidated high schools; the creation of new elementary schools in the rural neighborhoods (some of them with direct involvement of the community); and the organization of the Instituto Tecnolégico Agricola, ITA, in Paipa. The latter, as well as a vocational school located in Toca, emphasize agricultural training of stu- dents along with the regular high school curriculum. ITA may become a crucial factor in future rural transformations. There are indications that changes in the rural educational system of Boyaca have taken place but at a slow pace. Little progress was achieved during the 19503. In fact, by 1963 it was estimated that the illiteracy rate of the population older than seven years had been reduced to near 55 percent (Martinez l967:v.2:iii-l). Furthermore, ”out of 227,293 school-aged children only 105,104 were enrolled, which leaves 53.75 percent out of the schools. This percentage, however, compares favorably with the 1951 figure which was 79.95 percent” (Martinez l967:v.2). The 1963 aggregate data improved sensibly four years later 107 when the DANE estimated the illiteracy rate for papulation older than seven years at only 38.46 percent (DANE 1969:74). More recently, in a research project sponsored by the University of Tunja, further improvement was noted. The number of children attending school increased from 105,101 in 1963 to 144,461 for 1971, an increment of 37.3 percent in eight years (Ofisel 1976). Although the regional framework defined by Ofisel for its Altiplanicie Central unit does not entirely match the Central Boyacé region used in this investigation, its data can give an approximate indication of the educational infrastructure of the latter (Ofisel 1976). It is evident that, except for Paz del Rio, the largest student concen— trations in the Central Boyaca region are found in cities and towns (Table 6). The largest percentages of schools are found in the rural areas, a circumstance which is explained on the higher student/school ratio found in the cities. While the rural schools serve relatively large, sparsely populated areas, the cities have school concen- trations of several hundred students usually from a very compact, densely populated neighborhood. The problem of an adequate education for their children is a very important concern of some peasants. Twenty—two percent of the respondents during the field work regard education as one of the basic social needs of the community. Although apparently there is no serious 108 Table 6.--Schools and Pupils in Rural and Urban Areas of the Central Boyaca Region in 1971. A. Schools Sub-Region Total Rural Areas Cities & Towns No. Per No. Per cent No. Per cent cent of of Sub-Region subRegion Tunja 263 41.9 197 74.9 66 25.1 Sogamoso 143 22.8 102 71.3 41 28.7 Duitama 103 16.4 74 71.8 29 28.2 Paz del Rio 119 18.9 106 89.1 13 10.9 Total 628 100.0 479 76.3 149 23.7 B. Pupils Tunja 30,384 42.2 14,377 47.3 16,007 52.7 Sogamoso 19.782 27.4 9,153 46.3 10,629 53.7 Duitama 12,329 17.1 5.375 43.6 6.954 56.4 Paz del Rio 9,571 13.3 5,584 58.4 3,987 41.6 Total 72,066 100.0 34,489 47.8 37, 577 52.2 Source: OFISEL (1976:77). 109 shortage of schools (only 20 cases out of 887 surveyed had no school in their immediate neighborhood). some children must walk long distances. In 36 cases such ”walking dis- tance" was longer than five kilometers, five of the cases up to eight kilometers. Such instances, however, were found in the remote paramos, a very sparsely populated area. The quality of the rural school system is highly questionable. More often than not the school is so poorly equipped that it barely can be distinguished from a peasant farmstead. In quite a few instances the peasants complained that the appointment of the teachers was delayed for several months, in others that teachers tend to reduce their work load thereby enabling themselves to travel to a nearby city where they study or hold a part-time job. The spatial organization of the elementary school system in Boyaca is very inefficient. The Ofisel (1976) study concluded that a rational regionalization is basic to any serious attempt to improve the system. It probably will require little new investment in personnel, but a real effort at a consolidation plan is needed where a single school complex could more adequately serve the nearby residents than several separate units. A new climate at the bureaucratic level in Tunja might help in this direction. Effective in 1977 the elementary school system is no longer the responsibility of the departmental 110 government. After nationalization of this basic social service, school construction and location, as well as teacher appointments, are now less affected by provincial political interferences and intrigues. Health Services The social infrastructure of Central Boyaca includes other services such as health care, agricultural extension, credit, applied research, and regional organi- zation. Health programs in the region are coordinated through a Public Health Bureau, which technically is a dependency of the Ministry of Health. The operation of the service is carried out through hospital and health centers. An official branch of the regional administration called the Beneficencia is in charge of funding hospitals. Its sources of revenue are the regional lottery and income produced by rent of buildings owned by this agency. Although Central Boyaca is relatively free of many diseases which are commonplace in the lowland trOpics, the region lacks adequate health and medical services. At the beginning of the 19703 Bernal and Alvarez (1971) reported that there was only one hospital for every 40,000 people in Boyaca, but that only 54 percent of the available hos- pital beds were used each year. They concluded that the relative underutilization was due to the inaccessibility of the service to patients living in remote areas. 111 Health and medical facilities are one of the most important needs in rural Boyaca. The survey indicated that these wants ranked fourth immediately after electrification, water supply, and communications. One third of the peasants interviewed listed health as one of their basic needs. Again, as in the case of education, hospitals and health centers are there, but they lack in sufficient equipment and adequate personnel. Central Boyaca can be subdivided into health service regions on the basis of residence of actual or potential patients. The health care poles are Sogamoso, Tunja, and Duitama, and to a lesser extent Paipa and Santa Rosa de Viterbo. Sogamoso is the center of the largest health service region. The service areas of Tunja and Duitama are smaller than in the past decade, because part of their clientele is being served by relatively new hos- pitals in Paz del Rio, Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Paipa and Samaca. However, with respect to specialized medical care, Tunja still is the undisputed regional pole. Other Services Several government agencies have the responsibility to provide agricultural extension services. For example, the Secretariat of Development is staffed with veterin- arians, agronomists and agricultural technicians assigned to such functions. The Caja Agraria (Agrarian Loan Bank) is also involved in agricultural extension. Agents of 112 this Bank conduct field demonstrations, explain the use of new inputs, and diffuse new farming techniques. The School of Agronomy at the University of Tunja trains its students in agricultural extension work by means of actual practice in the field. Since 1967 SENA (National Apprenticeship Service) is conducting a "Rural Mobile Program" supposedly among "marginal rural populations." It seeks to modernize the agricultural sector by disseminating "technological packages" and modern marketing techniques. From 1967 to 1976 SENA claims to have given instruction to near 47,000 individuals in short courses (Sarmiento 1977). INCORA (Land Reform Institute) is another agency that deals with rural problems of the region, but its activities deal more with irrigation projects than in the area of technical assistance. ICA (Colombian Agricultural Institute), which is the leading farm research organization in the country, has been involved in both applied research and extension work in the Central Boyacé region. Based on its experi- mental station of Surbata, between Duitama and Paipa, this agency has worked for three decades on technology trans- ference to minifundist peasants (Zapata l976:3). Thus, it would seem that the rural areas are well served by a variety of extension organizations. At the grass-roots level, however, the situation is far from encouraging. In all, only 129 farm units out of 887 (14.5 percent) have received, or participated in agricultural 113 extension practices. There appears to be a definite inverse relationship between distance from the main urban centers and the number of extension services provided. Thus, in the Tunja-Ventaquemada area, twenty cases of extension services were reported, twenty-seven in the Paipa-Duitama area (ICA's immediate zone of influence), and merely five cases in Sogamoso. In the peripheral municipios of Socoté and Socha only three farmers out of seventy interviewed reported extension services received. Iza, Corrales, Paz del Rio, and Tutasa reported no cases of peasant contacts with extension agents. Credit is an important factor related to rural modernization. Although the region is well served by the Caja Agraria and other banks today, that was not always the case. Prior to the 19503 it was difficult for the rural sector to receive credit. Now the region has a fairly large number of banking facilities specializing in credit functions for the rural sector. This of course, does not mean that credit Opportunities are available to everybody. Local banks are highly selective to whom they lend money. For Boyaca as a whole as well as for the region being studied, remarkable increases in banking services occurred in recent years. Since 1950, the Caja Agraria, a semi-official bank specializing in rural credit and development, established fifty new branches in Boyaca in contrast to only nine available before. In the Central 114 Boyaca region fifteen cities and towns now have offices of the Caja Agraria, 12 of them founded after 1950. Needless to say, the three old offices were those located in Tunja, Duitama, and Sogamoso. Applied research is restricted to the ICA experi- mental station of Surbaté (Duitama). Since 1946 research in this station has concentrated on cereals, peas, and vegetables, and more recently on dairy cattle and fruit trees. Concrete results of years of investigation have led to the development of fourteen improved wheat vari- eties, one improved corn variety, and the genetic fixation of the most widely accepted barley strain cultivated in Boyaca (Zapata 1976). In 1976, however, the station of Surbata had funding and administrative difficultues, which were endangering its survival. Regional Development Plans No comprehensive program of regional development has been implemented in the study area. A few attempts, however, were made in the past to obtain such commitment. For instance, in 1962 a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives to create the Upper Chicamocha Valley Regional Authority with the purpose of designing and implementing an integrated plan of regional develOpment (Rincdn Galvis l962:7). The bill did not pass. Then, in 1964, the first Liberal governor of Boyaca in more than two decades, Dr. Gustavo Romero, attempted to initiate 115 basic changes in the economic structure of the department. Not only did he encourage industrialization, but introduced the idea that sectoral and regional planning were crucial preconditions for development. An agreement with the Organization of American States to secure technical assis- tance at the international level was signed in 1964. The result was a voluminous report on resource evaluation of Boyaca (Martinez Palacios 1967). Among other strategies, the OAS mission recommended the creation of a special planning bureau as well as the creation of a financial regional corporation. As a result, the Oficina de Planeacién and the Instituto de Desarrollo de Boyaca (IDEBOY) were established. The role performed by these two agencies thus far is rather disappointing. To add to regional frustrations, both agencies have become the bureaucratic prey of local politi- cians. As a result, these agencies are affected by fre- quent changes of directorship. For example, during the year of the field work for this research there were three different directors of IDEBOY. To make matters worse, these agencies are not properly funded. Expressions of Change Change manifestations in Central Boyaca were iden- tified for both the urban and the rural areas. Direct observation and interviewing, as well as secondary sources were used. In the remaining part of this chapter a 116 description and qualitative examination of the processes leading to rural transformation are presented. Urbanization Trends Against a demographic background which was always dominated by rural p0pu1atiOn (75.5 percent of the Boyacense lived dispersed in the countryside or in settle- ments less than 1,500 inhabitants when the last census was taken in 1973), city growth is an outstanding manifestation of changes affecting the region in the very recent past. Although in Boyacé's core area the proportion of rural people still is high (61 percent in 1973), the situ- ation is now very different from previous decades when the proportion of rural population was well over 80 percent (Table 7). The increase of urban population from 11.1 percent in 1938 to near 40 percent in the mid-19708 is associated with the growth of the three principal cities of Central Boyaca--Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama (Table 8). There are only two other cities of comparable size outside the central region: Chiquinquira (21,727 inhabitants), and Puerto Boyaca (11,617 inhabitants). These data are from the 1973 census. The urbanization trend is noticeably strong since the early 19508. The recent demographic expansion of the cities has been accompanied by transformations in their physical and socioeconomic structure. But, in many respects, Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama still conform largely to 117 .Amm4QV smmnsn msmcmo :dHDEOHoo on» mo soahmpano one ma Sofia: .mQGMpHnmncH oom.F nm>o mo mcoapaumEOmew Ho mamas on» so cocammc ma soapmdsnom cannst .ooosHoxo who: ohmnmmmo mo mausoosopsa on» op ompahomm 3o: moanaoassa op mswsampnmm span .huopflmnmp on» no sonfi>Hc o>Hpmnpmfisflscm mum? on» npflz snomcoo o» poemsncw who: dawns .psnvso msmsmo mumsasaamun who umppwa was .mpmc meow ms» you Aeemrv mz mmo.¢mm new. ¢.om m.mo me.mv¢ «m.sv o.mr va.¢mP ¢.Pm mm..>om mvm.Pmm «mm. m.o. ¢.mm omn..mm Fm.>m >.m m¢m.¢> m.om mmm.mmm .mm.oe> mes F.F. m.mm mo..m¢m m,.mm >.o mvm.>¢ m.nm Fem.emm ooo.mo> mmms 59.5 Wham coflmmm wommom pcmo puma - R x Hmpoe mo x pom *smpna pom Handy Hmpoe pom» noammm womhom Honpcmo commom Mo psoEpHmme mamsmo m.mpmaammma .mommom an :ofluuaamom can“: can Hausa an mmmnmnouu.n manna 118 .uoasnnoo 0H0: ocean baron» ”uncoonoacn .Aaxas .momH .noaH azoo Haws uovauuou vouwsuuuoa henna: < .ouomswsouonu auovoa a mo menopause onu Home: ousuusuue vooenenmwo no case eo>Ho>o menus Hesse on» so mousosflmsw can»: we snouueo osonaueuusousou one space» mmeHH> «one» Hmwuuespsu 302 I H moaqa nowueuuoamseuu macaw soeumuasmnusnsm use nuaouw hues some“; a e xuwo amwuumsvcH m nousoo wswnwamuuuesvaH 4 mflmmd Admam ZO BOdASH “Hmma Qz< mmmBZHU A4HMBmDDZHIZCMMD 02HBUmA Hmmfloessz moummoummOn 159 approach than the zonal model was attempted by means of a map based on the statistical unit used in the research, the household. Isolines (connecting farms that recorded the same number of indicators) were drawn which disclose the clustering of the levels of rural modernization. Once the data were ranked according to the number of modernization indicators found in each farm, a five-fold categorization was adopted. The distributions exhibit discontinuities in their cumulative percentages which can be used as a basis of classification. Since the modernization levels ranged from 0 to 9, ten categories were theoretically possible. But it was realized, after preliminary mapping trials, that five categories were a good choice to clarify the spatial arrangement of the phenomenon studied. Three transitional categories depict adequately the levels of technological change intermediate between extremes of the most modern farms, and those where traditional peasant agriculture is still dominant (Figure 8). Central Boyaca, then, is subdivided into five types of "modernization regions" discontinuously distributed throughout the entire region. The following is the characterization of those regions: Region I. Relatively modern regions are characterized by an association of technological and managerial elements in the farm, making it an efficiently productive unit. 160 m 9303.. K/ .1’} v Eu Esme: 0:55.105 3:05.53... . .5 103:0 U 2223 .3. ; I41” ,HHHHHHHHHHHU so. Us _ .:v k /////////// ”xx/x/xx/x ///////// ///////// ////////// ////////// //////// x/x/x/ /////// . .///////////. .AA/xlzx/xl 6a. \,////////// . // px/xx fi/xxl. WI/x/ xxx/4)! //// Al///////////// . ///////// xxx evxxxxlx/xzxz/z . ;///////////// fi//////////// . .//////////// ex/xxxxxxxxx ; .////////////V «A//////////// .4A////////////// «A///////////////// X/////////////////// .//////////////////// k//////////////////// r //////////////////// ////////////////////// / /////////////////////// JN/ . /////////////////////// / ///// Afxx///////////////////// ///////. .///////////////////////// /// //////////////////////// /// .//////////////////////// /// ////////////////////// /// .////////////////////// /// //////////////// . / /// ////////// / / /// ///////// . / /// IV/x/xxx/xx / / ;/////////// Jx/I/xlx/xx .////////// \////////// z/x/ / // /// // ./// /// 4H,”HHHHH I7/xl/v . ///. // //////l // . ///////// 5JZZ< // /IJ/////. Dunn” ./< 2.050: cozefictouo! 161 Region II. Modernizing regions are made up of com- munities in which the adoption of several tech- nological elements by a large number of farmers is leading this particular region to further modernization. Region III. Transitional regions are those in which most of the peasants have adopted only a few ele- ments associated with the modernization process. Region IV. Little changed regions are those containing the majority of the population. The adoption of a very few technological elements has just begun. Region V. Traditional peasantgy areas, are character- ized by the predominance of peasant farms recording practically no modernization traits. By province, associated modernization elements yield the following spatial patterns. Province of Tunja In the eight minicipios comprising this province (Tunja, Samaca, Ventaquemada, C6mbita, Sotaquira, Tuta, Toca, and Siachoque), two areas can be identified as rela- tively modern (Region type I). l. The area adjacent to the departmental capital (Tunja) as well as most of the veredas located to the east of the city surrounding the villages of Soraca, Chivata, and Oicata. The land is partly flat and partly rolling, with relatively fertile 162 soil, though erosion has become a severe problem in selected locations. Landholdings range in size from 50 to 500 hectares, owned by progressive hacendados who increasingly have turned to mechani- zation. Farmers in this region depend primarily on wage labor rather than on family labor, and most of the production, of course, is destined for the market. Some cultural characteristics of these farmers are their close association with city life (through frequent trips and in many instances because they have relatives settled in urban areas) and considerable exposure to the mass media. 2. The second major modern area in the province is the Samaca Valley. Here the land is level, the soil rich, and farms benefit from an irrigation project administered by INCORA. The bulk of the land is used for dairying and the growing of cereals. Beyond the flat terrain, eroded hills and the paramos are occupied by subsistence farmers whose standards of living sharply contrast with the hacendados' in the valley floor. Apart from these two discontiguous modernized areas, in the province of Tunja are found densely settled communities of minifundia in Motavita and parts of Siachoque and C6mbita. However, one can find a few modern farms in juxtaposition with subsistence landholdings. Many campesinos 163 living in this region have assimilated technological ele- ments from the progressive farmers. Ventaquemada typifies this category (III). Eastward from Tunja the municipality of Toca exhibits technological levels slightly less developed than those of Tunja's modern agricultural region. Therefore, Toca is classified in Region II of the categorization pro- posed above (modernizing). A pattern closely similar to that of Toca can be observed in parts of Siachoque, as well as parts of Tuta. In the relatively inaccessible paramos lying on parts of the periphery of the province of Tunja characteristics are typically peasant (groups IV and V). The generalized pattern indicates that the province of Tunja conforms to a large degree with the view that the adoption of modernization elements is mostly a function of nearness to the city. The cartographic generalization, however, leaves cases whose spatial location is anomalous in terms of the hypothesis. Province of Sugamuxi Fourteen of the sixteen municipalities of the Sugamuxi province were included in the analysis (Sogamoso, Nobsa, Tibasosa, Firavitoba, Iza, Cuitiva, Pesca, Tota, Aquitania, Mongui, Mongua, T6paga, Gameza, and Corrales). The general picture for the province indicates relatively less development than in the province of Tunja (Figure 8). 164 There is only one modern area (Region I) in the province comparable to those which surround Tunja and Samaca. The Sugamuxi modern area stretches on flat terrain from the outskirts of the regional center, Sogamoso, toward the towns of Tibasosa and Nobsa, as well as in a southerly direction to Firavitoba. East of Sogamoso, mostly on hilly land, the modern region is interrupted by veredas occupied by modernizing campesinos (Region Type I). The remaining part of the municipality of Sogamoso lies in rough terrain. Instead of a clear pattern corres- ponding to one of the regional categories of modernization outlined above, one finds a variety of levels of moderni- zation, which range from little changed minifundium (IV) to modernizing farms (II). The traditional peasant (V) gradually becomes dominant as distance increases from Sogamoso toward the boundary with the municipality of Aquitania. Flood—plain lands of Nobsa, Tibasosa, and Firavitoba contain farms that are in the process of becoming modern (II), or already are classifiable in the more advanced category (Region I). On the hill sides of these municipal- ities, however, conditions of extreme poverty and back- wardness are frequently found (IV and V). The same is true for the municipality of Cuitiva and for a large part of Tota. Mongui and Mongua have their own core areas of modern farms that contrast with hilly peripheries which 165 are occupied by subsistence peasants (IV). Aquitania, a large municipality located in the southern part of the Sugamuxi province, clearly stands out as an area of peasant agriculture with little or no modernization (Region Type V). In Aquitania peasant communities are largely subsistence- oriented, except for those located on fertile flats left behind as a result of the shrinkage of Lake Tota in recent years. Onions are now intensively cultivated here on tiny plots and the entire harvest is shipped directly to Bogota or to Bucaramanga, in the neighboring department of Santander. The village of Aquitania, meaning "city of the waters," is a relatively prosperous center serving not only its own municipal hinterland but also part of Tota. Aquitania has a small hospital, a local radio station, and is the pride of local leaders who are trying to develop it as a "new" town. Formerly, Aquitania was named Pueblo Viejo, the "old town." West from the municipality of Tota is Pesca. This town plays a role similar to Aqui- tania's for its own rural hinterland. Pesca is transitional (Region Type III), since its prevalent pattern is one of modernizing farms mixed with traditional peasant holdings. Northeastward from Belencito's industrial complex lies a hilly region whose lands in general have relatively little agricultural value (Figure 8). T6paga, Gémeza, and Corrales, even though located a short distance from the regional center of Sogamoso (the road is paved from 166 this city to T6paga), are characterized by levels of little or no rural modernization (Region Type V). Province of Valderrama The same conditions of low modernization levels of Corrales and Gameza extend into the municipalities of Tasco, Betéitiva, Paz del Rio, Socha, and Socota belonging to the province of Valderrama. All this region falls within the category of traditional peasant communities (Types I and II), where transitional or modernizing farms are rare. Evidently, the village of Paz del Rio, in spite of its industrial plants processing minerals for the steel industry of Belencito, is a world in itself apart from the surrounding mountains. Even though many peasants are employed in the mines, or maybe because of that, change accruing to the countryside in those municipalities of the Paz del Rio area is nil. As was noted earlier, soils in this area are generally poor. The peasant who can obtain employment in the mines tends to depend exclusively on. this source of income, leaving his farm largely unused. During the field work it was established that many farms are entirely abandoned. With better income and a new social status, the miners have moved their families to nearby towns. In summary, rural modernization in Valderrama is at the traditional-peasant subsistence level, with no area identifiable as a core of farming modernized as apparent in other provinces. 167 Province of Tundama Finally, the province of Tundama has its own core of rural modernization (Region Type I), although it is somewhat decentralized with respect to the regional center (Duitama). A cluster of farms applying advanced technology occupies the flood plain along the North Central Highway, within the municipalities of Duitama and Paipa. The ICA experimental station and a horse-breeding estate owned by the army, as well as ITA, a rural-oriented high school, are located in this region. South of this modern sector appear the hilly areas of Paipa, in which modernizing farming (Region Type II) is interspersed with pockets of little-changed communities (IV). The northern part of Paipa (Palermo) is marginal in terms of technology and accessibility. Santa Rosa de Viterbo has its own small pockets of rural modernization (I and II) near the town and in flat terrain located in the extreme south of this municipality. Field work indicates that on flat terrain between Cerinza and Belen there exists another stretch of modernized farms, but bordering this enclave conditions of under- develoPment are evident in the traditional minifundium which crowd the hillsides. Tutasa is a municipality typically subsistence-peasant, in spite that beyond the paramos, on the road to Soata, a few isolated farms exhibit modern- izing and transitional (III) traits. The remainder of the 168 province of Tundama, Floresta and Busbanza, are municipal- ities partly modernizing (II) and little-changed peasantries, respectively. Testing the Hypotheses A statistical test of the relationship between modernization and selected independent variables was under- taken in order to support the qualitative analysis.4 Seven independent variables were employed, all being elements mentioned in the literature as factors associated with the diffusion of innovation process (Table 12). The selection of the independent variables appears to be correct from the statistical point of view. A multi- collinearity check among variables included in the corre- lation matrix shows no high values in the coefficients relating independent variables to each other. The only correlation which is significant is that between family income and farm size (E coefficient = .331). Therefore, independent variables considered in the test can be thought of as truly statistically independent. It is evident from the correlation matrix (Table 13), that simple linear relationships between modernization and some of the variables selected indeed exist. At a .05 level of significance, zero-order correlation coefficients indicate that there are weak but significant relationships 4The Pearson's correlation model contained in the SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) was used (Nie et al. 1975). 169 Table 12.--Independent Variables Correlated with Rural Modernization. Code Variable Definition DIST Distance from the nearest regional center in kilometers AREA Farm acreage measured in fanegadas* PHY Composite value of physical attributes of the land INC Family income in thousands of 1976 pesos** AGE Age of family head FAM Resident nuclear family size CUL Percent of farmland in crops in 1976 MOD Modernization composite value (Independent Variable) *A fanegada equals 2.4 acres. **The 1976 rate of exchange was about 37 pesos per one dollar. between the dependent variable modernization (MOD), and four out of seven independent variables: distance from farm to nearest regional center (DIST), physical attributes of farmland (PHY), family income (INC), and farm acreage (AREA). Family size (FAM), age of the family head (AGE), and percentage of land in crops (CUL) show very weak corre- lation with modernization.5 5The significance of the relationship determined in spite of its apparent weakness is due to the large number of cases considered. For a given confidence level, as the sample size increases, the F-test critical value will ' decrease, and it will become easier to reject the null hypothesis of no significant difference between the Pear- son's correlation coefficient and zero. Table 13.-Pearson's Correlation Coefficients of Modernization With Selected Variables. AREA PHY INC AGE FAM CUL MOD DIST NAH HUN-D '00:: "CO e N VII) (Dad 3ND :1): H50 0 H Um Jam ohm M01“) DC 0 H Um U‘AQ LON: N0: cow 0 ll VII) 0‘05“ NBC: (3136 v-“D O 11 ~"VJ Had NR9 NSC \VG e N wv; 0‘8: O‘NN NQM QC) 0 Q‘s-4 mND to”: NC) . II VI” “AH NND 10119 N” O u vm NAU‘ NR: out): DC) 0 II Um dAN fits: “ON 90 e e .1 wt!) :A‘4 “NO ”QC 7')” 0 1| ‘I'Vl ”AN :NO ”QM D” e tot-4'" CK: anon J!) 0 ll VII) CAN 0"“) NOD DC) 0 H Um Haw v-‘NI-fi ”GD CO I II VI!) NAO‘ HNU‘ 900‘ GD 0 0 ll UV) O‘AH HNCI NCO Na) 0 II UV) MAN {ND 7’00") DO 0 H “W (“AH N'sc N631.) NO 0 11 V40 170 Q’s.“ ”Nd 0199 POD 0 H ~“'(l) mass-4 .7159 M09 (V0 0 u vu) v-OAO‘ LON: \DQO 00 o N ”(D O‘AD NNN ruoc an 0 e 11 V00 Gav-4 ONO GQO :70 e N 5'01) O‘AH “NC N40: 8““) O H ”W JAH «(ND ”Q: '00 o "and ”EN ”Q” :0 0 H Um JAU‘ \DNN NQN one 0 DA“ D's: 906 GD 0 N06 HAN H's: F‘QN on O '1 9'1!) that LON: NCJ QC) 0 II Vin AGE O‘AH H‘ND 00:: H0 0 II VU) Nam vilNN “QR 9:0 0 01 UV) DAV-4 ONO DOD an e u vu: \OA". U‘ND no: No:- II vm “AO‘ ON: @630 Dc; 0 '1 UV) “A0 HNH ”()9 Del) 0 II ”VI Nam KN: went: 9‘0 0 II “(D :Am ONO F301") 90 e o H ”m FAM O‘AH NND the): flu) o H Um DAV-4 END DQD on; O H Um NAO‘ HKN «(ON DO 0 H UV) :-0‘ \DNN MON coo 0 1| ~"'V) mat-4 {NO no): N50 ' Has-'4 NND 00: Nm 0 N “(D DAV-i. {ha 31):) 01°) 0 VU) CUL Dav-l ONO 0CD 00 O N VII) O‘AH NRC “‘09 HQ . n 'vw Q‘s-ad who 0am v40 0 H “U! ”A“ "MN ”Q" on 0 II “VI ”as?" who one FOG.) o I! VU) 0A“ GIN: JED: JG) 0 H UV) Casi-4 mm: 1.069 N” 0 1| VV) NAT-1 HNG MOD 1’00.) 0 ll VW MOD Coefficient / Number of cases / Significance 171 Analysis of Relationships The correlation between distance from the nearest regional center and farm modernization is the starting point of the statistical analysis. The distance variable was calculated by measuring the number of kilometers from the individual farm to the urban center. Adjustments were made to compensate for the increased friction of distance that results from the varied types of road surface and trails. This weighting procedure has precedents in the literature, having been used by OFISEL (1976) in its study of the rural educational structure of Central Boyaca.6 The principal hypothesis is confirmed, namely that as distance from the regional center to the farm increases, the level of modernization decreases. The correlation coefficient (5) of -.331 statistically supports such a contention. This negative relationship agrees with the earlier cartographic analysis, pointing out that in general the highest levels of modernization occur adjacent to the cities of Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama, whereas pre- dominantly unchanged peasant communities are typical of the more distant locations. 6Actual distance remains constant for paved roads (P) which are assumed to cause the least friction in travel effort. A factor of increased effort derived empirically is added to gravel roads (G), and an additional factor is derived for trail (T) distance. Therefore, the adjusted distance variable (D) was estimated by applying the follow- ing simple formula: D = (P) + (1.4G) + (2.0T) 172 As was indicated in a previous chapter, the areas surrounding the regional centers are highly accessible since the best transportation facilities are available to them. The rural population living there benefits from direct contact with the sources of technological innovation as well as from the availability of services important to farmers. On the other hand, distance decay indeed applies to the provision of technical assistance, agricultural extension, and specialized education. These services are readily furnished near the cities but are nearly nonexistent in the regional periphery. Furthermore, the additional costs of farm modernization are successfully met and higher profits obtained near the larger regional centers, where the farmer saves in transportation costs. Moreover, the higher value of the land factor in these privileged loca- tions, along with higher taxes, create the incentive to increase farm output, which obviously should necessitate further modernization in the farm. These reasons support the results of the corre- lation test corroborating the stated linear relationship between modernization and distance. However, the strength of the negative relationship proved to be weaker than first anticipated on the basis of the author's knowledge of the study region. The correlation coefficient is lower than expected because, on the one hand, there exists a large number of small peasant holdings recording relatively low 173 technological levels, that are found near the regional centers. On the other, several modernized farms are found at considerable distance from the regional center. The reasons for these "anomalous" locations are various, but fundamentally this is a matter of the physical quality of the land. Sectors of sloping and rough terrain located near the regional centers historically have been settled by subsistence farmers. In the past, these campesinos were symbiotically tied to the haciendas that occupied the best lands, and presently they depend on the city for different forms of livelihood. Away from the cities, what good agricultural land there is, generally is occupied by commercially-oriented farmers, prone to innovation. Their farms constitute pockets of modernization within the pre- vailing types of less developed communities, where the level of modernization gradually lowers with increased distance to the regional center. It is the purpose of the last part of the analysis to delve into the influence of other variables that deter- mine the location and intensity of rural modernization levels. It is obvious that distance from the regional center can only "explain" part of the spatial variation of rural modernization. The analysis of other factors will supplement the interpretation provided thus far. 174 Other Factors Affectigg Modernization Other variables were tested to determine the rela- tionship with the dependent variable. Of these, the vari- able physical attributes of the land (PHY),7 exhibits the strongest correlation coefficient (.440). Indeed, farmlands endowed with the best physical attributes in general are the most likely to be modernized. In the study region the best lands tend to coincide with the immediate surroundings of the places where regional centers are located. Actually, the selection of city emplacements (and the sites of Indian villages anticipating them), was determined by the availability of good agri- cultural lands, in the particular instances of Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama. It stands to reason that the highest levels of agricultural modernization should be found where land with the best characteristics also exhibits locational advan— tages. This is precisely the leading attributes of some areas located near Tunja, near Sogamoso, and between Duitama and Paipa, as was established by means of field observation and cartographic analysis. Exceptions occur where lands 7The variable “physical attributes of the land" (PHY) was derived by scoring values for such character- istics of the farmland as topography, soil quality, water supply, and accessibility to a highway. Each one of these attributes was measured on a 0-4 scale, scoring their apparent quality as poor (0), deficient (1), average (2), good (3), and very good (4). The scores were added to obtain the PHY value. 175 of this locational and physical qualities are either sub- divided into small plots or persistently maintained by traditional hacendados for relatively extensive land uses in the face of urban sprawl. On the other hand, on lands located at considerable distance from the regional centers, other patches of good-quality land usually produce modern- ization enclaves. In this case, the relative locational disadvantage has been overcome by distance minimization through improved transportation. Examples occur in the modernized valleys of Samaca, Cerinza-Belen, and to a lesser extent, in the municipio of Toca. Corroborating ample documentation in the literature, the correlation matrix makes evident a moderate positive relationship between family income levels (INC) and rural modernization (MOD) (£.= .368). This correlation was expected, and indicates that those commercially-oriented farmers making the highest income largely do so by means of modern techniques of management, production and market- ing. Peasants at lower levels of modernization obtain incomes which barely reach the subsistence minimum. Income data were supplied directly by the farmers. The analysis of income in association with modern- ization levels and farm size (AREA) is important because the relationship confirms the existence of serious struc- tural socio-economic problems. Several studies on rural development coincide with the view that, under conditions 176 of undirected modernization, it is the farmers with the highest income who first receive the benefits of agricul- tural innovations, thereby widening the technological and economic gaps existing between wealthy farmers and the poverty-stricken traditionalist campesinos (Thiesenhusen 1972). Although the strength of the relationship between income and rural modernization is statistically moderate, it is strong enough to suggest a serious economic cleavage in the region of Central Boyaca, considering that peasants absolutely constitute the bulk of the rural population. The correlation between modernization and farm size is relatively weak, although a positive trend emerges from an E coefficient of .265. Not always the largest farms are the most modernized. In peripheral locations, paramos, actually the opposite may be true. In other cases of large estates relatively well located with respect to a regional center, pastures tend to predominate, a type of land use in which the association of modern technological elements is not too large. This is especially the case of haciggdag specializing in beef production. There is now, however, a marked tendency in the level lands of the Chicamocha Valley for large farms to increase the use of modern implements and techniques as the extra-regional market for milk pro— ducts is continually expanding. Increasing land value and the adoption of expensive graded milking breeds probably 177 will induce more capital-intensive operation in dairy farms. On the other hand, it is likely that pressing policies of land reform and taxation may induce a further breaking down of the remaining large estates. Since as a rule these are the best lands of the region, their exploi- tation for commercial purposes will probably be increasingly modernized. To summarize, the correlation test of the hypotheses provides clues to verify that a moderate relationship exists between the occurrence of modern traits.in the farm and its distance from the nearest regional center. The test also indicates that definitely the intensity of the level of rural modernization correlate with the physical quality of the land, as well as with income levels. The leading hypothesis, then, is confirmed, and the explanation of the spatial distribution of modernization supplemented with other significant clues. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Latin America needs increased total agricultural output, increased employment, and increased productivity per worker. The combination of all three is unlikely to be achieved without expropriation of many of the large farms. Modernization without reorganization may yield increases in the output of some crops and in labor productivity for a select group of skilled workers. However, it may reduce rural employment Opportunities and throw the full burden of adjustment on the disadvantaged who join the ranks of the land- less, become migrant workers, continue to crowd into existing small farm areas, move out to a rapidly shrinking frontier, or join the underemployed in the cities. Dorner (l97l:xvii) Several basic facts were established by this investigation concerning the region of Central Boyaca. From these facts a set of conclusions and recommendations are derived. Summarizing, these facts are as follows: 1. In terms of the spatial framework of the study, the existence of a degree of regional cohesive- ness was detected in this research area of Central Boyaca, where rural hinterlands are integrated around service centers--the cities of Tunja, Sogamoso, and Duitama-~which in turn are articu- lated with each other by means of a modern 178 179 transportation network. In historical perspective, the geographic conceptualization of such a region, defined on the basis of physical and cultural factors, can be confirmed as a functional region. A highly integrated infrastructure connects the three urban nodes and their manufacturing satellite towns to form an urban-industrial corridor. Changes in the Central Boyaca region have been increasingly intensive since the 19508, occurring simultaneously with the beginnings of industrial- ization. The expressions of regional change are evident in urbanization, growth of secondary service centers, increases in the provision of basic social services, the development of physical infrastruc- ture in transportation and energy, and rural modernization. Although presumably other local and exogenous factors should have had bearing on this, there appears to be a causal relationship between industrial development and the processes of regional change. Rural modernization is taking place. Although the vast majority of peasants has not adopted modern agricultural practices, especially toward the regional periphery, a few farmers generally located near the regional centers, have successfully applied a package of modern farm techniques, implements, 180 and management practices. These same farmers also have available good marketing facilities. In com- parative sense, between the modern farmers and the traditional peasants, a sizeable number of rela- tively progressive campesinos can be classified as transitional. The transformational process in the rural areas is spontaneously generated by economic forces oper- ating both at the regional and the national levels, and through different communication and inter- actional channels. Although various governmental agencies perform functions in the region related to rural development, with varying intensities and continuity, they tend to act independent of one another. No systematic program of deliberate and comprehensive rural transformation has ever been implemented in this region with one possible exception. Four centuries ago the Spanish com- mitted themselves fully to obliterate the Chibcha culture and to impose on the Indian population a self-perpetuating agrarian feudal system. An inverse relationship between distance from the farm to the nearest regional center and level of modernization is evident. Some departures from the zonal model proposed are caused by physical and cultural factors. The influential weight of the 181 physical variable is reinforced by the improved transport and communications network. 6. A marked contrast in relative regional development is apparent. When the level areas adjacent to the urban-industrial corridor are compared with similar areas toward the periphery, a regional cleavage becomes obvious. Regional disparities are empha- sized by a concentrated provision of social over- head and physical infrastructure in the corridor which results in what Soja (1968b) identifies as geographically uneven modernization. 7. Finally, the research identifies the most pressing needs of the rural communities and enunciates peasant expectations as they apply to the govern- ment's role in bringing develOpment to the country- side. Water supply, electrification, technical assistance, education, and health care are utmost in the minds of the peasants. This, and the spatial distribution of levels of modernization, should be of prime concern in any serious attempt to design policies of rural development in this region of Central Boyaca. Implications of the Study This research tested the significance of spatial factors in addition to other forces frequently assumed to play a key role in the rural modernization process. In 182 general the study area typifies Andean rural Latin America. It is predominantly peasant, with a background of semi- feudalistic institutions, relatively self-sufficient in terms of the limited wants of its population, and charac- terized by the striking contrast existing between the poverty of the bulk of the population and the wealth of a minority of large-estate owners. The last characteristic should be stressed because the unfolding of the process of modernization is very much influenced by such socio-economic structure. At the national level two types of rural subsectors are believed to coexist, a "traditional or subsistence" subsector, and a "modern" one, according to the typology recently adopted by the Colombian Department of Planning to distinguish between farms characterized by the application of advanced technology and high productivity, and the peasant sub- sistence farms (DNP 1975). The actual situation in Boyaca is much more complicated, however, because apart from the minority of farms in the modern subsector, a wide gamut of technological gradations was found to exist between such subsector and the purely subsistence, traditionalist peasantry. Those intermediate levels, or subsectors, of "semi—development” can be defined as manifestations of structural heterogeneity of the society, rather than simple socio-economic dualism. As defined in a United 183 Nations report on Latin America (UN 1975:291), structural heterogeneity refers to situations of wide differences in productivity or 'modernity' between as well as within sectors of economic activity, but accompanied by complex ties of interchanges, dominance and dependence within a national socio-economic 'structure' as opposed to presumed 'dualistic' situations in which two socio- economic structures--'modern' and 'traditional' or 'primitive'--coexist in a national territory with only limited interchanges and little influence on each other. Colombia, as most developing countries, will con- tinue to depend heavily on its agricultural sector for foreign exchange earnings and to capitalize other sectors of the economy. Moreover, the prospect indicates a grow- ing domestic demand for farm products, mostly food, for the rapidly increasing urban population. Therefore, a consistent effort is required to expand farm productivity. Important as it is, however, the agricultural sector is highly inefficient. Changes, then, cannot be further delayed in the rural sector. To date, ideas, experiments, and applied programs have been advanced by national agencies in the fields of rural services, community action, agricultural co-operatives, agribusiness (agro-industrias), and especially integrated rural development. To this end the government is now assembling a program to coordinate rural functions of several national and local agencies in order to induce change in the countryside. However, a few crucial measures are lacking to bring about change in the agrarian structure of the country. Greater involvement of 184 the peasantry especially in the decision-making process should be encouraged through the revitalization of the Asociacién Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (ANUC). Further- more, the Colombian Land Reform Institute (INCORA) must be allocated the power to carry out a long neglected program of land redistribution. Dorner and Kanel (1971:55) have dealt with this problem in the Latin American context, and their conclusion fully applies to the case of Boyaca: There [in Latin America], if the agricultural sector is to make a greater contribution to overall development, basic reorganization and redistribution of land and capital are required in order to: produc- tively employ more people in agriculture, contribute more to capital formation in both the agricultural and the industrial sectors, and provide the income dis- tribution necessary for broadening the market for locally manufactured goods as well as for the increased production from agriculture. There appears to be no alternative to rural modern- ization, irrespective of the ideological and political framework of the developmental process. At this point in time it is impossible to disassociate any region from the mainstream of national economic life, more so in the particular case of Central Boyaca, a region which lies adjacent to the Colombian capital city. The research is conclusive in the contention that the process of rural modernization, when it occurs outside the framework of a coordinated regional policy is highly ineffectual in utilizing the existing resource base, public services and investment. The same lack of functional coordination tends to perpetuate and even intensify the regional coexistence 185 of socio-economic and cultural disparities, which are "chronic and not merely transitional" according to Singer (1970). To summarize, rural modernization is an irreversible process in developing economies. Twentieth-century "epochal innovations" are available for operation in peasant soci- eties, for better or for worse, and it is up to policy- makers to harness the power of change associated with new technology. The idea is to make change an instrument of stable economic progress and social justice, rather than reinforce inequalities, and at the Same time provide the means to encourage rural communities in the preservation of their own cultural endowment. Conclusions On the basis of the most important findings of the research, the following conclusions are derived: 1. Change occurs in the rural sector of developing regions with varying intensity in part as a result of increased urban—rural interaction, greater demand for rural goods and services, and the overall intensification of economic activities associated with city growth. 2. The spatial variation in such rural transformation can be stated as inversely proportional to dis- tance from the farm to the urban node. As exem- plified in the case of Central Boyaca, the ideal 186 linear relationship is distorted by the influences of other cultural and physical factors. Regional changes thus generated by city growth impose technological and economic re-adjustments on the agrarian economy, requiring financial and technical assistance, education and other services, particularly for the mass of subsistence peasants. Such functions are still poorly served by the government in Central Boyaca. Spontaneous modernization is bound to widen the economic, social and technological gaps between the few wealthy farmers and the bulk of the rural populace. While wealthy farmers readily have their farms modernized as innovations are available, peasants either disassociate themselves of the general process of development as a marginal sub- culture, or become only partly transformed. The latter situation has been termed "dysrhythmic change" (Whitaker 1967; Migdal 1974), and will induce further migration of dissatisfied peasants to urban centers, or create a source of mounting socio-political unrest and nonconformity in the countryside. While in general industrialization in Central Boyaca has unleashed a chain-reaction leading to important changes in the region, its direct impact 187 on the countryside has been comparatively limited. The impact of heavy industrialization, moreover, tends to be a negative one in some cases, since peasants who are able to find employment in manu- facturing generally abandon the rural regions. Even if in a few instances industrial jobs helped to solve problems of rural underemployment, in several municipalities the consequences have been identified as serious shortages in the agricultural labor force. On the other hand, since the mid- 19703 the rate of industrialization has decreased in the region and therefore the ability of the manufacturing sector to absorb redundant labor (unemployment caused by capital-intensive changes in selected agricultural areas) has been greatly diminished. While mining and processing of coal operations will probably increase in the near future in the Upper Chicamocha Valley, modernized mining systems most likely restrict the generation of additional employment from this source. If present trends continue, further migration of peasants will remain a problem for the cities, not so much at the regional level, but mostly for the country's capital, Bogota, which is constantly affected with the heavy burden of providing 188 services and employment for the endless stream of campesino migrants. Recommendations Several recommendations concerning problems of the study region are implicit in the conclusions. It is appropriate, however, to formulate a set of considerations based on policy priorities which could be of assistance in devicing plans conducive to rural modernization. First of all, from the geographic point of view, a close scrutiny of the areal arrangement of phenomena directly or indirectly associated with rural change may prove useful. This spatial analytic approach is necessary to evaluate regional disparities, needs, and potentials, and to decide on the most adequate framework to set forth priorities and strategies of regional development. Secondly, a sound approach to rural development should be preceded by additional research in the fields of agricultural economics, anthropology, and sociology, a role which in the case of Central Boyaca must be assumed by the University of Tunja. Moreover, pilot projects should be initiated to test specific strategies of directed and semi-directed rural development. Thirdly, a self-help policy (Katz and Bender 1976) would imply the involvement of the peasantry, or at least genuine communal leaders, in the process of determining 189 major needs and assets of the community, and in implementing the projects designed to induce change. Underlining the recommendations suggested above, a sine qua non point of logistics is paramount--program leadership. In order to shield the development program from political interference, funding problems, and mis- application or duplication of services, it would be advisable that these types of projects depend on inter- institutional sponsorship. Whether this coordinated effort is funded directly by the national government within the DRI (Integrated Rural Development) framework, or is dependent upon a regional authority is not too important as long as several local and national agencies and exper- tise are involved. As an area of mature settlement, all of Central Boyaca's lands have been occupied and are more or less permanently cultivated. Thus, any significant expansion in farm acreage within the region is impossible for all practical purposes. There is no colonization frontier remaining in these highlands. But, the potential exists for a more rational and productive utilization of the resource base. As Street (1976:543) indicates, the alter- native therefore lies in implementing the concept of "the vertical frontier of internal development"--implying such things as community cooperation, modern farm techniques, management, marketing organization, intensification. And 190 indeed, if these enduring peasants of Central Boyaca have succeeded in taming horizontal frontiers elsewhere, in pioneering areas and in cities alike, why can they not succeed at home in conquering these new frontiers facing them--those of vertical development? APPENDICES APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS AND ACRONYMS APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS AND ACRONYMS Spanish Words Altiplanicie Barrio Boyacense Caballero Cabecera Cacicazgo Cacique Caja Agraria Camino Real Camino vecinal Campesinado Campesino A plateau; as used in Colombia, the term applies to stretches of elevated and relatively extensive level land, such as the Bogota plateau. Urban neighborhood or district. A native from Boyaca, Colombia. Nobleman; a member of the gentry. City, town or village serving as a municipal capital. An Indian chiefdom. Indian chief; currently the term applies to a political boss. Short name for Caja de Crédito A rario, namely Agrarian Loan Bank, a CoIombian banking institution specializing on rural affairs. Literally, Royal Trail; it applies to public trails. A public rural road, frequently con- structed by the community with technical and financial support from the government. The peasantry. A peasant; a rural dweller. 191 Campo Chibcha Comerciante Comisaria Conquistador Departamento Encomienda Ferreria Ganadero Haba Hacendado Hacienda Hato 192 The countryside, the rural areas; also used to identify the field plot. The major Indian cultural family in Andean Colombia; also identified as Mwiska, Muisca, or Moxca. A merchant, trader or dealer. A regional-administrative category in Colombia, applicable to national territories. The regional hierarchy places Departamentos in the highest order, followedby Intendencias and Comisarias; these major divisions are broken down into municipalities. A Spanish conqueror. Department, a state-like unit (see Comisaria, above). A manorial system introduced by the Spanish in their colonies, whereby Indian communities were placed under the protection of a white settler. Although the lands in encomienda were supposed to remain out of the direct control of the encomendero (grantee), in practice he was a lord owning land and Indians alike. A small smelter. Cattleman, as the opposite of agricultor, crop farmer. A broad bean species, which is a staple in the highlands of Colombia. A large-estate owner. Large estate, usually self-sufficient and self-contained. Also referred to as latifundio. A cattle ranch, or any medium-sized to large farm used for cattle raising. Indio Intendencia Latifundio Mestizo Minifundio Minifundista Muisca Municipio Péramo Patrén Pueblo Rancho Reino 193 An Indian; as used in Central Colombia, the term applies to any humble dweller of the.rural areas. A regional subdivision, next to Departamento in the administrative hierarchy (see Comisaria, above). Latifundium, large estate. Smith (1967:28) defines it as the "large landed property which is deliber- ately withheld from productive purposes." A person of mixed blood. The term usually applies to people of Spanish and Indian descent. A small, subsistence-oriented farm owned by a campesino. A subsistence peasant; the Opposite is latifundista, somewhat equated to hacendado, especially when the owner keeps his estate idle. See Chibcha, above. A municipality, sometimes defined in English as a county-like regional subdivision. A bleak, cold area usually at ele- vations higher than 3,000 meters, above the tierra fria (see below). A landlord; the term also applies to define a person of certain status in the hierarchy of clientelist relationships in rural Colombia. A town or village. The Spanish equivalent of village, aldea is not used in Colombia. Pueblo also defines the people, in general. A humble dwelling. A loose regional term applicable in general to the highlands of Central Colombia which comprised the Reino (Kingdom) of New Granada. 194 Sociedad Literally, society. Lg_sociedad, refers to the upper class, as a generic qualification. Sumerced Also §g_merced or, more formally, vuestra merced (now obsolete). This is the way a respectable person is addressed by the peasants. Tierra caliente Hot land; applies to the warm, tropical lowlands. Tierra fria Cool land; areas of mild, spring- like climate in the highlands of Colombia. Tierra templada The zone of temperate climate located between the tierra fria and the tierra caliente. Toma An irrigation ditch. Tributario In colonial times, an Indian who was forced to pay taxes to the Spanish administration. Vereda A rural neighborhood or community; the unit areas into which municipios are subdivided. Acronyms ACOGE Asociacidn Colombiana de GeOgrafos (Association of Colombian Geographers), the leading professional organization of geography in Colombia. ANUC Agociacién Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National Association of Peasants Using Public Services), a kind of peasant union designed to increase the participation of the peasantry in its own betterment. CBD Central Business District. In Spanish the equivalent is the centro comercial or, simply, the centro, referring to the downtown area where most of the city business occurs. CEPAL CLAG DANE DNP DRI ICA ICEL IDEBOY IGAC INCORA INDUMIL 195 Comisién Econémicagparal la América Latina (United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, ECLA). Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers, a United Statesébased organization of geographers special- izing on Latin American issues, with increasing membership of Latin geographers. Departamento Administrativo Nacional de EstadiStica, the leading statis- tical agency in Colombia. Departamento Nacional de Planeacidn, or Colombian Planning Department. Desarrollo Rural Integrado, Inte- grated Rural Development, a newly designed program to induce modern- ization of the-rural sector. Instituto Colombiano Agropecuario, Colombian Agricultural Institute; this is the most important agrarian research agency in Colombia. Instituto Colombianode_Electricidad, Colombian Institute of Electricity; the leading develOpment agency in charge of electrification. Instituto de Desarrollo de Boyaca, Boyaca's Institute of Development. Instituto Geografico Agustin Codazzi. The Colombian geographic institute is an agency dealing mostly with cartographic research. Instituto Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria,—Colombian Agrarian Reform Inst tute. Industria Militar, a factory special- izing in the production of military equipment and various metal-working activities. It is located in Sogamoso. ITA OFISEL SENA SOFASA TABOY 196 Instituto Técnico Agropecuario, a rural—oriented secondary school located near Paipa, in Central Boyaca. Oficina de Investigaciones Socio- Econémicas y LegaIes, a provate firm fOr Socio—Economic and Legal Research of Bogoté, Colombia. Servicio Nacional de Aprgndizaje, or Nationai Apprenticeship Service. This is an agency in charge of pro- viding adult continuing education, especially in technical fields. Sociedad de Fabricacidn de Automotores, S.A., a government- sponsored corporation specializing in the production of Renault auto- mobiles. Transportes Aéreos Boyacenses, a government-sponsored airline which operated in Boyaca in the early 19608. APPENDIX B INTERVIEW SCHEDULE \J APPENDIX B INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Observation Unit No. Municipio Interviewer Date Administered in Spanish* NOTE FOR THE INTERVIEWER: Unless otherwise indicated, clearly circle the number in paren- thesis corresponding to the respondent‘s option. Age in years __fl_, 2. A native from Boyaca? Yes (i); No (23 Sex: Male Ll), Female (21. Married (1)_ Single 1g1_ Other .;1_. Person in charge of directing the farm Operation: Family head Lil. Relative (§Q_ Other 3,. Could you please list what you consider the three most important needs of the peasantry in your community? (a) (b) (C) * The Spanish version of the questionnaire asked for additional data gathered in support of future research. 197 10. 11. 13. 14. 15. 198 What would you expect the government to do for the betterment of the peasantry--not only yourself or your community, but of the Boyacense peasantry in general? Are there any other holdings separated from this one that belong to you or your spouse? Yes Lll_ No L2) . How did you acquire this farm? Inherited Lll_ Purchase '12) Rented (2)_ Sharecropper (Q) How large is the farm? fanegadas, or ____ hectares. Concerning the size of the farm: (a) It has been always the same size 1;) (b) It was part of an estate subdivided recently .92) (c) It was consolidated from several small plots (3) Currently, this holding is occupied for the following uses: Use Pastures Cereals Vegetables Fruits Woodland Idle Per cent (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) In general, how would you classify your farm in terms of the predominant land use? Consider investment and production. CrOp cultivation (l)_ Livestock (g1, Mixed (3)_ Approximately, what is today's percentage of your farm used in crops? per cent. Which is the cash crap most frequently planted in your farm? Barley (1), Wheat ‘12) Corn (3)_ Peas ‘13) Potatoes (5) Beans .161 'Vegetables .CZ) Fruit trees ( ) Other (2 ) . 16. 17. 19 . 20. 21. 199 How much of the cr0ps harvested in the farm is directly consumed by the family? (a) Everything--we do not sell anything (b) About three~quarters are consumed by family (c) Approximately one half (d) About one-quarter is consumed by the family (e) Almost nothing--everything is for the market EEEEE What is the main purpose of your livestock Operation? Beef (ll_ Dairy L21 Other (31. What kinds of cattle do you have in this farm? Graded dairy breeds (;1_ Graded beef ‘Lgl, Mixed (31_ How many animals are there in the farm? Cattle "___; Sheep ____i. Swine ___; Chicken _____; Horses _; Other . Indicate the origin of your water supply: Origin Aqueduct Dam Communal ditch Spring River Domestic use (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Annals <1) <2) (3) (A) (5) Irrigation (1) <2) <3) (4) (5) Where do you market your farm products? Location Crops Cattle Milk Other In.farm (1) (1) (1) (1) Town City (Circle number 1 whenever products are sold in the same farm; otherwise write the name of the town or city). 22. 23. 200 Name cities or towns most frequently visited for the following purposes: (a) To purchase farm inputs (fertilizers, etc.) (b) General shOpping (c) To obtain banking services (d) To obtain technical assistance (e) To consult with physicians and dentists (f) To obtain hospital services Identify implements and techniques found in the farm or frequently utilized in the Operation of the farm: (a) Soil analysis by qualified personnel _(1) (b) Fertilizers technically formulated and applied _(2) (c) Sprayers-~fungicides and/Or herbicides _(3) (d) Parasite control in animals _(fl) (e) Livestock inoculation _L§) (f) Use of improved seeds obtained in the market _L§) (g) Cattle breeding: selected sire or artificial insemination .LZ) (h) Cattle grazing electrically controlled _(§) (1) Tractor and modern ploughs _(2_) (j) Combine (19) (k) Milking machine (1_1) (l) Irrigation water-pump (1;) (m) Motor vehicles for farm-related activities ($2) (n) Other farm machinery LEE (0) Other modern farm technique 24. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33- 201 DO you have in your house: (a) Electricity [(1) (b) Running water (2) (Interviewer: record housing characteristics observedg Walls brick (1) adobe (§)_ mud (2) Roof tile 11.) straw (7:) other (1) Floor cement 11.) wood (2_) dirt (1) Bathroom W.C. (1) outside toilet (g) (Grade the general housing quality by design, appearance, and maintenance with scores ranging from O to 3:)* (0) Poor; LL) Average; (2;) Good; (1) Excellent. Do you usually consult with professional agronomists and/or veterinarians about your farm problems? Yes (1)_ No (g). Do you keep written records of your farm Operations? Yes Q) No _(_2_)_ Do you participate in any of the following activities? (a) Peasant's Day (Dia del campesino) (b) Field workshOps (Dia de campo) (c) Community action groups BEBE Are you a member of.ANUC (peasant union)? Yes No (2) Are you member of a farm co-operative? Yes (1) No (2) Have you ever received any technical assistance from extension agents? Yes (;)_ NO (g) From which agency? ... How far from the farm is the nearest school? kilometers. * House quality scoring should be done by interviewer. 34. 35. 37. 38. 39. 40. 202 (Interviewer: Record the approximate trail distance to nearest all-weather road: Kilometers _H___ ___Record in map, too). How many members of your family, including yourself, usually live in this farm? ____*____. Do you know how to write and read? Yes (l)_ No (g)_ The following members of my family read and write: Spouse (1); ...... children out of ______, Do you have any close relatives living in a city? Yes (;). No (g) (Interviewer: Grade the physical attributes of the farmland with scores ranging from 0 to 4, as follows: 0 = poor 1 = deficient 2 = average 3 = good, and 4 8 very good. The grading should considerlggil characteristics and fertility; Egpgg supply (permanency, usable for irrigation, etc.); to - gggphy (lepe); and accessibility to an all-weather road. (a) Soil quality (b) Water supply (0) Teposraphy .— (d) Accessibility What is your family income after eXpenses in farm Operations are subtracted? NOTE FOR INTERVIEWER: Indicate the attitude of the respondent and your general observations: LIST OF REFERENCES LIST OF REFERENCES Acerias Paz del Rio, S.A. (1976). ”Acerias Paz del Rio, S. A.," a paper published by the Department of Economic Studies of Acerias Paz del Rio, Bogota, mimeographed. Acevedo Latorre, Eduardo (1952). "Panorama geo-econdmico del Departamento de Boyaca,” Anales de Economia y Esta- distica, Afio VIII, 3a. Epoca, No. 76, pp. 17-58. Adams, Dale W. and Havens, A. Eugene (1966). ”The Use of Socio-economic Research in Developing a Strategy of Change for Rural Communities: A Colombian Example," Economic Development and Cultural Change, 14 (2), Adams, Dale W. and Schulman, Sam (1967). "Minifundia in Agrarian Reform: A Colombian Example,“ Land Economics, 43 (3), pp. 274-283. Alers-Montalvo, Manuel (1967). 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