DEMOGRAPHIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS AFFECTING FERTILITY DECISIONS IN SWAZILAND Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY HELENA EVA WALLENDER 1977 LIBRARY $233944. Michigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled DEMDGRAPHIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS AFFECTING FERTILITY DECISIONS IN SWAZILAND presented by Helena B. wallender has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Family Ecology degree in MWVZK Major professor Date June 30, 1977 0-7639 ABSTRACT DEMOGRAPHIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS AFFECTING FERTILITY DECISIONS IN SWAZILAND By Helena Eva Wallender Since rapid population growth became a concern, valuable time has been lost in too much emphasis in trying to understand global population trends, while research on the family level has been neglected. This study attempted to explore factors affecting fertility decisions in Swaziland, involving both men and women. The specific purpose of the study was to analyze the relationships between demographic variables, such as sex, age, number of chil- dren, and environments to aspects of fertility decisions. The study focused on such aspects as fertility goals and standards, attitudes about fertility control, levels of information about reproduction, hygiene, child care, nutrition, farm practices, use of community resources and income. A home management framework was employed in the study. The reported desired family size was regarded as fertility goals and the ideal number of children as fertility standards. Measuring attitudes about fertility control, being of importance in directing fertility choices, was of special interest. For the measurement of attitudes a Guttman-type scale was developed havinga reproducibility Helena Eva Wallender coefficient of 0.85. In order to measure levels of information, scores were computed from answers on short fixed alternative ques- tions. Use of community resources was measured by a ratio of "utilized" over "available" community resources. An already avail- able scale was used in measuring farm practices. Three areas of diversified environmental characteristics were selected for the implementation of the study. The areas were Velezizweni, Luyengo and Bhunya. Veleziweni is a rural area with a predominant subsis- tence economy and many features of traditional Swazi living. Luyengo can be defined as a semi-rural area of mixed economic and social systems, and Bhunya as an urbanized area, created in connec- tion with the establishment of a pulp mill. The total population within determined boundaries in Velezizweni and Luyengo was investi- gated, while a random sample was drawn from the total population of Bhunya. Seventy-three men and ninety-six women were interviewed. Infbrmation about the use of community resources, farm practices and income was only collected from men, while information about hygiene, child care and nutrition was only collected from women. Sixty-one percent of the sample was matched couples. Couples' com- posite resourcefulness score and mean attitudes about fertility control were tested against number of children and environment. The data were collected in July 1976 by students from the College of Agriculture at the University of Botswana and Swaziland. Least squares analysis was used in order to test relation- ships. Significant results at a .0l alpha level were obtained for the effect of the environment on a number of variables. 0f greatest Helena Eva Wallender magnitude were, in order, population attitude scores, income, farm practice score and hygiene score. Sex was found to have a signifi- cant effect on attitudes about fertility control and levels of reproductive information. Women were more positive about the con- trol of fertility and had a higher level of reproductive information than men. Age and number of children were found to have a non- significant effect on all dependent variables in the study. The major conclusions drawn from findings in the study were that traditional fertility values tend to be prevalent in less advanced stages of social and economic environment. Men have more traditional fertility values than women and are less motivated to control fertility. The level of reproductive information tends to decrease in the transformation to a modern society. Age was not a determining factor on attitudes about fertility control, fertility goals, standards nor levels of information. Since the actual number of children did not influence fertility goals, standards and atti- tudes about fertility control, it was concluded that fertility behavior in the three investigated communities was not goal-oriented. A major implication for home economics program development in contributing to fertility decline is the necessity of involvement in reshaping the family environment. Programs should direct them- selves both to men and women. Training of decision-making skills should be implemented in a number of home economics subject areas. Families should be assisted with bringing fertility decisions to a level of awareness, resulting in rational and conscious decisions about family size. General policy implications are continuous Helena Eva Hallender emphasis on rural development, establishment of rural industries and decentralization of political decision making. An in-depth study over a period of time, selecting a few families from each area, was recommended for gaining a full eco- logical perspective on fertility decisions. DEMOGRAPHIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS AFFECTING FERTILITY DECISIONS IN SWAZILAND By Helena Eva Wallender A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Family Ecology 1977 © Copyright by HELENA EVA WALLENDER I977 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It was a feeling of inadequacy as a home economics extension worker in Africa faced with the overwhelming problems of social and economic development that brought me to graduate studies at Michigan State University. A special note of thanks goes to my supervisor Miriam Kelley, former head of Family Living Education in Michigan, who assisted me with admission procedures, particularly confusing for a foreign student. During nearly three years of course work in East Lansing, I was given many opportunities to learn about development problems and activities from extremely qualified teachers and fellow students with unique experiences. My perspectives were, indeed, widened through continuous discussions, sharing of ideas and hopes for amore equali- tarian world. The person closest to me, my late husband David Wallender, had the deepest impact on my professional development. His inde- pendent, creative thinking and sincere devotion for development work in Africa have given me much inspiration and challenge. I am deeply grateful for the warm support of faculty members and students in the Agricultural Economics Department and in the College of Human Ecology and other friends at the time of Dave's death. It helped me through a very difficult time and has contribu- ted much to the completion of my study program. ii I was very fortunate to have Dr. Beatrice Paolucci appointed as my advisor and dissertation director. For her unfailing support, encouragement and inspiring guidance, I am deeply indebted. She went far beyond her responsibilities as a major professor. My appreciation is also extended to the members of my guidance commit- tee, Dr. Margaret Bubolz, Dr. Linda Nelson, Dr. James Zuiches and Nancy Axinn, who provided expert advice and constructive criticism. Field research in Africa became possible in connection with an assignment with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations to the College of Agriculture, University of Botswana and Swaziland. The support by FAO and U85 in carrying out this study has been much appreciated. My supervisor Caroline Fredrickson, my colleague Britta Ogle, many other colleagues and friends gave encouragement and made adjustments in order for me to pursue the research work. I am grateful to the colleagues in the African Language Department, who helped with the translation of the ques- tionnaire. I owe special gratitude to Professor Alastair McArthur, Lincoln College, New Zealand, who was on the faculty of UBS I975- l977. He generously took his time for discussions and gave advice about the design of the study and the analysis of the data. Valu- able assistance with the computer analysis was provided by Steven Norton and Hans van Kesteren at the Data Process Unit at the Live- stock Project at the Ministry of Agriculture, Mbabane. Many offi- cers in the Ministry of Agriculture, Health and Education, the Central Statistical Office and the Census Office gave important assistance. The hard work of the students as enumerators and coders was deeply appreciated. Without their contribution the study would not have been possible to implement. My sincere thanks are also extended to all the Swazi families who generously provided the information. It is my wish that the findings of this study will contrib- ute to a sound development of home economics programs in Swaziland. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. II. 111. INTRODUCTION . . . . Statement of the Problem . . Conceptual Framework . . . . Assumptions . . . . . . . Definitions . . . . . . . RELATED RESEARCH AND LITERATURE . . Conceptual Framework for Fertility Studies Population Studies in Developing Countries Population-Related Studies in Swaziland PROCEDURES . . . . . . Research Design . . . . . . Research Hypotheses . . . . . Development of Instruments . Development of the Population Attitude Score Farm Practice Scale . . . Measurement of Variables . . Desired number of children . Ideal number of children . . Attitudes towards fertility control Determining information scores Utilization of community resources . Farm practice score . . . Income . . . . . . . . Mean number of children of couples . Resourcefulness . Data Collection . . . The Enumerators . . Training of Enumerators Field Work . . . Page vii xi .d mum on menu—d dd Chapter Page I Method of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Model . . . . . . . . . . 35 Duncan Multiple- Range Test . . . . . . . . 36 IV. DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH AREAS AND SAMPLE . . . . . 38 Swaziland: Background Information . . . 38 Research Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . 4T Velezizweni . . . . . . . . . . 42 Luyengo . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Bhunya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Sample . . . . . . . . . 54 Characteristics of the Sample . . . . . . . 56 V. FINDINGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Sex As a Source of Variance . . . . Age As a Source of Variance . . Number of Children As a Source of Variance Environment As a Source of Variance . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . VI. DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . 78 00000 0 coo. V d Overview of the Study . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study . . . . . . Discussion and Conclusions . . . Studying Fertility Behavior . . The Influence of the Environment The Influence of Sex . . . . The Influence of Age . The Influence of Actual Number of Children Implications for Home Economics Programs Implications for Development Policy . . Implications for Further Research . . . 0000 o 0 0090000000. 0 SO 0 APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . T49 vi LIST OF TABLES Table Page l. Summary of Tested Relationships . . . . . . . . 2T 2. Respondents: Females, Males, and Couples by Area . . 56 3. Age Distribution by Area . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4. Age Distribution of Females by Area . . . . . . . 57 5. Age Distribution of Males by Area . . . . . . . . 57 6. Highest Level of Education Attained by Sex and Area . . 59 7. Religion by Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6O 8. Marital Status of Women by Area . . . . . . . . 6T 9. Marital Status of Married Women by Area . . . . . . 61 lO. Husband Present/Not Present by Area . . . . . . . 62 ll. Marital Status of Men by Area . . . . . . . . . 62 12. Number of Wives by Area . . . . . . . . . . . 63 l3. Number of Children by Area . . . . . . . . . . 63 l4. Mean Number of People in Households by Area . . . . 64 l5. Summary of F-Ratios from Least Squares Analyses with Sex, Age, and Environment as Sources of Variance . . 66 16. Summary of F-Ratios from Least Squares Analyses with Sex, Desired Number of Children, and Environment as Sources of Variance . . . . . . . . . . . 67 l7. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Sex, for Desired Number of Children, Ideal Number of Children, Population Attitude Score, and Reproduction Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 vii Table Page l8. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Age, for Desired Number of Children, Ideal Number of Children, Population Attitude Score, and Reproduction Information Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 19. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Age of Females on Hygiene Score, Child Care Score, and Nutrition Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 20. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Age of Males on Farm Practice Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 7O 21. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Age of Males on Family Utilization Score and Income . . . . . . 7O 22. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Actual Number of Children for Desired Number of Children, Ideal Number of Children, Population Attitude Score and Reproduction Score . . . . . . . . . . . 7T 23. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Actual Number of Children of Couples for Resourcefulness Score ' and Population Attitude Score . . . . . . . . 72 24. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Environment for Desired Number of Children, Ideal Number of Children, Population Attitude Score, and Reproduction Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 25. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Environment for Hygiene Score, Child Care Score, and Nutrition Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 26. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Environment for Farm Practice Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 75’ 27. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Environment for Utilization Score and Income . . . . . . . . . 76 28. Summary of Mean Deviations Based on Environment on Couples Resourcefulness Score and Population Attitude Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 29. Summary of Available Community Resources by Area . . . 87 30. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Desired Number of Children . . . . . . . . . I33 viii Table Page 31. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Desired Number of Children . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 32. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Ideal Number of Children . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 33. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Ideal Number of Children . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 34. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Population Attitude Score . . . . . . . . . . 137 35. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Population Attitude Score . . . . . . . . . . 138 36. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Mean Population Attitude Score . . . . . . . . . . 139 37. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Reproduction Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 38. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Reproduction Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 39. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Hygiene Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 40. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Child Care Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 41. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Nutrition Score . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 42. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Farm Practice Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 43. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Utilization Score . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 44. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 45. Results of the Analysis of Variance Test for Resourcefulness Score . . . . . . . . . . . 148 ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure . Page ' 1. Model for Viewing Fertility Behavior . . . . . . . 11 2. Map of Swaziland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page A. Complete Questionnaires . . . . . . . . . . . 103 B. Guidance Questions for Unstructured Interviews . . . 127 C. Map of Swaziland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 D Results of Analysis of Variance Tests . . . . . . 132 xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of the PrOblem One of the most serious threats to human existence in the world today is the imbalance between resources and population. One can argue that this imbalance is created by an unequal distribution of resources between poor and rich countries, between social classes in poor countries, and even due to an unequal distribution of resources between men and women. Estimates of food resources and other raw materials, services, as well as population, are made on a worldwide scale every year. They have lately shown very gloomy perspectives (1973). Far less is known about the situation on the micro-level, i.e., resources available and utilized by individual families. This is particularly true for families in transitional stages in a developing money economy. In order to achieve family goals, as well as national development goals in congruence with standards set, organization of resources is of utmost importance. 1 While fertility behavior in the developed world tends to be increasingly determined by rational family decisions and social and economic differentials are decreasing in importance, fertility behavior in the developing world is still puzzling. Interventions into the traditionally balanced birth and death rates mainly through improved public health services, as well as disintegration of tra- ditional family and economic systems, have resulted in rapid popula- tion growth. An understanding of motivational forces to control fertility, of which families' fertility standards and goals are an integral part, can no longer be neglected. Any family-oriented program with the ultimate goal of improving the quality of life of individual families, being agriculture or home economics extension, nutrition, social welfare or community development programs, needs to concern itself with the understanding of these processes. With an annual population increase of 2.7 percent, which means a doubling of the population in less than 26 years (World Population Data Sheet, 1977), the government of Swaziland is realiz- ing the importance of slowing pepulation growth (Second National Development Plan, 1973-77). An official policy is not yet estab- lished but is expected to be developed soon. It is hoped that this study will throw some light on processes within families leading to a fertility decision, and suggests strategies for program develop- ment within the area of home economics, with an immediate impact on the development of the Home Economics Diploma Course at the Univer- sity of Botswana and Swaziland. This study was undertaken to test relationships of demoa graphic variables and environments to aspects of fertility decisions such as goals, standards, attitudes about control of fertility, levels of information, use of community resources and income. The overall research questions posed were: 1. What is the relationship of demographic variables such as sex, age, and number of children to goals and standards of family size, attitudes about control of fertility, levels of infor- mation, use of community resources and income? 2. What is the relationship of environments to goals and standards of family size, attitudes about control of fertility, levels of information, use of community resources and income? Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework employed in this study was a home- management framework. Management has been defined as a means of achieving goals through the use of resources (Nickell, Rice, and Tucker, 1976: 31-53). Gross, Crandall and Kroll (1973) traced the short history of home-management through the following chronological stages: resource-centered, humanrcentered, process-centered, and values-centered. A recent emphasis has been a systems approach (Deacon and Firebaugh, 1975), of which the behavioral interactional (Nickell, Rice, and Tucker, 1976) and the family ecological (Steidl, 1969; Hook and Paolucci, 1970; Paolucci, Hall, and Axinn, 1977) are two examples. The ecological emphasis, stressing the interrelation- ship between the household unit and its environments, was the most relevant for this study. The purpose of management at all levels, national, familial, or individual, is the conscious improvement of the quality of life. National development in itself is the application of the concepts of management, i.e., human controlled development in the effort of raising levels of living in a nation. Being a part of this process, families and individuals will need to participate, to an increasing degree, in management processes learning to manage family situa- tions. One of the major arenas of family management is that of making decisions about the size of family in relation to resources available for maintaining adequate levels of living and the achieve- ment of an optimum quality of life. In order to reach goals about family size, resources must be used. Resources have been classified in different ways--"human and material, economical and noneconomical, and tangible and intangible" (Deacon and Firebaugh, 1975: 158). Using any classi- fication, resources can be regarded as assets consisting of "any worthwhile possession, personal quality or trait of value, or char- acteristic of the environment that has use" (Nickell, Rice, and Tucker, 1976: 34). Consequently, attitudes toward control of fertility as well as knowledge of hygiene, child care, nutrition, reproductive biology, modern farm practices, level of education and income are human resources to be used in decisions about family size. The management process consists of several subsystems requiring decision making: a mental activity leading to the choice among perceived alternatives best conforming with goals, standards, and available resources. The managerial process can be broken down into these four main functions (Nickell, Rice, and Tucker, 1976): planning to achieve goals, organizing for performance, implementing the plan, and evaluating the results in light of goals sought. The management process is complex and continuous, and the functions interrelated. The outcome of the implementation is fed back to a new planning phase and long-term goals might be changed, or new goals might be stated. The criteria for the evaluation of goals are standards. Every society has standards which can be traced back to cultural value based patterns. Standards are dynamic because they stimulate individuals or groups to action, self-imposed or socially inflicted. There is a standard set, consciously or unconsciously, for each kind of activity determined by what is expected to provide maximum satisfaction. ”Ideal" number of children is an indicator of a family size standard, while the "desired" family size could be looked upon as a family size goal. The home management process is shaped by the environmental setting in which the family functions. Deacon and Firebaugh (1975) defined the environment as "a set of elements, conditions, and properties outside a system that can produce change in the system" (p. 14). The components of the environment are physical, biological and social (Steidl, 1964). Using a systems approach, Gross, Cran- dall and Knoll (1973) concluded about the function of the environment: 'In general, the transaction between the family and its environments, whether input or output from the viewpoint of the family, might be classified as (a) providing resources or serving as a constraint if appropriate resources are not available and (b) either motivating or demanding action. Exchanges might take the form of effort (either physical, mental, or emotional and either natural or technical), material objects (animate or inanimate), men, money, or information (p. 15). In response to their perception of social and economic changes in the environment, men and women alter their goals, stan- dards, and attitudes. In this study the ecological emphasis seemed appropriate to examine the relationship of environments to aspects of family size decisions. Assumptions 1. Areas selected represent different stages in the transformation from a subsistence to a money economy. 2. Families have a conception of "ideal" and "desired" family size. 3. Families set goals in order to solve problems, respond to demand requirements and expecta- tions. Definitions Environment: Describes different stages of economic devel- opment from a subsistence to a money economy and accompanying degrees of traditional Swazi and Westernized life styles. Family size standard: The number of children reported as "ideal." Family size goal: The number of children reported as “desired." Population attitudes: Endorsed or non-endorsed statements of beliefs about family size. Community resources: Services available to households in the community. Family resources: Include the formal level of education, levels of information about hygiene, child care, nutrition, repro- ductive biology, modern farming methods of males and/or females, and cash income. Eamfily; A group of people who make a common arrangement to provide themselves with food and shelter. A family may occupy more than one house. Couple; A man and a woman committed to each other in a legal or nonlegal union and living together. CHAPTER II RELATED RESEARCH AND LITERATURE The research and related literature will be reviewed under three major headings--conceptual framework for fertility studies, population studies in developing countries, and population studies in Swaziland. Conceptual Framework for Fertility Studies Malthus (1803) was a pioneer in studying human populations. He was the first to point out that the human population cannot grow indefinitely in geometric progression. The core of his controversial theory was that poverty and lack of food will check population growth. He has been criticized for not being able to foresee the technologi— cal development to come, particularly in relation to food production, transportation, and birth control methods, and for encouraging laissez-faire socioeconomic policy. Malthus' arguments did, never- theless, give rise to the still-continuing polemic about the popu- lation dilemma. Since Malthus, fertility behavior has basically been studied through four main analytical frameworks: the theory of the demographic transition, the sociological framework, the economic framework which recently has been related to the fourth and least explored--the family management framework. The theory of the demographic transition (Notestein, 1945) is basically a description of the sequence of events which are assumed to take place on a macro level when a society moves from high to low death and birth rates. The theory builds upon the experience from Europe where the transition started at the time of the Industrial Revolution and lasted 100-150 years. It does not actually explain any critical aspects of the problem of the onset of fertility decline. Generally, the interpretation of the cause of events has been that decline of death rates, caused by a rise in living standard as well as advances in such areas as medicine and sanitation, creates an awareness on the part of individual couples that fewer children will need to be born to attain desired family size. Thus, birth rates will fall and at the same time a smaller family size norm will develop. Lately this interpretation has been challenged by Coal (1973) who, after closely studying several European provinces, pro- poses that fall in birth rate can take place in advance of social and economic development and in advance of falling death rates. He found that the main factor for differences in fertility levels were similarity of cultural and linguistic setting. However, no particular level of development that triggered a reduction of fer- tility could be identified. It is generally assumed that developing countries will go through the same demographic transition as in the European case. So far, death rates have fallen drastically from 30-40/l,000 to 15-20/1,000 during a period of 20 years, without a major fall in TO birth rates. A slight global drop in birth rates was, however, recorded in 1977 (Population Reports, Series J, No. 13, Jan. 1977: J237-J239). The sociological framework can best be characterized by the employment of certain variables such as geographic area, urban- rural residence, socioeconomic status, religion, and ethnic group in explaining differentials in fertility. Among the white popula- tion in the USA, fertility differentials have continuously declined in importance. This is particularly true for the three first- mentioned variables, while the differentials by ethnic group and possibly also those by religion have widened in recent years (Kiser, Wilson, and Campbell: 1968). In developing countries, on the other hand, the urban-rural differential as well as socioeconomic status continue to have a strong influence on fertility levels. Clay and Zuiches (1977) found the identification with the family of orientation as well as reference groups to be important intervening variables in shaping family size norms. It appears that norms and value patterns surrounding family size and childbearing will increase in importance for future fertility decisions both for individuals concerned, and consequently for the aggregate growth or decline of the population. Davis and Blake (1956) worked out a framework for compara- tive analysis of fertility. It is built around the obvious steps in the process of reproduction, generally recognized in human cul- ture: (l) intercourse, (2) conception, and (3) gestation and par- turition. They labeled the factors which are connected with ll cultural conditions influencing fertility, intermediate variables. The framework is useful in cross-cultural comparisons of fertility since all these factors are present in every society and have a positive or negative effect on fertility. Including Davis' and Blake's intermediate variables, as well as norms about the same, Friedman (1967) developed a compre- hensive sociological framework, covering several variables discussed above. This model can be illustrated as follows: MORTALITY L, / RATES INORMS ABOUT v *' FAMILY SIZE '53 INTERMEDIATE E , VARIABLES 1-—) l FERTILITY] c2: / if > Ei‘\\a V SOCIAL & ECONOMIC NORMS ABOUT STRUCTURE INTERMEDIATE 7 VARIABLES Figure l.--Model for Viewing Fertility Behavior. While sociologists have included economic aspects in their analytical frameworks of studying human fertility behavior, econo- mists have concentrated on effects of income. Their emphasis has mainly been on the macro level, studying relationships between such variables as per capita income and percentage of the population involved in agriculture on the one hand, and fertility levels on the other. Century-long observations of industrial countries and more recently of developing countries suggest that economic progress 12 and decline in fertility go hand-in-hand. Much research has pointed to the fact that there is a "threshold" or "take-off" point in economic development below which birth rates will remain high. Leibenstein (1957) used the concept "critical minimum effort," meaning that economic backwardness can be characterized by a set of related factors that possess a certain degree of sta- bility. They can, in fact, be considered equilibrium valves in the short run. One of these is the population variable, the value of which will remain the same if the stimulus of all factors is too small, that is, if it is below the critical minimum required for per- sistent economic growth. A fruitful approach, in explaining the incentive or ration- ale behind the desire to have larger or smaller families, has rather recently been adopted from microeconomic theory. Assuming that parents' fertility decisions are rational, Leibenstein (1957) devel- oped a benefit-cost analysis of fertility behavior. In other words, as long as parents have more children, they are deriving utility from an additional child as a consumption good, as a source of personal pleasure, as a productive agent, or as a source of security. Also building on microeconomic theory, Becker (1960) devel- oped his theory of household choice as the underlying mechanism of fertility behavior. His thesis is that choices come about as the result of the interaction between preferences on the one hand, and income and price constraints, on the other. He found in his analy- sis that different aspects of children are valued in developed com- pared to developing countries. In the former countries, parents 13 value consumption aspects, while in the latter, production aspects of children as economic goods are predominant. Becker's findings further indicated that increase in women's market wages, as well as increased cost of her time in household production, will cause a decline in fertility. De Tray (1972) elaborated on the utility theory and worked out a model of expected utility analysis for substitution between quantity and quality of children. Similarly, he found that female time and female level of education were of great importance for increasing child quality with implication for substitutability of the two inputs. Population Studies in Developing Countries Except for censuses, administrated in most developing coun- tries on a regular basis, KAP surveys have been population studies most commonly undertaken. These are surveys to determine the extent of family planning knowledge, attitudes, and practice in a community, region or country. In 1970, in not less than 67 coun- tries, of which 15 were African, such studies had been completed or were underway (The Population Council, 1972). A KAP survey has four major purposes: descriptive in regard to knowledge and beliefs about fertility, evaluative provid- ing baseline data for family planning programs, directive for pro- gram development, and validative for reporting about acceptance generated by a family planning program. Questions usually cover vital data, attitudes toward family size and family limitation, l4 knowledge about reproductive physiology and contraceptive methods, as well as practice (The Population Council, 1970). With the attempt of standardizing questions, this impres- sive body of cross-cultural data has made comparisons on a global scale possible. Mauldin (1965) compared findings from 44 studies, and he found strong motivation for limiting family size: in every society, two-thirds or more of the persons having four or more chil- dren indicated that they did not want to have more children. In another worldwide comparison, Berelson (1966) found similarities in response by similar stages of economic development and was able to show that various social differentials corresponded with attitudes to fertility and family planning. The KAP approach has been developed within the framework of the theory of the demographic transition. Caldwell (1976) believes that the failure to update the theory has led to much misunder- standing and frustration, as well as inadequate research. He does not see inadequate methodology as the basic problem but "poor application, especially in application of methods in cultures other than those for which they were developed" (p. 336). He points at four specific pitfalls of current fertility research in developing countries: (1) the neglect and misunderstanding of the magnitude and direction of wealth (money, goods, services, guarantees) flows and potential flows; (2) the fact that the "family" of the fertility survey is often an artifact of the survey, disregarding the decision power of the extended family; (3) using only the wife as a 15 spokesperson; (4) too much emphasis on modernization in the attempt of studying change related to fertility transition. Population-Related Studies in Swaziland Population censuses have been carried out decennially in Swaziland since the beginning of the century. The 1966, as well as the six previous censuses, was undertaken by the British adminis- tration. An earlier census, in 1898, was administrated by the South African Republic in connection with tax collection. The last cen- sus, August 1976, was the first to be implemented by the Swazi government. While age, marital status, literacy, occupation, and ethnic groups have been covered in all censuses since the beginning of the century, only the censes of 1946 and 1966 included fertility as a special topic. The final report from the 1976 census was not available when this was written. Preliminary figures, however, suggest a total population of 520,297 people (Central Statistical Office, 1977). The methodology used in the 1976 as well as the 1966 census was household enumeration by the canvasser method. Data were col- lected de juro, since estimates of absentees are important, being a common phenomenon in Swaziland, which supplies the Republic of South Africa with a substantial number of immigrant workers. In 1966, 5 percent of the total population of Swaziland was reported to be absent. Other findings from this census (Jones, 1968: 203) were that the mean household population was 6.9, with the largest l6 household size 7.4 in the central region. It was further estimated that the average African woman in Swaziland, if she lived to be 50, would bear approximately seven live-born children. Of these seven children, two can be expected to die before reaching the age of 15, thus leaving five who will survive to adulthood. The crude birth rate was estimated at 47-48 per thousand, the crude death rate at 20-21 per thousand, infant mortality at 172 per thousand live births, and life expectancy at birth to 44 years (Jones, 1968: 211, 213, 215). In 1975 the first demographic survey (Gani, 1975) was under- taken in Swaziland, with the main objective to ascertain whether birth and death rates were changing significantly from the findings of the 1966 census. The survey was also undertaken with the pur- pose of providing a check on the system of vital registration which was also simultaneously contemplated to be introduced on a compul- sory, nationwide basis. The findings have, at this writing, not officially been released. Although agricultural statistics were registered in the 1966 census, a special "Agricultural Sample Census" (Central Statis- tical Office, 1973), concentrating on agriculture in the subsistence sector, was carried out in 1971-72. In addition to commonly reported population characteristics, characteristics such as "active in agriculture," "paid employment in agriculture," and "main occu- pation of population active in agriculture" were registered in a special section of farm population. 17 A large nationwide survey was undertaken in collaboration with the Swaziland administration and the University of Natal in 1960 in order to determine development potential and policy in Swaziland (Holleman, 1964). A multi-disciplinary research approach was used in covering social, anthropological, demographic, economic, and agricultural aspects. The survey resulted in a wealth of tabu- lated information and a statistical instrument of "sufficient sta- bility to allow comparative analyses to be made from time to time in order to assess the trends and measure development, and of suffi- cient flexibility to permit the assessment of local differences, present and future" (p. 22). Two studies were undertaken in connection with the estab- lishment of the Home Economics Diploma Course at the University of Botswana and Swaziland; one was a survey (Ministry of Agriculture, 1970) in which approximately 150 women were contacted for the pur- pose of providing baseline data for home economic program activi- ties, and the other was an investigation resulting in recommendations for curriculum for the same course (FAO, 1971). A focus on population attitudes and fertility history is a part of Allen's in-depth study of "Dimensions of Swazi Households in Rural and Urban Areas" (1973), as well as Koza's descriptive "Proposed Guidelines and Models for a Home Economics Family Planning Program in Swaziland" (1974). Allen found the medians of family size norms to be three to four children in the urban area and five to six children in the rural area. She also found that 82.6 percent of women in the rural area she studied believed that children die 18 more frequently in the current situation than they did in the past. The figure for the urban area was 65.9 percent. Another finding from the same study was that the great majority of women were very vocal in their dislike for polygyny, which was said to be a source of much quarrel, tension and favor- itism. Moreover, an overwhelming majority of women in both the rural and urban area felt that it was really God's will that deter- mined the number of children women had. They also felt that women were having more children now than in the past. However, 82 per- cent in the rural area and 65.9 percent in the urban area wanted smaller families, and expressed a strong desire to limit their num- ber of children in order to provide food, clothing and schooling. Allen (1973), nevertheless, concludes that: However interested many women are, they have often been thwarted in their attempts to obtain and/or use birth control methods. Resistance and antagonism of husbands, difficulties in obtaining information, expense of the method, fear for their health--all combine to make the numbers of women using birth control methods small (p. 363). CHAPTER III PROCEDURES The overall design of the study can be defined as survey research with both descriptive and explanatory components. Struc- tured interviews with men and women were used as a method of gath- ering data. Sixty-one percent of the people interviewed were husband and wife. The questions were, with a few exceptions, of fixed-alternative type. Attitudes towards control of fertility and farming practices were measured by Guttman type scales. Research Design The study was undertaken to test relationships between demo- graphic variables and environments as they relate to fertility decisions: family size goals, standards, attitudes about fertility control, and levels of infbrmation about reproduction, hygiene, child care, nutrition and farm practices. Research Hypotheses The following research hypotheses were stated: Ho 1: There is no effect of sex on . . . a. desired number of children b. ideal number of children c. attitudes about fertility control d. knowledge of reproduction 19 20 There is no effect of age on . . . a. desired number of children b. ideal number of children c. attitudes about fertility control d. knowledge of reproduction There is no effect of age of females on . . . a. knowledge of hygiene b. knowledge of child care c. knowledge of nutrition There is no effect of age of males on . . . a. farming practices There is no effect of age of males on family . . . a. use of community resources b. income There is no effect of actual number of children on . . . a. desired number of children b. ideal number of children c. attitudes about fertility control d. knowedge about reproduction There is no effect of actual number of children of couples on . . . a. resourcefulness b. attitudes about fertility control There is no effect of environment on . . . a. desired number of children b. ideal number of children c. attitudes about fertility control d. knowledge about reproduction There is no effect of environment on female . . . a. knowledge of hygiene b. knowledge of child care c. knowledge of nutrition There is no effect of environment on male . . . a. farming practices 21 11: There is no effect of environment on family . . . a. use of community resources b. income H 12: There is no effect of environment on couples' . . . a. resourcefulness b. attitude about fertility control TABLE l.--Summary of Tested Relationships. Independent Variables Dependent Variables Actual No. Sex Age of Children Environment Desired number of children * * * * Ideal number of children * * * * P0pulation attitude score * * * * Reproduction score * * * * Hygiene score * * Child care score * * Nutrition score * a Farm practice score * * Resource utilization score * * Income * * Resourcefulness score * * *Indicates tested relationships. 22 Development of Instruments Two instruments, an A and a B questionnaire for interview- ing males and females (see Appendix A), were used in collecting data, both covering, with a few exceptions, identical sections of questions about family size, marriage, reproduction information, and the population attitude scale. In addition, the A question- naire, used for interviewing women, included sections about hygiene, child care, and nutrition information. In the B questionnaire, used for interviewing men, sections regarding general household information, utilization of community resources, cash family income, and the farm practice scale were similarly added. This dissertation is based only on a part of the data collected. Development of the Population Attitude Scale Guttman's method of scalogram analysis (Guttman, 1950) was chosen for measurement of attitudes toward fertility control. The Guttman scale has been proven to be a useful research tool for measurement of cumulative change, particularly when examining small shifts in changes in attitudes. Items on the Guttman scale have the properties of being ordinal and cumulative. Both the items and the respondents are dis- criminated and placed in their order of magnitude. A certain score obtained on'a scale will indicate exactly which scale item the respondent has endorsed and which has not been endorsed--with a certain percent error for the sample as a whole. The degree of errors or deviation from the perfect scale pattern is commonly 23 expressed in reproducibility coefficient, computed from the follow- ing formula: no. of errors R = 1 - no. of responses The development of the Population Attitude Scale took part in the following steps: 1. Unstructured interviews, December 1975 Derivation of attitude statement, December 1975 Selection of attitude statement, December 1975 Pilot study, January 1976 Scale analysis, February 1976 01 U" h (.0 N O O O O . Reliability testing, March-June 1976 About 60 unstructured interviews with women in different age groups were first carried out and recorded in different environ- ments, similar to the selected research areas. (For guidance ques- tions, see Appendix B). The interviews were conducted in siSwati by female students from the College of Agriculture, UBS. From the recorded material, a pool of attitude statements was derived. In order to select a manageable number of statements for scalogram analysis the same students were instructed to judge individually the percentage--0, 20, 40, 60, 80, or 100--of the interviewed women who would agree to the statements. Statements obtaining an average percentage ranging from 0-20 and 80-100 were omitted for having a low discriminatory value. After this procedure, 21 statements remained. 24 In order to facilitate a scalogram analysis, 80 different women, again in areas of similar characteristics to the selected research areas, were interviewed and agreement/disagreement to the items were recorded. Respondents were assigned a score of one for each "correct" and a score of zero for each "incorrect" agreement/ disagreement. Statements which had received a high degree of "don't know" were first cancelled. After scalogram analysis, 14 statements were finally selected, having a reproducibility coefficient of 0.845, which was considered to be acceptable. Thus the maximum score of 14 indicates an extremely positive attitude, while a score of 0 indicates an extremely negative attitude towards the control of fertility. The statements with answers adding up to a maximum score were grouped under headings for agreement and disagreement (see page 25). In the reliability test, as well as in the final instruments, the items were listed in a random order. A reliability test of test/retest type was carried out on 30 respondents with about a two-month interval. The correlation coefficient between the answers was 0.81. Farm Practice Scale In the B questionnaire another Guttman scale measuring farm practices was included (see Appendix A, page 112). This scale was developed during the maize storage research carried out by the University in Velezizweni. The scale has a reproducibility coeffi- cient of 0.91. It was used in all three research areas. Even in 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 25 POPULATION ATTITUDE SCALE In order to decide how many children one wants, husband and wife must cooperate. It is better to decide on the number of children one wants, because by doing so one is able to manage them properly. Most mothers want fewer children because then each can get the best in life. Most mothers want fewer children because men fail to support them nowadays. It would be desirable to be able to decide how many children one gets. Nowadays there are means to decide how many children one wants. In the next generation no woman should have more than five children. Parents should have as many children as they like as long as they can support them. One cannot decide how many children one would like to have. There is no limit to the number of children a person should have. A woman should get many children in case some die. More children should be born in Swazi land. There is no way of preventing preg- nancies. Most women want to have a lot of children. Agree Disagree 26 Bhunya, the selected urban area, men participated somewhere along the line in the farm management process on the home farm. Ques- tions about farm practice were therefore not irrelevant. Further, most of their home farms can be assumed to be located in an area with similar characters to Velezizweni, the selected rural area. Measurement of Variables The variables, except for population attitudes and farm practices, were measured by short fixed-alternative questions of multiple choice or yes/no type with follow-up probing questions of the type "If yes/no, why?" Short open-ended questions were also used (see Appendix A). Several questions from the Home Economics Survey in Swaziland (Ministry of Agriculture, 1970) were adopted and included in the study. Separate sheets, listing available environmental resources, were developed for each research area (see Appendix A, pages 108- 111). Based on the information recorded, ratios were developed to measure use of community resources. Composite scores were computed to measure levels of informa- tion and resourcefulness. Below are given maximum scores as well as mean scores and standard deviations for all of the measures employed in the study. Figures are based on data from the largest sample of this study. Desired number of children.--Desired number of children is the number answered on the question: "If you would have exactly the number of children you want, what would that number be?" 27 Ideal number of children.--Ideal number of children is the number answered on the question: "What do you think would be the ideal number of children for Swazi families, if they could control the number as they wish?" Attitudes towards fertility control.--Attitudes about con- // trol of fertility were measured by an attitude scale of Guttman type. The maximum score was 14, the mean, 8.89, and the standard devi- ation, 2.91. Couples' attitude about fertility control was the mean of the men's and women's attitude scores. Determining information scores.--Leve1 of information of reproduction, hygiene, child care, and nutrition was measured by computing the composite scores on selected questions in the respec- tive sections of the questionnaires. Questions were of multiple choice and yes/no types, indicating level of information and prac- tices. "Correct" answers are indicated by an asterisk (*) in Appendix A for respective questions. In determining reproductive biology score, questions number 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 from the section "Reproduction" (see Appen- dix A, page 122) were used. One point was given for each correct answer. The maximum score was 7, the mean was 2.74, and the stan- dard deviation, 1.02. In the same way, questions 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 from the section “Hygiene" were used to measure the level of hygiene informa- tion (page 120). Maximum score was 8, the mean, 4.16, and the standard deviation, 1.76. 28 In measuring the level of information of child care, ques- tions 1, 3, 4, 5, 6A, 68, 7, and 8 in the section "Child Care" were used (page 124). The maximum score was 8, the mean, 5.31, and the standard deviation, 1.25. Nutrition information was measured by questions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 in the section "Nutrition" (page 125). The maximum scre was 8, the mean, 3.37, and the standard deviation, 1.42. Utilization of community resources.--The degree of utiliza- tion of community resources was the ratio between utilized resources by the family, versus available resources, as reported by husbands. The mean was 48.1538 and the standard deviation, 2.12. Farm practice score.--Farm practice score was measured by a Guttman type scale (see Appendix A, page 112). The maximum score was 10, the mean, 3.78, and the standard deviation, 2.95. Income.--Income was the cash family income during the pre- vious year as reported by husbands. Figures were coded in 10 classes. Mean number of children of couples.--Mean number of children of couples was the mean number of children of the man's and woman's children. Resourcefulness.--Coup1es' resourcefulness was the sum of the scores on the farm practice scale, hygiene, child care, 29 nutrition, and reproductive information. The total maximum score was 41, the mean, 23.70, and the standard deviation, 4.76. A calendar of events recently updated for use in the census was used as an estimation when age was not known. At an early stage questions were distributed to specialists in areas covered in the questionnaires, asking for their reaction and comments. For example, questions dealing with nutrition knowl- edge and practice were given to both national and expatriate nutri- tionists in the Ministry of Agriculture and at the University. Questions on child care, hygiene, health and family planning were in the same manner discussed with experts in the public health units of the Ministry of Health. Census staff were contacted about the census type questions. The complete first drafts of the question- naires were further discussed with a number of Home Economic Exten- sion Agents, particularly with those working in the research area. After revision of the first draft questionnaires, second drafts were tested in 25 interviews with both women and men. The major finding during these interviews was that the sequence of the sections needed to be changed in such a way that questions demanding more thought and consideration by the respondents needed to be at the beginning of the interview, while easier questions were left to the end. After preliminary tabulation, revision, and editing the final questionnaires of the English version took shape. They were translated into siSwati by the African Language Department at the 30 University, and later on back-translated by staff who had not pre- viously been involved. On several points, problems of linguistic equivalence were thus brought up and discussed. This procedure was again followed through by the enumerators, some of whom had not earlier participated in the preparatory phase of the study. Data Collection About one year before the actual data collection took place, authorities on a national, district, and also local level were informed about the planning of the study, and their approval was obtained. Governmental expertise, already involved in the develop- ment of the instrument, was kept up-to-date with the implementation. The district commissioner of Manzini district, in which all three research areas, Velezizweni, Luyengo and Bhunya, are located, was contacted again and enumerators introduced to him just before the start of the actual data collecting period. Agricultural and home economics personnel were similarly contacted. The census office was informed about the exact dates for carrying out interviews in different areas to help prevent any confusion the study might create considering the implementation of the 1976 census about a month later. In Swaziland it is of special importance to have the approval of the local chief before indulging in an endeavor such as data collection. Without his sanction his subjects will not par- ticipate. 0n the other hand, if the right procedure has been 31 followed and the chief has given his approval, almost any informa- tion can be asked for. In Velezizweni, where University staff were already well- known, and a brother of the chief was engaged as a part-time enumerator and interpreter, and the fact that the author had visited the area several times during the previous year, some short-cuts could be taken. No meeting needed to be held at the chief's kraal; introduction by his brother of the enumerators to individual fami- lies was considered to be enough. It was important, however, that the first interviews had been held at the chief's kraal. His senior wife was interviewed and some additional household members. Unfor- tunately the chief, himself, was away during the time for data collection in Velezizweni. In Luyengo, in the same manner, an elder, appointed by the chief and employed as an agricultural laborer, accompanied the enumerators. This was particularly important in Luyengo, since resentment towards the University still lingered. Already, at the meeting with the chief a year earlier, the old man was appointed for this special task. During regular meetings with elders in the Luyengo chieftainship, the chief also infbrmed others about the planned study. The situation in Bhunya, not a traditional chieftainship, was different. After approval by the company and the town clerk, a notice was placed in the weekly local newspaper of Bhunya, explain- ing the purpose of the study and asking for the people's 32 cooperation. The enumerators were apprehensive at the beginning about interviewing people in this community, but only one refusal was recorded. In all three areas a male and female enumerator approached the families together and, if possible, individually interviewed husband and wife. The male enumerator interviewed the man, while the female enumerator interviewed the woman. If only one of them was at home he/she was interviewed if this was convenient, and an appointment was made with the other partner for a later occasion. However, the most common procedure was that appointments were made with everyone a day in advance. It was surprisingly easy to carry out interviews without either spouse or other household members standing around. The Enumerators The enumerators were four female students enrolled in the Home Economics Diploma Course, and three male students, one enrolled in the General Agriculture Diploma Course and two in the Animal Health Course at the University, Luyengo campus. All had completed their first year of training. The male students were specially employed by the home economics department, while the data gathering experience was considered as part of the required "extension prac- ticals" for the female students. In Velezizweni, after the data gathering period, they also carried out food and nutrition demonstra- tions. This was planned to take place in all the three research areas, but due to unexpected circumstances it could not be 33 implemented in Luyengo and Bhunya in connection with the actual data gathering period. Training of Enumerators A week was allocated for the training of the enumerators before the field work in order for them to be well informed about the overall objectives of the study, to be familiar with the lengthy and, in their opinion, difficult questionnaires, and to practice skills in interviewing. The female students had previously been involved in the development of the questionnaires and were familiar with the study. They had also completed a course in basic research methods with the focus on family studies. The introduction as well as transitional and explanatory statements before each new section of the questionnaires were also worked out together with the students during this period. Field Work During the field work an excellent team spirit developed among the students. Their attitudes towards their work, the fami- lies they interviewed, and other people contacted were the best pos- sible. In brief, they were eager, cooperative, and sensitive. A general observation was that a lot of learning took place during this period. Contributing to this ideal situation were also the two drivers who were in charge of the four-wheel drive vehicle used throughout this period. Usually, after a reporting and plan- ning session in the morning, the team stayed out in the field the whole day having brought packed lunches. In Luyengo and Bhunya, 34 interviewing also took place in the evenings, the only possible time to meet some of the wage earners. The headquarters for the team was the Luyengo campus. Method of Analysis The purpose of the investigation was to find the effect of such factors as sex, age, number of children, and environment on the dependent variables covered in the study. The statistical analysis used provides: a. Unbiased estimates of the effects of each level of each factor. b. Significance tests such that the i. null hypothesis that effects of the various levels of a factor are zero can be either accepted or rejected at some satisfactory level of probability. ii. null hypothesis that the difference between any two levels of a factor can be accepted or rejected. In this study the method of least squares was used to make unbiased estimates of the factor effects. This procedure is required because of the occurrence of unequal subclass numbers which result in confounded estimates of the effects if simple cross- classification is used to analyze the data. Least squares analysis also provides mean squares which through the analysis of variance give estimates of the variance components associated with each source of variation which makes it possible to apply the F-test of significance and Duncan's least significant range test. 35 Model The theoretical model underlying the data, for the case of two sources of variance affecting one dependent variable, is given below as an example of the statistical method of analysis. (1) Yijk = u + Pi + Aj + (PA)ij + eijk kth where Yijk is the value of the dependent variable of the respon- h dent in the it level of independent variable 1 and belonging to the jth level of independent variable 2: u is the population mean; Pi is the effect of the ith level of independent variable 1; Aj is the effect of the jth level of the independent variable 2; and (PA)ij is the effect of the interaction between the independent variables. is a random error term associated with the response of th eijk kth level of independent variable 1 and the respondent in the i th level of the independent variable 2. 2.. is 13k assumed to be normally distributed with a mean of zero and a stan- belonging to the j dard deviation of o. The variance is assumed to be homogenous. The model also assumes that the effects are additive and that .= .+ .. .= ,, °= 2P1 ZAJ §(PA)1J for all J §(PA)1J for all 1 0 In this investigation the subclass numbers are unequal, that is, "ij in each cell are not equal. While the estimate of the effects (A1, A2, . . . , P1 . . .) is straightforward with equal subclass numbers, this procedure gives biased estimates if applied to cross-classified models with unequal 36 subclass sizes. Statistical methods using the principle of least squares have been evolved by Kempthorne (1952), Cunningham and Henderson (1968), and Harvey (1960). A version of Harvey's method was available in Fortran code at the Ministry of Agriculture, Mbabane. Hence, it was possible to use Harvey's routine to make estimates of the factor effects and to apply significance tests. A limitation of the program was that cell means were not provided, only deviations from the grand mean. This shortcoming made it impossible to interpret interaction effects. In this study a .01 alpha level was chosen. Repeated analy- ses, which is less than ideal, necessitated this level. Results of these analysis.of variance tests are reported in Appendix 0. Duncan Multiple-Range Test In order to test which of the means differed significantly, Duncan's multiple-range test was applied (Harter, l960).* Essen- tially all possible hypotheses of the type u1 - “2 = 0 at a speci- fied significance level are tested. In this study the .05 level was chosen. To be significantly different the range of any subset of sample means must exceed a certain value. This value is called the least significant range (Rp) for the (p) means, assuming that *While Duncan's test is strictly applicable to situations where the number of replications within each class are equal, in most classes in the study the numbers were spread fairly evenly between classes so that Duncan's test seemed appropriate. 37 (k) random samples are all of equal size (n). Rp is computed through the following formula: Jszln Rp = rm 2 is the sample variance obtained from the error mean square where s in the analysis of variance table, and rm is least significant stu- dentized range depending on desired level of significance and the number of degrees of freedom of the error mean square. The rm is obtained from Duncan's tables and n is the total number of observa- tions divided by the number of classes. After arranging the sample means in increasing order of magnitude, comparisons can be made between the least significant ranges (Rm) and the differences in the ordered means. An absolute value greater than Rm indicates significant differences. In Tables 16-27 this is indicated by letters assigned to means such that those sharing a common letter are not significantly different from one another. CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH AREAS AND SAMPLE This chapter will cover selected background information of Swaziland and a description of research areas, sample, and charac- teristics of the sample. Swaziland: Background Information Swaziland is one of the smallest countries in Africa and is situated in southeastern Africa between the Republic of South Africa and Mozambique, without any direct access to the sea. The country is divided into four clearly distinguishable climatic and geographic zones, extending longitudinally from north to south. 0f highest elevation is the ”Highveld" region, where two of the research areas in this study (Velezizewni and Bhunya) are located. Characteristics of the zone are steep, rocky hills, which in some areas are rich in mineral resources. Subsistence farming predominates, with maize as the most important crop, while afforestation projects have been developed on a commercial scale. The "Middleveld," where the third research area (Luyengo) is located, extends to the east of the "Highveld." This area has rolling topography, with tall grassland and good cultivatable soils. It has always been the most heavily populated region of Swaziland, and is where the influence of Western civilization has been the strongest, resulting in a higher degree 38 39 of industrialization and urbanization than in other parts of the country. In contrast to many African nations, Swaziland is fortunate to be ethnically homogenous. The Dlamini clan, who form the nucleus of the Swazi Nation, is a Bantu speaking group mainly Nguni in language and customs (Schapera, 1966: 45-47). They settled in the country at the end of the eighteenth century. The last thirty years of the nineteenth century were marked by permanent European settle- ments and their economic conquest of the country. Boers sought new farming land and better grazing for their sheep, while Britons mainly engaged in mining and the establishment of business. This was a tragic period of Swazi history with an intensive economic and cultural power struggle between Europeans and Swazis, which resulted in the loss of Swazi political independence. The country was for a short period administered from the Transvaal Republic, but the British government gained control of the territory in 1902 after a victory in the Anglo-Boer War. In 1968 Swaziland gained total national independence and became a constitutional monarchy. Swaziland is comparatively rich in natural resources, and has experienced a more rapid rate of economic development than most African countries. Nevertheless, economic development is a local- ized phenomenon in Swaziland and it is relevant to refer, as Fair, Murdoch and Jones (1969) do, to "Islands of Development." Tradi- tional subsistence economy is still existing side-by-side with modern money economy. Swaziland's economy is heavily dependent on 40 the economy of the Republic of South Africa. Migration of laborfrom Swaziland is still a common phenomenon and the two nations form together with Botswana and Lesotho a customs union. The Swaziland government faced the usual challenges of developing countries in transforming their country to a modern nation. A rapid expansion of the formal educational system has taken place in Swaziland since independence. In 1972, 50 percent of young people aged 5-19 were attending school (Second National Development Plan, 1973-1977: 151). Education is not free in Swaziland but sub- sidized by the government and to a great extent by religious and private organizations. 0n the average the Swazis are healthier than many other peOple in developing countries, partly because many tropical dis- eases are not endemic and partly because of the fast expansion of curative and preventive services. Infant mortality is, however, still high. The main approach of family planning services has been to integrate family planning into public health services; into the regu- lar maternal health program. All governmental health centers offer family planning services daily, while at the rural clinics services are more irregular depending on the training of personnel and time available. The Pill and the IUD are the most common devices, and at rural clinics given free of charge. Before women are given contra- ceptives they must present a signed form of approval by their hus- bands or, in case of an unmarried woman, by the father. It is not 41 usually a policy to extend family planning services to young unmar- ried women who have not yet had a child. Agricultural and home economics extension programs are car- ried out by the Ministry of Agriculture. Agricultural extension started in the 19405 and has been of moderate success. To make pro- grams more effective, extension efforts have been concentrated on pilot areas and on key programs. Approximately five percent of rural women participate regularly in home economics extension programs. The home economics extension agents, "domestic science demonstra- tors," work through women's associations, known as the Zenzele groups, originally developed for this purpose in the early 19505. The major components of the home economics extension program are food and nutrition education, family life education, child develop- ment, home gardening, budgeting and handicraft ("Programmes Related to Family Living in Swaziland: A Handbook," Luyengo, April 1967: 53). Research Areas Three areas of diversified environmental characteristics were selected for the implementation of the study. The three selected areas were Velezizweni, Luyengo and Bhunya. They span from one extreme to the other of development stages existing in Swaziland at the time of the study. Velezizweni represents areas of a high degree of traditional social and subsistence economic characteris- tics, while Bhunya represents the other extreme of a high degree of 42 Westernized life style and money economy. Luyengo is assumed to fall in between the two extremes. Velezizweni Velezizweni is located in the Highveld region in Manzini District, approximately 10 km southeast of the town of Mankayane (see map, Appendix C). The area is accessible all the year round by gravel road from both Mankayane and Luyengo. Twenty-three house- holds in a small valley, bounded by hills and the Mankayane-Luyengo road, were, since 1974, already involved in research carried out by the Faculty of Agriculture, UBS (Rose, 1975). A good rapport had been established with the farm families, which provided an ideal situation for the planned study, which would cover very personal areas of family life. The households are scattered, following the usual pattern in rural areas in Swaziland. Velezizweni is located in a setting typical for that of the Highveld region. The views over the hills and gorges are breath- taking. The climate during the winter months is sunny and dry with cold nights, while there are heavy rains during the summer months. Even during the winter, however, there is seldom a shortage of water for household consumption. Natural creeks and springs usually provide enough water for livestock and irrigation projects. The soil in Velezizweni is rocky and acid. The predomina- ting crop is white maize, but various legumes, sorghum and cotton are also grown. As is the case regarding most traditional Swazi Nation land, the farmland in Velezizweni is fragmented. Most 43 farmers cultivate "lands“ close to the homestead, but also in other places further away. The majority of families in Velezizweni claim that they do not normally purchase maize. Gifts of maize, however, seem impor- tant between related families. A credit system in maize also seems to exist in such a way that households not producing sufficient maize to meet their needs over a particular season borrow from another farm. They are expected to pay back the following season. During the 1973/1974 season, 8 of the 23 families in the valley sold maize to local traders immedately after the crop was shelled (Rose, 1975). Vegetables from the irrigated, communally run garden situ- ated five km away, as well as handicrafts such as grass mats, baskets, crocheted items and beadwork are marketed in Mankayane or Manzini. These products are usually transported by the regular passenger bus service. Cattle breeding is an integral part of the economic system of Velezizweni. Each family owns on the average about 18 head of cattle. Besides giving the owner prestige, cattle are easily con- verted into cash when a need arises. Many families also keep goats and pigs, chiefly for household consumption. Poultry is kept in almost every kraal.* Velezizweni is governed by a Chief of the Dlamini clan, who is appointed by the King following the traditional pattern. His *Kraal means compound and is often used synonymously with homestead. 44 kraal stands out from the rest of the kraals in the area, compris- ing many individual huts. It is the natural meeting place fOr meetings of different kinds. His subjects are expected to pay tax to him and participate in work parties on his land or in his house- hold. Several of the families living in Velezizweni are related to the Chief. He has four wives and many children. Most families in Velezizweni are, however, monogamous. Except for the Chief's household, only three other husband/wife couples were polygamous. 0n the other hand, six of the women inter- viewed, not living with their husbands, claimed that they were either senior or junior wives. The size of families in Velezizweni varies from very small, consisting of single women and their children, to very large with many members additional to the immediate family. In many cases the husband is not present and works as a wage earner in towns in Swazi- land or abroad, coming home only to visit. In a few cases the opposite situation exists, where the wife is working elsewhere, often as a teacher or nurse, while the husband is staying in the rural home. A common family situation in Velezizweni is also that the mother of the head of the household, usually widowed, lives together with younger brothers and sisters of the head of the household, and grandchildren, while the head of the household is living with his immediate family in another place. At the time of the study, farming activities were low in Velezizweni. The farming season was over and little else but dry 45 grass could be seen around the farms. Some farmers and their wives were involved in preparations for agriculture and home economics shows, respectively--shows taking place during this time of year. It is also the time for repairing and building new houses. Women spend much time cutting thatching grass on the veld and men are repairing the roofs. Beer parties take place on a rotating basis all the year round, and are well attended. There are two primary schools in Velezizweni--Velezizweni Primary School and South African General Mission (SAGM) Primary School, both supervised and run by the Swazi government. The SAGM also arranges Sunday School teaching in three places in Velezizweni every Sunday. The nearest junior high school is located at Naqbaneni, about 20 km towards Luyengo, while a senior high school is located in Mankayane town, 10 km away. Literary classes are also conducted in the Mankayane area. There are four churches in Velezizweni--Zionist, Methodist, Apostolic, and Roman Catholic. The nearest medical facility is the hospital in Mankayane. There are, however, two "African Doctors" in the area itself, one of whom is a woman. The Agricultural Extension Field Officer lives in the area. Several farmers have frequent contacts with him, resulting in the adoption of improved farming practices. The Domestic Science Demonstrator assigned to Velezizweni lives in Mankayane, and carries out extension activities in the area, but on a less regular basis. A small grocery store is located in the area, but carries a very limited assortment of goods. 46 Luyengo The majority of the families interviewed in Luyengo live next to the southwest border of the campus of the Agricultural Col- lege at the University of Botswana and Swaziland. The college is situated 37 km southeast of Mbabane and 28 km west of Manzini. Before the establishment of the college in 1966, these families were living on the campus grounds. When the King donated the land to the establishment of the college they were moved to the present settlement. For many families this was the second forced move in a generation, and the decision caused much rebellion and resentment. The main source of income for these families previously was from breeding cattle. Since the 12 acres of land allotted to each when moved could not support the number of cattle they owned, it was stipulated that they had to limit the number of cattle to five. It was suggested these cattle should be dairy cows, and milk could thus be sold to the college community, providing families with a new source of cash income. However, soon the college obtained their own dairy herd, producing sufficient milk to supply the col- lege community. As a compensation for these sacrifices, housing of improved standard was provided, water supply in terms of an irrigation chan- nel was made available, and a cash lump sum was paid to each family. Expert advice and equipment from the college were further made available and utilized in developing the new settlement. Neverthe- less, the relationship between the people and college continued to be tense, and extension efforts from the college ceased. However, 47 over time the situation has normalized, and at the time of this study people were found to be generally content with their situation. Several men and women are now employed by the college or private families in the college community. No hostility was experienced by the enumerators and people were cooperative in providing the information which was asked for. This was doubtless due partly to the presence of the elder appointed by the Chief to accompany the enumerators. The settlement consists of two main groupings of houses: one to the south of a creek which, at the western end of the settle- ment joins the Usutu River, and the other is situated alongside the Luyengo-Mankayane road between the point where the main Bhunya- Manzini road and the Usutu River join. No interviews in the final study were carried out in the former area since the instruments were tested among some of those families. The Luyengo area is located in the Malkerns Valley in the Middleveld region at an altitude of 750 meters, with a climate that could be described as ideal. An outstanding feature of this area is the vast pineapple plantations expanding over the land. The valley is surrounded by semi-mountains, which in the north are covered by a man-made pine forest. The area is doubtless one of the most attractive in Swaziland. The area is part of one of the "corridors of development" in Swaziland, stretching from Manzini to Bhunya. The most obvious factor that has contributed to the high degree of development is the irrgation system which was built and developed from the Usutu 48 River during the early 19505. At that time fruit farming, con- sisting mainly of pineapple and citrus, was started by white set- tler5--many of Brisih origin--on freehold land. A fruit cannery was also established in the Malkerns village, five km northeast of Luyengo. Production mainly consists of pineapple and citrus which are processed for export. Approximately 3,000 workers are employed in the factory and on the plantations. An Agricultural Research Station is also located in the area--it is associated with the College, employing about 120 people in Luyengo. During agricultural seasons there is a shortage of labor in the area. Labor is then transported to the Valley from areas further away. The majority of agricultural and factory workers are women. The nearness of the University, commercial activities, and tarred road with fast and frequent bus services to Manzini and Mbabane place Luyengo somewhere in the middle of an urban-rural con- tinuum. The area has many features in common with Velezizweni, with the major part of the population still involved in farming activi- ties, but more on a part-time basis, with one or more family members earning wages in the neighborhood. MoSt families cultivate maize, and vegetables such as cab- bage, tomatoes and onions. The maize is usually consumed in the household, while vegetables are also sold. Transporting vegetables to markets is, however, difficult, and often products are Spoiled in the field. Other sources of cash income are sales of handicraft products and home-brewed beer. 49 The houses provided by the government are of similar design --commonly, two bedrooms, living-room and kitchen. Walls are made of cement blocks and roofs of corrugated iron. Some of the houses have been extended, while, in addition, other types of houses such as the traditional rural hut and typical square-shaped urban house have been built. Water is fetched from the irrigation ditches or the river. There is no electricity in the settlement. Similar to Velezizweni, many families are split in Luyengo. A large number of homes are occupied by single women, widowed or with husbands living in other places. Monogamous family structure predominates. Only four of the couples contacted lived in polyga- mous unions. There is one primary school, one junior high school, and one secondary school in Luyengo--the latter only for boys. In spite of the fact that the area is better provided with educational facilities than most other semi-rural areas, there is keen competi- tion for places in the schools. There is one Zionist and one Anglican church in the near neighborhood of Luyengo. Towards the northern part of the settlement there is a large store run by Indians, carrying groceries, fabrics, clothes, shoes, and household equipment. A butchery and petrol station are also run in conjunction with the store, as well as an outdoor vegetable market. Warm local food and drinks are also sold at the vegetable market. Opposite, on the road, a "Beer Hall" has recently been 50 established, and further along the main Bhunya-Manzini road there are two smaller grocery stores. The main bus stop is located where the Mankayne road joins the Bhunya-Manzini road. People are seen there waiting for or exchanging buses throughout the day. Buses also stop in front of the Indian store and along the road towards the river. A Government Health Clinic is situated a short distance from the settlement. The charge is 30c per consultation. A maternal and child health program is carried out, as well as family planning services. An Agricultural Extension Field Officer and a Domestic Sci- ence Demonstrator live in the settlement, but since they both have a wide area to cover, extension activities have not been intensive in the settlement. Only recently, a "Women's Club" was started in connection with the United Nations "Women's International Year." Bhunya The community of Bhunya is located in the middle of the Usutu Forest--one of the largest man-made pine forests in the world. The distance from Luyengo is 21 km in a northwest direction. The climatic conditions of this Highveld region provided ideal condi- tions for a gigantic afforestation project. In 1949 the planting of pine trees started on the 100,000 acres which the forest now covers. The rolling hills, previously not very productive, now produce trees ideal for pulping in a 10-20 year cycle. In 1959, a 51 pulp mill was established at Bhunya, with a capacity of producing 100,000 tons of unbleached kraft pulp per year for export. The creation of the community of Bhunya is directly linked to this industry. Housing for the employees had to be provided. Bhunya was planned for unskilled and semi-skilled workers, while another community living at Mhlambanyati, a village 15 km away, was established for employees in higher income brackets. The Usutu Pulp Company, Ltd., employed in 1976 approximately 2,500 people, of whom 529 are living in Bhunya. With dependents, the population of Bhunya comprises approximately 1,500 people. Bhunya is an all-black commu- nity, while the proportion of black to white inhabitants in Mhlambanyati is one to nine. About five percent of the employees are women in Bhunya. The streets in Bhunya are all connected to a big, open, circular grassed area in the center of the village. A large general store, butchery and post office are located in the northern part of the open place. In this area are the bus station, the market, where vegetables and hot prepared food are on sale, a restaurant, the social worker's office, and the town clerk's office. Further to the north and downhill are the stadium, sports fields, tennis courts, the community hall and the club. There are seven churches in Bhunya --all located in the western part of the village. A large primary school and a junior secondary school are the main educational facilities. Houses are of one-family or semi-detached type, with internal or external ablution facilities. The smallest unit 52 consists of two bedrooms and kitchen, while other units have a liv- ing room, also. In a recently built extension of Bhunya--New Bhunya--located in the eastern part of the community, all houses are of one-family type, with three bedrooms, living-room, kitchen and internal ablution facilities. Houses with four rooms and a central kitchen, designed for four single people, have also recently been built in the center of the village. Altogether there are 388 family and 140 single units. The rentals for units vary from E2- E8,* which is a subsidized rate. Vegetables are often grown outside the houses--mainly cab- bage, onions and carrots. A nursery, privately owned, sells plants to families. There is also a Poultry Association run as a coopera- tive, to which the company has allocated land. Most inhabitants in Bhunya consider their stay as temporary, although the labor situation is close to being static. Almost everyone has a home somewhere else to which they will return when employment is terminated. Workers visit their homes over weekends and holidays, or the family will come to Bhunya to visit. Sometimes the wife and children return to the permanent home after an initial stay in Bhunya, and sometimes a worker brings a part of his family-- for example, one wife and her children, or maybe only one child for the purpose of keeping him company and attending school--while the rest of the family stays in another place. Nevertheless, the majority of inhabitants in Bhunya seem to live in what, with caution, could be called a nuclear family system. *In August 1976 one Emalangeni equaled 0.87 US dollars. 53 There is always money in cash around in Bhunya. The majority of employees living there are classified as laborer, unskilled and semi-skilled, and are paid hourly with an income per month ranging from E53-E80. Artisans, chargehands, supervisors, laboratory technicians, and chemical process operators are usually paid weekly, earning on an average E150-E450 per month, while chargehands, supervisors and administrative staff are paid monthly, with salaries ranging from E1,000-E3,000 per year. It is obvious that the relationship between productivity and the health status of the worker is recognized by the company. Free medical service is available at the company clinic for workers not earning over approximately E80 per month, which includes their dependents. At higher income levels, workers are eligible to join a health insurance scheme at a cost of E4 per month, with a coverage of 80 percent of health expenses--also for treatment in other places than Bhunya. The health care system is nevertheless highly subsi- dized by the company. There is no family planning program, as such, implemented by the Clinic, although family planning services are available. The Pill is the main means of contraception. The Clinic charges the wholesale price plus a five percent margin which comes to 60¢ per cycle. The justification for not distributing the Pill free of charge is that women not being able to afford the charge can be referred to the Government Clinic just outside Bhunya. From a rough estimate taken from purchase orders at the company clinic covering the previous year, about 25 percent of women in Bhunya are on the 54 Pill. No approval from husbands, unlike at governmental clinics, is asked for. A pre- and post-natal program is carried out by staff at the clinic. Most pregnant women living permanently in Bhunya are believed to be reached through this program. A well-qualified social worker is employed by the company, mainly to work with families living in villages in the forest. She, however, also leads a women's group in Bhunya, having on their program nutrition, food preservation, health, child care, handi- crafts, and a savingscheme. Every afternoon she also welcomes a playgroup of children 13-16 years of age to her office/demonstration center. Women in Bhunya are also involved in the Red Cross Society and in the Zondle School Feeding Scheme. Sport and music are important leisure-time activities in Bhunya. Tournaments of soccer between teams of workers from differ- ent departments at the mill, or between Bhunya teams and teams coming from outside, are common weekend activities. Competitions between groups of singers are also organized. The club is run entirely by the community. Films are shown there regularly, and other activities such as darts, and table-tennis, take place there. Much social activity is associated with the churches. Generally, church attendance is high in Bhunya. Sample In order to obtain an adequate sample size for the analysis, the criterion was set that at least 50 interviews from at least 30 different households should be carried out in each of the three 55 research areas. For the same reason, in at least 15 households in each area both husband and wife should be interviewed. In Velezizweni and Luyengo the total population within determined boun- daries and some additional households were interviewed, while a random sample was drawn from the total population in Bhunya. In Velezizweni the 23 households in the valley and 7 addi- tional on the opposite Side of the road were contacted. In Luyengo the total population of 27 households alongside the Luyengo- Mankayane road and 9 additional families north of the Bhunya-Manzini road, close to the junction with the Luyengo-Mankayane road were added. The latter area is named Mhlabubovu and has very similar characteristics to the settlement area. From the total population of Bhunya, excluding single people without children (according to the records in the town clerk's office), 40 households were selected at random With the help of records from the town clerk's office, and a random table. Of these, one family was on leave, two refused to be interviewed, and in six no one was at home in spite of repeated calls, leaving the number of contacted households at 31. The total number of people inter- viewed was 54. All in all, 169 men and women were interviewed: 52 in Velezizweni, 63 in Luyengo and 54 in Bhunya. Table 2 presents a summary of contacted males, females and couples in the three areas. 56 TABLE 2.--Respondents: Females, Males, and Couples by Area. Area Females Males Subtotal Matched % of # % # % # % Couples Subtotal Velezizweni 31 18 21 12 52 30 15 28 Luyengo 39 23 24 14 63 37 15 28 Bhunya 26 17 28 16 54 31 22 42 Total 96 57 73 43 169 100 52 100 Characteristics of the Sample Characteristics of the sample are presented in the tables below. Ages of respondents were distributed by areas as shown in Table 3. TABLE 3.--Age Distribution by Area. Age Group Area 20-30 31'45 46+ Subtotal # % # % # % Velezizweni 5 10 25 48 22 42 52 Luyengo 8 13 23 36 32 51 63 Bhunya 25 46 26 48 3 6 54 Total 38 22 74 44 57 34 169 57 There was a bias towards older ages in the Velezizweni and Luyengo subsamples, while there was a bias towards younger ages in the Bhunya subsample. In analyses using only female and male respondents, ages were classified into two groups; the age distributions are shown in Tables 4 and 5. Generally, men in the sample were older than women. TABLE 4.--Age Distribution of Females by Area. Age Group Area 20-35 36+ Subtotal # % # % # % Velezizweni 12 39 19 61 31 32 Luyengo 14 36 25 64 39 41 Bhunya 20 77 6 23 26 27 Total 46 48 50 52 96 100 TABLE 5.--Age Distribution of Males by Area. Age Group Area ‘ 20-35 36+ Subtotal # % # % # % Velezizweni 2 10 19 90 21 29 Luyengo 5 21 19 79 24 33 Bhunya 13 46 15 54 28 38 Total 20 27 53 73 73 100 58 The educational levels of respondents are shown in Table 6. The educational attainments were considerably higher in Bhunya than Velezizweni. More women than men had terminated with primary and lower secondary school, while men outnumbered women in higher sec- ondary school attendance. The respondents' affiliation with religious denominations is Shown in Table 7 (page 60). Table 8 (page 61) shows the number of women who reported they were legally married or not married. Although 21 women reported that they were not married, most women in the study lived in a marriage-like union. The status of the legally married women is shown in Table 9 (page 61). From those figures, it is evident that a monogamous family structure prevails in the sample. Thirty-six percent of women in Velezizweni and 12 percent of women in Luyengo do, however, live in a polygamous situation. Women reported presence and absence of husband as shown in Table 10 (page 62). Husband refers both to legal and nonlegal partners. That 100 percent of the husbands in Bhunya were present is, of course, related to the fact that the family would not live in Bhunya if the husband was not present and employed by the company. The marital status of men, distributed by areas, is shown in Table 11 (page 62). 59 .Feuopaam u mam ”opus u z umpesmm u a m e m.o up m.m m.w Fe up NN N_ N m NN NF m— N mop m N F mN m up on mN we FN mp m we FN NN emnssz pouch mp PF PN Fm mp as me mp «N e N N m o m ~euoun=m mo N am N m P NP m m mN op m_ N P P m m N L.3532 eaczgm N N u- m N o Fe m mm up PF m mm N_ m_ Pmuounzm mo N mm P _ u- m _ e oN m _N op N m _N PF op L3:52 omcmxzu -1 1- r- N -1 N mm m_ mN NF o_ N Na mp mN pepopnam eo N Nm -1 u- r- F -1 P ON NF NF m m e NN N m_ L8:52 wcm3~wNm_m> azm z m cam z a saw 2 a sum 2 cum 2 a Pepe» » » mme< ream eeucoumm concoumm . cocoa: gaze; xeeewea xueempmg mcoz .emc< can xmm an cmcweuc< cowpeuzum we Fm>m4 ummcmp:--.o mum
ocma u N .umwcowN u a .umwuqem .umpuocumz u u .uwpogueu cmeom .cmuPpmc< n m .ceemgu24 gmwnmzm .mcmemNmz .Fecowuez m~m3m .cowmmwz Peemcwu :mowew< spaom .uNpoumoa< u < mop e m m mp NN we m m_ mp mN mm on Peach em e N o m ON PF eN NF Pp o mm NF excscm me 1- -- m_ N. NN N_ m N Nu my on m_ emeeNSS Nm m e - 11 mm 0N - 11 NP 0 Ne FN wcozNVNmFm> N N N N N N N N N N N N Fepop .111111111 --111111 1111111111 1111-11111 1111-11111 -aem a w a u m < mete emanoew maowmwpwm .mme< an cowmwpmm-1.N m4m<~ 61 TABLE 8.--Marita1 Status of Women by Area. Married Not Married Sub- Area total # % # % Velezizweni 22 70 9 30 31 Luyengo 33 85 6 15 39 Bhunya 20 77 6 23 26 Total 75 78 21 22 96 TABLE 9.--Marital Status of Married Women by Area. Senior Junior Only Area Wife Wife Wife Other Sub- -——-————- total # % # % # % # % Velezizweni 3 l4 5 23 13 59 l 4 22 Luyengo 3 9 1 3 29 88 -- -- 33 Bhunya -- -- -- -- 20 100 -- -- 20 Total 6 8 6 8 62 83 l l 75 62 TABLE lO.--Husband Present/Not Present by Area. Present Not Present Sub- Area total # % # % Velezizweni 25 81 6 19 31 Luyengo 30 77 9 23 39 Bhunya 26 100 -- -- 26 Total 81 84 15 16 96 TABLE ll.--Marital Status of Men by Area. Married Not Married Sub- Area total # % # % Velezizweni 17 81 4 19 21 Luyengo 18 75 6 25 24 Bhunya 27 96 l 4 28 Total 62 85 .11 15 73 63 Men reported number of wives by the three areas as shown in Table 12. TABLE 12.--Number of Wives by Area. Wife refers both to legal and nonlegal partners. Number of Wives Sub- Area 1 4 total # % % # % # % Velezizweni 13 76 3 18 1 6 -- -- l7 Luyengo 12 66 4 22 1 6 1 6 18 Bhunya 25 93 2 7 -- -- -- -- 27 Total 50 81 9 l4 2 3 l 2 62 Comparing the figures of reported status of married women in Table 9 and the figures of marital status of men in Table 12, some disparities are noticeable in the Bhunya subsample. explained by the fact that women have referred to "only wife in Bhunya." Presented in Table 13 is the actual number of children reported by men and women in the three areas. TABLE l3.--Number of Children by Area. It might be Number of Children Sub- Area 0-2 6+ total # % # % # % Velezizweni 3 6 13 25 36 69 52 Luyengo 9 14 27 43 27 43 63 Bhunya 16 30 31 57 7 13 54 Total 28 17 71 42 70 41 169 64 A greater number of children is predominant in Velezizweni where, however, keeping the age bias of the sample in mind, a greater number of families can be assumed to be completed. The mean number of people in households in the three areas is shown in Table 14. TABLE l4.--Mean Number of People in Households by Area. Area Mean Number in Households Velezizweni 7.93 Luyengo 8.16 Bhunya 6.13 Grand mean 7.41 In spite of a greater number of children reported from Velezizweni, the household size was greater in Luyengo. CHAPTER V FINDINGS In this chapter, the results of the testing of the hypothe- ses using Harvey's least squares analysis and Duncan's multiple range test are reported. A summary of F-ratios for tested relation- ships is presented in Tables 15 and 16, followed by sections for each set of hypotheses referring to respective source of variance: sex, age, desired number of children, and environment. In each of these sections, a summary table of mean deviations is included. The chapter ends with a general summary. In Tables 15 and 16 the F-ratios are summarized for tested relationships and interaction between sources of variance included in the particular analysis. Sex As a Source of Variance The total sample was used to test the hypotheses: 1: There is no effect of sex on (a) desired number of chil- dren, (b) ideal number of children, (c) attitude about fertility control, and (d) knowledge of reproduction. The null hypotheses 1:c and 1:d were rejected. The magni- tude of the F-statistic (see Tables 15 and 16) suggested that there was an effect of sex on attitudes about fertility control and the knowledge about reproduction. Women scored a higher population attitude score than men. The figures were 9.57 and 8.21, 65 66 ._m>m_ Fo. um mocmqupcum moumowucme empm.o «momN.m~ NNNN.N mN msoqu womm.o eemN.m mon.N mN weoum cowumNNFPua m_¢o.o «momm.m ¢~e_.o mN meoum muwpueea seem Nom_.o mFmN.N m¢¢F.o mm meoum :omppeuaz Npmm.— Pmo_.o mwmp.o om «Loom memo u~wgu NFNN.N eNNpo.m mmom.m om weoum mcmpm»: eowm¢.¢ mmmm.N omoo.o emmNm.op mop mgoum corpusuoeama emme.o «¢ONm.m mONw.o «Npmm.o_ mop «Loom unapppam comampsqom momm.o mmN_.m mpmp.o ompm.o mm_ :mequgu No amass: meum mmNo.P «Nwme.e NweN.o mFmF.N amp cmevagu No amass: umepmwa comuueewch “cascoew>cu mm< xmm z mpnmwcm> pcmucmama wocw Tpm> $0 mUe—aom .mucewem> mo mmueaom me Newscocm>cm use .mm< .xmm cpwz mmmxpe=< mmemsam umem4 seem mowumN-m No Newssam-1.mp NAm
=m :weumwgu xmm
No oz 2 mpaewee> pcmucmamo
wucewem> No woezom
.mucmwem> No mmueaom we ucmscoew>cm ecu
.cmguprgu mo emaszz umewmmo .xmm saw; mmmxpmc< mmeesam ammo; Eoew mowymm-m we Ngm553m1-.mp N4m