A STUDY OF ‘ RELEGIOUS ETHNOCENTRiSEA SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTEST RELiGEOUS BELEEFS, Afae'D ATTETUDES TOWARD PSYCHOTHERAPY Sissertation for the Degree 3% PhD. “(SHCM STA‘E‘E UNEVERSETY BEL‘iiA WRiGHT fflATYHE‘fi'? 1977 This is to certify that the thesis entitled A Study -01 Religious Ethnocentrism , Seventh-day Adventist Religious Beliefs , and Attitudes toward Psyc hotherapy presented by Belvia Wright Matthews has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for "7 '7' .’ [1‘0 vdegreein “71"" "/0117 Major professor Date May 13, 1977 0-7639 “mm (25 :29: ABSTRACT A STUDY OF RELIGIOUS ETHNOCENTRISM, SEVENTHvDAY ADVENTIST RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD PSYCHOTHERAPY by Belvia Wright Matthews Attitudes toward client—therapist attraction and coun- seling readiness were studied in relationship to religious ethnocentrism'a and strength of religious beliefs as held by Seventhaday Adventist college students. To measure client—therapist attraction, Libo's Picture Impressions Test was used. Heilbrun's and Sullivan's Counsel- ing Readiness Scale which consist of 300 self-descriptive adjectives was used to measure counseling readiness. This scale was developed to identify clients who would remain in or prematurely leave a counseling relationship. The scales which measured strength of religious beliefs, religious ethnocentrism,n, and religious fundamentalism were respect“ ively the Phillips' Religious Belief Scale, Phillips' Reli- gious Ethnocentrism Scale, and McLean's Religious WOrld Views Scale. These three scales used a six-point Likert format. The subjects were 180 Seventh—day Adventist males who volunteered to participate in this study from an announcement made in their classes. Ninety—four were White and attended Andrews University, and the remaining 84 subjects were Black and attended Oakwood College. Both schools are operated by B. W. Matthews the Seventh-day Adventist church which is a fundamentalistic denomination. Based.on a review of the relevant literature, three major hypotheses were tested: (1) Strength of client- therapist attraction is related to strength of counseling readiness; (2) Strength of client-therapist attraction is negatively related to strength of pro-religious attitudes; (3) Strength of counseling readiness is negatively related to strength of pro-religious attitudes. Results indicated lack of support for hypotheses one and three. There was some support for hypothesis two among the Oakwood sample. Client-therapist attraction was nega- tively related to fundamental religious attitudes as measured by two scales (Religious Belief Scale and Religious Ethnocentrismtn Scale). The Oakwood sample and Andrews sample did not differ in their attraction to and readiness for a therapeutic relationship. Also, race did not emerge as a significant variable related to therapy attraction. In general, the hypotheses were not supported in this study. The lack of support for the first hypothesis suggested that client-therapist attraction may be independent of coun- seling readiness. The general lack of support for the second and third hypotheses may have been due to the fact that the subjects wished to convey a picture of psychological well- being. Most of the subjects were not attracted to, nor did they exhibit readiness for a client-therapist relationship. Suggestions were given which might be used were this study to be replicated. A STUDY OF RELIGIOUS ETHNOCENTRISM, SEVENTH—DAY ADVENTIST RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, AND ATTITUDES TOWARD PSYCHOTHERAPY By Belvia Wright Matthews A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology College of Social Science 1977 DEDICATION To Herman L. and Annell M. Wright, my parents, whose love, wisdom, spiritual guidance, and hard work chartered a course of success from which I branched Off to follow my dreams. and To Belvia Lezell, my daughter, whom I love dearly. B.W.M. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the following persons as I complete this requirement for my degree. First, I appreciate the love, friendship, and encouragement received from my husband, Calvin. His faith in me was an unceasing inspiration. I am thankful to my dissertation committee for their assistance. To my chairman, Dr. Norman Abeles, I especially appreciate his perceptiveness of my uniqueness, and the personal interest he showed toward me. I consider him a special person. I appreciate Dr. John H. Wakeley's helpfulness as my research and statistical consultant. I am grateful for Dr. Elaine Donelson's thorough critique and constructive suggestions. Also, I am thankful to Dr. Robert Zucker for his contribution of suggestions and direction. I am indebted to the students at Andrews University and Oakwood College who participated in this study. I appreciate the time and effort they gave for this research project. I am very grateful to Dr. Dick Proctor for his assistance in collecting the data at Andrews University. I am especially thankful to Dr. Raymond Winbush for his assistance in collecting the data at Oakwood College. The iii following individuals also contributed to the data collection: Dr. R. C. Kistler, Dr. E. A. Cooper, Dr. M. A. Warren, Dr. David Richardson, Mr. Lawrence Jacobs Jr., Elder C. T. Richards, and Dr. E. E. Rogers. I am grateful to Dr. Kenneth H. Strand for his assistance with data processing and statistical methodology. I thank Miss Phyllis Hewitt for scoring one of my scales. I also thank Miss Genice Rhodes, a friend and fellow student, for proof reading this dissertation and the comments she gave. Certainly there are others, too numerous to mention, who contributed to the completion of this dissertation. I am appreciative of their contribution. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .viii INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 REVIEW OF LITERATURE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 CHAPTER I. PSYCHOTHERAPY ATTRACTION . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Interpersonal Attraction . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Therapeutic Attraction . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 The Therapy Attraction Process . . . . . . . . 13 II. RACE, A THERAPY ATTRACTION VARIABLE. . . . . . 23 White Therapist-Black Client . . . . . . . . . 23 Therapist Variables. . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Client Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Black Therapist-White Client . . . . . . . . . 32 Client Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Therapist Variables. . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Black Therapisthlack Client . . . . . . . . . 35 Therapist Variables. . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Client Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 III. CHARACTERISTICS ASSOCIATED WITH BEING RELIGIOUS O O O O C O O O O O O C C O O O O O 0 40 Religious Attitudes and Beliefs. . . . . . . . 4O Prejudice and Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Mental Health and Religion . . . . . . . . . . 51 IV. PSYCHOTHERAPY AND RELIGION . . . . . . . . . . 60 Psychotherapy Within Religion. . . . . . . . . 67 V. SEVENTH DAY ADVENTISM. . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 VI 0 HYMPESES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 79 V VII. VIII. IX. TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd) SUBJECTS O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O C THE INSTRUMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Picture Impressions Test. . . . Counseling Readiness Scale. . . Religious Belief Scale. . . . . Religious Ethnocentrism Scale . Religious WOrld Views Scale . . PRmEDU-RES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O ANALYS I 8 OF DATA 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O X. RESUI’TS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O 0 Reliability of the Picture Impressions Test (PIT). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PIT and CR8 Relationships . . . . . . . . . Religious Attitudes and Therapy Attraction. Religious Attitudes and Counseling Readiness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PIT Relationship Between Andrews an oakWOOd o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 CR8 Relationship Between Andrews an Oakwood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons Between PIT Card I and PIT Card V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CONCLUSIONS, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS. . . . . . . XI. XII. DISCUSS ION. O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 Recommendations for Further Research. . . . SUWARY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O BIBLImRAPI-IY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 APPENDIX . A. BASIC BELIEFS OF SEVENTH DAY ADVENTISTS Part I: Scriptural Basis for the Seventh-day Sabbath. . . . . . Part II: Scriptural Basis for Events Surrounding Christ's Return. . vi Page 84 87 87 91 94 95 97 100 109 109 110 110 111 113 114 115 116 118 118 123 126 128 139 140 139 145 APPENDIX B: APPENDIX C: TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd) Page Part III: Scriptural Basis for the Paying of Tithe and Offerings. . . . . . 147 Part IV: Scriptural Basis for Healthful LiVingo o o o o o o o o o o o o o 148 Part V: Consistency of Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . 149 Part VI: A Sample of Quotations from Ellen G. White on the Subject of Mental Health . . . . . . . . . . 151 TABLES O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O l 5 3 RESEARCH MEET O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1 5 6 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1. 10. 11. A Comparison of Age and Academic Classification Between Oakwood College and Andrews University subjeCtSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O Scoring Criteria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ACL Adjectives Characterizing Male Clients Who Terminate Prematurely and Those Who Remain in The r apy O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Male Raw to T score Conversion Tables and College Norms for the CRS . . . . . . . . . . . Point Biserial Correlations Between PIT Scores and CR8 Scores for College Student Sample . . . Point Biserial Correlations Between PIT Scores and RBS, RWVS, and RES Scores for the Andrews Sample, the Oakwood Sample, and the Andrews and Oakwood Sample Combined . . . . . . . . . . . . Significance of the Difference Between the Andrews Sample and the Oakwood Sample Point Biserial Correlations Between PIT Scores and RBS, RWVS, and RES Scores . . . . . . . . . . . Pearson Correlations Between CRS Scores and RBS, RWVS, and RES scores for the Andrews Sample, the Oakwood Sample, and the Andrews and Oakwood Samples Combined. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Significance of the Difference Between the Andrews Sample and Oakwood Sample Pearson Correlations Between the CR8 and the RBS, the RWVS, and the RES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship of PIT Interpretation for College StUdent Sample 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o a Relationship of CRS's Means for College Student sample C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 viii Page 86 103 106 107 110 112 112 113 114 115 115 LIST OF TABLES (cont'd) Table Page 12. Comparison Between PIT Card I and PIT Card V, Andrews Student Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 13. Comparison Between PIT Card I and PIT Card V, Oakwood Student Sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 14. Events Surrounding Christ's Return. . . . . . . 145 15. PIT Attraction Percentages for College Student sample 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 153 16. CRS's Means for College Student Sample. . . . . 153 17. Mean Scores for RBS, RWVS, and RES for the College Student Sample Combined . . . . . . . . 154 18. Comparison Between Andrews Student Sample and Oakwood Student Sample of Family Incomes. . . . 154 19. Comparison Between Andrews Student Sample and Oakwood Student Sample of Parents' Educational Levels 0 O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O 0 O 155 ix INTRODUCTION This research investigates the relationship between fundamental religious beliefs, religious ethnocentrism and attraction to a client—therapist relationship. This study begins with a review of client—therapist attraction and includes a discussion of the importance of race. Then some of the characteristics associated with religiousness were presented and the relationship between psychotherapy and religion discussed. The subjects in this study were members of a fundamentalistic denomination, Seventh-day Adventist. A brief background on the Seventhv day Adventist beliefs is given. Webster (1969) defines a fundamentalist as one having beliefs in the Protestant movement began in the 20th Century which emphasized as fundamental the "literal inerrancy of the Scriptures, the second coming of Jesus Christ, the virgin birth, physical resurrection and substitutionary atonement." There is a Biblical text which reads: "Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace, whose mind is stayed on thee; because he trusteth in thee" Isaiah 26:3, King James Version. The literal translation from the Hebrew of "in perfect peace" is "in peace, peace". The Seventh—day Adventist Bible Commentary on Isaiah 26:3, states that on this earth the mature Christian is at peace 2 with God, himself, and those around him. This peace is described as an inward peace of mind which does not depend upon being surrounded by peaceful conditions, but upon the presence of the Spirit of God in the heart. According to the Commentary the "perfect peace" will be the inheritance of the saints in God's kingdom set up after Christ's second return to this earth. A probable common interpretation of this text is that those who trust in God, the church, etc., will have no psycho- logical difficulties. This common assumption seems to have over generalized the "perfect peace" described in Isaiah 26:3. The major concerns of this study are: (a) Tb what extent will fundamentalists be attracted toward psychotherapy as an important source of help for emotional difficulties; and (b) To what extent will this attraction be related to the fundamentalists' strength of religious beliefs. REVIEW OF LITERATURE CHAPTER I PSYCHOTHERAPY ATTRACTION When a person says he is attracted to another, because of the universal feelings attached to the word attraction: like, love, drawn toward, etc., it is probable that the meaning is understood. When one is asked for reasons for the feeling of attraction to another, desired qualities of the object of attraction are usually given. Also, qualities of the person being attracted play an important role in the interpersonal attraction relationship. Interpersonal Attraction Many variables have been studied in relation to interpersonal.attraction. These variables include accidental «consequences; rewards others provide; reduction of anxiety, stress, loneliness, insecurity; proximity; similarity; cxxmperation vs. competition; love; sex; race; belief systems; etc. Atreview of the research (Berscheid and Walster, 1969) suggested that when individuals feel anxious, afraid, lonely, or unsure of themselves, the presence of others is rewarding. Schachter's (1959) study of the relationship of anxiety and attractiveness suggested that anxiety appears to 3 4 increase an individual's desire for affiliation and anxious individuals are more selective about their affiliations than non-anxious people. In his study two groups of female subjects were led to believe that they would Soon be severely shocked. They were given the choice of waiting alone or with "others". One group of "others" were females waiting to be shocked while another group were females waiting to talk with professors. Only the subjects given the option to wait with females also waiting to be shocked, chose to wait with others. Schachter (1959) concluded that when individuals are anxious they have a special desire to affiliate with indi- viduals in situations similar to their own. Concerning the variable stress, the research suggested that social stimuli does effect the individual's physiologi- cal response to stress. For example, Back and Bogdonoff (1964) found that the blood sample of strangers undergoing ‘physical stress showed a higher resultant level of free fatty acids in comparison to the group of friends undergoing the same experience. Paz and.Amir (1974) studied affiliative 'behawdor of approach— and avoidanceumotivated subjects in fear'situations. They found that in fear situations, affili— ative behavior increased in both approach— and avoidance- oriented subjects. In a related vein, recent research (Schaffer and Abeles, in press) suggested that there is sup- port for the common sense view that client—therapist 5 attraction tends to facilitate the psychotherapy process. Findings diverge, however, when the variable of client dis- turbance is added. Thus Schaffer and Abeles (in press) found that more severe disturbed college students, even when they were highly attracted to the therapy situation, tended to avoid focusing inward on their feelings and emotions during therapy when compared to similar clients who were less attracted to the therapy situation. There has been an abundance of research concerning similarity and interpersonal attraction. Byrne's (1969) review of studies on attitude and attraction consistently confirmed that a positive linear relationship exists between attitude similarity and interpersonal attraction. In the area of assumed similarity, studies suggested that greater relationships exist for assumed similarity than for actual similarity. In one such study conducted by Byrne and Blaylock (1963), Rokeach's Opinionation and Dogmation Scales 'were administered to a group of married couples. Each subject also completed the scales according to how they thought their spouse would answer. The results indicated that:a.greater relationship between husband and wife existed Imith.regard to assumed similarity of political attitudes than with regard to actual similarity. Nelson and Meadow (1971) investigated the relationships between perceived attitude similarity (AS) and interpersonal attraction and their subsequent influence upon actual task success. The 6 results were consistent with previous studies. Those subjects who were led to believe their partner was similar (83% A5) to them showed significantly greater attraction toward him/her than did those who perceived their partner as being dissimilar (17% AS). Also, the similarity-similarity group, that group in which each subject perceived the stranger as being highly similar to himself, had significantly greater success on the task than did the similarity—dissimilarity and dissimilarity—dissimilarity groups. From this study (Nelson and Meadow, 1971), attitude similarity appears not only to affect evaluative perception, but also affect actual performance. Research in areas of Similarity of variables other than attitude is also extensive. These variables include personality (Beier, Rossi and Garfield, 1961; Broxton, 1963; Miller, Twedt, Campbell and O'Connell, 1966), physical characteristics (Berkowitz, 1969; Berkowitz, Nebel, and Reitman, 1971) and intelligence and education (Reed and Reed, 1965). Therapeutic Attraction In the psychotherapeutic relationship, therapist and jpatient variables are related to client—therapist attraction. ‘For the purpose of this study, we are interested in the attraction of an individual toward therapy and the thera peutic relationship. Goldstein (1971) described the type 0f patient that is attracted to therapy on a continuum with 7 Mr. YAVIS at one end and Mr. Non-YAVIS at the opposite end. The YAVIS patient is Young, Attractive, Verbal, Intelligent and Successful. Mr. YAVIS tends to be psychologically minded; brings to therapy a participation expectation; possess the behavior which the clinical literature describes as leading to a favorable therapeutic outcome; and charac- teristically forms a favorable relationship with the therapist. Mr. Non-YAVIS (Goldstein, 1971) is usually middle-aged or elderly, physically ordinary or unattractive, verbally reticent, intellectually unexceptional or dull, and typically from a lower socio-economic level. He tends to be neither introspective nor psychologically-minded; anticipates being directively guided toward problem resolution; and his behaviors and expectations are at wide variance with the typical psychotherapist's preference for YAVIS patients. Mr. Non-YAVIS usually has a high dropout rate. The review of literature (Goldstein, 1971) describing Non-YAVIS patients, suggested that when there is a great variance between the therapist's and patient's expectations of therapy, therapy termination is rapid. The review also revealed that therapist's negative reaction to such patients may also be responsible for unsuccessful outcomes. Accord- ing to Goldstein (1971), therapists tend to prefer less disturbed patients, who are willing to talk about their feelings. 8 Psychotherapy analogue studies based on the social- psychological literature have shown that information given prior to a subject's exposure to a therapy session can influence the subject's perception of that session and render him more attracted and receptive to the session's therapist. Greenberg, Goldstein and Gable (1971) were interested in the influence of background similarity and trait structuring (warm vs. cold) upon attraction to a taped therapist. The subjects included normal high school students and disturbed adolescents in a residential treatment center. The results were that subjects who were instructed that the therapist was warm as opposed to cold were more attracted to the therapist. The high school subjects who perceived the taped therapist to be both warm and similar to themselves in background were significantly more attracted to the taped therapist than both groups of subjects who perceived the therapist as cold and dissimilar. Also, the treatment subjects who perceived the therapist as warmrsimilar were significantly more attracted to the taped therapist than were treatment subjects who perceived them to be cold and dissimilar. This suggested that individuals perceived as being similar in background may at times have an advantage in Promoting rapport and effective therapeutic relationships. This, in addition to Goldstein's (1971) previously mentioned 9 conclusions, suggested that a client is more attracted to a therapist and a therapist is more attracted to a client when there is a real or perceived background similarity. The question then could be asked, to what extent does attraction affect the influence a therapist has upon a client once the client-therapist relationship is established? Schmidt and Stanley (1971) offered a possible answer to this question. In their study, subjects rated their need for achievement before, immediately following, and one week after a short interview exploring their need for achievement. The interview ended with an interviewer attempting to influ- ence the achievement ratings. The interviewer played an attractive or unattractive role. In the high-attractive role, the interviewer, introduced as the psychologist, gave a friendly greeting to the subject, shook his hand, looked and smiled at him and responded warmly to him throughout the interview. In the unattractive role, the interviewer ignored the interviewee when he entered the room, did not smile and generally portrayed disinterest, coldness and boredom. The results showed that in either roles, the inter- viewers were successful in controlling the subjects' attraction to them.and in influencing them. In both roles, the interviewers were presented as experts (Ph.D. psycholo- gists). Thus disregarding whether the subjects liked the PSYChologist he was a credible expert Source of Opinion. 10 Therefore, social attraction may not be important in a therapeutic relationship when the clients are in need of expert opinion and knowledge (Schmidt and Stanley, 1971). An important client-therapist attraction variable is social class. This was dealt with to some degree in the discussion of Goldstein's (1971) Mr. YAVIS. Myers and Bean's (1967) ten-year follow-up study of Hollingshead and Redlich's (1958) study, Social gla§§,ang Mental Illness, is a significant contribution to understanding the relation- ship between social class and psychotherapy. In that study, social class was measured by Hollingshead's Two Factor Index of Social Position. The highest prestige stratum was class I and the lowest class V. Social class I was the smallest group in the New Haven community (3%). More than half of class I individuals were "Old Yankees", who were able to trace their lineage directly from the colonial period. Also, more than half were of the Protestant faiths. Class II individuals were the more status conscious. Approx- imately one fourth were American and another fourth were Russian and Polish Jews. A little less than half were Protestants with the remainder almost equally divided between Catholic and Jewish faiths. Class III individuals comprised a fifth of the population. Their ethnic composition was very heterogeneous. Approximately half were Catholics. Religion is taken very seriously by class III people. Half of the community belonged to class IV. The largest ethnic 11 groups were Italian, Irish and Scandinavians. Two-thirds were Catholics and almost a third were Protestants. Class V comprised a little less than a fifth of the community. Except for blacks, most were new immigrants and their descendents. Although the majority were Catholics, few were practicing Catholics. In general this group was antagonistic toward organized religion. One of Myers and Bean's (1967) hypotheses was that treatment outcome of mental patients from the greater New Haven area was related to patient's social class. As men- tioned, this was a follow-up study from the previous study 10 years ago (Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958). The social class position in 1950 was used to determine the effect of class position on treatment outcome. The follow-up status was divided into three categories: Hospitalized, Dead, and Not Hospitalized. The social class distribution among the categories mentioned indicated that many more persons of the lower classes were still under hospital care 10 years after the original 1950 study. Of those not hospitalized, the proportion of those in the two highest classes was more than 2 1/2 times as great as thOse in the lowest classes. There were no significant differences between social classes in the death category. Of those patients discharged from hospital treatment, the proportion from the two highest classes was three times as great as in the lowest class. Most persons discharged 12 were not under any type of therapy. However, those receiving outpatient care were concentrated in the middle and upper classes. Of the non-hospitalized or clinic patients, the pro- portion of patients increased as social class position increased. Of the former clinic patients, the higher the social class the smaller the percentage hospitalized. Also, the higher the social class the greater the percentage in outpatient treatment. The former clinic patients who were hospitalized were atypical of general clinic patients. The results of Myers and Bean's (1968) follow-up study supported their hypothesis that there is a significant relationship between social class and patients' treatment status: the lower the social class of the persons the higher the proportion under hospital care. Also, the lower the social class, the smaller the proportion of patients in out- patient care, either in clinics or private practice. Myers and Bean (1968) were also interested in knowing the relationship of social class and the treatment process. After examining the lO-year discharge and readmission history of former hospital patients, it was found that social class was related to chances of hospital release: the higher the social class, the greater the proportion of patients dis- charged. Examining the types Of treatment received while hospitalized, a significant relationship existed between social class and the types of treatment: upper- and l3 middle-class patients more frequently received psychotherapy or somatotherapy, the primary form of treatment for those patients who were likely to be discharged. Also, they found that for discharged patients, the lower the social class the less likely the patient would receive outpatient treatment. Looking at the treatment process of the clinic patients, the length and type of treatment was also significantly related to social class. Upper- and middle-class patients remained in outpatient care for longer periods and while in treatment were more likely to receive individual psychotherapy. Concerning the variable race, although there.were no class I-II and few class III blacks in the study group, the relationships between social class and follow-up status for blacks and whites were similar. Therefore, this research gives evidence that social class position is related significantly to the type of psycho- logical help a person will receive, at least in New Haven, Connecticut. WWW Kadushin (1969) was interested in the process which leads people to obtain psychotherapy. The clinics he studied fell into four categories: psychoanalytic, psychotherapeutic, religio-psychiatric and hospital. The patients in psycho- analytic clinics were higher in social class and sophistication than the patients of the other clinic categories. The psychotherapeutic clinics differed from the psychoanalytic 14 clinics mainly in degrees: their therapists were more eclestic and their patients slightly lower social class and less sophistication. The religio-psychiatric clinics resembled the psychotherapeutic clinics with one difference: clergy did most of the therapy and affiliation was not with a psychotherapeutic professional association but with associ- ations of pastoral counselors. Kadushin (1969) stated that "pastoral counseling either in a church, clinic, or a private setting is. . . the most widely used form of counseling in the United States" (p. 35). The hospital clinics derived its patients from the urban lower class who usually used the hospital as a polyclinic. Kadushin (1969) analyzed the process whereby indi- viduals seek therapeutic help. He looked at variables in relation to the type of clinics mentioned. The variables examined dealt with religious affiliation and ethnic factors. The extent to which the subjects practiced their religion was related more to the type of clinic they applied to than the religious faith they professed. The Jews in -the sample were described as the "least religious" of any group and represented 60% of the applicants at the psycho- analytic and psychotherapeutic clinics. Those applying to the religio-psychiatric clinics were described as the "most religious" of the sample. Of the Protestant applicants to the psychoanalytic and psychotherapeutic clinics only 46% were described as being religious, while 65% of the Protestants 15 at the religio-psychiatric clinics were so described. In comparing the practice of religious beliefs, the hospital clinic applicants were described as "average". It would appear that when seeking therapeutic help, the least religious subjects sought psychoanalytic and psychothera- peutic clinics. The most religious subjects sought clinics staffed by clergymen (Kadushin, 1969). Of the social characteristics examined, social class was the most important discriminating factor. Social class was defined according to the applicant's education and type of occupation. In general the closer the clinics affiliation with the orthodox psychoanalytic movement, the higher the applicant's social class. The clinics clientele was summar- ized as follows. The psychoanalytic clinics received young, single, well-educated, white, American born and Jewish clients. The psychotherapeutic clinics received similar clients, although probably of not as high social standings. The religio-psychiatry clinics received middle-aged, married, white, Protestant businessmen and their wives. The hospital clinics received older clients, proportionately more women, working class and sometimes clients who were receiving relief payments. Kadushin (1969) realized that the influence of other persons was an important factor in one's decision to seek therapy. In fact, 80 to 90% of the applicants in the study 16 reported having previous conversations about their problems with laymen, initiated either by themselves, by others, or both. Looking at ethnic and religiods factors in conjunc- tion, white Protestants, Jews and white Catholics were significantly more free in the discussion of their personal problems when compared to blacks. However, when these figures were analyzed closer, the upward mobile Catholic and black was most reticent about discussing his problems. These individuals allegedly recognized their problems less often and received unsought for advice from laymen. Kadushin (1969) felt that the help received from the laymen encouraged them to seek more help and this time from a professional. Because a large percentage of the applicants had sought prior help before coming to the clinics and hospitals, Kadushin (1969) studied the sources of previous treatment in relation to religious affiliation and the type of clinic to which the person applied. Of those who applied to the psycho- analytic and therapeutic clinics, 44% had been to outpatient psychiatry and psychology departments in comparison to 24% of the religio-psychiatric applicants and 16% Of the hospital clinic applicants. For those applying to the religio- psychiatric clinics, more than half had been to clergymen, cultists and healers in comparison to 5% and 11% for the analytic and hospital clinics respectively. The first choice of professional help for the majority of hospital clinic applicants were nonpsychiatric physicians. 17 According to Kadushin (1969), when individuals belong to a religious body which provide psychological services in a religious framework, these individuals often sought clergymen first for professional help. Also, when their church holds strong attitudes toward matters which are problems to them, clergymen are sought first for counseling. Thus, Catholics and Protestants consulted clergymen much more frequently than Jews who did not see rabbis as experts in psychotherapy. When those attending the religio-psychiatric clinics were asked what difference they saw between going to the clinic and going to a clergyman, 80% saw the clinics' personnel as having more training and experience than a clergyman. Thus they conceived of the psychologist and psychiatrist as similar to their clergymen, but with more training (Kadushin, 1969). In conclusion, Kadushin's (1969) research suggested that the strength of one's religious beliefs and practices influence the therapy seeking process. Persons described as Very religious are more likely to seek help from sources where both religion and medical sources are combined. Those described as the least religious are more likely to seek sources of a psycho- analytic and therapeutic orientation. Goldstein, Beller, and Sechrest (1966) were concerned With the patient who comes to psychotherapy on an involuntary or quasi-voluntary basis and is resistive to therapy. Such Persons might participate in psychotherapy, but not in a 18 change enhancing manner. Goldstein et al., (1966) believed it was vital that the therapist intervene so as to increase attraction of client to therapist in order to avoid non-productive, inefficient treatment consequences. Their hypotheses of increasing psychotherapy attraction was dis- cussed in the framework of Festinger's (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance. For the involuntary or resistive patient, the cognitive dissonance theory would predict that the less he (the patient) wished to participate in psychotherapy and the more in fact he participated in a nonresistive manner, the more dissonance he would experience and the greater the pressure to reduce it. In contrast, the less he wished to participate in psychotherapy and the more his par- ticipation was resistive in nature, the less dissonance he would experience and the less pressure would exist for dissonance reduction (p. 92). Therefore, the intervention was to "arouse further cognitive dissonance in the patient, dissonance in the sense that the inconsistency of 'coming' but not 'doing' becomes an. . . unsatisfactory state of affairs for the patient" (p. 93). The increased dissonance would lead to pressure for dis- sonance reduction. Thus the patient had increased motivation and would probably stop "coming" or start "doing" in a nonresistive manner (Goldstein, et a1, 1966). The following are the hypotheses proposed by Goldstein et a1. (1966) to increase therapy attractiveness. Hypothesis I: Patient attraction to the therapist may be increased by cognitive dissonance induced by patient participation in overt behaviors dis- crepant with resistive behavior (p. 97). 19 The first class of dissonance-arousing manipulations which were suggested as overt behaviors discrepant with resistive behavior was patient role playing. The role playing required the negatively attracted patient to act, in a literal sense, as if he were positively attracted to the therapeutic relationship. The psychodrama literature does suggest role playing to be an effective technique in atti- tude or behavior change. For maximal attitude change, Goldstein, et a1. (1966) stated that the role playing pro- cedures should meet the following criteria: 1. Patient choice--regarding participation. 2. Patient commitment--undoing, disowning or uncommiting himself from his discrepant behavior. 3. Patient improvisation--structured role play should be in outline form so the role player fills in the specifics himself. 4. Post-role playing patient reward--reinforcement of the patient's new perspective toward the therapiSt o The second class of overt behaviors relevant to hypotheses I was the writing of discrepant essays. The task involved writing a description of how and why the patient might find himself more favorably predisposed toward his psychotherapist. Studies suggested that essay writing of this type does lead to attitude change in the predicted direction. In conclusion, it was suggested that these discrepant behaviors be introduced meaningfully not only by the patient's psychotherapist but also by one or more of the other members of the treatment team (the intake interviewer, the psycho- logical tester, research persons, etc.). 20 Hypothesis 2: Patient attraction to the psycho- therapist may be increased by cognitive dissonance induced by patient exposure to information discrepant with resistive behavior (p. 212). This hypothesis predicted that more favorable patient attitudes toward the therapy relationship may follow from being exposed to communications which were inconsistent with continuance of resistive, nontherapeutic participation in psychotherapy. Three possible methods of implementation were given by Goldstein, et a1. (1966). The first was the "direct plant". In this method an individual who appeared to be another waiting patient delivers to a resistive patient discrepant information while in the therapist's waiting room. The accomplice's conversation aims at direct exposure to the positive value of the therapist and psycho- therapeutic participation. The literature suggested that such face-to-face persuasive attempts does result in patient behavior change other than attitude change in the direction of the discrepant communication. The second procedure was the "overheard plant". This involved the resistive patient overhearing two accomplices (appearing like waiting patients also) discussing the posi- tive aspects of the therapist and therapy participation. The literature reviewed relative to the "overheard plant" suggested that this method is effective in causing atti- tude change in the predicted direction. The last method was the "credible plant". Goldstein, et a1. (1966) felt that a method was needed in which the 21 source of exposure be more credible than other patients. This involved the patient overhearing a therapist (other than his) and another patient's (an accomplice) conversation-- perhaps a door-threshold conversation as the other patient is leaving. Studies dealing with the influence of credi- bility of the communicator on the acceptance of a conversa- tion reveal that attitude change in the direction advocated by the communicator occurred Significantly often when it originated from a high credibility source than when from a low one. There are possible ethical questions which could be raised in relationship to hypothesis 2. The Eihigal Standaggs Qfilgsyghglggigta (1953) states in connection with the professional character of clinical work that Promises must not be made to induce a person into a clinical relationship or to persuade him to con- tinue a relationship which he desires to terminate (p. 51) 0 With this standard in mind, the resistive patient should not be exposed to information which could be interpreted that therapy guarantees easy solutions or favorable outcomes. Hypothesis 3: Patient attraction to the therapist may be increased by cognitive dissonance induced by over-compensation provided the patient for therae peutic participation (p. 123). This hypothesis suggested over-rewarding the resistive patient for continuing to come for therapy. This over-reward may take the following forms: special arrangements may be made in the patient's behalf such as moving the patient to 22 the head of a waiting list, permitting him to choose his own therapist, or assigning him to a particularly prominent and respected therapist; the therapist may intervene with significant others in the patient's life, he may ask especially low fees, or gygn pay the patient for coming to therapy. The literature does support the therapeutic value of overcompensatory procedures (Goldstein, et a1, 1966). Before concluding their discussion, Goldstein, et a1. (1966) stated that the proposed manipulation of patient attraction to the therapist is also a manipulation of the therapist's attraction toward the patient. Positive and negative therapist feelings and behaviors may be elicted by specific positive and negative patient behaviors. Thus, the nature of the relationship in individual psychotherapy seems to be reciprocal. CHAPTER II RACE, A THERAPY-ATTRACTION VARIABLE Until recently, Blacks receiving help with psycho- logical problems received such help almost exclusively from public clinics and state hospitals. As the economic status of Blacks have improved and racial barriers decreased, more Blacks are going to private sources for psychological assistance. Another change in recent years is the increase of Blacks in the field of psychology. Because of the recentness of this change of events, literature on the therapeutic relationship with dyads composed of participants of other than White clients and therapists has been scarce. we shall, however, review a sampling of what has been researched. Gardner (1972) divided his data on the subject into the following categories: White Therapist-Black.Client, Black Therapist-White Client, and Black Therapist-Black Client. We shall also use these categories. White Therapist-Black Client Therapist Variables Racial prejudice exists in almost everyone at some level--ranging from very overt to unconscious. As is common to other minority groups, stereotypes have been attributed 23 24 to the Black race. This is very evident in the psychologi- cal literature. What has developed are discussions of the so called "Negro Personality". Going back to 1951, Cartwright (1851) wrote an essay entitled "Report on the Diseases and Physical Peculiarities of the Negro Race". The essence of the article was that Blacks were biologically inferior to Whites and enslavement was a therapeutic necessity for the slaves and a medical responsibility for the masters. A more recent expounder of genetic differences between Blacks and Whites is Jensen. Jensen (1973) stated that genetic factors are associated with racial differences in intelligence. He stresssed that lower IQ scores, lower incomes and the lower socioeconomic status of Blacks when compared to Whites are due to genetic, rather than environmental deficiencies. Shockley (1971) also proposed a genetic cause for IQ differ- ences between Blacks and Whites. The general trend in the literature has rejected the genetic-constitutional explana- tions for the supposed inferiority of the Black to the White, and offers racial discrimination and oppression as the explanation for inferiority. Rosen and Frank (1962) expressed the belief that racial discrimination may contribute to psychopathology in the Black patient. In Karon's (1958) book, "The Negro Personality", personality characteristics of American Blacks are compared with American Whites and the personality of American northern Blacks are compared with those of American southern Blacks. 25 He suggested that differences are due to the racial caste system which exists within the United States. The technique which Karon (1958) used for measuring personality was the Tomkins-Horn Picture Arrangement Test (PAT). The test is similar to the TAT, except its interpre- tations are designed to be more objective than the TAT. The personality characteristics included in the test are: 1. Social Orientation: Sociophilia (liking to be with people), Sociophobia (fear of people), Aggression, Dependence, Lability (changeableness), Super-Ego (conscience); II. Optimism-Pessimism; III. Levels: Thinking, Phantasy, Affect, Overt Behavior; IV. WOrk Orientation: Strong work orientation, weak work orientation, Social facilitation of work, WOrk Inertia, Super-ego in work environment; V. Addi- tional Scales: Mistrust of father figures, Guilt after aggression. The subjects in the Black-White comparison study were northern Whites (148) and southern Blacks (51). The results were as follows: (1) The core problem for the Blacks is their handling of aggression; (2) Blacks are not necessarily more prone to use the defense of denial more than whites, but they may have more problems for which denial is a more appropriate defense; (3) Blacks generally have weak and labile affect; (4) There was no Black-White difference on high or low work motivation, only on the scales which indi- cated conflict about work. Karon (1958) raised the question 26 as to whether the differences in personality of the Black and White subjects were due to chance, hereditary differences or the effects of the caste sanctions. Karon (1958) also compared personality differences between southern Blacks (52) and northern Blacks (70). From his data he concluded: Northern Negroes do in fact differ from southern Negroes in the same direction and on the same characteristics which differentiate northern whites from southern Negroes, and these effects are not attributable to the background variables. This would seem to demonstrate rigorously that the caste sanctions do have an effect upon human beings against whom the sanctions are enforced, and further, that these sanctions, and not heredity, account not only for the differences between northern and southern Negroes, but for the differ- ences between Negroes and whites as well (p. 45). Kardiner and Ovesy (1951) provided a good example of stereotyping of Blacks in the psychological literature. Based upon a study of 25 clients, they attributed the follow- ing characteristics to the personality organization of Blacks: 1. Superficiality 2. Apathy and resignation 3. Repressed hostility 4. The wish to be white 5. Identification with feces 6. Intragroup aggression 7. White ego ideal 8. Inclined to gamble 9. Magic thinking 10. Inclined to alcoholism 11. Unconsciously resentful and anti-social 12. weak superego development‘ 13. Disorderly, unsystematic 14. Sexual freedom 15. Reject education 16. Poor discipline in childhood 17. Maternal neglect and rejection 18. Little respect for parents 27 19. Psychologically crippled 20. Distrustful 21. Live for the moment 22. Hedonistic Gardner (1972) noted that more subtle examples of stereotypic thinking exists in the literature. He mentioned the following examples. 1. Characteristic traits in black children such as laziness and the ability to dance are a reflec- tion of specific brain impulse tendencies (Bender, 1939). 2. The greatest psychological tragedy to befall the black man in the United States was his premature emancipation (Hunter and Babcock, 1967). 3. Conditions of slavery were more favorable to the psychological security of blacks (Wilson and Lantz, 1957). With such stereotyped training as background, a White therapist with a Black client must recognize this as a vari- able which will effect the therapeutic relationship. This is not to say that the relationship cannot be a successful one if the therapist has resolved his racial prejudice. Some therapists hold to the argument (Lerner, 1972) that psychotherapy is a middle class method and thus unsuit- able for lower class clients. Since many Blacks do belong to the lower class, this would suggest that therapy would be unsuitable for Blacks. This is so because psychotherapy depends upon the acceptance of delayed rather than immediate gratification and relies greatly upon verbal communication. This line of thinking rests upon the following presuppositions: 28 1. Therapy provides only delayed gratification. 2. The poor have no capacity for delayed gratification. 3. The poor lack verbal skills because they are generally deficient. 4. They lack verbal skills because they do not value verbal communication. All of these presuppositions are false according to Lerner (1972). She suggested that what might appear to be an inability to delay gratification is a deliberate and wise choosing. It is sensible to put off a minor immediate reward in favor of a major later one only if one has enough control over one's life circumstances to insure a reasonable stable and predictable future. That is, however, exactly what the poor lacks. Concerning valuing verbal communication and being skilled at it, Lerner (1972) noted that all cultural and subcultural groups value human communication and rely heavily upon verbal means of achieving such communication. Lerner (1972) stated that the continuation of such preposterous notions are seen by many minority poor people as resulting from a deep, universal strand of prejudice and racism. In recent years a significant minority of profession- als have come to agree with them. In regards to Blacks, a polarization has taken place between those, who see racism everywhere and those who see cultural deprivation everywhere. The therapist who sees racism everywhere, including within himself, and uses denial or avoidance as a mechanism of handling his racial prejudice, is likely to be rejected by the client. A different mechanism of handling these 29 attitudes is through reaction formation. There, the therapist may be over-sympathetic and overindulgent in an effort to conceal his feelings of guilt over his racial prejudice Client Variables The Black client entering psychotherapy with a White therapist is likely to experience considerable anxiety about racial differences (Gardner, 1972). This anxiety may be expressed in such forms as fear, suspicion, verbal constric- tion, strained, unnatural reactions, and "acting white". Acting white (Calnek, 1970) is pretending overtly or covertly that one is White and avoiding undesirable behavior styles of the lower-class Black. During the early therapy sessions (Gardner, 1972) the client will be testing the degree of acceptance of the therapist toward him. Because the "sizing up" on the part of the client takes longer if the client is Black when compared to a White client, many therapists feel it is more difficult to establish a good rapport with a Black client. The Black client will deal with his interracial motives and anxieties in his own particular manner. On one hand, the Black client who fears alienating his White thera- pist by expressing resentment of the discrimination they have experienced may instead repress and deny ever having suffered its malignant effects. At the other extreme, some Black clients will overemphasize their blackness and the 3O patterns of discrimination to which they have been exposed. Their minority status is used to conceal basic personality difficulties, to put the therapist on the defense, to avoid personal involvement in the therapeutic task and to express a deeply entrenched hostility toward authority (Gardner, 1972). Vontress (1971) stated that the difficulty of a White therapist to establish and maintain a good relation- ship with an Afro-American is dependent upon the classifica- tion of that client within the following subgroups: Black, Negro and Colored. Vontress (1971) defines these groups as follows: The Black concept refers to a state of mind. The individual is no longer ashamed of his skin color, his grade of hair, or his slave heritage. He ceases to deny traits that heretofore caused him great anxiety. The Black concept is more prevalent among young people who live in urban areas, are educated (especially males) and live in the North. They are intolerant of, and hostile toward, Whites who approach them with the usual racist stance; therefore they are more likely to create anxiety in Whites. The White therapist (Vontress, 1971), who is unable or unwilling to acknowledge the new self-concept of this group is likely to be ineffectual in relating to its members.. Negroes comprise the large silent majority of Afro- Americans. Vontress (1971) described this group as having 31 shifting values and attitudes, still willing to give Whites a chance to prove their goodwill. In this group are integra- tionists, mostly middle class, a preponderance of females, of whom many are moderately well-educated. Negroes are the people Whites have usually known. They are frequently referred to as "Uncle Toms" or "Dr. Thomas" by Blacks. Vontress (1971) felt that except for blatant racists, White therapists can relate to this group with little difficulty. In general (Vontress, 1971) colored people have of necessity maintained a symbiolic relationship with Whites, who tell them not only what to call themselves, but also determine their behavior in many ways. They perceive them- selves as Whites perceive them. They find it difficult to understand what the Civil Rights struggle is all about since it has meant so little to them. They go through life living and acting a lie. The colored are generally a religious group, some times quick to assume a "God will provide" atti- tude to life. VOntress (1971) said that a White therapist should find it easiest to work with this group, but may be duped by their willingness to do whatever he says. Gardner (1972) stressed that the therapist should View the Black client as an individual and to treat him as such. He also noted that the therapist should examine his motives for wanting to work with a Black client. He suggested the following: 32 l. The need for a power role. 2. The need for affection. 3. The need to enlarge the scope of Social experiences. 4. The need to expiate racial guilt. . . 5. The need to seek vicarious gratification through the sexual and aggressive activities of Black clients (p. 165). E12213 Ihgrapt' st-flhi Is 9;; gnt Client Variables Currently a significant number of Blacks are entering the field of clinical psychology and the practice of psycho- therapy. The limited research available does suggest that in the treatment of White clients, the color of the therapist affects the therapeutic relationship. Curry (1964) pointed out that when the therapist is Black, this can motivate symbolic processes, fantasies, fears, and counterphobic reactions. The following examples were given of expressions made by White patients in relation to their Black therapist: "Oh, oh, the Black God is out after our resistance. . ." Another referred to the therapist as "Booker T. Freud." Another said "the longer I worked with you, the whiter you become... ." (p. 551). Thus, Curry (1964) indicated that in the treatment of White clients, the Black therapist will not only have to deal with standard resistance and transference phenomena, but will also have to be prepared to deal with culturally conditioned resistances simulated by the fact that he is Black. In this culture (Gardner, 1972) White is most often associated with: 33 cleanliness, divinity, illumination, purity, goodness, awareness, life, knowledge, and heaven; while black is associated with the mysterious, the exotic, the savage, with dirt, sin, badness, inferiority, darkness, sleep, death, emotional abandon, feces, man's fallen state, evil, ignorance, the unconscious, power, magic, libido, hades, Judas and Satan (p. 166). It has been observed that these associations are produced by White clients with Black therapists. There are various reasons why a White client might prefer a Black therapist to a White therapist. Gardner (1972) suggested the following possibilities: (a) because of past or present experiences with Blacks, (b) because of identifi- cation with Blacks in terms of the insults and oppression they have received, (c) because they fear that there is less possibility of their secrets getting back to their community and (d) because of shame to discuss certain topics withWhite therapists. The manner in which the White client relates to the Blackness of his therapist follows the mode of his coping and defending behavior in other areas. Oral dependent clients may relate to the black therapist as an idealized maternal object who has limitless supplies of love and oral gratification to bestow. Narcissistic-seductive female clients may be inclined to see a black male therapist as unable to resist the amorous advances of a white woman and will directly or indirectly invite a sexual affair. Clients subject to secretiveness or shame will closely guard disclosing to family and peers that the therapist is black. Clients with problems of sibling rivalry will fantasy themselves not only as the black therapist's favorite client but also as his only white client. . . White clients whose difficulties include tendencies 34 to verbalize or act-out hostile destructive impulses may attack the black therapist in racial terms. (p. 167). Some white clients react to being in therapy with a black therapist with denial. Others fear discussing any association, fantasy or dreams which they feel can be inter- preted to reveal racial biases within them. Others may resist expressing their problems and become oversolicitous of the therapist. The black therapist will have to be prepared to handle these types of "socio-cultural, character- ological" resistances stimulated by him being a member of an oppressed race (Gardner, 1972; Curry, 1964a). lheraeiet.xe£iaelse The black therapist with a white client will probably be anxious about his being accepted by the client. If the anxiety within the therapist, because of the interracial relationship, becomes so great that he harbors neurotic and/or counter resistant reactions to his own race and the client becomes aware of this, the relationship will not be effective. In some cases the Black therapist reacts with anger and resentment to the status of his race and practices reverse racism upon his white clients (Curry, 1964a, 1964b). The Black therapist, like the White therapist, must resolve his own racial conflicts before being able to work effectively with those of another race. IH (D pa wj CC Bl 35 [Btagkllhgtapist-Btagk Ctignt IEQEéEiéi Vattablgs Calnek (1970) noted that Black therapists working with Black clients have the "unusual" burden of dealing with their own feelings as well as the clients feelings about being Black. These feelings are influenced not only by the experiences the therapist has had but also by the White stereotypic view of Blacks. This is especially true since Imost Black therapists had White supervisors. Few Whites (and.White supervisors are no exception) know very much aflbout the Black culture. They frequently misinterpret «Sharacteristic Black folkways as psychopathology; they lack (nanceptually that which is normal and that which is psycho- txithological in the Black and in the everyday interactions vwith Whites; they typically are unable to see the positives arui strengths of the Black life style; they have difficulty conceptualizing the problems and hopes that emerge in a IiLack professional and Black client relationships and they diémniss the Black community's definition of coping with his Pathological ghetto environment. Following are some problems of the Black therapist when counseling Black clients (Calnek, 1970) : 1. Denying identification with the black client. 2. Overidentification with the black client. 3. Differential preference for passive versus assertive black clients. 4. Social class and status differences and similarities with the black client. If") WI 36 5. The tendencies in upwardly mobile black therapists to consider therapy with black clients as low status work and to prefer white clients. Calnek (1970) concluded that "a major prerequisite for the Black psychotherapist working with a Black client is the thorough examination of one's own feelings on being Black and one's way of coping with his own anger" (p. 45). Gardner (1972) noted that not all Blacks are troubled by their blackness. When they have resolved their feelings about being black, the Black therapist can be of great help to the Black client in helping him to cope more effectively with the racial issues and patterns of discrimination which have compounded his efforts at successfully adapting to internal and external sources of conflict. :1. | V . I] A Black client with a Black therapist also feels anxious about the new relationship. He wonders to what extent will the therapist be able to empathize with him. This is especially true when there is a social class differ- ence. The Black therapist will probably be tested and scrutinized as a White therapist would. The Black therapist might be even accused of selling out to the White man's tmarld and called "Uncle Tom" or "Dr. Thomas" (Gardner, 1970). Grier and.Cobbs (1968) indicated that psychological disorder arises conflict between the inner drives pushing ftxr' individual gratification and the group demands of the 37 external environment. Ofttimes, (Grier and Cobbs, 1968), psychotherapy deals too much with changing the inner world and consequently adapting to the outside world. An effective therapist will help the Black client to change his inner life so that he can more effectively change his outer world. The question could be asked, do Black people differ mentally? The answer is no (Grier and Cobbs, 1968). Their mental function is governed by the same rules as that of any other group of people. The unique experiences of the Black man are, however, a constant factor influencing his life. The therapist should be able to differentiate symptoms of a sick man from symptoms of a sick country. Grier and Cobbs (1968) wrote about what they call the "black norm". For survival, they said, the Black man must develop a "cultural paranoia" in which every White man is a potential enemy and every social system is set against him. Because of the realistic suffering and hurt he has experienced, the Black man develops a "cultural depression" and a "cultural masochism". Because he sees the laws as designed to protect the White man he may develop "cultural anti- socialism". These are characteristic of the "black norm". If a Black person appears mentally ill, Grier and.Cobbs (1968) suggested that all that appears to represent mental ilJJness to be totaled and the "black norm" subtracted. They Cliainned that what remains is illness and proper subject for the r apeutic endeavor . 38 Pugh (Pugh and Mudd, 1971) conducted a survey of 102 Black men and women and their attitudes toward seeking professional help. The professional who interviewed the subjects was also Black. The subjects were of low-income status; their average educational level was a high school diploma for the men and a little less for the women; the average age was 35 for the men, 27 for the women; their religious affiliation was predominantly Baptist; and though the study took place in Philadelphia, many of the subjects were bOrn in the rural South and had been brought to Philadelphia by their parents. In reference to their attitudes (Pugh and Mudd, 1971) toward seeking professional help for personal problems, the following data were gathered: These Black men and women usually went to their mothers first for help with personal problems. The majority did feel, however, that going to family members generally did not help. This group did not seek professional help until they were extremely troubled. Their general attitude was that they themselves were too unimportant to bother a professional person with their problems. When asked what obstacles prevented them from seeking professional help they gave in rank order: fees, the profession (psychologist, social worker, medical doctor, etc.) of the helping person, and availability of professionals. Men and women ranked race of the helping person as an 39 obstacle differently. The men ranked race fourth and the women ranked it eighth (the lowest). The subjects showed (Pugh and Mudd, 1971) that they could benefit from pro- fessional help if they perceived the setting as comfortable and the helping person as interested in and caring of them. CHAPTER III CHARACTERISTICS ASSCIZIATED WITH BEING RELIGIOUS Research is abundant with attempts to investigate personality characteristics distinctive to the religious person. For the purpose of this study, the general defini- tion of a religious person as given by webster (1969) was used. Thus, a religious person generally refers to one who has faith in a deity and adheres to a way of life in keeping with that faith. Defining religions have been approached by researchers in many ways. Multi-dimensional definitions of religions have been widely accepted in recent decades (King and Hunt, 1975). This chapter presented representative studies conducted in this area. First, attitudes and beliefs as a basis for the discussion of characteristics associated with a religious person will be discussed. BeliQiQH§.A££iIEQ§§.eadtfislisie Within Christianity there are many denominations and sects which represent a wide range of belief systems. Within a given denomination there is a range of strength of beliefs adhered to by the individual members. For example, Glock and Stark (1965) found members of Protestant denomi- nations held widely divergent views regarding traditional 4O 41 Christian beliefs. Further, they (Glock and Stark, 1966) found that the more conservative denominational members tended to be more homogeneous as a group on orthodox questions. Thompson (1974) examined the degree of orthodoxy found among three different diploma or degree groups graduating from the Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. A comparison of the three groups revealed a difference on every orthodoxy item except the one item that dealt with the divinity of Jesus. This implies that denominational affiliation may not be an accurate indicator of fundamentalism. Researchers have also attempted to measure the import- ance of religious beliefs to subjects. Glock (1962) proposed that the manifestations of religiosity be organized within five dimensions of religious commitment: (a) ideological, (b) ritualistic, (c) experiential, (d) intellectual, and (e) consequential. Glock (1962) suggested two types of research: focusing on the specification of components within each dimension or focusing on the matter of inter-dimension independence. Davidson (1975) reviewed other conceptual schemes used to distinguish different types of religious commitments. Examples of distinctions made were between "other~world1y" and "this-wordly" orientations, "conventional" and "internalized" religious outlooks, "extrinsic" and "intrinsic" approaches to religion, "sect-like" and "church-like" types of involvement, and "committed" and "consensual" religious orientations. These schemes suggested 42 two general religious orientations--conservatism and liberalism. DiGiusepee (1971) wrote that research of religious beliefs yielded measures of attitudes concerning specific religious beliefs and what is needed are measure- ments of strength of religious beliefs. While many writers do not maintain a distinction between attitudes and beliefs, Fishbein (Steiner and Fishbein, 1965) believed that they are different. He defined attitudes as "learned predispositions to respond to an object or class of objects in a favorable or unfavorable way" (p. 107). Beliefs,'Fishbein stated (Steiner and Fishbein, 1965), "are hypotheses concerning the nature of these objects and the types of actions that should be taken with respect to them" (p. 107). Concerning the relationship Of the two, Fishbein (Steiner and Fishbein, 1965) said that an "individual's attitude toward any object is a function of the strength of his beliefs about the object and the evalua- tive aspects of those beliefs" (p. 117). In the study of religion, investigators have been interested in what factors are related to religious beliefs and religious attitudes. Earlier investigators felt that religious attitude was a uni-dimensional factor. Ferguson (1939) studied what he called Primary Social Attitudes which indicated that religious attitudes were uni-dimensional. Broen's (1957) investigation of religious attitudes found them to be bi-factorial. 43 Recent research suggested that religious attitudes are multi-dimensional. Hunt and King (1971) stated that what deserves to be called religious behavior is involved in the Personality structure at its deepest levels and probably in multiple ways. Dittes (1971) reported that it would be logical and good science to abandon uni-dimensional thinking and develop multi-dimensional frameworks. King and Hunt's (1975) studies also supported multi-dimensional definitions of religious attitudes. Allen and Hites (1961) investigated factors in religious attitudes of adolescents. Their questionnaire included religious attitude items, a Biblical knowledge test and three rating scales for marking the extent of Bible reading, church attendance and family devotions. Twelve factors evolved, of which, nine were long enough to describe. With regard to "Family Religious Life", it was noted that reading the Bible a lot and having family devotion often was not related to high Scores on Bible knowledge. Therefore, whatever was used for Bible reading and family devotion did not increase the overall knowledge of Biblical content for the sample (Allenand Hites, 1961). Hadden (1963) studied factors associated with religious and political affiliation using college seniors for his sample. Six factors emerged with five factors being well defined. The findings did support the proposition that education had a secularizing influence. Concerning the relationship between parents' religious orientation and the 44 students' religious beliefs, students reporting that their mothers did not attend church often, also were more likely to report that their fathers attended college. Similarly, students who were low on conventional religiosity were more likely to have fathers who had attended college. Following the lead of research which indicated that religious beliefs are multi-dimensional, Maranell (1969) studied eight distinct dimensions of religious attitudes among clergymen. The two resulting factors were: one, a conservative fundamentalistic attitude cluster, and two, a more liberal, socially concerned religious attitude factor. The following dimensions were heavily weighted on the first factor: Fundamentalism ("the literal interpretation of the Bible"), Theism ("Belief in God") and Superstition ("Irrational and antiscientific beliefs"). Maranell (1968) believed this factor involved such things as "The Scopes Trial, tent meetings, exuberant congregations, shouted amens, perspiring preachers, healing prayers, altar calls, emotional conversions, vociferous hymns, Billy Sunday, Billy Graham, and Oral Roberts" (p. 436). The second factor contained four religious dimensions (Maranell, 1968): Altruism ("an unselfish concern "for others"), Idealism ("a dedication to lofty principles"), Church Orientation ("attitudes which value church membership and association") and Mysticism ("contemplation, transciency, passivity and inexpressability"). 45 Thus, Maranell's (1968) research found that factors associated with fundamental religious beliefs were character- istically different, for example, from that of religious liberal beliefs. One characteristic which set the funda- mentalist apart, was the literal interpretation of the Bible. Warsaw With that discussion of belief and attitudes, the personality variables to be discussed are dogmatism, preju- dice, and authoritarianism. These seem to be'flramost salient personality characterististics associated with the religious person. Using the Dogmatism scale and the F Scale as a measure of authoritarianism and the Opinionation Scale as a measure of general intolerance, Rokeach (1960) investigated the relationship of those scales with religious affiliation. Comparing Catholics, Protestants, Jews and nonbelievers and giving the Opinionation, F (an indirect measure of prejudice), Dogmatism and Ethnocentrism Scales, the following relations were found: All groups were high on total opinionation with the nonbelievers being the highest. The Catholics and nonbelievers scored equally high on dogmatism and higher than the Protestants and Jews. The Catholics scored highest ‘on the F and Ethnocentrism Scales followed in order by the Protestants, Jews, and nonbelievers. Computing the correla- tions between the scores on the Dogmatism Scale and on the F Scale, Rokeach (1960) found that they did measure general 46 authoritarianism or closed-mindedness. Correlations of the Ethnocentrism Scale and the Opinionation Scale did yield a measure of general intolerance, though one is a form of racial or ethnic discrimination and the other discrimination based upon belief. Thus Rokeach (1960) showed that there is a relationship between religious beliefs and the Personality variables of closed-mindedness and dogmatism: authoritari- anism and intolerance. Allport (1966) suggested that, on the average, church- goers possess more racial, ethnic and religious prejudice than do nonchurchgoers. When one looks at a religious congregation, by and large it is an assemblage of like-minded people, each congregation representing ethnic, class and racial cleavages. For many, church membership is a socio- cultural significance, a matter of class, a support for their own ethnocentricism. Allport (1966) gave the following explanation to the relationship of religion and prejudice. The reason why churchgoers on the average are more prejudiced than nonchurchgoers is not because religion instills prejudice. It is rather that a large number of people, by virtue of their psycho- logical make-up, require for their economy of living both prejudice and religion. Some, for example, are tormented by self-doubt and insecurity. Prejudice enhances their self esteem; religion provides them a tailored security. Others are guilt-ridden; prejudice provides a scapegoat and religion relief. Still others live in fear of failure. Prejudice provides an explanation in terms of menacing outgroups; religion promises a heavenly, if not terrestial, reward. Thus for many individuals the functional significance of prejudice and religion are identical. One does not cause the other; rather both satisfy the same psychological needs (p. 451). n.» W CC do me E? 47 Lenski (1961) saw two distinct groups of churchgoers. One, he labeled a "communal" type which stressed the socio- cultural factor in churchmembership. For some, church affiliation is fashionable, provides status for others, a gossip center for some, a meeting place for the lonely, and entertainment for the disengaged. Lenski (1961) labeled the opposite type, "associational". For them church membership is primarily for the purpose of religious fellowship. In comparing Catholics whose communal involvement was high and whose associational involvement was low, 59% favored segre- gated schools; whereas among Catholics whose associational involvement was high and whose communal involvement was low, only 29% favored segregated schools--a significant difference (Lenski, 1961). Therefore, there appears to be one type of churchgoer which is prejudice and another type which is not. Looking at the continuum of church attendance, Allport (1966) observed that nonattenders and frequent attenders had low prejudice scores, while intermediate attenders had high prejudice scores. These results are comparable to Lenski's (1961) distinction between communal and associational religion. A communally involved person does not have to be a frequent churchgoer to maintain nominal membership or to obtain sought for benefits. However, a person who is associationally motivated would have greater regularity and frequency of church attendance. and and 48 Allport (1966) used the concept of extrinsic value intrinsic value to further distinguish the communal type associational type church member. For the communal type or extrinsic type, church membership supports and serves other nonreligious ends, and for the associational types or intrinsic type, church membership is an end in itself. According to Allport (1966) a person with an extrinsic orientation would agree with the following statements: The purpose of prayer is to secure a happy and peaceful life. The church is most important as a place to formulate good social relationships (p. 456). A person with an intrinsic orientation would agree with these statements: I try to carry my religion over into all my other dealings in life. Quite Often I have been keenly aware of the presence of God or the Divine Being (p. 456). Allport (1966) concluded after his study of religion prejudice that the extrinsic religious orientation in personality is indeed the context of prejudice. The intrinsic orientation is the matrix of tolerance. . . Those subjects who are incon- sistent--who grasp at any and all statements favorable to religion, regardless of their logical consistency--are the most prejudiced of all. Thus it seems that the religious context for bigotry lies in both the extrinsic and in the muddled-headed types of religious sentiment. Only the consistently intrinsic type escapes (p. 456). Allport and Ross' (1967) research provided an addi- tional proposition to those previously given by Allport (1966). They found the church goers who were indiscriminately 49 pro-religious to be more prejudiced than the consistently extrinsic and very much more prejudiced than the consistently intrinsic types. In responding to the religious items given, these individuals had a superficial approach. Their mental set seemed to be "all religion is good." According to Allport and Ross (1967), prejudice is a matter of stereotyped over-generalization, a failure to distinguish members of a minority group as individuals. Allport and Ross (1967) concluded that: Social scientists who employ the variable ''religion' or 'religiosity’ in the future will do well to keep in mind the crucial distinction between religious attitudes that are intrinsic, extrinsic, and indis- criminately pro-religious. To know that a person is in some sense religious is not as important as to know the role religion plays in the economy of his life (p. 442). Gorsuch and Aleshire (1974) reviewed studies of the association between Christianity and ethnic prejudice. They concluded that moderately active church members were found to be prejudiced. However, highly active church members were as tolerant as nonmembers. The more intrinsically religious, nonfundamentalistic and theologically discriminat- ing persons were also more tolerant. Gorsuch and Aleshire (1974) suggested that prejudiced people are conforming to "the great American way of life," a sentiment which includes strong elements of both White Anglo-Saxon supremacy and Christianity, while nonreligious and highly religious people are selecting their values out of the tradition. 50 Stanley (1964) looked at personality and attitude correlates in the context of religious conversion. Stanley (1964) used James' (1929) definition of conversion: The process, gradual or sudden, by which a self hitherto divided, and consciously wrong, inferior and unhappy, becomes unified and consciously right, superior and happy, in consequence of its firmer hold upon religious realities (p. 186). Stanley's (1964) research revealed that there is a positive correlation betweenwdogmatism and religious conver- sion, between fundamentalism and religious conversion, and between dogmatism and fundamentalism. He elaborated further that since fundamentalists accept a very literal interpreta- tion of the Bible, it is expected that fundamentalists would report more conversions than other religious groups. Also, the converted subjects tended to have a lower neuroticism score (less emotionally unstable) than non-converted subjects. Stanley (1964) stated that this study should be viewed as suggestive rather than definitive because of the low (although significant) correlations obtained. Stanley's (1964) study introduced another relation- ship, religiousness and mental health. This relationship continues to stimulate controversy despite the fact noted by several investigators that these variables are too global in their own right to yield simple predictive relationships (Dittes, 1969; Freeman and Giovannoni, 1969; Hood, Jr., 1974; Spilka and werme, 1971). However, in the more restricted areas of these variables, meaningful empirical predictions can be made. 51 Mental Health and getigion Hood, Jr., (1974) reported a study which used a non-dynamic oriented measure of psychological strength and a measure of intense religious experience. The results indicated that persons high on the measure of psychological strength were more likely to report intense religious I“ experiences than persons low on this measure. Hood, Jr., (1974) also reported that intrinsically oriented persons were more likely to report intense religious experiences than extrinsically oriented people. Kottman (1966) studied religion and general semantics and draw some conclusions concerning the relationship between religion, semantics and mental health. He discussed semantics according to two types of orientations: extensional and intensional. One who has a scientific approach to life is said to have an 'extensional orientation'. This kind of person seeks connections between words and reality through observation and investigation. He prefers to check an assertion against the facts as they can be observed. The extensional method. . . is the only method which is in accordance with the structure of our nervous system as established by survival. . . One who relies largely on words and disregards Observations is said to have anflintensional orientation.’ A person in this position is devoted to verbalization as fundamental rather than to the reality to which verbalization should direct him. . . Reversed intensional methods disorganize this normal mode of activity of the nervous system, and so lead toward nervous and 'mental' illness (p. 120). 52 Kottman (1966) hypothesized that a positive correla- tion exists between intension and religious attitude. Religious attitudes were attitudes toward God, the Bible, and the church. The data from the study supported Kottman's (1966) hypothesis. Since these results suggested a positive relationship between religious attitudes and mental mal- adjustment, Kottman (1966) concluded that there was something about the way religion was presented and practiced that is maladjustive. He explains that the structure of the nervous system was established with "senses" first, and "mind" second. One should experience first with his eyes, ears, etc., not with his mental facilities; the reverse can be maladjustive. Also, there is a need for consistency between what one senses and what one thinks. Applying this formula for mental health to religion, the Christian religion's doctrines, sermons, teachings, etc. (Kettman, 1966) should meet the following requirements: (1) they should be related meaningfully to man's needs and (2) they should be consistent with the actions of the church. In relation to the first requirement, Kottman (1966) believed that the Christian church, as experienced by many, does not contribute as much as it could to the lives of those for whom it is intended. Kottman (1966) also felt that the Christian church has too many inconsistencies. For example, he mentioned how the church excludes or segregates people because of race or nationality and teach brotherhood of men. Another mentioned 53 inconsistency is giving sermons against materialism delivered in a beautiful half-million dollar church. In concluding, Kbttman (1966) reflected that guilt and frustration from attempting to lead a perfect life might be responsible for the less than optimal adjusted life. He thought that more emphasis should be given to the gospel than the law within the church. Kleiner (1959) considered mental disorder and status as related to religious affiliation. He classified Protestants as the high status group and Catholics the low status group because he felt they were subject to some degree of discrimi- nation; e.g., in politics, employment, admission to pro- fessional schools and in social acceptance. Using religion as a dimension of status, Kleiner's (1959) findings were: (1) there is a greater prevalence of extreme aggressive and withdrawal behavior in the low status group than in the high status group, and (2) the low status group showed an earlier onset of mental disorder. Kleiner (1959) explained the differences between high- and low-status groups in terms of their reaction to frustration and impairment of frustration tolerance. Mayo, Puryear and Richek (1969) used MMPI clinical scales to measure personal and social adjustment. The subjects were adolescent male and female college students. The subjects were all White and middle class and attending a small denominational university. They were classified as 54 religious or non-religious according to their Own self description. In a comparison of data between religious males and non-religious males, the religious males were found to be significantly less depressed, less schizophrenic, and less psychopathic deviant than non-religious males. For the females, only one difference emerged: non-religious females were found to score higher on the MMPI ego strength Scale than the religious females. The investigators concluded that these results suggested that for college age male adolescents, religious self-regarding attitudes seem to be beneficial from the mental health point of view. The fact that the results for males were different from those for females does suggest that sex may be an important variable in the study of the personality characteristics of religious persons, at least in late adolescence. Lindenthal, Myers, Pepper and Stern (1970) reported on the relationship between mental impairment and two aspects of religious behavior--church attendance and prayer. The sample consisted Of 938 persons randomly selected in metro- politan New Haven. The sample represented a cross-section of the community, including all ethnic, racial, and socio- economic groups. The results showed that the more severely one is impaired mentally, the less likely he is to be affiliated with a church and to attend church frequently. A similar relationship was found between the mentally impaired and 55 participation in organized community activities. Lindenthal, et al., (1970) concluded that the greater the degree of psychological impairment, the greater the tendency for the individual to isolate himself from organized social activi- ties Of any type, including religious ones. The investigators examined the changes in religious behavior in response to life events. The life events used were: catastrophic, legal, financial, health, job, marriage, interpersonal, family, education, relocation, and any event. Reported change in church attendance, in response to crises, was related to initial frequency Of attendance. A larger number of people reported prayer in responses to at least one event than reported change in church attendance. The greater the impairment, the more likely that the person prayed in response to that event. This was especially true for three types of events: catastrophic, health, and relo- cation events. In the remaining events there was generally a direct relationship between psychological impairment and prayer: the greater the impairment, the higher the propor- tion who pray. Lindenthal, et al., (1970) stated that all persons are more likely to turn to prayer for events over which they have little personal control. For those social and environ- mental situations over which persons have more control, the increases in the proportion of persons who pray are sub- stantial as psychological impairment becomes more severe. 56 Therefore, they concluded, the subjective or internal aspect of religion does seem to serve a function for the mentally impaired during a time Of crisis. Ranck (1961) introduced the continuum of religious conservatism and liberalism in his study of its relation to mental health. He also discussed the personality character- istics of authoritarianism and submissiveness. Conservatism was defined as theistic, Godrcentered, supra-naturalist, absolutist in dogma. Liberalism was defined as humanistic, man-centered, naturalist, anti-dogmatic. Protestant theologi- cal students were used as subjects. The data revealed the following in relation to the variables of authoritarianism, submissiveness and psychopathology: Authoritarianism--The more conservative persons were in their religious ideology, the more they tended to exhibit prejudice against and to reject outgroups such as Blacks, Jews, etc.; they exhibited such personality characteristics as authoritarian aggression and submission, conventionalism, identification with power figures, projectivity, punitiveness and stereotyping; and emphasized discipline in child training by a stereotypic dominant, assertive male and rigidly con- ventional female. The more liberal persons were in their religious ideology the more they tended to reject both outgroup prejudices and ingroup idealization; exhibition less in comparison to the conservatives of the mentioned person- ality characteristics; and emphasize self-expression and the less contrast of sex roles. 57 Submissiveness--The more conservative, the more submissive in face to face situations. The more liberal, the greater the tendency to be dominant in interpersonal relationships. Psychopathology--The more conservative, the greater the tendency to be over-productive and impulsive. The more liberal, the more feminine interest exhibited. In general, Ranck (1961) does not believe psychopathology to be related significantly to position on a continuum of religious ideology. Coursey (1971) considered religious ideology liberal-conservative continuum among Roman Catholics. His study confirmed liberalism-conservatism as a measureable and useful bipolar construct. Expectations about the salient characteristics of liberal and conservative Catholics were generally supported. The conservative Catholics in comparison to the liberal Catholics tended to be Older, less educated, authoritarian submissive, and preferred to remain a part of the traditional Catholic subculture. They assumed a defensive posture against the outside world, similar to Rokeach's closed minded person. They also were less interested in social issues compared to more liberal Catholics. On the other hand, the liberal Catholics stress the right to follow their own conscience, were critical of Church authority, and appeared quite open to, and accepting 58 of, other religions and the world around them. They also felt the Church Should become more involved in contemporary social problems. The following studies to be discussed provided characteristics associated with the religious behavior of church attendance (Lazerwitz, 1961). Church attendance was analyzed by sex, race, age, number of children, life cycle, education, occupation and family income within groups of Protestants, Catholics, Jewish, Baptist, and Methodist. Analysis of the Christian groups revealed: (1) women attend church more frequently than men; (2) Blacks attend church somewhat more often than Whites; (3) the higher the education levels, the greater the rate of church attendance; (4) no associations between frequency of church attendance and age, number of children, or family income; (5) increased regular- ity of church attendance by Protestants with children five years old or over. The Jewish group showed the effect of its traditional Orthodox pattern in having a greater fre- quency of synagogue attendance for men than women and for the older Jewish age groups in comparison to the younger age groups. There was no significant association between church attendance and education, occupation or income within the Jewish group. Nelson (1973) reported in his analysis of church attendance that frequency of church attendance was highest among Catholics, followed, in order, by Blacks, White 59 Protestants, and Jews. Also, when specifying for socio- religious groups, intellectualism was positively related to church attendance. In recent years (Hertel and Nelson, 1973) there has not been an appreciable decline in levels of religious belief as suggested by some. However, there has been a marked decline in the proportion of Americans expressing uncertainty regarding orthodox Christian beliefs and an increase in the proportions who Openly espouse disbelief. In summary, personality characteristics such as closed minded, dogmatic, authoritarian, and prejudice have been associated with the "religious" person. Investigators who have examined the personality characteristics of the religious person closely seem to suggest at least two types. One type includes those who have internalized their religious beliefs as a part of their whole life. The other type include those for whom religion is external and only ritualistic. The mentioned personality characteristics apply more to the externally religious person than to the internally religious person. Another dimension of religion is the conservative-liberal cotinuum. In relation to mental health, there does not appear to be a significant relation- ship between position upon this continuum and mental health. A religious self-attitude does, however, seem to relate to good mental health in certain populations, particularly with 'Pegard.to college students (males). CHAPTER IV PSYCHOTHERAPY AND RELIGION The area of psychotherapy and religion is broad. For the purposes of this paper, we were interested in the western world's religion, more specifically Christianity. Limiting this research to western Christianity is typical of the research reviewed. As is probably recognized there are many sects among American Christians. . . 186 according to MCComas (1973). But for the time being, we discussed these 32,936,445 people (MCComas, 1973) as one body. It is then evident that specific generalizations could not be made. The review of literature suggested that the historical differences of opinion between psychology and religion con- tinues to persist. Menninger (1959), a recognized psychiatrist, pointed out that anyone interested in psychiatry (or psycho- therapy) cannot exclude anything that pertains to human life and this includes religion. He perceived the conflict between psychology and religion as a personal conflict relat- ing to fears of impaired authority. As recognized by others, he saw the two dedicated to the same purpose and to some extent, using similar methods. The approach might be differ- ent but the task is similar--helping the client (or patient) to cope with something which gives him pain or those around him pain. 60 61 The name calling between psychology and religion began (Menninger, 1959) when religionists reminded psychiatrists and psychologists that their founding father, Freud, called religion an illusion and an opiate of the people. In Freud's defense, Menninger (1959) pointed out that an illusion is not a delusion. Continuing he wrote: I am sure. . . that Freud did not mean to say that the religious experience was negligible or that it was false or that it was nonexistent. I think Freud did feel that certain forms developed in the name of religion were harmful (p. 794). Empty forms of religion have been criticized in the Bible. Form can replace content; faith can become superstition; ritual can become compulsive and obsessional; Baal can become more attractive than God; prayers can be used to ward Off witchcraft instead of expressing praise; and religion can be used to exploit people (Menninger, 1959). Menninger (1959) focused on the concept of love as the bringing together of psychology and religion. He raised the question Could we (psychiatrists, psychologists, and religionists) not all agree that, if there were one maxim to be acted upon throughout one's whole life, it would be the Biblical precept, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself'? (p. 795). In retort to the question he continued If I were to look at the world assembly of those who believe in something they call religious belief, and if I were to look at the various psychiatrists and the psychiatrists' helpers. . ., psychiatric social workers, psychiatric nurses and psychiatric aides, therapists and psychologists, I would say: these are two bodies of people, both dedicated to 62 the kind of work in which the importance of the other person is greater than it is natural for that importance to be in a normal person (p. 796). Gross (1959) also used "love" as a uniting chain. He stated that good religion and good psychiatry are identi- cal. He based his conclusion upon the following approach. Psychology teaches that a man cannot live a complete or fulfilled life without love. Religion has traditionally taught the importance of love. . . God is love, God loves, God will love, if . . . . Also, the basic tenet of psycho- analysis and psychotherapy is to make the patient believe that he is a person who counts, a person about whom someone cares. The therapist or analyst accepts the patient regardless of who he is or what he has done. (This is believed by some, but not all therapists, e.g., Rogerians.) Thus, he has to love the unlovable. "Loving the unlovables," Gross (1959) declared, "is perfect religion". With this he perceived that good religion and good psychiatry are identi- cal. He noted that Freud believed profoundly in the estimable virtues of truth, reason, brotherly love, reduction of suffering, independence, and responsibility. Gross (1959) concluded that if this isn't good religion, what is? At a symposium held to discuss the relationship between religion and psychotherapy, two common aspects were stressed: the concern both have for the individual and a value orientation relative to his well being (Becker, 1958). 63 Psychotherapy by virtue of the obvious ethical implications involved in its 'caring' for or 'treating' persons and because of its unavoid- able espousal of some view of man and some value orientation as to his true well being, has brought psychology and religion into a contiguity and interlocking of work where it is no longer possible to distinguish neatly the psychologist from his religious colleague (p. 568). Everyone does not approach the subject, to study what the common aspects are between psychology and religion.- Philip (1956), for example, gave a very critical analysis of Freud's view of religion. Referring to Freud as an "unrepentant atheist", Philip (1956) suggested that Freud was very limited in his knowledge and understanding of the various types and sects taken in the name of religion. Philip (1956) based this conclusion upon his belief that Freud was limited in his exposure to religious people because the country in which his early life was spent was a predominantly Catholic country. Philip (1956) also provided the following quotations as examples of Freud's "critical attitude toward religion": In relation to the external world man is still a child and cannot give up the protections he enjoyed as a child. Man's belief in God has twofold origin: the emotional strength of the memory image of the father exalted into a diety and his lasting need for protec- tion (p. 127). I do not believe that one supreme great God 'exists' today, but I believe that in primeval times there was one person who must needs appear gigantic and who, raised to the status of deity, returned to the memory of men (p. 204). 64 It should be kept in mind that Freud's statements are not given in the context which they were written. Therefore we are unable to know the real meaning Freud was attempting to relay. Philip (1956) concluded that though Freud attempted to understand religion, his attempt was not serious and explaining religion was his way of understanding it. His mistake, (Philip, 1956) was to believe that everything could be known and understood. "Thus one of the world's most determined disillusionists falls into the trap of ruthlessly tearing from his life one of man's great illusions, only to substitute for it another--Science" (p. 129). With an approach which differed from Philip's (1956) approach, Menninger (1959) examined some of the areas of conflict between psychology and religion. One of the accusa- tions leveled by religionists is that psychoanalysis and psychotherapy is a form of escapism. It is true, said Menninger (1959), that psychoanalysis "may be" a form of escapism; some patients seek analysis to escape from reali- ties or unrealities which they cannot bear or think they cannot bear. A good therapist will point this out to the patient at the most appropriate time. Menninger (1959) pointed out that escapism in itself is not evil; it may be useful or it may be harmful. From some things there is no escape and a good therapist will point this out to the patient with as much honesty and clarity as a minister would. 65 Another charge against psychoanalysis and psycho- therapy is that it does not relieve the unresolved sense of guilt of sin. Menninger (1959) did not see the responsi- bility of analysis or therapy to relieve guilt feelings. He felt that this is the business of the church. Mowrer (1960) is in disagreement with this charge and Menninger's con- clusion. Mowrer (1960) pointed out that as psychologists are re-evaluating their stand that personality disturbances are illnesses rather than sins and looking toward moral and religious precepts with more respect, religionists are looking at sin as a sickness. MOwrer (1960) believed that the religionist will eventually return to a "sounder, less fantastic position", but in the meantime psychologists have a responsibility and opportunity to pursue the moral nature of man. Traditionally, sin is thought to be that which sends a person to He11--a place of other worldly retribution and torment. Mowrer (1960) stated that the state of mind and being which is called neurosis and psychosis is Hell and whatever sends a person into those states of mind is sin. With this definition of the word sin, he continued to say that recovery does not occur by helping a person reject and rise above his sins, but by helping him accept them. There- fore, the charge that psychology does not relieve the guilt of sin is debatable. 66 A common charge against psychology is that it favors sexual promiscuity and it encourages people not to feel guilty about it. Menninger (1959) does not agree with this charge. In fact, he stated this charge "is false, and its reiteration is a lie, a slander, a canard, and a misrepre- sentation of facts" (p. 782). Instead, he continued, Freud suggested that the religion of his time was extremely repressive concerning sexuality and he helped loosen neurosis. Menninger (1959) recognized that parents are guilty of restricting their children's sexual life in sometimes crude and harmful ways. If the sexual life is thoroughly inhibited, as the child grows up, he may manifest psychological dis- turbances later. He may become overly inhibited, impotent, unsure of his identity or panic at the thought of physical intimacy. Many such persons later seek psychotherapy. Therapy may assist the Person in losing the inappropriate and abnormal sense of guilt attached to sex and teach that sex is not evil. In expressing their relief from their sexual inhibitions, others may incorrectly interpret this as psychology favoring sexual promiscuity. In conclusion, Menninger (1959) looked at the daily work of the psychiatrist: caring for "the most miserable, the most unloved, the most pitiable and at times the most offensive and even dangerous of human beings" (p. 783). He can be conceived in the role of a friend, a guide, a pro- tector, a helper, a lover for these unhappy people. He has 67 tolerance, forebearance, and patience for "stubbornness, anger, spitefulness, silliness, sulkiness, belligerency, desperateness, unreasonableness, maliciousness--all mani- festations of hate" (p. 783). Therefore, the question was asked by Menninger (1959) does this sound like ungodliness? WP hoh WW Psychotherapy has had a tremendous effect upon religion during the past quarter century. It has influenced theology, seminary education, the role and work of the parish minister, and the mission of the church. Many denominations have developed psychotherapeutic evaluation programs for clergy and missionary candidates and a few offer some kind of psychotherapy under church auspices for clergy and/or their family (Hawthorne, 1966). Seventh-day Adventist colleges and universities provide counseling and testing services for their students and employees. These services offer counseling in the areas of personal, social, religious, educational and vocational concerns. Psychological testing and counseling are used extensively in most seminaries to assist the theological student in their preparation for the ministry. Carrigan (1967) gave possible reasons for the increased use of psycho- therapy with seminary students. 1. In the seminary the student deals with deeply personal questions of life: questions concerning faith, doubt, sin, guilt, etc.--all of which are 2. 3. 4. 68 quite demanding. This involvement can be psychologically disturbing. Also studied is man's relationship to God and his fellow man. It is reasonable to expect that at some point the seminarian ponders his own relationship--to God and to man. The seminary student who "felt called" into the ministry usually liked people and sought to related to others. The danger exists in the seminarian losing himself in people to the extent of losing his own identity. For example, psychological conflicts may occur when the parishioners want to see their minister as a "Servant of the People" and the minister is torn between that image and the image of "Shepherd of the Flock" (challenging the parishioners and lead- ing them to serve God). The ministers' inner compulsion to be all things to all people must be redirected to resolve such conflicts. Psychological pressures are produced by the unclear and undefined nature of the American church. Questions of identity. There is much doubt concern- ing the significance of the church and its relevance to the contemporary world. The seminary student might be uneasy about his motivations for going into the ministry. 69 Another trend in the church is (Hathorne, 1966) the application Of group therapy principles to church groups. One of the most extensive areas of growth is pastoral counseling and the development of church-related counseling centers. The pastoral counselor, according to Hathorne (1966), usually views his role as a religious one. He functions within the church or church-related institutions. Though he may deal with Social and behavioral problems and most of his counseling is in the area of marriage and family rela- tions, he brings a religious as well as a psychotherapeutic orientation to his work. With the increase of pastoral counselors, there has also been an increase in church-sponsored counseling centers (Hathorne, 1966). Of the counseling centers in existence, 84% were started since 1953, and half were started since 1959. The trend in these centers has functionally been toward specialization in marriage and family counseling. Generally, the "client-centered" approach is used, emphasis is on short-term rather than long term therapy, and the majority (75%) of these counselors are clergymen giving part-time service. A survey (Mannino, et al., 1967) of clergy referrals to mental health clinics suggested that there is a growing relationship between the clergy and mental health facilities. The survey of 60 clergymen's referrals from January, 1952 70 through December, 1961, revealed 125 referrals had been made. This included 88 adults whose major type problem was marital difficulty and 37 children, whose major type of problem was anti-social behavior. Sandler (1966) surveyed ministers in Memphis, Tennessee, concerning their attitudes toward psychiatry. The survey revealed that training in counseling for clergy came from self-study, seminary, seminars, and post-graduate courses. Self-study was the major means of training for the pre-l945 group, and the seminary for the post-1945 group. Concerning the relation between psychiatry and religion, most of the clergy thought that mutual understanding was the key to a desireable relation. Each profession, however, should stick to its own field. Many felt that psychiatry needed to be more tolerant of religion (Sandler, 1966). Rudin (1963) felt that there was a division between the activity of the pastoral counselor and the psychologist. He stated that the pastoral counselor should remain within the conscious realm, although it is good for him to be knowledgeable about the unconscious psychic life, to keep it always in view, and to act cautiously in its regard. On the other hand, he continued, psychotherapy can profit from a constant awareness that even in the compulsive neurotic there is a conscious realm of the soul, and, at least indi- rectly, the will power of these patients should be strengthened. Both, the clergy and the psychologist, should help man to form his life integrally and meaningfully (Rudin, 1968). CHAPTER V SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTISM The subjects in this study are Seventh-day Adventist males attending a Seventh-day Adventist college or university. A brief sketch of the teachings and work of Seventh-day Adventist will be given. In addition, a more detailed discussion is presented in Appendix A. Seventh-day Adventists, as their name suggest, are Christian Sabbath keepers who believe in the literal return, the second advent of Jesus Christ. This name was adopted because of these two outstanding beliefs: the seventh-day Sabbath and Christ's second advent. Seventh-day Adventists observe Saturday as the Sabbath because there is no scriptural basis for the change of the day of worship from Saturday, the seventh-day Sabbath, to Sunday, the first day of the week. To them, the hours between sunset Friday and sunset Saturday are sacred, when no unnecessary work should be done. The Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual states: The Sabbath hours belong to God. . . Our own pleasure, our own words, our own business, our own thoughts, should find no place in the observance of the Lord's day. . . The Sabbath is a special day for worship in the home and in the church. . . a day in which to learn more of God through the Bible and the great lesson book of nature. It is a time to visit the sick and to work for the salvation of souls. The ordinary 71 The 72 affairs of the six working days should be laid aside. No unnecessary work should be performed. Secular reading or secular broadcasts should not occupy our time on God's holy day (p. 207). Holy Scripture states: Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work: But the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work. . . If thou turn away thy foot from the sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on my holy day; and call the sabbath a delight, . . . not doing thine Own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speaking thine own words: then shall thou delight thyself in the Lord. . . Wherefore it is lawful to do well on sabbath days (Exodus 20:8-10; Isaiah 58:13—14; Matthew 12:12). Seventh-day Adventists believe that the second advent of Jesus Christ is very important because of the events they feel are associated with His coming. These events include the the the resurrection of the dead, the destruction of the wicked, purifying of the earth, the reward of the righteous, and establishment of Christ's everlasting kingdom. Seventh-day Adventists hold certain fundamental beliefs, the principle features of which may be summarized as follows: 1. Both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible are inspired by God and contain an all—sufficient revelation of His will to men, and are the only unerring rule of faith and practice (2 Timothy 3:15 17). 2. The Godhead or Trinity consists of the Eternal Father, Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit (Isaiah 44:6; 48:13; Matthew 28:19; 12:32; 2 Corinthians 13:14; Revelation 1:8, 11). 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. ll. 12. 73 Jesus Christ is very God, being of the same nature and essence as the Eternal Father (John 1:1, 14; Hebrews 2:9-18; 8:1, 2; 4:14-16; 7:25). Baptism by immersion (Romans 6:1-8; Acts 16:30-33). The Ten Commandments are the law of God and binding upon all men (Exodus 20:1-17). The law of ten commandments points out sin, the penalty of which is death. Because the law cannot save the transgressor from his sin, God provided Jesus Christ as a substitute to die in man's stead. By accepting Christ, man is reconciled to God. This experience is wrought by the Holy Spirit, who convinces of sin and leads to Christ, inducing the believer into a new relationship with God (2 Corinthians 5:21; 1 John 2:1, 2; 3:4; Romans 1:16; 3:20; 5:8-10; 7:7; Ephesians 2:8-10; 3:17; Galations 2:20; Hebrews 8:8-12). The fourth commandment requires the observance of the seventh-day Sabbath (Genesis 2:1-3; Exodus 20:8-11; 31:12-17; Hebrews 4:1-10). The condition of man in death is one of unconscious- ness. All men good and evil, remain in the grave from death to the ressurrection (Ecclesiastes 9:5, 6; Psalms 146:3, 4; John 5:28, 29). Only God hath immortality and immortality is bestowed upon the righteous at the second coming of Christ, when the righteous dead are raised from the grave and the living righteous are translated to meet Christ (1 Corinthians 15:51-55). Tithes and offerings are to be given to God. Tithes consist of one-tenth of one's income, increase, etc. (Leviticus 27:30; Malachi 3:8-12; Matthew 23:23; 1 Corinthians 9:9-14; 2 Corinthians 9:6-15 . Jesus Christ will come again; this coming will be literal, personal and visible (Luke 17:26-30; John 14:1-3). After Christ's return, the earth will be restored to be the home of the saints of the Lord forever (Genesis 13:14-17; Hebrews 11:8-16; Matthew 5:5). 74 13. The followers of Christ should be godly, not partakers of the unrighteous ways of the world; recognize their bodies to be the temple of the Holy Spirit. They should dress in heat, modest, and dignified apparel. They will abstain from all intoxicating drinks, tobacco and other narcotics and avoid every body- and mind-defiling habit and practice (1 Corinthians 3:16, 17; 9:25; 10:31; 1 Timothy 2:9, 10; 1 John 2:6). (Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 1971) Seventh-day Adventists are a people of Bible prophecy. They believe that the prophecies of the Bible are among the greatest evidences of the inspiration of the Scriptures. They teach that a close study of the prophecies found in Daniel and in the Revelation will disclose the fact that the present time is the most solemn of all times in this world's history. They believe that the final examina- tion of the records of all people who profess a belief in God started in 1844 and that at the end of this investiga- tive judgement Christ will return to the earth. Adventists believe that this coming is soon and that God's message for these "closing days of earth's history" is for all men to come to repentance (Haynes, 1967). They are convinced that they have a divine commission to take God's message of repentance and the gospel of Jesus literally to "every nation, and kindred, and tongue and people" (Revelation 14:6). The church is constantly sending out missionaries and teachers to all of the world. There is not a continent in existence, and today scarcely a 75 country, where their missionaries and teachers and preachers are not at work. Seventh day Adventists are working in 189 countries out of the 221 in the world as per the United Nations. The church has established and is operating a globe-encircling chain of publishing houses (50). It maintains a worlddwide chain of sanitariums, hospitals, clinics, dispensaries and medical launches (371). It operates an educational system of more than four hundred academies and intermediate schools and almost four thousand primary schools. They operate the largest Protestant school system in the world. It supports approximately 30 health-food companies (These Times Ingathering Appeal, 1976). Seventh day Adventist are tithers. One tenth of their gross income, their increase from whatever source, is considered as belonging to God. The tithe is only used for the support of the ministry. The tithe is not spent on other work to pay church or institutional debts, or building operations. Gifts and Offerings are considered beyond tithe paying and come out of the other nine-tenths remaining. Per capita, Seventh-day Adventist contribute more money than any other religious group in the United States (Lake Union Herald, 1977). Seventh-day Adventist believe they qualify for the Bible description of God's peculiar people, as being "in the world," but "not of the world." They believe that whatever they should eat, drink, wear, and do should please God. Man's 76 original diet in Eden included fruits, grains, nuts, vegetables, green things, but not flesh. Seventh—day Adventists believe that this original diet is the one best suited to man}s needs today, and thus encourage a vegetarian diet. Since 1863 the following health principles have been taught by Seventh day Adventist: the dangers of the use of poisonous drugs; the harmfulness of tea, coffee, tobacco, alcohol, and flesh foods; the benefits of healthful clothings; the value of a simple, wholesome diet, exercise, rest, sunshine, and fresh air; the usefulness of the right use of water in the treatment of the sick; and the value of trust in divine power. Today, Seventh-day Adventists live several years longer than their noneSeventh—day Adventist counterparts. They find in the Bible explicit injunctions against dressing lavishly and extravagantly, against the use of gold and precious stones, and other trinkets for the purpose of adornment. They believe they should separate themselves from the world's amusements, pleasures, follies and extravagances. To them this worldliness has no part of Christian living. Concerning war, Seventh-day Adventist are conscien- tious objectors. This religious conviction has been recognized by the United States Government; and Seventh-day Adventist have been exempted from bearing arms in both the civil and international wars. Seventh—day Adventists are not pacifists, nor antimilitarists. They are just noncombatants. 77 The Seventh-day.Adventist church is unique in the consistency of religious practices of its members through- out the world. The Church Manual, which is followed worldrwide, establishes well-defined procedures for every activity of the church, such as church membership, church officers and their duties, church organization, church discipline, and standards of Christian living. There is an individual whose influence is extremely extensive among Seventh-day Adventists. This individual is Mrs. Ellen G. White (1827-1915). Mrs. White is recognized among Adventists as possessing the gift of the spirit of prophecy. Her writings, which include over 32 books and numerous articles and manuscripts, are regarded as contain- ing inspired counsel and instruction. While Adventists hold her writings in highest esteem, the Church emphasizes that the Scriptures are considered the only foundation of all true Christian doctrines (Seventh-day Adventists Answer Questions on Doctrine, 1957). However, dedicated Seventh- day Adventists study Mrs. White's writings very diligently. In Schwarts' (1970) study of Seventh-day Adventism, he noted that in the group he studied, the pastor would support any argument about the meaning of a biblical passage with a reference to Mrs. White's writings on the subject. Therefore, Mrs. White's writings can be viewed as having a significant influence upon attitudes of the subjects in this study toward psychotherapy. 78 Mrs. White wrote that the study of the mind is important. In general, she stated that the study of the mind is the nicest work; the mind should be trained and disciplined; a disciplined mind will accomplish better work; one should strive for the highest mental and moral excellence; understanding minds are of great value in deal- ing with the sick (Guidelines to Mental Health, 1966). In the area of therapy, Mrs. White differentiates between false systems of therapy and safe mind therapy (Guidelines to Mental Health, 1966). Seventh-day Adventists' attraction toward psychotherapy would seem to be influenced by the religious values of the therapist. However, this variable was not examined in this study. METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURES CHAPTER VI HYPOTHESES Hypothesis I. There is a statistically significant relationship between strength of therapy attraction (as measured by the Picture Impressions Test (PIT) and counsel- ing readiness (as measured by the Counseling Readiness Scale (CRs)). Hypothesis II. There is a statistically significant negative relationship between strength of religious atti- tudes (as measured by the Religious Belief Scale (RBS), the Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES), and the Religious WOrld Views Scale (RWVS) and strength of therapy attraction (as measured by the PIT). Hypothesis III. There is a statistically significant negative relationship between strength of religious atti- tudes (as measured by the RBS, the RES, and the RWVS) and readiness for counseling (as measured by the CRS). Breelheei§.l Hypothesis I assumed that there would be a positive relationship between attraction to therapy and readiness for therapy, though this might be a small to moderate relationship. 79 80 Two instruments were used in this study to tap differ- ent, but related aspects of client-therapist attraction. One, the PIT is a projective instrument designed by Libo (1957) to measure the attraction of a client toward the therapist or the therapeutic situation. The other instrument, the CR8, a paper-pencil measure, consisting of self- descriptive adjectives, was developed to identify clients who would remain in therapy long enough to derive some benefits from it. To the extent that readiness for counsel- ing includes a certain amount of positive anticipation, a positive relationship with therapy attraction would seem to result. This should hold even though one of the measures is a paper and pencil test and the other a projective measure. Libo (1957), Mullen and Abeles (1967), and Matthews (1972) reported that the PIT was successful in predicting whether clients would or would not return for therapy after an initial interview. Return was defined as returning to the therapist for three or more sessions after the initial interview and continuing until the client and the therapist both agreed to terminate the sessions. According to Heilbrun and Sullivan (1962) the CRS satisfactorily predicted whether a client would return to therapy after an initial interview or would terminate pre- maturely. Return was defined as remaining in therapy for more than five sessions after the initial screening contact. Both scales were validated using a college-student population. 81 In this study, because both instruments were used, the CRS could serve to further validate the PIT. EMRQIEEEE§.LI.QEQ.LLL Hypotheses II and III essentially tested the strengths of the relationship between attraction to therapy and religious beliefs and readiness for therapy and religious beliefs. Three instruments were used to measure strength of religious beliefs. The Religious Belief Scale (RBS) and the Religious WOrld Views Scale (RWVS) measured the strength of fundamental religious beliefs (belief in the literal inter- pretation of the Scriptures). The Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES) measured religious ethnocentrism (belief that one's religious organization is superior to other religious organizations). Gilmore (1969) suggested that in considering person- ality differences in religious populations, a distinction should be made between the content of religious beliefs and the manner in which such beliefs are held. She hypothesized that within a highly homogeneous group of Pentecostals (known to hold the same fundamental beliefs) those who were identified as holding their beliefs in a dogmatic manner would have predictably different personality patterns from those identified as holding their beliefs in a nondogmatic manner. The data revealed the groups to be homogeneous in content of religious beliefs and extent of personal 82 religious practices. However, those identified as non- dogmatic when compared with those identified as dogmatic, were significantly higher on the following California Personality inventory scales: dominance, capacity for status, socialability, self-acceptance, sense of well-being, toler- ance, intellectual efficiency, psychological-mindedness, flexibility and achievement via independence. Those identi- fied as dogmatic rated significantly higher on the achievement via conformance scale. Osward (1971) studied the relationships between cer- tain personality variables and theological beliefs of seminary students identified as conservative (C), moderate (M), and liberal (L). Comparison of the liberal and the conservative students indicated the following: (1) The liberal students were more reflective and scientific in their thinking and showed an interest in a wide range of ideas. They were also the least dogmatic, the most anxious, and tended to have poor self-concepts; (2) The conservative students were the most dogmatic, the least anxious, and had stronger self-concepts. These studies tended to support the proposition that within a religious population those who are most liberal in their religious beliefs and non-dogmatic in the manner in which their beliefs are held, are more psychologically minded. This group may be more likely to seek psychotherapy than their counterparts. 83 The Religious Belief Scale (RBS) and the Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES) were developed to measure the extent of personal investment in religious beliefs. The possible score range on the RBS and the RES is 24 to 144 and 12 to 72 respectively. In Phillip's (1968) study, using Michigan State University students as subjects, the obtained standard deviation for the scales were 25.07 (RBS) and 9.41 (RES). During the pilot study when the scales were used on Andrews University students, the obtained standard deviation was 14.43 (RBS) and 8.70(RES). As noted, the mean devia- tion for the subjects attending Andrews University, which is a Seventh-day Adventist school, was less than that of the subjects attending Michigan State University. The Religious werld Views Scale (RWVS) was developed to help students understand and clarify their religious world view. The possible range on the RWVS is 25 to 150. Patterns of religious beliefs range from natural humanism to orthodox Christianity. In this study, it was proposed that the differences in strength of religious beliefs would be related to differential client-therapist attraction. CHAPTER VII SUBJECTS I The subjects in this study were male students who attended Oakwood College in Huntsville, Alabama and Andrews University in Berrien Springs, Michigan. They were enrolled in Introductory Psychology classes at their respective schools. Some students enrolled in the Religion and Theology Division and General Chemistry classes at Oakwood College were also included. Their participation was voluntary. Both schools are Seventh-day Adventist institutions and the faculty and student body adhere to the beliefs and principles of the Seventh-day Adventist church. At either school a student may forfeit his connection with the school if his attitudes and general conduct are not in accord with the school's standards and objectives. The following specific behaviors are given in Oakwood College's and Andrew; University's college bulletin as offenses con- sidered as very serious and may be a cause for dismissal: l. The use of tobacco, alcoholic beverages, narcotic or other dangerous drugs. 2. Dancing, attending a dance hall (or a theater or movie house: Oakwood's bulletin only). 3. Indulging in profanity and vulgarity. 4. Possessing lewd or obscene materials. 5. Gambling, betting or use of gambling devices. 6. Undermining the religious ideals of the school. 84 85 7. Marriage, without the school's permission, during the school year. 8. Delinquency in attendance at religious services, dorm worship or academic classes. Oakwood College, a four-year liberal arts school, is the only Seventh-day Adventist college in the United States with a predominantly Black (99.9%) student body. During the 1974-75 school year, 534 males and 617 females attended Oakwood College. This was the first year Oakwood College had an enrollment Of over 1,000 students. Ninety-seven percent of the students were Seventh-day Adventist. Of the 33 non-Seventh-day Adventist students, 25 were lower division students. Because of Oakwood College's peculiarity of being the only predominantly Black Seventh-day Adventist college in the United States, its students come from a wide variety of states. In 74-75, the states leading in student population were: Alabama, New York, California, Illinois and Michigan. Based on total enrollment, the median income of the students' families was $6,000-7,499. The estimated cost for attending Oakwood College as a resident hall student for the 75 school year was $1,802.00. Andrews University consists Of a four-year liberal arts college, a graduate school and the Seventh-day Adventist Theological seminary. The University had a total enrollment of 2,364 for the 74-75 school year. Because the subjects for the research are undergraduates, the references to Andrews University will pertain to the undergraduate school, unless 86 stated otherwise. The undergraduate school consisted of 1,718 students of which 785 were males and 933 were females. Ninety-three percent of the students were Seventh-day Adventist. Andrews is a predominantly White school with an American Black student body of 9%. The estimated cost of attending Andrews University during the 75 school year for resident hall students was $2,100.00. Ninety-six students from Andrews University and 84 students from Oakwood College were subjects in this research. All of the subjects were males, Seventh-thy Adventist and Americans. The subjects from Andrews University were White and the subjects from Oakwood College were Black. Generally, the Andrews University subjects were younger than the Oakwood College students. Also, a greater percentage of subjects from Andrews were classified as lower division students (see Table 1). TABLE 1 A COMPARISON OF AGE AND ACADEMIC CLASSIFICATION BETWEEN OAKWOOD COLLEGE AND ANDREWS UNIVERSITY SUBJECTS Classification Aoe Lower Upper School 16-19 20-22 23+ Division Division Andrews University 66% 26% 8% 85% 15% Oakwood College 38% 32% 29% 62% 38% CHAPTER VIII THE INSTRUMENTS Picture Impressions Test Libo (1959) designed a projective technique, the Picture Impressions Test (PIT), which measures the attrac~ tion of a client toward the therapist or to the therapeutic situation. The PIT consists of two forms of four pictures, one form for male clients and one for female clients. These are presented to the client after a clinical interview, and the client is told to make up a story about each picture. The attraction measured is defined as the "resultant of all forces acting on the patient to maintain his relationship with the therapist. . . the strength of the patient—therapist relationship" (p. 1). The first picture is of a man (or woman) standing with chin in hand, and above the person and to the right is a balloon—like structure such as is seen in cartoons. In the balloon two people are pictured seated in chairs facing each other. One (the man) has a note pad on his knee. The second pictures a man (or woman) sitting in a chair at a distance from another individual seated behind a desk. The third pictures a man (or woman) leaving an office and the door to the office has the words "Dr. Jones" lettered on it. The person is leaving through the doorway and a man is 87 88 seated behind the desk in the office watching the person. The last picture is of a man (or woman) sitting in a waiting room alone. Also in the picture is in office door with a sign that reads "the doctor is in" hanging at an angle from the door. According to Libo (1956), the four pictures can be used for Black and White subjects and for adolescents and adults of both sexes. However, an additional set of PIT pictures were redrawn with the therapist and client being Afro-Americans instead of White for the Black subjects. The purposes of the PIT are: (a) To ascertain the nature of the patient- therapist relationship (e.g., expectations of the patient, demands to be made on the therapist, attitudes of the patient toward the therapist). (b) To predict whether or not a patient will return for his next scheduled interview (an opera- tional criterion of attraction). (c) To determine the potential effect on the patient of the therapeutic interaction; i.e., the likelihood of the patient's being influenced in his attitudes and behavior as a result of contact with the therapist (the degree of attraction and the success of interpersonal influence are directly correlated). 89 (d) To determine differences between therapist, clinical settings, and procedures in their effects on patient-doctor relationship. In a study by Libo (1957), using the PIT, the accuracy of prediction of returns and no returns was very high. Of the 31 patients who returned to the therapist for a second interview, 24 were accurately classified by the test, while Of the 9 who did not return, 6 were accurately classified by the test. Mullen and Abeles (1967) provided additional vali- dating data with their investigation using the PIT. The investigation was concerned with expectations people have of others and the communication of these expectancies, and especially in client-therapist relationships. An important factor in whether or not an interpersonal relationship is continued is the attraction of those involved. The PIT was used to investigate questions concerning (1) differences in attraction scores for students who had had no prior contact with psychotherapy; and (2) the predictive validity of this instrument with a different population in a different setting from that used by Libo. Subjects were students at Michigan State University. A total of 137 students were used. There was an experimental group who had been seen at the Counseling Center for an initial interview before administration of the PIT to them, and a control group of students enrolled in advanced 9O undergraduate courses in psychology, who indicated they had no previous contact with a counselor and had no desire for any contact in the immediate future. The results indicated that the experimental subjects had a mean of attraction scores significantly higher in a positive direction than the control group. The experimental group had had an interpersonal contact just prior to admini- stration of the PIT. The control group had had no contact. The results on predictive validity in this study were also significant. The PIT classified accurately 33 Of the 34 who did return and 11 of 15 clients who did not return; a predictive relationship significant at the .02 level. The PIT was also used by Matthews (1972) to investi- gate the relationship between client-therapist attraction and duration of therapy. In addition, the client personal- ity variable of dominance-submission was also investigated as it was related to duration of therapy and to client- therapist attraction. The hypothesis tested were (1) Clients weaker in interpersonal strength, assertion and confidence are more attracted to the client-therapist relationship; and (2) those clients more concerned with fears, worries and anxious immobilization are more attracted to the client-therapist relationship. The PIT was used to measure client-therapist attrac- tion. Leary's (1957) interpersonal system which used MMPI 91 indices was used to measure the dominance-submission variable. The MMPI indices were achieved through the formulas (Leary, 1957) Ma minus D and Hs minus Pt (Ma = Hypomania, D = Depression, HS = Hypochondriasis, and Pt = Psychasthenia). The subjects were 45 clients who were undergraduates at the Michigan State university Counseling Center. All of them had been seen for an initial interview prior to the administration Of the test instruments. The results of Matthews' (1972) investigation sup- ported the first hypothesis but not the second. WM We Eagle The Counseling Readiness Scale (CRS) was developed by Heilbrun and Sullivan (1962). The purpose of the CRS is to help identify the client who will remain in counsel- ing long enough for some benefits to accrue and the client who will leave counseling prematurely, therefore disallowing the possibility of important gains. The CRS was validated using a sample of college students with personal adjustment problems seen at a University counseling center. A client was defined as a stay subject if he or she remained in counseling for more than five interviews past the initial screening contact. A drop subject was one who: (1) failed to keep his initial screening appointment; (2) failed to meet with his assigned counselor despite a mutual agreement in the screening interview to begin personal counseling; or 92 (3) met his assigned counselor but terminated on his own initiative prior to the sixth interview. Each client was given the Adjective Check List (ACL) which included 300 self-descriptive adjectives from which the person was asked to select those which are self-characteristic. Since previous studies by Heilbrun (1961a, 1961b) suggested dif- ferential personality patterns associated with duration of counseling for males and females, separate counseling readiness scales were developed for males and for females. Heilbrun (1962) described the construction of the CRS as follows: The procedure for construction of a counseling readiness scale was an empirical one. Those ACL adjectives for which there was a different rate of endorsement for personal clients who termin- ated prematurely and for those who did not were determined by chi-square analysis. . . Those adjectives which were more frequently endorsed by stay clients were assigned plus credit and those for which the drop group showed higher rate of endorsement were given negative credit. The final raw score on either the male or female CRS repre- sented the sum of the plus-credit adjectives endorsed by a person minus the sum of the minus- credit adjectives he selected as self-characteristic. . . . Scores on both CRS's correlated with the total number of adjectives as self-characteristic. Accord- ingly, conversion from raw to T-scores was performed independently for four ranges of total adjectives checked, a procedure which has been shown to remove the undesired correlation (pp. 112-113). The ideal validation procedure would have been a cross-validation with independent samples of males and female personal counseling stay and drop clients, but this was impossible because all available clients meeting those characteristics had been used in developing the CRS. 93 However, two validation procedures were used. The first was the use of the ACL's personal clients who had been used to develop the scales. They were scored for the CRS. Heilbrun and Sullivan (1962) recognized that this procedure tended to overestimate the power of the scale, but they felt it was probably safe to assume that the results pro- vided an estimate of the maximum power of the scales. In addition, one new type of personal client group was included. These were clients seen for only the initial screening interview following which a mutual or unilateral decision to not initiate personal counseling or a referral to another agency occurred. The CRS was statistically significant in predicting the drop or stay clients. Specifically, 84% of the males and 79% of the females were correctly identified as stay or drop clients. Cross-validation was considered as crucial, but an independent sample of male and female personal counseling stay and drop clients was not available because all avail- able subjects were used in developing the scales. Therefore, college clients seeking vocational and/or educational counseling were used. Drop subjects were those who applied at the Counseling Service for vocational counseling, took the intake battery of tests, but then failed to appear for the first counseling interview. Stay subjects were those who applied, were tested, and remained in vocational counseling either four or five interViews, which is longer 94 than the modal number of interviews (from one to three) characteristic of vocational counseling. The difference between CRS means for the male drop and stay vocational and personal counseling groups was in the predicted direc- tion and highly significant. The difference in means for the female groups was also in the predicted direction. These results provide additional evidence for the validity of the CRS (Heilbrun and Sullivan, 1962). Religious Beliet $2242. The Religious Belief Scale (RBS) developed by Phillips (1968) sought to measure the strength of an individual's religious beliefs. The scale is in a language which most persons can answer, regardless of their religious orientation. The format uses a six-point Likert Scale. The 25-item scale was administered as part of a pilot study to a group of 40 male and 40 female Seventh-day Adventist students enrolled in Introductory Psychology classes at Andrews University, a religiously affiliated college with an undergraduate enrollment of approximately 1500. While the possible range of the scores was 25-175, the obtained mean was 152.5. Since the subjects tested were all from a fundamental religious background, the skewed distribution was interpreted as supporting validity for this scale (Phillips, 1968). 95 Religioee Ethneeenttiem §cele During the pilot study with the RES, Phillips (1968) felt that certain items measured religious ethnocentrism rather than religious belief. These items were removed from the RBS and formed the nucleus of an 8-item Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES). The pilot study also used students from Andrews University. As with the RBS, the distribution was skewed toward the upper end of the range continuum. Phillips (1968) expected this since the Seventh-day Adventist Church is a proselytization-oriented sect which firmly teaches that the Church is in possession Of major portions of the "Truth" (Seventh-day Adventists Answer Questions on Doctrine, 1957). The final version of the RBS consisted of seven positively and five negatively worded statements concerning the superiority of one's own religious beliefs and group, and the need for separation from other religious groups on such matters as marriage, friendship and ideology. Phillips (1968) stated the following concerning the RES: The individual items present a relatively larger number of situations involving religious ethno- centrism, as well as a variety of intensities of the construct. Also the prejudicial content Of the statements is not directed in favor of or against any particular religious group; yet the statements are not so vague as to eliminate all notions of discrimination. It was thereby anticipated that the scale would prove applicable to all individuals, regardless of their orienta- tion toward religion (p. 27). 96 The items on the RBS and the RES were rated by the subject according to a Likert scale, ranging from -3 (disagree very much) to +3 (agree very much). The RBS and the RES were relatively balanced with negatively and positively worded statements in an effort to eliminate any corresponding biasing factors arising from response style. It was felt by Phillips (1968) that reversal (negative wording) of some items did not result in any major alter- ation in the content of those items. In scoring, the signs of the values (+ or -) assigned to reversed items by the subject were changed; thus, the final score for any item was always in terms of increasing values for more religious responses. Also, four points were added to each of the items on the scales to insure that all total scores would be positive. In Phillips' study (1968) the relationship to each other of the RBS, the RES, and Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale were explored. The three scales were also used to study the effects of a dogmatic derogatory communication. The subjects were Introductory Psychology students at Michigan State University. Since the study included two new scales, test-retest reliabilities and internal consistency scores were obtained for the RBS and RBS. The test-retest reliability coefficients for the RBS and the RBS were .86 and .74 respectively. These reliabilities were significant beyond the .001 level. Ku tl‘. WC he 97 The Coefficient Alpha test, equivalent to the Kuder-Richardson, but applicable to scales in which more than two responses to the items are available, was used as an estimate of internal consistency. The Coefficient Alpha correlations for the RBS and the RBS were .91 and .57 respectively. Pearson product-moment correlations between the variables of class status and age and scores on the RBS and RES was computed. The results revealed these variables not to be a significant determinant of RBS and RES scores among the subjects involved in the study. No significant differences were found between scores of males and females on the REB. On the RBS, however, the differences were significant at the .05 level, with the females scoring higher. MCLean (1952) described religious points of View as a horizontal spectrum which ranged from orthodox Christian- ity, through religious liberalism, to naturalistic humanism. These perspectives are said to transcend knowledge and interpret experiences. According to MCLean (1952), the average individual is unable to distinguish between various religious points of View. The Religious ‘WOrld Views Scale (RWVS) was developed by MCLean (1952) to help individuals identify their own religious point of View. Fc DE 111: re RW we we to of C01 C0: C0; th‘c 0f 98 The RWVS consists of twenty-five religious statements. Fourteen statements are positively worded, while eleven are negatively worded. The responses to these statements yield a position on a horizontal scale ranging from naturalistic humanism to orthodox Christianity. As an aid to those doing research on individual religiosity, Jennings (1972) tested the reliability of the RWVS along with several other religious scales. The data were gathered from 364 junior college students. All items were on a 5-point Likert scale varying from strongly agree to strongly disagree. The RWVS had a possible score range of 25 to 125. The mean and standard deviation for the RWVS were 84.54 and 21.07 respectively. When comparing sex differ- ences, the mean scores were significantly different at the .01 level. The females scored higher than the males. To Obtain an estimate of test reliability internal comparison correlations were computed. The Split-half correlation coefficient was .87. The Spearman-Brown Correction coefficient was .93. Item intercorrelations were also computed. All but two of the twenty-five statements had item-total correlations of .40 or higher. The mean item-total correlations was .57. When the RWVS was correlated with another religious scale, the Scriptural Literalism Scale (Jennings, 1972), the correlation coefficient was .91. The statistical data 99 provided by Jennings (1972) indicated that the RWVS is a reliable measure of religiosity. For the purpose of this study, a 6-point Likert Scale format was used. This format reduces the response tendency to choose the mid-point of the agree-disagree dimension. The raters were forced to choose along the dimension of either agree or along the dimension of dis- agree. The score range was 25 to 150. CHAPTER IX PROCEDURES During the 1975 school year, students in lower division behavioral science classes at Oakwood College and Andrews University were approached to participate in this research. They were informed by their instructor that the males in the class had been selected to participate in an attitude study of Seventh-day Adventist College students. They were told that their participation was voluntarily requested and the time involved would be one to one and a half hours outside of class time. As an incentive, the instructors offered extra credit points to those who par- ticipated. The students who volunteered were then given a time and place to meet. Because of insufficient number of volunteers at Oakwood College, the announcement was extended to classes within the Religion and Theology Division and a General Chemistry class. At the place of examination, the subjects were told the purpose of this research was to examine the attitudes toward personal and religious values of college students with fundamental religious beliefs, such as that held by the Seventh-day Adventist church. They were also informed that their academic departments would receive a summary of the research results. 100 101 In addition to the original set of Picture Impres- sions Test (PIT) cards, the PIT cards 1, 2, 3, and 4 were redrawn to picture the therapist and the client as a Black person. Also, PIT card 1 was redrawn twice: one with the therapist White and the client Black and the other with the therapist Black and the client White. The subjects at Andrews viewed the original 4 PIT cards and PIT card #5 which was the redrawn PIT card #1 with the therapist as a Black person and the client remaining White. The subjects at Oakwood College viewed PIT cards 1, 2, 3, and 4, with the therapist and client drawn as a Black person and PIT card #5, which was the redrawn PIT card #1 in which the client was Black and the therapist remained White. The subjects received a booklet which contained the research instruments in the following order (see Appendix C): The Picture Impressions Test (PIT) outline sheets, the Religious Attitude Scale, the Counseling Readiness Scale (CR8), and a personal questionnaire. The Religious Attitude Scale contained the Religious Belief Scale (RBS, items 1-24), the Religious WOrld Views Scale (RWVS, items 25-49), and the Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES, items 50-61). The PIT pictures were projected upon a screen to the subjects as a group. The instructions given were taken from the PIT Manual (Libo, 1956) and modified for a group setting. The following instructions were given: in. 102 I am going to Show you some pictures to look at. There are five pictures in all. As I show you these pictures, one at a time, look at the pictures, form your own ideas about it, then make up a short story about what you see in the pictures. Use your imagination. There is no right or wrong way. Your story should be about what yea see in the picture. To help you make up a story you have received an outline (Refer to first five sheets in test booklet) to follow. By answering these questions, all the parts of your story's plot will be covered. Look at the picture briefly, then write your story by answering the questions on the outline sheet. ‘write a definite, interesting story, rather than a simple description of the picture. Please work fast. Each story should take about five minutes to write. All right? Here is the first picture (p. 3). Scoring of the stories was based on several criteria (Libo, 1956): 1. The story must include a doctor, therapist, or examiner (e.g., medical man, dentist, psychologist, psychiatrist, etc., as opposed to friend, lawyer, employee, etc.). 2. The story must include an individual client or patient, whose relationship to the therapist is with reference to medical or therapeutic function for the individual client or patient. In the actual scoring, a (l) was given for any indicator of client-therapist attraction and a (-1) was given for every indicator of repulsion. There was a total score consisting of an algebraic sum of "+" and "-" scores. The number of stories which receive a score Of O, 1, 2, 3, or 4 were considered as the involvement in the task. Libo (1956) felt that this in itself may be an indicator of attraction. Both total score and number of stories 103 receiving scores were recorded. marizes the scoring criteria. TABLE 2 The following table sum- SCORING CRITERIA (See PIT Manual, Libo, 1956) No. of stories with a score Total Score Interpretation Prediction 2, 3, or 4 1 or higher Attracted Return Any 0 or lower Not Attracted Not Return 0 or 1 Any Not Attracted Not Return There are certain rules for scoring set up by Libo (1956) which were followed here. The scorable unit is any »word, phrase, clause, or sentence (or combination) qualify- ing under one of several coding categories. can be credited to each scorable unit. Only one score In scoring, an attempt is made to score the shortest part of a story necessary to meet the criterion for a score, so that other parts of the story will be left available to receive other scores. With regard to series of words, a series in the same category with the same sign is scored as one unit. Each verb-adjective combination is treated as one unit, and when a series can be scored both plus and minus, it receives only one plus and one minus, regardless of the total number of positive and negatives in the series. 104 Either-or-statements are not scored and moralistic state- ments are not scored. Chance events are not scored, and forced events (e.g., "They made him see a therapist") are not scored. Unless things meeting scoring criteria are explicitly mentioned, they cannot be assumed by the scorer. There are five coding categories which are: actual or attempted locomotion (AL), desired locomotion (DL), barriers to desired locomotion (BL), barriers overcome (BLO), and satisfaction (S) (Libo, 1956). Actual locomotion indi- cates an attempt on the part of the client to remain in contact with the therapist, or strengthen their relation- ship. It includes movement toward and involvement with the therapist. It is scored (AL) positive and the opposite of these desires is scored (AL) negative. The desire for all of the above is scored as (DL) positive or negative (e.g., desire to remain in contact with the therapist is evidence of desired locomotion). Barriers to desired locomotion (BL) are indicators of any kind of barrier of actual locomotion not imposed by the client or therapist. In order to score these positive, they must follow an indi- cation of desired locomotion away from the therapist (DL) then they are scored as negative. Next is the category of barriers to desired locomotion overcome (BLO), which are scored when a barrier to locomotion earlier in the story is overcome. They are scored positive or negative depending 105 on whether or not the barrier to locomotion earlier in the story was positive or negative. The last category is satisfaction (S), which is judged by an indication of benefit, whether actual or expected, caused by the thera- pist or the relationship with the therapist. Indications of benefit are scored as positive (S) while indications of loss of benefit attributed to the relationship with the therapist or caused by the therapist are scored as negative (s-). For the CRS, the adjectives which are listed in Table 3, are those characterizing male clients who terminate therapy prematurely and those who remain in therapy (Heilbrun and Sullivan, 1962). CRS scores correlate with the total number of adjectives checked as self-characteristic (r=-.20 for males). The raw score to T-score conversion tables for the CRS are found in Table 4. To illustrate the use of these tables, a male client checks 100 adjectives on the Adjective Check List (ACL) and obtains a raw score of 3 on the CRS. Entering the third quartile range (96-121 adjectives checked) column, a raw score of 3 converts to a T equivalent of 70. The CRS's S.D. is set at 10 and the mean at T=50. Thus this client's score is two standard deviations above the mean; he would represent a relatively high degree of counseling readiness. TABLE 3 ACL ADJECTIVES CHARACTERIZING MALE CLIENTS WHO TERMINATE PREMATURELY AND THOSE WHO REMAIN IN THERAPY (Heilbrun and Sullivan, 1962) STAY DROP Awkward Rigid Active Enthusiastic Cautious Self-seeking Adventurous Headstrong Cold Sensitive Affectionate Humorous Commonplace Shy Ambitious Initiative Complicated Silent Boastful Jolly Dull Slow Capable Original Fussy Soft-hearted Cheerful Robust Inhibited Spineless Clever Sociable Meek Submissive Confident Spontaneous Moderate Timid Courageous Strong Peculiar Unrealistic Determined Tempermental Quiet Withdrawn Egotistical Tough Emotional Uninhibited Energetic Witty MALE RAW TO T-SCORE CONVERSION TABLES 107 TABLE 4 AND COLLEGE NORMS FOR THE CRS (Heilbrun and Sullivan, 1962) Total Number Adjectives Checked (1-75) (76-95) (96-121) (122-300) Raw lst 2nd 3rd 4th Score Quartile Quartile Quartile Quartile 24 107 107 106 99 23 105 105 104 98 22 103 103 .102 96 21 101 102 101 95 20 99 100 99 94 19 97 98 97 92 18 95 96 96 91 17 93 94 94 89 16 91 92 92 88 15 89 90 9O 86 14 87 88 89 85 13 85 86 87 83 12 83 84 85 82 11 81 82 84 8O 10 79 8O 82 79 9 77 78 8O 78 8 75 76 78 76 7 73 75 77 75 6 71 73 75 73 5 69 71 73 72 4 67 69 71 7O 3 65 67 70 69 2 63 65 68 67 l 61 63 66 66 O 59 61 65 65 -1 57 59 63 63 -2 55 57 61 62 -3 53 55 59 60 -4 51 53 58 59 -5 49 51 56 57 -6 47 49 54 56 -7 45 48 53 54 -8 43 46 51 53 -9 41 44 49 51 -10 39 42 47 50 -11 37 4O 46 49 -12 35 38 44 47 -13 33 36 42 46 -14 31 34 41 44 -15 29 32 39 43 -16 27 3O 37 41 108 TABLE 4 (cont'd) Ii; 25 28 35 4o _19 23 26 34 38 -20 21 24 32 37 19 22 _ 30 36 21 17 2O - 28 34 22 14 19 27 33 -23 12 17 _ 25 31 _gg lg 15 23 30 13 -26 6 11 22 28 _27 20 27 4 9 18 -28 2 25 7 16 24 ANALYSIS OF DATA CHAPTER X RESULTS At Andrews University 119 subjects participated in this study. Of that number, 14 subjects were from foreign countries and were eliminated from the analyzed data. In addition, 9 American Black subjects participated. They were also eliminated from the analyzed data. Thus, from Andrews University, 96 questionnaires were analyzed. The subjects were Caucasian. ,At Oakwood College 95 Black students participated in the study. This included 2 non-Seventh-day Adventist students and 9 foreign students from Africa and the west Indies. These 11 student questionnaires were not included in the analyzed data. Therefore, Oakwood College had an N of 84. ‘ Warsaw Wmlfln Because of the projective nature of the PIT, 68 records were scored independently by two raters. The follow- ing criteria were used in determining the scoring reliability: (1) Agreement on interpretation of attracted or not attracted; (2) Agreement on number of stories with a score; and (3) Agreement on the total score. The agreement between 109 110 the two raters on the 68 records scored was 95.5% agreement on interpretation of attracted or not attracted, 94.12% agreement on the number of stories with a score, and 82.35% agreement on the total score. EEQQQBSW The Point-Biserial Correlation was the statistic used to study the relationship between scores on the PIT and the Counseling Readiness Scale (CRS). The PIT ratings (attracted or not attracted) are considered to be a dichotomous variable. The CRS scores are considered to be a continuous variable. A Point-Biserial Correlation assumes that one variable is dichotomous and the other is continuous. Table 5 shows the Point-Biserial correlations between PIT and CR8 scores for the Andrews population sample, the Oakwood population sample, and a combination of Andrews and Oakwood populations. TABLE 5 POINT BISERIAL CORRELATIONS BETWEEN PIT SCORES AND CRS SCORES FOR COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE School rPIT,CRS Andrews University Population .02 Oakwood College Population ‘ .OO Andrews and Oakwood Populations .Ol This data indicates that therapy attraction as measured by the PIT and readiness for counseling as measured In (I) 111 by the CRS were not statistically related. Thus, Hypothesis I was rejected. B 1. . Atl'l 1 egg WWII The Point-Biserial Correlation was used to study the relationship between religious attitudes as measured by the Religious Belief Scale (RBS), the Religious WOrld Views Scale (RWVS), and the Religious Ethnocentrismrx Scale (RES) and therapy attraction (PIT). The religious scales were continuous scores measuring strength of religious beliefs (RBS), religious fundamentalism (RWVS), and religious ethnocentrism 3 (RES). The Point-Biserial Correlations were computed for the Andrews population sample, the Oakwood population sample and a combination of Andrews and Oakwood populations. Table 6 qsh0ws the correlations between PIT and the RBS, the RWVS, and the RES for the Andrews sample, the Oakwood sample, and the Andrews and Oakwood sample combined. The correlations show that for the Oakwood sample, strength of religious beliefs (RBS) and strength of religious ethnocentriam (RES) are negatively related to therapy attraction (PIT). The remaining correlations indicate no relationship between PIT scores and RBS, RWVS, and RBS scores. The Fisher Zr transformation was used to test the significance of the differences between Andrews' and Oak- ‘wood's Point Biserial Correlation Coefficients between the 112 TABLE 6 POINT BISERIAL CORRELATIONS BETWEEN PIT SCORES AND RBS , RWVS , AND RES SCORES FOR THE ANDREWS SAMPLE , THE OAKWOOD SAMPLE , AND THE ANDREWS AND OAKWOOD SAMPLE COMBINED Andrews Oakwood Oakwood & Andrews PITrpb PITrpb PITrpb RBS .06 “020* -006 RWVS .07‘ -.09 -.02 RES 009 -022* -905 fp<:.01 TABLE 7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE ANDREWS SAMPLE AND THE OAKWOOD SAMPLE POINT BISERIAL CORRELATIONS BETWEEN PIT SCORES AND RBS, RWVS, AND RES SCORES r,Andrews, Oakwood Zr PIT, RBS .06, - .20 1.731* PIT, RWVS .07, - .09 1.057 PIT, RES 009, - .22 20075** *p<.05 **P<-01 PIT and the RBS, and RWVS, and the RBS. Table 7 shows the coefficients that were significantly different. 113 Qeunseling.aeadinses The Pearson r was computed to study the relationship between counseling readiness (CRS) and religious attitudes (RBS, RWVS, and RBS). These scales were analyzed for the Andrews sample, the Oakwood sample, and the Andrews and Oak- wood samples combined. Table 8 shows the Pearson r between the CRS and the RBS, the RWVS, and the RBS for the Andrews sample, the Oakwood sample, and the Andrews and Oakwood samples combined. These correlations indicate that counseling readiness as measured by the CRS and strength of religious attitudes as measured by the RBS, the RWVS, and the RBS were not statis- tically related. Therefore, Hypothesis III was rejected. TABLE 8 PEARSON CORRELATIONS BETWEEN'CRS SCORES AND RBS, RWVS, AND RES SCORES FOR THE ANDREWS SAMPLE, THE OAKWOOD SAMPLE, AND THE ANDREWS AND OAKWOOD SAMPLES COMBINED Andrews Oakwood Oakwood & Andrews CRSr CRSr CRSr RBS .05 .01 -.02 RWVS .16 -.04 .07 RES .06 -.16 -.03 114 The Fisher Zr transformation was used to test whether the Pearson r for the Andrews sample was significantly dif- ferent from the Pearson r for the Oakwood sample. Table 9 indicates that the differences were significant for the coefficients between the CR8 and the RWVS and between the CRS and the RBS. TABLE 9 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE ANDREWS SAMPLE AND THE OAKWOOD SAMPLE PEARSON CORRELATIONS BETWEEN THE CRS AND THE RBS, THE RWVS, AND THE RES r,Andrews, Oakwood Zr CRS, RBS .05, .01 .264 CRS, RWVS .16, - .04 1.328* CRS, RES 006’ - .16 1.461* *p (.05 MWWW messaged The researcher believed that the Black subjects from Oakwood College and the White subjects from Andrews University ‘would not differ in their attraction to therapy (PIT). The (Chi-square test of significance was used to study this relationship. Table 10 shows the relationship between attraction to therapy scores for Andrews and Oakwood student samples. Dif- ferences between the two samples were not Significant. 115 TABLE 10 RELATIONSHIP OF PIT INTERPRETATION FOR COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE PIT Interpretation School Attracted Not Attracted Andrews University Population 27 69 Oakwood College Population 31 - 53 x2 - 1.581 §3§ Eelalieashie.§elreea Andrsue.ansflgahu299 The researcher also believed that the two samples would not differ in their readiness for counseling (CRS). Table 11 presents the results for the Andrews sample and Oakwood sample scores of the CRS compared. As suggested, no significant differences were found. TABLE 11 RELATIONSHIP OF CRS'S MEANS FOR COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE School CRS Mean S.D. Andrews University Population 49.35 9.51 Oakwood College Population 48.72 8.17 t = .469 116 WWMMI MEI-lam! The standard PIT was modified in the study. The subjects at Andrews viewed the standard PIT which included cards I, II, III, IV. After viewing the standard PIT cards, they were shown a redrawing Of PIT card I, in which the therapist was a Black man. This card was labeled card V. The subjects at Oakwood viewed modified PIT cards I, II, III, IV in which the therapist was a Black man. They were then shown the PIT Card I, in which the therapist was White. The researcher compared therapy attraction to card I and therapy attraction to card V for subjects at both schools. The Chi-square test of significance was used to study this relationship. Tables 12 and 13 indicate the relationship between card I and card V for the Andrews sample and for the (Oakwood sample. The data show that there is a statistical relationship between therapy attraction as measured by PIT <3ard.I and PIT card V for the Andrews and Oakwood samples. 117 TABLE 12 COMPARISON BETWEEN PIT CARD I AND PIT CARD v , ANDREWS STUDENT SAMPLE PIT Card I Attracted Not Attracted PIT Attracted 5 12 Card V Not Attracted 8 71 x = 4.444* *p<:.05 TABLE 13 COMPARISON BETWEEN PIT CARD I AND PIT CARD V, OAKWOOD STUDENT SAMPLE PIT Card I Attracted Not Attracted PIT Attracted 7 10 Card V Not Attracted 8 59 x = 7.901* *p (.01 CONCLUSIONS, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS CHAPTER XI DISCUSSION It was hypothesized that the Picture Impression Test (PIT) and the Counseling Readiness Scale (CRS) tap different, but related aspects of attraction to a therapeutic relation Ship. This study found the PIT and CRS to be unrelated statistically (r = .01), suggesting therefore that attraction toward a therapeutic relationship and actually remaining in a therapeutic relationship are independent variables. It would appear that the PIT and the CRS measure different aspects of the client therapist-relationship. It was assumed that the White Seventh-day Adventist subjects from Andrews University as well as the Black Seventh—day Adventist subjects from Oakwood College would both have a strong fundamental religious belief system. This assumption was based on the subjects' membership in a Seventh- day Adventist church and the guidelines previously mentioned for maintaining membership in a Seventh-day Adventist church. To briefly summarize, possessing a Seventh—day Adventist church membership strongly suggests that the individual's life is being lived in agreement with the fundamental teachings Of the Bible as interpreted by the Church. This assumption was supported in this study. 118 119 It can be noted that the Religious Belief Scale (RBS) had a possible score range from 24 to 144, with the lowest score (24) representing the strongest religious beliefs the scale could reflect. The sample population had a mean score of 51 on the RBS. This suggests that the sample population agreed with practically every positively worded religious statement and disagreed with practically every negatively worded religious statement. The possible range for the Religious werld Views Scale (RWVS) was 25 to 150. The population mean score was 50. AS on the RBS, the subjects expressed a very positive accept ance of the pro-religious statements. The range of scores for the Religious Ethnocentrism Scale (RES) was 12 to 72. The mean score was 28. This implies that the subjects expressed a qualified positive acceptance of the religious ethnocentricism statements (see Table 17). The results indicated that although the Andrews subjects' religious attitude was strongly fundamental, they did not express negative attitudes toward therapy or counsel ing readiness as hypothesized. Instead, their attitude toward therapy and counseling readiness could be described as independent of their religious beliefs. Similar results were found for the Oakwood subjects when examining their religious attitudes as related to counseling readiness. However, among the Oakwood subjects, there was a small, but significantly 120 negative relationship, as hypothesized, between therapy attraction and two of the religious scales: the RBS and the RES. Therefore, among the Oakwood subjects, fundamental religious beliefs and being religiously ethnocentric was negatively related to therapy attraction. In addition to the obvious racial differences between the two groups of Seventh-day Adventist subjects the popula- tions also differed on the following: school attended, educational level of parents and family yearly income. This data was obtained from a biographical sheet attached to the testing materials (see Appendix C). The Oakwood sample came from families on a lower socioeconomic level than the Andrews sample. The socioeconomic differences may have contributed to the difference between the relationships of therapy attraction (PIT) and religious beliefs (RBS) and religious ethnocentricism (RES) for the Andrews and the Oakwood sample. Studies relating socioeconomic level and psychotherapy suggest that a social class difference between therapist and client may be a relevant factor in the psychotherapy process. The great majority of professionals in the mental health field are white and middle-or upper-class. The Oakwood subjects may have viewed the therapists projected on the PIT cards to be of a social class different from their Own. It should be remembered, however, that most of the subjects in this study, regardless of socioeconomic and racial variables, were not especially attracted to a therapeutic 121 relationship. In general, they were not interested in psychotherapy. There were no statistical differences between the Oakwood subjects and the Andrews subjects on the religious scales. The researcher believes this to be due to the subjects' commitment to Seventh-day Adventist beliefs. Because of the procedures for admittance into the Seventh-day Adventist church, the organizational structure, the training program for the ministers, and the Scriptural basis for all the beliefs, a high degree of agreement was expected and found between the two groups of subjects on the religious scales. Schwartz's (1970) research also substantiates these conclusions. Schwartz (1970) examined the religious ideology of Seventh—day Adventists. Schwartz is not affiliated with the Seventh-day Adventist church. He looked at both the social roots of Seventh-day Adventists and the impact of this commitment upon the member's daily life. The study was based 'upon.official church writings, sermons and Sabbath school talks given in the group studied, and informal discussions lMith church members. Concerning his sources, Schwartz (1970) stated: The agreement between these sources is striking; in almost every instance I found the opinions expressed in each complementary (p. 94). Seventh-day Adventists allow for a certain amount of latitude in the interpretation of some of their teachings. These areas of nonheretical disagreement 122 are carefully established; the boundaries of acceptable theological dissent are explicit. . . Any member who questioned the truth of major theological or ethical teachings would be forced to leave the movement. . . Seventh—day Adventists, then, have a tradition of unwavering consenses on fundamental doctrines (pp. 94 95). The present investigator was also interested in determining whether subjects would be more attracted to a therapist of the same race as the subject. The statistics indicated that the two groups did not differ in their attraction to a Black therapist and their attraction to a White therapist. This would imply that the subjects' attrac- tion to therapy was independent of the race of the therapist. However, as previously noted, it is difficult to draw con- clusive generalizations because a large majority of the subjects were not attracted to psychotherapy (PIT) at all. Numerically, more subjects were attracted to PIT card V, when compared to attraction to PIT card I. It was felt by the researcher that the order of card presentation :probably contributed to greater attraction to a different race therapist (PIT card V). PIT card I, which pictured a ‘White therapist to the White subjects and a Black therapist to the Black subjects, was the first card shown. Prior to seeing PIT card I, the subjects had received only the PIT ,instructions. PIT cards III and IV were the third and fourth tinctures shown. They are highly suggestive of a medical or <:linical setting. PIT card V followed. It was felt that the \urriable of card sequence and not the race of the therapist 123 was responsible for the greater attraction to PIT card V when compared to PIT card 1.: The halo effect described might be reduced by changing the order of card presentation. For example, the subjects could be randomly divided into two groups. Group A would view the PIT cards in the following order: PIT card V, I, II, III, and IV. Group B would view the PIT cards in the order used in this study: PIT cards I, II, III, IV, and V. The researcher could look for differ- ences between Group A's and Group B's attraction to PIT cards I and V. Differences between groups would support the idea of greater attraction to Card V being the result of a halo effect of seeing that card last. Recommendations £2; Further Research The researcher feels that this study does contribute to the understanding of the therapeutic relationship. It is hoped that this study will be used as a stepping stone for other related studies. The following are suggestions which would improve this study and/or add to the understanding of the relationship between fundamental beliefs and psychotherapy. The subjects in this study were generally homogeneous in religious beliefs. The addition of a measure of adjustment to the test battery is recommended. This measure would probably provide more heterogeneous data. Correlations between strength of adjustment and psychotherapy attraction could be made. 124 It was suggested in this paper that the religious values Of the therapist would influence the subjects' attraction toward psychotherapy. This variable was not examined. It is recommended that a comparative study be made using a therapy attraction measure which would differentiate between a religious and a non religious therapist. This would facilitate an increased understanding of the relationship between the fundamentalist and the psychotherapist. The subjects' participation in this study was solicited while they attended their academic classes. Should this study be replicated, students at the school counseling center could be used. These students would be actively seeking help. The participates were male college students. Therefore, the results can be generalized only to a similar college population. This is a small segment of Seventh-day Adventists as well as fundamentalists. The use of older and less educated Seventh-day Adventists subjects would provide a sample which represent a larger population. The use Of female subjects would also provide additional information. Males and females differ significantly in their attraction to psychotherapy. Generally, females are more attracted to psychotherapy than males. A sample including males and females should analyze the sex variable separately. This study should be replicated using subjects from other fundamental denominations. The study could include 125 some of the recommendations given above. The results would provide additional understanding of the relationship between fundamental beliefs and psychotherapy. The data would be more generalizable to fundamentalists than the results of this study. In general this study suggests that more research is needed in order to fully understand the relationships between fundamental beliefs and other social attitudes including attitudes toward psychotherapy. CHAPTER XII SUMMARY Attitudes toward client therapist attraction and counseling readiness were studied in relationship to religious ethnocentrism/m and strength of religious beliefs as held by Seventh-day Adventist college students. To measure client-therapist attraction, Libo's Picture Impressions Test was used. Heilbrun's and Sullivan's Counseling Readiness Scale which consist of 300 self- descriptive adjectives was used to measure counseling readi- ness. This scale was developed to identify clients who would remain in or prematurely leave a counseling relationship. The scales which measured strength of religious beliefs, religious ethnocentrism,m, and religious fundamentalism were respectively the Phillips' Religious Belief Scale, Phillips' Religious Ethnocentrism Scale, and McLean's Religious WOrld Views Scale. These three scales used a six-point Likert format. The subjects were 180 Seventh-day Adventist males who volunteered to participate in this study from an announcement made in their classes. Ninety-four were White and attended Andrews University, and the remaining 84 subjects were Black and attended Oakwood College. Both schools are operated by the Seventh-day Adventist church which is a fundamentalistic denomination. 126 127 Based on a review of the relevant literature, three major hypotheses were tested: (1) Strength of client- therapist attraction is related to strength of counseling readiness; (2) Strength of client-therapist attraction is negatively related to strength of pro-religious attitudes; (3) Strength of counseling readiness is negatively related to strength of pro-religious attitudes. Results indicated lack of support for hypotheses one and three. There was some support for hypothesis two among the Oakwood sample. Client-therapist attraction was nega- tively related to fundamental religious attitudes as measured by two scales (Religious Belief Scale and Religious Ethnocentrismsn Scale). The Oakwood sample and Andrews sample did not differ in their attraction to and readiness for a therapeutic relationship. Also, race did not emerge as a significant variable related to therapy attraction. In general, the hypotheses were not supported in this study. The lack of support for the first hypothesis sug- gested that client-therapist attraction may be independent of counseling readiness. The general lack of support for the second and third hypotheses may have been due to the fact that the subjects wished to convey a picture of psychological well-being. MOst Of the subjects were not attracted to, nor did they exhibit readiness for a client-therapist relationship. Suggestions were given which might be used were this study to be replicated. B I BL IOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, B. E., & Hites, R. W. Factors in religious attitudes of older adolescents. lhe,£ee;eetlet‘§eetet Peyehet- ogy, 1961, §§, 265-273. Allport, G. W., & Ross, J. M. Personal religious orientation and prejudice. Meal of W has 5.92121 Allport, G. W. The religious context of prejudice. 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W of the Elh Annual W of the W W1 W. 1971, 9, 281-282. Berkowitz, W. R. Perceived high, personality, and friendship choice. Emhhlegisal 3229233. 1969. 2.4.. 373-374- Berscheid, E., & Walster, E. H. Letetpeteeee;,Atttactten. Massachusetts: Addison-wesley Publishing Co., 1969. 129 130 Boisen, A. T. Religious experience and psychological conflict. American Psychologist, 1958, 13, 568-570. Bovard, E. W. The effects of social stimuli on the response to stress. Eerehelosieel Rerieh. 1959 9.9. 267-277- Broen, W. E. Jr. A factor analytic study of religious attitudes- .Lenrhel 9t __her_e1Ab m an m W. 1957, g, 176-179. Broxton, J. A. A test of interpersonal attraction predic- tions derived from balance theory. Journal 2; ’5 W the teeth; W. 1963. 93. 394-397- V/yrne, D. Attitudes and attraction. In Berkowitz, L. (Ed.), WEWMW. Vol. 4- New York: Academic Press, 1969. Byrne, D., & Blaylock, B. Similarity and assumed similarity of attitudes between husbands and wives. gggrngllgf W m teen]. Eerehelegr. 1963. 22. 636-640. Calnek, M. Racial factors in the countertransference: The Black therapist and the Black client. American 1911:1151 9: o h ° . 1970. .419 39-46. Carlson, D. A., Coleman, J. V., Errara, P., and Harrison, R. W. Problems in treating the lower-class psychotic. htthieree of WI. Estehietm. 1965. 1.3. 369- 374. Carrigan, R. L. Psychotherapy and the theological seminary. lemme]. of Religion 9119 heelth. 1967. h. 91-98. Cartwright, S. A. Report on the diseases and physical peculiarities of the Negro race. NEE legagg'flggigal the We; genteel. 1851. Z. 691-715- Coursey, R. D. Liberal and conservative Roman Catholics. Wetthemmmnv nt not __eth Ahetieeh 22121252129129]. heeeeietieh. 1971. h. 333-334- Curry, A. E. Myth, transference, and the Black psychothera- pist. Leh Eerehotheutie Racism. 1964a. a. 7-14- Curry, A. E. The Negro worker and the White client. 52919.]. W. 1964b. eh. 131-136- Davidson, J. D. 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Festinger, L. A Theory g£.Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957. Fischer, E. H., & Turner, J. LeB. Factors in attitudes toward seeking professional help. Proceedings 2; th§_American Psychological Association Convention, 1969, 3, 487-488. Freeman, H. E., & Giovannonie, J. M. Social psychology and mental health, p. 660-719. G. Lindzey and E. Aronson (eds§. Egg Handbook‘gf Social Ps cholo , Vol. 5, Mass.: Addison-wesley, 1969. Freud, S. Moses and Monotheism. Jones, K. (trans.). London: Hogarth Press, 1939. Freud, S. New Introductor Lectures gg Psycho-Analysis. Sprott, W. J. H. Ztrans.$, London: Hogarth Press, 1937. Freud, S. Totem and Tgbo . Brill, A. A. (trans.), London: Pelican Books, 1938. 132 Gardner, La M. H. The therapeutic relationship under varying conditions of race. In Matarazzo, J. D., Bergin, A. E., Frank, J. D. Lang, P. J., Marks, I. M., & Strupp, H. H. (665.3, Psychotherapy 1971. Chicago: Aldine-Atherton, Inc., 1972. Gilmore, S. K. 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Journal 2; Consulting gag.Clinical Ps cholo , 1971,‘§Z, 423-427. Grier, W. H., & Cobbs, P. M. Black Rage. New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1968. Gross, L. God and Freud. New York: David McKay Co., Inc., 1959. Guidelines ;g_Mental Health, washington, DuC.: The Ellen G. White Estate, 1966. Hadden, J. K. An analysis of some factors associated with religion and political affiliation in a college p0pu- lation. Journal fggughg Scientific Study g£_Religion 1963, 2, 209-216. Hathorne, B. C. Frontiers in religion and psychotherapy. Journal'gf Religion and Health, 1966,‘§, 296-306. 133 Haynes, C. B. Seventh-day Adventists, Their WOrk d Teachings. Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald, 1967. Heilbrun, A. B. Jr., & Sullivan, D. J. The prediction of counseling readiness. The Personnel and Guidance Journal, 1962, 41, 112-117. Heilbrun, A. B. Jr. Client personality patterns, counselor dominance and duration of counseling. Psychology Report, 1961a, 2, 15-25. Heilbrun, A. B. Jr. Counseling readiness and the problem- solving behavior of clients. Journal g£.Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 1968,.32, 396-399. . relates Heilbrun, A. B. Jr. Male and female personality cor of early termination in counseling. Journal 2; Counseling Psychology, 1961b,,§, 31-36. Herndorn, B. The Seventh Day. New York: McGraw Hill, 1960. Hoffman, H. E. Scanning and the counseling readiness scale. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 1969,'22, 645-646. Hollingshead, A. B. & Redlich, F. C. Social Class and Mental Illness. New York: Wiley, 1958. Hood, R. W. Jr. Psychological strength and the report of intense religious experience. Journal for the Scientific Study g£,Religion, 1974,‘1;, 65-71. Hoult, T. F., & Peckham, C. W. Religion as a cultural factor in one aspect of the personality of selected college students. 22g Journal gglEducational Sociology, 1957,‘§1, 75-81. Hunt, R. A. & King, M. The Intrinsic-Extrinsic concept: A review and evaluation. .Journal for the Scientific Study 9; Reli ion, 1971, 1.9, 339-356. Hunt, R. A. Interpretation of the religious scale of the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey study of values. Journa1,g£ the Scientific Study.g£ Reli ion, 1968,'Z, 65-77. Hunter, D. M., & Babcock, C. G. Some aspects of the intra- psychic structure of certain American Negroes as viewed in the intercultural dynamic. In Muensterberger, W., & Axelrad, S. (eds.). Egg Psychoanalytic Study 2: Societ , Vol. 4. New York: International Universities Press, 1967. James. W. The Varieties 2; Religious Experience. New York: Modern Library, 1929. 134 Jemison, T. H. Christian Beliefs. Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1959. Jennings, F. A. A note on the reliability of several belief scales. Journal for the Scientific Study'gf Religion. 1972, 11, 157-164. Johnson, P. E. Symposium on relationships between religion and mental health. American Ps cholo ist, 1958, 1;, 576-577. Kadushin, C. Why People §g_2g Psychiatrists. New York: Atherton Press, 1969. Kardiner, A. & Olvesey, L. The Mark g£_Qppression. New York: Norton, 1951. Karon, B. P. The Negro Personality. New York: Springer Publishing Co., Inc., 1958. King, M. B. and Hunt, R. A. Measuring the religious variable: National replication. Journal for t e Scientific Study 2; Reli ion, 1975, 14, 13-22. Kleiner, R. J., Tuckman, J., & Lavell, M. Mental disorder and status based on religious affiliation. Human Relations, 1959, 1g, 273-276. Kottman, E. J. A semantic study of religious attitudes. Journal g; Religion and Health, 1966, 5, 119-129. Lazerwitz, B. Some factors associated with variations in church attendance. Social Forces, 1961, 3, 301-309. Lenski, G. The Religious Factor. Garden City: Doubleday, 1961. Lerner, B. Therapy ;p_the Ghetto: Political Impotence and Personal Disintegration. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972. Libo, L. M. Manual for the Picture Impressions Test. Consulting Psychologists Press, 1959. Libo, L. M. Picture Impressions Test. Baltimore: University of Maryland Psychiatric Institute, 1956. Libo, L. M. The projective expression of patient-therapist attraction. Journal g£.Clinical Ps cholo , 1957, 1;, 33-36. Lindenthal, J. J., Myers, J. K., Pepper, M. P., & Stern, M. S. Mental status and religious behavior. fik.Scientific Study g£IReli ion, 1970, 2, 143-149. :sM ‘5’» 135 Maier, J., & Spinrad, W. Comparison of religious beliefs and practices of Jewish, Catholic and Protestant students. The Phylon Quarterly, 1957, 18, 355-360. Mannino, F. V., Rooney, H. L., & Hassler, F. R. A survey of clergy referrals to a mental health clinic. Journal ggiReligion and Health, 1967, p, 66-73. Maranell, G. M. A factor analytic study of some selected dimensions of religious attitude. Sociology and Social Research, 1968, 52, 430-437. Matarazzo, J. D., Bergin, A. E., Frank, J. D., Lang, P. J., Marks, I. M., & Strupp, H. H. Psychotherapy 1971. Chicago: Aldine Annual, 1972. Matthews, B. W. "Client personality correlates as related to Client-Therapist Attraction and Therapy Duration." An unpublished M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, 1972. Maxwell, A. S. Your Friends the Adventists. Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 11967. Mayo, C. C., Puryear, H. B., & Richek, H. G. MMPI correlates of religiousness in late adolescent college students. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 1969, 149, 381-385. Menninger, K. A’Psychiatrist's WOrld. Hall, B. H. (edited) New York: The Viking Press, 1959. Miller, N., Campbell, D. T., Twedt, H., & O'Connell, E. J. Similarity constrast and complementarity in friendship choice. Journal g; Personnel gpQDSocial Psychology, 1966, 2, 3-12. Moore, R. A., Benedik, E. C. and Wallace, J. G. Social class, schizophrenia and the psychiatrist. American Journal gg'ngchiatry, 1963, 120, 149-154. Mowrer, C. H. Sin, the lesser of two evils. American Psychol— ogist, 1960, ;§, 301—305. Mullen, J. A., & Abeles, N. The projective expression of college students' expectations with regard to psycho- therapy. Journal g£_C1inica1 PsycholoQY. 1967, g;, 393-396 0 136 Myers, J. K., & Bean, L. L. A_Decade Later: A.Follow-up of Social Class and Mental Illness. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1968. Nelson, D. A., & Meadow, B. L. Attitude similarity, inter- personal attraction, actual success, and the evaluative perception of that success. Proceedingg, g£_ppg 79th Annual Convention g£_£pg_American Psychological Association, 1971, 9, 283-284. Newsline: Average church member gave $137 in 1975. Lake Union Herald, 1977, 62, 16. Ostow, M. The nature of religious controls. American Psychologist, 1958, pg, 571-574. Oswald, R. M. The relationships between certain personality variables and conservative, moderate, and liberal theological beliefs. Dissertation Abstract. 1971, 3.2, 251. Paz, R. and Amir, Y. Affiliative behavior of approach- and avoidance- motivated subjects in fear and anxiety situations. European Journal g£_Socia1 Ps cholo , 1974, 3, 329-342. Philip, H. L. Freud and Religious Belief. London: Rockliff Publ. Co., 1956. Phillips, J. M. "Dogmatism, Religious Belief, and Religious Ethnocentrism and their Response to Persuasive Communication." An unpublished M.A. Thesis. Michigan State University, 1968. Publication Manual 2: the American Psychological Association, ‘Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1967. Pugh, T. J., & Mudd, E. H. Attitudes of Black women and men toward using community services. Journal g£_Religion and Health, 1971, 19, 256-277. Ranck, J. G. Religious conservatism-liberalism and mental health. Pastoral Ps cholo , 1961, 1g, 34-40. Reed, E. W., & Reed, S. C. Mental Retardation: A.Family Study. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., 1965. Rokeach, M. The Open and Closed Mind. New York: Harper and Row, 1960. 137 Rosen, H., & Frank, J. D. Negroes in psychotherapy. The W 12ml of? h'a . 1962. _1.9.1 . 456-460. Rudin. J. Earthetherepx and Religion Notre Dame: University of NOtre Dame Press, 1968. Sanders, N. H. Attitudes of ministers toward psychiatry. Jenna]. 2:. W BBQ health. 19669 £9 47‘50- Schachter, S. The Peyehglggy gfi,Afifilietieg. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1959. In Berscheid, E., & walstor, E. H. Interpezeenel . Massachusetts: Addison wesley Pub- lishing Co., 1969. Schaffer, N. D., & Abeles, N. Client attraction and distress: Unexpected impact on psychotherapeutic process. (In press) Schmidt, L. D., & Strong, S. R. Attractiveness and influ- ence in counseling. m 9: 92181521121221 23191121991. 1971, E, 348-351. SchwartZ. G. test leeeleeiee and. 522191 statue- Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970. Sebalol. H- W A Wee]. We. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1968. fierenthzdex mentiet ghnteh heme].- General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, 1971. WWWWQ heetrihet Ah WQWMWQEW Belief. A representative group of Seventh-day Adventist leaders, Bible teachers, & editors (ed.) washington, D.C.: Review and Herald, 1957. Stanley, G. Personality and attitude correlates of religious oonversion- Journal to; the W 51ml! of. Religion. 1964: 33 60'63° Steiner. I. D-. & Fishbein. Mo Meet mate: in Emit]. ,ngghglggy, Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, Inc., 1965. Strupp, H. H., Fox, R. E., & Lessler, K. [Eeiiegte View Ihei; Efixgheinerepx. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1969. Szasz, T. S. The Sane Slave: A historical note on the use of medical diagnosis as justification rhetoric. In Matarazzo, et.al. EBEQBQIEQEQEY.12ZL- Chicago: Aldine Annual, 1972. 138 These Tine: Ingathering Anneal- Nashville. Tennessee = Southern Publishing Association, 1976. Len W hflentiet _B.ih1e thhehterr- Washington. D-C-= Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1955. The fiiggy,gf Qg;lgpggh Mountain View, California: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1956. Thompson, R. C. A research note on the diversity among American Protestants: A Southern Baptist example. 39161911 of Bellow Reeeath- 1974. 1.2. 87-92. Vontress, C. E. Racial differences: Impediments to rapport. 19ml ht W P ho . 1971. 1.2. 7'13- White, J. Toward a Black psychology, in R. L. Jones (ed.), BleeR.Eeyehelegy. New York: Harper and Row, 1972. Williams, R. L., & Byars, H. Negro self-esteem in a transitional society. Rename]. the Manse W. 1968, $1, 120-125. APPENDICES APPENDIX A BASIC BELIEFS OF SEVENTHFDAY ADVENTISTS £332.11. fittihtunel.§e§1§.£ht thewvnh'» easiest hehihgefthefiahheth John 1:1-3, 10, 14; Genesis 2:1-3; Exodus 20:8-11; Mark 2:27; Isaiah 66:22, 23; Isaiah 58:13. wmmww Numbers 15:30-36; Ezekiel 20:10-12; Jeremiah 17:21-27. fialohethththehemzleateheht Luke 4:16; Matthew 24:20; 28:1; Luke 23:56; Acts 13:14, 42; 16:13; Acts 18:3, 4, ll. Ihe.Eiret.her.ih.the.heh.Testament The first day is mentioned eight times in the New Testament, but at no time is it called the Sabbath. Matthew 28:1; Mark 16:1, 2, 9; Luke 24:1; John 20:1, 19; Acts 20:7; 1 Corinthians 16:2. memeethneuabbah The earliest recognition of the observance of Sunday as a legal duty is a constitution of Constantine in 321 A.D., enacting that all courts of justice, inhabitants of towns and workshops were to be at rest on Sunday, with an exception of those engaged in agricultural labor (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., p. 359). thiet.919.het.§henge.the.§ehheth Matthew 5:17, 18. 140 141 lhe.h22§t1e§.Qih.h2t.§hehge the fiehhhth Acts 13:14, 42, 44; 17:1-3; 18:4. God knew that a power would arise that would claim the right to change its law. Daniel 7:25; "A time and times, and the dividing of time" is also mentioned in Revelation 12:14 and is interpreted in Revelation 12:6 to be "a thousand two hundred and three score days." Applying the rule of interpretation that a day in prophetic time stands for one year (Ezekiel 4:6), this power was to endure for 1260 years. The Papacy fits every part of this prophecy. She arose to supremacy in A.D. 538 and remained supreme for 1260 years until in 1798 when the Pope was taken prisoner by General Berthier. Benelhehetehehhemleeeethehgihg Ihe fiapbeth "The pope is of so great authority and power that he can modify, explain, or interpret even divine laws. . . The pope can modify divine law, since his power is not of man, but of God, and he acts as vicegerent of God upon earth." Translated from Lucious Ferraris, Prggpta,Bipligxheee (Ready Library), "Papa," art 2. "By the very act of chang- ing the Sabbath into Sunday, which Protestants allow of; and therefore they fondly contradict themselves, by keeping Sunday strictly, and breaking most other feasts commanded 'by the same church"--Henry Tuberville, An Abridgment of the $211151; W (1833), p. 58; Daniel Ferris, Mepuel 9; Christian heettihes. (1916). p- 67- 142 "Had she (the Catholic church) not such power, she could not have done that in which all modern religionists agree with her; . . . she could not have substituted the observance of Sunday the first day of the week, for the observance of Saturday the seventh day, a change for which there is no Scriptural authority."--Stephen Keenan, A Doctrinal Catechism (3rd Ed.) p. 174. "The Catholic Church. . . by virtue of her divine mission, changed the day from Saturday to Sunday."--The QeLQQLiQ Mipggg, official organ of Cardinal Gibbons, Sept. 23, 1893. "we observe Sunday instead of Saturday because the Catholic Church transferred the solemnity from Saturday to Sunday."--Peter Geiermann, IBE.QQB¥§IIJ§.Q§I§Chi§m g; Qéiflgli§.2225£iflg (1946 ed.). p. 50. (Bible Readings for the Home, p. 323). "You may read the Bible from Genesis to Revelation, and you will not find a single line authorizing the sancti- fication of Sunday. The Scriptures enforce the religious observance of Saturday, a day which we never sanctify." James Cardinal Gibbons, IEE.E§112.2£.QB£.E§$E§I§ (1917 ed.) p. 72, 73. "Nowhere in the Bible is it stated that worship should be changed from Saturday to Sunday. The fact is that the Church was in existence for several centuries before the 143 Bible was given to the world. The Church made the Bible, the Bible did not make the Church. "Now the Church. . . instituted, by God's authority, Sunday as the day or worship. This same Church, by the divine authority, taught the doctrine of Purgatory long before the Bible was made. we have, therefore, the same authority for Purgatory as we have for Sunday." Martin L. Scott, Thinge Catholice A£§.A§§§Q.AQQEI (1927), p. 136. "Some theologians have held that God likewise directly determined the Sunday as the day of worship in the New Law, that He Himself has explicitly substituted the Sunday for the Sabbath. But this theory is now entirely abandoned. It is now commonly held that God simply gave His Church the power to set aside whatever day or days, she would deem suitable as Holy Days. The Church chose Sunday, the first day of the week, and in the course of time added other days, as holy days."--Vincent J. Kelly, Eggpiggeplfigpeeylepg Beast-2e}; hematiehe (1943) p. 2- Protestant writers acknowledge no Bible command for the sanctification of Sunday: "The Lord's day was merely of ecclesiastical institu- tion. It was not introduced by virtue of the fourth cxmmmandment." Jeremy Taylor (Church of England), 233g; Dupitantim}, Part 1, Book 2, Chapter 2, rule 6, secs. 51, 59, (1850), Vol. 9, pp. 458, 464. 144 "The Lord's Day is not sanctified by any specific command or by any inevitable inference. In all the New Testament there is not hint or suggestion of a legal obli- gation binding any man, whether saint or sinner, to observe the Day. Its sanctity arises only out of what it means to the true believer."--J. J. Taylor (Baptist), Tee Segbathic u 'on, p. 72. "And where are we told in the Scriptures that we are to keep the first day at all? we are commanded to keep the seventh; but we are nowhere commanded to keep the first day. . . The reasons why we keep the first day of the week holy instead of the seventh is for the same reason that we observe many other things, not because the Bible, but because the Church has enjoined it." Isaac Williams (Anglican), Plein Seppgpelgp phe Qateghiem, Vol. 1, pp. 334-336. EART.111 .§2£iE£E£§l.§é§i§.EQEaEZBBLE fihtthhhhtheShhdthae.3ethth TABLE 14 EVENTS SURROUNDING CHRIST'S RETURN The First The Second Resurrection The Millennium Resurrection Christ's second coming. 1000 years between Christ descends Closing period of the two ressurrec- from heaven present age. tions. with the saints. Righteous dead raised. Righteous reign Descending of Righteous living with Christ in the new Jerusa- changed. heaven. lem. Righteous gathered to Satan is bound. Wicked dead heaven. The earth is raised. Wicked dead desolate. Wicked destroyed. undisturbed. Earth made new. The establish- ment of Christ's everlasting kingdom. Matthew 16:27; 24:30, 36-39; 26:64; Revelation 22:7, 12, 20; 1 Thessalonians 4:16; 2 Timothy 4:8; Hebrews 9:28; .1 Peter 1:7, 13; 5:4; 2 Peter 1:16; James 5:7, 8; 1 John .2:28; 3:2; Revelation 1:7; Psalm 50:3-5; Isaiah 25:8-10; 34:5, 9, 10; 66:15, 16. Atthhet.et.the.§eeehe.hhreht Matthew 24:27, 30; Revelation 1:7; Acts 1:9-11; John 14:3; Luke 9:26. 145 146 Eateriehee.et.the.Bighteehe 1 Thessalonians 4:13-17; Revelation 20:6; 1 Corinthians 15:22, 23, 51-57; Revelation 20:4; 1 Corinthians 6:1-3; Matthew 25:34; 1 Corinthians 13:12; Revelation 3:12; 7:14-17; 21 :30 E¥E§£12222.2fi.iflfi.flighfid Matthew 25:31-46; 2 Thessalonians 1:7, 8; Revelation 6:14-17; 11:18; Jeremiah 25:31-33; Revelation 20:5, 8, 9; Malachi 4:1, 3; 2 Thessalonians 1:6-9; 2 Peter 3:10-12. lfl§,Mill§EBinfl Revelation 20:1-9. A Neu;§erth.9teeteh 2 Peter 3:10-14; Revelation 21:1-27; Isaiah 65:17-25; 66:22, 23. 147 ALP I‘LLI' Wheeieterthe 411.9? 'n ef...t_eTih ehehtterihge 11:11.9. Leviticus 27:30, 32; Malachi 3:8-12; Matthew 23:23; 1 Corinthians 9:9-14; Genesis 28:20-22; Numbers 18:21, 24; Hebrews 7:1-6, 14-17. Qtterihqe Psalm 96:8; Mark 12:41-44; Acts 20:35; 1 Corinthians 16:2; 2 Corinthians 8:12; 9:6-15. 148 .13.? T Lu Wm: 81 fg; Healphfgl Livipg hengehhleetéehahh WWQM' 1 Corinthians 6:19, 20; 3:16; Romans 12:1, 2; 2 Corinthians 6:16. fihiflethhatihq 3 John 2; 1 Corinthians 10:31; Genesis 1:29; 3:18, 9:1-4; Deuteronomy 14; Leviticus 11; Isaiah 66:15-17. Proverbs 20:1; 23:20, 29-32; 21:17; Galatians 5:19-22; Hosea 4:11; Isaiah 24:9; 28:7; 5:22; 1 Corinthians 6:9, 10; 10:31; Luke 21:34; Leviticus 10:8, 9; Habakkuk 2:15; Ephesians 5:18; Judges 13:4. thheihhtetrua hiring. Proverbs 17:22; Philippians 4:8; Matthew 7:12; 2 Corinthians 6:14; Matthew 19:4-9; 5:32; 1 Timothy 2:9; 1 Peter 3:3, 4. 149 £43115. heheistermetheligiehe Beliefe and Ppactieee The Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, which establishes well-defined rules for both ministry and laity world wide, states: Everyone who applies for admittance to the Church. . . should be faithfully taught. . . the principles for which the church stands. Thorough instructions in the fundamental teachings of the church should be given to every candidate for church membership before he is baptized and received into church fellowship (p. 49). If a member falls into sin, sincere efforts must be made to reclaim him. . . When grievous sins are involved disciplinary measures must be taken (p. 231-232). This is done by: (l) A vote of censure; (2) A.vote of disfellowship. Among the grievous sins for which members shall be subject to church discipline are the following: 1. Denial of faith in the fundamentals of the gospel and in the cardinal doctrines of the church or teaching doctrines contrary to the Salne o 2. Open violation of the law of God, such as worship of idols, murder, adultery, fornica- tion and various perversions, stealing, profanity, gambling, Sabbath breaking, willful and habitual falsehood and the remarriage of a divorced person, except of the innocent party in a divorce for adultery. 3. Fraud or willful misrepresentation in business. 4. Disorderly conduct which bring reproach upon the cause. 5. Adhering to or taking part in a divisive or disloyal movement or organization or persistent refusal to recognize properly constituted church authority or to submit to the order and discipline of the church. 6. 7. 150 The use, manufacture, or sale of alcoholic beverages. The use of tobacco or addiction to narcotic drugs. (pp. 234-235). 151 12531211.: ASeheleetahetatiehetteh hte.hl.1eh9..hhiteehthe filthjettetmhtelheelth To deal with minds is the nicest work in which men ever engaged. Teetihehiee fer Len 91m. Vol. 3. p. 269. It is the duty of every Christian to acquire habits of order, thoroughness and dispatch. Chrietle thett w. p. 344. The cultivated mind is the measure of the man. Your education should continue during your life- time; everyday you should be learning and putting to practical use the knowledge gained. Magietny Slim In order to lead souls to Jesus there must be a knowledge of human nature and a study of the human mind. Teeyimgniee f0; phe nggep, Vol. 4, p. 67. The true principles of psychology are found in the Holy Scriptures. Repeeegip; 121, 1902. God takes men as they are, and educates them for his service, if they will yield themselves to Him. The Spirit of God, received into the soul quickens all its faculties. Under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the mind that is devoted unreservedly to God, develops harmoniously and is strengthened to comprehend and fulfill the requirements of God. §Q§2e1_flgzke;§, pp. 285-286. The influence of the mind on the body, as well as of the body on the mind should be emphasized. The electric power of the brain, promoted by mental activity, vitalizes the whole system, and is thus an invaluable aid in resisting disease. This should be made plain. The power of the will and the importance of self con- trol, both in the preservation and in the recovery of health, and the depressing and even ruinous effect of anger, discontent, selfishness, or impurity and on the other hand, the marvelous life-giving power to be found in cheerfulness, unselfishness, gratitude, should also be known. Ed 'on, p. 197. Satan takes control of every mind that is not decidedly under the control of the Spirit of God. Teetimgniee to hihism. p- 79- 152 Labor is a blessing. It is impossible for us to enjoy health without labor. All the faculties should be called into use that they may be properly developed and that men and women may have well-balanced minds. Teetihehiee.tet.the.§hhreh. Vol. 3. pp. 154-155- Satan is continually seeking to influence human minds by his subtle arts. Q1; £1,ng m, p. 210. Satan's plans and devices are soliciting us on every hand. we should ever remember that he comes to us in disguise, covering his motives and the character of his temptations. 93; High QQlLiEQ9 p. 88. In these days when skepticism and infidelity so often appear in a scientific garb, we need to be guarded on every hand. Through this means our great adversary is deceiving thousands, and leading them captive according to his will. The advantage he takes of the sciences which pertain to the human mind, is tremendous. Here, serpent-like, he imperceptibly creeps into corrupt the work of God. This entering in of Satan through the sciences is well devised. Through the channel of phrenology and mesimerism, he comes more directly to the people of this generation and works with that power which is to characterize his efforts near the end of probation. The minds of thousands have thus been poisoned and led into infidelity. fielee;e§,fleeeegee, Book 2, pp. 351-352. The influence of mind on mind, so strong a power for good when sanctified, is equally strong for evil in the hands of those opposed to God. SDAIBiple,ggmmen- m, V01. 7’ p0 9730 . .- r ' . - 1 ii. - .L- rl- --. 2.- J..- 31.2. -3. vii. r « ‘ 1 _ .' L '25- -t .1 ~.‘-. -. . 3 3.111. v'e: ’.'-71'. “A: .Li, ;' 1.1-1.1 1530. 2 04-") 1.3.3.411”; 1‘. .'.- .-. '.3. .-. 7' . (31.3.1:- -D‘-"Q’3Qa9 3 .QOS amid-.11 "'L:.llfl[lf.'.'. : -' :1 .7:'.:,':' .: 153m. ind: a1: 1 '35,;ng .115: .J‘.‘ .- :. :..:rkv,-r3'.'.-Iv;:123' ,Isbtxd'; .- .I - .~"' 5 ' «:J'.b! 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'7 . _ 2.1143 i:1r.2:-r-: 9113 no vbod " 'f 2.713;... inn-en ‘.{c‘f a-e:omo::q ,tszd 9:13 10 I ' " .' r'. 91on ark? ass - 7' if". 3" Lit/2...;- 2:211: man-.311» rgniieiaf I at; 2:0 33:1,23‘2-7cqm1 on; 1:17;. 111-7,— ed: 10 '.1 .. 710:4}: 911* a- ' 351-: noi:r.‘r.:s;.-_o:zq an: nit (Hod A 13.9 2110:1121! but ;,:r;3szzcgs-f‘ ad? but , 9133 no hm. vitamin}: :zo peasant-1112.: ,J'neinooai'b .1 3d 03 19": Univ-32):." 2.51 ~10 1:11.371 5d: ,bnsd biumfi‘; abut 31.113 ,2“9W’:.';.-.L—"~“" ,339r11U1199d0 “in .K‘J .c; ,3. rapping .11va 9g} vibe-1.19:1. ion at 3M3 burg: YISVS :0 10:31:00 391M?” .. ‘ .‘ .boo Io 31:12.; 5.51.: to ioziaoo 4x3" ' '(jfi‘ _q ‘ w ;.. 152 Labor is a blessing. It is impossible for us to enjoy health without labor. All the faculties should be called into use that they may be properly developed and that men and women may have well-balanced minds. W £9; the Churgh, Vol. 3, pp. 154-155. Satan is continually seeking to influence human minds by his subtle arts. Qua,fligfl,§§lling, p. 210. Satan's plans and devices are soliciting us on every hand. we should ever remember that he comes to us in disguise, covering his motives and the character of his temptations. 93; High galling, p. 88. In these days when skepticism and infidelity so often appear in a scientific garb, we need to be guarded on every hand. Through this means our great adversary is deceiving thousands, and leading them captive according to his will. The advantage he takes of the sciences which pertain to the human mind, is tremendous. Here, serpent-like, he imperceptibly creeps into corrupt the work of God. This entering in of Satan through the sciences is well devised. Through the channel of phrenology and mesimerism, he comes more directly to the people of this generation and works with that power which is to characterize his efforts near the end of probation. The minds of thousands have thus been poisoned and led into infidelity. figlggjgg,flg§§age§, Book 2, pp. 351-352. The influence of mind on mind, so strong a power for good when sanctified, is equally strong for evil in the hands of those opposed to God. §2Ai§ip1g_Cgmmen- 1§;1,'Vol. 7, p. 973. APPENDIX B TABLES TABLE 15 PIT ATTRACTION PERCENTAGES FOR COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE School ‘Attracted Not Attracted Andrews University Population 28% 72% Oakwood College Population 37% 63% Andrews and Oakwood Population 32% 68% TABLE 16 CRS'S MEAN'S FOR COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE* School CRS Mean Andrews University Population 49.35 Oakwood College Population 48.72 Andrews and Oakwood Population 49.05 *Subjects with mean scores lower than 59 were considered not ready for counseling. 153 154 TABLE 17 MEAN SCORES OF THE RBS, RWVS, AND RES FOR THE COLLEGE STUDENT SAMPLE COMBINED Mean Scores RBS 51 RWVS 50 RES 28 TABLE 18 COMPARISON BETWEEN ANDREWS STUDENT SAMPLE AND OAKWOOD STUDENT SAMPLE OF FAMILY INCOMES Income Andrews Oakwood $3,000 or less 10% 24% $3,001 to $8,000 17% 30% $8,001 to $11,000 15% 15% $11,001 and over 58% 31% 155 TABLE 19 COMPARISON BETWEEN ANDREWS STUDENT SAMPLE AND OAKWOOD STUDENT SAMPLE OF PARENTS' EDUCATIONAL LEVELS Andrews Oakwood Education Father - Mother Father - Mother 9 years or less 16% 8% 30% 25% 12 years of less 21% 25% 33% 29% Some college 16% 38% 11% 22% College degree or higher 47% 29% 26% 24% l. 3. 4. APPENDIX.C RESEARCH BOOKLET PICTURE 1 What is happening? Who is involved? What led up to this? What happened before? What is being thought or felt? What is wanted? What will happen? What will be done? 156 PICTURE II 1. What is happening? Who is involved? 2. What led up to this? What happened before? 3. What is being thought or felt? What is wanted? 4. What will happen? What will be done? 157 PICTURE III 1. What is happening? ‘Who is involved? 2. What led up to this? What happened before? 3. What is being thought or felt? What is wanted? 4. What will happen? What will be done? 158 PICTURE IV 1. What is happening? Who is involved? 2. What led up to this? What happened before? 3. What is being thought or felt?‘ What is wanted? 4. What will happen? What will be done? 159 PICTURE I 1. What is happening? Who is involved? 2. What led up to this? What happened before? 3. What is being thought or felt? What is wanted? 4. What will happen? What will be done? 160 RELIGIOUS ATTITUDE SCALE The following is a study of what the general public thinks and feels about a number of important religious questions. The best answer to each statement below is your personal opinion. we have tried to cover many dif- ferent and opposing points of View; you may find yourself agreeing strongly with some of the statements, disagree- ing just as strongly with others, and perhaps uncertain about others; whether you agree or disagree with any statement, you can be sure that many people feel the same as you do. You should make a heavy dark line on the IBM answer sheet in the block under the response you agree with. The responses are: 1.: I agree very much 4: I disagree a little 2: I agree on the whole 5: I disagree on the whole 3: I agree a little 6: I disagree very much Please mark everyone. Here is a sample statement: 1. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God. H 4 . 5 ' 6 H 7 y 8 ‘ 9 . 10 El ‘ IE 1:] [1 LI IL: ‘—| :L-m t—» This indicated that you "disagree on the whole" with this statement. 1. The foremost reason for church attendance should be the fellowship of friends. 2. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God. 3. A truly self-fulfilling life includes a distinct religious experience resulting in a definite deepening of religious feelings. 4. Man's history and present situation demonstrate that reliance on any divine Being for guidance is folly. 5. Personal immortality is an outmoded concept having no basis in reality. 6. Some form of religious orientation or belief is vital in order to achieve a fully mature philosophy of life. 161 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 162 The Bible is not inspired by any Supreme Being and cannot be accepted as entirely true in any literal sense. Such concepts as miracles and divinely inspired visions have little or no value. Religion is little more than an opiate which drugs and deludes the masses. Religion should play a key role in one's upbringing. Considering the present condition of the world, it would be foolish to doubt the existence of God. Christ should be regarded solely as a great teacher, not as being divine. There is neither a personal Creator nor an infinite intelligent being. My religious beliefs are as firm as or firmer than the beliefs of my parents. One of the greatest powers available to man is the gift of prayer. Man has the possibility of eternal life. The conflict between science and religion is in all likelihood irreconcilable. Man's primary goal in life should be his and others' personal salvation. Such rituals as baptism or special annual religious celebrations have little or no real value. There is an infinitely wise, omnipotent Creator of the universe and of natural laws whose protection and favor may be obtained through worship and prayer. True psychological health definitely includes certain religious sentiments and needs. 0n the whole the influence of religion is probably harmful. Christ as the gospels state, should be regarded as divine--as the human incarnation of God. ' f; * ..‘ 1 533,-" .g . I‘ 1-«2:ilj'-..;i Jun ai‘. 912d“ . ' ~ ;. " '1qu' 33¢. 9d 3' ...- ' 09‘ ‘u ; 0 1.1;4'..':-"x2u..': g1 '.Izl» :-.-;. ,7-.. 11%..” ._'r,. atqoouoa - . , . . fit viii 'v‘ :1 ‘.Z'- 2.113311 “VIII 8H0 ‘ .‘« :r.1:'_:.‘v :‘:i:"‘-" :1: Hum .-;, .101.“ ;.Lj’;fil -;i {1019“ y n ’ A . '2 ‘ .1;:.‘ ‘11! ESL'UI$ ‘ ‘ .j;:i'j'1.-':::."r71. 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I believe Hell is a form of existence in a future life. The writings of Plato, Aristotle, Dante, and Shakespeare are as much inspired as are the writings of Moses and Paul 0 Belief that in the end God's purposes will be achieved tends to destroy man's sense of social responsibility. The biblical story of creation is probably based on one of the early Babylonian myths. Man is saved by the free gift of God's grace. The work of the church could be just as effectively done by the schools and social agencies. Man is ultimately responsible to God. God is the great companion who shares with us the travail and tragedy of the world. The chief end of man is to glorify God and enjoy him forever. If I believed that any part of the Bible were unreli- able, I would no longer have confidence in its moral and spiritual teachings. Jesus was born of the Virgin in a manner different from human beings. The revelation of God's word in the Holy Scriptures is man's ultimate authority. God is only a symbol of man's ideals. we were made for fellowship with God and our hearts are restless until they rest in him. The attempt to believe in a supernatural being is a sign of a person's failure to accept responsibility for his own life. The biblical writers were endowed with a divine wisdom which enabled them to foretell specific events in the distant future. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 164 I believe that men working and thinking together can build a just society without supernatural help. Jesus walked on water and raised the dead. we live in a universe indifferent to human values. The four gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, contain some legendary materials. I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth. The fall of man in the story of the Garden of Eden is a myth symbolizing the problem of good and evil in the world. In general, I consider church (or synagogue) attendance a waste of time. I believe in the guidance of the Holy Spirit. All miracles in the Bible are true. In general, it is wiser to form friends among those with similar beliefs concerning religious issues. Within a certain religion are to be found the founda- tions for the most rewarding life. Religious orientation should play little if any role in one's choice of a marriage partner. If all men could be converted to God's Truth, the world would certainly be a happier place in which to live 0 At the present time I am not in agreement with the beliefs of any one particular church. Distinctions between religious denominations are out~dated and should be eliminated. The true intentions of certain religious groups are definitely not to be trusted. 'In these troublous times, a truly conscientious person, because of his religious beliefs, should consider himself separate from the rest of society in some respects. 58. 59. 60. 61. 165 Although there are minor variations among churches, any talk about one religion having substantially more truth than another is simply not true. Since one's knowledge will at best remain imperfect, extensive studying of other religious beliefs would probably result in greater confusion. I must admit I feel a greater bond with those of my own religious orientation than with those having different beliefs. A person's religious background in no way affects my basic attitude toward him as an individual. 166 The following sheets contain a list of adjectives. Please read them quickly, and make a heavy dark line on the second and third IBM answer sheets. Make the mark in the first block after the number of the adjective you would consider to be self-descriptive. For example, if (11) anxious and (110) touchy are descriptive of you, on the second answer sheet you would make the following mark: mfififififi and on the third answer sheet you would make the following mark: 1 2 3 4 5 NEEDED Do not worry about duplications, contradictions, and so forth. Work quickly and do not spend too much time on any one adjective. Try to be frank, and make those adjectives which describe you as you really are, and not as you would like to be. 1. absent’minded l7. assertive 33. clear-thinking 2. active 18. attractive 34. clever 3. adaptable 19. autocratic 35. coarse 4. adventurous 2o awkward 35. cold 5. affected 21. bitter 37. commonplace 6. affectionate 22, blustery 38. complaining 7. aggressive 23. boastful 39, complicated 8. alert 24. bossy 4o, conceited 9. aloof 25. calm 41. confident 10. ambitious 26. capable 42. confused 11. anxious 27. careless 43. conscientious 12. apathetic 28. cautious 44. conservative 13. appreciative 29. changeable 45. considerate l4. argumentative 30. Charming 46. contented 15. arrogant 31. cheerful 47' conventional 48. cool 16. artistic 32. civilized 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. cooperative courageous cowardly cruel curious cynical daring deceitful defensive deliberate demanding dependable dependent despondent determined dignified discreet disorderly dissatisfied distractible distrustful dominant dreamy dull easy going effeminate 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 167 effeminate egotistical emotional energetic enterprising enthusiastic evasive excitable fair-minded fault-finding fearful feminine fickle flirtatious foolish forceful foresighted forgetful forgiving formal frank friendly frivolous fussy generous gentle 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. gloomy good-looking good-natured greedy handsome hard-headed hard-hearted hasty headstrong healthy helpful high-strung honest hostile humorous hurried idealistic imaginative immature impatient impulsive independent indifferent individualistic industrious infantile 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154 informal ingenious inhibited initiative insightful intelligent interests narrow interests wide intolerant inventive irresponsible irritable jolly kind lazy leisurely logical loud loyal mannerly masculine mature meek methodical mild mischievous moderate modest 168 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. moody nagging natural nervous noisy obliging obnoxious opinionated opportunistic optimistic organized original outgoing outspoken painstaking patient peaceable peculiar persevering persistent pessimistic planful pleasant pleasure seeking poised polished practical 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. praising precise prejudiced preoccupied progressive prudish quarrelsome queer quick quiet quitting rational rattlebrained realistic reasonable rebellious reckless reflective relaxed reliable resentful reserved resourceful responsible restless retiring rigid robust 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 169 rude 76. sarcastic 77. self-centered 78. self-confident 79. self-controlled 80. self-denying 81. self-pitying 82. self-punishing 83. self-seeking 84. selfish 85. sensitive 86. sentimental 87. serious 88. severe 89. sexy 90. shallow 91. sharp-witted 92. shiftless 93. show-off 94. shrewd 95. shy 96. silent 97. simple 98. sincere 99. slipshod 100. slow 101. sly smug snobbish sociable soft-hearted sophisticated spendthrift spineless spontaneous spunky stable steady stern stingy stolid strong stubborn submissive suggestible sulky superstitious suspicious sympathetic tactful tactless talkative . 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'v ) v .1'- 110 .- - 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. tempermental tense thankless thorough thoughtful thrifty timid tolerant touchy tough trusting unaffected unambitious unassuming unconventional undependable understanding unemotional unexcitable unfriendly uninhibited unintelligent unkind unrealistic unscrupulous unselfish 170 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. unstable vindictive versatile warm wary weak whiny wholesome wise withdrawn witty worrying zany This part of the questionnaire has to do with personal 171 informatign about yOu. Since the identified. answer to gyggy question. appropriate number on the third answer sheet. questionnaire is completely angnymous or confiden 'al, you may answer all of the questions freely without any concern about being It is important to the study to obtain your Mark your response by the if you are a "male" your response is: 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. l 2 . 152. E Jr— —» l_’ Which college are you enrolled at? l. Andrews University 2. Oakwood College 3. Other Please indicate your sex: 1. female 2. male Please indicate your age as follows: 1. 16 years old and under 20 17-19 3. 20-22 4. 23-29 5. 30 and over What is your classification? 1. freshman 2. sophomore 3. junior 4. senior 5. graduate What is your marital status? 1. married 2 0 Single 3. divorced 4o Widowed 5. separated What is your religion? 1. Seventh-Day Adventist 2. other 3 m_é_n 5 __1 For example, 157. 158. 159. 160. 172 Please indicate to which racial group you belong: .1 o BlaCk 2 0 White 3. Oriental 4. Indian (American) 50 Other What is the approximate yearly income of your family if you are single? 1. less than $3,000 2. $3,001 - $5,000 3. $5,001 - $8,000 4. $8,001 - $11,000 5. $11,001 and over How much education does your father have? 1. 9 years of school or less 2. 12 years of school or less 3. some college or university 4. a college or university degree 5. master's degree or above How much education does your mother have? 1. 9 years of school or less 2. 12 years of school or less 3. some college or university 4. a college or university degree 5. master's degree or above "‘1111111111“