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LIBRARY Michigan Sm: University This is to certify that the thesis entitled COGNITIVE STYLE IN AFRICAN CULTURES! THE GLOBAL-ARTICULATED DIMENSION presented by RICHARD L. HOVEY has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D . degree in Education Datew 0-7639 u mwillwullflujlglumull“: L 1‘|.|l|lll|l!ll‘ lll lelllvllrllstplllI-lllyllllillr'l’ll‘ ‘ ABSTRACT COGNITIVE STYLE IN AFRICAN CULTURES: THE GLOBAL-ARTICULATED DIMENSION BY Richard L. Hovey This study was an investigation of the interaction of culture and cognitive style. The model of cognitive style develOped by H. A. Witkin was used to analyze cul— tural data. The results of the analysis revealed which part of the global—articulated continuum was fostered by the culture of a society. The sample and the cultural data analyzed, came from Robert Textor's, A Cross-Cultural Summary. Fourteen African societies were analyzed on the information available for four hundred fifty-seven cultural items of Textor. A descriptive composite of factors that influence the development of cognitive style was derived from the works of Witkin and others who have used his model. The composite was matched with Textor's items to ascertain which items were manifestations of cognitive style. Examination of the data for these items revealed which items were the greatest contributors to a global or an articulated cogni- tive style. Richard L. Hovey An additional analysis for the relationship of cognitive style and cultural variables was carried out with the remaining Textor items. The results of both analyses gave rise to the following conclusions: 1. For the cultural variables that were deemed manifestations of cognitive style, it appeared some varia- bles were more significantly associated with one direction of the dimension than with the other direction. (Societies which manifest a high total positive pressure toward developing achievement behavior in the child were found to be associated with the articulated direction. On the other hand, societies associated with the global direction may be found to be either high or low in total positive pressure toward developing achievement behavior.) 2. For the cultural variables that were deemed manifestations of cognitive style it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with the dif- ferences between the two directions of the continuum than were other variables. (Community organization of a kin— homogeneous type was found to be highly associated with the global direction; while community organization of a kin-heterogeneous type was found to be highly associated with the articulated direction.) 3. For the cultural variables that were not deemed manifestations of cognitive style, it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with one Richard L. Hovey direction of the dimension than with the other direction. (Segregation of adolescent boys which is complete or partially complete was found to be concomitant with the articulated direction. Some societies manifesting a global style were found associated with the variable; while others demonstrated no such association.) 4. For the cultural variables that were not deemed manifestations of cognitive style, it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with the dif- ferences between the two directions of the continuum than were other variables. (A plentiful supply of food related significantly to articulation. The lack of plentiful food supply was found to be associated with the societies mani- festing the global direction of the global-articulated dimension.) COGNITIVE STYLES IN AFRICAN CULTURES: THE GLOBAL-ARTICULATED DIMENSION BY Richard L. Hovey A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education 1971 :}7/347 AC KNOWLE DGEMENT S The production of this study was made possible by the helpful and appreciated contributions of many. I gratefully recognize and offer my thanks to the following: Dr. Ted W. Ward, who served both as a member of the Guidance Committee and as the Research Director. His advice and encouragement were frequently the difference between despair and a humorous prespective. Dr. Cole Brembeck for his patience and his contri— butions as Chairman of the Guidance Committee. Dr. John W. Hanson and Dr. David Smith for serving on the Guidance Committee and making themselves available for discussion and advice. Dr. Ruth Useem for acting as an alternate member for the oral examinations. Dr. Sylvia Vopni and Dr. Carl Gross whose encourage- ment and support through the years have been instrumental in my advances at the graduate level. And to my wife, children and parents—-to them I owe the most and wish to thank the most. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL BACKGROUND . II. III. Introduction . . . . . . . . . Purpose . . . . . . . . . . Need for the Study . . . . . . . Background Illustration Demonstrating The Need . . . . . . . . . . Definitions . . . . . . . . . Theoretical Foundations . . . . . . From Psychology . . . . . . . . From Anthropology . . . . . . . The Concept of Style . . . . . . Cognitive Style . . . . . . Overview to the Rest of the Study . . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . DESIGN AND METHOD OF OPERATION . . . . Sample . . . . . . . . . . . Criteria . . . . . . . . . . . Test of the Researcher's Discriminations Design . . . . . . . . . . . Procedure . . . . . Objective A——To find the African societies for which the Textor tabulates provide data relating directly to cognitive style . Objective B-—To describe the fourteen African societies selected through Step A-l in terms of Witkin's cognitive style . . . . . . . . . . . iii Page ii vi 66 67 68 7O 72 76 77 77 79 Chapter Page Objective C-—To select societies (of the fourteen societies) for which all other Textor items can be correlated with cognitive style generalizations or the generalizated models of Step B-2 . . . . 83 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 IV. ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS . . . . . . . . 85 Objective A——To find the African societies for which the Textor tabulates provide data relating directly to cognitive style . . . 86 Step A—l . . . . . . . . . . 86 Step A— 2 . . 86 Objective B~—To describe the fourteen African societies selected through Step A—l in terms of Witkin' s cognitive style . . . . . . 89 Step B— 1 . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Step B— 2 . . . . . . 89 Objective C--To select societies (of the fourteen societies) for which all other Textor Items can be correlated with cognitive style generalizations or the generalized models of Step B—2 . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . 119 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Conclusions . . . . . . . 124 Implications of the Results . . . . . . 125 Implications for Witkin' 5 Model . . 126 Implications for the Educational Systems .of The Newly Independent African Countries . . 128 Other Research . . . . . . . . . 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 iv LIST OF TABLES Dropout Rates for Primary School Children in Selected African Countries . . . . . . . The Relation of Each Ethnic Group to Achievement on Intellectual Tasks (a Scale of one to four is used to Show Relative Ranking of Achieve- ment on Tasks, Four is Highest or Best Achievement). . . . . . . . . . . . The Fourteen African Societies Selected for Study and the Country in which Each is Located, Along with Other Ethnographic Names of the Societies . . . . . . . . . The Relationship of the "Socialization Cluster" and the Category of Environmental Interaction to the Global-articulated Dimension . . . Societies Selected for Study with the Amount of Information Available for Each . . . . Judges' Decisions (EXpressed as Percentage of Agreement with the Principal Investigator) Regarding Textor Items as Manifestations of Cognitive Style and as Representations of Given Directions of Each Descriptor . . . . Ranking of Selected African Societies, Showing the Amount of Articulation as Determined From the Textor Data . . . . . . . . . Rank Orders from Most Articulated to Least Articulated over Different Item Totals with the Spearman Scores Between Different Orders . . . . . . . . . . Cultural Variables Significantly Related to the Witkin Model of Cognitive Style . . . . Cultural Variables from the Additional Textor Items which are Significantly Associated with the Witkin Model of Cognitive Style . . Page 51 69 73 87 88 9O 92 95 107 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page A. A Sample of the Major Cultural Categories Used by Textor, with Explanations of Codes, Symbols and their Scores . . . . . . . . 149 B. The Items of Textor's Analyzed in the Study, Showing Portion that is "A" and Portion that is "B" . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 C. Information for Fourteen Selected African Societies on the Textor Items used in the Study 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 184 D. Items Designated as Manifestations of the Cognitive Style Described by Witkin . . . . 198 E. Information Available for the Selected Fourteen African Societies . . . . . . . . . . 203 F. Sample Problem and Criterion Test . . . . . 205 vi Listen and I shall tell you what you must do. After my father has given you the terrible dragons teeth for sowing bathe alone in the waters of the river, put on black garmentsenuidig a circular pit. Within this heap a pyre, slaughter a ewe lamb and burn it to ash. Then offer a libation of honey to Hecate, dripping it from your cup, and leave the pyre. Do not turn around for any step you may hear, or for the bark of a dog, otherwise, the sacrifice will be in vain. The following morning salve yourself with this magic ointment. It bestows great power and incredible strength. You will feel equal not only to men, but even to immortals. Medea's advice to Jason Gustav Schwab, Gods and Heroes: Myths and Epics of Ancient Greece (New York: Pantheon Books Inc., 1946), pp. 115—116. vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Introduction The relation of cognitive style to selected African cultures will be explored in this paper. The first part of Chapter I, will serve as an introduction to the problem. Clarification of the terms used and explanations of the purpose and need of such a study are presented. Some back— ground to the development of education in the newer inde— pendent African countries will be tendered to provide an example that illustrates the need. In the rest of this chapter, a theoretical founda- tion for the study will be constructed. An attempt will be made to show the assumptions utilized from the two con— cepts of culture and cognition and how a synthesis of these can be functional in the analysis of the way people intel— lectualize. Also the work of H. A. Witkin on cognitive style will be explained. Purpose The purpose of this study is to ascertain the intel- lectual patterns of selected African societies. The psy- chological construct of cognitive style as put forth by the studies of H. A. Witkin and his co—investigators will be the yardstick to describe the intellectual patterns of the African societies. In addition to the description men- tioned above, this study will attempt to find whether certain cultural variables can be found to be associated with the descriptive cognitive styles of the African societies. Translated into questions these purposes become: 1. What is the nature of the cognitive style of African societies? 2. What cultural variables, other than those identified in question one, seem to be found concurrent with the cognitive styles described for the African societies? Need for the Study Regardless of the particular theory of learning an educator may espouse, there is a universal agreement that knowledge of the child is a desirable feature on which to build his education. Knowledge of the child's past experi— ences, physical environment (nutrition and health) and socio-cultural forces that act as motivators or inhibitors of education are necessary, if one is to make wise decisions about pedagogical matters. Unfortunately in Africa this perspective on the foundations of education has not fluorished. The basic studies relating the social sciences to education have for the most part been ignored. A quick perusal of bibliographies that are concerned with education or the intellectual abilities of Africans reveal an emphasis on methodology.l Most frequently the social science research that has been undertaken has been for the pragmatic solving of the selection problem. Educational psychologists have " . . . been concerned with an evaluation of individual differences and of their consequences on the functioning of school systems rather than a measurement of the produc- tivity of colonial educational institutions."2 There have been independence movements to change the inherited educa- tional systems into "African" systems; but the movements have been mostly talk and any motion in that direction has been blunted by more immediate technical needs. The know— ledge of how to Africanize will be needed in the future. This study will hopefully add to the sources available to make future decisions of how to fit the school and teaching to the children and not together. 1For reference see: L. E. Andor, Aptitudes and Abilities of the Black Man in Sub—Saharan Africa 1784-1963 TJohannesburg: National Institute for Personnel Research, 1966); S. H. Irvine, J. J. sanders, and E. L. Klingelhofer, Human Behavior in Africa: A Bibliography of Psychological and Related Writings (London, Ontario: UniversTty of Western Ontario, 1970); DavId Scanlon, "Education," The African World: A Survey of Social Research (New York: Praeger, 1965), pp. 199-220. 2Remi Cliquet, "Psychological Research in Africa: Significance and Method," Northwestern University, Dept. of Sociology. (Mimeographed.) Background Illustration Demonstrating_ The Need Countries, like individuals, may embark on bold jour- neys to achieve what they perceive as their Golden Fleece. A charismatic leader may ignite the energies of the people, or a nationalist movement may generate a mass single party which will mobilize the population. Or even a third possi— bility is that an educated and modernized elite,-—on inheriting the reins of political authority--may push, pull or drag the majority into the march for modernity and develOpment. Any of these three or still other paradigms of activation may nudge a country to movement. During the sixties as colonial African countries achieved political independence they faced great problems in the spheres of economics, politics and social relations. Development became the goal and education was seen as the key means to achieve the goal. In the initial stages, a certain euphoria due to newly won independence permeated the scene. Advice was asked for (or often just given), radiating Optimism for giant strides of progress. The African was seen as being able to achieve in several generations what other nations had taken centuries to acquire. Basically, two assumptions were accepted as iron laws of development. One emphasized the role of the economy. Rostow's stages were seen as a true portrayal of reality. The conse- quence of this was that experts analyzed the means of production, distribution and consumption of wealth in the new countries and formulated ways of improving these systems. Considerable amounts of money or goods were directed toward developing those sectors that in the economic scheme were essential for the sparking of the "take—off." The second assumption concerned the role of technical knowledge in development. It seemed reasonable to believe that technical knowledge had made industrial countries successful. Conversely, the undeveloped countries, it was felt,were poor, because of lack of this expertise. So massive injections of technical know how was deemed an essential of development. By far one of the most important commodities was educated and skilled manpower. On the education scene, this meant facilities had to be built and operated to turn out products that could satisfy the national developmental requirements. From May 15—25, 1961, African Ministers of Education met in Addis Ababa for the purpose of clarifying the educa— tional needs and to develop programs to meet these needs. Targets were set for a long—term plan (1960—1980) and a short term plan (1960-1965). Additional conferences and meetings at Tananarive, Paris, Abidjan and Nairobi were held in subsequent years to further formulate programs and evalu— ate progress. The most widely adopted course of action has been the utilization of manpower techniques and the expan— sion of the educational system inherited from the colonial administration. Ten years after the Addis Ababa conference some authors feel it is not too cynical to conclude that African education today isrmfi:much advanced over what it might have been if there had been no conferences.3 The process has not been smooth or regular. As these modern Jasons in search of their golden fleece have trod the fields sowing their seeds, hosts of complex problems have risen to thwart progress. There seems to be a constellation of conditions that could be categorized as an anti—development syndrome. Each manipulation of the system designed to better fulfill the quota of product quantity and quality makes acute, certain questions that were minor or non-evident before the adjustment. EXpansion of the system opens complex problems of financing, recruitment and training of teachers, maintenance of quality and issues of how much and what types of education are needed both as a minimum for the masses and as qualifications of the elite. Utilization of the educational system for political development has brought a focussing of attention on the capabilities of the schools to achieve differentiation, equality and capacity.4 Men such as Coombs and Adams and Bjork have labored over the 3C. A. Anderson and Philip Foster, "The Outlook for Education in Middle Africa," Africa in the Seventies and Eighties, ed. by F. Arkhurst (New York: Praeger, 1970), p. 305. 4James Coleman, Education and Political Development (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1965). symptoms and described the pathologies attacking educational development in the newly independent countries of the world.5 Preshkin has catalogued the verbalizations of patients and diagnosticians.6 Any or all of the categories these men discuss are worthy areas for research. An awareness of interactional factors between men of different technologies, different attitudes and different values has started to foster a modifying of technical and economy planning with consideration of social and cultural factors. Sociology and economics haVe fostered a viewpoint of schools that have yielded understanding and progress in developed countries. The same research could be undertaken in African schools. Yet of all the problems that must be handled by the new African Ministries of Education, one stands out. The inability of many students to finish school by graduation, is a pervasive and major concern. Table 1.1 illustrates the seriousness of the problem. Why does this happen? Surely there is evidence that indicates the importance of schooling, especially schooling of a continuing and long duration. UNESCO has established the number of school 5Philip Coombs, The World Education Crisis: A Systems Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968). 6A. Preshkin, "Education in the Developing Nations: Dimensions of change," Comparative Education Review, Vol. 10 (1966): pp. 53-66. TABLE 1.1.—-Dropout rates for primary school children in selected African countries. Country Time period Number of 100 primary 1 pupils, who persist to primary 6 or beyond Cameroon 1958—62 38* Chad 1965—71 32 Congo (Brazzaville) 1965—71 13 Ethiopia 1961-68 17 Ghana 1962—67 64 Kenya 1956-62 30 Lesotho 1961—67 29 Malawi 1958—65 27 Niger 1963—69 60 Senegal 1963—68 93 Sierra Leone 1963—69 39 Tanzania 1961—67 42 Uganda 1963—68 66 *Primary 5 figure. Source: The Education Projects Department, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank). years needed for the establishment of functional literacy (a condition considered an essential skill for the modern— ization process).7 The UNESCO figure coincides with an earlier study by a group on British tropical African Education. Collins pointed out that the author of the study felt " . . . four years is the minimum to give the average child literacy. They concluded that the extent of the wastage in East African schools is so great that it detracted very largely from the efficiency of the school system and led to an immense waste of money and of good human material."8 B. H. Sen, Director General of FAO has stated: "It is axiomatic that a literate farmer has a much better chance of understanding a reform and develop— ment program. . . . The progress of any development plan for agriculture depends to a large extent on overcoming 9 the obstacle of illiteracy." If a man is able to partici- pate in the mass media of the printed word his horizons widen considerably. Available to him is information that will permit the development of new opinions and sound 7Wm. Gray, The Teaching of Reading and Writing (Switzerland: UNESCO monographs of Fundamental Education, 1956), p. 27. 8Sidney Collins, "The Social and Economic Causes of Wastage in Schools and Other Educational Institutions in Tanganyika," Teacher Education, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1964), p. 40. 9Floyd Shacklock, World Literacy Manual (New York: Committee on World Literacy and Christian Literature, 1967), p. 1. 10 decision-making. It is then possible to develop an effec- tive two way channel of exchange between the formulators and those who toil to achieve, the quotas of progress. The people will be able to understand what the government is trying to do and hopefully the government will be fully aware of what the masses think and desire. Waisanen and Kumata have demonstrated how the effect of formal education can produce, after varying durations in different countries, a developmental curve of rapid acceler- ation in individual participation.10 Waisanen has stated the role of schooling as leading to the acquisition of literacy skills, becoming aware of alternative behavioral modes and recognizing the possibility of manipulability of 11 Inkeles has stated that the one's life trajectory." schools are the most powerful medium for development of behavioral sets, designed as the active or participant citizenship syndrome.12 His work has revealed that of several variables, education is the single most important modernizing influence. Exposure to work in a factory runs a strong second with urbanism indicated as not a strong 10F. B. Waisanen and Hideya Kumata, "Education, Functional Literacy and Participation in Development," Paper presented at Society for Applied Anthropology, Mexico City, 1968. 11F. B. Waisanen, "Education and Participation in Development," Acta Sociologica, 1971 (forthcoming). 12Alex Inkeles, "Participant Citizenship in Six Developing Countries," American Political Science Review, Vol. LXIII, No. 4 (Dec. 1969). pp. 1120-1141. 11 modernizing influence.l3 There is even evidence that in non—Western societies the course of intellectual develop- ment of the non-schooled will follow courses different from those who attend school. Bruner has demonstrated that the transition from a perceptual to a conceptual mode, typical of children in the West, is not character- istically achieved by unschooled non-Western children. Their development typically precedes to a finely differ— entiated form of perception rather than abstract con— ceptual thinking.l4 Thus it would appear that the question of wastage is an important one. Unless some resolution of this can be reached, it appears a formidable obstacle to the achievement of the developing countries' goals. So again it is asked, why does this wastage happen? At first glance at least five reasons seem reasonable as causes that could account for such a high percentage. First is the expense involved to the student and his supporters. In some countries, a fee is required from the student. This fee will become progressively dearer as the student advances. Some of the wastage then may be due to the costs involved. But l3Alex Inkeles,"Socia1 and Cultural Aspects of Development," Final Report on Grant AF-AFOSR-lO94—66, Harvard University: Center for International Affairs, July l967-June 1968. 14Jerome Kagan and Nathan Kogan, "Individual Varia- tions in Cognitive Processes," Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology, ed. by Paul Mussen 73rd Edition; New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1970), p. 1291. 12 it is doubtful that the impact of this factor is very great. Generally at the primary level the school fees are very minimal and constitute only a small per cent of the pro— jected income of a rural peasant. Secondly, the number of countries in which a fee is required is very small and are the exceptions rather than the rule. Thirdly, there are countervailing forces to the lack of individual ability to pay in the forms of community pooling of resources or stocking of extended family resources to finance children who indicate a promising future. There are also grants or aid from voluntary organizations available. A second factor causing wastage could be the lack of conviction on the part of the parent as to the value of educa- tion agitated in some cases by the pressing demands of the subsistence economy with its concomitant family struc- ture of each member as a producing unit. Part of this is undoubtably explanable by use of Margaret Read's l5 Those analysis of education and social change in Africa. societies which have had slight contact with Western influ— ences are only at the first or second step of her analysis. Again it could be stated that the input of this variable in reducing the wastage rate is probably not too great. Several conditions mitigate for this conclusion. Even through primary education for all children is the aim of most 15Margaret Read, Education and Social Change in Tropical Areas (London: Nelson, 1956). 13 African countries, legislation has not been enacted to make formal schooling compulsory. Thus in vast areas where the parents wishes or the economic patterns are such that they mitigate against school attendance, the children do not enter. They are never counted on the enrollment census and thus contribute nothing to a drop—out figure. If they do enter school it is likely that their numbers constitute but a small proportion of the total enrollment and they probably discontinue their schooling in the early years of primary school. Certainly nutritional factors along with illness account for some of the wastage. Conditions of endemic malaria, parasites and diets composed mainly of carbohydrates all operate to enervate the child and thus lesson his learning 16 It is dif- capacity and ability to continue in school. ficult to justify but it is my feeling that this too contributes but little to the dropout rate. First it should be pointed out that infant mortality is still extremely high in most African societies. In 1968, the Vice Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria 16There are a number of good articles that cover this with some nebulous conclusions. For reference see: P. H. Abelson, "Malnutrition, Learning and Behavior," Science, Vol. 164, No. 3875 (April 4, 1968): p. 17; S. Champakam, S. G. Srikantia, and C. Gorpulan, "Kwashiorkor and Mental Development," American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, Vol. 21 (1968), pp. 844-852; J. Cravioto, “Nutritional Deficiencies and Mental Performance in Childhood," Environmental Influences, ed. by David Glass (New York: Rockefeller University Press, 1968). 14 stated that of one hundred babies born, by age five, fifty per cent remain. Those that are extremely debilitated by these environmental factors never enroll in school, they ruflzlivethat long. For the rest that do make it to five, by this time a marvelous symbiotic relationship between host and parasites has developed. Though the parasites may have an overall effect of shortening the life span and even hindering normal maturational processes by the delimiting of energy available, they do not stop one from attending school. A fourth factor could be the lack of enthusiasm for education of girls. When a girl reaches puberty, this often is the point of termination of her schooling. I can remember the explanation of a Uganda father as to why he would not send his daughter beyond primary school. While gesturing to indicate the development of breasts he exclaimed: "When this happens there is no point in sending the girl, for she will only become pregnant." Years back when secondary schools for girls were starting in northern Nigeria, the girls had to be locked in their quarters at night to prevent them from running away. The influence of Islamic cultural forces concerning the role of women and the place of women is still strong in many African countries. Purdah is an accepted way of life and it is only crumbling slowly. Even the educated parent has 15 ambivalent feelings about education for girls. Such atti- tudes contribute little to wastage for they are manifested in the«girhsnever entering school in the first place, or her education is terminated somewhere near the end of primary school. Therefore, part of the girls disappear- ance from the academic scene may be as drop-outs due to early puberty but also may be viewed as ordinary primary school leavers, who never attempt to enter secondary school. Yet another factor contributing to the drop-out rate is poor teaching. This is particularly true at the primary school level. Frequently the teacher is only barely superior to the student. He is poorly versed in the informational aspects of education and is even worse in pedagogical acumen and psychological understanding of child development and learning. Undoubtedly the tyranny of teachers who force children to work in the teacher's garden or perform other tasks for the teacher's benefit, contribute to the child's unhappiness with schooling. But this aspect accounts for only a small proportion of drop-outs. The rationale behind this is that the practice is in tune with the deference patterns of child-adult relations and so accepted. The lack of psychological understanding and pedagogical acumen is a far more serious point and probably is causative of ls?!“ wallelufin :"I 16 some portion of the drop—out rate. A strong case can be made for the teacher's lack of understanding of the child. The frequent practice of posting teachers in areas away from their native locale fosters misunderstanding. What- ever training is given in psychology probably increases the misunderstanding rather than decreasing it. Fox re- marks of her East African experiences in Makerere Uni- versity, an institution offering diplomas in Education, that books and information on psychology used as part of the teacher's education consisted only of " . . . a wide and varied collection of Western references in the fields of psychology and child development dealing with children about the West."17 It seems likely that if prospective teach- ers do learn anything of psychology, it is the psychology of Western personality behavior. In explanation, there— fore, of the relative effect on drop-out rate, the same rationale asstated above could be used to justify a small contribution here. Only those insufficiently socialized into the traditional ways would experience dissatisfaction over this and thus become the alienated youth, who drops out. Though I have attempted to minimize the effect of the above five causes on the drop—out rate, it does not mean that in toto these factors do not add up to a 17L. K. Fox, "Learning Ventures in East Africa," Childhood Education, Vol. 41 (1965), p. 343. 17 significant portion. Instead,it is to indicate that in my estimation there is a sixth factor which alone is the most significant as a cause of wastage. This factor is an incompatibility of the school (a Western style insti- tution) with the culture of the student. Several meanings can be related to this statement. There is for example, the idea that it is the content of the curriculum which causes the difficulty. Likely this is what Margaret Mead is alluding to when she states the problem of educational emphases. She thinks it is " . . . the shift from learning what every one agrees every one would want to know, to teaching what some think others should know. . . ."18 Content is not that to which I refer. Rather it has to do with the pervasive influence of the culture on the behavior of an individual. Cultures are man-made patterns of behavior which function in adaptive ways to enable a group of people to exist. They superimpose on the developing youth modes or styles of viewing the world. Cultures are the filters that screen the multiplicity of %-~ stimuli impinging on the organism. Those stimuli which fit into the culturally organized nature of the world selectively pass into the consciousness of the individual and are utilized to orientate and determine how the indi- vidual will behave. Different cultures may inculcate 18Margaret Mead, "Our Educational Emphasis in Primitive Perspective," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XLVIII, No. 6 (May 1943). 18 convergent of divergent modes of behavior. McLuhan's hypothesis of the aura1,non-Western man and his behavior in contrast to the visual Western man is the sort of cul— tural influence indicated. When he states " . . . cultural ecology has a reasonably stable base in the human sensorium, and that any extension of the sensorium by technologiCal dilation has a quite appreciable effect in setting up ratios or proportions among all the senses,"19 he is referring to the same phenomenon as suggested in the chapter. Though I feel he places an undue emphasis on the technology of the media, he properly identifies cul— tural influence on behavior. This is particularly true at the intellectual level or the level of how one thinks. All institutions of a culture are but reflections at the micro-level of the broader cultural patterns. Therefore, schools originating in the Western world will reflect the intellectual patternings of Western cultures. These pat- terns may or may not be convergent with the intellectual patterning of African societies. It is my belief that to a greater or lesser degree they are convergent depending on the particular African society one is investigating. Rosalie Cohen, in an analysis of American schools, noted school requirements as defined by the standardized 19Marshal McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy (New York: The New American Library Inc., 1969), p. 48. 19 tests of intelligence and achievement call for three abili- 20 These are (1) breadth and depth of informational ties. content; (2) the ability to abstract analytically, and (3) the ability to extract salient information from its embedding contexts. In order for children to be success- ful at these Cohen has found, through examination of rele— vant psychology and linquistic literature, that a particular mode of selecting and organizing stimuli is demanded. She has further found that not all children operate in this mode. Those who utilize different modes are the ones having difficulty in school and account for a high per- centage of the drop—outs. Definitions Culture.--"That complex whole which includes know- ledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society."21 Psychological differentiation.——A process that occurs in an individual as he ages and his range of experience eXpands. It involves a decreasing inter— dependence of parts in the structure of the person and 20Rosalie Cohen, "The Relation Between Socio— Conceptual Styles and Orientation to School Requirements," Sociology ofiEducation,Voln41, No. 2 (Spring 1968), pp. 201— 220. 21Edward Tylor, Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, PhilOSOphy, Religion, Art and Custom, Vol. 1 (Gloucester, Mass.: 1958), p. l. 20 the relation of that structure to the external world. Thus the individual and his surrounding field in the beginning constitute an amorphous mass, eventually events are seen as separate but functionally related to all other experi— ence either directly or indirectly. Cognitive style.—-"The characteristic self- consistent modes of functioning found pervasively through- out an individual's cognitive activities (perceptual and intellectual)."22 Articulated field approach.--"Sty1e of functioning which involves the ready ability to overcome an embedding context and to experience items as discrete from the field in which they are contained."23 Global fieldyapproach.--"Style of functioning that involves submission to the dominant organization of the field and the tendency to eXperience items as 'fused' with their background."24 22H. A. Witkin, "A Cognitive-Style Approach to Cross-Cultural Research," International Journal of Psy- chology, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1967), p. 234. 23H. A. Witkin, R. B. Dyk, H. F. Faterson, O. R. Goodenough, and S. A. Karp, Psychological Differentiation: Studies of Development (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962), p. 80. 24 Ibid., p. 80. 21 Theoretical Foundations The platform from which this investigation projects is firmly anchored in two disciplines that intertwine with each other. The fields of anthropology and psychology have contributed greatly to the assumptions and raison d'etre of this study. From Psychology From the discipline of psychology comes a viewpoint of men and knowledge subsumed under the study of cognition. Cognitive psychology is a general rubric that encompasses several distinctly differing points of View. Essentially, however, cognition means " . . . the way human beings perceive and learn, how they reason and think, even how they remember and imagine; and how their 'minds' work in the ordinary day "25 The concept is more meaning— to day activities of life. fully understood, if it is thought of not as a process, but as a problem area under the rubric of perception theory. Perception theory is concerned with those psychological problems where an effort is made to eXplain the various alternatives of response by associating the alternatives to more systematic variation in stimulation. There are two aSpects of this problem area: sensation and cognition. Sensation deals with the sensory equipment of an organism and the incoming energy forms, such as light, 25F. H. George, Cognition (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1962), P. 11. 22 sound, odor, etc. Questions of how the energy is received and translated into new energy forms fall under the purview of sensation. Cognition, however,focuses not on the energy but the information or meaning given to or conveyed by energy inputs. Thus questions of acquiring and processing information and the cognitive consequences of the pro- cessing and utilization of the information are concerns of cognition. Some theorists of cognition deal with the components and elements of the field while still others attempt to conceptualize the ways in which the components re- late to one another. Since cognition deals with informa- tion and its utilization, the concept has important ramifications for learning and education. Much of what follows is based upon the thinking of Kurt Lewin as described by Morris Bigge.26 Lewin's work centered on a relativistic view of man and the learning process. Since he incorporates both the cognitive theory of how people gain an understanding of themselves and their environment, with field theory, which centers on the idea that all psychological activities of a person occurs in a field, his theory is often called the cognitive-field theory of learning. The essential features of his theory can be summarized as follows: —— /1 26Morris Bigge, Learning Theories for Teachers (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1964). 23 Perception and reality are defined relativisti- cally—-that is reality is what a person gains through his five senses and the way in which he sizes it up. The latter process is deter— mined by the individual needs, abilities, pur— poses and insights, as well as what is out Behavior is purposeful—-the assumption is made that intellectual behavior is affected by an individual's goals and that activity is directed to the achievement of these goals. Thus as the individual undertakes activity " . . . a rela- tionship will develop between what he achieves in one trial (his level of achievement) and where he sets his next goal (his level of "27 An emphasis is placed on psychological function or events-—it is felt that to understand the indi— vidual an effort must be made to see the world through the eyes of the learner and the pattern of person-environmental relationships in his There is a situational emphasis—-a study always must be initiated with a description of the entire situation and then proceed to a specific 1. there." 2. aSpiration). 3. mind. 4. 27 'Ibid., p. 188. 24 and detailed analysis of various aspects of the situation. 5. Behavior follows the principle of contem— poraneity——an individual's views are influenced significantly by the physical and social world not only of the present but of the past and ideas of the future. From these principles, Lewin visualizes the individual as surrounded by a life space with which he is constantly inter— acting, in order to formulate goals and modes of activity. The life space is a psychological world made up not of physical entities but of functional relationships. The indi— vidual is a self that emerges from the social living of an organism and continues to change throughout life. There is a continual expansion of the life Space of an individual as he encounters new situations that extend his world of understanding. As Biggs states "through his interactive process each person acquires such achievements as language, conceptual thinking and moral, social and religious pre— dispositions and insights."28 From Anthropology From anthropology comes the concept of culture. When E. B. Tylor first defined culture as the 'complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, 281bid., p. 195. 25 custom and any other capabilities and habits, acquired by 29 he laid the foundations for man as a member of society," two major anthropological theories of culture. These theories are the theory of "culture patterns" and the theory of "social structure." This study firmly adheres to the culture patterns theory as it was formulated by A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn.3O They recognized that culture is not an entity but rather an abstraction based on the observed phenomena of human behavior. It was noted that the variations in behavior between members of dif- ferent cultures didn't vary capriously or at random. Rather the observed behavior of men " . . . varies within a finite range of what is known at a specific time and place and newly introduced features are modified to fit "31 Each what already is current to the local society. culture consists of an integrated whole that forms a pattern of behavior. Each man though he has the power to act as an individual,is in fact limited in his course 29Edward Tylor, Primitive Culture,"Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art and Custom,"Vol. 1 (Gloucester, Mass.: 1958), p. l. 30A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn, "Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions," Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. 47, No. l, 1952. 3J‘Douglas Haring, "Anthropology: One Point of View," Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, ed. by D. A. Haring (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1964), p. 16. 26 of action, by the cultural resources available. His actions are drawn upon the cultural pattern of his society. Thus in a way as Kluckhohn states,"It is as if the basic pattern of the culture must be reflected in the internal structure of each individual person: as if the individual were in some sense a microcosm and the culture to which he belongs 32 a macrocosm." Kroeber attempted to distinguish a hier- archy of patterning that pervades different areas of human activity. He formulated that subsistence and residence were the primary or systematic patterns. They are patterns which have persisted for several thousand years as coherent organizations of traits with functional value. Above the primary patterns are a number of traits which are subject to greater variety and instability. These traits Kroeber calls secondary patterns. They consist of formal social organization and systems of thought. The combination and interaction of the primary and secondary patterns leads to super patterns which come to pervade all or most spheres of some cultures and impart to them a distinctive unique slant. A number of anthropologists have undertaken studies which try to relate culture patterns to individual behavior and personality structure. Early in the 20th century, Richard Thurnwald tentatively advanced a theory based on psychological differences between tillers of the 32Clyde Kluckhohn, "Culture and Behavior," Handbook of Social Psychology) ed. by G. Lindzey, Vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass.: Addison—Wesley Publishing Co., Inc., 1954). 27 soil and migatory herders and sea rovers.33 He contended that agrarians, due to a narrow experience field and occupa- tional specialization, tend to lack organizational acumen. Thus when left to their own advices, they remain helpless in times of catastrOphe when organization of energies is required for survival. In contrast to the agrarians, herders and sea rovers confronted with the need to organize for the maintenance of their herds and to fight off wild beasts and marauders, are able to act decisively in times of emergency. Thurnwald, in addition to pointing out the psychological differences, shows in an historical perspective how these personality differences can lead to political and social arrangements of a mobile aristocracy ruling over a sedentary agricultural mass. Another outstanding example of analysis in which cultural patterns are seen to develop predominant per- sonality matrices can be found in the work of Ruth Benedict. In Patterns of Culture, using, Nietzsche's terminology of Apollonian and Dionysian, she applied them to the Indians of North America. She showed that the diversity of cultures is due to a complex interweaving of a dominant trait throughout each society. So among the militarist tribes of the American Plains the Dionysian element appears again and again in many different areas of culture: in their vision quests 33Op. cit., p. 19. 28 and guardian spirit beliefs, in supermachismo defini— tion of the male role and a corollary acceptance of transvestism among those who could not live up to it, in military qualifications of leadership, suicidal pledges of revenge, in Spartan childhood training.34 Singer and Mead offer reviews of other studies which illus- trate attempts to show the influence of cultural patterns on human behavior.35 A consolidation of the positions in psychology and anthropology has been nicely effected by Daniel Rose.36 He rightly points out that . . . although cognitive structures are carried about in the mind of a person, these cognitive structures which make up culture constitute a shared world. This world is differentiated by individuals, that is, indi- viduals think about what they know and do and thus elaborate certain aspects of their culture. Neverthe— less, cognitively structured regions of culture exist before any given individual enters the region and persist after he leaves. Areas of the life space can be mapped out with overlapping zones of individual and cultural activity. Rose demonstrates 34Marshall Sahlins, "CUlture and Environment: The Study of Cultural Ecology," Horizons on Anthropology, ed. by Sol Tax (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1964), pp. 139— 140. 35Milton Singer, "A Survey of Personality and Culture Theory and Research," Studying Personality Cross—Culturally, ed. by Bert Kaplan (Evanston, 111.: Row, Peterson, 1961). pp. 9-90; Margaret Mead, "Retrospects and Prospects," Anthropology and Human Behavior, In Anthropology Society Washington (Washington D.C.: The Society, 1962), pp. 115- 149. 36Daniel M. Rose, "Culture and Cognition: Some Problems and a Suggestion," Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 1 (January 19681, pp. 9—28. 37Ibid., p. 16. 29 that the space of cultural activity can be subdivided into spheres. There is the sphere of everyday activity in which most members of the culture have been socialized. The patterns of this sphere would probably have a very pervasive influence in the population due to a common experience. There are other spheres, however, in which only a few members of the culture may be knowledgeable. Either because of the unethical or moral aspects or because of special training required, only a smallsegment of the population has been socialized here. The influence of the patterns elaborated in these areas may have a minimal effect on the masses or due to the din of a dynamic per— sonality may be institutionalized into the society. The end effect is the same in that the individual reflect- ing on the culture life space forms his perceptions of the world. Thus individuals " . . . bear conceptually the characteristics of the regions of culture in which they find themselves."38 The interface of cognition and culture has lately become an area of concern to many researchers. Various aspects of cognitive development such as learning, problem— solving, concept attainment, reasoning, attention and psycholinquistics have been and are being investigated. The focus of the studies is generally on changes and constancies as the individual grows and the impact of 381bid., p. 26. 30 social and cultural forces on the developmental process. There is for example in the field of anthrOpology, new specialists appearing, who call themselves, cognitive anthropologists. Stephen Tyler has recently edited a book entitled Cognitive Anthropolggy, which is a compilation of various writers on methodology and studies in this area. The approach is called enthnoscience and it " . . . eXplores qualitative cognitive variation by exploring the native terminology used for a particular objectively definable domain such 39 It is an attempt to as plants or disease or kinship." infer the cognitive structures of an individual by the lexicon of the individual's language. Though this 40 there have been studies approach has it detractors, which have been fruitful in their consequences for educa- tion. Utilizing research on language—cognition relation— ships to provide a conceptual mapping of the world, John Gay and Michael Cole have produced a study on The New Mathematics and an Old Culture: A Study of Learning Among The erlle of Liberia. The study reveals how spatial categories found in a local culture can either hinder or enhance the young's ability to comprehend mathematics. 39F. M. Greenfield, and J. S. Bruner, "Culture and Cognitive Growth," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 1, No. 2 (196677 pp. 89-107. 4ORobbins Burling, "Cognition and Componential Analysis: God's Truth or Hocus—Pocus," American Anthro- pologist, Vol. 66, No. 1 (February 1964), pp. 20—28. 31 Harry Triandis and Henri Tajfel, both provide comprehensive reviews of work that reflect the interaction of culture and cognition.41 The Concept of Style This study, however, pursues another tack and borrows a second concept from the field of psychology. This is the idea of "style." In 1937, Gordon Allport introduced the idea of style when he referred to "styles of life" as a means of identifying distinctive personality types.42 It has since been used to refer to patterns of behavior that are consistent over long periods of time. These patterns can be intellectual or affective and are found spread over many areas of activity. This terminology has been taken up by some educators and advocated as a determiner of teaching strategies. Frank Reissman argues strongly for the concept of style of learning. He defines more wholistic (molar) or global dimension n43 it as a of learning operative at the phenomenal level. . . . lHarry Triandis, "Cultural Influences Upon Cognitive Processes," Advances in Experimental Social Psychology Vol. 1, ed. by Berkowitz (New York: Academic Press, 1964), pp. 2—49; Henri Tajfel, "Social and Cultural Factors in Perception," The Handbook of Social ngchology Vol. 3, ed. by Lindzey and Anderson (Menlo Park, Ca1if.: Addison—Wesley Publishing Co., 1968), p. 315. 42Gordon W. Allport, Personality, A Psychological Interpretatiop_(New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1937), p. 47. 43Frank Reissman, "The Strategy of Style," Teachers College Record, Vol. 65 (1964), p. 485. 32 In his book The Culturally Deprived Child he talks of a deprived child's style. Among other things the deprived, child's style is characterized by the following traits: 1. physical and visual rather than aural, 2. content—centered rather than form—centered, 3. externally oriented rather than introspective, 4. problem-centered rather than abstract-centered, S. inductive rather than deductive, 6. spatial rather than temporal, and 7. slow, careful, patient, persevering (in areas of importance), rather than quick, clever, facile and flexible. Once a description has been made of the deprived child's learning style, strategies can be formulated that more effectively utilize the students strengths and minimize his weaknesses. It is in this tradition that this study attempts to analyze African societies. But the approach used in the present study tends to employ more anthro- pological data. Hopefully the descriptive summary will closely parallel the results of the Southwestern Cooperative Educational Laboratories work, as reported by Burger.45 His work revealed that general trends exist, favoring the 44Frank Reissman, The Culturally Deprived Child (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1962), p. 73. 45Henry G. Burger, Ethno:pedagogy (Albuquerque, New Mexico: Southwestern Cooperative Educational Laboratory, Inc., June 1968). 33 performance of one ethnic group over another ethnic groups on a variety of instruments. Spanish—American children were adept at using auditory channels of communication while Indian—Americans were very strong at dealing cogni— tively via visual media. These attributes were then translated into concrete proposals of what methods and materials would be most effective in education. Cognitive Style Various investigators have utilized the concept of style in their research. There is no general agreement about the criteria to use in identifying style. A par- ticularly attractive and worthwhile facet that some in— vestigators have used is the modes of intellectualization that individuals apply to problem solving. This facet is frequently called cognitive style. Cognitive style has its roots in the area of psychoanalytic ego psychology. Introduction of the con- cepts that are all subsumed under the term cognitive style was an " . . . attempt to provide structure to the reliable variability that is characteristic of cognitive functioning 46 Unfortunately due to a superficial simi- among humans." larity of interests the distinction between the work of those using a cognitive style approach and those who talk 46Jerome Kagan and Nathan Kogan, "Individual Varia- tions in Cognitive Processes," Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology, ed. by Paul H. Mussen (3rd Edition, Vol. 1; New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1970), p. 1273. 34 of strategies of intellectualization, have been blurred. Each has different theoretical foundations and encompass functional differences. Cognitive styles are " . . . adaptational control mechanisms of the ego that mediate between the need states and the external environment."47 While strategies usually imply operations followed to minimize error during the making of cognitive decisions. A quick short hand distinction between these can be made on the degree of consciousness of the individual. Styles operate without the individuals awareness, while strategies involve a conscious choice of alternatives. The cognitive style used in this study is the Witkin's formulation, based on differentiation of behavior. Lewin in his cognitive—field theory postulated that development of the personality and life spaces involved the process of differentiation. But various theorists following in Lewin's step have perceived that differentiation could be taken to mean two things. There is first the possi— bility that differentiation means an increasing recognition of a variety of units of experience. Units that in youth originally were thought to be comprised of many items are segregated later into distinct and discrete units. The principle of similarity and dissimilarity is involved in placement of experience or into categories. This approach 47Michael Wallach and Nathan Kogan, Modes of Thinking in Young Children (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965), p. 95. 35 has been the theoretical ancestor for the work of Kagan, Moss and Siegel in the investigation of cognitive style or categorization behavior which arose from their research in child development. A second interpretation of differentiation involves a decreasing interdependence of parts. Experiences are seen as linked or separate, depending on the degree of dependence or independence of the various parts of the person as he functions. This position has given rise to the position held by Witkin. Witkin acknowledges that the work of Werner has been a predecessor to his work. It could well be from Werner that Witkin grasps the idea of development as a sequential process, since Werner said: "Wherever development occurs it proceeds from a state of relative globality and lack of differentiation to a state of increasing differentiation, articulation and hierarchic 48 Witkin thinks of the beginning of an integration." individual as an amorphous continuous mass. Eventually an awareness of a difference between an inner and an outer existence within the original body and the field matrix develops. As the individual ages increasing differentia- tion occurs. There is an awareness of the various parts of the body and their interrelatedness. Finally the 48Heinz Werner, "The concept of development from a comparative and organismic point of View," The Concept of Development, ed. by D. B. Harris (Minneapolis: Uni? versity of Minnesota Press, 1957), pp. 125—148. 36 awareness of a separateness from the mother and other close humans grows until the organism becomes an individual. A continual drawing of experience which has the field outside the person leads to greater differentiation and increased articulation. Witkin's work developed from an interest in the area of perception. He was particularly interested in peoples' orientation in space as determined by perceptual cues. Very early in his work he found that people differ in rather general ways from each other in their mode of perceiving. By the use of several tests, he discovered two poles on acxnfifijnnnnof behavior which he labeled field dependence and field independence. Field dependent behavior is characterized by the individual's orientating himself through the overall organization of the field or area at which he is looking. No items in the field stand out as distinct but rather all parts are fused to make a whole. In field independence, orientation is achieved by experiencing parts of the field as discrete items which provide direction. This mode of orientation Witkin states possesses an analytical quality. The three tests Witkins used to discover and eventually to measure field dependence——independence are the body-adjustment test, the rod and frame test and the embedded figures teSt. In the body—adjustment test the ability or lack of the ability to perform the required tasks led to an 37 evaluation of the person's manner of determining the position of his body in relation to the upright position. The me- chanics of the test require a person to sit in a small chair which can be tilted. The chair in turn is located in a room which can be tilted. The task of the individual is to adjust his chair to a position where he perceives himself as upright. It was fOund that some people perceived their body as straight only when it was aligned with the tilted room. While others were able to achieve a true upright position regardless of the room's angle. For the former it appeared that their perception was dictated by the surrounding world. There seemed to be a fusion between their body and the field in experience. These were the field dependents. The latter group, however, indicated a freedom of body from the field and are the field inde- pendents. A distinct sexual difference was noted in the early studies. It appeared that girls tilt their body farther toward the tilted room than do boys. This dif- ference consistently appears in all subsequent measurements. Thus it seems that girls are more field dependent than boys.49 The second test, the rod—adjustment test, also involved the issue of perception of the upright position. 49Witkins points out studies where this fact has been demonstrated in France, Holland, Israel and Sierra Leone. See H. A. Witkin, "Psychological Differentiation and Forms of Pathology," Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. 70, No. 5 (1965), p. 319. 38 The person tested was placed in a darkened room. By darken- ing the room all the normal visual cues would be eliminated. A square frame coated with luminous paint and mounted on an instrument that permitted the frame to be tilted, was present in the room. Within the frame, there is a rod, also coated with luminous paint, which can be tilted at various angles independently of the frame. The subject's task is to position the rod upright from a tilted posi— tion while the frame is also tilted. Some subjects perceived the rod as upright only when it was fully aligned with the tilted frame. Upright for them was determined by the frame surrounding the rod. Others were able to position the rod in a true upright position independent of the frame. The second group were able to perceive the rod (a part of the field) as discrete from the frame. A high correlation of scores was achieved on the body adjustment test and the rod—adjustment test. Those who aligned the body with the tilted room also aligned the rod with the frame. Those who perceived their body in a true upright position also correctly positioned the rod in a true upright position. In the embedded figures test, subjects are asked to deal with an item (a simple geometric figure) in a field (a complex design). Like the other tests this instrument measures the influence of the field on 39 perception. The amount of time taken to discover the simple figure is an indicator of the field's influence. For some subjects the simple figures almost leaped out. While others needed long periods of time to find the simple figure. Again a high correlation of results on this instrument was found with the body adjustment and the rod adjustment test. Those who easily found the simple figures were also the ones who position their bodies and the rod in an upright position. Details of these studies can be found in Personality Through Perception by H. A. Witkin, H. B. Lewis, M. Hertzman, K. Machover, P. B. Meissner and S. Wapner. Eventually Witkin began to explore the possibility of a linkage of perceptual styles with other personality and intellectual activities. He states that "It became clear that the way in which each person orients himself in space is an eXpression of a more general mode of per— ceiving which is linked to a broad and varied array of personal characteristics involving a great many areas of psychological functioning."50 He adapted the designation "analytic-global:Euahiapproach" to represent this broader dimension. The analytic aspect consists of the tendencies to experience items as discrete, such as field independence. 50H. A. Witkin, R. B. Dyle, H. F. Faterson, D. P. Goodenough, and S. A. Karp, Psychological Differentiation: Studies of Develppment (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962), p. 1. 40 The global field approach is composed of the tendencies to experience items as fused with the background, as in the case of field dependence. Evidence that the analytic— global field approach is a broad dimension of cognitive style has come from studies of the relation of this style to the nature of the body concept and the nature of the self concept. Body concept deals with the impression which the person carries around with him of what his body is like and how it is put together. Just as in the perceptual studies, two poles of a continuum were identified, the same condition is found here. There are those, who experience their bodies as having definite limits or boundaries and parts of it as discrete yet interrelated and formed into a definite structure. These are the individuals with an articulated body concept. The global concept envisions the body as fused with the field and varying in nature as the field varies. The body-adjustment test evaluates articulation of body concept. Another test, devised to measure the degree of articulation of the body concept is the figure— drawing test. The subject is asked to draw a person. Then he is asked to draw a person of the opposite sex. A five point evaluation is made. Articulated drawings, which represent an articulated body concept, Show:51 510p. cit., p. 320. 41 1. realistic body proportions, 2. parts are represented in detail, 3. have a clear representation of sex and sex differences, 4. sex of figure is also indicated by such externals as clothing, and 5. there are also attempts at role representation. Those who achieve a score indicating an articulated body concept correlate with high scores of field independence in the perceptual tests. A sense of separate identity is defined as the degree of awareness of needs, feelings, and attributes which an individual can identify as their own or as distinct from those of others. An individual with an articulated sense of identity would experience a great deal of this awareness. He would experience himself as a person sepa— rate from others. One with a global sense of identity would have a continuous reliance on external sources for definition of his attributes, judgment, sentiments and even their views of themselves. Instruments used to measure this concept were mainly interviews, observation periods during the time that Thematic Apperception Tests were being adminis— tered and conformity to group pressure or suggestibility. Witkin cites a number of studies which tend to substantiate his works.52 521bid., p. 321. 42 To summarize, Witkin's work has revealed that a broad mode or style of behavior is found consistent over several aspects of human behavior. The style of behavior is a con— tinuum involving two ends labeled articulated and global behavior within each individual. Individuals may fall any— where on this continuum but in the aspects of behavior studied by Witkin, they are fairly consistent in the place. Thus, if they are field independent or articulated in perception, they are articulated also in their body concept and sense of self identity. Further study has indicated that a person's behavior style tends to remain stable over long periods of time. Witkin states that " . . . despite a marked genera1///J increase in differentiation in perceptual functioning with age, each individual tends to maintain his relative posi- tion among his peers in the distribution of measures of "53 Let it be noted that differentiation from age to age. the cognitive style does not equate with general intel— ligence. There is only a low level of relation of cognitive style to the verbal-comprehension cluster and the attention- concentration cluster of Wechsler's intelligence scales. But there is a very high relation of cognitive style to the Block Design, object assembly and picture completion of Wechsler's intelligence scales. Scores on these tap 53Herman Witkin, Donald Goodenough, and Stephen Karp, "Stability of Cognitive Style from Childhood to Young Adulthood," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 7 (Number 3, 1967), p. 297. 43 the same kind of analytical ability as do those for field dependence-independence. Overview to the Rest of the Study Chapter II will contain the author's review of the literature relevant to the topic of investigation. Included are studies operating with the Witkin cognitive style paradigm in cross-cultural situations, especially in Africa. Studies using other cognitive style models which relate social and cultural variables to cognitive functioning will be reported. The design of the study coupled with a detailed description of the methods of operation will constitute the presentation of Chapter III. In Chapter IV the results of the analyses will be reported. In the final chapter, the author will attempt to summarize the study with the implications of the findings to educational practices in African schools. CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE This study actually began over a year ago when the author started to review research about education and psy- chology in Africa. There are four excellent sources that cover the field. They are (1) L. E. Andor's Aptitudes and Abilities of the Black Man in Sub-Saharan Africagfi 1784-1963, (2) "African Intelligence: A Critical Survey of Cross-Cultural Intelligence Research in Africa South of the Sahara" by Arthur Cryns in The Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 57, pp. 283-301, (3) Judith L. Evans' Children in Africa: A Review of Psychological Research, and (4) a bibliography by S. H. Irvine, J. T. Sanders, and E. L. Klingelhofer entitled Human Behavior in Africa.1 Most of the early writings about Africans unfortunately seem to fall into one of the undesirable paradigms of race relations. The authors approached Africans as different and 1Most of the early writings about Africans misfortune: L. E. Andor, Aptitudes and Abilities of the Black Man in Sub- Saharan Africa, 178441963 (Johannesberg: NatiEnal Institute of Personnel Research, 1966); Arthur Cryns, "African Intelli- gence: A Critical Survey of Cross-Cultural Intelligence Research in Africa South of the Sahara," The Journal of Social ngchology, 57:283-301 (1962); Judiih L. Evans, Children in AfriEa: A Review of Psycholpgical Research (New York: Teachers College Press, 1970); S. H. Irvine, J. T. Sanders, and E. L. Klingelhofer, Human Behavior in Africa: A Bibli- ography of Psychological and Related Writings (London, Ontario: University of Western Ontario, 1970). 44 45 outside of the activities followed by Europeans. A dichotomy of "they" and "we" is easily followed in these early works. The first one hundred and fifty years of Andor's collection seems essentially a collection of observations marred by ethnocentrism and subjectivity. It is not until the 1930's that attempts were made to measure abilities by use of standardized instruments, but even these attempts involve cultural biasess, and methodology which, even today, continue to cause problems of validity. In the last ten years, more researchers are attempting to observe and evaluate African behavior from an objective view and to see the African as similar in equipment to the European but different in his own field of experience. Evans' book is especially good for pointing out the newer types of study now in progress. Much research on intellectualization and intellectual development is currently being published by African, Euro— pean and American investigators. There are many good references in addition to Evans' citations.2 Many of the new studies refer to an early work by S. F. Nadel,3 which is the antecedent of a tradition of study continued in 2For example one should see the following references: Alastair Heron and Marta Simonsson, "Weight conservation in Zambian children: A Non—Verbal Approach," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 4, No. 4 (1969), pp. 281—292; Thomas Kellahan, "Abstraction and Categorization in African Children," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 3, No. 2 (1968i? pp. 115-120; Barbara Lloyd, "The Intellectual Development of Yoruba Children, A Re-Examination," Journal of Cross-Cultural ngcholo y (Fourthcoming issue). 3S. F. Nadel, "Experiments on Culture Psychology," Africa, Vol. X (1937): pp. 421—435. 46 current research. His study was an attempt at a qualita- tive comparative analysis of the perception, memory and thinking processes of two Nigerian societies. The research involved the use of pictures and a story which the subjects would describe following set time intervals. The subjects were school students from the Nupe and Yoruba societies. They were matched as closely as possible with regard to age, school standard and the surroundings from which they came. The Nupe were 60 boys, aged 12-18, who had been students for periods from one to five years. The Yoruba numbered only 20 boys. The story experiment consisted of the following story.4 Long, long ago there were a man and his wife. They had two children, sons. When the sons had grown up, they saw a beautiful girl. They both made friends with her, and loved her very much. They loved her with one heart. But the girl did not love the elder brother, she only loved the younger. Thereupon the elder brother went to the younger and told him to give up the girl. He said: 'I am the one to marry the girl for I am your elder brother.‘ Thus he spoke. But the younger refused. They quarrelled a great deal till the elder brother became furious. When the night fell he went to the hut where the younger brother was sleeping and killed him with his sword, he killed him with one stroke. When the people heard the news they said: 'He did an evil deed, God will revenge it.‘ But the girl cried, she cried for twenty days and her heart was full of pain. When she had finished crying she left and went to another place. Nobody saw her again. The story was read to the students during the first morning class one day. At noon each was asked individually to 4S. F. Nadel, "A Field EXperiment in Racial Psy- chology," British Journal of Psychology, Vol. XXVIII (Oct. 1937), p. 198. 47 tell the story. A week later, each again was asked to retell the story. The subjects account of the story were analyzed on the basis of five aspects, which are listed below: 1. set phrases and formulae which bear on psy— chological response and attitudes, 2. rational aspects of the story which were stressed or omitted along with logical linkages, 3. situational aspects such as details of place and time, 4. emotional and moral aspects of the story that appear important to the teller of the tale, and 5. the arrangement and order of the events in the story as recalled by the subject. The results of the analysis indicated some striking dif— ferences in the treatment of the story by the subjects. The differences were polarized along the lines of the ethnic origin of the subject. The Yoruba very rarely ignore or neglect the logical structure of the story; on the contrary, over and above the crucial sentences which are embedded in the text and which they faithfully reproduce, they invent new logical links which tend to render the existing connexions more cogent. The Nupe, on the other hand, pay little attention to the factor of logical coher— ence. Their way of remembering and re-telling is much looser, more devious and unconvincing. They seem interested much more in circumstantial facts, and in filling in details and descriptive features which are, logically of little relevance. Frequently they relate the different events which the story 48 describes one after the other, without endeavouring to establish, or to perserve an inner cohesion in the narrative.5 The second part of the experiment involved pictures and the results were equally marked in differences related to ethnic membership. In this part, six pictures of dif— ferent topics were exposed for about 15 seconds. Each subject was asked to write down what he had seen, after each picture. A week later they were asked to relate what they could remember viewing each picture. The pictures were of the following:6 1. two leopards in the bush, 2. a black horse with a native groom in European dress, 3. a native in Muslim dress sitting on a table, 4. an oasis in the desert, showing a camel and two Arabs in front of a date-palm, 5. a mosque with a huge crowd of people in front, and 6. a bush fire. The results of this portion of the experiment showed the Yoruba had the characteristic of reading meaning and significance into pictures. Objects in the pictures stood in significant relation to one another. The relationships 5%. F. Nadel, "Experiments on Culture Psychology," Africa, Vol. X (1937), p. 428. 60p. cit., p. 204. 49 were interpreted from general experience to make a coherent meaning. The Nupe, however, described the picture by an enumeration of the objects. Their descriptions were char— acterized by the arrangement of the visual data in a spatial and symmetrical order. A tendency lacking in the Yoruba. The traits discovered from the experiments were placed along side cultural patterns of each society. Nadel's conclusions were that the experiment showed that " . . . a people (the Yoruba) possessing a highly developed realistic image-art, drama and a rich, complicated, ration— alized religious system . . . , "7 appear to be categorized by a stress on rational elements, logical cohesion and a pronounced meaning-oriented approach to observational data. On the other hand, the Nupe, whose culture has no such art or drama and whose belief system includes abstract, impersonal magical principles, have a different psychological reaction to observational datad A Nupe is " . . . more detached and inconsequent in observation and memory, enumerative, more sensitive to spatial and temporal arrangement, and stresses unity of situation and emotional tone rather than facts of meaning and rational consistency."8 This close correspond— ence of culture and psychological response serves as the catalyst for formulation of the present investigation. 7Ibid., p. 209. 8Ibid., p. 210. 50 A study which fostered the idea of cultural patterns and learning as being an important realm of research is the work of Fort, Watts, and Lesser.9 In a longitudinal study, (spanning five years) they have found " . . . a child's pattern of intellectual strengths and weaknesses is related to his ethnic-group background."lO Their subjects were 320 children of the Greater New York City area. The children came from the Chinese, Jewish, Negro and Puerto Rican com- munities. The results of these studies consisted of three points, as follows: 1. Middle—class children are better able to perform on all tasks then are lower class children. 2. Children from different ethnic groups show different constellations of abilities as well as different levels of performance for various tasks. 3. Middle class children from different ethnic groups in general perform more like each other than do lower—class children from different ethnic groups. Over a number of tasks (including spatial, verbal, numerical and reasoning), Fort, Watts and Lesser found a breakdown of abilities illustrated by Table 2.1. 9Jane Fort, Jean Watts, and Gerald Lesser, "Cultural Background and Learning in Young Children," Phi Delta Kappen, Vol. L, No. 7 (March 1969), pp. 386-388. 10 Ibid., p. 386. 51 TABLE 2.1.—-The Relation of each Ethnic group to achievement on intellectual tasks (a scale ofone to four is used to Show Relative Ranking of Achievement on Tasks, Four is Highest or Best Achievement). Ethnic Group Spatial Reasoning Numerical Verbal Chinese 4 3 3 1 Jewish 1 2 3 4 Negro 2 2 l 4 Puerto Rico 4 - I - l Their explanation of this phenomenon was presumed to lie in part in the experience of the child's early years. They felt that the type of activity to which the child is exposed depends on the child's interaction with his parents and the values which the parents transmit. Thus they identify child—rearing practices as an important ingredient in intellectual development. To a large extent these practices are colored by the cultural milieu of the fami— lies. The relation of culture to achievement on tasks, is explained by Fort, Watts and Lesser. For example, they state the reason that Chinese children place high on spatial tests is due to several cultural factors such as language, family structure and traditional games. These three factors use spatial cues and references to convey meaning to every— day activities. All of these culminate into high frequency of spatial experiences that. is reflected in high achievement 52 on spatial tasks. The cultural factors that Fort, Watts and Lesser use to explain task achievement on tests, are' some of those which the author of the current study will investiage in relation to cognitive style. There has in the last ten years been a great deal of interest and study of cognitive style. At least three rival conceptual models (Witkin's: Global-articulated, Gardiner's: Cognitive Controls, and Kagan, Siegel and Moss's: Categorization Style) have been developed and numerous other authors utilize the term with varying degrees of clarity and tightness. Rather than review all of the ramifications, effort will be concentrated on those studies that point out cultural and social forces which influence cognitive style, in particular those using Witkin's para- digm. One study by Modiano and Maccoby examined cognitive development and functioning of Mexican peasant children, Mexican urban children, and American urban children.11 They concluded that children tend to develop those intel— lectual skills most functional for their society. The most influential force molding the development of intellectual skills,in their opinion,was the socio-economic base of the society. They stated: "Without the intellectual equipment llNancy Modiano and Michael Maccoby, "Cultural and Sociological Factors Relating to Learning Development," Research in Education, ED—020-550, U.S. Department of Health, Education afid Welfare, August 31, 1967. 53 needed to participate viably in the economy and social institutions the individual is crippled in his ability to achieve success and often in his ability to adapt."12 They felt their results tended to substantiate the hypothe- sis of "intelligence of necessity." By an analysis of the peasant society, they found it to be demanding of ability to deal with concrete situations. In order to succeed, there is a need to be perceptive and to distinguish those changes in nature which are economically important. They found that commonly developed as part of the village's "intelligence of necessity" were the following items:13 1. attention to details and to the perceptual and functional attributes of items, 2. interest and skill in fine differentiation, 3. development of formal operations among older children, but always with a preference for concrete,perceptual or functional attributes rather than abstract formulations, and 4. rejection of equivalences and isolated—abstract tasks,for doing violence to reality. In a later article, Maccoby and Modiano correlate the mode of reasoning or cognitive style with the socio-economic lZIbid., p. 7. 13Ibid., p. 66. 54 conditions in greater detail.14 In this report, they con— centrated on the styles of reasoning of children, age 12 and 13. Their major hypothesis was " . . . equivalence reasoning characterizes the children of industrial workers and not peasant children, although both live within the same national culture."15 They were able to construct a continuum with very characteristic terminal positions. At one extreme were located the group that epitomized the peasant society. Traits of this group constituted a concern with perceptible attributes and the concrete reality of objects. At the other extreme, was a group functioning with an abstract frame of reference and con— centrating on nominal concepts. This group was categorized as an "industrial type" characterized by " . . . formal attributes, facility in formulating equivalences and a tendency toward moral reasoning based on reciprocity."l6 Yet another area of influence on cognitive modes of operation was postulated by Robert Hess and Virginia Shipman.l7 They argue that the structure of social system lfifi. Maccoby and Nancy Modiano, "Cognitive Style in Rural and Urban Mexico," Human Development, Vol. 12 (1969), pp. 22—33. 15 Ibid., p. 23. l6Ibid., p. 23. 17Robert D. Hess and Virginia C. Shipment, "Early Experience and the Socialization of Cognitive Modes in Children," Child Development, Vol. 36, No. 4 (December 1965), pp. 869-886. 55 interacting with the structure of the family communication patterns, shape thought and cognitive style. One of the key examples they discuss is the type of family control. Two types of control are discussed in relation to cognitive functioning. One type of control utilizes the concepts of status appeal or ascribed role norms. In status (position) oriented families, behavior tends to be regulated in terms of role expectations. There is little opportunity for the unique characteristics of the child to influence the decision—making process or the interaction between parents and child. In these families the internal or personal states of the 18 children are not influential as a basis for decisions. Such control results in a cognitive style where the world is viewed as place governed by a set of regulations and rules that is based on arbitrary decisions. Logical selec— tion of alternative actions are missing or ruled out as important. A restrictive environment of thought is fostered by the status control approach. The other type of control is oriented toward persons. In a person—oriented appeal system, the unique char— acteristics of the child modify status demands and are taken into account in interaction. The decisions of this type of family are individualized and less frequently, related to status or role ascriptions. Behavior is justified in terms of feelings, prefer- ences, personal and unique reactions and subjective states. 9 This environment permits flexibility and greater expression of personnal choice which leads to a cognitive style of 181bid., p. 871. 191bid., p. 872. 56 reflection. Thought is given to a comparison of alterna— tives. The effect of environment (social organization and family structure) is clearly illustrated in the cognitive style known as categorization style by Rosalie Cohen.20 She related formal structure of family interaction and informal friendship patterns with the relational and analytic dimensions. There has been a great deal of study relating Witkin's model of cognitive style to environmental conditions. The volume, Psychological Differentiation is a summary of studies concerned with parent-child relationships. In a later study co—authored with R. B. Dyk, Witkin clarifies and reinforces his earlier statements about parent—child relationships and the develop- ment of articulation.21 This study concentrates on subjects immersed in American culture. Reviewed will be studies that explore the phenomenon in societies of Western orientation and in societies of non—Western tradition. Dershowitz demonstrated that cultural patterns in the Jewish sub— culture of the United States influenced the cognitive 0Rosalie Cohen "Conceptual Styles Culture Conflicts, and Non-verbal Tests of Intelligence," American Anthrppplo- gis , Vol. 71 (1969), pp. 828-856; Rosaiie Cohen, "The Relation Between Socio-Conceptual Styles and Orientation to School Learning," Sociologyyof Education, Vol. 41 (Spring 1968), pp. 201—220. 21R. B. Dyk and H. A. Witkin, "Family experiences related to the development of differentiation in children," Child Development, Vol. 36 (1965), pp. 21-55. 57 style dimension used by the children.22 From his study it was demonstrated that a consistent pattern of responses was elicited over tasks related to field—dependence in the Jewish community due to the attitudes, values and child— rearing practices of the community. The greater the expo— sure of the child to traditional Jewish behavioral patterns, the higher the degree of field dependence. Preale, Amir and Sharon revealed through an investi— gation of perceptual articulation in several Israeli sub- cultures that the differential emphasis on subordination to authority and on the acquisition from individual autonomy of the environment encourages different styles.23 They proposed that children from middle Eastern families would < measure as more field dependent then children from families of Western origin. The authors cite several studies that reveal the middle Eastern family as " . . . tradition ori— ented with an authoritarian, partriarchal structure which tends to foster subordination to authority and restriction "24 of emotional autonomy. Also because experts on the 22Zachery Dershowitz, "Influences of Cultural Patterns on the Thinking of Children in Certain Ethnic Groups: A Study of the Effect of Jewish Sub—Culture on the Field Dependence-Independence Dimension of Cognition," (unpublished Doctoral dissertation, New York University, 1966). 2Ilana Preale, Yehuda Amir, and Shlomo Sharon, "Perceptual articulation and task effectiveness in several Israel Subcultures,f Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol.s2, No.,2’11967), p._;&327 Ibid., p. 191. 58 kibbutz agree that it stimulates emotional autonomy and self—reliance, the authors hypothesized that children raised in a kibbutz would be more field independent then non-kibbutz children. The samples consisted of 88 males of middle Eastern ethnic background contrasted with 112 of their peers of Western origin and 145 males born and raised in a kibbutz contrasted with 145 males of Western origin but raised in a non—kibbutz setting. Support for the hypotheses was obtained when the results revealed that " . . . (a) subjects of Western ethnic origin achieved a higher level on four measures of perceptual articulation than did subjects of middle Eastern ethnic origin; (b) subjects on two out of three measures of perceptual articula— tion, subjects raised in a kibbutz setting achieved higher scores than did subjects of Western background not raised on a kibbutz. . "25 Thus all the studies cited so far in connection with cognitive style have attempted to tie environment with style. This is particularly true in the case of family experiences such as child—rearing practices and attitudes towards autonomy and self—reliance. The next three studies reviewed are particularly important. They are not only studies utilizing Witkin's model of cognitive style, but they involve African subjects. Also they 25Ihid. 59 strongly illustrate the influence of culture especially family experiences on the development of cognitive function- ing. These three studies are J. L. M. Dawson's work in Sierra Leone, John W. Berry's study of Temne and Eskimos and Michael O. Okonji's investigation of Nigeria subjects.26 Dawson was the first to apply Witkin's Concepts in an African setting. In 1963, he completed his doctoral dissertation at Oxford on "Psychological effects of social change in a West African Community." The results of this work plus additional information appear in the International qurnal of PsycholOgy. His work started as an investigation of the two-dimensional perception phenomenon found in African subjects. Starting with the assumption that the critical factor which accounts for the two dimensional perception of Africans is cultural, Dawson hypothesized that the tribal organization together with child-rearing processes appeared likely to lead to this cognitive develop- ment. He stated: "It was considered that certain aspects of Sierra Leone tribal culture and related child-rearing processes were likely to be conducive to the development of a more field—dependent perceptual style which in turn 26J. Dawson, "Cultural and Physiological Influences upon Spatial Perceptual Processes in West Africa," Inter— national Journal of Psycholog , Vol. 2, No. 2 (1967), p . 115- 128; J. W. Berry, "Temne and Eskimo Perceptual Skills," Inter— national Journal of Psychology, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1966), pp. 207- 229; Michael Okonji, "The Differential Effects of Rural and Urban Upbringing on the Development of Cognitive Styles," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 4, No. 4 (1969), pp. 293-305. 60 might be expected to limit the acquisition of spatial— perceptual skills."27 Two ethnic groups of Sierra Leone with contrasting socialization processes were examined to determine the effects on the development of field— dependence. One society, the Temne have tribal values that reward aggressiveness. The mother is extremely domi— nating. Considerable emphasis is placed on conformity and group reliance among the Temne. These conditions matched closely those that Witkin claimed fosters field dependence. The Mende, the other society examined, have much less severe socialization processes. The mother is not as dominating and individual autonomy is encouraged. Thus the degree of field-dependence in the second society should be less than among the Temne. The samples were matched in terms of age, occupation, sex, intelligence and education. The results from the Embedded Figures Test and Draw-a—person Test revealed that Temne males are significantly more field dependent than the Mende males. These results support Witkin's hypothesis relating severe socialization patterns and maternal dominance to the development of field-dependence. Additional hypotheses of Dawson concerning kwashiorkor endocrinal disturbances and cultural interactions were confirmed by this study. 27J. L. M. Dawson, "Cultural and Physiological Influences Upon Spatial-Perceptual Processes in West Africa——Part 1," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 2, No. (1967i, p. 118. 61 Berry's interest in the " . . . relationship between cultural and ecological characteristics of a society and the perceptual skills developed by members of that society . . . , "28 utilized the work of Dawson and Witkin. Just as there was a contrast in Temne and Mende socialization patterns, Berry demonstrated an even greater gap between the Temne and Eskimos. Children in an Eskimo community are welcomed and treated with kindness and consideration. Considerable emphasis is given to development of self— reliance and freedom of activity. In addition to the socialization patterns, distinct differences in ecological requirements, language,and arts and crafts were enumerated. Scores from a group of Scottish youth were included in the analysis to provide some comparison to a Westernized group. Berry predicted that the Temne would be more field depend— ent than the Eskimos. The results supported decisively Berry's prediction. Several side results Were very sur— prising. In some tasks the Eskimos demonstrated almost an equal ability to the Scots, even though the Eskimos lacked many of the experiences of education and mass media of the Scots that would encourage less field dependency. Second, Eskimo women were found to be no more field depend— ent than the men. A result that is contrary to all the evidence of Witkin and others concerning sexual differences. 28John W. Berry, "Temne and Eskimo Perceptual Skills," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1966), pp. 207-208. 62 Berry's investigation on Eskimos was replicated later by 29 It would seem that cul— R. MacArthur with the same results. tural patterns and not psysiological differences account for the sexual differences in field dependence measurements. Okonji after reviewing the works of Dawson and Berry investigated differences in techniques of child— rearing between rural and urban environments in Southern Nigeria. The pattern of child rearing in the rural area was found to be " . . . relatively indulgent and prolonged and usually accompanied by close bodily contact between the child and mother. . . . "30 In conjunction with this the nursing period was found to be fraught with anxiety for mothers due to high infant mortality and the fear of external dangers to the child. Both of these conditions seem to fit categories of behavior which Witkin has pointed out as conducive to the development of field dependence. In contrast, urban elites tend to follow Western methods of child rearing. There is less hndulgent behavior dis- played toward the infant. Generally the child is separated from the mother earlier in regards to sleeping arrangements and there are less anxiety—producing circumstances, about 29R. MacArthur, "Sex Differences in Field Dependence for the Eskimo: Replication of Berry's Findings," Cross- Cultural Studies, ed. by D. R. Price—Williams (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1969), pp. 196-7. 3OMichael Okonji, "The Differential Effects of Rural and Urban Upbringing on the Development of Cognitive Styles," International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 4, No. 4 (1969), p. 295. 63 the infant's safety, in an urban setting. The results of his work showed that on at least one instrument used for measuring field dependence, children brought up in urban literate homes, are significantly more field independent, then children brought up in a rural illiterate home. These results tend to support still more Witkin's formulations about socialization and family experiences and their effects on cognitive style. There are several other investigators who have used Witkin's concepts and instruments in Africa. Peter DuPreez in South Africa did a study on "Social Change and "31 Field Dependence in South Africa. The hypothesis he tested was that subjects, who are more field dependent g are more capable of adjusting to social change. He listed three criteria to assess the ability to cope with change. These are level of education, an ability to speak English and/ or Afrikaans and experience of travel outside the rural areas. He found that the most significant factor in those who demonstrated the least field dependence, was travel outside the rural area. An interesting question about this is whether it is contact with urban areas pg; g3 that makes the difference or is it the contact with people of different values, beliefs and attitudes? 31Peter DuPreez, "Social Change and Field Dependence in South Africa," Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 76, 2nd half (1968), pp. 265—266. 64 Mallory Wober has used Witkin's instrument in southern Nigeria.32 His results have tended to follow that of other studies. Since visual tests are less appropriate for Africans. Wober suggests that a different approach needs to be followed. He advocates a concept of sensotypes. He feels that rather than evaluate African abilities on visual oriented tasks, which are not emphasized in African societies, evaluation should be on the modalities promoted by the culture. In the case of Africans this would be in the proprioceptivity domain (the linking of auditory, tactile and kinaesthetic inputs to work out appropriate responses). Only more information and more investigation will permit an answer to Weber's formulations. No attempt has been made to review all of the writings on Witkin's cognitive style that do not have a cross—cultural character. However, two studies that sum- marize a great deal of this Work are Gail Jean Spitler's "An Investigation of Various Cognitive Styles and the Implications for Mathematics Education"and Jerome Kagan and Nathan Kogan's "Individual Variations in Cognitive 32Mallory Wober, "Towards a Theory Linking Ability, Personality and Culture in Education," The Journal of Special Education, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1966/675, pp. 347—356; Mallory Wober, "Adapting Witkin's Field Independence Theory to Accommodate New Information from Africa," British Journal of Psychology, Vol. 58, Part 1 and 2 (1967), pp. 29—38. 65 33 . . Processes." Sp1tler's work summarizes the areas where Witkin's instruments have been used to find the relation of field dependence—independence to some other variable. She lists categories of behavior that have been found to be positively related to field independence:34 Boys Men picture completion vocabulary comprehension block design, block design, object assembly, object assembly, subtests of the Wise arithmetic and digit span, subjects of WAIS incidental learning creativity . long range recall mathematical aptitude mathematical ability adaptive flexibility shifting sets easily perceptual speed induction and deduction Girls Women performance scale of WISC creativity mathematical aptitude associative memory learning lists of similar words partial cues tests 33Gail J. Spitler, "An Investigation of Various Cognitive Styles and the Implications for Mathematics Education" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University, 1970); Jerome Kagan and Nathan Kogan, "Individual Variations in Cognitive Processes," Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology, ed. by Paul H. Mussen (3rd Edition, Vol. 1; New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1970), pp. 1273—1365. 34 Spitler, op. cit., p. 38. 66 The Kagan and Kogan work is more of a critical review of Witkin's work and others who have incorporated his con- cepts and techniques into their studies. In their evalua- tive summary they express the opinion that " . . . there is no doubt that the Witkin team has uncovered and empiri- cally exploited an exceedingly important dimension of perceptural-cognitive functioning. Its importance derives in large part from its fertility: the dimension is not confined to perception but impinges upon cognition, intel— ligence, personality, and social behavior."35 Summary The studies reviewed in this chapter have demon- strated the relation of culture to cognitive style. Some have been reports on replication of Witkin's work. These reports have provided support to factors that Witkin states promote a particular dimension of cognitive style. All have fostered a belief of the author, that the cultural patterns of a society can promote the way in which the members of the society intellectualize. The cultural variables examined by the various researchers in the studies reviewed will form part of the cultural data explored in this research. 35Kagan and Kogan, op. cit., p. 1341. CHAPTER I II DESIGN AND METHODFTHZOPERATION In Chapter I, the problem was stated and clarified. The next chapter provided support of the concepts used and illustrated the relationship between some cultural factors to cognitive style. In this chapter the design of the study and the method of operation, used to explore the relation— ship of cognitive style and cultural factors of selected African societies, is detailed. The source for both the cultural data and the choice of societies is Robert Textor's A Cross-Cultural Summary.1 This volume,published by the Human Relations Area Files Press in 1967, is an attempt to summarize a large amount of information on cross—cultural phenomena drawn from the existing body of coded cross— cultural materials in the Human Relations Area Files. Textor compiled data on four hundred societies. The list of four hundred was developed so as to reflect a balanced sample of known cultural types. In the book, Textor makes use of forty—three major categories to organize the cultural data. The first category is simply an identification of the geographical location of the four hundred societies. lRobert Textor, A Cross-Cultural Summary (New Haven Connecticut: HRAF Press, 1967). 67 68 The last category is concerned with methodological matters. In the latter category the nationality of the principal ethnographers, the dates of the principal ethnographies and the samples used by the various contributors were examined. Since this information has nothing to do with environmental or cultural variables, it was not utilized in the current study. Each category used by Textor consists of a number of cells or items. Each cell or item generally is a statement of the presence or absence of some cultural variable, very similar to the model of taxonomic identi— fication in the biological sciences. In all, four-hundred sixty-seven items from Textor are included in the current study. Sample The sample for this study consists of fourteen African societies drawn from the Textor list. Of the original four—hundred societies, ninety-one societies are located on the African continent in the sub—Saharan region. The basis for selecting the fourteen was the criterion of completeness of information available. Only the fourteen chosen had information available for at least sixty per cent of the cultural variables analyzed. The fourteen societies and the country where each is located is given in Table 3.1. 69 TABLE 3.1.——The Fourteen African Societies Selected for Study and the Country in which Each is Located, Along with Other Ethnographic Names of the Societies. Society Country Other Names of Society Ashanti Ghana Azande Congo (Kinshasha) Niam—niam Zande Chagga Tanzania Dschagga, Wachagga 3 Fon Dahomey Dahomean Ganda Uganda Baganda Lamba Zambia Balamba, Walamba Masai Kenya/Tanzania Banano, Nomo, Mberi, Ovimbunda Mbundu Angola Nuer Sudan Nyakyusa Tanzania Solike Tallensi Ghana Thonga Mozambique Bathonga, Shargana-Tonga Tiv Nigeria Munshi Venda South Africa Bavenda, Bawenda 7O Criteria Witkin and his co—investigators in several works examined social factors that contribute to the development of either the global or the articulation dimension of cognitive style. In the volume, Psychological Differentia— Eiop, Witkin summarizes the influence of family experience, particular the mother—child relationship, on cognitive style development. Dyk and Witkin added support to Witkin's earlier hypotheses in a study of children in an urban set- ting of the United States.2 Research by other investigators in cross-cultural situations have pinpointed various social- ization patterns and family experiences as prominent factors in development of cognitive style.3 A descriptive composite of the socio—cultural influences on cognitive style was constructed from the works of Witkin and the others. 2R. B. Dyk and H. A. Witkin, "Family Experiences Related to the Development of Differentiation in Children," Child Development, Vol. 36 (1965), pp. 21-55. 3Illustrative of the research on Witkin's cognitive style in cross-cultural situations are the following three studies: J. Dawson, "Cultural and Physiological Influences Upon Spatial Perceptual Processes in West Africa," Inter— national Journal of Psychology, Vol. 2 (1967), pp. 115—128; He demonstrated the effects of indulgent infant care coupled with over protection and prolonged mother—infant contact: J. W. Berry, "Temne and Eskimo Perceptual Skills," Inter— national Journal of Psychology, Vol. 1 (1966), pp. 207—229; His work reinforcedtmwsonsresults. At the same time, he postulated and supported the effect of the ecology on cognitive development: Ilana Preale, Shlomo Sharan, and Yehude Amir, "Perceptual Articulation and Task Effectiveness in Several Israel Sub—cultures," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 15, No. 3 (1970), pp. 190-195; Their work demonstrated how the cultural milieu of support of authority and subordination of autonomy leads to field dependence. 71 Witkin has studied and related three areas of human activity and personality structure to the concept of cogni— tive style. These areas are perception, body concept and self-identity. The first two are measurable by utilization of a battery of tests devised by Witkin. These were dis- cussed in Chapter I. It is in the third area of self— identity that this study looks for information. Studies have shown that various social influences have an effect on the development of differentiation of self—identity. Witkin identifies what he labels a "socialization cluster." There are three general categories within the socialization cluster. A fourth category called "environmental interaction" is also mentioned by Witkin as influential in the development of self—identity. The four categories are as follows: 1. mother-child interactions, 2. development by socialization of the child's control over expressions of impulse, 3. personal characteristics of the mother, and 4. nature of the ecology——whether it is a variegated environment highly structured or a homogeneous environment which has little inner structure. The composite developed was used to decide which of Textor's items are manifestation of Witkin's cognitive style. The composite, also, served to place those items seen as under the purview of cognitive style, on a con— tinuum of global or articulated. Each individual at birth ————————fl 72 has little concept of a differentiation of his body from the surrounding field. Eventually he begins to distinguish himself from the environment. The degree of differentiation that occurs develops into a self—identity. The more there is a growing awareness of needs, feelings and attributes which the child identifies as his own and as distinct from others, the greater is the differentiation and the develop— ment of structure. The process is a movement from a global (diffuse sense of self) identity to an articulated (distinct and structured sense of self) identity. Table 3.2 itemizes in greater detail aspects of the socialization cluster category and the category of environ— mental interaction as they affect differentiation into a global or an articulated aspect. Test of the Researcher‘s Discriminations A reliability study was conducted of the researcher's discrimination of the Textor data. A panel of four judges were asked to make judgments on both parts of the descrip— tive composite. Support for the researcher's discrimina— tions would be provided if the judges did the following steps: 1. verified the researcher's decision process number one, i.e. that a given item on the Textor list is or is not a manifestation of an aspect of cognitive style as set forth by Witkin et al., .commusooco muHmOflHsu .oofloco we: mo mmflpfl>fluom mxmunwecs on weep ma tease .coauooyoyg no mumu HMfloomm mo com: me Doc ma caflro .pcmmasccfl uoc ma caflro chosen uoa>m£om .cofluwumowm mcfiflao 0p o>HuoHHuwwH #0: Don weep mcouum 73 . .mpcwfluw Ho mcoEm xmmu :nwspoE= mo COHmDMMHD . .mcooc saaeon Haauasu on eompcoo muHmOHHso muflEHA HocuoE co ucoccwmoc a o>flmmflEQSm paflso mcfl>ms >Q muHEHq Amouoso ocv COADUprpQ cam memo HcHome mo com: :a we cocnmmwn pHflLU Amcapaoe .mcaapcmc .mConupmv mom m.cHflco map How oumflumoumaccfl Saucosooum a pcooadch po>Mch :OHpmummom pcm mango ou mosh vacuum >Ho> uHOmEoo a cadre macaw: ou cheapmosmmc oco xfico moruoz Athn SHHmoV homecoo commoaonm one ucosvonm .fl .aa >ua>fluom w.cHH£o mo HOHucOU .o taaeo Lo memo emphases .e pomucoo wpon mo ensues paw uc50E¢ .c ponuoE one Eouw oumnmmom Cu cafiso How SHHCDDHOQQO cam cofluomuoucfl caflnoluwnuoz .H coumasofiung HonHU .COAmCmEfio cmumHSUHpMMIHmnon . wSD op c0fluomuwucH HancoECOHH>cm mo hsomeumu esp pew :HothHo coapcnaamfloom: or» mo mflsw:0Humaom onell.m.m mqmde 74 :3 .uceEcou«>ce ceummflum> .meflueHUOm efiflhoz .ceucflflso cam oceans: usone mucamamEoo mo xomq .eEos ecu ecflmpso :oflpQMHeDCA HMfloom wo wueflnm> a .mEeHQOHm ampwne>e Suez e900 ou wuflafind .eHOH essasommE e eEdmmm Op cow emmusooce weoo .mocefloflwm5m;waem cam uoH>e£eh eHnchommeH mo uceEemeHsoocm .Enowflcd we ecflflmflomflo .HH .Hflfl .flfl A: uceEc0pH>ce msoecemoEom efinmum mHHmoflrmeHmoeo :encaflco cce cachwsr poops meamamfioo e50; ecu ecflmuao cofiuumneDCH HmAUOm Euowflcs cum HHmEm mEeHQOHQ >mp>He>e cpfl3 emoo Op SDHHHQHCH eHOH ecaasommfi m eEommm Op cow emeusouce no: meoo hceemofie>ec mcapce>epm Deflupm can e>flmH5mEH .wsenpflesm ma ecaamflomflo .Hfl .flflfl .Ha xmoaooe ecu mo enoumz .v Genumnaameu Iwaem wo mcflfleew whesuoz .m Hecuoe ecu mo woflumflneucmMMLo HMCOmHem .m Dame m.~ecuoz .e ”ceaumNfiamcneucfl How eoceneweu mo meeeuw Ho mcnmocmum mcfluuomfiav emaszfl Me>o mHOHucoo mo uceEQOHe>eo .m cepMHsofluud HMQOHU .weSCHuCOUII.N.m mqmae am we mm amsz me ea mm magnum me as me mammao me we mm sense: Hm mm Ha masons mm me am mmssxmsz em ma mm magma Ne om am meee> me em am apeeema as mm am com me om mm momma es mm am ammmz maaaaam>m coflmceeflc cepeaoofleue we coemeHomcH aoaumasoaeam are emmeaams soars Hoe Aoauusuuae mo emepceomem peep mEeuH mo Heheoz eahflmmom m wov mEepH mpefloom .epeo HOpxeB esp Eonm cecflEHeueo we coepeaooflpum mo ucooe< esp mcfisocm .meflpefloom amoesws cepoeaem Mo mcflxcemnu.m.v mqmde 91 characterized as strongly global or strongly articulated could be grouped as polar clusters. Arbitrarily deciding to take sets of five from each end of the global-articulated continuum resulted in the following derived clusters: 1. the polar articulated cluster-~consists of the Masai, Ganda, Fon, Ashanti and Venda societies, 2. the polar global c1uster-—includes the Chagga, Azande, Nuer, Tiv and Tallensi societies, and 3. a middle cluster-—consists of the Lamba, Nyakyusa, Thonga and Mkundu societies. In the operations that followed, only the polar groups were analyzed and contrasted. A check was undertaken to determine whether or not the hierarchical arrangement from Step B-l was the result of a spurious artifact: since information was lacking for some of the fifty-two items several rank orders were developed in order to find out if the ranking was strongly influenced by the lack of information. Correlation between these rank orders was obtained by the use of the Spearman rank-difference correlation formula. Table 4.4 shows the results of the check. These results indicated that the rank order developed in Step B—l is an accurate reflection of the relative position of each society, on the global-articulated continuum. 922 o we Nxcom pee axcmm MOM ocm mm. ma.o ma mxcem pee excmm see one >He 0H emceaaee m.m emceaaee OH emceaame m.m >He m.m >He m Heoz m.m ueoz w Hesz w momezo m eccem< m.m eccom< o eccmw< m comwcu m.o womecu w ecce> m Hucmzm< m ecce> m Hpcm£m< e ecce> m.m Hucmcm< v com m.m com m.m com m ammo: m.m eccmo m.m epceo m ecceo H Home: m.m Home: a >eeaoom mxcem xeefloom mxcem xpefloom chem .mmoouo peace 03¢ eLu ca meahefloom maco mcaue>oo muecuo xcem .H lmseea NNV e>ae uo poemsao some mo poo moflpeHOOW MSOM MOM coopeEHOwcfl e>e£ AmEouH may pmmea we no meflueHOOm cep mefluefloom :ep Ham HOw Ham MOM coflueEHowcw e>o£ coflueEHOWCH e>e£ heap were mEepH mcflmo Meopo .O mEepfl >Hco mcamo necno .m mEeufl 03u Ihpwflm Haw WCHmD HOUHO .¢ .mHeUHO pceuemwflo ceeBDem meHoom :eEHeeQm efip LpHB maeuOB EepH pceuewmflo He>o ceumHooHpH< umeeq Op cechSOHuud pmoz Eonw mseppo xcemll.v.v mqmHB VH emceaaee m.mp Heoz m.mH ecceu< OH occopz o.oa mnqu 0.0H emmmsu m.o emohxmhz m.o ecce> w mmcoce m.m flpcenmé m.m com m.m Heme: m.m _mocmo H em.e me e xccm cam chem p0“ 05m mm.o mp mxcmm one chwm MOM 0cm mm.o mp Nxcem can axcmm MOp Cam emcefiame ea >HB m.ma ocean: m.NH pesz m.m eccem< m.m momegu OWOW epEcp mmcoze mpohxexz ecce> ppcmcm< com . H H mccwo mmmmmmmmm ammo: emceaaee «a >pB NH pozz NH Space: NH ecce~< m.m momceu U”) ON eQEeq emCOLE mpowxm>z Hpce£m< ecco> com eccou mmmmkoxoxooo heme: Hmcepaee >HB Heoz eocemd mmmeso ocean: cococe ep3>xe>z cased ecce> ppcocm< com eccco Home: ea ma NH Ha OH HNMVLDKDFOD xpefloom excem >pefioom mxcem >peaoom mxccm >pepoom chem .meflpeHOOm ceepHSOp Haw weapo>oo mpecpo xcem .HH AmEepp omv meppepUOm e>ae3p HOp coepeEHOMCp e>e£ pmmeH pm p0 meflpepUOm seepp90p Ham MOM soapeEHOMCH e>mn pepp mEepp ospmo pecpo AmEepH vpv >pepoom oco pop Ham HOW soapeEHOMCH e>e£ pmeea pm po meppeHUOm ceepp50p ape HOp coHmepOpCH e>e£ AmEepa Haw moppepoom ceepHSOp Haw MOL :oHmeHOpCH o>oL pesp .o peep mEepp ospm: pecpo .U mEepp xpco ospms pecpo mEepp 03p .m Ihpmpp Ham ospmo pecpo . .ceschCOUII.v.v mamas 4 94 Study of the data (Appendix E) revealed which cul— tural variables were significantly related to the Witkin model of cognitive style. Incidence of a given descriptor in one or more of the societies in a polar cluster indicated the degree to which that descriptor was characteristic of the cluster. Use of the equation given in Step B—2 of Chapter III gave a value for each item, indicating the relative contribution to the difference between clusters. The results are presented in Table 4.5. The table is divided into two parts. Part one contains cultural varia- bles for which there is a high order of confidence; for this part a full evaluation was possible, due to the availability of information for all the societies. Part two contains those cultural variables for which information was incomplete; thus this part of the table is taken with somewhat lower confidence. Examination of the data (Table 4.5) for the degree to which a descriptor was character- istic of a polar cluster and the relative importance of any cultural variable to the differences between the clusters, revealed several generalizations. Beginning with part 1 of Table 4.5, the following observations were made: 1. Community organization variables which deal with the homogeneity of the population were found to be important both as contributors to the difference between the clusters TABLE 4.5.--Cu1tural Var Witkin Mode 95 iables Significantly Related to the l of Cognitive Style.a Relative contribution to the difference between clusters I. High Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster order of confidence. XVII C ommunity Organization 8 #175 8 #177 Community A: is kin—homogeneous (i.e. clan-community or a deme) or B: is kin-heterogenous. ‘ Art cluster: 0-5—0-0b Global cluster: 4-1-0-0 Community A: is a single clan- community and exogenous or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Art cluster: 0-5—0-0 Global cluster: 4-1—0-0 Infant and Childhood XXXIV 6 #344 6 #345 6 #348 6 #349 Total positive pressure toward developing self-reliant behavior in child, A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 4—1-0—0 Global cluster: 1—4-0—0 Child's inferred anxiety over non— performance of self-reliant behavior A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 4-1—0—0 Global cluster: 1—4-0—0 Total positive pressure toward developing achievement behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: 2-3-0-0 Child's inferred anxiety over non- performance of achievement behavior A: is high or B: is lowC Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: 2—3—0—0 TABLE 4.5.-—Continued. 96 Relative contribution to the difference between clusters Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster I. High order of confidence. XXXIV #334 Infant and Childhood Indulgence of the child, A: is high B: is low Art cluster: 0—5-0-0 Global cluster: 2-3-0-0 VI Subsistence # 62 A. Husbandry of some kind is present or B: husbandry is absent Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: ’4-1-0-0 XII Stratification #102 XXXIV Class stratification A: is present or B: absent Art cluster: 4-1—0-0 Global cluster: 3—2-0—0 Infant and Childhood #336 #337 XXXIX #419 Total positive pressure toward developing responsible behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 5-0—0-0 Global cluster: 4-1-0-0 Child's inferred anxiety over non— performance of responsible behavior A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 5-0—0-0 Global cluster: 4-1-0—0 Aggression and Warfare Military glory is A: strongly or moderately emphasized or B: negligibly emphasized Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: 4-1—0—0 97 TABLE 4.5.--§pntinued. Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between of a given descriptor in one or clusters more societies in each polar cluster I. High order of confidence. IV Settlement 0 # 44 Settlements are A: fixed or B: non-fixed Art cluster: 4-1-0-0 Global cluster: 4-1-0-0 VI Subsistence 0 # 61 A: Subsistence primarily by animal husbandry or B: remaining cultures Art cluster: l-4-0-0 Global cluster: 1—4-0-0 II. Lower order of confidence. X Political Organization 7 # 84 Level of political organization is A: the large state or B: lower Art cluster: 3-0-1-1 Global cluster: 0-4—1-0 XXXIV Infant and Childhood 6 #317 Display of affection toward the infant--fondling, caressing, playing with him, A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 0-4-0-1 Global cluster: 3—1-0-1 IX Demography 5 # 80 A: City or town present or B: no city or town Art cluster: 3-2—0-0 Global cluster: 0—4-0-1 TABLE 4.5.—~Continued. 98 Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between clusters of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster II. Lower order of confidence. XXXIII Pregnancy and Childhood #294 XXXIV A: Practices to protect the newborn child from harmful influences are present or B: such practices are absent or inferred absent Art cluster: 1—3-0-1 Global cluster: 3-0-0—2 Infant and Childhood #327 Age of the infant at time of reduced contact with the mother A: is higher than 2 years or B: is 2 years or lower ‘ Art cluster: 0-4-0-1 Global cluster: 2-1-0—2 XIV Occupational Specialization #117 XXXIV Percentage of occupations that are specialized A: is high or B: is medium or low Art cluster: 1—0-0-4 Global cluster: 1—3—0-1 Infant and Childhood #318 #319 Over—all indulgence of the infant A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 0-5—0—0 Global cluster: l—3-0-1 Protection of the infant from environ- mental discomforts A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 1-4—0—0 Global cluster: 2-2—0—1 TABLE 4.5.--Continued. 99 Relative contribution to the difference between clusters Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster II- Lowe r order of confidence- 3 #321 3 #322 3 #323 Immediacy (e.g. speed) of reduction of the infant's drives A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 0-3-0-2 Global cluster: 2-2-0-1 Consistency or reduction of the infant's drives A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 0—3—0-2 Global cluster: 2-2-0-1 Constancy of presence of the infant's nurturant agent A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 2—3-0—0 Global cluster: 1-3-0-1 Culture Contact and Culture Change Contact with other cultures A: is frequent or B: is regular or irregu- lar Art cluster: 0—0—0—5 Global cluster: 1-4-0-0 Innovations are A: generally accepted or B: accepted only selectively Art cluster: 0—0-0-5 Global cluster: 1-4-0-0 ietal Complexity XXXXI 3 #468 3 #470 x1 Soc 2 # 91 Societal complexity A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 2—0-0—3 Global cluster: 1-1-0-3 XIV Occupational Specialization 2 #119 Craft specialization score A: is high or B: is medium or low Art cluster: 1-0-0—4 Global cluster: 4-1-0-0 , tigers». 100 TABLE 4.5.--Continued. Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between of a given descriptor in one or clusters more societies in each polar cluster II. (Lower order of confidence. XXXIV Infant and Childhood 2 #315 Mother and nursing child customarily sleep A: in the same bed or B: in different beds Art cluster: 1-1—0—3 Global cluster: 2-0—0-3 2 #329 Age at toilet training A: is 2 years or higher or B: is lower than 2 years Art cluster: 1-0-0-4 Global cluster: 0-1—0—4 VIII Writing 2 # 78 Writing system is A: either alphabetic or phonetic or mnemonic or B: absent Art cluster: 0—0—0-5 Global cluster: 3-2—0—0 IX Demography 2 # 79 A: where a city is present or B: no city Art cluster: 0-5-0-0 Global cluster: 0-4—0—1 XXXI Status of Women 2 #277 A: inferior or subjected or B: not strongly inferior or subjected Art cluster: 0-1-0-4 Global cluster: 0—0—0-5 XXXIV Infant and Childhood 2 #302 Average early satisfaction potential A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 1-2-0-2 Global cluster: 1—1—0-3 TABLE 4.5.-—Continued. 101 Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between clusters of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster II- Lower order of confidence. #308 #320 #325 #331 #340 #341 XXXXII Average socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 2-1-0—2 Global cluster: 2-0-0—3 Degree of drive reduction considering partiCularly hunger, thirst and unidentified discomforts—-A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 3-2-0-0 Global cluster: 2-2-0-1 Degree of diffusion among the infant'snurturant agents A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 3—2-0-0 Global cluster: 2—2-0—1 Age at the beginning of independence training A: is 3.8 years or higher or B: is lower than 3.8 years Art cluster: 1—0—0-4 Global cluster: 2-0—0-3 Total positive pressure toward develop- ing nurturant behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 1-1—0-3 Global cluster: 2-1-0-2 Child's inferred anxiety over non— performance of nurturant behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 2-0-0-3 Global cluster: 2—1-0-2 Miscellaneous #479 Need to achieve, as inferred from folk tales A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 2—1—0-2 Global cluster: l—l-0—3 102 TABLE 4.5.-—Continued. Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between of a given descriptor in one or clusters more societies in each polar cluster II. Lower order of confidence. XI Societal Complexity 0 # 92 Index of social development A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 1-0-0—4 Global cluster: 1-0-0-4 XXXIV Infant and Childhood 0 #316 Exclusive mother-son sleeping arrangements last A: 1 year or longer or B: less than 1 year Art cluster: 3—0-0—2 Global cluster: 4-1—0—0 aSome items were omitted from the analysis. Items 150, 151, 153, and 154 were deleted, due to a complete lack of information. Items 51 and 93 were omitted because they contained data for the same descriptor in all ten societies. bKey to data after Art Cluster and Global Cluster: lst number = data in item portion A, 2nd number = data in item portion B, 3rd number = data where item is irrelevant, 4th number = data missing for item. C#349 is interesting in that it really is a reversal. By this is meant that the contribution derives from a heavy placement of the articulated portion of the item in the global cluster, while the articulated cluster societies were largely the global portion of the item. 103 and as descriptors characteristic of the clusters. Articula- tion was evidenced by those communities characterized by a lack of localized clan structures and a proclivity toward marriage outside the blood group. The global direc. tion, on the other hand, was prominently associated with communities consisting of people who believe themselves related by a common ancestor and who favor marriage within the blood line. 2. Some variables under the Textor category Infancy and Childhood were found to be highly associated with the global-articulated dimension. Variables that concern the development of certain behavior and the anxieties that occur because of a nonperformance cfi'these behaviors were found concomitant with both poles of the dimension. In societies where the total positive pressure toward developing self- reliant and achievement behavior and where the inferred anxiety of the child over the nonperformance cflfthese behaviors were high the cognitive style manifested was in the articulated direction. A slightly lower relationship to the global-articulated dimension was found to be associ- ated with the amount of indulgence given the child. Societies demonstrating a global direction were associated with both high and low indulgence. But societies evidenc- ing the articulated direction were associated only with the descriptor of low indulgence. 3. The remaining cultural variables in part 1 of Table 4.5 were found to lack a high relationship with the 104 directions of the global—articulated dimension. Both the value indicating the relative contribution to the differ- ence between the cluSters and the incidence of given descriptors in one or more societies in a polar cluster were low. Observations about the data in the second part of Table 4.5 revealed these additional statements: 1. One variable of the political organization category was found to be significantly related to the global—articulated dimension. The descriptor for the absence of a large state was found to be significant to the degree in which it was characteristic of the global cluster. 2. Additional variables of the Infancy and childhood category were shown to be attendant with the global—articulated direction, characteristic of the polar clusters. These were display of affection toward the infant, age of the infant at the time of reduced contact with the mother, the amount of overall indulgence of the infant and the number of behaviors leading to the protection of the infant,from environmental discomforts. The descriptors, low display of affection, contact reduced at two years or sooner, low overall indulg- ence and low frequency of protection behaviors, were all associated with the articulated direction. Of these de— scriptor dealt with a high display of affection shown descriptors, only one was clearly shown to be related to the global direction. This descriptor dealt with a high display of affection shown toward the child. 105 3. The descriptor, absence of a city or town, was found to be associated with the global cluster. 4. Additional support for the relationship of varia- bles involving protection of the young came from the category of Pregpancy and Childhood. Societies of the polar global cluster evidenced practices to protect the newborn child from harmful influences, while in societies of the polar articulated cluster these practices were absent. 5. A number of additional descriptors were shown to be associated with the global direction. These were low percentage of occupations that are specialized, regular or irregular contact with other cultures and only selective acceptance of innovations. It was impossible to relate these descriptors or their Opposites to the articulated direction, since the information for the societies of the polar articu— lated cluster was missing. The remaining cultural variables in part 2 of Table 4.5 were difficult to evaluate, due to a lack of data. Objective C--To select societies (of the fourteen societies) for which all other Textor items can be correlated with cognitive style generalizations or the generalized models of Step B-2. All of the Textor items which had not been identified as manifestations of cognitive style were analyzed. Their degree of occurrence as descriptors for each of the two polar groups and their values with reference to the differences 106 between the groups were obtained. The statistical procedure given in Step B—2 was utilized. The variables most sig- nificantly correlated with cognitive style are given in Table 4.6. Generalizations about the significance of other Textor items to the global-articulated dimension were obtained. These observations included: 1. Two items of the natural environment category were shown to be highly associated with the global- articulated dimension. Four of the five societies of the global cluster were found concurrent with a tropical grass— land, while none was associated with a tropical or subtropical rain forest. However none of the societies of the articu— lated cluster was found to be concurrent with a trepical grassland and three societies were shown to be associated with a tropical or subtropical rain forest. 2. The one variable of the settlement category which was found to be associated with cognitive style dealt with the compactness of fixed settlements. All five socie— ties of the global cluster were shown to be concurrent to fixed, noncompact settlements, while three of the societies of the articulated cluster were found to be associated with fixed, compact settlements. 3. In the diet category the variable dealing with the quantity of food available was found to be significant for the identification of the clusters and as a criterion TABLE 4.6.--Cultural Var Items which are S 107 iables from the Additional Textor ignificantly Associated with the Witkin Model of Cognitive Style. Relative contribution to the difference between clusters Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster III Natural Environment 8 # 41 Natural environment is A: tropical grassland or B: not Art cluster: 0-5-0-0 Global cluster: 4-1—0—0 6 # 42 Natural environment is A: tropical or subtropical rain forest or monsoon forest or B: not Art cluster: 3-2-0—0 Global cluster: 0—5-0-0 6 # 43 Natural environment is A: tropical rain forest or B: not Art cluster: 3-2—0-0 Global cluster: 0—5-0-0 IV Settlements 6 # 45 If fixed are A: compact or B: non- compact Art cluster: 3-2-0-0 Global cluster: 0—5—0-0 V Diet 7 # 49 Food is A: plentiful or B: less than plentiful Art cluster: 4-1-0-0 Global cluster: 0—4-0—1 VIII Writing System 5 # 77 Writing system A: is alphabetic or is mnemonic or absent 0-0-0-5 0-5-0-0 phonetic or B: Art cluster: Global cluster: TABLE 4.6.-—Continued. 108 Relative cOntribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between clusters of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster X Political Organization # 85 Level of political integration is A: large state or little state or B: lower Art cluster: 3-0-1-1 Global cluster: 1-3—1—0 XI Societal Complexity # 95 A: hierarchy of national jurisdic- tion has 4, 3, 2 levels or B: l or no levels Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: 1—4—0—0 XIV Occupational Specializatipp #115 Occupational specialization A: is full time and for surplus production or B: is full time but not for surplus production or part time only Art cluster: 0-0-0-5 Global cluster: 0-5-0—0 XVI Justice and Law #142 #143 #144 Level of social sanction A: is the public corporeal sanction or B: is private settlement Art cluster: 0—0-0-5 Global cluster: 0—5—0—0 Ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions A: is high or B: is medium or low Art cluster: 0—2—0-3 Global cluster: 4-1—0-0 Ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions A: is high or medium or B: is low Art cluster: 0-2-0-3 Global cluster: 4—1-0-0 TABLE 4.6.--Continued. 109 Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence the difference between clusters of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster XVIII Community Organization #180 Community A: is commonly exogamous or B: is commonly nonexogamous Art cluster: 1-4-0-0 Global cluster: 4—1-0—0 XX Lineality of Kin Group #191 XXIII Kin group A: is the patrilineal or double descent or B: is the quasi- lineage Art cluster: 5—0-0—0 Global cluster: 2-2—1—0 Cousin Marriage #213 Cousin marriage is A: permitted or B: not permitted Art cluster: 3—2-0-0 Global cluster: 0—5-0—0 XXIX Mode of Marriage #260 XXXIII Age of male at marriage A: is less than 20 or B: is 20 or over Art cluster: 2—1—0-2 Global cluster: 0—4—0—1 Pregnancy and Childbirth #299 XXXIV Postpartum sex taboo is A: longer than one year or B: lasts one year or less Art cluster: 1-3-0—1 Global cluster: 4—1-0-0 Infancy and Childhood #326 Inferred transition anxiety between infancy and childhood A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 4-1-0—0 Global cluster: 1-3-0—1 TABLE 4.6.--Continued. the difference between clusters 110 Relative contribution to Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster 6 #328 6 #339 Age of the infant at the onset of serious socialization, other than weaning A: is higher than 2 years or B: is 2 years or lower Art cluster: 0-4-0-1 Global cluster: 2-0-0-3 Child's inferred conflict regarding responsible behavior A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 5-0-0-0 Global cluster: 2—3—0—0 Adolescence Segregation of adolescent boys A: is complete or partial or B: is absent Art cluster: 5-0-0—0 Global cluster: 2-2—0-1 Female initiation rites A: are present or B: are absent Art cluster: 2-0-0-3 Global cluster: 0-3-0—2 Illness and Therapy XXXVI 5 #370 5 #382 XXXVIII 5 #406 Explanations of illness of an "aggression" nature, A: are present or B: are absent Art cluster: 0-4-0—1 Global cluster: 2—1—0—2 XXXX Religion, Magic and Eschatology 5 #430 Supernatural sanctions for mortality, having an effect on an individual health A: are present or B: are absent or unreported Art cluster: 0-1-0—4 Global cluster: 4-0—0-1 TABLE 4.6.—-Continued. lll Relative contribution to the difference between clusters Cultural variables and incidence of a given descriptor in one or more societies in each polar cluster #431 #434 #440 #441 Supernatural sanctions for mortality having an effect on individual's afterlife A: are present or B: are absent or unreported Art cluster: 1—0—0-4 Global cluster: 0-4—0-1 Asceticism in mourning behavior A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 4-0—0—1 Global cluster: 1-2—0—2 Fear of spirits A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 0-4—0—1 Global cluster: 2-1—0—2 Fear of human beings A: is high or B: is low Art cluster: 1—3—0—1 Global cluster: 3—0-0—2 112 for the placement of a society into a cluster. A plentiful supply of food related significantly to articulation (four societies of five), and a lack of a plentiful supply of food was associated with the societies of the global cluster (four societies of four). 4. Only one writing system variable was found significantly associated with the global—articulated dimen- sion. The absence of a writing system or one which is mnemonicsvmmsfound to be associated with the global dimen- sion. All the societies of the global cluster manifested this descriptor. 5. Variables of political organization gave addi— tional support to the relationship earlier associates found between the presence of a state organization and the global— articulated dimension. For reference see observation number one taken from part 2, Table 4.5. 6. The one variable of the societal complexity category found to be highly associated with the condition of articulation within a society dealt with the presence of several levels in the national jurisdictional system. All of the societies of the articulated cluster manifested this descriptor. 7. Occupational specialization of a part-time nature or that geared to subsistence only was found to be con- comitant with the global direction. The absence of data prevented evaluation of this item for the societies of the articulated cluster. 113 8. Two variables of the justice and law were found to be associated with the societies of the global direction. All of the societies of the global cluster manifested social sanctions on the level of private settlements, while the ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions was found to be high for four of the global societies. 9. One variable of the community organization category was found to give additional support for the rela- tionship of marriage outside of the blood group and the articulated direction. For reference see statement one taken from part 1, Table 4.5. 10. The lineality of kin group variable concerning a patrilineal or double descent lineage was found to be associated with the articulated direction. All five societies of the articulated cluster demonstrated this descriptor. 11. The societies of the global cluster showed a high correlation with the condition of not permitting cousin marriage. All five of the societies demonstrated this descriptor. 12. From the mode of marriage category, the variable concerned with the age of the male at the time of marriage was shown to be a discriminator of the two polar clusters. The descriptor stating that the age of the male at marriage is twenty years or more was highly associated with the global direction. 114 13. The variable of pregnancy and childbirth category concerning the time period allotted for the observation of postpartum sex taboos was found to be highly correlated with the directions of the global-articulated dimension. Prac- tices of this variable lasting one year or longer were found concomitant with four societies which manifested the global direction, while practices of this nature which lasted less than one year were associated with three of the societies of the articulated cluster. 14. Three descriptors of the variables in the infancy and childhood category were especially prominent in the degree of association shown with the societies of the articulated cluster. These descriptors were high “inferred transition anxiety in the young for the period from infancy to childhood, serious socialization beginning before the age of two and high inferred conflict over the performance of responsible behavior. 15. The variable of the adolescence category dealing with the degree of segregation of adolescent boys was found to relate significantly to the articulated direction. Four societies of the five in the articulated cluster evidenced a complete or partial segregation of boys, while three societies of four in the global cluster manifested no such segregation. 16. The variable of the illness and therapy category concerned with the absence of explanations of an aggressive 115 nature as causes of illness was associated with the articu— lated condition. All five societies of the articulated cluster evidenced this descriptor. '17. Five variables of the religion, magic and eschatology had descriptors which were found to be associated with one or the other polar cluster. The descriptors as— sociated with the societies of the global cluster were the presence of beliefs about supernatural sanctions for mor- tality which affected the individual's health and after life, and a high fear of human beings. Two descriptors that demonstrated association with the societies of the articu— lated cluster were a low fear of spirits and a high incidence of asceticism in mourning behaviors. Summary In this chapter the findings from the analysis of the gathered data were presented. The order of presentation followed the procedure outlined in Chapter III. The results are stated below, in outline form: Question #1 What is the nature of cognitive style of African societies? Objective A--To find the societies for which Textor data relating to cognitive style are available. Fourteen African societies (Masai, Ganda, Fon, Ashanti, Venda, Lamba, Nyakyusa, Thonga, Mbundu, . -eritiJumijwaiVj-lall- 116 Chagga, Azande, Nuer, Tiv and Tallensi) were selected from a list of four hundred compiled by Textor. Fifty—two items of the total four hundred sixty-seven taken from Textor were deemed manifestations of the cognitive style described by Witkin. Objective B——To describe the fourteen African societies selected through Step A-l in terms of Witkin's cognitive style. Each of the fourteen societies was given a percentage indicative of the amount of articulation, for those cultural variables associated with cognitive style. The societies were then arranged by the percentage of articulation that each demonstrated. A set of five societies was derived from each end of the ranking. The group from the most articulated end was called the polar articulated cluster. The societies of the polar articulated cluster were the Masai, Ganda, Fon, Ashanti and the Venda. The other group was called the polar global cluster. The societies of the polar global cluster were the Chagga, Azande, Nuer, Tiv and the Tallensi. The data of the Textor items deemed as manifestations of cognitive style were examined for their relationship to the polar clusters. A listing of the significant items includes: 10. 117 Community organization variables dealing with the homogeneity of the population, Infancy and childhood variables dealing with development and performance of certain behaviors and the indulgence and affection shown toward the child, The political organization variable dealing with state organization, The writing system variable dealing with the presence of a system employing mnemonics or the absence of a writing system. The societal complexity variables for the number of levels present in a national jurisdic— tional system. The occupational specialization variable con— cerned with full or part time specialization. Justice and law variables dealing with type of social sanctions and the ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions. The lineality of kin grOUp variables for patrilineal or double descent in contrast to quasi—lineage. The cousin marriage variable for permitting such marriages. The mode of marriage variables for the age of the male at the time of marriage. 11. 12. 13. 14. 118 The pregnancy and childbirth variable dealing with postpartum sex taboos and their deviation. The adolescence variable concerned with segrega- tion of boys. The illness and therapy variable for the explanation of illness due to aggression causes. The religion, magic and eschatology variables dealing with beliefs about supernatural sanc- tions affecting the health of the individual and his (afterlife, fear of spirits and fear of human beings. t... .... CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Education is an important enterprise in the newly independent countries of Africa. Through education, Africans hope to develop the skills necessary to increase political, economic and social development. The educational systems are being eXpanded to produce more graduates. Efforts are being made to increase the relevance of edu— cation through the development of "Africanized" curricular packages. Yet the goals of the countries and the personal ambitions of parents and children are being thwarted. The talent is needed and the motivation is present but still high proportions of those entering school in Primary 1 never graduate. Many never make it to Primary 6. Why? A number of reasons are explored in Chapter I. But one of the basic causes is believed to be an incom— patibility between the intellectual demands of the school and the intellectual patterns of the students. This study was an investigation of the culture as they likely relate to the children as learner. 119 120 Summary Several concepts from the fields of psychology and anthropology were used as a theoretical foundations. From psychology the concept of cognitive style furnished the belief that people exhibit consistent patterns of behavior over a variety of activities. Anthropological theory furnished the stand that the culture of an individual molds his personality and intellectual behavior. This study used the Witkin model of cognitive style to analyze cultural data. The results of the analysis revealed which part of the global-articulated dimension was fostered by the culture of a society. The sample and the cultural data analyzed, came from Robert Textor's, A Cross—Cultural Summary. Fourteen African countries were selected on the criterion of availa— bility of information available for at least 60 per cent of the four hundred fifty—seven cultural items of Textor. A descriptive composite of factors that influence the develop- ment of cognitive style was derived from the works of Witkin and others who have used his model. The composite was matched with Textor's items to ascertain which items were manifestations of cognitive style. Analysis of the data for the selected societies on the items representative of cognitive style revealed that each society contains cultural practices that manifest different degrees of articulation. 121 A hierarchial arrangement of the societies, based on the amount of articulation manifest in each society, was de- velOped. Taking sets of five from each end of the global- articulated continuum resulted in three sets of societies. Only the two groups formed from each end of the continuum were used in subsequent analysis. These two sets constitute the polarglobal cluster and the polar articulated cluster. Analysis of the data for the societies in each cluster with the items deemed as manifestations of cognitive style revealed which descriptor of each of the relevant cultural variables was important for placement of a society within the cluster and which variables were important as contributors to the differences between the clusters. The results of the analysis showed these variables to be the highest contributors to the global—articulated dimension: 1. Community organization variables which dealt with the homogeneity of the population. These included clan structure and marriage outside the blood line. 2. Infancy and childhood variables which dealt with the development of certain behavior and the anxieties that occur because of a nonperformance of these behaviors. Also variables concerned 122 with the amount of indulgence given the infant and the amount of affection displayed toward the infant were important. The political organization variable which was concerned with the presence of a large state. The demographic variable denoting the presence or absence of a large city was included, and A number of descriptors which are significantly associated with the global direction. Among these were contact with other cultures, accept— ance of innovations, and the percentage of occupation specialization within the society. An additional analysis for the relationship of cognitive style and cultural variables was carried out with the remaining Textor items. The results of the analysis revealed the following variables to be associated with the polarity of a society on the global—articulated continuum. 1. Natural environment variables for the location of the societies in either tropical grasslands and/or in tropical or subtropical rain forests, The settlement variable for the compactness of field settlements, The diet variable for the supply of food abailable in the societies, The writing system variable dealing with the absence of such a system or one that is mnemonic, 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 123 The societal complexity variable concerned with the number of levels in the national jurisdic— tional system, The occupational specialization variable of the presence of full time specialization but not for surplus or part-time specialization only, Justice and law variables dealing with social sanctions, The lineality of kin group variable concerned with the presence of a patrilineal or double descent lineage in opposition to a quasi- lineage, The cousin marriage variable which deals with permitting such practices, The mode of marriage variable concerned with the age of the male at marriage, The pregnancy and childbirth variable dealing with postpartum sex taboo and their duration, An additional infancy and childhood variable about the time at which serious socialization commences, The adolescence variable for the degree of segregation of adolescent boys, The illness and therapy dealing with the absence of explanation of an "aggression nature," and 15. The conclusions derived as a result of the study are listed below: 1. 124 Five variables of religion, magic and ’ eschotology which are presence of beliefs about supernatural sanctions, fear of human beings, fear of spirits and the incidence of asceticism in mourning behaviors. Conclusions On a theoretical level, by matching the cul— tural data of a society with the cognitive style paradigm of Witkin, it appears possible to identify the place of a society on the global— articulated dimension. All of the African societies investigated appeared to manifest different amounts of articulation and thus to occupy different places on the global— articulated dimension. For purposes of analysis and to provide contrast it appeared feasible to derive groups or clusters of societies from each end of the continuum. For the cultural variables that were deemed manifestations of cognitive style, it appeared some variables were more significantly associated with one direction of the dimension, then with the other direction. 125 5. For the cultural variables that were deemed manifestations of cognitive style it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with the differences between the two direction of the continuum then were other variables. 6. For the cultural variables that were not deemed manifestations of cognitive style, it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with one direction of the dimension, then with the other direction. 7. For the cultural variables that were not deemed manifestations of cognitiVe style, it appeared that some variables were more significantly associated with the differences between the two directions of the continuum then were other variables. Implications of the Results Implications from the results of the study can be derived for two areas of interest. One area concerns the effect these results have to the theory of Witkin's cognitive style. While the other area deals with educational practices in the newly independent countries of Africa. 126 Implications for Witkin's Model The results of this study were not intended to support or confirm Witkin's theory. The method of operation used excluded these purposes but the results do provide some new perspectives. First the number of factors that are thought to influence the development of cognitive style seems to be increased by this study. In addition to the socialization cluster and the environmental interaction categories, other social and physical conditions seem important. For example, the quantity of food available seems significant and may be a major contributor to the presence of the global direction in some segments of the population. Certainly the factors involving mother-child rela- tionships and exchange are important but perhaps more emphasis should be given to the "openness" of the society. By this is meant the degree to which a society provides the opportunities for a variety of people to meet and to have interchange. Many of the cultural factors found to contri— bute the most to the differences between the global and articulated directions fell under this heading. Communi— ties that permitted marriage outside the blood line and were composed of kin-heterogeneous peoples were by far the biggest contributor to the differences between the poles of the global-articulated dimension. Those cultures which had frequent exchange with other cultures were significantly H" 127 less global than societies cut off or isolated from other cultures. The cultures that had developed large states and possessed cities or towns where large numbers of people were bound together by feelings of identity and could meet fre— quently were found to be associated more with articulation, then societies without state organization and cities. Still a third aspect that seems probable due to the results of this study is that the factors influencing the development of cognitive style can be ranked by order of significance. Analysis of data for a number of societies that manifest either a global or articulated direction could reveal a syndrome of factors that were significant to the differences between the societies and were important to the predominance of a particular direction. These could be arranged by order of contribution. A dichotomy of major and minor categories that influence cognitive style may be developed. Perhaps it could even be ascertained which variables are the contributors that determine to a large extent the direction developed and which variables are only minor contributors that influence the degree of the direc— tion. In Dawson's study on the cognitive style of Temne and the Mende the presence or absence of the polygyny is suggested as an influence on the direction of development. The variables under Textor's category of polygyny which were 128 analyzed in this study revealed none of the variables to be a significantly associated with cognitive style. However, it was found in the current study that post partum sex taboos of long duration are concomitant with the global direction. It could be that for the Temne post partum sex taboos and polygyny are both part of the cultural pattern and it is the separation of mother and infant from the father which leads to a diffusion of child self-identity and not the presence of many wives. Implications for the Educational Systems of the Newly Independent African Countries The results of the study could be used to support the contention of many Africans that the educational systems in Africa need to be changed. The difficulty is less a matter of what content (subject matter) should be included, than of what type of intelligence is being rewarded. British and French educationalsystemsreflect the cultural patterns of the British and French societies. For example, the type of intelligence molded by the cultural patterns of the British society is what schools of the British tradition reward and attempt to develop. To some extent—— more in some societies than others-—various African societies inculcate different types of intelligence. Therefore, if one assumes that the educational system should utilize and reward the cognitive style that is dominant within the culture, it follows that educational systems should vary in accord with v 129 variances among the societies. Again, this does not argue that the content should necessarily be different, rather, the methods used to instill the subject and the instru— mentation to evaluate progress need to be "Africanized." Specifically, the teaching methods and evaluative criteria need to be attuned to the cultural patterns of the society. Given the desire for development (economic, politi— cal and social) educationists in the African countries ( need to ask: 1. What relationships between the cognitive style of the people and of the designed learning experiences can be accommodated to maximize learning? 2. Should the cognitive style of the students be changed by the schools? The answer to the first question is dependent on the cognitive style manifested by each ethnic group of the country and the degree of globalness or articulation inherit in the subject matter being taught. Some subject matter in order to be successfully acquired needs from the student a higher degree of articulation than does other subject matter. For example, science subjects deal with knowledge removed from the embedded context of social and physical reality to a greater extent than literature courses. Thus, methods used to teach science to students with a global style will 130 differ from those used for students with an articulated style. More attention has to be given to drawing students with a global style from their dependence on a social world to an understanding of objects in isolation, insofar as this is possible. Early lessons for students with a global style will require more concrete examples. In fact, it could be that students with a global style should only undertake science for the express purpose of applying the knowledge learned to practical uses in the country. Thus, in science a greater attunement of methods with subject matter is necessary for students of a global style, than for students with an articulated style. In a contrasting discipline, (e.g., literature) more attention will be given to matching content and methods for an articulated student than for a global student. In addition to the concern for methodology, there is a need for a concern for evaluation; evaluation should be designed in such a way as to reward each direction of the global-articulated dimension. Caution needs to be expressed that the procedures used in the present study give only a gross identification of a society's cognitive style. Dichotomization of factors involved in cognitive style and the use of polarized descriptions tends to submerge individual differences. Not every mother in a given society would treat her children exactly alike. In larger and more complex societies, likelihood of deviation from the norm is 131 greater. Thus the educational design and assessment procedure would need to be more complex and to allow for more variance from the generalized norms of cognitive style. The answer to the second question has two parts. Whether a particular cognitive style is incumbent within a given aspiration of changed national characteristics is one issue. The possession of an articulated style may be advan- tageous in the ability to perform certain skills. Each society probably needs some articulated individuals, particularly as the structural complexity increases and technical skills are needed. But a population of global individuals has advantages too. Kagan and Kogan aptly state: "In situations where social groups are in conflict over means, goals and values, a cognitive style that facili— tates fine articulation and sensitivity to the social environment may be considerably more helpful than a cogni— tive style encouraging articulation of the self and to external physical space."1 In a newly independent country, people with a global cognitive style may indeed be more able to function competently than those with an articulated style, composed as such countries typically are of many ethnic groups. 1Jerome Kagan and Nathan Kogan, "Individual Varia- tions in Cognitive Processes," Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology, ed. by Paul Mussen (3rd Ed., Vol. 1; New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1970), p. 1342. 132 The second issue is the degree to which cognitive styles can, in fact, be deliberately changed. Evidence available seems to indicate that within a cultural system the possibility of changing cognitive style is slight.2 In some cases of drastic revolution, governments have been fit to alter the cognitive style through processes of fundamental change of the domestic and public institutions. A probable case for which adequate research data are not available is the People's Republic of China. Other Research The results of this study clearly could lead to much additional research. The same methodology could be employed in a number of studies. The size of the sample in the current study though large enough to permit comparisons was far too small to reach conclusions of high confidence. More African societies could be drawn into the research. This may involve selecting societies with less data availa— ble but through the use of sophisticated statistical pro— cedures greater reliability of relationship could be 2Several references discuss studies involving change of cognitive style among these are the following: Gail Jean Spitler, "An Investigation of Various Cognitive Styles and the Implication for Mathematics Education" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University, 1970), pp. 35— 37; Elizabeth Hartwell, "Cultural Assimilation, Social Mobility and Persistance of Cognitive Style" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Brandeis University, 1968). 133 achieved. Even if one were to use only Textor's data, studies of other regional societies could be undertaken to establish the generality of the findings world wide. Data are available in Textor on Latin America, Asian and South Pacific societies. The current study only showed that various cultural variables were found to be associated with cognitive style. The degree of relationship among the various variables was never undertaken. For example the study revealed that an abundant food supply was associated with societies manifest— ing the global direction, but the lack of compactness in fixed settlements is also associated with the global direc— tion and so is a low display of aceticism in mourning behavior. Is there any relationship between those varia- bles in addition to their association with cognitive style? In other words can links be found between the bariables that might provide a cluster that produce a particular style? Along this same line, it was mentioned in the section on Implications for Witkin's model, that a hierarchy of major and minor variables influencing cognitive style could be constructed. More research is needed to establish just which categories fall into the major group and which into the minor group. All of the above suggestions have dealt with the procedure used in the current study. But it should be noted ’ 134 that this study was built on secondary sources. Anthro— pological data are known for its establishment of model characteristics and the conflicts that arise because of the possibility of three cultures to each society. Thus the results of the present study need to be examined by empirical procedures. The results of the present study can be framed to five a number of hypotheses. A cognitive style could be hypothesized from the data and tested in the field on life subjects for confirmation. The comparison of a derived cognitive style by use of anthropological data could be matched with cognitive style obtained through instrumentation which might lead to the development of an accultivation—enculturation scale. But research is needed to establish linkages of cognitive style with the degree of culture change. The linkages Vshould explore the differences both on a urban-rural continuum and a Westernized—traditional continuum. 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APPENDICES 148 F 1 77|l 1 APPENDIX A A SAMPLE OF THE MAJOR CULTURAL CATEGORIES USED BY TEXTOR, WITH EXPLANATIONS OF CODES, SYMBOLS AND THEIR SOURCES 149 _’ A Sample of the Major Cultural Categories Used by Textor, with Explanations of Codes, Symbols and their Sources. III Natural Environment: The codings for this category (33-43) were taken from Frank W. Moore's unpublished work on type of natural environment in 1962, New Haven, Human Relations Area Files, The codes utilized were: S - Tropical grassland (including savanna with tall and low grasses) G — Temperate grassland (including bushweld, seasonal grassland, shrub and fern heath) E — Desert grasses and shrubs (semi—desert, arid regions) D — Desert (little or no vegetation) T — Tropical rain forest (including mangrove swamp forest) 0 - Monsoon forest (tropical and semi—tropical areas with pronounced seasons) R — Sub-tropical rain forest (including tropical mountain rain forest, high areas of little seasonal change) B — Sub—tropical bush (includes forest and bush, tropical dry forest, open jungle, shrub and thorn) IV Settlement Pattern: Origin of these is Murdock's (44-47) Ethnogrophic Atlas, Column 30. The codes are: B — Fully migratory or nomadic bands H - Separated hamlets where several such form a more or less permanent single community N - Neighborhoods of dispersed family homesteads S — Seminomadic communities whose members wander in lands for at least half of the year but occupy a fixed settlement at some season or seasons 150 151 SemiSedentary communities whose members shift from one to another fixed settlement at dif— ferent seasons or who occupy more or less permanently or single settlement from which, however, a substantial proportion of the population departs seasonally to occupy shifting camps Compact and relatively permanent settlements Compact but inpermanent villages Complex settlements consisting of a neglected village or town with outlying homesteads or satellite hamlets APPENDIX B THE ITEMS OF TEXTOR'S ANALYZED IN THE STUDY, SHOWING PORTION THAT IS "A" AND PORTION THAT IS "B" I II. III. The Items of Textor's Analyzed in the Study, Showing Portion that is "A" and Portion that is "B" Latitude 10. A: Located in the tropics (within 23%0 of the equator) or B: located outside of the tropics ll. Where the latitude is A: 60° or greater or B: latitude is less than 600 12. Where the latitude is A: 50° or greater or B: latitude is less than 500 13. Where the latitude is A: 40° or greater or B: latitude is less than 40° 14. Where the latitude is A: 30° or greater or B: latitude is less than 30° 15. Where the latitude is A: 200 or greater or B: latitude is less than 20° 16. Where the latitude is A: 10° or greater or B: latitude is less than 10° Linguistic Affiliation (L. Affiliation = Linguistic Affiliation) 17. L. Affiliation is A: Niger—Congo or B: not 18. L. Affiliation is A: Chari—Nile or B: not 19. L. Affiliation is A: Afro-Asiatic or B: not 20. L. Affiliation is A: Niger—Congo or B: Afro-Asiatic 21. L. Affiliation is A: Indo—European or B: not 22. L. Affiliation is A: IndoéEuropean or B: Afro—Asiatic 23-32 Not Applicable Natural Environment (N.E. = Natural Environment) 33. N.E. is A: "very harsh" (desert, desert grasses and shrubs, tundra or high plateau steppes) or B: not 34. N.E. is A: desert or desert grasses and shrubs or B: not 153 IV. 154 35. N.E. is A: tundra or B: not 36. N.E. is A: "very harsh" (33) or subtropical bush or temperate grassland or B: not 37. N.E. is A: subtropical or B: not 38. N.E. is A: temperate grassland or B: not 39. N.E. is A: northern coniferous forest 40. N.E. is A: temperate woodland or temperate forest 41. N.E. is A: tropical grassland or B: not 42. N.E. is A: tropical or subtropical rain forest or monsoon forest or B: not 43. N.E. is A: tropical rain forest or B: not Settlement Pattern 44. Settlements are A: fixed or B: nonfixed 45. If fixed, are A: compact or B: noncompact 46. A: Nonfixed and where movement is nomadic or B: remaining substantively coded cultural 47. A: Nonfixed, movement is nomadic or B: nonfixed, movement is non—nomadic Diet 48. Food supply is A: secure (shortages are rare or occasional) or B: not secure (shortages frequent or annual) 49. Food is A: plentiful or B: less than plentiful 50. A: Daily protein intake 90gm or higher or B: protein intake 80gm or lower VI. Subsistence A. Food Production 51. Subsistence is primarily A: by food production or B: by food gathering 52. Subsistence is primarily A: by agriculture or B: means other than agriculture Intensivity of Agriculture and Food Production 53. F.P. is by A: intensive agriculture or B: simple agriculture 54. F.P. by A: intensive or simple agriculture food production or B: incipient food production 55. F.P. by A: intensive agriculture or B: simple agriculture 56. F.P. by A: simple agriculture or B: incipient food production Types of Agriculture 57. Subsistence primarily by A: shifting agric. or B: other than shifting agric. 58. Subsistence primarily by A: horticulture or B: other than horticulture 59. Crops A: mainly cereal or B: mainly root 60. Crops A: mainly cereal & cultivation intensive—irrigated or B: mainly cereal & crops mainly intensive—dry Subsistence by Animal Husbandry 61. Subsistence primarily by A: animal husbandry or B: remaining cultures Types of Animal Husbandry 62. Husbandry of some kind is A: present or B: husbandry is absent 63. Husbandry, if present, is A: bovine, equine, camel-like or deer—like or B: pigs, sheep, or goats 64. A: Bovine is principal form of husbandry or B: bovine as principal form absent .7 156 65. Where bovines present, are A: milk or B: not milked 66. A: Pigs principal form of husbandry or B: pigs as principal form absent 67. A: Sheep or goats principal form of husbandry or B: sheep or goats as principal form absent Subsistence by Gathering 68. Subsistence is primarily A: by hunting or B: remaining cultures 69. Subsistence is primarily A: by fishing or B: remaining cultures 70. Subsistence primarily A: by collecting or B: remaining cultures VII. Technology 71. A: Metal working is present or B: metal work absent or unimportant 72. A: Plow is present or B: plow absent 73. Weaving A: present or B: absent or unimportant 74. Manufacture of pottery is A: present or B: absent or unimportant 75. Leather working A: present or B: absent or unimportant 76. Boat building A: present or B: absent or unimportant VIII. Writing System (W.S. = Writing System) 77. W.S. A: is a alphabetic or phonetic or B: is mnemonic or absent 78. W.S. is A: either alphabetic or phonetic or mnemonic or B: absent IX. Demography 79. 80. A: where a city is present or B: no city A: City or town present or B: no city or town 157 81. Average Community size A: 200+ or B: smaller than 200 82. Average community size A: 50+ or B: smaller than 50 83. With no city or town, aver. comm. size is A: between 200-999 or B: smaller than 200 X. Political Organization A. Level of political integration 84. Level of political integration is A: the large state or B: lower 85. Level of political integration is A: large state or little state or B: lower 86. Level of political integration is A: large state or minimal state or B: lower 87. Level of political integration is A: large state, little state, minimal state or autonomous community or B: lower B. Succession to headmanship 88. Headmanship succession A: non—hereditary or B: hereditary 89. Non-hereditary headmanship—succession by A: consensus or B: means other than consensus 90. Hereditary headmanship A: succession patrilineal or B: succession is matrilineal XI. Societal Complexity (S.C. = Societal Complexity) 91. A: S.C. is high or B: S.C. low 92. Index of Social development A: high or B: low 93. Overall social structual complexity is A: high or B: low 94. A: Hierarchy of national jurisdiction has 4 or 3 levels or B: hierarchy 2, l or no levels XII. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 158 Hierarchy of national jurisdiction has A: 4,3,2 levels or B: 1 or no levels Hierarchy of national jurisdiction has A: 4,3,2 or 1 level or B: no levels Hierarchy of local jurisdiction has A: 4 levels or B: 3 or 2 levels Hierarchy of local jurisdiction has A: 4 or 3 levels or B: 2 levels National hierarchy absent, hierarchy of local jurisdiction has A: 4 or 3 levels or B: 2 levels A: Hierarchies are more complex than the "simplest" (e.g. more complex than 2 levels with no national levels) or B: hierarchies are the "simplest" (2 local levels with no national levels) Number of communal activities is A: above mediam (5 or more) or B: below mediam (4 or fewer) Stratification (C.S. = Class Stratification) 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. C.S. is A: present or B: absent C.S. present & A: based on criteria other than wealth or B: based on wealth or C.S. absent C.S. A: based on wealth or occupational status or B: based on wealth or occupational status absent C.S. A: based on occupational status or B: absent if based on occupational status C.S. A: if present, based on wealth or B: if present, based on something other than wealth C.S. if present A: based on occupational status or B: based on something other than occupational status C.S. if present A: based on a hereditary aristocracy or B: based on something other than a hereditary aristocracy " XIII. XIV. 159 109. Castes are A: present or B: absent 110. Slavery is A: present or B: absent Work Organization (W.O. = Work Organization) 111. W.O. having A: a voluntary aspected are reported or B: voluntary aspect are not reported 112. W.O. having A: a contractual aspect are reported or B: contractual aspect are not reported 113. W.O. having A: a custodial aspect are reported or B: custodial aspect are not reported 114. W.O. having A: a familial aspect are reported or B: familial aspect are not reported Occupational Specialization (0.8. = Occupational Specialization) A. Degree of Occupational Specialization 115. 0.8. A: is full time & for surplus produc— tion or B: is full time, but not for surplus or part—time only 116. C.S. A: is full time, whether or not for surplus production or B: is part-time only 117. Percentage of occupations that are special— ized A: is high or B: is medium or low 118. Percentage of occupations that are special— ized is A: high or medium or B: low 119. Craft specialization score A: is high or B: is medium or low 120. Craft specialization score A: is high or medium or B: is low 121. With a state present, the craft special— ization score A: is high or medium or B: is low 122. Without a state present, craft special— ization score A: is high or medium or B: is low XV. 160 123. With stratification present, the C.S. score A: is high or medium or B: is low 124. Without stratification present, the C.S. score A: is high or medium or B: is low B. Occupational Specialization by Sex 125. Ratio of male to female occupational special- ization A: is high or B: is medium or low 126. Ratio of male to female occupational special- ization A: is high or medium or B: is low 127. Female contribution to subsistence A: is above the medium or B: is below the medium 128. Subsistance primarily by agriculture, work mainly A: done by men or B: done by women 129. Weaving mainly A: done by men or B: done by women 130. Leather working is mainly A: done by men or B: done by women 131. Construction is permanent houses or the erection of temporary dwellings is mainly done A: by men or B: by women Economics 132. Econ. exchange A: involves the use of money or B: does not involve the use of money 133. Contracted debts A: are significantly present or B: are moderately present or absent 134. Income—producing property is A: 100% indi— vidually owned or B: less than 100% individually owned 135. Individual ownership of economically significant property A: is present or B: is negligible or absent 136. Full time entrepreneurs A: are present or B: are absent .’ 161 137. Invidious display of wealth A: is strongly emphasized or B: is moderately, little or negatively emphasized XVI. Justice and Law 138. Superordinate justice A: is present or B: is absent 139. Superordinate punishment A: is present or B: is absent 140. Level of Social sanction A: is the public corporeal sanction or B: is private settlement 141. Level of social sanction A: is the public corporeal sanction or B: is the public property sanction or private settlement 142. Level of social sanction A: is the public corporeal sanction or public property sanction or B: is private settlement 143. Ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions A: is high or B: is medium or low 144. Ratio of restitutive to repressive sanctions A: is high or B: is low 145. Legal role differentiation A: is high or B: is medium or low 146. Legal role differentiation A: is high or medium or B: is low 147. Codified laws A: are present or B: are unimportant or absent 148. Incidence of personal crime A: is above the medium or B: is below the medium 149. Incidence of theft A: is above the medium or B: is below the medium XVII. Jurisprudence and Medicine 150. Differentiation of the jurisdical agency from all other agencies A: is high or B: is low 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 162 Differentiation of the medical agency from all other agencies A: is high or B: is low Differentiation of the juridical agency from the medical agency A: is high or B: is low Division of labor among juridical specialists and subunits A: is high or B: is low Division of labor among medical specialists and subunits A: is high or B: is low Extent of training of juridical specialists A: is high or B: is low Extent of training of medical specialists A: is high or B: is low Extent of hierarchization of the juridical agency A: is high or B: is low Extent of development of medical subsystems A: is high or B: is low Degree of localization of juridical activity A: is high or B: is low Degree of localization of medical activity A: is high or B: is low Degree of control over clients by the juridical agency A: is high or B: is low Degree of control over clients by the medical agency A: is high or B: is low Emphasis on individual volition as the cause of crime A: is high or B: is low Emphasis on individual volition as the cause or source of illness A: is high or B: is low Juridical clients comments are disregarded or used against him A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent XVIII. 163 166. Medical client's comments are regarded as relevant in diagnosis and cure A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent 167. Juridical solution is based on the client's actions A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent 168. Diagnosis and cure are based on client's moral and social actions A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent 169. Degree of manipulation of the client in juridical matters A: is high or B: is low 170. Degree of manipulation of the client in medical matters A: is high or B: is low 171. Juridical client is hampered from returning to normal social roles as a consequence of crime A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent 172. Medical client is hampered from returning to normal social roles as a consequence of illness A: to a high extent or B: to a low extent 173. Social and emotional support given to the juridical client during judgment and punishment A: is high or B: is low 174. Social and emotional support given to the medical client during diagnosis and greatment A: is high or B: is low Community Organization 175. Community is A: "Kin—homogeneous" e.g. clan— community or a deme or B: Kin heterogeneous 176. A: Community is a clan-community or a community structured or segmented on a clan basis or B: remaining coded cultures 177. A: Community is a single clan—community and exogamous or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 178. A: Community is segmented on a clan basis and exoganous or B: remaining substantively coded cultures XIX. XX. 179. A: 180. A: 181. A: 182. A: 164 Community is structured on a nonclan basis and commonly exoganous or L: remaining substantively coded cultures Community is commonly exoganous or B: is commonly nonexoganous Community is a deme or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Community is structured on a nonclan basis or agamous or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Largest Noncognatic Kin Group 183. La 184. Gr 185. Gr rgest noncognatic Kin group is the A: moiety or B: phratry, sib or lineage oup A: is the moiety or phratry or B: is the sib or lineage oup A: is the moiety or phratry or sib or B: is the lineage Lineality of Kin Group 186. A: 187. A: 188. A: 189. Ki Kin group is exclusively patrilineal or B: remaining cultures Kin group is exclusively matrilineal or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Kin group is exclusively cognatic or B: remaining cultures n group is A: double descent or B: other than double descent 190. Kin group is A: patrilineal or double descent 191. Kin group is A: 192. A: 193. A: 194. A: 195. Kindred A: or B: is matrilineal or B: is the quasi—lineage only kin group present is a kindred or else bilateral descent is inferred or B: remaining cultures kindred is specifically reported present or B: remaining cultures Ramage is present or B: remaining culture reported present or B: ramage, rather than kindred, is specfi— cally reported present the patrilineal or double descent rather than the ramage, is specifically .51.; ism“..- . .di'; ' XXI. XXII. Inheritance 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 165 Individual rights in real property and rules for inheritance A: or B: are present are absent Rules for the inheritance of real property, if present A: favor either the male heir or line or the female heir or line do not favor or B: Rules for the inheritance of real property, if present A: or B: favor the male heir or line favor the female heir or line Rules for the inheritance of movable property, if present A: favor either the male heir or line or the female heir or line do not favor or B: Rules for the inheritance of movable property, if present, favor A: or B: the male heir or line the female heir or line Marital Residence(MgR. = Marital Residence) 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. M.R. or M.R. or M.R. or M.R. or M.R. OI‘ M.R. or M.R. or M.R. or M.R. or M.R. OI‘ M.R. or M.R. or A: B: is B: is B: B: A: A: B: A: B: A: was tuna on» O. is is A: nonoptional ambilocal or neolocal ambilocal other than ambilocal A: neolocal other than neolocal is is is is is is is is is is is is is is is is is is patrilocal, virilocal or avunculocal ambilocal or neolocal patrilocal other patrilocal avunculocal other than avunculocal matrilocal or uxorilocal ambilocal or neolocal matrilocal other than matrilocal patrilocal, virilocal or avunculocal matrilocal or uxorilocal patrilocal matrilocal virilocal uxorilocal avuncular matrilocal XXIII. XXIV. 166 Cousin Marriage (C.M. = Cousin Marriage) 213. C.M. is A: permitted or B: not permitted 214. C.M., if permitted, is A: unilateral or B: other than unilateral 215. C.M., if permitted, is A: duolateral or B: other than duolateral 216. C.M., if permitted, is A: trilateral or B: other than trilateral 217. C.M., if permitted A: is quadrilateral or B: is other than quadrilateral 218. Excised 219. C.M., if permitted A: is duolateral or B: is tri or quadrilateral 220. A: C.M. in some form or other is prescribed or preferred or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 221. A: Matrilineal cross C.M. is prescribed or preferred or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 222. Kin group patrilineal, matrilineal cross-C.M. A: is prescribed or preferred or B: is not prescribed or preferred 223. Kin grOUp matrilineal, matrilineal cross-C.M. A: prescribed or preferred or B: not prescribed or preferred 224. C.M. A: is preferentially or permissively either patri or matrilateral or B: is preferentially or permissively symmetrical 225. C.M. A: is preferentially or permissively patrilateral or B: is preferentially or permissively matrilateral Cousin Terminology 226. Cultures were the cousin terminology A: is of Crow, Omaha or Iroquois is type or B: is other than these 227. A: where the cousin terminology is of Crow or Omaha type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 228. A: where cousin terminology is of Crow type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures XXV. XXVI. 167 229. A: where cousin terminology is of Omaha type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 230. A: where cousin terminology is of Iroquois type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 231. A: where cousin terminology is of Eskimo or Hawaiian type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures. 232. A: where cousin terminology is of Eskimo type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 233. A: where cousin terminology is of Hawaiian type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 234. A: where the cousin terminology is of Crow, Omaha or Iroquois type or B: where cousin terminology is of Eskimo or Hawaiina type 235. A: cousin terminology is of descriptive type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Family Organization 236. Family is A: of an extended type or B: of an independent type 237. A: family is of the large extended type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 238. A: family is of the small extended types or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 239. A: family is of the stem extended type or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 240. Family, if extended A: is large or B: is small or stem 241. Family, if extended A: is large or small or B: is stem Polygyny 242. Marriage A: is commonly or occasionally polygynous or B: is monogamous 243. Polygyny, if present has A: a high incidence with 40% or more wives—-estimated to be polygynous or B: a low incidence-—less than 40% 244. If commonly P., is A: preferentially sororal or B: not preferentially soronal XXVII. XXVIII. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 168 If commonly P., type where co—wives A: dwell together or B: dwell separately A: family is independent and marriage is commonly P. and preferentially sororal or B: remaining substantively coded cultures A: family is independent and marriage is commonly P. and not preferentially sororal or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Extended family A: marriage commonly or occasionally P. or B: marriage is monogamous Independent family A: marriage is commonly or occasionally P. or B: marriage is monogamous Patrilineal Kin group A: marriage is commonly or occasionally P. or B: marriage is monogamous Matrilineal Kin group A: marriage is commonly or occasionally P. or B: marriage is monogamous Exclusively cognatic Kin group A: marriage is commonly or occasionally P. or B: marriage is monogamous A: family independent and marriage is monogamous or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Authority Within the Family 254. Household authority is A: on the father's side or B: on the mother's side 255. Grandparental authority over parents is A: present or B: absent 256. Grandparent and grand child are A: friendly equals or B: not friendly equals Avoidances 257. Severity of sister avoidance is A: high or B: low 258. Severity of son's wife avoidance is A: high or B: low 259. Severity of mother—in—law avoidance A: is high or B: is low XXIX. XXX. 169 Mode of Marriage 260. Age of male at marriage A: is less than 20 or B: is 20 or over 261. A: female marriage occurs at or before puberty or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 262. Wives obtained, involves A: the presence of some consideration or B: absence of consideration 263. Wives obtained A: by relatively difficult means bride-price, bride-service or exchanging a female relative or B: by relatively easy means, token bride- price, gift exchange, absence of consideration or receipt of dowry 264. A: bride price or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 265. A: bride-service or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 266. A: bride-price or B: bride-service 267. A: token bride-price or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 268. A: bride-price or B: token bride-price 269. A: exchanging of female relative or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 270. A: gift exchange or B: remaining substantively coded cultures 271. A: receipt of dowry or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Divorce 272. Divorce rate A: is high or B: is low 273. Kin group noncognatic, D.R. A: is high or B: is low 274. Kin group patrilineal, D.R. A: is high or B: is low 275. Kin group exclusively cognatic, D.R. A: is high or B: is low ' 276. Kindred the only Kin group present or with bilateral inferred D.R. A: is high or B: is low XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. 170 Status of Women 277. A: inferior or subjected or B: not strongly inferior or subjected 278. Property rights in female are A: present or B: unimportant or absent 279. Wife-lending or wife—exchange is A: present or B: unimportant or absent Fertility 280. Composite fertility level A: is high or B: is low 281. Incidence of sterility A: is high or B: is low Pregnancy and Childbirth 282. Strength of desire for children A: is high or B: is low or absent 283. Severity of penalities for barrenness A: is high or B: is low or absent 284. Contraception is A: practiced or B: not practiced 285. Sex taboo during pregnancy is A: present or B: absent or inferred absent 286. Number of food taboos during pregnancy A: is high or B: is low or absent 287. Isolation of female in childbirth is A: practiced or B: not practiced 288. Delivery of a child A: may be attended by the husband or B: may not be attended 289. Delivery of a child A: may be attended by a male doctor or B: may not be attended 290. Female after delivery A: are isolated in a special shelter or B: are not so isolated 291. Women after delivery A: are confined to the dwelling or B: are not confined 292. A: practices to beautify the newborn are present or B: such practices are absent or inferred absent XXXIV. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. 171 A: importance of practices to bring good luck to the newborn child is high or B: importance of such practice is low or absent A: practices to protect the newborn child from harmful influences are present or B: such practices are absent or inferred absent Severity of punishment for abortion A: is high or B: is low or absent Infanticide A: is present or B: is absent or inferred absent Twins are A: unwelcome and one or both killed or B: not unwelcome and not killed Postpartum sex taboo A: lasts longer than one year or B: lasts one month or less Postpartum sex taboo A: is longer than one year _ or B: lasts one year or less Postpartum sex taboo A: lasts longer than six months or B: lasts six months or less Postpartum sex taboo A: lasts longer than one month or B: lasts one month or less Infancy and Childhood A. Early Satisfaction Potential 302. Average early satisfaction potential A: is high or B: is low 303. Early oral satisfaction potential A: is high or B: is low 304. Early anal satisfaction potential A: is high or B: is low 305. Early sexual satisfaction potential A: is high or B: is low 306. Early dependence satisfaction A: is high or B: is low 172 307. Early aggression satisfaction A: is high or B: is low Socialization Anxiety 308. Average socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low 309. Oral socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low 310. Anal socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low 311. Sexual socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low 312. Dependence socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low 313. Aggression socialization anxiety A: is high or B: is low Mother—Child Arrangements 314. Incidence of mother—child households A: is high or B: is low 315. Mother and nursing child customarily sleep A: in the same bed or B: in different beds 316. Exclusive mother-son sleeping arrangements last A: one year or longer or B: less than one year Treatment of the Infant 317. Display of affection toward the infant— fondling, caressing, playing with him A: is high or B: is low 318. Overall indulgence of the infant A: is high or B: is low 319. Protection of the infant from environmental discomforts A: is high or B: is low 320. Degree of drive reduction——considering particularly hunger, thirst and unidentified discomforts A: is high or B: is low 321. Immediacy (e.g. speed) of reduction of the infant's drives A: is high or B: is low 322. 323. 324. 325. 326. 173 Consistency of reduction of the infant's drives A: is high or B: is low Constancy of presence of the infant's nurturant agent A: is high or B: is low Pain inflicted on the infant by the nurturant A: is high or B: is low or negligible Degree of diffusion among the infant's nurturant agents A: is high or B: is low Inferred transition anxiety between infancy and childhood A: is high or B: is low Transitional Ages 327. 328. 329. 330. 331. 332. 333. Age of the infant at time of reduced contact with the mother A: is higher than 2 yrs. or B: is 2 years or lower Age of the infant at the onset of serious socialization, other than weaning A: is higher than 2 yrs. or B: is 2 years or lower Age at toilet training A: is 2 yrs or higher or B: is lower than 2 yrs. Age of the infant at the time of weaning A: is 2.5 yrs. or higher or B: is lower than 2.5 yrs. Age at the beginning of independence training A: is 3.8 yrs. or higher or B: is lower than 3.8 yrs. Age at beginning of modesty training A: is 6 yrs or higher or B: is lower than 6 yrs. Age at the beginning of training in heterosexual play inhibition A: is 8 yrs or higher or B: is lower than 8 yrs. Treatment of the Child 334. 335. Indulgence of the child A: or B: is low is high Initial indulgence of dependency A: is high or B: is low 336. 337. 338. 339. 340. 341. 342. 343. 344. 345. 346. 347. 348. 174 Total positive pressure toward developing responsible behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over nonperformance of reSponsible behavior A: is high or B: is low ' Child's inferred of responsible behavior A: or B: is low Child's inferred reSponsible behavior A: or B: is low anxiety over performance is high conflict regarding is high Total positive pressure toward developing nurturant behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over nonperformance of nurturant behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over performance of nurturant behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred conflict regarding nur- turant behavior A: is high or B: is low Total positive pressure toward developing self-reliant behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over nonperformance of self—reliant behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over performance of self-reliant behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred conflict regarding self- reliant behavior A: is high or B: is low Total positive pressure toward developing achievement behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low 349. 350. 351. 352. 353. 354. 355. 175 Child's inferred anxiety over nonperformance of achievement behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over performance of achievement behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred conflict regarding achievement behavior A: is high or B: is low Total positive pressure toward developing obedient behavior in the child A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over nonperformance of obedient behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred anxiety over performance of obedient behavior A: is high or B: is low Child's inferred conflict regarding obedient behavior A: is high or B: is low XXXV. Adolescence A. Adolescent Peer Groups (A.P.G. = Adolescent peer groups) . . 35 . A,p,g, or pairs A: are present in a 357. 358. 359. 360. setting of courtship or B: are absent A.P.G. A: are present in a setting of courtship or B: are absent A.P.G. A: are present in a setting work and public gatherings and leisure, or of public gathering and (leisure, or of leisure only) or B: present only in a setting of leisure or else are absent A.P.G. are A: present in a setting of work and public gatherings and leisure or at least of public (gatherings and leisure) ' or B: present only in a setting of leisure or else are absent Excluded 176 361. A.P.G. in a work setting A: are present or B: are absent 362. A.P.G. in a setting of public gatherings A: are present or B: are absent 363. A.P.G. in a leisure setting A: are present or B: are absent 364. Time spent in A.P.G. activity A: is high or B: is low 365. Time Spent in A.P.G. activity A: is high or high-medium or B: is low-medium or low Dissociation of,the Sexes at Adoles ence of S = Dissoc1ation of Sexes? ‘ 366. D. of S. at adolescence A: is high or B: is medium or low 367. D. of S. at adolescence A: is high or medium or B: is low 368. Excluded 369. Either high D. of S. at adolescence or customs of initiation at adolescence A: are present or B: are absent 370. Segregation of adolescent boys A: is complete or partial or B: is absent 371. A: adolescent boys are segregated and Male 372. 373. 374. 375. 376. reside with a group of peers or B: remaining substantively coded cultures Male or Male A: or Male or Initiation Rites and Genital Mutilation initiation rites A: B: are absent are present initiation ceremonies at puberty are present B: are absent puberty rites A: are present B: are absent Important secrets associated with male initiation rites A: .or are present B: are absent Ordeals of considerable severity associated with male initiation rites A: or are present B: are absent 377. 378. 379. 177 Male genital mutilation A: is present or B: is absent Male genital mutilation, if present A: occurs in late childhood or corlier or B: occurs in adolescence or later Severe genital operations associated with male initiation rites A: are present or B: are absent D. Female Initiation Rites 380. 381. 382. 383. 384. Segregation of girls at menarche A: is present or B: is absent Excluded Female initiation rites A: are present or B: are absent Female initiation rites, if present A: are not painful or B: are painful Excluded XXXVI. Sexual Behavior 385. 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. 391. Sexual expression by the young A: is restricted or B: is semi-restricted or permitted Sexual expression by the young A: is restricted or semi-restricted or B: is permitted Premarital coitus A: is forbidden or B: is not forbidden Premarital coitus A: is present or B: is absent or rare Premarital sex relations A: are strongly punished and infact rare or B: are freely permitted P.S.R. A: are strongly punished and in fact rare or B: are weakly punished and in fact not rare, or punished only if pregnancy results, or freely permitted P.S.R. A: are strongly punished and in fact rare, or weakly punished and infact not rare or B: punished only if pregnancy results or freely permitted 392. 393. 394. 395. 396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401. 178 P.S.R. A: are strongly punished and in fact rare, or weakly punished and in fact not rare or punished only if pregnancy results or B: are freely permitted Extra marital coitus is A: punished or B: permitted E.C. A: is present or B: is absent Belief in the uncleanness of women A: is present or B: is absent Strength of menstrual taboo is A: high or B: low Sex disability A: is present or B: is absent Intensity of sex anxiety A: is high or B: is low Intensity of castration anxiety A: is high or B: is low Homosexual activity on the part of either sex A: is prohibited or B: is permitted Incidence of V.D. disease A: is high or B: is low XXXVII. Illness and Therapy A. Explanations of Illness (Ex. of I. = Explanations 403,; I 403. 404. 405. llnes Ex. 0 I. of an oral nature A: are present (e.g. indigestion, verbal spells, etc.) or B: are absent Ex. of I. of an anal nature A: are present (e.g. feces, use of charms, curses in ritual) or B: are absent Ex. of I. of a sexual nature A: are present or B: are absent Ex. of I. of a dependence nature A: are present (soul loss, spirit possession) or B: are absent XXXVIII. 179 406. Ex. of I. of an aggression nature A: are present or B: are absent Performance Therapies (P.T. = Performance Therapies) 407. P.T. of an oral nature A: are present (swallowing something) or B: are absent 408. P.T. of an anal nature A: are present or B: are absent 409. P.T. of a dependence nature A: are present (prayer) or B: are absent 410. P.T. of an aggression nature A: are present (destruction) or B: are absent Avoidance Therapies (A.T. = Avoidance Therapies) 411. A.T. of an oral nature A: are present (spitting, food taboos) or B: are absent 412. A.T. of an anal nature A: are present (retention of feces, washing) or B: are absent 413. A.T. of a sexual nature A: are present or B: are absent 414. A.T. of a dependence nature A: are present (isolating patient) or B: are absent 415. A.T. of an aggression nature A: are present (sacrifice of property) or B: are absent Aggression and Warfare 416. 417. 418. 419. Threat of armed attack by alien societies is A: considerable or B: limited or negligible Warfare is A: prevalent or B: not prevalent Warfare is A: common or chronic or B: rare or infrequent Military glory is A: strongly or moderately emphasized or B: negligibly emphasized XXXIX. 420. 421. 422. 180 Bellicosity is A: extreme or B: moderate or negligible Killing, torturing or multilating of the enemy is A: strongly or moderately emphasized or B: moderate or negligible Cannibalism is A: present or B: unimportant or absent Religion, Magic and Eschatology 423. 424. 425. 426. 427. 428. 429. 430. 431. 432. 433. 434. 435. Organized priesthood is A: present or B: unimportant or absent Religious specialists are A: full—time or B: are part time Supernaturals are A: mainly benevolent or B: mainly aggressive High god A: is present or B: is absent High god, if present, is A: active or B: inactive High god, if present and active A: supports human mortality or B: does not support human mortality Supernatural sanctions for morality A: are present or B: are absent or unreported Supernatural sanctions for mortality, having an effect on an individuals health A: are present or B: are absent or unreported Supernatural sanctions for morality, having an effect on an individual afterlife or B: are absent or unreported Attractive afterlife is A: believed in or B: not believed Belief in reincarnation A: is present or B: is absent Asceticism in mourning behavior A: is high or B: is low Abandonment of the house of the dead A: is practiced or B: is not practiced Ami-Ilium 436. 437. 438. 439. 440. 441. 442. 443. 444. 445. 446. 447. 448. 449. 450. 451. 452. 453. 181 Active ancestral spirits A: are present or B: are absent Fear of ghosts, spirits, humans or animals A: is high or B: is low A: other-worldly fears of ghosts or spirits are greater than this—-worldly fears of humans or animals or B: fears this--worldly humans or animals is greater Fear of ghosts A: is high or B: is low Fear of spirits A: is high or B: is low Fear of human beings A: is high or B: is low Fear of animal spirits A: is high or B: is low Overall fear of others A: is high or B: is low Use of dreams to seek and control supernatural powers A: is high or B: is low Sorcery A: is important or B: is unimportant Witchcraft A: is significantly present or B: is moderately present or absent Love magic A: is present or B: is absent Observation of food taboos A: is high or B: is low Observation of food taboos A: is high or B: is medium or low Observation of food taboos A: is high or medium or B: is low Totemism A: is present or B: is unimportant or absent Totemism with food taboos A: is present or B: is absent A: Role of religious experts is conductive to the individuals need to achieve or B: this role is not conducive to such development XXXX. 454. 455. 456. Games 457. 458. 459. 460. 461. 462. 463. 464. 465. 182 Objective of the individuals contact with the divine A: is conducive to the development of the individual's need to achieve or B: not conducive Mode of the individual's contact with the divine is A: conducive to the development of the individual's need to achieve or B: not conducive Internalization of the individual's contact with the divine is A: conducive to the development of the individualksneed to achieve or B: not conducive A: games of some kind are present or B: no games Games, if present A: include games of strategy or B: do not include games of strategy Games, if present A: include games of chance or B: no games of this kind Games, if present A: are limited to games of skill only or B: are not limited to games of skill only A: games of strategy, rather than chance are present or B: chances, rather than strategy are present A: games of strategy, chance, and skill—— rather than skill only—-are present or B: games of skill only present A: games of strategy, chance and skill-—rather than strategy and skill only——are present or B: games of strategy and skill only are present A: games of strategy, chance and skill—— rather than chance and skill only—-are present or B: games of chance and skill only are present A: games of strategy, chance and skill—— rather than no games at all—-are present or B: no games at all Mllllll” XXXXI . XXXXII . 183 466. If games are present, but games of strategy absent, games A: include those of both chance and skill, rather than skill only or B: skill only Culture Contact and Culture Change 467. Contact with other cultures A: is frequent or B: is irregular 468. Contact with other cultures A: is frequent or B: is regular or irregular 469. Contact with other cultures A: is frequent or regular or B: is irregular 470. Innovations are A: generally accepted or B: accepted only selectively Miscellaneous 471. Secret societies are A: present or B: unimportant or absent 472. Composite narcissism index A: is high or B: is low 473. Sensitivity to insult A: is extreme or B: is moderate or negligible 474. Boastfulness A: is extreme or B: is moderate, negligible or unreported 475. Exhibitionistic dancing A: is strongly or moderately emphasized or B: is negligibly emphasized 476. Degree of insobriety A: is strong or B: is moderate or slight 477. Alcoholic aggression A: is strong or B: is moderate or slight 478. Abandonment or killing of old people A:_ is present or B: is unimportant or absent 479. Need to achieve, as inferred from folk tables A: is high or B: is low 480. Complexity of artistic design A: is high or B: is low APPENDIX C INFORMATION FOR FOURTEEN SELECTED AFRICAN SOCIETIES ON THE TEXTOR ITEMS USED IN THE STUDY 184 185 ucmfim>flbE4 mOHHm MOH4 Ce cofiumEMomcH OOCflmuhoomca no mConma cofluMEMOHEH “O Emufi Heuxme mo :oHuHom m Hm zuwfloom was» HOw Oocm>mHmH no: EODH n z Ewufl HOume wo cofiuuom 4 u 4 ”taro 9%. new max 6856 moflHm4 mpcwsmm Z Z 4 4 m m m m— m 4 m 4 m m m I m 4 m m 4 4 4 m m m m 4 003” £50m away/mm won mvcw> Z. Z 4 4 m m 4 m m m m m m m m I m 4 m m 4 m m m m m m 4 ommfi MflymmHZ Hr—mcsz wvn >..n.H. mmCOBImnmmsmnm z z 4 4 m m m m m m 4 4 m m m I m 4 m m 4 4 4 m a m m m 0me 694.3530: $95.33 3m mmcofi. 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AS A 610. Art. zande . H B O O {‘1 L 1 L Fon n\ u... Ganda 204 A m 3 w 5.4 I.) m J 2 L.; A L r L—A K x D W C d m n '< [D . . C U H L4 U K qlc. I ~ Nucr A A A A A A Tiv A A A A A B A Art. (uhdq U4 I" Clo. A 4 Clo. Lamba U Art. B 10. ,. ‘1 Mbundu A A A A A A A A b :‘1 YUSII 1 ‘ ‘ A A A A v .41, r" A ’~ huh 2 APPENDIX F SAMPLE PROBLEM AND CRITERION TEST Sample Problem item . . ,Cog- Style Artic-.Global #147 #460 #465 #414 #307 #344 #348 #167 #347 # 80 #351 Codified laws are (A) present or (B) unimportant or absent Games, if present, are (A) limited to games of skill only or (B) not limited 'to games or skill only (A) games of strategy, chance and skill-~rather than strategy and skill only are present or (B) games of strategy and skill only are present Avoidance therapies of an anal nature are (A) present or (B) absent Early aggression satisfaction is (A) high or (B) low Total positive pressure toward developing self— reliant behavior is (A) high or (B) low Total positive pressure toward developing self— reliant behavior is (A) high or (B) low Juridical solution is based on the clients action to (A) a high extent or (B) a low extent Child's inferred conflict regarding self-reliant behavior is (A) high or (B) low City or town is (A) present or (B) absent Child's inferred anxiety regarding achievement behavior is (a) high or (B) low 206 No No No NO No Yes Yes NO No Yes No 207 Item Cog. Style Artic. Global #439 #104 #247 #238 #285 #325 #334 #242 Fear of ghosts is (A) high or (B) low Natural environment is (A) very harsh (desert, desert grasses and shrubs) or (B) not very harsh Class stratification present and (A) based on wealth or occupational status or (B) not based on these Family is (A) independent and marriage is commonly polygynous and not pre- ferentially sororal and co-wives dwell together or (B) not these Family is (A) of the small extended type or (B) not of the small extended type Sex taboo during pregnancy is (A) present or (B) absent Degree of diffusion among the infant's nurturant agent is (A) high or (B) low Indulgence of the child is (A) high or (B) low Marriage is (A) commonly or occasionally polygnous or (B) monogamous 208 Criterion Test Item Cog. Style Artic. Global l. Plow is (A) present or (B) absent No 2. Composite narcissism index is (A) high or (B) low No 3. High god, if present and active (A) supports human morality or (B) doesn't support No 4. Exclusive mother—son sleeping arrangements last (A) 1 year or longer or (B) less than 1 year Yes B A 5. Where the latitude is (A) 10° or greater or (B) less than 10° No 6. Premarital sex relations are (A) strongly punished and in fact rare or (B) freely permitted No 7. Societal complexity is (A) high or (B) low Yes A B 8. Age of the infant at time of reduced contact with the mother is (A) higher than 2 yrs. or (B) 2 yrs. or lower Yes B A 9. Female marriage occurs (A) at or before puberty or (B) after puberty No 10. Level of social sanction is (A) the public corporeal sanction or (B) private settlement No 11. Average early satisfaction potential is (A) high or (B) low Yes B A 12. Juridical clients comments are disregarded or used against him to (A) high extent or (B) low extent No 209 Item Cog. Style Artic. Global 13. Subsistence primarily by agriculture, work mainly ‘done by (A) males or (B) females 14. DiSsociation of Sexes at adolescence is (A) high or (B) medium or low 15. Contact with other cultures is (A) frequent or (B) regular or irregular NO No Yes A B "I”l‘lfllllllllllllfi