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Migration to Northern Goiés: Geographical
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Amazonia, Brazil
presented by

Luis Eduardo Aragoh

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MIGRATION TO NORTHERN GOIAS: GEOGRAPflICAL AND
OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY IN SOUTHEASTERN AMAZONIA, BRAZIL

By
Luis Eduardo Aragén

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Geography

1978

ABSTRACT

MIGRATION TO NORTHERN GOIAS: GEOGRAPHICAL AND

<§5 OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY IN SOUTHEASTERN AMAZONIA, BRAZIL

3"
(I: BY

Luis Eduardo Aragén

This study describes and analyzes geographical and
occupational mobility in the Amazonian region of Goias
state, Brazil, and seeks to show that migrants to this area
follow a step-wise process inverse to the urban functional
hierarchy in search of better places to reside. Primary
and secondary data, extensive bibliographical review, and a
full year (July 1976-July 1977) of field work constitute the
‘main sources of information for this study. Close to 700
‘migrant heads of households (4 percent of the universe)

‘were randomly interviewed in the area. Interviews revealed
personal characteristics, demographic information, kinship
ties, and occupational and migration history.

Northern Goias is located on the periphery_of two
regions: southern Brazil and AmazOnia. It is distant from
850 Paulo, but is also distant from Belém and Manaus, the two
largest centers of AmazOnia. In 1960 the Belem-Brasilia
highway joined the two cores of settlement and traversed

northern Goiés. The zone grew tremendously. However, people

Luis Eduardo Aragén
came mainly from nearby areas, from old towns located
along traditional transportation routes on the Araguaia
and Tocantins rivers. Today the area is one of low reten-
tion but high geographical mobility. Migrants come mainly
from small towns and rural areas, but some have contacted
large urban centers. Reverse hierarchical migration is
noticeable, especially among urban-born migrants. As
migrants move the tendency is to concentrate in urban
centers and to change occupations. Occupations reported by
the migrants, however, are among the lowest ranked in
Brazil, and social mobility occurs mainly between these
occupations.

Sixteen years after the Belem-Brasilia road was
opened, this study shows a high propensity to migrate from
the area, especially toward the cities located at the two
extremes of the highway. In the migration stream, relatives
follow relatives, and children are already abandoning the
area in favor of those cities, so it is expected that their
relatives will join them in the near future. If the pro-
cess found in northern Goias is characteristic of other
Amazonian regions where highways are being opened, the
plans to integrate AmazOnia may produce the opposite effect.
To date, the opening of the transportation network of
AmazOnia is intensifying migration to the larger cities and

increasing the urban explosion and related phenomena.

To my parents, Luis Antonio Aragén

and Agripina Vaca de Aragon

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express appreciation to all those people
and institutions that in one way or another contributed to
the completion of my doctoral program and this dissertation.
The list of acknowledgements is necessary long and incomr
plete. The encouragement, friendship and understanding of
Dr. C.W. Minkel, my academic adviser at Michigan State
University since 1972, will always be appreciated. His
guidance during my program and patient revision of the many
drafts of this dissertation are particularly noteworthy.

Dr. Robert N. Thomas introduced me to the field of population
geography, for which I consider myself privileged. His
advice concerning methodology and theory helped in focusing
the problem, and in analysis and presentation of the study.
The other two members of my committee, Dr. Daniel Jacobson
and Dr. Raleigh Barlowe also contributed greatly to my prep-
aration. The Department of Geography contributed with com-
puter time and an assistantship during the writing stage of
this dissertation. To Dr. Lawrence Sommers (Chairman) my
thanks for his consideration. I am particularly indebted to
Dr. John M. Hunter, Director of the Latin American Studies
Center at M.S.U., who provided me with an assistantship which
supported two years of graduate study. To all my professors

iii

at Michigan State University my thanks for their academic
instruction and cooperation.

Research in Brazil was made possible through two
institutions. The Latin American Teaching Fellowship Pro-
gram provided round-trip tickets, Lansing-Belem, and the
Nficleo de Altos Estudos AmazOnicos of the Universidade
Federal do Para, Belém, employed me as a Visiting Professor
for a full year (1976-1977). There, Professors José
Marcelino Monteiro da Costa (Director), Paulo Cal and
Constantino Ribeiro Otero, among others, gave invaluable
assistance. I must also recognize the help of the students
of the Master's program in Regional Development Planning of
that Center for cooperation in this study, especially Fabio
da Silva and Alfredo Yong Quina, who accompanied me during
the last part of the field work in P6rto Nacional. Theoreti-
cal and methodological discussions useful for this study were
held with sociologists George Martine (Ministerio do Interior),
Elbio Neris Gonzales (Universidade de Brasilia), Pedro Demo,
Amilcar Tupiassu and Stephen G. Bunker (NAEA). My
classmate and friend Luc J.A. Mougeot made valuable sugges-
tions and contributed through interaction in the early
stages of this study. Extensive bibliographic material use-
ful for the study were provided, among other institutions, by
the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE),
SuperintEndencia de Desenvolvimento da Regiao Centro-Oeste
(SUDECO), Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria e Colonizacao
(INCRA), and the Ministerio do Interior.

iv

In the field I received cooperation from.many people.
Included were the families that patiently answered my ques-
tions and graciously permitted me to penetrate into their
lives. To all school teachers, priests, mayors, doctors,
businessmen, and laborers of all types who contributed in-
formation, I am.most appreciative. And, special thanks are
due to Mr. Ant6nio Pesconi, from.Colmeia, for allowing me to
use his private airplane for reconnaissance in the area.

To my parents, Luis Antonio Aragén and Agripina Vaca
de Aragén, and my entire family my deepest thanks for keeping
me close even when living for so long away. Their encourage-
ment, h0pe and advice have been priceless. My triumph is

also theirs.

LIST OF

LIST OF

CHAPTER
I

II
III

IV

VI

VII
VIII

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLES
FIGURES

INTRODUCTION .

The Problem

Hypothesis .

Theoretical Framework .

Findings and Limitations of. the Study

THE POPULATION DYNAMICS OF NORTHERN GOIAS.

METHODOLOGY

Field Work . .
Selected Settlements
The Sample

THE MIGRATION FIELD OF NORTHERN GOIAS

The Urban Functional Hierarchy .
Migration Flows

GEOGRAPHICAL MOBILITY
OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY

Present Occupational Structure . .

Step-wise Migration and Occupational
Mobility . .

Hierarchical Migration and Occupational

Mobility .
Discussion .
PROPENSITY TO MIGRATE

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

vi

Page
viii

xi

ODWN l—‘

25
26
31
38
43

44
47

58
72
74
75

82
88

95
112

Page

APPENDICES
A. Interview Schedule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
B. Occupational Categories . . . . . . . . . . . 134
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

vii

TABLE

10

11

12

LIST OF TABLES

Historical Evolution of the Population of
Brazil and Goias State, 1736-1975 .

Average Annual Population Growth for
Brazil and Goiés State, 1736-1970 .

Population Change in Five Selected
Municipios of Northern Goias, 1960- 1975

Sample Population .

Gamma Coefficients Between Objective and
Perceived Hierarchy .

Hierarchical Levels Visited by Heads of
Households Between Municipio of Birth and
Final Destination . . . . . . . . . .

Hierarchical Distribution of Migrants
According to Number of Stops and Successive
Residences .

Migrants Moving Upward, Downward and
Laterally According to Number of StOps and
Successive Residences . . . . . .

Migrants Mbving Upward, Downward and
Laterally According to Number of Stops,
Successive Residences, and Rural or Urban
Origin .

Age of Departure from Place of Birth and
Arrival at Final Destination . .

Length of Stay at Last Previous Residence,
Non- Direct Migrants, Rural and Urban
Residents . . . . . . . .

Year of Departure from Place of Birth and
Last Previous Residence, and Year of
Arrival at Last Previous Residence and
Final Destination, Rural and Urban
Residents . . .

viii

Page

15

19

37
4O

48

50

6O

62

64

66

67

68

TABLE

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

Page

Occupational Categories Among Migrants to
Northern Goias: Final Destination, by
Sex and Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Mean Differences and Correlation Co—

efficients in Social Scores of Occupations

of Migrants to Northern Goias, Between

Places of Birth and Final Destination by

Sex and Origin of Migrants . . . . . . . . 77

Mean Age of Migrants to Northern Goias by
Number of Stops . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

Mean Social Scores at Each Residence by
Number of Stops During Migration . . . . . 80

Correlation Coefficients Between Social

Scores at Each Succeeding Residence, and

Between Social Scores at Place of Birth

and each Succeeding Residence by the

Number of Stops During Migration . . . . . 81

Difference in Means and Correlation

Coefficients Between Social Scores at

Place of Birth and Final Destination by

Sex, Origin and Number of Stops During

Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

Mean Social Scores and Correlation

Coefficients Between Occupations at Place

of Birth and Final Destination by Hier-

archical Level of the Place of Birth and

Final Destination . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

Mean Social Scores and Correlation

Coefficients Between Occupations at

Place of Birth and Final Destination by

Type of Geographical Mbvement . . . . . . 87

Mean Social Scores and Correlation

Coefficients Between Occupations at Place

of Birth and Final Destination by Type

of Geographical Movement, Origin and

Sex of Migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

Mbtives for Leaving Last Previous
Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

ix

TABLE
23

24
25

26

27

28

29

30

Relatives Accompanying Heads of Households

Between Place of Birth and Final
Destination . . . . . . . .

Mbtives for Coming to Present Residence .

Lodging at Time of Arrival in Present
Place of Residence, by Knowledge that
Heads of Households Had About the Place
Before Leaving Previous Residence .

Municipios of Birth of Informants'
Children by Municipios of Children's
Residence . . . . .

Heads of Households' Locational
Preferences and Place of Residence by
Children Living Away from Informants'
Place of Residence . .

Education of Children Seven Years or
Older Born in the Municipios of
Interview by Place of Residence, and
Education of Heads of Households by
Locational Preference . . . .

Civil Status of Informants' Children
Fourteen Years or Older Born in the
Municipios of Interview by Municipios
of Residence, and Civil Status of
Heads of Households by Locational
Preference . . . . . . . . .

Urgent Needs at the Place of Final
Destination Mentioned by Heads of
Households . . . . . . .

Page

100
101

102

104

106

109

110

117

FIGURE

LIST OF FIGURES

A Theoretical Model of Hierarchical
Migration .

Northern Goias: Locational Map .
The Belem-Brasilia Highway

Urban Functional Hierarchy of Municipios

ever Contacted prior to Final Residence .

Municipios of Birth .

Municipios ever Contacted prior to
Final Residence .

Municipios of Last Previous Residence .
Locational Preferences
Municipios of Residence of Children

Living Away from their Parents'
Munic pios of Residence .

xi

Page

29
32

49
54

56
70
97

105

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Between 1960 and 1970 about 21 million people

migrated to urban centers in Latin America, and about 60
percent of the total Latin American p0pu1ation now lives

in urban environments.1 Hence, most investigations con-
sider migration responsible for the urban explosion and pro-
gressive urban deterioration.2 Up to 1970, more than 20
million Brazilians migrated to cities, but considerable
numbers of people are migrating today to secondary centers
and frontier areas.3 Sao Paulo and Parana, once the leading

states for in-migration, are experiencing lower retention

 

1Stanley D. Brunn and Robert N. Thomas, "The
Migration System of Tegucigalpa," in Robert N. Thomas, ed.,
Population Dynamics of Latin America: A Review and Biblio-
graphy (East Lansing: CLAG Publications, Inc., 1973),
pp. 68-82; United Nations, Urban and Rural Population:
Individual Countries 1950-1985 and Regions and Major Areas
1950-2000 (New York: UnitedFNations, 1970).

2Robert N. Thomas, "Internal Migration in Latin
America: An Analysis of Recent Literature," in Barry
Lentnek, Robert L. Carmin and Tom L. Martinson, eds.,
GeographicResearch on Latin America: Benchmark 1970
(Muncie, Indiana: BaIl State University, 1971), pp. 104-118.

3Speridao Faissol, "Migrapfies internas.e suas
repercucaes no crescimento urbano e desenvolvimento econbmico,"
Revista Brasileira de Geografia 35 (1973): 3-102.

 

1

2

indices, while the Central-West (Goiés in particular) has
the highest.4 Frontiers are being populated rapidly, but
the magnitude, process and implications of migration
flows to these areas are little known in Latin America.
Dozier considers that:

Some of the most rapid and drastic changes

in Latin America are occurring in areas

that formerly were thinly populated but now

have scores of in-migrants, in areas that

formerly were isolated but now have all-

weather road links with the outside, in

areas that were formerly tropical forest 5

but now have cleared agricultural land.
Studies of migration to frontier areas are urgent. They can
contribute significantly to urban decentralization, regional

planning and further development of migration theory.
The Problem

This study describes and analyzes geographical and
occupational mobility of migrants to the Amazonian region
of Goias state, Brazil, and seeks to answer the following

questions:

 

4Milton de Mata, et al., Migracoes internas no
Brasil: As ectos econOmicos e demograficos (Rio de Janeiro:
IPEA7INPES, I973), pp. 69-71.

5Craig L. Dozier, "Geography and the Emergent
Areas of Latin America," in Barry Lentnek, et al., eds.,
Gbggraphic Research in Latin America: Benchmark, 1970
(Muncie, Indiana: BallFState University,71971), p. 86.

 

3

1. What relationships exist between step-
wise migration and functional hierarchy?

2. What relationships exist between step-
wise migration and occupational mobility?

3. What relationships exist between
hierarchical migration and occupational
mobility?

4. What are the perspectives for general
improvement of the people migrating to
northern Goias?

5. Is the study area one in which the
migrants tend to remain?

Hypothesis

 

This research suggests that migrants to the
Amazonian region of Goias state, Brazil, tend to follow a
step-wise migration flow inverse to the functional hierarchy
in search of places with better opportunities to reside.
Operationally, the study seeks to show:

1. As the number of steps increases the

percentage of migrants moving downward

in the functional hierarchy increases.

2. As migrants change residence occupational
change increases.

3. Occupational mobility occurs mainly
between occupations of low social levels.

 

6A functional hierarchy is a spatial structure of
nodal regions. The Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e
Estatistica (IBGE) established the functional hierarchy of
Brazil at the municipal level. Each.municipio was considered
a nodal region, with its respective capital being the center
or nucleus of the region. They were classified in five
hierarchical levels according to the social and economic
functions of each municipio in relation to all others.

 

 

4

4. Migrants to northern Goias represent a
selected residual of those unable to
survive in high hierarchical levels,
plus those chronically moving between
places of low hierarchical levels.

5. Northern Goias serves as a temporary
residence for migrants going to larger
cities, especially for those going to
the cities located at the two ends of
the Belem-Brasilia highway.

Theoretical Framework

 

Traditionally, migration has been considered to be
the result of a decision made by the migrants relative to
positive (pull) and negative (push) factors between their
places of origin and destination, and the obstacles found

7 Since first described by Ravenstein,

between the two places.
this movement has been referred to as a step-wise process.

Recent studies identify in Ravenstein's law two complementary

 

7Good bibliographical reviews include: Gunnar
Olsson, Distance and Human Interaction: A Review and
Biblio ra’h (Philadelphia: Reg1onaI'Sc1ence Inst1tute,
I968); J. 5. Mangalam, Human Migration: A Guide to Migration
Literature in English 1955-1962 (Lexington: ‘University of
Kentucky Press, 1968).

 

8E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration, Journal

of the Statistical Society 48 (1885). 167- 235, 52 (I889):
Everett 8. Lee, ”A Theory of Migration, " Demo raphy

 

3 (1966) 47— 57.

5

9

processes: step-wise migration and stage migration. In

step—wise migration the same person arrives at a place
after several stops. Stage migration emphasizes replace-

ment. A person leaves a given site and is replaced by

10

another coming from somewhere else. Relating step-wise

migration to urban hierarchy, a person moves from a small

rural village to a secondary town and from there to a

ll

primate city. Today, the process appears to be weakening,

meaning that more people are migrating directly to primate

cities.12

 

9Robert N. Thomas and James L. Mulvihill, "Temporal
Aspects of Stage Migration in Guatemala," in Robert N. Thomas
and John M. Hunter, eds., Internal Migration Systems in
Developing Countries: African, Asian and Latin American
Examples (East Lansing: Latin American Studies center, forth-
coming); J. Barry Riddell and Milton E. Harvey, "The Urban
System in the Migration Process: An Evaluation of Step-Wise
Migrgggon in Sierra Leone," Economic Geography 48 (1972):

10Bertil Wendel, "A Migration Schema: Theories and
Observations," Lund Studies in Geography, Ser. B. Human
Geography, No. 9 (1953).

11
Gunnar Kulldorf, "Migration Probabilities," Lund
Studies in Geography, Ser. B. Human Geography, No. 14 (I935);
ar . aue er, 0 ort Population Redistribution and the
Urban Hierarchy," The Milbank Fund Quarterly 43 (1965): 451-

462; Curtis C. Roseman, "Changing MigrationPatterns," AAG
Resource Papers for College Geography, 77-2 (1977).

12Robert N. Thomas and John C. Catau, "Distance and
the Incidence of'Step—Wise Migration in Guatemala," AAG
Proceedings 6 (1974): 113-116.

 

 

 

 

 

 

6
Studies applying the classical model abound relative
to Latin America, but few test empirically the relationships
between urban hierarchy and step-wise migration, analyze the
role of secondary centers, or study flows to rural areas or

13 Numerous colonization studies analyze the

small towns.
adaptation of people in their new environments, describe the
process of agricultural transformation, report colonist-
Indian confrontations, call attention to environmental prob-
lems and plan for the development of future colonization
areas. Almost none trace the migrant from time of birth
until his arrival at the frontier.14
The classic model has been critically revised by
several authors who found it rigid. For Mabogunje, migra-
tion results from stimulus, controls, and adjustments within

15

a given area or environment. Considering just two places,

with the destination being a primate city, studies applying

 

13Robert N. Thomas and Kevin F. Byrnes, "Intervening
Opportunities and the Migration Field of a Secondary Urban
Center: The Case of Tunja, Colombia," in Robert J. Tata, ed.,
Latin America: Search for Geographic Explanations (Boca
Eaton,‘Florida: CLAG PubliCations, Inc., 1976), pp. 83—88;
Dale W. Adams, "Rural Migration and A ricultural Develo ment
in Colombia," EconOmic Development ang Cultural Change 7
(1969): 527-5397’ '

14Good bibliographical reviews include: Dozier, "Geo-
graphy and the Emergent Areas in Latin America," pp. 86-94;
Pierre A.D. Stouse, Jru, "Settlement Geography in Latin
America," in Barry Lentnek, et a1., eds., Geographic Research
in Latin America: Benchmark 1970 (Muncie, Indiana:*Ball State
University{fil971), pp. 94103.

15Akin L. Mabogunje, "Systems Approach to a Theory of
Rural-Urban Migration,‘ Geographical Analysis 2 (1970): 1-8.

7
the classical model omit analysis of a considerable number
of migrants: those leaving a place who do not arrive at
that specific destination, plus those who have already left
this place. Surveys represent a specific point in time.
For some people a place would be their origin, for others
their final destination, and for still others their first,
second or third residence. The origin and destination are,
then, not independent, but are two points within an area
which contain many other places that in total constitute the
migration field of a given population. Migration is a con-
tinuous movement of people between structures whose intra
and inter-relationships determine the dynamics of the process

16

between different places of a given migration field. It

is recognized in geographic literature that people move
within an action space and that the center of gravity of
such space changes through time. For Hagerstrand "these
changes in the center of gravity correspond to what is

I'17

usually termed migration. The localities within a migra-

tion field are usually organized hierarchically, and as the

 

16Elbio Neris Gonzales and Maria Inés Bastos,
"Migracao rural e o trabalho volante na agricultura brasileira,‘
in IBGE, Encontro brasileiro de estudos_popu1acion§is (Rio
de Janeiro: IBGE, 1976), pp. ZED-261; J} BarryRiddell,
"African Migration and Regional Disparities," in Robert N.
Thomas and John M. Hunter, eds., Migration Systems in Develop-
ing Countries: Asian, African and Latin American'Examples
(East Lansing: Latin American Studies Center, forthcoming).

17Torsten Hagerstrand, "Migration and Area," in
David Hannerberb, et al., eds., "Migration in Sweden: A
Symposium," Lund Studies in Geography, Ser. B. Human Geography,
No. 13 (1957), p. 25.

 

8
level increases, the complexity of the places also increases.18
Within this framework, step-wise migration appears to result
from a continuous selection process. In each hierarchical
level migrants survive who are capable of coping with the
requirements of that level. Therefore, as the hierarchy
level increases, the expulsion of migrants will be greater
because fewer individuals are capable of surviving in those
places. In each intermediate level migrants have four
alternatives: 1) move up the hierarchy, 2) move laterally to
places of the same level, 3) stay in the same place or 4)
move down the hierarchy. Those migrants over-equipped for a
specific place are positively selected and tend to move up
the hierarchy, those better able to adjust in places of the
same level tend to move laterally, and migrants already
adjusted tend to remain where they are. Those under-equipped
for a specific place are negatively selected and tend to move
down the hierarchy. Those who reach the lowest levels, or
are never able to move up, tend to become chronic movers and
migrate among places of the same level (Fig. l).

The model has empirical evidence in Brazil. Costa

notes that return migration is insignificant, but that re-

emigration is frequent. According to the 1970 census, he

 

18John D. Nystuen and Michael F. Dacy, "A Geographical
Theory Interpretation of Nodal Regions," Papers of the
Regional Science Association 7 (1961): 22-12.

:oflumumfiz Hmoficoucumw: it Fete: _mowumuomsh <II a anode:

 

 

        

 

. \co_m_:3m . 7
mkm42<I omkdoofl m 128 V
Eoeam:€<\
mmwhzmu .3004 c I
mzwhzmo 4420.95-me .m 1‘-
mmwpzmo ._<zo_wwm m III W
manhzmu z<e30m0¢emz ._ [2|] 9’
>Iom<mmf
/
m.o>oz geotzo
4<mwh<4 I.|.|
0143a: I-
. 9332300 I
z
I Hzm2m>02 4<Q.In<moomo ,
vii-2:-illii-‘J /- I .. - . -21 . -. - . - L

 

 

10
indicates that 26 percent of the inter-regional migrants
report having stopped at least once after leaving their
native region. This proportion increases to 37 percent

for migrants born in 850 Paulo and to 40 percent for

19

migrants born in Parana. Martine concludes that there

exists

a high level of desertion or non-
survival of migrants in the metropolitan
areas of Brazil even though these are
generally considered to be localities of
great population attraction. Approximately
30 to 35 percent of the migrants, men and
women, who arrived between September 1964
and September 1967 would have re-emigrated
or died before the 1970 census. For those
‘migrants who arrived between 1959 and 1964
the index of retention is between 40 and 63
percent, indicating that approximately 50
percent of all migrants at this time would
not have survived until the date of the
census.20

Where do these migrants go? It appears that many
are in secondary centers, and others are populating small

towns along frontier areas of Amazonia.
Findings and Limitations of the Study

Spontaneous migrants to frontier settlements follow
a step-wise migration between small places, but some come
from large centers. The majority are subsistence peasants

expelled from.traditional colonization areas, today being

 

19Manoel Augusto Costa, "Urbanizacao e migracoes
urbanas no Brasil," in Manoel Augusto Costa, ed., Estudos de
demografia urbana (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA/INPES, 1975), p.87.

20George R. Martine, "Adaptacao de migrantes ou
sobrevivéncia dos mais fortes?" Projeto de planejamento de
recursos humanos, BRA/70/550, Relat6rio 30 (Setembro 1970),

pp. 18-20.

 

ll
devoted principally to cattle and extensive agriculture.
They move from farm to farm, but the majority eventually
‘migrate to an urban center. From there they commute to
‘work in the countryside, until moving to a large city.
Change of occupations is frequent, but occupational mobility
occurs mainly between occupations of low social levels.
Migrants coming from large urban centers take the better
occupations, while rural-born migrants adopt urban occupa-
tions of even lower levels. Children arriving with their
parents in northern Goias, plus those borntieme, are already
leaving the area and moving to the large cities located at
the two ends of the Belem-Brasilia highway. The highway
contributed greatly to the redistribution of population
in the region but minimally to the attraction of people from
large cities and distant places. Today propensity to
migrate is high in the area and migrants will soon join their
relatives in the large cities. If the process continues, the
highway which was opened to populate the area may have the
opposite effect by intensifying migration to the large
cities of the two extremes of the road.

Migration is a complex process impossible to approach
from a single point of view. To understand the process
completely is a task beyond this study and the capabilities
of many. This work constitutes a modest contribution to the
knowledge and understanding of the migration process to Sparsely

populated areas in Latin America. Although in general the

12
study demonstrates the hypothesis formulated above, several
limitations should be noted. Field work was conducted in
a small area of Amazonia and in many instances generaliza-
tions were made only for those individuals interviewed.

The hierarchy of Brazilian municipios was formulated in 1970,

 

and some migration histories go back to 1900's. To what
extent can a subjective classification be correlated to an
objective one? Is the functional hierarchy of 1970 similar
to that of 1900? The classification of occupations is a
critical issue of debate by social scientists. Is a classi-
fication made at the national level valid for a small
region? To what extent do occupations reflect socio-economic
status? Primary data were collected in a foreign language.
Was the informant answering honestly or just pleasing the
interviewer? In any case, the researcher attempted to be

as objective as possible, and the results are based on pri-
mary data. Hopefully these data reflect reality. If future
research finds this study to be valid, or even worthy to be

continued, I will be amply rewarded.

CHAPTER II

THE POPULATION DYNAMICS OF NORTHERN GOIAS

When the first Portuguese arrived, more than 50,000

Indians in some twenty tribal groups inhabited the present

1

state of Goiés. Bandeirantes coming from 850 Paulo and

 

‘missionaries from.Belém explored northern Goias. The

bandeiras, official and private expeditions looking for

 

metals and Indians, reached "03 sert5es de Goiés" around
1590.2 Although Sebasti‘a'o Pais de Barros approached the
Tocantins-Araguaia confluence in 1673, the most important
bandeira was the one by Bartolomeu Bueno da Silva (Anhangfiera)
who discovered gold in Goias (1722) and stimulated tremendous-
ly future penetrations in the state. Da Silva explored the

north and after reaching Belém returned to $56 Paulo in 1725.3

 

1Luis Ant6nio da Silva e Souza, O descubrimento da
capitania de Goyaz (Goiania: Universidade Federal do Goias,
1967), p. 62; Joao Manuel Pohl, Viagem ao interior do Brasil,
Vol. 1 (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do_Livro,
1951), p. 299. .

2Luis Palacin and Maria de Sant'Anna Moraes,
Historia de Goiés 1722-1972 (Goiénia: Universidade Federal
do Goiés,71975), pp. 6-7.

3Luis Palacin, Goias 1722-1822: Estrutura e con'untura
numa capitania de minas (Goifinia: Oriente, 1972), pp.1 -21.

13

14
One of the earliest missionary penetrations coming
from the north was via the Tocantins by Frei Cristovao de

4

Lisboa and Castelo Branco in 1625. They explored the site

of the present city of Cameta (Para), but other mission-
aries reached the Tocantins-Araguaia confluence by 1659.5
By the end of the 18th century the territory of Goias was
well known in Sao Paulo and Belem, penetration roads were
mapped and journeys were described in itineraries that passed
from.explorer to explorer.6 Then, a mobile population began
to inhabit the state. People settled in mining towns, or
arraias, which they abandoned as soon as gold was exhausted
or its exploitation required excessive effort.

How many people moved into the state, what percent-
age settled in the north, and how did the historical process
affect the present population distribution of northern Goias?
In Goias, population distribution forms a distinct pattern
according to relevant historical events. Until 1783 Goiés
experienced a continuous influx of population, mainly slaves,

to work at gold mining (Table 1). Between 1736 and 1781

the average rate of growth for the entire province registered

 

4Luis Paternostro, Viagem ao Tocantins (Rio de
Janeiro: Companhia Edit6ra Nacionalf71945), p. 55.

51bid., p. 55.

6Palacin, Historia de Goiés, p. 18.

15
TABLE 1

HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE POPULATI N OF BRAZIL AND
GOIAs STATE, 1736-1975

 

 

 

Year Brazil Goias Northern Goias
1736 - 14, 0003 1,196b:
1750 - c 35, 000 6, 248
1776 1,900,000 -
1781 - 58, 829d -
1783 - 59, 287e - e
1804 50, 764: 19,703
1808 4, 000, 000g 50, 5938 -
1819 4, 396, 132g h -
1823 - 61,000i -
1824 — . 62,318 -
1830 5,340,000J - k -
1849 - 1 79, 000 -
1854 7,677,800m k -
1856 7, 923, 000m 122, 000k -
1861 8, 547, 000n 133, 000 -
1872 9, 930, 4783 160, 3953 -
1890 14, 333, 9153 227, 5723 -
1900 17,438, 4343 255, 2843 -
1920 30, 635, 6053 511, 9193 -
1940 41, 236, 3153 826, 414n 281, 877°
1950 5L 944, 3973 1, 214, 9213 238, 273p
1960 70, 992, 3433 1, 954, 8623 316, 396q
1970 93, 139, 0373 2 997, 570: 521, 655:
1975 107, 145, 168S 3, 55L 8798 643,1868

 

 

*
Slave population only.

1Figures of this table may vary in other sources. See, for

example: Maria Luiza Marcillo, et a1., Crescimento
populacional(hist6rico e atual) e componentes d67
crescimento (fecundidade e migraiao) (Sio‘PauIO: CEBRAP,
1973).

SOURCES:

 

 

 

aLuis Palacin, Goias 1722- 1822: Estrutura e conjuntura numa
capitania de minas (Goififiia: Oriente, 41972), p. 33.

Ibid., p. 83.

 

b

16
TABLE 1 Continued

 

cAbade Correa da Silva, as quoted by Instituto Nacional de
Estatistica, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, Vol.2 (l936):41.

dLuis Cunha Menezes, as quoted by Palacin, Goias 1722-1822,
p. 83.

eLuis Palacin and Maria Augusta de Sant'Anna Moraes,
HistOria de Goias 1722-1972 (Goiania: Universidade Federal
do 6615s, 1975). PP. 12:13, 34.

f1 Recensamento do Brasil, as quoted by Instituto Nacional

de Estatisfica, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, Vol.2 (1936):
41.

 

 

gInquérito efetuado pelo Conselheiro Veloso de Oliveira, as
quotedbyInstituto Nacional—He Estatistica,‘Anuério
Estatistico do Brasil, Vol.2 (1936): 41.

 

hPalacin and Sant'Anna, Histéria de Goiés 1722-1972, p. 30.

iRaimundo José de Cunha Matos, as quoted by Palacin,
Hist6ria de Goias 1722-1822, p. 83.

 

jMalte Brun, as quoted by Instituto Nacional de Estatistica,
Anuério Estatistico do Brasil, Vol.2 (1936): 41.

 

kPalacin and Sant'Anna, HistOria de Goias 1722-1972, p.63.

1Relat6rio do Imperio, as quoted by Instituto Nacional de

Estatistica, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, Vol.2 (l936):41.

 

mConselho Nacional de Estatistica, Anuério Estatistico do
Brasil, Vol. 22 (1961): 20.

nIBGE, Anuario Estatistico do Brasil, Vol. 34 (1970): 43.

 

oConselho Nacional de Estatistica, Anuario Estatistico do
Brasil, Vol. 8 (1947): 69-70.

pIBGE, Censo demografico 1950-Estado de Goias (Rio de
Janeiro: IBGE, 1956), pp. 88-89}

qunselho Nacional de Estatistica, Anuério Estatistico do
Brasil, Vol. 25 (1964): 38.

17
TABLE 1 Continued

rIBGE, Sinopse preliminar do censo demogréfico--VIII
recensamentoogeral-1970--Goi§s (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE,
1971), pp. 14-64.

8IBGE, Brasil: Estimativa dapopulagéo residente nas
regiOes fisIOgréficas, unidades da federacao, micro-

regiBEesTtomO jéheas, areas metro olitanas e munici ios
emlO de Juiho de 1975 (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, I995).

 

18

7 The maximum.gold pro-

3.2 per cent per annum (Table 2).
duction of the 18th century was in 1753, but by 1788 gold
exploitation was no longer profitable.8 Without gold, in-
migration practically stopped, emigration increased, and
growth was due primarily to natural increase. By the end
of the 18th century most arraias were in complete decadence,
and although subsistence agriculture increased as a result
of the mining crisis, it was not until well into the 19th
century that Goiés began to recuperate from the mining
collapse. The 1804 census registered 50,764 people in the
province, some 8,000 fewer than twenty-three years earlier,
and the average rate of growth for the period (1781-1823)
dropped to 0.1 percent per annum.

During the 19th century local agriculture attracted

migrants. Miners and slaves became agriculturalists, and

large fazendas were established in the south. By 1861 the

 

state's population reached 133,000 and the average rate of
growth for the period (1823-1861) rose to 2.0 percent per
annum. The rate continued steady until 1900.

The few figures available for the northern part of

the state reflect a similar migration history. Between 1736

 

7Average annual population growth is calculated
according to the exponential change within a given period.
See: Henry S. Shryock and Jacob S. Siegel, The Methods and
Material of Demography, Vol. 2 (Washington, D.C.: GOvern-
ment Printing Office,S1975), p. 379.

 

8Palacin, Historia de 0615;, pp. 34, 137.

l9

 

 

 

TABLE 2
AVERAGE ANNUAL POPULATION GROWTH FOR BRAZIL AND GOIAS STATE,
1736-1970
Period Brazil Goiés Northern Goias
1736-1781 - 3.2 -
1781-1823 - 0.1 -
1823-1861 - 2.0 -
1861-1900 1.8 2.0 -
1900-1920 2.8 2.3 -
1920-1940 1.5 2.4 -
1940-1960 2.7 4.3 0.3
1960-1970 2.7 4.3 4.9

 

 

SOURCE: Table l.

20
and 1750 the slave population in the north increased by
422 percent, or 5,002 people, reflecting the mining activ-
ity of the area. The 1804 census for the Correioéo do
52222 reported 7,266 slaves (63 percent of the population

of the Correicéo). This is only 2,214 more than in 1750,

 

illustrating the decrease of mining activity and the result-
ant emigration from.the area. During the 19th century,
towns in the north showed increased signs of survival, due
to the creation of prisons, ports, and Indian reductions
along the Tocantins and Araguaia rivers.

During the last years of the 19th century naviga-
tion on the Araguaia and Tocantins was implemented, cattle
raising increased, local industry developed, and some agri-
cultural products were exported to other provinces. By 1900
Goias "recovered" the population lost during the mining
crisis and had a total of 255,284 people. During the present
century colonization projects have been established, settle-
ments built and roads opened. The 2,164-kilometer (1,343
miles) Belem-Brasilia road was completed in 1960 and

officially opened in 1965.9

So, the long-wanted link be-
tween Sao Paulo and Belem was finally achieved. The highway
is today totally paved, traffic is intense, and a bus trip

from Belém to Brasilia takes just thirty-six hours.

 

9WilliamHoward Allderdice, "The Expansion of Agri-
culture Along the Belém-Brasilia Road in Northern Goias,"
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, Depart-
ment of Political Science, 1972, pp. 74-76.

21

Although the annual average rate of growth of Goiés
in total is now among the highest in the country (4.3) and
for the northern part is even greater (4.9), population
increase in the state began before the highway was opened.
Between 1940 and 1960 the average annual rate of growth was
4.3 percent, and the total p0pu1ation increased by 57 per-

cent during that period. The big family fazendas estab-

 

lished in the south during the 1930's and 1940's stimulated
migration to Goiés, so that by 1955 the agricultural fron-

tier coming from.Parana and Minas Gerais passed the 13th

10

parallel. Also during the 1930's and 1940's crystal be-

came economically valuable and "new" arraias appeared,

especially in the north between the Araguaia and Tocantins,

11

as new garimpos (mines) were discovered. After the second

 

WOrld War the exploitation of crystal decreased and some
settlements changed their economic base to agriculture.
This advanced the colonization fronts, some of which were

active in the north since the beginning of the century.12

 

10

Leo waibel, Ca itulos de eo rafia tro ical do
Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 1958;, pp. I31- I55; ComIssao

Execut iva da Rodovia Belem-Brasilia, Rodovia Belem-Brasilia:
A rodovia da unidade nacional e suas imwlica oes de ordem
técnica, econSmIca e poIItica (BeIEm: RSDOBRES, I960).
11Orlando Valverde and Catharina Vergolino Dias, A
rodovia Belem-Brasilia (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE,1967); IBGE,

Enciclopedia dOS municipios brasileiros--Goias (Rio de
Janeiro:—IBGE, 1958).

12E.‘W. Shaw and J.L. Darnell, "A Frontier Region in
Brazil: Southwestern Maranhéo," Geographical Review, 16
(1926): 177-195;A1arico da Cunha'Jr. , EEdes AIVes Simoes
and Levon Debelian, Barra do Corda: Uma experiencia de
colonizacao (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional deTmlgragaO
Colonizacao, 1959).

 

 

 

 

 

 

22
The Belem-Brasilia, then, coincided with an active
colonization process in Goiés. Katzman estimates that in
total the Belem-Brasilia contributed to the north only

13

185,000 persons. Another study estimates that some 3.1

million people would have come by the year 1980 without the

14 How then does one explain the enormous growth

highway.
of urban settlements along the highway? It appears that
the towns attracted people mainly from the same state of
Goiés and neighboring rural areas. About 54 percent of
migrants residing in northern Goias in 1970 were born in
municipios of Goias, and over 48 percent had their last

residence in this same state.15 According to Katzman:

 

On the aggregate level, the percentage of
total state population residing in northern
counties of Goiés has remained low and fairly
constant in the last fifty years. In the
period 1960-1970, after the completion of

the road, the northern region grew 60 percent
as opposed to 52 percent in the rest of the
state, thus raising its share from 14 to 16
percent of the total population. If we

 

13Martin Katzman, "Regional Development Policy in
Brazil: The Role of Growth Poles and Development Highways
in Goiés," Economic and Cultural Change 24 (October 975):
104.

MViabilidade técnico-econOmico-financeira da
implantacao definitivia da rodovia BelEm4Brasilia. ‘Relatério
final, V61. 1 (SéofiPaulo:*HIdroservice, 1968), as cited by
Thomas G. Sanders, "Brazilian Interior Migration: Three
Frontier Cities on the Belem-Brasilia highway," The American
universities Field Staff Reports, Vol. 65, No. 2 (1971):9.

15IBGE, VIII recensamento geral--197OJ Goias (Rio de
Janeiro: IBGE, 1973), Tables 43: 52.

23

assume that all of the state's regions
would have grown proportionally in the
absence of the highway, as they have done
before 1960, then only 8 points of the
decadal rowth in the north is due to the
highway. 5

Small farmers expelled from.large fazendas migrate
to towns recently established along the highway and commute

to work for the fazendeiros in the neighboring rural areas.

 

At least 15 percent of the economically active population
of Goias state in 1970 was composed of residents in urban
areas who worked in agricultural activities.17

It is true that pOpulation of municipios located

along the highway grew significantly faster than those away

from it. However, municipios located off the road experienced
18

 

growth rates about the same as that for the state. There-
fore, it appears that the population movement toward older
colonization fronts has continued, but at a slower rate than
those located along the highway. Population leaving the

municipios off the highway has been replaced by new-incoming

 

migrants. According to Gonzales and Bastos these new

migrants may be brought in by fazendeiros and will eventually

 

 

16Katzman, "Regional Development Policy in Brazil,"
pp. 101-102.

17Gonzales and Bastos, "Migracao rural e o trabalho
volante," p. 241.

18Katzman, "Regional Development Policy in Brazil,"
pp. 101-102.

24

19 In the broader

be replaced by others or by mechanization.
sense, routes of communication, especially the Belém-
Brasilia, expansion of urban centers, and relative proximity
of major economic centers are factors contributing to change
in the spatial structure of the region from one based on
rural settlement and small-scale farming to one based on
urban settlement and large-scale agriculture. Hence, a
population distribution pattern has evolved which is differ-

ent from.the one based on mining during the 18th and 19th

centuries.

 

19Gonzales and Bastos, "Migracao rural e o trabalho
volante," p. 241.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

A project focusing on frontier migration, prepared
during coursedwork at Michigan State University, was adapted
to the case of Brazil after extensive secondary data collec-
tion. Bibliographic, cartographic and other relevant
materials were gathered in the United States at the library
of Michigan State University, and in Brazil at the libraries
of Museu Goeldi (Belem), Universidade Federal do Para (Belem),
Nficleo de Altos Estudos AmazOnicos (Belem), Instituto
Brasileiro de Geografiae Estatistica (Belem, Brasilia),
Instituto Nacional de Colonizacéo e Reforma Agraria (Brasilia,
Goiania), and the Ministério do Interior (Brasilia). Once the
problem was focused on the Brazilian AmazOnia, a careful selec-
tion of primary data already collected began. The Nficleo de
Altos Estudos AmazOnicos (NAEA) is undertaking research on
non-planned colonization along the Belem-Brasilia highway and
employed a multiple-purpose interview schedule along the road
during 1975-1976. The interviews obtained information on
socio-economic characteristics of migrants, migration his-
tory and occupational mobility, and was randomly distributed

to migrant heads of households, stratified according to three

25

26
colonization zones, number of settlements in each zone, and
number of houses in each settlement.1 Interviews collected

in Amazonian Goias have been partially used in this study.2

Field Work

 

Field research covered one full year (July l976-July
1977) and included field trips, library work in Brazil, and
teaching at the Nficleo de Altos Estudos AmazOnicos, Belém.

An exploratory study involving field work helped in the
selection of a study area.

This study deals with spontaneous migration to small
towns of AmazOnia. Colonization fronts in Brazil are almost
totally controlled by the National Institute of Colonization
and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), so the process is largely
planned colonization.3 The front along the Belem-Brasilia,
however, is still developing spontaneously. The central zone
traversed by the road, with settlements almost exclusively
of migrants, was ideal for the study of frontier migration,
for analysis of the impact of the road on the region, and for

evaluation of the possibility of migrants remaining in the area.

 

1Jean Hébette and Rosa Elizabeth Acevedo Marin,
"Colonizacio nao dirigida na BelémeBrasilia: Questionarios,"
Belém: Nficleo de Altos Estudos AmazOnicos, 1976, pp. 14-19
(Mimeographed).

2Whenever used, explicit notation will appear.
1
3Instituto Nacional de Colonizacao e Reforma Agraria--

INCRA, Sistemas e programas de‘colonizacéo na amazOnia
brasileira (Brasilia: INCRA, 1976);_Vafiia_P6rto Tavares,

et al., Coloniza ao diri ida no Brasil: Suas ossibilidades
na regiéo amazEnIca (Rio de Janeiro: IPEX7INPES, I972).

 

 

27
The exploratory field work was concentrated mainly in this
area and included informal interviews with community

leaders, fazendeiros, and workers at various levels; the

 

collection of secondary data; the establishment of contacts
for a longer field-work period; and practice of Portuguese
with common people of the area.

The area of study finally selected included the
Amazonian region of the state of Goiés. Physically and cul-
turally northern Goias state is markedly different from
southern Goias. The north has physical features typical of
AmazOnia while the south has physical forms associated with
the Central Plateau. Vegetation is primarily tropical rain

forest in the north, and campo cerrado (wooded savanna) in

 

the south. In KOppen's climatic classification, the north is
Af and Am, while the south is mainly Aw. As latitude
decreases the dry season becomes shorter and finally un-
noticeable in the extreme north of the state.4 After an
analysis of physical, cultural and socio-economic conditions,
the region was declared part of Brazilian legal AmazOnia in
1953.5

Legal AmazOnia is an administrative region for the

purposes of planning and socio-economic development and

 

4Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica--
IBGE, Geografia doBrasilppregiéo centro-oeste (Rio de
Janeiro: BGE,‘1977).

5Arthur Cézar Ferreira Reis, "O processo histérico
da amazania," in MOvimento Universitario de Desenvolvimento
EconOmico e Social--MEUDES, Problemética amazOnica (Rio de
Janeiro: EditOra do estudante do’Brasil, 1969), pp. 79-86.

 

28
includes the states of Acre, Amazonas, and Para; the federal
territories of Rondénia, Roraima, and Amapa; and the states
of Mato Grosso north of the 16th parallel, Goiés north of
the 13th parallel, and Maranhéo west of the 44th meridian.
The region covers 4,900,000 square kilometers (59 percent of
the Brazilian territory) and had some 7,000,000 people in
1970 (3.7 percent of the Brazilian population).6 In 1971,
INCRA declared as state domain the zone within 100 kilo-
meters on either side of the Belem-Brasilia road, north of
the 13th parallel.7 For purposes of this study northern
Goiés (also referred to as Amazonian Goias or the Amazonian
region of Goias state) includes the homogeneous microregions
345, 346, 347, 348 and 349, an area similar to the one de-
limited in 1953 . 8

According to the 1970 census, northern

Goias includes fifty-three municipios, with a population of

 

521,655 (18 percent of the state) and an area of 281,479

square kilometers (44 percent of the state) (Fig. 2).9
Six settlements were selected for the conduct of

formal interviews according to the following criteria:

1) functional hierarchy of the settlement, 2) homogeneous

 

 

6INCRA, Sistemas epprogramas de colonizacéo, p. 25.
7 .

Ibid., p. 25.

8

IBGE, Divisao de Brasil em micro-regiOes homogéneas
(Rio de Janeiro:IIBGE, 1970), pp. 535-559.

9IBGE, Sinopsepreliminar do censo demogréfico,
l970--Goiés, p. 64.

29

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.6938 , 4.234.... .235 D
2.22. ... 9c x<z<m<d 3.23:... no 9.1.6.22. O
1. 45:3 3:... .
1.8 GEN-.24.. me ..m 0.541 omm €3.58 345 I
3.25 153238 1:92:55. ..I.
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30
microregion of the settlement, and 3) type of settlement.

According to IBGE's classification of Brazilian municipios

 

in urban functional regions, the municipios of northern

 

Goias are arranged in sub-regional centers, local centers,

and isolated hamlets.10

After reading about the municipios
of northern Goias, and visiting many, I selected at least

one settlement at each level. Brazilian municipios are

 

also grouped in homogeneous microregions. A homogeneous
microregion represents "a group of contiguous municipios
that presents indices of similar socio-economic progress."11
At least one settlement in each of the five homogeneous
microregions of the area was selected, except for micro-
region 349.

Today, four types of settlements are distinct in
northern Goiés: 1) Those centers that dominated the economy
during the 19th and beginning of the present century and to-
day are stagnated or even losing population. Settlements
along the Tocantins and Araguaia rivers, such as P6rto
Nacional, Araguacema and Pedro Afonso, represent this type.

2) Those settlements revitalized or newly established as a

result of the Belem-Brasilia. Such centers are located

 

10IBGE, Divisao do Brasil em.regi6es funcionais
urbanas (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 1972).

11Otévio Lage Siqueira, Plano de apao dogovérno:
Trienio 1968-1970 (Goiania: DepartamentoIEditorial da Cannes
Publicidade, Ltda., 1968), pp. 65-67.

 

 

31
about each fifteen kilometers along the highway. Towns
such as Guarai or Paraiso do Norte are no more than fifteen
years old, and others such as Gurupi or Araguaina would
never have become the urban centers they are today without
the highway. 3) The garimpos, or mining towns, which were
dynamic urban centers from the 1930's through 1950's
today are in the process of extinction. Towns such as
Pequizeiro, or Arapoema located along feeder roads, live
from services provided by towns along the Belem-Brasilia
and some local agriculture. 4) New frontier towns, which
are receiving migrants from the centers along the Belem-

Brasilia, as well as fazendeiros from the south. Settle-

 

ments such as the colony Bernardo Sayao and Colmeia
represent this type (Fig. 3). At least one settlement of

each type was selected for the conduct of interviews.

Selected Settlements

In total six settlements were selected for the
conduct of formal interviews: Pedro Afonso, POrto Nacional,

Araguaina, Gurupi, Pequizeiro and Colmeia. Pedro Afonso

 

(municipio of 11,741 people, 1975) was one of the most

 

important cities of northern Goias before the Belem-Brasilia
highway. Founded as a center to pacify the Xerente Indians

in 1845 on the confluence of the Tocantins and Sono rivers,

32

 

 

 

 

  
 
  

 

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fltmmu
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.-QLq/
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5‘ Tuouvu: /

‘ Z

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- ‘t‘fi' ‘ ...”
‘1 ma.-
; \ 1‘ / b
- \‘ K ,/
." 5' x ./ «ml-o- Bone do W-
Mom‘d - 55°

.1

 

 

Figure 3 --The Belem-Brasilia Highway

 

33

Pedro Afonso evolved as a dynamic commercial center.12
The progress of Pedro Afonso corresponded with the rubber
boom that reached this area by 1910. When the rubber pro-
duction declined, Pedro Afonso lost its regional importance.
It did not regain its regional importance until the 1930's
when navigation of the Tocantins was improved, making Pedro
Afonso a commercial port. After WOrld War II demand for
cattle in Belem increased and Pedro Afonso managed to supply
'much of the demand. Then in 1960 came the Belem-Brasilia
road creating a new, faster, and cheaper route for the
cattle. Without direct access to the road the economy and
population of Pedro Afonso decreased sharply. Today, Pedro
Afonso is considered by IBGE a local center (level 4 in the
functional hierarchy) of micro-region 347.

Located south of Pedro Afonso, also on the Tocantins

river, POrto Nacional (municipio of 39,440 people, 1975)

 

suffered similar consequences. It emerged from a small

village, POrto Real, in 1738, to become the most important

city of northern Goiés before the highway was built.13

 

12Valverde and Dias, A rodovia Belem-Brasilia,
pp. 265- 266. See also, SERFHAU,IRe1af6r1o preliminar de

desenvolvimento inte rado--munici io deIPedro Afonso
(BrasII1a: SERFHAU, I970); IBGE, EncicIopedia dos municipios

brasileiros, pp. 331- 337; Anna Brito Miranda, Hisfdria de
Pédro Afonso (Goiania: Oriente, 1973).

 

 

 

13Valverde and Dias, A rodovia Belem-Brasilia, p.267.

See also, SERFHAU, RelatOrio reliminar de desenvolvimento
integrado--municipio de Pdrto Nacional (Brasilia: SERFHAU,
1970); Ant6nio Carlos Azevedo, et a1., "Safide pfiblica no

estado de Goiés com.énfase na unidade mista de P6rto Nacional,"

Revista de Patolo ia Tro ical l (Janeiro-Marco 1973): 1-40;
IBGE, EncIcIOpedia dos municipios brasileiros, pp. 373-378.

 

34

Being a stop between Bahia and Goias, and a center for the
commerce of minerals abundant around the city, POrto
Nacional took the leadership of the region until the Belem-
Brasilia appeared. Today, Part0 Nacional, has the largest
hospital in the area, high schools traditionally considered
good, and tourist resources used especially by people from
southern Goias. Connected by a feeder road to the Belém-
Brasilia highway, and soon to be connected directly by a
modern bridge on the Tocantins, Pbrto Nacional expects to
regain its leadership. Urban planning is practiced in P6rto
Nacional, neighborhoods are designed and new areas are set
aside for future growth. The local airport will be expanded
and regular flights connecting Pbrto Nacional with the rest
of Brazil are expected to be scheduled by the various air-
lines. POrto Nacional is still the only sub-regional center
(level 3) in northern Goias and is located in micro-region
348.

Araguaina (municipio of 48,193 people, 1975) is an

 

 

old town, but has been revitalized by the Belem-Brasilia.
Founded in 1886 as Lontra, in 1944 Araguaina had only six

14 As soon as the highway was built people flocked

houses.
into the town. Industries, hotels, commercial stores, con-

struction, taxis, and buses help to make Araguaina a very

 

14Valverde and Dias, A rodovia Belem-Brasilia,
pp. 205-208. See also, SEFHAUT Relatorio preliminar de
desenvolvimento integrado--municipio de Araguaina (Brasilia:
SEFHAU, I970).

 

 

 

35
busy place. Commercial goods are brought directly from the
largest centers of Brazil: Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo,
Goiania and Belem. ‘With the highway Araguaina took the
leadership of microregion 348 and is considered today a
local center (level 4).

Gurupi (municipio of 31,001 paxfle, 1975) located in

 

micro-region 348 is another boom town along the Belem-
Brasilia highway. In few cases does the founder of a city
see it grow from a couple of houses to a community with most
of the facilities of a modern city. Benjamin Rodrigues
discovered the present place of Gurupi by accident in 1932
and decided to establish a town.1 Colonization

developed there, and when the Belem-Brasilia was constructed
it went directly through the middle of the town. By 1958
Gurupi had grown so much that it was officially ranked in

the category of municipio, ceded from Porto Nacional. Banks,

 

schools, hospitals, and an obligatory stOp for buses travel-
ing between Belém and Brasilia, make Gurupi perhaps the
most dynamic place of northern Goiés. IBGE classifies
Gurupi as a local center (level 4).

Pequizeiro (municipio of 8,285 people, 1975),

 

located in micro-region 346 is a typical dying mining

 

15Valverde and Dias, A rodovia Belem-Brasilia,
pp. 246-251. See also, SERFHAU, Relatdrio preliminar de

desenvolvimento inte rado--munici 10 de Guru 1 (Brasilia:
SEFHAU, 1970); Xdauto Correiro Cavalcanti, Curupi: A

cidade que mais cresce no estado (Goiania: Universidade
Federal do Goias, 1968).

 

 

 

36
town16. From approximately 5,000 people in 1950 the town
of Pequizeiro decreased to 648 in 1970. When exploitation
of crystal was economically feasible, Pequizeiro attracted
people and obtained autonomy as a municipio from.Araguacema
in 1963. Today, the majority of people have left, mines
are abandoned and its largest district, Colmeia (district of

3,215 people, 1970), disputes the municipal seat. Colmeia

is receiving those fazendeiros coming from.the south and

 

expanding the agricultural frontier with bananas and cattle.
The town is a collection center for these products, before
distribution to S50 Paulo, Goiania and Belem. Furniture man-
ufacture, commerce, food industry, hotels, elementary schools
and a local high-school are booming.

These six settlements, like all of northern 60155,
were tremendously affected by the Opening of the Belem-
Brasilia highway. The most significant impact is the growth
of towns along the road at the expense of those away from it.
Table 3 illustrates the changes in population of these
settlements between 1960 and 1975. The six settlements
represent the general typology of towns in northern Goias.
Collectively, they are considered representative of the
migrant p0pu1ation of the study area, but references to indi-

vidual cases are mentioned frequently.

 

16SERFHAU, Relatorio preliminar de desenvolvimento

inte rado--munici io de Ara acema (BraSIlia: SERFHAU,
1970; IBGE, Enciclopedia dos municipios brasileiros,

pp. 46-49.

37

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STE .8 .33 .88 .838 8 3%

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8 888? £88883.“ 8&8 8: 88118... 8.0 8 93838 "28.8 .88 .0

48m .& 53H .88 5.8.5. 8
85 8.118 .. 22 .888 888958.“ HHS - 88.80.18 8:8 8 58:98 885m .88 .n

 

. .813 "383 «N :88 8
83.338 885. .. 82 - on ...0H 8 saw 888988 8 gush 833.. .88 .m 5888

 

 

 

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23 ~88 ca: 89:. 8?: 28.3 83 «3.: ES?
3% 3.8 gm «2.8 83: $98 83 08.3 shamans.

 

 

H38. 88: H38 H38 88: duos 88: 488.
maoa-ooaa oema.ooafi enema noamH . magma

 

 

 

 

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mumanooma .m<How zmmmBmoz ho mOHmmoHZDZ QMHUMAmm m>Hh 2H moz<mu ZOHH<ADmom
m mqm<H

38

The Sample

 

According to the migrant p0pu1ation reported in
the 1970 census to be living in urban centers, a strati-
fied, unaligned random sample of at least 15 percent of
'migrant heads of households was collected in each selected
settlement. The census defines urban population as those

persons enumerated at the seats of municipios and districts,

 

regardless of size, but migrant population living in urban
areas is reported only at the municipal level. Therefore,
the migrant population living in district seats is included.

The interviews were conducted in the seats of municipios,

 

except for Colmeia, which is a district of Pequizeiro.
Therefore, the base used to establish the sample is some-
what larger than reality, increasing the real size of the
sample. In the case of Colmeia, the total urban population
was taken as the base. The migrant population (according to

the census those residents non-native to the municipio)

 

living in the urban area of the municipio was divided by

 

five, the average size of family in the state of Goias in
1970, to approximate the number of migrant households in the
urban area. Then, this figure (the number of migrant house-

holds living in the urbananea of the municipio in 1970) was

 

divided by the total population of the municipio in 1970 to

 

calculate the proportion of this population in relation to
the entire population. Assuming that the population grew

proportionally until 1975, the same percentage of migrant

39

households would be found in the 1975 IBGE's population

17

estimates for the municipios of Brazil. This final

 

figure was the base for the sample (Table 4).

According to the technique described by Berry,
points corresponding to the number of interviews were
randomly distributed on a map of each selected settlement.18
Interviews were conducted with heads of households not
native to the locality. Migration history was recorded for
each stop of one or mmre years between the locality of
birth and the locality of interview. After the house
corresponding to each point on the map was located the
following decisions were made relative to the interviews:
1) If the head of the household was a migrant the interview
was conducted there. If not, the closest migrant head of
household located within the same quadrant of the map was
interviewed. 2) If there were no houses, nor migrant heads
of households in a quadrant, the closest migrant head of
household in the neighboring quadrants was interviewed.

3) The quadrants outside the urban delimitation of the
settlement were excluded.

The interview schedule detected socio-economic and

demographic characteristics of migrants, occupational

 

 

17IBGE, Brasil: Estimativa da populagfio residente,
pp. 76-77.
18

Brian J.L. Berry, Sampling, Coding and Storing
Flood Plain Data (Washington, D.Cz Tnited States Department
oflAgriculture, 1962).

 

40

TABLE 4

SAMPLE POPULATION

 

 

 

 

Settlements 1 2 3 4 5 6

Colmeia 996 199 3.1 257 100 38.9
Pedro Afonso 1,643 329 3.0 352 120 34.1
Pequizeiro 1,271 254 4.0 331 50 15.1
P8rto Nacional 3,474 695 2.1 828 125 15.1
Araguaina* 13,383 2,677 6.9 3,325 165 5.0
Gurupi* 11,171 2,234 8.8 2,728 109 4.0
Northern Goiés 70,438 14,097 2.6 16,722 669 4.0

 

 

SOURCES: IBGE,

de Janeiro
Brasil:

VIII recensamento

eral l970--Goias (Rio

W:

Estimativa dapopulacao residente nas

IBGE,

 

regiJ‘Kes fisiogréficas

unidadesdafederapao,

 

'micro- -regi3e $7homogéneas,

areas metropolitanas a

 

municipios em‘lo de Julho de 1975 (Rio de

Janeiro:

IBGE,1975), pp. 76-77.

1 - Migrant population of the urban area of the municipio,

1970.

 

2 - Migrant families living in the urban area of the

municipio,

 

3 - Migrant families living in the urban area of the
municipio in 1970 as a percentage of the total popula-

tion.

4 - Estimated number of families living in the urban area of
the municipio, 1975.

 

5 - Number of interviews conducted.

6 - Percentage of the universe.

* Interviews conducted by the Nucleo de Altos Estudos
Amazanicos.

41

mobility and migration history (Appendix A). Upon arrival
in a settlement, I informed community leaders of the study
objectives. But, help from any local institution in the
direct conduct of the interviews was rejected to avoid
association of the investigation with local community
development programs or political objectives. Immediately
after collection of the interviews, a thorough reading of
each one was done to detect inconsistencies, omissions, or
contradictions, and a decision was made to accept or reject
it for further analysis. After editing, a code book was
elaborated which includes five sets of data. Next, each
interview was coded according to the code book on FORTRAN
sheets. The coded data were punched on IBM cards, and
several variables were selected to be processed. The spell-
ing of geographic terms follows the index of toponyms for
the map of Brazil, 1:1,ooo,ooo19

Field notes, primary and secondary data, and exten-
sive bibliographic review are the basic sources of informa-
tion for this study. Qualitative analysis is as important
as quantitative analysis. Simple correlation and differ-
ences of means are the principal quantitative treatments used.
However, tests for statistical significance were not run for

two reasons: first, the data do not fulfill all requirements

 

19IBGE, Indice dos topbnimos da carta do Brasil ao
milionésimo (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 1960).

 

42
for such tests, and second, quantitative analysis is used
as an aid in the description of a process and not in the

20 The results, however, I

prediction of future trends.
consider valid, and further studies will prove to what

extent .

 

20Denton E. Mbrrison and Ramon E. Henkel, eds.,
The Significance Test Controversy: A Reader (Chicago:
Aldine Publishing Company,71970).

CHAPTER IV

THE MIGRATION FIELD OF NORTHERN GOIAS

The concepts of migration area and migration field
permit one to analyze migration dynamically.1 Study of the
spatial organization of the area visited by a group of
migrants, or the migration area, contributes to the under-
standing of why a particular population resides in a given
place. Within an area some places are more likely to relate
to others in terms of migration.2 The field of attraction,
or expulsion, of a place, or migration field, decreases with

distance and is generally contiguous.3 However, places can

 

1Hagerstrand, "Migration and Area"; Karl Erik
Bergsten, "Variability in Intensity of Urban Fields as Illus-
trated by Birth-Places," Lund Studies in Geography, Ser. B.
Human Geography, No. 3 (1951);R05ert N. Thomas and Charles
M. Croner, "Migration Paths to Tegucigalpa and San Pedro
Sula, Honduras: The Role of Accessibility," Social and
Economic Studies 24 (December 1975): 445-457.

2Curtis C. Roseman, "Migration as Spatial and
Temporal Process," Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, 61 (1971): 589-598.

3Torsten Hagerstrand, "The MOvements of a Rural Popu-
lation," The Swedish Geographical Yearbook (1947): 139-142;
Torsten Hagerstrand,“Migration and the Growth of Culture
Regions," Lund Studies in Geo ra h , Ser. B. Human Geography.
No.3 (1951): 33-36; Paul 3. Schwing, "A General Field Theory
of Migration: United States: 1955-1960," Economic Geography
51 (1975): 1-16.

 

 

 

 

43

44
attract (or expel) migrants from (or to) areas outside
their immediate field. Distant places can supply labor
needed in large cities or frontier areas.4 Nordestinos
contracted directly to work for fazendeiros in the
Central-West represent an example of channelized migration
in Brazil.5 Brazilian internal migration is dominated by
factors of expulsion, which show the degree of dependence
a place has in relation to others, which is thought to be
the primary cause of migration.6 Therefore, the identifi-
cation, description and analysis of the places visited by
migrants residing in northern Goias will contribute to a

better understanding of the process.

The Urban Functional Hierarchy

 

In 1970, IBGE defined the urban functional hierarchy

of the 4,000 municipios of Brazil.7 A flow matrix was made

 

for each municipio in terms of agricultural flows, distribution

 

 

4Curtis C. Roseman, "Channelization of Migration
Flows from.the Rural South to the Industrial Midwest,"
AAG Proceedings 3 (1971): 140-146.

5Gonzales and Bastos, "Migracao rural e o trabalho
volante," pp.240-261; Maria Conceicao D'Incao e Mello&
0 bOia fria: Acumulacao e miséria (Petropolis: Editora
Vozes, Ltda.,71976).

6Paul Singer, Desenvolvimento econbmico e evolugao
urbana (Séo Paulo: Cia. Editbra Nacional, 1968).

7IBGE, Divisao do Brasil em regibes funcionais
urbanas, pp. 1-112.

 

 

45
of goods and services to the economy, and distribution of
goods and services to the p0pu1ation. Depending upon the

number of contacts, each municipio was classified in one

 

of five levels according to the following criteria:

Level 1 - Metropolitan Centers: To classify the
centers of thisllevéljlwhiEhlcommand the urban
networks of Brazil, it was not sufficient to
count only the number of contacts and examine the
type of flows. Other indicators were added to
better characterize them. They were: a) 1970
total population; b) total number of contacts in
the entire national territory; c) total number of
contacts within the area of influence; d) number
of subordinate centers, and e) weight of func-
tional infrastructure. 8

Level 2 - Regional Centers: Includes the centers
that join directly level 1 and are, primarily,
centers for the distribution of goods and
services to the economy. . . . The regional
centers have within the metropolitan areas the
largest number of contacts.

 

Level 3 - Sub-regional Centers: The centers of
level 3 are subordinate to centers of level 2
(regional centers) or join directly the metropolis.
. Their principal function is to be small
centers for the distribution of services to the
neighboring rural areas and small localities.

 

Level 4 - Local Centers: These are subordinate
to centers of level 3 or join directly regional
or metropolitan centers. . . . In general, their
influence is through services within short dis-
tances, such as high school, grocery store, and
physician.9

 

Level 5 - Isolated Hamlets: Although IBGE does
not explicitly refer to this level, those
ummicipios subordinate to level 4 or which join
higher levels automatically belong to a lower
level, even though they only receive (do not
provide) services.

 

 

 

8IBGE, Subsidios a regionalizacao (Rio de Janeiro:
IBGE, 1968).

9IBGE, Divisfio do Brasil em regibes funcioniis
urbanas, pp. 14-16.

 

46

This is the structure in which migration takes
place but, since migration is a temporal process, how
does it relate to a structure established in relation to
one given year? Ideally, a different hierarchy would have
to be established for each individual movement, but even
if this were possible, people never leaving a place would
have moved up or down the hierarchy if their places
changed levels. Can they be considered migrants? To solve
the problem, studies relating migration and hierarchy use
the population of a given year or a pre-established hier-

10 In this study migrants were asked to rank each

archy.
stepping place at each time of arrival as: 1) very large,
2) large, 3) medium, 4) small, 5) very small. In total, a
positive Gamma coefficient (+.45) exists between the two

classifications. Gamma increases (+.58) for urban centers

11 When considering

and drops (+.24) for rural areas.
places of origin and destination the association increases
greatly. Urban last previous residence for non-direct
migrants reached coefficients of +.86 for migrants arriving

from urban centers and +.71 for migrants arriving

 

10For example, Taeuber, "Cohort Population Redis-
tribution and the Urban Hierarchy," pp. 450-462; James 0.
Huff, "A Hierarchical Migration Mbdel of Population
Redistribution Within a Central Place Hierarchy," Egg-
graphical Analysis 8 (1976): 223-254.

11For the use of Gamma see, Norman H. Nie, et a1.,
SPSS: Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, I975) , p. 228; flames A. Davis,

Elementar Surve Anal sis (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-fiall, Inc., 1&715, pp. 72-76.

 

 

47
from rural areas. As expected, rural destinations were
poorly classified: Gamma, +.16 for those arriving from
rural areas and +.l8 for those from.urban centers. People
usually classify places into three levels: high, medium
and low. By combining the five levels into three, the
association between perceived and objective hierarchy in-
creases considerably, reaching coefficients of +1.00 for

last previous residence of non-direct migrants (Table 5).

Migration Flows

 

The migration field of northern Goias includes all

five levels of the hierarchy, but the number of municipios

 

in each level, the migrants born in each level, and the
number of intermediate stops made in each level are variable
(Figure 4). More than 75 percent of the sampled population
was born in local centers and isolated hamlets, and about

the same percentage of intermediate stOps occurred at those
levels (Table 6). Hence, the majority of migrants residing
in northern Goias were born or have previously resided in
hamlets or small towns. This appears to be a general pattern
for frontier areas in Brazil and other Latin American coun-
tries. Wilkening reports that most rural migrants in central
Brazil come from.other rural areas, Wesche found that most
colonizers along the Transamazonic Highway are from.the rural

Northeast, and Flinn shows that in Granada (Colombia) a

48

TABLE 5
GAMMA COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN OBJECTIVE AND PERCEIVED HIERARCHY

 

 

 

Movements Five Levels Three Levels N
Total + .454 + .575 1,325
Urban + .482 + .658 720
Rural + .240 + .400 603
Rural to Urbanl + .719 + 1.000 32
Urban to Urban1 + .868 + .932 65
Rural to Rurall + .166 + .526 143
Urban to Rural1 + .184 + .164 37

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goiés, 1977.

1Movement to last previous residence of non-direct

migrants.

49

 

   
 
 
  
  
  
  
  
  

I
n
O
V

METROPOLITAN CENTER
REGIONAL CENTER

SUB-REGIONAL CENTER
LOCAL CENTER 0°—
ISOLATED HAMLET

6)
8/‘Q 20°~1
we 2' IOO CONTACTS
) i

- Svate Capital 30._

.
o Municipio of Interview

Total contacts: I466

SOURCE: INTERVIEWS AND FIELD wonx ‘ " ‘ ‘ ‘ 4‘ 5'
IN NORTHERN souls. 1976- 17.

nuovt'tu

 

>— 60'

8
1

 

.. 400

 

Figure 4 —-Urban Functional Hierarchy of Municipios
ever Contacted prior to Final Residence

50

TABLE 6

HIERARCHICAL LEVELS VISITED BY HEADS OF
HOUSEHOLDS BETWEEN MUNICIPIOIOF
BIRTH AND FINAL DESTINATION

 

 

 

Hierarchical Number of Number of Number of R
Level Munic1pios People Inter-
Born mediate
Contacts

Metropolitan
Centers 8 8 44 5.5
Regional Centers 20 35 51 1.5
Sub-regional
Centers 37 103 139 1.2
Local Centers 73 190 243 1.3
Isolated Hamlets 196 244 409 1.7
TOTAL 334 580 886 1.5

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

1Data collected by NAEA included.

R: Number of intermediate contacts
Nufiber of people born

 

51

large proportion of the sampled p0pu1ation comes from other
small towns.12

The ratio of the number of intermediate contacts
(stops) to the number of natives leaving each level indi-
cates that higher levels are, primarily, places of step
migration, while lower levels are, primarily, places of
stage migration. For each frontier resident born in a
metropolitan center, six such residents stopped for at least
a year in a metropolitan center but did not remain there.
Hence, migrants to northern Goias include persons moving
between small centers and those who upon experiencing migra-
tion at higher levels sought survival at lower levels.
Rural places appear to be areas of stage migration, while
urban centers appear as places of step migration. For each
native leaving a rural area one non-native of that rural
area stopped there and continued, but for each native leav-
ing an urban center two non-natives of that urban center
stopped there and continued. Wilkening found 23 percent of
his rural sample population coming from rural areas, stop'
ping at least once in urban centers.13 Friberg reports that

in Santander (Colombia) similar percentages reflect this

 

12E.A. Wilkening, "Comparison of Migrants in Two
Rural and an Urban Area of Central Brazil," Land Tenure
Center Reports No. 35 (1968); William L. Flinn andIDavid C.
Cartano, "A Comparison of the Migration Process to an Urban
Barrio and to a Rural Community: Two Case Studies,"
Inter-American Economic Affairs 24 (1970): 37-48; Rolf
Wesche, "Planned Rainforest Family Farming on Brazil's
Transamazonic Highway," Revista Geografica 81 (1974): 105-114.

13

 

 

 

Wilkening, "Comparison of Migrants", p. 8.

52

rural-urban-rural movement.14

It appears, then, that the
process described by Gonzales and Bastos as trabalho volante,
a type of circular migration, where the laborers work on

fazendas during the day and return to the urban center to

 

sleep at night is common in Brazil and other Latin American

15 In northern Goiés, 34 percent of those making

countries.
four stOps moved to urban centers between place of birth and
next residence, but 50 percent concentrated in urban centers
at the last previous residence. So, once migration begins,
the tendency is to move to large cities. If migrants making
fewer stops are at the beginning of the process, the number
of steps increases the tendency of urbanward migration, and
few migrants in northern Goias contacted larger urban centers,
it is possible to conclude that many migrants residing in
frontier settlements are likely to move in the future to
large urban centers.

Martine shows that Brazilian metropolitan areas have

16

relatively low migration retention rates. Northern Goias

 

14Justin C. Friberg, "Rural Migrations: Indications
from.Two Colombian Munic1pios," Paper presented at the Con-
ference of Latin Americanist Geographers, University of
Calgary, Canada, June 28-30, 1973.

15Gonzales, and Bastos, "Migracao rural e o trabalho
volante," pp. 240-261; Mary E. Conaway, "Circular Migration:
A Summary and Bibliography," Council of Planning Librarians
Exchange Bibliography 1250 (March 1977); MaryE. Conaway,
"Circular Migration in Venezuelan Frontier Areas," Inter-
national MigratiOn 15 (1977): 34-42.

16George Martine, "Os migrantes nos mercados de

trabalho metropolitanos," Projeto de planejamento de recursos
humanos BRA/70/550, Relat6rio o. aneiro .

 

 

53
includes few migrants who have contacted those centers.
Where do the non-survivors go? According to Costa, at the
regional level return migration in Brazil is low.17 Geiger
argues that those re-emigrating from.metropolitan areas
mmve to other metropolitan areas, e.g. Recife and $30 Paulo,
or to secondary urban centers near the metropolis.18
Therefore, non-surviving migrants in metropolitan areas
appear to move laterally to other metropolitan areas or to
nearby secondary centers. Those completely unable to
adjust in higher levels may seek survival in the frontier
areas.

Migration to northern Goias includes two major
streams: those coming from the Northeast and the Southeast.
Mere than 80 percent of the sample p0pu1ation was born in
the same state of Goias or the states of Maranhao, Bahia,
Piaui, or Minas Gerais (Fig. 5). Practically nobody was
born or even stopped in the coastal states, the South or
interior Amazgnia. As Sawyer observed, the Belém-Brasflia
highway did not change the traditional migration streams,

but simply accelerated the process in the area.19

 

17Costa, "Urbanizacao e migracbes urbanas no Brasil,"

p. 87.

18Pedro Pinchas Geiger, et a1., "Migracbes internas
na estruturacao do espaco nacional," in IBGE, Encontro
brasileiro de estudos populacionais, (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE,
1976), pp. 262-271. .

19Donald R. Sawyer, "Penetration Roads and Popula-
tion Growth: Patterns of Migration and Settlement on the
Belem-Brasilia Highway," B.A. Thesis, Harvard University, 1969.

54

 

 

 

-00
--|O°
I3’
-200
HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS:
I
2-5
I 6- 9
- IO or more
1.30‘
0 State Capital 30%

O
‘ Municipio of Interview

Sample: 578 Heads of Households
°°. 9 ”P "1° "3° ’5” ‘9" ’3”

SOURCE‘ INTERVIE 3 AND FIELD NONI!
IN NORTHERN OOI 8. “76-77. Into-(mu

33 3? I?
J I

I

 

 

 

 

Figure 5 --Municipios of Birth

55

There exist places of collection of migrants along
the two migration streams, and they are: 1) traditional
large-farm areas (Rubiataba), 2) early colonization fronts
(Céres, Carolina, Balsas, Barra do Corda), 3) towns
located on the Belem-Brasilia highway (Guarai), and 4)
places of high hierarchical level (Goiania, Belem) (Fig. 6).
Most of the people coming from.the south stop around Rubiataba.

Fazendeiros from the south can sell their smaller plots and
20

 

'with the money received buy larger ones in the North.
Some bring their workers so that a type of channelized
migration develops in which peons communicate with their kin
elsewhere to gain information about employment opportunities.
Ceres is an old colony officially created in 1941.21 Per-
sons moving from there are those abandoning the colony.
Carolina, Balsas and Barra do Corda are early colonization
areas highly affected by the opening of the Belem-Brasilia
highway. Colonization is no longer active, and people are

leaving there for large cities or settlements on the Belem-

Brasilia.22 Guarai is a stOpping place for those going to

 

20Thomas G. Sanders, "Brazilian Interior Migration,"
D'Arc Helene Riviére, "Le nord du Mato Grosso: Colonisation
et nouveau 'bandeirismo'," Annals de Gquraphie 86 (1977):
279-306.

21SERFHAU, RelatOrio preliminar de desenvolvimento
integrado--municipio de Céres (Brasilia: SERFHAU, 1970),
p.7.

22Valverde and Dias, A rodovia Belem-Brasilia,
pp. 177-288.

 

 

50'-

8

'8 AND FIELD WORK
IN NORTHERN SCI 3. “76-77.

 

% Stopping

OJ

Total contacts:

40°—

       

IOO CONTACTS

50

(is)

. State Capital

I466

200300000600

IILOIEYEIS

 

Figure 6 --Municipios ever
Final Residence

Contacted prior to

 

57
new frontier towns in the west. Few migrants stOpped in
Goiania, Belém and other large centers before going to north-
ern 06156. Some places where nobody was born, but where
some stopped, are located on the Tocantins and Araguaia
rivers or farther westward. Places such as Conceicao do
Araguaia, Marabé or Imperatriz are areas of recent coloniza-
tion. If migrants have tried these places and left, the
present locations of residence may be just another step in
their journey.

In summary, migrants to northern Goiés come primarily
from rural areas and low hierarchical levels, but some con-
tacted urban centers and high levels. Since urbanward
migration increases with the number of steps, and few
migrants come from large centers, it is concluded that north-
ern Goias receives migrants who fail to succeed in metropoli-
tan or regional centers and are seeking survival in frontier
areas, plus those continuously expelled from traditional

colonization areas where labor is diminishing.

CHAPTER V

GEOGRAPHICAL MOBILITY

In 1885, Ravenstein wrote:

The inhabitants of the country immediately surround-
ing a town of a rapid growth, flock into it; the
gaps thus left in the rural population are filled
up by migrants from.more remote districts, until

the attractive forces of our rapidly growing cities
makes it fel , step by step, to the last corner of
the kingdom.

This was a formulation of the theory concerning hier-
archical migration to large cities. But, in Latin America
today, p0pu1ation movements to areas of low population
density also occur. Practically all colonization studies on
Latin America timidly refer to a step-wise migration process,
and a number suggest that some migrants to frontier settle-

2

ments come from larger cities. This chapter presents

 

1E.G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," 48:199.

2For example, Sakari Sariola, "A Colonization
Experiment in Bolivia," Rural Sociology 25 (1960): 76-90;
James J. Parsons, Antioquia‘s Corridor to the Sea (Berkeley:
University of CalifOrniaIPress, 1967); Rolf WESche, "Recent
Migration to the Peruvian Montafia,” Cahiers de Geographie
de Quebec 35 (1971): 251-260; Flinn and Cartano,—"A Compari-
son of the Migration Process," pp. 37-48; Tavares, et a1.,
Colonizagao dirigida no Brasil; Dennis Peter Enberg, "Motive
andIDistance inMigration: THE Case of Portuguesa, Venezuela,"
unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of North Carolina,
Department of Geography, 1975.

58

 

 

 

59
evidence of hierarchical migration to frontier settlements
and illustrates variations according to time of migration
and origin and age of migrants.

Mere than 74 percent of the sample population made
at least one intermediate stop of a year or more, and
migrants stopping once represent the largest proportion:

34 percent.3 Table 7 presents the hierarchical distribu-
tion in each residence according to the number of stops in
the migration history. For example, of those persons making
three stops (third panel), 43.7 percent were born in iso-
lated hamlets, 33.3 in local centers, 15,7 in sub-regional
centers, 5.2 in regional centers, and 2,1 in metropolitan
centers. A close examination of Table 7 reveals that in all
panels larger percentages are concentrated in the lower
levels. But, with one exception, groups of migrants making
one to three stOps, at the first stop include larger propor-
tions living in metropolitan and regional centers. None of
the migrants making four or five stops were born in metro-
politan centers. And, a smaller proportion of all migrants
were born in metrOpolitan and regional centers than stopped
in such centers immediately before going to northern 0613;.
These findings suggest that some migrants in the sample made

a complete cycle in their migration, from an isolated hamlet

 

3Percentages include data collected by NAEA. The
percentages are identical when excluding these data.

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60

 

 

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muoHamm mumucmu HmaOHon muouaoo cauHHom
z Hmuoh cmumHomH Hmooq 10:0 HmGonmm .IOHuoz

 

mHo>oH HmoHnouaumHm mocovaom moum

 

 

mmozmQHmmm m>HmmmooDm Qz<
thHm mo ammZDz OH oanmooU< mHz<MUHZ ho ZOHHDmHMHmHD H<UHEUM<MMHm

5 MHm<H

61

to a regional or metropolitan center and then to a local
center or again to an isolated hamlet. Others appear to
have followed a similar process but never reached a metropo-
lis, and still others appear to have moved only between local
or isolated hamlets.

Between places of birth and the first stop, groups
of migrants with more extensive migration histories (more
stops) show larger proportions moving upward in the func-
tional hierarchy. Inversely, at the last previous residence,
groups with shorter histories show larger proportions moving
upward (Table 8). Fifty-seven percent of those making five
stops moved upward between place of birth and next residence
in comparison with the 14 percent (of the same group) that
made such a move between the third and fourth stop (last pre-
vious residence). Thirty-one percent of those making two
stOps moved upward, while 57 percent of those making five
stops made such a move between place of birth and next resi-
dence. At the last previous residence this percentage
decreases systematically as the number of stops increases.
This relationship is similar in all groups, except for
direct migrants. At the final destination, even though only
the lower three levels were considered, the tendency is to
move upward as the number of stops increases. These statis-
tics suggest that migrants in northern Goias moved upward in
the functional hierarchy, but after a number of steps moved
downward or laterally. Migrants residing in frontier settle-

ments apparently began their migration together with those

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maoum o>Hm cmnu whoa wcmeE muawusz

.mowmucoonom ucmoHMchHmcH ou mow .0005Hoxo
.0ovnHoaH <m<z 50 wouooHHoo mumn

 

 

 

 

 

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maoum mo Honadz muaoam>oz mocovaom

 

 

HAmMU<Hzmummmv mmuzmnHmmm m>Hmmmoobm 92¢
mmOHm ho mmmZDz OH wzHQMOOU< VHH<MMB<H Qz< am<3230n nm<3mD UZH>OZ mHZ¢MUHZ

m m4m<9

63
presently residing in metropolitan and regional centers, but
after a number of stops those better prepared continued to
larger places, while those less preparedtmnmd to small
frontier settlements.

Although 73 percent of the sampled population was
born in rural areas, urban-born show greater mobility.
Fifty-five percent of those born in urban centers made four
or more stops, as compared with 22 percent of those born in
rural areas. Among urban-born migrants, as the number of
stops increases the proportion moving downward in the urban
functional hierarchy increases. Excluding direct migrants,
at the last previous residence rural-born migrants with
more extensive migration histories moved laterally in
larger proportions, while urban-born migrants show larger
proportions moving downward (Table 9). This table leads to
the assumption that migration to northern Goiés is affected
by the origin, rural or urban, of the migrants. After
moving upward between places of birth and next residence,
urban-born migrants tend to move downward, while rural-born
tend to move between places of a similar level.

More than 87 percent of the sample p0pu1ation arrived
at the final destination 15 years of age or older, but only

4

49 percent left their places of birth before this age. In

 

4Final destination or final residence refers in this
study to the place where interviews were conducted. This,
of course, is not necessarily the final residence or desti-
nation for many, since a large proportion will continue on.

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64

 

 

 

 

 

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m MHm<H

65
total the mean age at departure was 17 years, versus a
mean age of 31 years at the time of arrival. Urban-born
'migrants left their places of birth younger (mean age 14)
than rural-born (mean age 17). Fifty-four percent of
urban-born left their place of birth before age 15, versus
47 percent of the rural-born. At arrival, mean age for
rural-born was 33 years, while the mean age for urban-born
was 28 years (Table 10). This difference in the age pyra-
mid between time of departure and time of arrival indicates
that the migrants established permanent residence at inter-
mediate places. In fact, the migrants in total resided an
average of eight years at each intermediate residence. At
the last previous residence migrants remained an average of
ten years. Here, rural migrants show a longer length of
residence, more than twice that of urban residents: 15 to
7 (Table 11). For the last previous residence, at least,
rural residents now living in settlements along or near the
Belém-Brasilia highway, show more permanence on the land than
urban residents.

In total, about 80 percent of the migrants arrived
at the final destination after 1960, when the Belem-
Brasilia road was opened, but only 35 percent left their
place of birth after that date. As to the previous residence,
47 percent arrived there before 1960, and only 17 percent
departed from there before that year (Table 12). Migrants

last resided mainly in'municipios of northern Goiés or near-

 

by states, where subsistence agriculture and spontaneous

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68

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69

colonization were characteristic before the highway was
opened (Fig. 7). The time at which migration took place
and the distribution of migrants at the last previous
residence suggest that the opening of the Belém-Brasilia
highway contributed a great deal to the expulsion of sub—
sistence agriculturalists from.uearby areas, and only
minimally to the attraction of migrants from large cities
and distant places. These phenomena have been reported
already by several authors, including Katzman who argues
that the Belem-Brasilia did not bring people from distant
places but redistributed the population already living in
Goiés. Tamer found colonizers along the highway to be
mainly from nearby northeastern states and Goias, and Sawyer
argues that the traditional migration streams to northern
Goias remained unchanged after the Belém-Brasilia was opened.5

In conclusion, migration to northern Goias is affected
by origin, age and time of migration. Reverse hierarchical
migration is noticeable among urban-born migrants. They
also began migrating earlier both in time and age, and have
had greater geographical mobility than rural-born migrants.
Rural-born migrants tend to move between local centers and

isolated hamlets. The process was affected tremendously by

 

5Katzman, "Regional Development Policy in Brazil,"
p. 104; Alberto Tamer, Transamazonica: Solucao 2001 (Sio
Paulo: APEC, 1970), p. 68;*Sawyer, "Penetration Rbads and
Population Growth," pp. 31-42.

 

70

 

—o°
- IO'
*- I3“
-20’
6.30’
SOURCE=

B

I

 

INTERVI W8 AND FIE
IN NORTHERN OOI S. l970-77

LO WORK

3:
1

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.........
.............
....................
..................

 

HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS=

 

l
6:553:12 2 - 5
I 6-9
- IO or more
0 State Capitol

I
O Municipio of Interview
Sample: 60! Heads of Households
”813°? "3° ’°° ‘?° '5”

”LOCI?!"

o
O
V
I

o“

30'-

 

Figure 7 --Mnnic1pios of Last Previous Residence

 

71
the opening of the Belém-Brasilia highway. For the urban-
born, the road diverted them from the more pronounced
migration streams to large cities; for rural residents,
the highway brought them to the nearest urban center.
The highway increased the economic value of the land,
devoted now to extensive agriculture and cattle, and local
subsistence peasants left the rural area to become low-
salary workers in urban areas or commuters from the urban
centers to work in the countryside. For some, this was
the first time they were pushed from the land; for others
the second, third or even ninth time. They will continue
to move, some further westward to other frontier settle-

ments, but the majority will migrate to large cities.

CHAPTER VI

OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY

There is no single indicator of social class, but
Blau and Duncan argue that although "occupational posi-
tion does not encompass all aspects of the concept of
class, it is probably the best single indicator of it."1
Therefore, a common way to study social change is by

analyzing occupational mobility.2 During the 1950's,

Hutchinson and Castaldi classified occupations and studied

 

1Peter M. Balu and Otis Dudley Duncan, The American
Occupational Structure (New York: John Wiley and Sans, Inc.,
I967), p. 6. ‘—

2For example, D.V. Glass, ed., Social Mbbility in

Britain (London: Routledge and Kegan PauI,Ltd.,’l954);
NeII 3. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds., Social
Structure and MObility in Economic Development (Chicago:
AIdine Publishing Company,l966);Bertram Hutchinson,
Social Status in Dublin: Marriage, MObility and First
Em lo ent (Dublin: Economic and SocialOResearch Institute,

; ertram Hutchinson, Social Status and IntergeneratiOn-
a1 Mbbility in Dublin (Dublin: *Economic andeociaI“Research
Institute,71969); Otis Dudley Duncan and Robert W. Hodge,
"Education and Occupational Mbbility: A Regression Mbdel,"
American Journal of Sociology 68 (1963): 629-644; Reeve
Vénneman, "The Occupational Composition of American Classes:
Results from Cluster Analysis," AmeriCan Journal of
Sociology 82 (1977): 783-807.

 

 

 

72

73
occupational mobility among immigrants in 356 Paulo.3 In
1974, Silvers and Moreira, by stratifying occupations in
seventeen categories and by using Markov chains sought to
predict occupational mobility in medium-size cities of the
Central-West region.4 Mbre recently, Martine used Silva's
classification of Brazilian occupations to study social

mobility in metropolitan areas.5

In that study each occu-
pation reported in the 1970 census was scored according to
"the national means of income and education associated

6 After the social scores were

with each occupation."
assigned, the occupations were grouped into twenty-eight
categories, according to: 1) homogeneity of scores, 2) homo-

geneity of sectors and type of activity, and 3) relevance of

 

3Bertram Hutchinson, "The Social Grading of Occupa-
tions in Brazil," British Journal of Sociolo 8 (1957): 176-
189; Bertram Hutchinson, Structura an Exc ange Mbbility
in the Assimilation of Immigrants to Brazil," Population
Studies 12 (1958): 111-120; Carlo Castaldi, "Nota sfibre a
Hierarquia de prestigio das ocupacoes, segundo um grupo de
emigrantes italianos e seus descendentes na cidade de 860
Paulo," Boletim do Centro Brasileiro de Pesquisas
Educacionéisil (1956): 109-124.

 

 

4Arthur L. Silvers and Morvan de M. Moreira,
"Migracao e absorcao em.vinte cidades," Pes uisa e
Planejamento EConOmico 4 (Fevreiro 1974): 83-II8.

5George Martine and José Carlos Peliano, "Migracao,
estrutura occupacional e renda nas areas metropolitanas,"
in Manoel Augusto Costa, ed., Estudos de demo rafia urbana
(Rio de Janeiro: IPEA/INPES, I975), pp. I6I-I96; NeIson do
Valle Silva, "Posicao social das ocupacOes," IBGE, 1973
(Mimeographed) .

6George Martine, "Os migrantes nos mercados de
trabalho metropolitanos," Projeto de planejamento de recursos
humanos BRA/70/550, RelatOfio 32 (Janeifo*1977): ZET

 

74

some specific occupations to the evaluation ofmigration.7
Occupations range from a highest score of 88.75 (magis-
trates) to a lowest score of 1.81 (rustic straw hat makers),
as shown in Appendix B. Since this classification permits

an analysis of occupational mobility between occupations

of very close social scores, it was found convenient for use
in answering the following questions: 1) Is the occupa-
tional structure at the final destination affected by the

sex and origin of the migrants?, 2) How is step-wise migra-
tion related to occupational mmbility?, 3) How is hierarchical
migration related to occupational mobilityz and 4) What are

the perspectives for general economic improvement by the

people migrating to northern Goias?

Present Occupational Structure

Occupations reported by informants at the final
destination are among the lowest ranked in Brazil: social
score mean (Xf) of 9.89, with a standard deviation (Sf) of
2.11 and extreme values of 2.68 and 35.07. Migrants work

main1y in the primary sector, "home occupations,‘ or small
businesses. Mbst of the men commute to work in the country-
side in occupations such as agricultural laborer, miner or
cowboy; own small businesses such as bars, restaurants,

photography shops or miscellaneous stores; or work in the

 

7Ibid., p. 24.

75
construction industry. Most of the women are housekeepers,
*work in small clothing factories, are employed as domestic
servants, or teach in the elementary schools. Rural-born
migrants, although employed mainly in the primary sector,
include small proprietors, workers in small clothing
factories and domestic servants. Urban-born migrants own
small businesses, serve as administrators, and work in
local industries (Table 13).

In general,nfignnms tend to retain their original
occupational levels at the final destination (mean score
difference, Xf_b=.84), but urban-born migrants (Xf_b=1.30)
and men (Xf_b=2.67) appear to have better Opportunities to
improve socially than rural-born migrants (Yf_b=.68) and
women (Yf_b=-.04).8 Correlation coefficients (r) between
social scores at the place of birth and final residence in-
dicate frequent change of occupations (rfb=.388),

especially among urban-born migrants (rfb=.240) and women

(rfb=.221) (Table 14).
Step-wise Migration and OccupatiOnal Mobility
The longer the migration history (number of staps)

the greater the change of occupations. The relationship can

 

8The larger proportion of women to men in the sample
does not mean there are more women than men in northern Goias,
but that most of the men were working in the fields at the
time of the interview. In such cases the wife was inter-
viewed. In 1970 in northern Goias the sex ratio was 108, for
urban centers 95 and for rural areas 115. IBGE, Censo
'demografico, 19704-GOi68,pp. 284-286.

 

76
TABLE 13

OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES AMONG MIGRANTS TO NORTHERN GOIAS:
FINAL DESTINATION, BY SEX AND ORIGIN (ABSOLUTE NUMBERS)

 

 

 

 

Number1 Category Rural Urban Men Women Total
3,7 Proprietors 28 9 29 ' 8 37
4,10 Administration

and desk

occupations 2 1 2 1 3
8 Technicians 0 2 l l 2
9 Teachers 8 7 0 15 15
14 Transportation 1 5 6 0 6
15,26 Construction

Industry 7 4 11 0 ll
18 Textile Industry 28 4 4 28 32
12,16,
19,20 Other Industries 9 2 6 5 11
21,17 General Laborers 6 4 9 1 10
22,23 Domestic Servants 15 8 3 20 23
24,25 Commercial

Occupations 6 2 l 7 8
27 Primary Sector 33 7 40 0 40
28 Housekeeper 133 46 0 179 179
28 Other 3 l 3 l 4

TOTAL. 279 102 . 115 _ 266 381

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goiés, 1977.

1See Appendix B for a detailed description of

occupations.

77

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mHZ<MUHZ ho zHono nz< me um
ZOHH<ZHHmmn A<sz 92¢ mfimHm mo mmo<Am zmmzhmm .m<HOw zmmemoz OH mHz<MOH2
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78
be affected by age, but mean age is not drastically
different between migrants of different migration histor-
ies in the case of northern Goias (Table 15). Occupational
change is frequent, but occupational mobility occurs main-
1y between occupations of low social scores. At the final
residence the mean occupation level (X) increases with the
number of stops (Table 16), and the correlation coefficient
(r) between occupations at each succeeding residence
decreases systematically according to the number of stops.
Also, the correlation coefficient (r) between the occupa-
tions at the place of birth and each succeeding residence,
although similar in trend, is lower(Table 17). Therefore,
although migrants change occupations as they move, more
migrants with shorter migration histories retain
their previous occupations. For example, migrants making
two stops show r = .484 between occupations at last previous
residence and final residence and r = .270 between occupa-
tions at place of birth and final residence, a difference of
.214 points. Migrants making five stops show r = .309 be-
tween occupations at last previous residence and final
residence and r = .283 between occupations at place of
birth and final residence, a difference of .026 points.
While the coefficients are almost equally 10W among those making
five stops, they are considerably different: among those mak-
ing two stops. The relationship is consistent among the

other groups, which supports the idea of chronic exchange of

79

TABLE 15
MEAN AGE OF MIGRANTS TO NORTHERN GOIAS BY NUMBER OF STOPS

 

 

 

 

Number Mean Standard

Nugggrsof of Age Maximum. Minimum Devi-

p Migrants 1977 Value Value ation
1 (Direct) 100 40 17 81 15.76
2 120 42 19 83 14.38
3 75 41 20 80 13.87
4 48 44 23 72 13.46
5 21 45 20 70 15.70
6 or more 28 47 23 76 15.73
TOTAL 392 42 17 83 14.76

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

80

TABLE 16

MEAN SOCIAL SCORES AT EACH RESIDENC BY NUMBER OF STOPS
DURING MIGRATION

 

 

 

 

Residences Number of Stops
1 2 3 4 5

Birth 9.21 9.24. 9.56 8.12 8.92
1 9.46 9.11 9.15 8.91 8.00
2 - 9.81 9.82 8.74 8.68
3 - - 9.71 9.01 8.46
4 - - - 9.72 11.10
5 - - - - 10.28

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

1Migrantswith more than five stops were eliminated,

due to insignificant numbers.

81
TABLE 17
CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN SOCIAL SCORES AT EACH
SUCCEEDING RESIDENCE, AND BETWEEN SOCIAL SCORES AT PLACE

OF BIRTH AND EACH SUCCEEDING RESIDENCElBY THE NUMBER OF
STOPS DURING MIGRATION

Residences Number of Stops
1 2 3 4 5

SucceedinggResidences

 

Birth and 1 .665 .728 .763 .235 .594
1 and 2 - .484 .655 .797 .504
2 and 3 - - .432 .553 .713
3 and 4 - - - .397 .420
4 and 5 - - - - .309

Birth and Each Residence

 

Birth and 1 .665 .728 .768 .235 .594
Birth and 2 - .270 .558 .352 .210
Birth and 3 - - .293 -.120 .271
Birth and 4 - - - .183 .280
Birth and 5 . - ‘- p - - ..283

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

1Migrants with more than five steps were eliminated,

due to insignificant numbers

82
lower score occupations. As they say "eu faco de tudo"
(I do anything).
The difference between social scores of rural—

)

born and urban-born migrants at the place of birth (R?du
decreases with the number of stops migrants have made.
That is, rural-born migrants with shorter migration his-
tories appear lower in the social scale in relation to
the urban-born than those with longer migration histories
(Table 18). This suggests that urban-born migrants began
"better off" than rural-born migrants, but in the migra-
tion process those of higher occupational status probably
move to larger cities. Only those with low social levels
reach the frontier. Hence, the urban-born migrants arriv-
ing in northern Goiés are those more similar to rural-born
in terms of occupational scores. But, even with this
selection process urban-born migrants continue to be
"better off" at the final destination. ‘With reference to
sex differences (erw)’ men tend to improve their occupa-

tional status, while that of women tends to remain the same

or even decrease.
Hierarchical Migration and Occupational Mobilipy

According to Blau and Duncan:

In part the direct relationship between size of
place and status of first job is undoubtedly due
to a process of selective migration; with
promising men who are able to obtain better
first jobs moving to more urbanized places. In
any case, men now living in the largest central
cities had more auspicious career beginnings

TABLE 18

83

DIFFERENCE IN MEANS AND CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN
SOCIAL SCORES AT PLACE OF BIRTH AND FINAL DESTINATION BY
SEX, ORIGIN AND NUMBER OF STOPS DURING MIGRATION

 

 

 

 

 

 

Place of Final Differ- Corre-
Stops Identifi- Birth Destination ence lation
cation _
(Xb) (Sb) (if) (Sf) (xf_b> (rfb>
1 1
(Direct) Men (22) 8.60 8.44 9.44 6.79 .84 .798
Women (55) 9.47 2.83 9.47 3.18 .00 .347
Difference
(1:14”) -.87 -.03
Rural-born
(61) 8.64 4.49 9.38 4.56 .74 .706
Urban-born
(16) 11.41 6.76 9.76 4.13 -l.65 .674
Difference
(RF-u) -2.77 -.38
2 Men (21) 6.76 4.65 8.88 4.79 2.12 .413
WOmen (59) 10.13 1.96 10.17 2.62 .04 .019
Difference
(thw) -3.37 -1.29
Rural-born
(64) 9.42 3.29 9.96 3.48 .54 .378
Urban-born
(16) 8.56 3.04 9.45 3.12 .89 .227
Difference
(2?;u) .86 .51
3 or Men (38) 6.24 3.39 10.33 6.88 4.09 .127
more Women (60) 10.36 1.83 10.09 2.39 -.27 .177
Difference
(Km-w) -4.12 .24
Rural-born
(69) 9.00 3.11 9.69 3.76 .69 .122
Urban-born
(29) 8.20 3.51 11.26 5.45 3.06 .167
Difference
‘(X§;u) .80 -1.57
SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

1Number
cases

Inighga

renthesis indicate the number of
correlation.

84
than men living anywhere else, but their
final occupational achievements are not
quite so good as those men in somewhat
smaller cities. . . . Migrants find their
best chances for upward mobility in small
cities, regardless of whether they were
raised in lagger cities, small cities or
rural areas.

The size of the place in which a person is raised
affects occupational success. Generally speaking, the
larger the place the greater the opportunity to begin
higher in the occupational scale. In the sample few
people were born in higher hierarchical levels, but the
occupational scores of migrants born in metropolitan centers
are markedly higher than those of persons born elsewhere.

At the final destination, migrants coming from metropolitan
and regional centers achieve higher occupational levels. In
addition, the higher the hierarchical level of the place of
birth, the more likely the migrant is to retain his original
occupation at the final destination. Hence, the lower a
migrant moves in the urban hierarchy when moving, the better
the chances are for him to improve socially (Table 19). This
is almost self-explanatory. In general, peOple residing _
in higher levels possess a higher occupational status

than those living in lower levels. People of low social
levels living in larger centers when moving to smaller ones

will experience upward social mobility by the standards of

the host community even without changing occupations. They

 

9Blau and Duncan, The American Occupational
Structure, pp. 248, 261.

 

85

TABLE 19

MEAN SOCIAL SCORES AND CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN
OCCUPATIONS AT PLACE OF BIRTH AND FINAL DESTINATION BY

HIERARCHICAL LEVEL OF THE PLACE OF BIRTH AND FINAL

 

 

 

 

 

 

DESTINATION
Hierarchical Place of Final Differ- Corre—
Level Birth Destination ence lation
(Xb) (Sb) (2f) (Sf) (Xf-b) (rfb)
Place ofBirth

. Leveleetro-

politan 1

Centers (3) 10.64 0.00 10.67 .08 .03 .999
. LevelzRegional

Centers (6) 8.64 3.36 11.83 .97 3.19 .479
. Level:Sub-

regional

Centers (45) 9.55 4.55 9.91 .78 .36 .428
. Level: Local

Centers (72) 8.49 3.04 9.50 .31 1.01 .416
. Level:Isolated

Hamlets (103) 8.99 3.50 10.01 .24 1.02 .211

Final’Destination

. Level:Sub-

regional

Centers (65) 8.68 3.05 9.52 .12 .84 .156
. Level: Local

Centers (87) 9.77 5.12 10.05 .73 -28 .679
. Level:Isolated

Hamlets (102) 8.77 2.94 10.03 .26 1.26 .157

 

 

SOURCE:

1

in the correlation.

Interviews and field.work in northern Goiés, 1977.
Number in parenthesis indicates the number of cases

86
are simply moving to a community with an average occupa-
tional level lower than that in the one where they have
been. These are local administrators, businessmen or
merchants unable to compete in larger cities to whom smaller
towns offer better opportunities. In fact, migrants
coming from larger places have higher occupational scores
and greater mobility than those moving in the opposite
direction between places of birth and final destination.
Migrants moving between places of similar size tend to have
lower occupational status and more frequent change of occu-
pations than those moving to larger or smaller places (Table
20).10 Migrants coming from the countryside take urban
occupations of a lower level than those of urban-born
migrants, permitting the latter to move socially upward.
Indeed, rural-born migrants moving between places of similar
size between places of birth and final destination improved
only .95 points, while the urban-born moving in a similar
direction improved 2.58 points. Moreover, the status of
rural-born migrants in relation to urban-born is lower at
both the place of birth and final destination. When moving
to larger places urban-born and rural-born migrants began

at a similar social status, but at the final destination,

 

10It is important to be cautious in these affirma-

tions since only the lowest three hierarchical levels are
represented at the final destination.

87

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.nmma .mwwoo ohmsuuoc a6 3603 oaoam 6am 6306>HoucH

"momsom

 

 

 

 

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sowuma mono . ucoao>oz
souuoo (mommaa Goauocaumon Assam nuuflm mo oooam Hoowsmouwoou mo make

 

Hzmzm>oz A<0Hmm<moomu mo mmwe Wm ZOHH<ZHHmmn A¢2Hh Qz< EHMHm
ho mo<qm H< mZOHH<mDoUO zmmzhmm mHzmHUHhhmoo ZOHH<AmmMOU Dz< mmmoom A<Hoom z<mz

ON mqm<H

88
rural-born migrants tend to maintain similar scores while
urban-born tend to move to higher occupational levels. The
Opposite is true when moving to smaller places. The urban-
born began "better off", but at the final destination rural-
born migrants tend to move to higher occupations while
urban-born tend to maintain the same levels. However, as
seen in the general trend, even with this selection, rural-
born migrants living in urban environments work at lower
level occupations than those of urbaanorn migrants (Table
21). Since the number of steps increases the proportion of
urbanward migration(Chapter IV, page 52), the relationships
shown above indicate that a step or stage-wise migration to
larger cities is operating in the area. Those urban-born
migrants moving to higher hierarchical levels may be the
children of early rural-born.migrants residing in small
centers (stage migration). But, if rural-born migrants
presently living in small urban centers are willing to con-
tinue migrating, the next step is more likely to be a large

city (step migration).

Discussion

 

The three most important findings of this chapter
are:

l. A chronic change of occupations as migrants
change residence.

2. A rigid social structure, in which the
'majority of migrants occupy the lowest social
levels, and in.which social mobility occurs

89
TABLE 21

MEAN SOCIAL SCORES AND CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN
OCCUPATIONS AT PLACE OF BIRTH AND FINAL DESTINATION BY
TYPE OF GEOGRAPHICAL MOVEMENT, ORIGIN AND SEX OF MIGRANTS

 

 

 

 

Geographical Place of Final Differ- Corre-
Movement/ Birth Destination ence lation
Migrant. .
Identification (Xb) (Sb) (Xf) (sf) (xf-b) (rfb)
UPWARD
F911 (21)1 6.95 5.30 8.52 5.82 1.57 .424
Wamn (57) 9.84 2.75 10.32 2.62 .48 .383
Difference (Kn-w) -2.89 -l.80
Rizal-bom(60) 9.28 3.90 9.53 3.23 .25 .467
Urban-born(18) 8 . 32 3 . 48 10 . 79 4. 76 2 .47 . 491
Difference (XE-u) . 96 -l. 26
WRD
Phn (29) 7.65 5.90 9.63 5.30 1.98 .543
Women (48) 10.08 1.98 10.22 2.38 .14 .122
Difference (Km-w) -2.43 -.59
Rural-born(54) 8.81 2.59 9.85 3.91 1.04 .340
Urban-born(23) 10.00 6.35 10.26 3.46 .26 .611
Difference (if-u) -1. l9 - .41
IA'IERAL .
I‘m (24) 5.23 1.08 10.21 6.67 4.98 -.119
Water! (51) 10.15 1.92 9.62 2.70 -.53 .208
Difference (Km-w) -4.92 .59
Rural-born(60) 8.50 2.83 9.45 3.69 .95 .148
Urban-born(15) 8.65 3.12 11.23 6.14 2.58 -.265
Difference (X311) -l.78

-.15

 

 

SOURCE: Interviavs and field work in northern GOiéS, 1977.
LNmbers in parenthesis indicate the amber of cases in the

correlation.

90

mainly between occupationsof very low
social scores.

3. Although migrants still work primarily
in agriculture and related occupations,
rural-born migrants are adopting urban
occupations Of even lower levels than
those of the urban-born.

In northern Goiés landholdings are increasing in
size, while the number of owners is decreasing. When the
route Of the Belem-Brasilia highway became known "almost
all of the land on either side was claimed by the Old
landed families or politicians." Thus, by 1967 about 60
percent of the farmers in northern Goias did not own the land
they worked, and the proportion of landless was increasing.11
In 1976 rural properties Of 1,000 hectares or more, owned
by 20 percent Of the landholders, comprised at least 50 per-

cent Of all private land in the municipios Of northern Goias.12

 

The area is increasingly being devoted to cattle, raised
privately but with strong support by Official programs.13
Subsistence farmers Occupying these lands are pushed to
other farms or to the nearest village. For example, in 1970

Colmeia was a hamlet Of 996 people.14 When I visited Colmeia

 

11Allderdice, "The Expansion Of Agriculture,"
pp. 120, 130.

12Jean Hébette and Rosa E. Acevedo Marin,
"Colonizacfio esponténea, politica agréria e grupos sociais,"
Belém, 1977, p. 4 (Mimeographed).

131bid., pp. 36-38.

14IBGE, VIII recensamento geral, 1970--GOiés, p.(448.

 

91

in 1977, its population had grown tO‘about 2,500 and within

two weeks ten new shacks were constructed. MOst Of the

families came from the nearby area, now devoted to cattle

raising. Some 37 percent of the sample population referred

to land conflicts and job conditions as the principal

motives for leaving their last previous residence (Table 22).

Rural migrants move from place to place each time a farm is

converted into pasture, roughly as follows:

First year:

1.

Forest vegetation is cut and burned
by early January. This process prob-
ably started during the previous year.

Rice and maize are planted in
February, in most cases under a share-
cropping arrangement between the
laborers and the owner.

Grass is also planted in February.
This may be done by broadcasting the
seeds in the fields with the rice and
maize or by transplanting seedlings.

Beans may be planted in April if they
are to be included in the crOpping
cycle.

The mature crops are harvested in June
or July.

Second year:

1.

The pasture is not grazed and no other
crops are planted. If necessary, more
grass seedlings may be set out.

The tenant (or sharecropper) moves to
new areas within the ranch property
(where he continues deforestation), or
to another rancher's property.

The pasture may be burned in the month
of August or September.

92

TABLE 22
MOTIVES FOR LEAVING, LAST PREVIOUS RESIDENCE

 

 

 

Reasons/Motives Absolute Percent- Absolute Percent-
for Leaving Numbers age Numbers age
Economic Reasons 165 46.0
Land Conflicts 84 23.4

Job Conditions 48 13.4

Business Conditions 21 5.8

Other 12 3.4

Social Reasons 91 25.3
Lack of Services 67 18.7

News About a Place 19 5.2

Other 5- 1.4
Personal Reasons 83 23.1
Family Reasons 34 9.5

Dependent Migration 28 7.8

Wanted Independence 13 3.6

Other 8 2.2

Environmental Reasons 20 5.6

Drought and Other

 

 

Environmental Hazards 18 5.0
Other 2 .6
TOTAL 359 100.0 359 100.0

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

93
Third year:

1. The cattle are turned into the pasture
to graze.

2. Laborers leave the place for another
farm or an urban center.

As rural areas become increasingly devoted to
cattle ranching, the expulsion of laborers to urban centers
increases. In Araguaina, for example, 1,212 of the 3,000
hectares of a ranch were in pasture and only twenty-five
men, ten permanent and fifteen seasonal workers, were needed
to Operate it. Here, one cowboy could handle some 200 head

Of cattle.16

Peasants agglomerate in villages, commute to
the countryside whenever they get a job, and do whatever is
available to subsist. They move continuously with the hope
of obtaining land. However, in most cases they settle on
private land. When the owner of the land appears, their
exploitation begins. He then says that he bought the land

and if anyone wants to stay, he has to plant pasture or to

do other work for him three days per week. "There is too
17

much land ahead for us to alter that, they say. Or as

Tamer pointed out:
One village disappears, but immediately an-

other one appears, and then another one, and
one more, in a succession without end Of

 

15For a similar description see, Allderdice,
"Agricultural Expansion," pp. 125-126.

151616., p. 127.

17Alberto Tamer, Transamazanica: Solucaopara 2001,

p. 127.

94

small villages that han desperately to the

highway (Belém-Brasiliag, where their

dwellers search in the land or in the move-

ment of cars for the difficult subsistence,

without other ambition than survival, even

though vainly. 13
For the great majority of migrants in northern Goias
migration is an escape for survival and the village their
refuge. Normally, the small towns become mere inter-

mediate stops en route to the large city.

 

181616., p. 68.

CHAPTER VII

PROPENSITY TO MIGRATE

Potential migration patterns can be predicted by
identifying family linkages and locational preferences.
In the case Of northern Goiés after the BelémeBrasilia
highway was Opened, population concentrated in settlements
along the highway and this zone grew tremendously.1 How-
ever, the settlements appear to be intermediate stops for
migration streams to large cities. More than 43 percent
(172) of the heads of households interviewed would like to
change their present place of residence, and more than one-
fourth of these have immediate plans to leave. If planning
is to be effective in the region, serious consideration
must be given to the locational preferences of the migrant
population and the identification of key factors affecting
outmigration from the region.

Migrant preferences can be grouped in three major
categories: 1) large cities, 2) municipios of active

colonization, and 3) settlements along the Belém-Brasilia

 

1Sanders, "Brazilian Interior Migration," p. l.

95

96
highway (Fig. 8). Thirty-five percent would like to go to
the cities located at either end of the Belem-Brasilia:
GOiAnia, Brasilia, Anapolis and Belém. Large cities less
preferred include Belo Horizonte, $36 Paulo, Teresina and
Recife. Education for the children, medical facilities,
transportation and economic conditions are among the
factors considered. In practically all cases relatives are
reported to be living at the potential destinations.

A smaller proportion would prefer areas of active
colonization such as Tucurui or $30 Félix do Xingu. This
trend was identified by Tavares when studying planned
colonization in AmazOnia and by Sanders in his research on

the Belem-Brasilia.2 Of all municipios of active coloniza-

 

tion selected by the migrants, Conceicao do Araguaia
attracted the largest proportion, 6 percent. This municipio
is characterized by a rapid increase in cattle raising,
extensive agriculture and timber exploitation. But,
migrants prefer the urban center to the countryside, so if
migration takes place, it will be toward the city and not
the rural area. Conceicao do Araguaia is perhaps the most

active local center (municipio of 41,210 people, 1975) of

 

Para state in this area.
The attraction Of growing settlements along the

Belem—Brasilia road is reflected by the number of migrants

 

2Tavares, et a1., Colonizacéo dirigida no Brasil,
pp. 72-79; Sanders, "Brazilian Interior Migration," pp. 1-10.

97

 

— 20°

  

Va PoOeMlol
Urban Deulnulen

Q/

'—30. % Pohmlel
Rural Deulno'lon _
. Slate Capital
Sample: I56 Heads of Households
SOURCE’ mrsnwe 5 AND FIELD woax ’° ° ”'°° '°° "’° “'° ’°°

8

l

 

IN NORTHERN ROI 3. IO‘IG- 77

llLOI! VI"

8
I

~ 40.

       
 

  

30'—

 

 

Figure 8 --Locational Preferences

98
willing to go to Imperatriz, Araguaina, Gurupi and Guarai.
The munigipio of Imperatriz grew from a population of 39,331
in 1960 to 108,265 in 1975, and is today the second largest
city of Maranhao state. Extensive agriculture, a concentra-
tion of large farms, increased accessibility, and education-
al, health and commercial services make Imperatriz attrac-
tive to local people as well as to farmers and businessmen

from the South.3

Today one already perceives in Imperatriz
the problems and advantages of a large city: fancy neigh-
borhoods along with the invasion of shacks, public and
private local transportation, movie houses, expensive hotels,
modern hospitals, and shops Of all types and condition. For
a city where the first automobile arrived in 1953, the change

has been "fantastic".4 Gurupi (municipio of 31,000 people,

 

1975) and Araguaina (municipio of 48,193 people, 1975) are

 

also "miracle cities" along the highway polarizing the
economic development of northern Goias. Some industry,
banks, hospitals, educational facilities, and commerce exist

in these places. Guarai (municipio Of 13,948 people, 1975)

 

grew so fast that in 1968 the seat of the municipio of

 

Tupirama, located on the Tocantins, was Officially trans-

5

ferred to Guarai, a district located on the highway. Today,

 

3Sanders, "Brazilian Interior Migration," p. 8.

41616., p. 9.

5SERFHAU, RelatOriO reliminar de desenvolvimento
inte'g‘r'a‘d‘o',‘ mun'i‘cipio‘ ' ’ ‘ ‘ ' ' ' -
p.107

  

99
Tupirama is a dying settlement, while Guarai is a dynamic
town.

MOst migrants prefer urban centers (83 percent)
and large cities (40 percent). Even migrants willing to
go to settlements along the highway or active colonization
areas would like to live in urban centers. Migrants are
simply abandoning the rural areas to locate in urban centers
and preferably in large cities.

Family links probably explain to a considerable ex-
tent how migration takes place in the area. Only 3 percent
of household heads sampled left their place of birth alone
and arrived at the final destination alone. The majority
(61 percent) left in the company of their parents or their
spouses, and arrived with the same group (59 percent)
(Table 23). In addition, 32 percent came because they had
relatives living here (Table 24). In northern Goias, there
exist farmers who employ entire families in the fields, and
the role of relatives is very important in hiring personnel.
Also, relatives working for relatives is a common practice.
Indeed, 36 percent Of the sample arrived at the homes of
relatives. Friends also play an important part in hosting
the newcomers, but some migrants buy or rent a house before
migrating (Table 25).

Kinship ties are traditionally strong in migration,
and the spatial distribution of children may consequently

help identify future movements. Migrants reported 1,695

100

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Ho>666<

 

 

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101

TABLE 24
MOTIVES FOR COMING TO PRESENT RESIDENCE

 

 

 

 

. Percent- Percent-
Reasons/Motives Absolute age Absolute age
Economic Reasons 84 23.4

Looking for Land 18 5.0
Looking for
Employment 43 12.0
Looking for
Business 19 5.3
Other 4 1.1
Social Reasons 90 24.9
Looking for
Services 70 19.4
News About the
Place 12 3.3
Other 8 2.2
Personal Reasons 135 37.6
Relatives or
Friends 114 31.7
Family Reasons 19 5.3
Other 2 .6
Spatial Reasons 51 14.1
Closest Place 21 5.8
Larger Place 25 6.9
Other _ 5, 1.4
TOTAL 360 100.0 360 100.0

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

102
TABLE 25

LODGING AT TIME OF ARRIVAL IN PRESENT PLACE OF RESIDENCE,
BY KNOWLEDGE THAT HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS HAD ABOUT THE PLACE
BEFORE LEAVING PREVIOUS RESIDENCE

 

 

 

 

 

Lodging at Knowledge About the Place
Time of
Arrival Knew About Heard or Did
the Place Not Know Total
About the
Place
(N=183) (N=193) (N=376)
Relatives 36.1 36.3 36.2
Friends 9.3 15.5 12.5
Local inhabitants 4.4 8.3 6.4
Own House 24.0 12.4 18.1
Rented House 10.4 13.5 11.9
Other 15.8 14.0 14.9
TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0
PERCENTAGE 48.7 51.3 100.0

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

103
children alive at the time of interview, from.families with
one child to those with twenty, an average of five children
per family. About 20 percent of the children reside in

municipios other than those of their parents (Table 26). Of

 

the children born in the municipios of interview, 14 percent

 

have already moved elsewhere. Considering that the majority
of migrants arrived after 1960, and that many of the child-

ren leaving the municipios of their parents' residence are

 

married, 14 percent represents a high proportion of out—
lmigration. Mbreover, children arriving with their parents
continue migrating later. In P6rto Nacional, for example,
about 30 percent of the children accompanying their parents

to this municipio have already left.

 

Figure 9 shows the spatial distribution of children

living outside their parents' municipio of residence. Goiania,

 

Brasilia and Anépolis together host some 30 percent. The rest
are scattered in settlements along the BelémrBrasilia, i.e.
Araguaina and Gurupi, and colonization areas, such as
Conceicao do Araguaia, Pequizeiro and Itacajé. Except for
Belém, the locational preferences of the heads of households
approximate the location of the children. Like the parents,
the children prefer large cities and urban centers in which
to reside (Table 27).

The delay of migration until relatives located out-
side the donor community improve their status economically

is a practice common to what is known as the "stem.fami1y".

104

TABLE 26

MUNICIPIOS OF BIRTH OF INFORMANT33 CHILDREN BY MUNICIPIOS
OF CHILDREN'S RESIDENCE (PERCENTAGES)

 

 

Children's Residence

 

 

 

Children's
Birth At InfSrmant‘s Out of In-
Place Municipio of formant's
Residence Municipio
of Total
Residence
(N=l,316) (N=340) (N=1656)
At Informant's 45.2 29.1 41.9
Municipio of
Residence
Out of Informant's 54.8 70.9 58.1
Municipio of
Residence
TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0
PERCENTAGE 79.5 20.5 100.0

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

105

 

~O°

 

 

 

 

     

O'-
G) O
O O
~m° C)
ION
-n‘
|3°—1
~20'
20'~
O
95 Born at Nuniclplos
of launder J
6-30' .

 

/

7. Born can“. 6 810“ Capitol BO'J
municipios of Imam.-

Toiol children: 320
’91P"? '1” ‘1” “3" ”°

SOURCE? INTERVIE AND FIELD MK ”Lo-"tn
IN NORTHERN BOI S. |976- 77.

B as

A

 

 

h— 400

 

Figure 9 --Municipios of Residence of Children Living Away
from their Parents' Munic1pios of Residence

106

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107

The relatives become of critical importance when economic
conditions are difficult, since they can provide aid and
eventually facilitate the change of location. The process
continues as the family extends. Within this conceptual
framework northern @615; is considered a "holding area",
where migrants wait for relatives living elsewhere to improve
their economic status before themselves moving. This coin—
cides with Wilkening's affirmation that "relatives tend to
follow relatives in the migration channels of Brazil."7
Selectivity also operates in frontier settlements.

Concerning education and civil status, the better educated

and single people of northern Goiag tend to leave. The rate

 

6

Fréaéric Le Play, Les ouvriers euro éEns, 6 Vols.
(Paris: Tours A. Mame et fiIs, 18785; Frederic Le Play,
The Organization of Labor, translated by Gouverneur Emerson
(Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen & Haffelfinger, 1872);
Dorothy Herberston, The Life of Fréaéric Le Play (Ledbury:
Le Play House Press, 1950); Petrim Sorokin, Contemporary
Sociological Theories (New York: Hager and Brothers, 1928),
pp. 63-98; Carle F. Zimmerman, and Marie E. Frampton,
Family and Society (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.,
1953), pp. 73-150: James S. Brown, Harry Schwarzweller,
and Joseph J. Mangalam, "Kentucky Mountain Migration and
the Stem Family: An American Variation on a Theme by Le Play,"
Rural Sociology 28 (March 1963) : 46-69; Harry Schwarzweller,
James S. Brown,and J. J. Mangalam, Mountain Families in
Transition: A Case Study of AppalachianTMigration (University
Park: Pennsylvania StatéEUniversity'Press,71971).

7

E. A. Wilkening, Jogo Bosco Pinto, and José Pastore,
"The Role of the Extended Family in Migration and Adaptation
in Brazil," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Rural
Sociological Society, San Francisco, California, August 26-28,
1967, p. 20. See also, J. C. van Es, Eugene A. Wilkening, and
Joio Bosco Guedes Pinto,'"Rural Migrants in Central Brazil: A
Study of Itumbiara, Goias," Land Tenure Center Reports 29
(June 1968).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

108
of literacy is high (85 percent) among children seven years

of age or older born in the municipios of interview, but

 

the mean education of those leaving is almost twice as high
as that for those staying. The literacy rate is relatively
low among heads of households interviewed (42 percent) but
is considerably higher among those willing to leave than
among those willing to stay (Table 28). More of those will-
ing to stay are married, than is true of those willing to
leave. However, children fourteen years of age or older

born in the municipios of interview, but living elsewhere,

 

include a larger proportion of married people than is true
of those remaining (Table 29). Thus, children may leave

their parents' municipios of residence upon getting married,

 

or they may leave single and marry later in other municipios.

 

Judging from the role of relatives in migration,
the number of children leaving the area, and the proportion
of heads of households willing to change their place of
residence, one concludes that northern Goias is an area of
low retention but of high geographical mobility. The number
of migrants in settlements located on the BelémrBrasilia
road may not decrease in the near future, but the turnover
will increase considerably. If one accepts the assumption
that relatives follow relatives, it will be only a matter of
time before migrants in northern Goiés join their relatives
living mainly at the two ends of the road. One study has

already shown that:

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109

 

 

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110

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111

Amazonia seems destined to produce a new area

of poverty and subistence for the disenfranchised

majority. Under these conditions, the poor will

tend to desert the farms and migrate toward thg

urban centers, creating new slums, or favelas.

. . .A .

These favelas are already grow1ng 1n Belem and G01an1a. If
the process continues, time may show that construction of

the transportation network intensified migration to the

larger cities of Brazil, rather than helped to populate the

Amazon Basin.

 

8John C. Jahoda and Donna L. O'Hearn, "The Reluctant

Amazon Basin," Environment 17 (October 1975): 20.

CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This study describes and analyzes the process of
migration to small towns of the Brazilian Amazonia. Tracing
migrants from place of birth to present residence and pre-
dicting future movements facilitates an understanding of how
migration takes place, who participates in the process and
why certain areas retain or.expe1 migrants. Northern Goiés
is located on the periphery of two regions: southern Brazil
and Amazdnia. The Amazonian region of Goias state is dis-
tant from 850 Paulo, but also distant from Belém or Manaus,
the largest centers of Amazonia. In 1960 the BelémeBrasilia
highway joined the two cores, Sao Paulo and Belem, and
traversed northern Goias. The zone opened by the highway
grew tremendously, but its population came mainly from old
towns located along traditional routes of transportation,
the Tocantins and Araguaia rivers. The highway coincided with
active colonization in the area, so even without the highway
it is believed that the area would have grown. In fact,
some authors estimate that the highway contributed minimally
to the increase of population in the area. Sixteen years
after the road was opened, this study found a high propen-
sity to migrate from.the area, especially toward the cities

112

113
located at the two extremes of the road: Brasilia, Anapolis,
Goiania and Belém. The study shows a high tendency for
relatives to follow relatives in the migration streams to
northern Goiés, and a high concentration of the children al-
ready leaving the area in the cities of Goiania, Brasilia
and Anépolis. Therefore, the area is one of low retention
but high geographical mobility. The settlements of present
residence are only intermediate stops within the strong
migration streams to larger cities.
This study concludes that:
l. The migration field of northern Goias in-
cludes all five hierarchical levels in which

the municipios of Brazil have been classi-

 

fied. People come from.or have visited
metropolitan centers, regional centers, sub-
regional centers, local centers, and iso-
lated hamlets. But, the number of municipios
in each level, the number of heads of house-
holds born in each level, and the number of
intermediate stOps made in each level are
variable. High levels and urban centers,

such as Goiania, are places of step migration,
where people now residing in northern Goias
have stopped but from.which few natives
migrated to frontier settlements. Conversely,
low levels and rural areas are places of

stage migration from which the same number of

114
natives are now residing in northern Goias
as the number of such residents who have
stopped at those places. Reverse hier-
archical migration is noticeable, especially
among urban-born migrants. After starting
migration upward in the functional hierarchy,
urban-born migrants tend to move downward,
while rural-born tend to move between places
of a similar level. As migrants move, the
tendency is to concentrate more in urban
centers. Therefore, once migration begins
it is likely that a large number of migrants
will eventually reach major urban centers.
A chronic change of occupations was observed
as migrants changed residences. And, a
rigid social structure prevails, in which
the majority of migrants occupy the lowest
social levels and social mobility occurs
mainly between occupations of low social
scores. Although migrants still work prin-
cipally in agriculture and related occupations,
rural-born migrants are adopting urban occu-
pations of even lower levels than those of
urban—born migrants.
The settlements located on the Belém-Brasilia
may not decrease in p0pu1ation within the near

future, but the turnover will increase

115
considerably. The highway brought higher
economic value to the land, mainly devoted
today to cattle and extensive agriculture,
so subsistence peasants had to leave the
traditional colonization areas to become
low salary workers in the nearest urban
center or commute from the center to work
in the countryside. From.here they will
likely move to large cities. The young and
better educated will leave first, but their
relatives will follow.

There are no simple solutions to complex problems
such as those which have evolved in northern Goias through
the years. Detailed studies in the settlements of the
area, as well as in the cities located at the two extremes
of the highway, aimed at testing further the impact of the
highway on out-migration from.the region are urgently
needed. The attitudes of migrants relative to the highway,
modernization, and urban development are critical to plans
nhugfor any improvement in the region. Education, attitudes,
skills and many other personal characteristics appear to be
different among the migrants coming from the South as comp
pared with those from the Northeast. It is noticeable in
the area, for example, that most of the larger farmers,
successful businessmen, and those with better occupations
are coming from.Minas Gerais, southern Goias, Parana or Sao

Paulo. The arguments of Singer in Brazil and Blau in the

116
United States concerning the impact of conditions at the
place of origin, especially in terms of occupational
achievements, appear applicable in the case of northern
Goias. Further studies of this type are needed in the
area.

Some 40 percent of the sample population showed
dissatisfaction with the present place of residence.
Housing, jobs, entertainment and all types of services
(medical, educational, commercial) were mentioned as prin-
cipal needs of the different communities visited by the
author (Table 30). But, the legalization of land titles
must be of highest priority in the area. Channelized
migration operates in the region, so migrants will move
where their relatives are better off. A piece of land is
the request of many people willing to stay in the area, but
whose economic conditions urge them to leave for the larger
cities. However, the problem is not solved here, and
actually worsens even further. Reinforcement of local
economies is important. Cities in the area are growing
spontaneously. But, without adequate services, commerce
and industry, the migrants attracted by these "miracle
centers" will continue to larger cities. Gurupi, Araguaina,
Imperatriz and P6rto Nacional must receive special attention
for the location of services in the area. The success of
local planning will depend largely upon the regulation of
land titling and improvement of services in the urban

centers of the area. The objective would not be to stop

117

TABLE 30

URGENT NEEDS AT THE PLACE OF FINAL DESTINATION MENTIONED
BY HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS

 

 

 

Needs Absolute Percentage
Services 216 63.7
Employment 36 10.6

Economic aid in

 

general 32 9.4
Commerce 20 5.9
Housing 16 4.7
Better administration 14 4.1
Other 5 1.6
TOTAL 339 100.0

 

 

SOURCE: Interviews and field work in northern Goias, 1977.

118
migration to larger cities, because that has been proven
impossible, but to control migration streams and hold
the population at intermediate stops. Once a person
begins migration he is likely to continue, and although
he can move in many directions the final destination is
almost always the large city.

If the process observed in northern Goias, is
typical of that in other areas of Amazdnia where highways
are being opened, time will demonstrate that projects
undertaken to populate and integrate AmazOnia will have
the opposite effect. As of today, the opening of the
transportation system.in Amazbnia is intensifying migration
to larger cities and increasing the urban explosion and

related phenomena.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

 

SERVICO PUBLICO FEDERAL
UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL D0 PARA

NUCLEO DE ALTOS ESTUDOS AMAZONICOS

CARTA DE APRESENTACAO

Venho através desta, apresentar 0 Professor
LUIZ EDUARDO ARAGON VACA,do Nficleo de Altos Estudos Amazéni-
cos (NAEA) da Universidade Federal do Para.

0 referido professor desenvolve no NAEA es-
tudos e pesquisas referentes a assuntos de movimento de popg
lagSo, pelo que gostariamos de gozar de sua atencéo e facill
tagSo no que for possivel e pertinente 5 sua area de atuagSo,

pelo que ficariamos gratos.

Atenciosamente

"a. I.
c. I /
s

. ,/'-,
IZZ’H/f‘ K”
’. ‘_f,.
//Paulo iérgio Rodrigues Cal

Vice-Coordenador do NAEA,em exercfcio

119

120
. UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO PARA
NUCLEO DE ALTOS ESTUDOS AMAZONICOS
"0 PRO Esso MIGRATORIO
NO G01 3 AMAZONICO."

Entrevista para os
chefes de hogar

 

 

 

 

DATA DA ENTREVISTA ENTREVISTA No.
LOCALIDADE (endereco) DA ENTREVISTA

MUNICIPIO ESTADO

( l ) Rural

( 2 ) Urbano

NOME DO ENTREVISTADO

 

l. Qual é o seu (do informante) lugar de residéncia?

Localidade (endereco)

 

Municipio Estado

 

 

( 1 ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

2. Quanto tempo faz que vocé ( o informante) mora nesta
casa?

( ) Anos ( ) Méses ( ) Dias

3. Quanto tempo faz que vocg (o informante) mora nesta
localidade (cidade)?

( ) Anos ( ) Meses ( ) Dias

10.

11.

121

Sexo do informante

( 1 ) Homem
( 2 ) Mulher

Estado civil do informante

) Solteiro
Casado
Separado

Desquitado

Viuvo

Amigado

AAAAAAAA
VOW-PUMP

)
)
)
) Divorciado
)
)
)

Outro;

 

Idade do informante

( ) Anos completos

em 1976

( / / ) Data

dia mEs ano do
nascimento

 

Qual seu (do informante)
grau de instrucao?

( 97 ) Analfebeto

( 98 ) Assina nome e/o
faz contas
( 99 ) Autodidata

( ) Ano primério
completo
) Ano ginasio
completo
) Ano universitario
)

completo
Ano pGS-graduapao
completo

) Outro;

(
(
(
(

 

Vocé (o informante) trabalha atualmente?

( 1 ) Sim: (profissao ou ocupacao);

( 2 ) Nao.

 

Sua (do informante) esposa (o) trabalha? : ( l ) Sim

Qual é a profissao ou ocupapao dela (dele)?:

Onde trabalha ela (ele)?

Municipio

 

( l ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

( 2 ) N30

 

 

12.

13.

14.

15.

l6.

17.

122
Onde nasceu ela (ele)?

Municipio Estado

 

( 1 ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

Quantos filhos nascidos vivos, em.total, ela teve?

Quantos filhos nascidos vivos faleceram com.menos de
um ano de Vida?

 

Lugar de nascimento do informante:

Municipio Estado

 

 

( l ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

Como classifica vocé (o informante) seu lugar de nascimento?
( 5 ) Muito pequeno

( 4 ) Pequeno

( 3 ) Tamanho médio

( 2 ) Grande

( l ) Muito grande

O informante possui ou possuia casa no seu lugar de
nascimento?

( l ) Possuia

( 2 ) Possui

( 3 ) Nao possui ou possuia

l8.

19.

20.

123
Carater de propriedade da casa
l ) Nao possui ou possuia casa
Proprietario sem.titulo
Proprietario com titulo provisional

Proprietério com.titulo provisorio de INCRA

Ocupante de terras devolutas
Arrendatério

Parceiro

AAA/\AAAAA
mNChtfl-DwN

)
)
)
) Proprietario com titulo definitivo
)
)
)
)

Outro:

 

O informante possui ou possuia terra no seu lugar de
nascimento?

( l ) Possuia: Nfimero total de hectares:

 

( 2 ) Possui: Nfimero total de hectares:

 

( 3 ) Nao possui ou possuia terra.

Carater de propriedade das terras
1 ) Nao possui ou possuia terra
2 ) Proprietario sem titulo
3 ) Proprietario com titulo provisional

4 ) Proprietério com.titulo provisorio do INCRA

(
(
(
(
( 5 ) Proprietario com titulo definitivo
( 6 ) Ocupante de terras devolutas

( 7 ) Arrendatario

( 8 ) Parceiro

(

) Outro,

 

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

124

Profissfio ou ocupacao principal de seu pai quando vocé
(o informante) nasceu

 

Instrucao de seu pai quando vocé (o informante) nasceu

 

Profissao ou ocupacao principal de seu pai quando vocé

(o informante) tinha 14 anos

 

 

Instrucao de seu pai quando vocé (o informante) tinha

14 anos

 

Idade em que vocé (o informante) comecou a trabalhar

 

Profissao ou ocupacao principal que vocé (o informante)

tinha em seu lugar de nascimento

 

 

Quantos anos vocé (o informante) tinha quando saiu
pela primeira vez a residir fora de seu lugar de

nascimento?

( ) Anos ou ( ) Ano de saida.

Estado civil quando vocé (o informante) saiu pela

primeira vez a residir fora de seu lugar de nascimento?

 

29.

30.

31.

125
Nfimero de pessoas que sairam.com vocé (o informante)
quando vocé (o informante) saiu pela primeria vez a
residir fora de seu lugar de nascimento:
) Sézinho
Pai
Mfie

Espdsa (o)

Filhos e filhas

AAA/\AAA

)
)
)
) Irmao e irmas (inclue-se o informante)
)
)

Amigos, parentes e outros

Grau de instrucao quando vocé (o informante) saiu de
seu lugar de nascimento:

( 97 ) Analfabeto

( 98 ) Assina nome e/o faz contas

( 99 ) Autodidata

( ) Ano primério completo

) Ano ginasio completo

Ano universitario completo

(

( )

( ) Ano pos-graduacao completo
( )

Outro :

Quais foram os motivos que fizeram.vocé (o informante)

sair de seu lugar de nascimento?

 

 

 

 

32.

33.

34.

35.

126

Como conseguiu vocé (o informante) o trabalho atual?
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)

(
(

)
)

Indicacao de amigos

Firma ou negocio da familia

Firma ou negocio proprio

Jornal

Concurso

Dona de casa (n50 empregada doméstica)

Outro:

 

Que motivos levaram.vocé (o informante) a mudar-se para

esta casa?

(

(
(
(
(

1

UI-l-‘UON

VVVVV

)
)

O preco (o informante comprou a casa feita)
Patrao cedeu

Parente cedeu

Comprou o solo (ch50) e fez a casa

A prefeitura (ou outra instituicao oficial) cedeu

a casa on o solo (ch50) para fazé-la (especifique)

 

Alugada

Outro=

 

Vocé (o informante) tem empregados?: ( l ) Sim ( 2 ) Nao

(
(
(

) Empregados diretamente contratados
) Empregados contratados através de empreiteiros

) Fixos

Vocé (o informante) recebeu beneficios do FUNRURAL?

(
(

)
)

Sim:

 

Nao.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

127
Vocé (o informante) recebeu beneficios do BNH?

( ) Sim:

 

( ) Nao.

Vocé (o informante) recebeu beneficios de INCRA?

( ) Sim:

 

( ) Nao.

Vocé (o informante) recebeu beneficios de outras
instituicbes?

( ) Sim:

 

( ) Nao.
Quem pagou (ou costuma a pagar) o tratamento dos
doentes em sua (do informante) familia?
( l ) A prdpria familia ou parentes
2 ) INPS
3 ) FUNRURAL

5 ) Amigos

(

(

( 4 ) Patrao

(

( 6 ) Nao houve doentes
(

) Outros:

 

Voce (o informante) acha que sua situacao familiar em
geral com sua chegada nesta localidade:

( l ) Melhorou: Por qué?

 

( 2 ) Mantem igual: Por que?

 

( 3 ) Piorou: Por qué?

 

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

128
Vocé (o informante) acha que com sua chegada nesta
localidade as condicdes de vida em geral de seus
parentes:

( ) Melhoraram: Por que?

 

) Mantiveram igual: Por que?

 

 

(
( ) Pioraram: Por que?
( ) Outro :

 

Voc€’(o informante) mantém contato com familiares
(ou parentes) em.seu lugar de:

( l ) Nascimento

( 2 ) Outros lugares fora desta localidade (cidade),
residéncia atual.

Voce (o informante) mantem contato com amigos em seu

lugar de:

( 1 ) Nascimento

( 2 ) Outros lugares fora desta localidade (cidade),
residéncia atual.

Que voce (o informante) gostaria que seus filhos
fossem no futuro?

 

Onde vocé (o informante) gostaria que seus filhos
estudassem?

Municipio Estado

 

 

( 1 ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

Onde vocé (o informante) gostaria que seus filhos
trabalhassem?

Municipio Estado

 

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

129
( l ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

Vocé (o informante) gostaria de se mudar desta casa?
( 1 ) Sim: Por que
( 2 ) N50.

 

Vocé (o informante) pensa em se mudar desta localidade
(cidade)?

( l ) Sim: ( 2 ) N50
Municipio Estado
( l ) Rural
( 2 ) Urbano

 

Vocé (o informante) tem.planos imediatos para sair?:
( 1 ) Sim ( 2 ) N50

M33 em que o informante pensa sair:

 

Ano em que o informante pensa sair:

 

Vocé (o informante) acha que existe algum perigo

nesta localidade para a gente morar? (especifique)

 

 

Que voce (o informante) acha que esta localidade
precisa mais primeiramente para que seus moradores

melhorem de vida (em geral)?

 

 

 

 

130

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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APPENDIX B
OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES

134
CLASSIFICAQAO'DE’OCUPA§0ES E CATEGORIASO'CUPA’CION’AIS1

 

Categorias Ocupacionais indice Social

 

1. Administragao e proprietarios

 

 

 

1

Industriais 41,83
Administradores de bancos e

companhias de seguros 42 , 22

. Profi§sionais e técnicos de niVel

suEerior
Inspetores de trabalho 40,31
Engenheiros 84,57
Arquitetos 77,97
Quimicos 58,17
Farmacéuticos 44,51
Geologos 63,00
Agranomos 52,52
Veterinérios 50,26
Médicos 85,98
Dentistas 47,41
Economistas 62,21
Contadores 45,41
Sociélogos 42,17
Professores superiores 63,99

Baseado em; Nelson do Valle Silva, "Posicao social das
ocupacoes", Centro Informética/FIBGE, 1973 (mimeo).

135

 

Catcgorai8_0cnpacionais

1ndice Social

 

Magistrados

Procuradores

Advogados e defensores
Escritores e jornalistas
Aviadores civis

Delegados

. ProErietarios

 

Pecuaristas
Avicultores e criadores

Outros proprietérios

. Administracao

 

Administradores do servico publico

Outros administradores

. Profissionais e técnicos

 

Agentes fiscais

Oficiais e técnicos de administracao
Coletores e extratores

Tecnicos de contabilidade
Taquigrafos

Redatores

Intérpretes e tradutores
Programadores

Meteorologistas

Naturalistas

Enfermeiros diplomados

88,75
76,53
75,63
40,06
48,18
42,48

26,49
38,57
35,07

34,27
32,33

32,54
27,59
25,68
27,50
28,43
34,66
33,22
35,33
26,18
38,18
38,56

136

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

indice Social

 

Estatfsticos

Professores secundarios
Inspetores de ensino

Tabeliaes e oficiais de registro
Religiosos 9
Assistentes sociais

Oficiais da marinha mercante
Representantes comerciais
Propagandistas

Corretores de seguro

Corretores de titulos de valores

Corretores de imoveis

. Tecnicos e administradores do setor

Brimério

Agrimensores

 

I I
Tecnicos agricolas
Trabalhadores na extracao de petroleo

Administradores na agroPecuaria

. Proprietarios de nivel médio

 

Comerciantes

Hoteleiros e donos de pensao
Agricultores

. TécnicoS e auxiliares

Caixas e tesoureiros

37,03
32,15
26,82
29,56
24,87
33,07
29,62
20,94
27,80
30,92
31,87
24,94

18,61
17,99
18,57

9,77

16,95
17,87
17,97

16,80

 

Categorais.0cupacionais ......

indice Social

 

Bibliotecérios e docentes
Operadores

Desenhistas

Fisioterapistas

Protéticos

Operadores de raio X
Préticos de farmécia
Laboratoristas

Escrivées e auxiliares
Agentes sociais

Escultores e pintores
Mfisicos

Artistas de cinema e teatro
Locutores

Decoradores e cenégrafos
Cinegrafistas e operadores
Fotografos

Outros técnicos de cinema
Pracistas e viajantes
Outros agentes e corretores
Compradores

Linotipistas

Clicheristas e gravadores
Revisores na industria gréfica

Aeromogas

Maquinistas de embarcacéo

22,97
18,75
22,51
17,81
16,17
18,61
15,00
11,35
22,09
20,33
18,58
12,62
18,50
15,92
20,45
15,14
12,60
12,68
20,94
23,13
23,22
17,23
13,05
18,05
22,81

15,08

138

 

Categorias Ocupacionais

Indice Social

 

10.

11.

Agentes na estrada de ferro
Condutores e chefes de trem
Inspetores de transportes

Agentes postais e telégrafos
Postalistas

Telegrafistas e radiotelegrafistas
Vendedores de selos

Técnicos de esporte

Investigadores de policia
Datiloscopistas

Inspetores e fiscais

Professores primarios e afins

 

Professores primérios
Professores sem especializacéo

Inspetores de alunos

chpapaes de escritério

 

Almoxarifes
Datilografos

Auxiliares de escritorio

Mestres e contramestres

 

Mestres de obras

Mestres, contramestres e técnicos
industriais

14,42
13,58
13,60
15,26
19,32
17,91
15,24
24,72
21,17
19,06
17,18

13,81
21,87
13,11

12,79
12,83
13,93

16,44

16,98

139

 

Categories Ocupacionais

Indice Social

 

12.

13.

Ocu ac6es da indfistria mecanica e
metalfirgica

 

 

MOdeladores e formistas de metais
Fundidores de metais
Laminadores e trefiladores
Afiadores e amoladores
EstampadoreS‘mecanicos
Fresadores e furadores
Torneiros mecanicos

Mecanicos de motor a explosao
Mecanicos sem especificapio
Galvanizadores e niqueladores
Soldadores

Caldeireiros

Ferreiros e serralheiros
Lanterneiros de veiculos
Rebitadores de metais
Funileiros de metais

Ferradores

Outras ocupacoes qualificadas ou

semi-qualificadas do setor industrial

 

Tipografos
Impressores

Outras ocupacées da industria grafica

9,95
8,64
8,96

10,10
8,65

11,58

10,82
9,44

11,15
9,09
9,10
9,85
8,11
9,67

10,30
9,71
7,54

11,25
10,62
10,30

140

 

Categorias Ocupacionais

indice Social

 

14.

Ourives e relojoeiros
Lapidadores

Marmoristas

Polidores e esmerilhadores
Pintores a pistola
Operarios de reparo naval
Artifices sem especificacao

Outras ocupacges da industria
transformacao

Tapeceiros

Estampadores de texteis
Eletricistas
Radiotécnicos

Vidreiros e ampoleiros

Encadernadores e cartonadores

Ocupagpes do transporte e comunicagoes

 

Mestre de embarcacao
Foguistas de embarcacao
Marinheiros civis
Taifeiros

Guindasteiros
Estivadores

Maquinistas

Foguistas de trem

Guarda-freios

10,58
8,88
8,43
8,55
8,97
9,74

10,63
9,56

9,17
8,05
11,43
12,99
7,94
7,84

10,27
11,94

9,45
10,45
11,35

8,77
11,84
10,46
10,14

141

 

Categorias Ocupacionais

.Indice,Social

 

15.

16.

Manobreiros e sinaleiros
Motoristas

Telefonistas

Carteiros

Guarda-fios

Trabalhadores na conservacao das
ferrovias

Trabalhadores na indfistria de
construcio

 

 

Armadores de concreto

Pedreiros

Pintores e caiadores

Estucadores

Ladrilheiros e taqueiros

Encanadores

Vidraceiros

Calceteiros e asfaltadores

Calafates

Operadores de maquina de construcao
civil

Trabalhadores na indfistria de madeira

 

e moveis

Marceneiros

Carpinteiros

Tanoeiros

Estofadores e capoteiros

Lustradores de madeira

10,20
10,83
10,03
10,90
11,59

7,78

7,83
6,94
7,78
8,37
8,94
8,87
8,27
6,48
8,38
8,65

8,44
7,39
8,56
8,65
7,41

142

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

lndice Social

 

17.

18.

Colchoeiros

Outras ocupagfies qualificadas e semi-
gpalificadas nao-industriais

 

 

Parteiras

Enfermeiros nao-diplomados

Barbeiros e cabeleireiros

Guardas civis e inspetores de transito
Carcereiros e guardas de presidio
Ascensoristas

Capatazes

Guardas sanitarios

Operadores de cinema

Operadores de maquinas

Trabalhadores na indfistria téxtil, do
couro e do vestuério

 

Cortadores e penteadores
Macaroqueiros

Fiandeiros

Urdidores e remetedores
Cordoeiros

Tece15es

Alvejadores e tintureiros
Acabadores de pano

Alfaiates e costureiros

6,18

9,90
11,01
9,00
10,42
12,08
8,79
10,75
9,76
8,77
9,12

6,41
5,83
5,83
6,78
4,40
6,65
7,73
6,49
7,19

143

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

indice Social

 

19.

20.

Chapeleiros (excluindo de palha)
Sapateiros

Bolseiros e cinteiros
Correeiros e seleiros

Curtidores

Trabalhadores na indfistria de alimentacéo

Linguiceiros e salsicheiros
Charqueadores

Magarefes I

Manteigueiros e queijeiros
Doceiros e confeiteiros
Macarroneiros e pasteleiros
Padeiros

Farinheiros e moleiros

Ocupacoes das usinas e engenhos
Ocupacées das destilarias
Ocupacées de moagem e torrefacéo de café
Ocupagées da indfistria de pescado
Agougueiros

Trabalhadores n50 gualificados na
ifidfiStria ou artesanato

 

Rendeiros

Redeiros

6,19
6,69
6,11
6,18
6,37

7,28
6,13
5,98
6,10
7,32
6,57
6,36
5,24
5,80
6,75
6,55
5,16
6,50 '

2,49
2,88

144

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

Indice Social

 

21.

Bordadeiros e cerzideiros
Chapeleiros de palha
Oleiros

Foqueteiros

Cesteiros e esteireiros
Vassoureiros

Charuteiros e cigarreiros
Aprendizes

Ceramistas e louceiros
Pintores ceramicos
Vulcanizadores e recauchutadores
Lubrificadores

Foquistas (excluindo de embarcapéo e
trem)

Embaladores e expedidores

Trabalhadores bracfiis diversos

 

Serradores
Carroceiros e tropeiros
Barqueiros e canoeiros

Trabalhadores na conservacio das
rodovias

Lixeiros

Trabalhadores bracais sem especificacao

4,41
1,81
4,50
4,61
3,17
4,90
4,77
3,31
5,68
5,96
7,60
7,61

7,65
6,38

5,82
4,61
6,10

5,83
5,56
5,30

145

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

Indice Social

 

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

Servigo doméstico

 

Empregados domésticos

Lavadeiras e engomadeiras

Outros servipos

 

Cozinheiros

Garcées

Manicures e pedicures
Porteiros, vigias e serventes
Trocadores

Engraxates

Vendedores ambulantes

 

Total

Outras ocupagées no comércio

 

Balconistas e entregadores

Vendedores de jornais e revistas

Serventes de pedreiro

Trabalhadores no setor_primério

 

Aradores
Tratoristas
Chacareiros

Jardineiros

3,33
3,68

6,32
7,31
7,47
7,13
6,42
3,76

7,39

7,39
8,84

4,82

3,92
6,11
5,04
5,55

146

 

Categorais Ocupacionais

Indice Social

 

28.

Trabalhadores na enxada
Trabalhadores de pecuaria
Capadores

Pescadores

Madeireiros e lenhadores
Carvoeiros

Seringueiros

Ervateiros

Apanhadores e descascadores
Mineiros

Canteiros e marroeiros

Garimpeiros

Outros

Atletas profissionais
Forcas armadas

Corpo de bombeiro

Outras ocupacoes ou ocupacées mal
definidas

Sem declaracao de ocupacao

Procurando trabalho pela primeira vez

3,49
5,45
4,84
4,20
4,40
4,28
4,21
4,61
2,50
6,48
5,38
4,90

12,22
13,60

7,38
10,64

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