me MneRAnon OF THE mm or NORTHERN GHANA: A CASE STUDY OF CYGUCAL LABOR , MIGRAHON m WEST Arm Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. MlCHiGAN STATE UNWERSHY JOHN S. NABILA 1974 LIFRA 12 V Mini 33" 5“” UnNCI'Si‘Y I/gggmuu/u/I -, a" ,5. (I -' I... i: '5 L1} 94.3.} f; 3: .655: 0337 AA. A, #00 A024 u ': Q (1' LI 1" ~‘-l ABSTRACT THE MIGRATION OF THE FRAFRA OF NORTHERN GHANA: A CASE STUDY OF CYCLICAL IABOR MIGRATION INWESTAFRICA By John s. Nabila Migration in Africa, especially labor movements, can be considered a form of spatial interaction. Regions of varying levels of economic and social development are connected by streams of persons who move fran one region or locality to the other in order to avail themselves of real or perceived opportunities . This is a study of internal migration in Guam, West Africa. In order more fully to understand the processes of migration patterns and their consequences for both the source and destination areas, the study focused on one ethnic group-- the Frafra of Northern Ghana, for an indepth study. The bulk of the data were collected fran the field in Ghana through the use of interview schedules . Stratified and proportional sample methods were used in selecting the migrants to be interviewed at the destinations and also the respondents interviewed in the home- land. In all, 1,416 migrants at the destinations and 607 of the people at hare were interviewed. Over-population on a limited land resource base has been one of the major problems of Frafra area and in neighboring ueas occupied by the Knsasi and Busami. Consequently, there has been a serious / m") . A John S. Nabila , 0) '0 [6 problem of land shortage with its related problems of soil erosion and periodic hunger. Faced with this population problem, coupled with the recruitment efforts of the colonial administration and illegal labor recruiters, out-migration probably provided an escape valve from the stringent survival system in the area. Thus, since the 19303 a mm of rural-urban migration has been created in the Frafra homeland and there exists today a social network of chain migration among the clan members or specific families. Among these migrants are those who go to seek jobs, visitors of all categories to the South, and oscillatory or seasonal migrants, especially those who work on the cocoa and food producing fame. ‘Ihe socio-economic characteristics, migration behavior, perceptions, etc. of migrants who moved during the last five years (receit migrants) were in most cases significantly different from those who have beet at the destinations for long periods. Basically the following are the conclusions of the study. l. The dynamics of family and ethnic ties have led to the establishment of chain migration, which in sane instances is solely responsible for the destinations chosei by migrants, the types of occupations done md above all the continuous flow of rural people to these destinations. 2. Economic Factors (rural-urban income differeitials) have been responsible for creating labor reservoirs in some regions, while other areas with job opportunities and better social. facilities are mainly receiving areas . 3. In regions where the level of education is low and yet there are no job opportunities at home the majority of movers will be the uneducated. However, when educational facilities are increased, the greater proportion of young movers will be those who are educated. l 10. John S . Nabila As a result of the striking imbalances in availability of resources and economic development, distance is generally not a hindrance to migration, especially if there is a perception of better opportunities further away. People who move fran urban or semi-urban centers are more likely to go to other urban centers than to rural destinations . Although processes of incorporation of all ethnic groups in the urban centers are taking place, on the whole migrants tend to continue with the social networks of relationships they were used to in the rural ewironment. It is mostly the yomg and single males who participate in moving to areas of employment. Education and changing roles of women in recent times have resulted in many females, both single and married, taking part in the labor movements to diverse destinations. Envirormeltal stresses, e.g. , over-population, drought, soil erosion, especially if they result in displacing rural populations, will continue to be some of the underlying factors for out-migration in the Frafra homeland. Basically, there are three types of returned migrants. The first is the migrant who returns home for a short visit while the second is the person who goes home, stays for quite a considerable length of time (6 months to two years) after which he rejoins the migration stream again--cyclical labor movements. The last type of returned migrant is the one who goes hone permanently with no inteltion whatsoever of leaving the ancestral land again. The first and the second are more frequent than the third, but on the whole the first type of returned trips are the most frequent. The probability of a Frafra migrant remaining in the South for a very long time depends on , among other factors , the job and other opportunities available to him at the destina- tions, the age at which he first moved out of Frafra, his position in the extended family and the relative importance of pull factors in the rural e11virorrne1t—-the homeland. When a migrant has stayed at a destination for a period of time, acquired a job, gained some seniority or experieice in the job,coupled with the development of some social and political networks with others within the cannunity, he will feel reluctant to go back to the home town in Frafra. THE MIGRATION OF THE FRAFRA OF NORTHERN GHANA: A CASE STUDY OF CYCLICAL LABOR MIGRATION IN WEST AFRICA By ‘A... John 3: Nabila A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1974 u Ix! ACKNWIEIIEMH‘TIS I take this opportunity to thank the Scholarship Committee of the University of Ghana for awarding me a Post-Graduate Scholarship. without which it would have beei difficult to undertake a doctoral program in the United States. The results of the field research presented in this dissertation would not have beei achieved without the necessary financial support. The initial support was provided by the Population Council, New York. I am very grateful to the scholarship committee of the Council for the award. I am particularly thankful to Dr. Donald Heisel, then in charge of programs in Africa, and Miss Eugenia Gale, the fellowship secretary, for their continued support during and after the research period. In the field it was realized that this initial support would not be sufficielt to enable me to gather all the necessary data on the migration process . Fortunately, the Rockefeller Foundation provided the needed extra funding through the University of Ghana. My gratitude goes to the Foundation and Dr. Michael P. Todaro, Associate Director of the Social Science Division, Rockefeller Foundation, New York. My appreciation goes to Professor K. B. Dickson and Dr. Nelson 0. Addo, both of the University of Ghana, for their very helpful assistance during the field research. My gratitude goes to all the Reaction of the Frafra communities at the destinations, the chiefs and ii iii elders in the homeland, and all the people interviewed for their cooperation. In addition I thank all the research assistants for their serious devotion to the project. I also thank the many other concerned people, too numerous to mention here, whose help in Ghana made the research a success. My graduate program at Michigan State University has been a successful and stimulating one because of the encouragement, and dedicated guidance from Professor John M. Hunter, my academic advisor. His suggestions and guidance in the field when he visited Ghana in 1972 and during the period of data analysis were very helpful in the writing of this dissertation. I am grateful to him for all that he has done to make this possible. In addition, I wish to express my appreciation to the other members of my Guidance Committee, Professors Stanley D. Brunn, and Robert N. 'Ihomes of the Department of Geography and Professor J. Allan Beegle of the Sociology DeparuIent for their time and professional expertise in helping me during the whole period of my acaderic program at Michigan State University. The helpful suggestions of the whole committee have made this preseit product a reality. During the analysis and writing stage, it was necessary to utilize facilities at the Michigan State University Computer Institute for Social Science Research and the Photo laboratory. I thank Professor Lawrence Summers, (llairman of the Geography Department, for computer time, and Professor Carl Eicher and Derek Byerlee of the Department of Agriwltural Economics for the financial support from the African Rural Employmelt Research network. I am also grateful to Professor iv Robert I. Wittick for the useful help he gave me to file the data on a magnetic tape at the Computer Center, and the subsequeit suggestions for using some programs. Finally, this work is dedicated to my parents. Although they have not received any formal education, they had the foresight and understanding fully to support my academic development since the day I started first grade. Chapter II TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: THE PROBIEi AND STUDY AREA . The Problem . . . . . . ..... The Study Area-—The Frafra Homeland ......... Objectives of the Study. . Research Objectives and Organization of the Study. A Note on the Ghanaian Currency . . . . THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FOUNDXI‘IONS OF THE MIGRATION PROCESS IN GENL'RAL, AND CYCLICAL LABOR MIGRATION IN AFRICA: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . Introduction—-Definitions of Migration ..... Concepts, Theories and IVbdels of Migration Theory and the Migration Process: A General Consideration ................... Some Economic Models of Migration ........ The Money Income Model. . . . ....... . . Migration as a Human Investment . . . ..... Perception and Migration Behavior. . . . . . . . Migration-~‘lhe Systems Analytic Approach ..... The Migration Process in the African Continent: An Overview .................. Theory of Rural-Urban Migration in Africa. . Types of Migration in Africa ........ . . . Causes of labor Migration in Africa ........ Economically thivated Migration ........ Socio-Cultural Factors. . ........... Migration Related to Environmental Conditions . Migration Related to Political Considerations . Return Migration to Areas of Origin ...... The Migration Process in Ghana and the Distribution (location) of the Migration "OpportunitY'Zones . . . . Inter-Regional Migration and Opportunity Zones . . V l7 l7 l9 19 22 22 24 25 28 28 28 33 33 33 34 35 35 36 38 Chapter Page Research Hypotheses. . . ............... 46 III RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS OF ANALYSIS ......... 49 Rational for Selecting the Frafra ........... 49 Data Collection .................... 50 Public Records. . . ................ 50 Ghana Population Census Reports .......... 51 Field Research Strategies ..... . . ........ 52 Field Interview Schedules ............. 52 Research Assistants ................ 53 Pilot Survey .................... 54 The Sample Survey ................. 55 The South .................... 55 Rest of Northern Ghana (Intermediate or Interveiing Destinations) ............ 60 The Homeland .................. 61 Methods of Analysis. . . ............... 61 Editing, Coding and Key Punching the Data on Cards. 61 Data Analysis ................... 62 Special Supplementary Field Research ........ 65 IV THE MIGRATION PROCESS IN NORTHERN GHANA: THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND THE MIGRATION SYSTEM IN THE FRAFRA HOMELAND ................... 66 The Geiesis of Out-Migration in Northern Ghana . . . . 66 The Frafra Homeland and Out-Migration: A Consideration of Some Push Factors .......... 71 Exteit of Frafra Out-Migration .......... 80 A Factorial Ecology of the Frafra Homeland: lhlral Community Differentiation and Propensity of Rural-Urban Migration ................. 86 A Brief Consideration of the Variables ....... 88 Population Size, Density and Population Change . 88 Education .................... 88 Place of Birth . . . . ............. 89 Distance .................... 89 Sex Ratio and Migration ............. 90 Occupational Characteristics .......... 9O arr—._~..c.. ,o-o ‘r. Chapter Page The Factor Analytic Method. . . .......... 90 Factor One . . ................. 92 Factor Two . . ................. 93 Factor Three ....... . . ......... 95 Factor Four .................. 95 Factor Five . . . . . . ............ 95 Relationships Between Migration and Factors. . . . . . 95 V PROCESSES OF THE DECISION TO MIGRATE: THE MNER—STAYER DICHOT‘CMY ........................ 102 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . ........... 102 The Role of Momentum and Information in the Migration Process ................... 104 The Factors of Momentum and the Establishment of Information/Migration Fields .......... 105 Inter-Personal Relationships and the Information Flow in the Migration Process ..... 107 Determinants of Migration: Rural-Urban Push and Pull. 112 The Role of Economic Factors ............ 113 The Role of Noneconomic or Socio-Cultural Factors . 132 Age, Sex, Marital Status and the Decision to Migrate . . ............... . . 134 Education ................... 143 The Importance of Clan and Family System in The Migration Process ................. 148 Characteristics of the Migration Itself ........ 155 The Distance Factor and Financing the Journey . . . 155 Deciding on a Destination ............ 162 A Model of the Processes of the Decision to Migrate as Presented in Chapter V ........ 166 VI SOCIO-ECONOMIC (IIARACIERISTICS OF THE MIGRANI‘S AT THE DESTINATIONS AND PATTERNS OF STEP-MICRATION ....... 170 Derographic Characteristics .............. 173 Age ........................ 173 Sex and Marital Status ............... 175 Education and Literacy ............... 180 viii Chapter Page Residential Analysis of Migrants. . ......... 190 ~/ Arrival in Town .................. 190 / Residential Location and Housing Conditions of Migrants ....................... 196 Room Density and Living Conditions of " Dwelling Units . . . ............... 209 Economic Characteristics ............... 212 Seeking a Job at the Destination ......... 212 Curreit Occupational Characteristics ....... 221 Inceme Property Analysis ............. 226 Unemployment ................... 237 Processes of Step-Wise Migration ......... 243 VII A SYSTED’S ANALYSIS OF FRAFRA MIGRATION: STREAM AND COUNTER STREAM FIDRB .................. 264 The Migration Process and Rural-Urban Links ..... 264 Counter-Stream and Return Migration ......... 273 Return Migration ................. 275 Short Visits Back Home ............. 275 Short Periods and Permanent Returned Migrants . 281 Effects of Migration on the Home Area ....... 291 VIII TUJARDS AN ANALYTICAL MODEL OF THE PROCESSES OF THE MIGRATION STREAM IN FRAFRA ............... 306 An Analytical Model of the Migration Process ..... 306 The Nbdel ..................... 309 Education . . . . . ............... 315 Role of Income .................. 315 Summary and Conclusions ............... 319 Research Methods ................. 319 Migration and (a) the Different Opportunity Zones and (b) length of Residence at the Destinations ................... 322 Factors of Mcmmeutum and Environmental Stresses . . 323 The Decision to Migrate ............. 325 The Socio-Economic Characteristics of Migrants Already at Destinations ............. 325 Chapter ~ Page Rural-Urban Links. . . . . ..... . . . . . 326 Conclusions and Generalizations Based on the Analytical Model Presented in Chapter VIII. . . . 327 Policy Implications of Frafra Out-Migration . . . . 329 APPENDICES ............................ 337 1. Interview Schedule for Frafra Migrants Residing Outside Frafra Homeland (i.e. , at the Destinations) Aged 15 YearsandOver ...... ......... 337 2. Interview Schedule for People 15 Years and Over Residing in the Frafra Homeland (Returned Migrants, Nonmigrants, Intending Migrants, etc. . . . . .......... 345 3. List of Local Councils and the Distribution of Frafra (1960Census) ....... ................349 4a. Income of 'trban and Rural Households, Eastern Region, 1967. 352 4b. Expenditure of Urban and Rural Households 1961-1962 . . . . 353 5. An Explanatory Note on the Design of Figure 17 ....... 354 6. Simple Correlation Matrix ................. 356 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . ....................... 357 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1.1 Numbers Belonging to Main Upper Region Ethnic Groups Counted Outside Northern Ghana in 1960 .......... 12 2.1 Place of Birth, Proportion in Urban Areas, and Sex Ratios of Foreign-Origin Population in Ghana, 1960. . . . 37 2.2 Place of Birth by Regions and Sex in Ghana, 1970 ..... 40 2.3 A Breakdown of Occupations for Migrants Away From Home and for Nonmigrants (Homeland): Gdansi Males Ages 15 Years and Over. . .................... 45 2.4 Proportion of Frafra Migrants living in Major Urban Centers in 1960 ..................... 46 3.1 A Hierarchy of local Councils in the South with Many Frafra Migrants .................. 59 3.2 Migrant Categories by Length of Residence at the Destinations (Aged 15 Years and Over) .......... 64 4.1 Sources of African labor in Ghana's Mining Industry, 1904 66 4.2 Population Growth and Densities in Frafra Homeland (1931-1970) ................... 72 4. 3 Estimated Areas of Uninhabited and Inhabited Portions and Delsities of Inhabited Portions of the Frafra Area (1948—1960) ..................... 75 4.4 Yeji Migrant labor Survey, March 1954, A Survey of Migrants Returning Home From the South .......... 81 4. 5 Number of People From Frafra Enumerated in Other Regions of Ghana, Including Number of People Staying at Home (1960) ...................... 82 4.6 Sex Ratios (Males per 100 Females) of the Working Population in Frafra .................. 84 4. 7 Variables and Factor loadings .............. 87 Table Page 4.8 Factors and Variance Explained ............. 92 4.9 Results of Multiple Regression Model .......... 100 5.1 Indicate In Order of Importance the Sources of Information About the South and Other Areas You Will or Others Move To ................. 108 5.2 Migrants at Destinations-~How Did You Obtain Information at Home About the South Before Your First Migration Trip?. . . . ........... 108 5.3 Migrants at Destinations: What Were the Reasons for Your Fbvement From Your Hometown to this Place; Most Important First .................. 115 5.4 Intending Migrants: What Are Your Reasons for Deciding to Move ........................ 116 5.5 Percentage Distribution of Wages Famed Per Month From Preseit Occupation in the Homeland ........ 120 5.6 Percentage Distribution of Estimated Income From Farms Per Annum in the Homeland ............ 121 5.7 Percentage Distribution of Full Time and Part Time Farmers in the Homeland ................ 122 5.8 Reasons for Failure to Obtain Jobs in the Homeland by Intending Migrants ................. 124 5.9 In Deciding to Migrate, Did you Have Any Information About a Job? ...................... 128 5. 10 Percentage Distribution of Sources of Information About a Job ...................... 129 5 . 11 Perceltage Distribution of Target Occupations of Inteiding Migrants Still at Home ............ 130 5.12 Percentage Distribution of Expected Income Per Ivbnth at Destinations by Intending Migrants Still at Home ..................... 131 5. 13 Percentage Distribution of Age by Type of Migrant and Sex .................... 136 5.14 For Men Who Were Married Before the Principle Move: '. Will You or Did You Migrate with Your Wife ....... 140 Table Page 5 .15 Perceitage Distribution of the Educational Achievements of Respondents .............. 144 5.16 Percentage Distribution of the Spoken English Proficiency of Respondents .............. 147 5.17 Percentage Distribution of People of Factors Who/Which Influenced the Decision of Intending Migrants to Move. 152 5.18 Migrants at Destinations: Indicate in Order of Importance What/ Whom Influenced Your Principle Fbve From Your Hometown to the South ......... 153 5. 19 Percentage Distribution of How Migrants at the Destinations Financed the Journey to the South . . . . 157 5. 20 Percentage Distributions of How Intending Migrants Will Finance Trip to South .............. 157 5.21 How Much Money Did you Arrive at the South With Dm'ing Your First Migration Trip ........... 161 5.22 Why Did you Decide to Come to This Town and Not Another One ...................... 163 5.23 Intending Migrants: Why Do You Want to Move to the Town You Have Given .............. 164 5.24 Give the Types of Contacts Between You and Relatives or Friends Away From Home .......... 165 6.1 Percentage Distribution of the Age Structure of Respondeits at Destinations .............. 174 6.2 Sex Composition of Migrants .............. 176 6.3 Marital Status of Migrants by length of Residence and Sex ................... 176 6.4 Married Men Oily: Were You Married Before Your First Move From Home ................. 178 6.5 If you Did Not Migrate with Your Wife How long Did You Stay in the South Before Your Wife Joined You. . . 178 6 . 6 Percentage Distribution of Educational Achievements of Migrants ...................... 181 6.7 Rate of Improvement in School Attendance in Ghana by Regions Between 1960 and 1970 ........... 182 xiii Table Page 6.8 Indicate Your Writtei English Proficency. . ...... 183 6.9 Indicate Your Spoken English Proficency ........ 184 6.10 Indicate Your Spoken Hausa Proficiency ...... . . 185 6.11 Indicate Other languages Spoken Apart from the Above and Any of the Frafra Dialects .......... 186 6.12 Percentage Distribution of the Education of Migrants by Selected Towns, Mining and Farming Areas. . 188 6.13 Education of Farm Employees by Length of Service. . . . 189 6.14 Whom Did you Stay with when you First Arrived in this Town. . . ................... 191 6.15 Did you Pay Rent for Staying There ........... 195 6.16 Which of These did you enjoy when you lived with this Person .................... 195 6.17 What are the Main Reasons Which led you to Come to this section of Town .............. 201 6.18a Where are Your Wives Living? Number with Me in this House ....................... 203 6.18b Number of Wives with Relatives at Home ......... 203 6.19a Where are Your Children Living: Number with me Here. . 205 6.1% Where are your Children Living: Number with Relatives at Home ................... 206 6.20a How Do You Hold Your Present Accommodation (Room/House) 207 6.20b If You Rent it or If It Is Rent Free, Who Owns the Room or House ..................... 208 6.20c How long Have you been Living in Your Preseit Room/House ....................... 209 6. 21a How Many Rooms in this House are Occupied by You (Single Migrants) or Your Family or Household ..... 210 6.21b How Many People in Your Household Live in a Room. . . . 210 6. 22a Perceltage Distribution of the Perception of the Cmdition of Dwelling Units (House/Room/Apartmelt). . . 212 . . ‘n ~— .- . v , t! ‘ O . ! 1 W In .- -« I . u. u .. 1 q" . .- . q .. n- ’I ' l 1“ I. H a. - u. - H H‘l n . ‘ 1 fl I Table 6. 22b 6.23a 6.23b 6.23c 6.24 6.25 6.26 6.27 6.28 6.29 6.30 6.31 6.32 6.33 6.34 6.35 6.36 6.37 6.38 Page Are You Satisfied with Your Present Residence (House/Room/Apartment) ................. 213 When you First Arrived Did a Friend or Relative or Family Member Help You Find Work .......... 215 If Yes, What was the Relationship of the Person Who Helped You . . ............... 215 If No One Helped You, How Did you Obtain Your First Job 217 When You First Arrived, What Type of Work Were You Looking For. . ................ 217 When You Arrived What Work Did You Do First ...... 219 When you First Arrived Here, What was the Occupation of the First Person You Stayed With .......... 222 What is Your Current Occupation ............ 223 Number of Different Occupations Held Since the Migrant left Home ................... 227 When You First Arrived, How Much Money in a Month Were You Expecting to Earn ............ 228 How Much Money Did you Receive from Your First Occupation .................... 229 How Much Money in a Month Do You make From Your Present Job .................... 230 Apart From Your Job, Name Other Sources of Income . . . 232 What is Your Total Income Per Month .......... 234 Percentage Distribution of Estimated Monthly Expenditure of Migrants on Food, Clothing, Gifts, etc. . 236 What Type of Property Did You Own Before You Migrated From Home ................... 238 List What You Have Now Which You Did Not Own at Hare. . 239 Percentage Distribution of Unemployed Respondents (Extracted From Table 6 . 33) .............. 242 If You Are Presently Unemployed, What Do You Think Are the Main Reasons, @ (lily ............... 244 Table 6.39 6.40 6.41 6.42 6.43a 6.43b 6.44 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.63 7.6b 7.7 7.8 7.93 7.9b Percentage Distribution of the Number of Stops Made by Migrants at Various Destinations (The Spatial Characteristics of Step-wise Migration) ........ Percentage Distribution of the Number of Stops Made by Migrants ....... . .............. Percentage Distribution of length of Residence at Four Different Destinations . . . . . . ...... Percentage Distribution of the Reasons for Step-wise vaements Between Destinations by Migrants . Where Were You Enumerated for the Ghana 1960 PopulationCensus. . . . . . . . . .. ........ Where Were You Enumerated for the Ghana 1970 Population Census. . . . . . ............. What Would Make You mcide to leave this Town for Another Place in the South ........ Indicate in Order of Importance the Allegiance You Owe to the Following Traditional Heads ...... Indicate in Order of Importance How You Obrain Information About Events in the City ...... List Types of Help Available to New Migrants ..... Who Do You Contact When in Need of Money or Help . . . Counter-Stream Migration: Total Migrant Population in Frafra local Council by Ethnic Groups, 1960 . . . . Over the Past Three Years How Many Times Have You Gone Home . . ................ Give the Time You Usually Return Home ......... What are Usually Your Reasons for Returning Home . . . When Do You Hope/ Plan to Make Your Next Visit Home . . Are You Contemplating a Permanent Return to Your Village ........................ If Yes, What Would Make You Decide to Return Home Permanently ................... Page 250 252 254 . 255 258 259 . 263 266 270 271 .272 274 276 277 . 279 . 282 . 283 . 283 IO N Table 7.9c 7. 10a 7. 10b 7.11 7.12 7.133 7.13b 7.143 7. 14b 7.15 7.16a 7.16b 7.16c 7.17a 7.17b 8.1 8.2 If No, Do You Wish to Stay Here for the Rest of Your Life ........ . . . . If You Do Not Want to Stay Here for the Rest of Your Life, How Much longer Are You then Going to be Away From Home ................... Why Do You Want to Stay in This Town for the Period You Have Just Stated. . . . . . What Would You Like to Take Back Whei You are Ready to Return Home Permanently .......... Percentage Distribution of Occupations of Returning Migrants Counted at the Yeji Ferry in March 1954; by Ethnic Groups . . . . Indicate the Type of Gifts or Remittances you Send Back Home (Migrants at destinatwons) ....... Give Details About the Help You Receive From Your Relatives Away from Home (Respondents in the Homeland) When Do You Send These Remittances or Gifts BackHome ....................... Indicate the Time Your Relatives Make These Remittances / Gifts ................... Indicate the Types of Help, Gifts, etc. You Send to Relatives/Friends Staying Away from Home (Respondeits in Homeland). . . Indicate the Highest Education Obtained ........ Indicate Your Writtei English Proficiency ....... Indicate Your Spokei English Proficieicy ....... Indicate Your Spoken Hausa Proficiency (Homeland). . . Indicate Other languages Spoken Apart From Above and Frafra Dialects .................... List of Variables for the Regression Analysis Summary Table for the Stepwise Regression bbdel. . . . ......... Page 283 285 285 290 292 294 294 295 295 297 300 300 300 301 301 310 312 xvii Table Page 8.3 What Should Be Done to Make Agriculture More Acceptable...... . ......332 8.4 If You Could Earn as Much Income From Agriculture as From Urban Jobs, Would You Settle in a Rural AreaasaFarmer....................335 Figure 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 LIST OF FIGURES Page Local Councils of Northern Ghana showing muin homeland of the Frafra people ............. 5 Main culture regions of the Mole-Dagbani speaking peoples ........................ 8 Giana: population density by local administration areas for 1960 and 1970 ................ 9 Origin and destination factors and intervening obstacles in migration ................ 23 Ghana: migration opportunity zones and areas of employment ...................... 39 Ghana: Inter-regional migration flows in excess of 30, 000 persons ................... 43 Ghana: local Councils, 1960 ............. 56 Ghana: Distribution of Frafra ............ 58 Frafra Homeland: density of population 1960 by enumeration areas ................... 74 Ghana: Flow of migrants from Frafra homeland ..... 83 Frafra Homeland: sex ratios for population aged 14- 15 years by enumeration areas ........... 85 Frafra homeland: Factor l—Ihiral-Traditional; Factor 2-Population and Road Densities-Accessibility ..... 94 Frafra Homeland: Factor 3-Ievels of Echlcation; Factor 4-Sex Ratio and Distance Dimension ....... 96 Frafra Homeland: Factor 5-Population change, 1960-1970 97 A model of the processes of the decision to migrate. . 169 Obuasi Township-General Classification of Buildings . 198 xviii Figure Page 17 Frafra migration in Ghana: A hierarchy of target destinations and the spatial framework of step-migration. . 18 A paradigm of the spatial patterns of direct and step-wise movements among Frafra migrants . . . . . . 251 ., , _. .- ‘.‘.k‘ ‘.\ . . ‘ "‘v .‘. .i'~“‘ . ' . 5 "s. “ ‘ ‘ . r «t... ‘ \ ‘ ‘K- 1 . 1 ‘3 :v. ‘1 R: *0. I 1“. ~‘. N “. t Uf.‘ _ \, ~ ‘- \ \‘ O s';“ 1. ~. J.‘ I - CHAPTERI INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM AND STUDY AREA The Problem Geographical mobility is a complex phenomenon of the human geography of any place. It is inter-related with a myriad of factors which are socio-economic, demographic, political, historical socio-psychological, and indeed, the totality of the human environment. Population movements in diverse forms have been, and remain an essential component of economic develOpment, social change and political organization in Africa. Migration in Africa, especially labor movements, can be considered a form of spatial interaction. Regions of varying levels of economic and social development are connected by streams of persons who move from one region or locality to the other in order to avail themselves of real or perceived opportunities. For instance, there are seasonal and long term labor flows from an extensive labor reservoir in the Northern Savanna zone to economic growth points and growth areas in the Southern forest and Southeastern Savanna zones of Ghana. This pattern of labor flow between less developed areas and economic growth points is a common characteristic of most of the labor movements in Africa. Basically, all African populations are experiencing very rapid rates of population growth, on the average 2.5 percent to about 3 percent per annum with a few countries increasing about 3 percent 1 (Caldwell, 1968, p. 66-70; Hance, 1970, p, 120; Barber, 1969, p. 70-80). This trend is most likely to continue for a long time if fertility remains constant coupled with the rapidly declining mortality rates. Related to this is the concentration of population in towns and cities. High percentages of urban population have been observed in Ghana (12.3 percent in 1960), Nigeria (14.0 percent in 1963), Senegal (22.5 percent in 1960-61), Congo (Brazzaville, 25.4 percent in 1962), Zambia (16.5 percent in 1963), and Botswana (18.0 percent in 1964) (Segal B., 1972, p. 277). Population growth in Ghana has been very rapid such that between 1921 and 1960 the population was tripled while between 1948 and 1960 the national growth was 63 percent, that is, an intercensal growth rate of about 3.6 percent per year (Caldwell, 1967, p. 78). A striking feature about this population increase is the growth in size and number of urban centers (by the Ghana 1960 census definition, an urban center is any settlement with 5,000 or more people). The per- centage of urban centers increased from 13 perceit of the total population in 1948 to 23 percent in 1960, and to 20 percent in 1970. During the intercensal periods (1948-1968 and 1960-1970), the urban rate of growth was more than double the rural rate, for example, 6.6 percent and 3.6 percent per annum, respectively, between 1948 and 1960 (Hunter, 1965, p. 272-290). Generally, the population of any place can only increase or decrease in two possible ways-~through reproductive change (natural increase) and/or net migration. Thus, part of this rapid rate of urbanization can be attributed to migration. It has been suggested that between 1948 and 1960 alone, the contribution of net rural-urban migration to the increase in urban population was between 7 and 42 percent (Caldwell, 1967, pp. 81-83 and Knight, 1972, p. 204). The rest of the increase can be attributed to natural increase in the towns, foreign immigration and the reclassification of localities as urban centers (Knight, 1972, p. 203). Hence, in Africa as a whole, increased rural-urban migration has been an important contributory factor of the rapid Lm'ban population growth rates. The outcome of human migration patterns and processes bring more rapid changes to the social, economic, political and other systems at both the homeland of migrants and the destination areas than any other phenomenon of the human geography of any place. Many African countries today are faced with socio-economic problems which have a direct link with the repercussions of migration in recent times. Rapid urbanization and its concomitant problems of rising urban unemployment; inadequate housing, educational and health facilities; the lowering of sex-ratios in rural areas and consequently high rural dependency ratios, etc. are a few. On the other hand, migration viewed positively has been a contributing factor in the economic and social development of the various countries in Africa. Thus, for a better mderstanding of the socio—economic and political development of many African countries we will need a detailed analysis of both internal and international movements, which, along with other important demographic factors, influence every aspect of a nation's economy and policy (Hance, 1970, p. 30). In recent years many African countries have been hard hit by unemployment problems, the root cause of which is the continued influx of more people to urban areas. As Todaro has noted: "If migration is the key detenminant of the urban labor supply, then it stands to reason that in order to wider- stand the nature and causes of urban unemployment. . .it is necessary to better urderstand the process of rural- urban migration" (1973, p. 3). A survey of the pertinent literature has deronstrated the paucity of detailed demographic analysis of migratory processes in Africa. Pool, for instance, remarked that .the study of migration in Africa is piece meal which creates problems for basic demographic analysis . Thus among the priorities in African demography should be listed the collection and analysis of data on the volume and nature of migration flows" (1969, p. 168) . Recently, Eicher and others have suggested that "there is overwhelming evidence to support agg.essive policies to expand demographic research in Africa" (Eicher and others, 1970, p. 55). This is a study of internal migration in Ghana, West Africa. In order to more fully understand the nature of migration patterns and their consequences for both the source and destination areas, the study focused on one ethnic group--the Frafra of Northern Ghana, for an indepth study. The Study Area— -The Frafra Homeland This study is designed to cover the area of the present (1) Bolgatanga-Tongo Urban and (2) Bongo-Nabdam local councils , which, until their creation in 1969, formed the Frafra local Council (Figure 1). LOCAL COUNCILS OF NORTHERN GHANA SHOWING MAIN HOMELAND OF THE FRAFRA PEOPLE A. UPPER 33:90»: Boloolongo-Tonqo Kuoonobo —ZobIlIo Bonw- Nobdorn Tompono-Goru Baum Puslqa Novronao Chlono-Poqo ondorno Tumu Nodowll-Fuml Wo . Lowra-Jlrooo oumrommsoopuwr "Ni-QIDQSIP’S’QPN? . LombuooIo-Nondom RTHERN REGION Tomolo Tolon Sovcluqu Kuoowqu Wound. Nolorlgu Gunny-Charcoal Sobobo- Zobzuou Yondl Blmbllc Sologo Bolo Figure 1. 0 Local Council Headquarters ------ Local Council Bomoorlu —-- Roolonol Boundaries —— Inmnollonol Boundaries m Frafra Homeland Source: Survey 0! Ghana Local Council Mop, l969 0'93939‘959 Mil“ 'Jhe two councils together cover an area of 735 square miles. Generally, the landscape is undulating and, for the most part, the area lies between 500 feet to 700 feet above sea level. A nuaber of bouldery hills (incelbergs) of either Birrimian rocks or granites are scattered over throughout the region. Two examples are the Tongo Hills and the Central Range of Hills which reach a maximum height of 1,250 feet above sea level in the Nangodi subdistrict. The climate is tropical continental or interior Savanna type with a single rainy season from May to October, followed by a pronounced dry season, when there are no rains dorm the period from November to March. The rainy season has a peak in August-September and the mean annual rainfall is about 40 to 45 inches. Mean monthly temperatures vary from about 970 F. in March to about 810 F. in August. Relative humidities are high during the rainy season (70 to 90 percent) but may fall as low as 20 percent during the dry season (Dickson and Benneh, 1971, p. 34) . The vegetation is basically wooded or tree savanna, i.e. , with tall grass and rather low trees. In the Frafra area, human occupation and related activities have now produced an open parkland with only trees of economic value left in the landscape. In addition to these trees (notably the shea tree or buty—rosperum parkii; dawa dawa or Parkia filicoidea; the boabab or adansonia digitata; and the silk cotton tree or ceiba pentandra) are some sacred groves which are quite distinct in the landscape and are probably reImants of the climax vegetation. In 1960, the Frafra Local Council had a total pOpulation of 150,028 and 167,286 in 1970. With average population densities of 204 ‘ Vt. _' u ‘, — ~\ ‘ "‘. v '~ .. q .‘ ' ~ ~‘ \ ‘ . . "v- \ .. “4.. .,~ J .‘..‘ ‘, ' - .‘ . \ -. persons per square mile and 234 persons per square mile in 1960 and 1970, respectively, it is one of the few areas in Ghana with high population concentrations (Figure 2). On a cultural and linguistic basis, the people who inhabit the study area belong to the Mole-Dagbani speaking group. As Fortes has pointed out, there is a cultural uniformity in the Voltaic region (Figure 3), especially in the social and economic organization, custom, belief and material culture of the people. At times, in fact, it is difficult to have clear boundaries between the various ethnic groups in Northern Ghana (Fortes, 1945, p. 6). Thus, though the homeland of some Frafra migrants away from home can be found in the Kusasi and Navrongo administrative districts, only the area of the former Frafra local Council will be considered as the ”core" area for this analysis. 'Ihough "Frafra" is often used to refer to the people occupying this ”core" area, there are basically four ethnic groups in the two local Councils, namely (a) Gurensi (Nankani), (b) Tallensi, (c) Boonsi and (d) Nabdam. The name, Frafra started appearing in records during the Colonial period and Cardinall writing on this said, "Grunshi has been further divided by us into Fra-fra, Grunshi and Kmijaga. 'Ihe Frafra included all the Nankani, Nabdam and Talansi and is a word derived from a form of greeting spoken by these people, who durum: by way of thanks or petition 'fra—fra' or 'Fura—Fura'" (1921, p. viii). Through this unfortunate development of the term "Frafra," the title has often been used so indiscriminately that at times it is difficult to distinguish the demographic characteristics of each of the four ethnic groups in the Ghana census reports, especially the ......... oim. {relxx ; -.f \ (I. \./i\.. /;\ e./\ -hl\ Qu/h‘vubl.‘\vshl.v§2\h>\nfil\ §I\ VAI h P.‘ h; \\..\i.\ \t‘ 2AI\\ l.‘ \\V..\\ i. 42 . N mama coon coo. .. 03 m... 8. u on N o. n o I ;2.Gm mum wzowmwa Ohm. wagon Qbmx asexw ...uuxaa. oz<4w201 (Kudzu ;E.Om mmm wzommmm 00m. (I / < TOGO i. \. Source: Hunter /968 Figure 3. 10 census reports of the colonial period. In this dissertation, for lack of a better title to refer to all of the four ethnic groups, the term ”Frafra" will be used, but individual ethnic names will be used where the analysis involves a separate treatment of each group. As in other parts of Northern Ghana, three forms of authority and social organization exist in the Frafra area. The first is politioo-Irtilitary authority which is exercised through chiefdoms. There is a hierarchy of chiefdoms in each of the four ethnic divisions ranging from a divisional chief (Tong-rana, Bolganaba, Nangodinaba, Bong-rana) to village chiefs or sectional leaders. The second form of social organization is the kinship or family system with patrilineal and patrilocal inheritance widely practiced in the area. In this category, one can think of the nuclear family as being below the ladder and grading upwards into the lineage system and finally into the clan system. According to Fortes, a lineage is ". . .an association of people of both sexes comprising all the recognized descendants by an accepted geneology of a single named ancestor in a putativety continuous male line. It is, in other words, a strictly unilineal, agnatic descent group." He further explains that a minimal lineage (a lineage of nu'ninnrn span) consists of the children of one father while the maximal lineage (the widest span ". . .consist of all descendants in the male line of the renotest cormon patrilineal ancestor known to the members of the lineage (1945, p. 30). The third form of authority is the spiritual or religious one which is recognized through the office of the "Earth Priest." The Earth Priest is widespread throughout the Voltaic Region, and it is believed ll that before the introduction of chieftaincy in these areas, leadership was vested in these devine representatives of the Earth God. Today the Earth Priest continues to assert his original title as custodian and trustee of the land of the people, often in a ritual role. A knowledge of these three forms of social organizations is necessary for a better understanding of the major chacteristics of Frafra migration. Fortes in one of his studies on the Talensi conuented as follows: "It is no exaggeration to say that every sociological problenlpresented by the Tallensi hinges on the lineage systenL It is the skeleton of their social structure, the boney framework which shapes their body politic; it guides their economic life and molds their ritual ideas and values. The social life of the Tallensi cannot be understood without a knowledge of the principles that govern their lineage organization"(l945, p. 30). This is equally true in respect to the other ethnic groups in the Frafra area. Obiectives of the Study Of all the ethnic groups in Northern Ghana, the Frafra people, by far, are the most migratory group. In 1948, about 5 percent of them were counted outside their homeland. This was probably an underenumeration.because in 1960, of the people enumerated as Frafra (Grunsi) alone, 30.5 percent of the men and 14 percent of the women were away fiom home (Table 1.1) . Besides, Host of the people from the Bolgatanga Division call themselves Grunsi. In 1948, out of'a total of 7,208 Grunsi in Ghana, 65 percent lived in the South, therefore, it is most likely that some of these were of Frafra extration. Further, .-~ «Va. ~ u h .eema .couaam .m .e ecu uuommm msmcoo coma mcmeo "mouoom .HHUGDOU Hmuoq muwmum ca mQDOHm owccpm« zusom any aw flooww oflcrum mo ecooumm one qu892 coma m.m owmch H.0H oav.wh onw.mHH audow 03“ GH mmDOHw HH may wo ucoonmm one Hmuoe m.m oma.m o.mH omm.HH omm.wH anomom 0.0 o H.o 0H 0H Eonfioz« m.o ova m.m com com wwcmHMBe m.ma omm.m m.om omh.am ooa.Hm MHMMHM« H.o om H.o om om oncouow one Mamxcmz H.o 05H m.m omv cow mcommx m.o omw.m n.5a ommcm OHN.m mmafldm n.m omm.m v.ea omo.m oao.m mammmfim n.ma omm.v o.mm omm.m oww.m maamz H.HH onw.a m.wa omm.m oom.m Hmoq n.0a onm.oa H.vm oow.vm omo.mm fluummoa usoowom moaoeom ucoouom moan: quEoz HMUOB msouw oflczum coma CH madam cuosuuoz ooflmuoo woucooo mmoouo Oflcaum coflmom Homo: cams on mcflmooaom muonfidz H.H magma 13 between 1948 and 1960 there was a population decrease of 8 percent in the Frafra homeland indicative of the extent of out-migration during the past decades, despite the rapid growth of Bolgatanga. Res $210.19.": satires and Organization of the Study For a very long time, the author has been intrigued by the volume and patterns of Frafra migration. Though the Frafra people readily move to the South, resettlement programs involving them have not been very successful, as the Damongo and Parago resettlement schemes showed (Nabila, 1968 and Hilton, 1959). This poses a number of questions to the social scientist, many of which can only be answered through field research. In this study the migration process has been considered as a system, hence there is a focus on both the areas of origin (rural Frafra homeland) and the destinations. Caldwell remarked that: "If meaningful results are to be obtained from analysis of determinants of rural-urban migration, two major problems must be overcome. The first is that current migrants must be compared with the population from which they originated, and secondly some attention should be paid to persons migrating during a relatively short period of time so that the characteristics of several generations of migrants are not lumped together” (1968, p. 363). Thus, apart from collecting data on migrants already at the destinations, it was considered necessary to obtain data on rural households. Data on (I) the socio-econcuric characteristics of the Frafra homeland, (2) rural people's perception of. job and other opportunities at the destina- tions, (3) the nature and types of links between the migrants and their a _ t l4 relatives or friends at home, (4) returned migrants and (5) character- istics of migrants, etc. are all germane to a better understanding of the processes of cyclical labor movements among the Frafra people. The objectives of this study are therefore as follows: 1. To ascertain pathways of Frafra migration, both step wise and direcc; 2. To describe and examine information channels, information carriers, and infonmtion flow (content) relating to the process of Frafra migration; 3. To examine the behavioral determinants of Frafra migration both in the North and South; 4. To ezqm'iine how the migration experience in the South influences society in the Frafra homeland, including economic, social and political parameters; 5. To examine the social, economic and political changes (adjustment processes) among the Frafra migrants in the South. The study has been organized in eight inter-related chapters in order to fulfill the main objective of focusing on both the areas of origin and the receiving areas. Chapter I is a consideration of the problem and the study area. In Chapter II there is a review of the literature on the theoretical and conceptual foundations of the migra- tion process in general, and cyclical labor migration in Africa. There is also a discussion of the migration process in Ghana and the distri- bution of the migration opportunity zones , that is, the relationship between migration and the location of the main urban centers, mining and farming areas. Chapter III presents the research design and the methods for the collection and the analysis of the data. The historical backgrOLmd of Frafra migration is presented in Chapter IV. Since the 19303 there has been a momentum of out-migration from the Frafra homeland. Hence the brief discussion of the genesis of 15 the migratory patterns of the Frafra people helped to present the results of this study in the right perspective. In addition, there is an analysis of some of the major ecological or socio-economic charac- teristics of the homeland which are related to out-migration in this chapter. Some of the basic questions to be answered by this study are: What are the determinants of Frafra rural-urban or rural-rural migration? Why do some people move while others stay at home? What are the character— istics of the movers and stayers? The answers for these and the many other questions on the processes of the decision to migrate or stay at home have been given in Chapter V. Chapter VI is a discussion of the socio—economic characteristics of the migrants already at the destinations and the patterns of step-wise migration. In Chapter VII, there is an analysis of the major links between these migrants at the destinations and their relatives and friends left back home. There is therefore an analysisof such phenomena as (l) retm'n migration, (2) the nature and types of remittances, either to people back home or to the migrants at the destinations, (3) the effects of the migration process on the Frafra area, (4) a comparison of non-migrants and returned-migrants at home etc. In Chapter VIII it was considered useful to present a model which utilized data on the decision to migrate as well as the characteristics of the migrants already at the destinations. It is hoped that such an analytical model would be useful in explaining further any established relationships among the main components of the migration process . Finally, there is a discussion of the policy implications of the findings of this study. ,.~ v ~ V" B ‘ .i‘ , . ...w-i _o—é"" . #0 _,.. , , .: . w u‘ ...--a— - — -u‘u‘rv- —‘ o»- -- ..J: 16 This research, hopefully, will make both a practical and theoretical contribution to the understanding of the migration process in Ghana, Africa, and to some extent in other parts of the developing world. The study's strength lies in the contributions it will make to the under— standing of internal migration and the problems presented by such human phenomenon in Ghana. A Note on the Ghanaian Currency In the following analyses, especially in Chapters V, Vi and VII, the monetary values will be given in Cedis and not dollars. The Cedi is the basic currency of Ghana (written $10.00, that is ten cedis). The value of the Ghanaian cedi has been fluctuating in the international 1 market such that in 1972 one cedi was equivalent to about $0.78 U.S. Currently, one U.S. dollar is equivalent to about (61.13, that is one cedi and thirteen pesewas. CHAPTER II THEORETICAL AND CONCEPIUAL FOUNDATI ONS OF THE MIGPATICN PROCESS IN GliLQiRAL, AND CY CLIG-XL IABOR MIGRATION IN MRICA: A REVIEW OF THE. LITERATURE Introduction-—Definitions of Migration Migration in a broad sense can be in two foms--internal (the migration of people within a country) and international (the migration of pe0ple between countries). Each of them has subsets; for instance, internal migration has the distinctive subsets of rural to urban migra- tion, rural to rural migration, and intra-urban migration. Though the above definitions have generally been accepted among students of demography and other related disciplines, the migration process itself has been described in diverse forms as the few examples below indicate. 1. Permanent or semi-permanent change of residence. No restriction is placed upon the distance of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of the act (Lee, Evert S., 1966). Essentially, rural-urban migration represents a basic transformation of the modal structure of a society in which peOple move from generally smaller, mainly agricultural communities to large, mainly nonagricultural communities (Mabogmje, 1970)“ Intercommmnity movement cannot be employed with precise community boundaries, since these boundaries do not reflect the data available for the study of migration. Instead, some existing set of well-established and universally familiar boundaries must be used as an approximation. Counties, communes, "mmicipos", and 17 18 similar areas more closely match the definition and are practical. In the United States, for example, it is customary to define migration as intercounty mobility (Bogue, 1969). 4. A relatively permanent moving from one geographic place to another preceded by decision—making on the part of the migrant that results in change in the interactional system of the migrant (IvIangalam, 1968) . 5. The movement of population in space is a multifarious phenoan in which the distance of moves moy vary from.a few yards to many miles, and in.which the duration of stay at destination may vary from a few hours to many years. A.considerable part of this movement is incidental to carrying on the activities of daily life—~commmting to and.from1work, shopping, visiting, travel for business or pleasure, to name only a few. They are, however, to be distinguished from the type of mobility that involves a sustained or perman- ent sojourn in the place of destination. It is this latter type of mobility that is envisaged by the concept migration (United Nations, 1970, p. l). The above definitions reflect the complex nature of this human phenomenon. Population movements have been going on in Africa from time immemorial. Most of the recent ones, however, are associated with national or regional differences in levels of socio—economic development, employment opportunities or the availability of some valuable resources in the environment, e.g., minerals, cocoa, sisal, coffee, etc. Regions which had the advantages of the above attracted people from less fortunate areas. During the post-war years these movements have been so prevalent in the African continent that it is not uncommon for some men to be in the migration stream several times, thus giving rise to the concept of cyclical labor migration in Africa. Although both seasonal and short term migratory patterns still exist in Africa, the findings of the present research and the work of many other scholars indicate that in 19 recent years long term and permanent migration is increasingly becoming a common practice. Concegts, Theories and Models of Migration Theory and the Migration Process: A General Consideration The whole concept of geographical mobility has occupied the minds of many social scientists for a long time. As a response to some of the intriguing issues posed by the whole process of migration, people have tried to develop some theories, perhaps with the hope that there will be some measure of ”prediction" in migration analysis. Others have also tried to construct typologies of migration (Duncan, 1957; Gupta, 1959; Herbele, 1955; Petersen, 1958). The causes of migration have often been defined in terms of "push-pull" and resistance factors (Bogue, 1969; Stouffer, 1960). In the past, models of migration often utilized this concept and focused on the fact that the individual maximizes the money gains of movement--consistent with the thesis of the "rational" economic mun (Nelson, 1959) . Apart from the money-income model of migration, researchers often sought to eiqilain the causes of migration within the realms of psycho-social, socio-economic and other related factors. Whichever factors are considered, the migration process should be regarded as a continuum with highly interrelated or interconnected parameters . Basically, migration involves longitudinal or horizontal movement of people, but the ”means" and "ends" of migration are by no means isolated. .0‘ —v m... .~~- m - 20 Mitchell (1961) for instance, has remarked that single factor explanations of migration are totally inadequate and that the listing of all possible motivations is not helpful. There is a need to link together and relate the multiple causes in a logical framemork. He suggested a classification whose major headings are "nexus of cetrifugal tendencies" and the "nexus of centripetal tendencies" subdivided by social and psychological and economic factors. Ravenstein was the first to attempt providing "laws of migration" as a response to a remark by Farr that migration appeared to go on without any definite law (1885, 1889) . His work led him to believe that (1) most migration covered only short distances; (2) the migration proceeded by stages, one person filling the gap left by another who had moved earlier; (3) each main current of migration produced a compen- sating counter current; (4) long distance movers generally went to big cities; (5) town dwellers were less prone to move than were rural residents and (6) females were more migratory than males (this was later changed to "females appear to predominate among short- journey migrants") . Not all of these findings are very true today even among industrial societies. For example, it cannot be said with certainty that most migrations cover only short distances. At least, the African experience of migratory patterns will dispute this "component 1aw' '. In like manner, not all long distance migrations end up in the city. Much will depend on the perception, aspirations and the needs of the migrant at the time that he left home. However, researchers like Redford and S jaastad have proved same of Ravenstein's hypotheses right (Redford, 1926; Sjaastad, 1962). Sjaastad in his study in Mississippi noted that '1‘ .q 21 "gross migration in one direction is the best single indicator of the amount of backflow," thereby supporting Ravenstein's theory of "stream and counter-stream" in migration (1962, p. 81). At the moment, there is no exact idea about the nature of counter-stream migration in Ghana, especially for the Frafra and this will be one of the concerns of this research. It will be difficult to give the exact quantitative streams of migrations, but the field observations should help in providing some "flesh" for such analysis. In 1940 Stouffer introduced the concept of intervening opportunities to provide a simple model to account for much of the observed movement of peOple in space. His main hypothesis was that the number of people going a given distance X from a point was not a function of distance directly but rather a function of the spatial distribution of opportunities (Stouffer, 1940). Stouffer's model has been applied in the field by many researchers with considerable success (Bright and Thomas, 1941; Isbell, 1944; Strodtbeck, 1949 and 1950; Ullman, 1957). The major shortcoming of this model, as Stouffer himself pointed out, is that it is inadequate in handling marked directional drifts where the uneven distribution of opportunities within the "circle" might facilitate greater movement in one direction from the starting point rather than in an opposite direction. Thus in 1960, he proposed the concept of "intervening opportunities and competing migrants" and suggested that the distance scale should not necessarily be measured in terms of miles but rather in terms of "economic distance" (Stouffer, 1960) . Everett Lee in his "A Theory of Migration" argued that: _.. J, -Ln .. . ..-... an. ‘ - .. Q A-..‘ “. h‘ ' "V ' ‘ .¢. I. .‘ ‘ . K , ‘ ‘. ' ..g 'v~u . ’ -_ ' 1 5 'c- n . v." , . "Q I .__ n ‘ ”‘N. ..‘. ._ ' t ." l u ‘1. ' ... , .._h~ ., . K ' “.. “mg . \ _ \‘ a. \ . V ‘3‘ c, 1 v. 's.~: . ‘ _“ . ‘ ‘ “‘.- -Q ‘- 22 "No matter how short, or how long, how easy or how difficult, every act of migration involves origin, a destination and intervening obstacles; among these is the distance of the move which is always present" (1966, p. 48). Lee gave the following as factors which enter into the decision to migrate and process of migration; (1) factors associated with area of origin, (2) factors associated with the area of destination, (3) intervening obstacles and (4) personal factors (Figure 4). It is hereby suggested that in the treatment of migration in any place, the concepts of Lee and Stouffer must: be combined. "Inter- vening obstacles" and "intervening Opportunities and competing migrants" in one study will offer the student the advantage of examining the migration process as a continuum. This is especially true if oppor- tunities and obstacles are expanded to cover almost everything con— ceivable coupled with the location of these elements at both ends and not only between two points. Broadening the definition of opportunities and obstacles, therefore, can accommodate some of the processes of migration in a few regions in Africa which are the very antithesis of the economic postulates of migration. For example, in some countries migrants leave rich rural areas and migrate to relatively poor urban centers. Some Econcxnic Models of Migration The Money Income Model In the past, behavioral models of migration focused on the concpet of the individual maximizing the money gains of movement, a concept which was influenced by the idea of the rational economic man. 23 Origin AndDestination Factors And lntervening Obstacles In Migration lntervenin g Obstacles Destination In The Diagram, Positive And Negative Factors Are Indicated By + And - ,While 0 Represents Factors Which People Are Indifferent To. \After Lcc .Evcrct, 1966 F1, e 4. ua-l .“ K 4 1;”. new ‘ .... I "F? ’4 L n _. ..uhv _. . .- -v‘ . _ . -3... o. . ...”, 5--.. ... g...- ‘»\ ‘-..‘_ \ ‘ , . .... “ \ . w. '- N;- ‘~ -~ ~ ‘r \ 24 Nelson has remarked that some of the model's implications are that the further one moves, the greater the transportation cost. Hence, there should be an inverse relationship between migration and measures of industrial similarity. 0n the average, a migrant's efficiency, hence his wage, is greater in his present industry than in alternative industries. Consequently people tend to move back to old jobs to maximize their income (Nelson, 1959, p. 44). MEration as a Hinton Invesjmmqnt Sjaastad was perhaps the first exponent of the concept of regarding migration as a form of investment in human capital. He pointed out that more than direct costs (such as the cost of movement or the income gained by a migrant, i.e., returns) are involved. Opportunities or non—money costs must be taken into account if the causes and consequences of migration are to be fully understood (Sjaastad, 1962). Within this framework, we can consider the movement of a migrant from the rural areas to the urban center in terms of costs and gains, for example, socio—economic, political, and psychological (psycho-social stresses as against the acquisition of new behavior patterns) costs and gains. Bowles in his study supported the thesis of Sjaastad and concluded that: "The results suggest that the present value of the expected income gain from moving out of the South (U.S.A.) is positively related to the probability of moving and provides a better explanation of migration than the mere conventional income measure based on regional differences in cm'rent incomes"(Bow1es, 1970, pp. 366-362). 25 The comparison of costs and returns has been sharply criticized by Eckhaus (1963). Perhaps the major handicap of this model is the lack of data to facilitate such a comparison. How do we measure our "costs" and "returns" in migration? Who does it and for what component elements of migration? These are questions unanswered by the exponents of the model. No doubt, Bowles has been criticized for over-simpli- fication of his data analysis (Apgars, 1970). Byerlee has suggested that theories on the migration process in Africa will benefit from this concept, especially in explaining the movements of young people or middle school leavers. They are more likely to choose alternatives which maximize the present value of their expected future income streams than their counterparts in the migration stream. This is more likely because younger people have a longer time horizon in which to take advantage of the benefits of migration. Furthermore, educated people are more likely to migrate since the returns to education are higher and the opportunity for further education and on- the- job training are greater in urban areas (Byerlee, 1972, p. 18). Perception and Migration Behavior Migration definitely involves a change in space, and this spatial location has the prerequisites of adjustments, readjustments or malad- justments. Although this is the case, until quite recently, little attention was given to the actual patterns of behavior per se in migration. This has often led to the misdirection of efforts at understanding the whole field of migration. It will be highly pre- sumptuous to over operationalize the "capabilities" of the so-called "rational migrant"--this will be nothing less than putting him in a 26 Straight jacket. Wolpert, for instance, criticized this shortcoming, thus: "Behavioral and social scientists to an increasing degree have begun to question the value of theory predicated upon the existence of an omniscient and single directed rational being such as Economic Man, as related to man's behavior”(196l+, p. 532). In doing so, Wolpert stimulated interest in studies on migration behavior in geography, some what comparable to the effect of Haggerstrand pioneer studies on diffusion of innovation in a spatial context in geography (Haggerstrand, 1952). Perception studies in general are not very new in geography. According to Sarrinen, the work of cultural geographers, though not necessarily stated, deal with perception through the concept of cultural appraisal (Sarrinen, 1966, p. 31). The behavioral approach in geography is "an attempt to arrive at a set of empirically valid statements about individual, group and mass behavior which can be postulated in theory yielding statements of spatial structure as logical outputs" (Horton and Reynolds, 1970, pp. 36-48) . The behavioral school in geography has added a new dimension to the discipline. Wolpert's second study provided a behavior model of migration which involves the concept of threshold utility based on a measure of attractiveness or mattractiveness of an area relative to alternative locations as perceived by the individual decision maker and as evaluated according to his particular needs (Wolpert, 1965). It is in the field of intra—urban mobility that much has been done about migration behavior (Wolpert, 1964, 1965, 1966; Horton, 1969; 27 College, Briggs and Eemko, 1969 ; Cox and College, 1969 ; Brown and Moore, 1970; Brown and Longbrake, 1970; Horton and Wittick, 1970; Brown and Holmes, 1971; Roseman, 1971). Here the important words are "action space," "awareness space," "place utility" and "search behavior." (1) Action space has the points and paths that a person uses in his normal every day actions in Space for a period of time. (2) In the carrying out of life within his "action space" the individual is aware of many component parts of the environment--both positive and negative elements insofar as his survival or interactional levels are concerned. This constitutes his "awareness space ;" the structure of an individual's action space is a direct function of his cognitive image-perception. (3) Wolpert's concept of "place utility" has already been given (1965). (4) "Search behavior" involves the efforts of any migrant to look for alternative residential locations in the case of intra-urban migration or a new destination or alternative destinations in the case of both interregional and international migration. Thus, migration should contain information on both the total magnitude of population systems and the aggregate preferences of migrants for relevant characteristics of regions (Schwind, 1971) . Nest of the concepts in the behavioral school developed so far have not been operationalized. They do provide a common basis for integrating various viewpoints of the migration process by focusing attention on the relevant behavioral unit , the individual migrant and the various locational decisions with which he is faced (Roseman, 1971) . As a research tool, behavioral studies surely will make it possible to put together in the end the main fields of networks among the human .’ 28 population. These networks define interpersonal relationships, which in turn define most of what exists in reality. Nigration——The Systems Analytic Approach It is this need to consider migration as a field of networks that has led others to believe that migration should be considered within the framework of systems analysis (Mabogunje, 1970; Mamgalam, 1968; Brown and More, 1970). In the words of Mabogunje: "A system may be defined as a complexpinteracting elements, together with their attributes and relationships. One of the major tasks in conceptualizing a phenomenon as a system therefore, is to identify the basic interacting elements)their attributes, and their relationships" (1970, p. 1). Thus to Mabogunje, a system approach to rural-urban migration is concerned not only with why people migrate but with all the implications and ramifications of the process. When considered in such a way, rural-urban migration is no longer a linear, uni-directional, push and pull, cause—effect movement, but a circular, interdependent, progressively complex, and self-modifying system in which the effect of changes in one part can be traced through the whole of the system (1970) . The Migration Process in the African Continent: An Overview Theory of Rural-Urban Migration in Africa The formulation of theory on African migration has not been well developed because only a few researchers have attempted doing this (Gugler, 1968, 1969; Harris and Todaro, 1968, 1970; Todaro, 1968, 1969, 19 71, 1973) . ...-o" o-a.- ‘Q. - '\. ~ \ ‘\ _. x \ 29 In an attempt to establish some theory on African migration, Gugler concentrated on (a) the relationships between economic and noneconomic factors, (b) the distinction between collective and personal forces in the migration process and (c) the economic and social consequences of labor migration for the village (area of origin). To him, "among the causes of rural—urban migration and of the maintenance of urban-rural ties, economic factors are of major importance. Analysis has, however, to include noneconomic factors. Empirically these are more important in the case of urban-rural ties" (Bubler, 1969, p. 155). Disparities in the distribution of resources and levels of social and economic development in the various regions of Africa have long been recognized as one of the main factors of geographical mobility. A few economists in the fifties and early sixties depicted the process of economic development largely in terms of the reallocation of surplus rural labor through intersectoral population flows from low productive agricultural activities to more productive urban employment opportunities (Todaro, 1973; Lewis, 1954; Ranis and Fei, 1961). In recent years Todaro and others ”have attempted to develop a theory of rural-urban migration which can explain the apparently paradoxical relationship. . .of accelerated rural-urban migration in the context of rising urban Lmemployment" (Todaro, 1973, p. 8). The Harris-Todaro model of migration utilized the concept of the probability of finding a job at an economic growth point as a major determinant of rural-urban migration. In other words, the model argues that "migration proceeds in response to urban-rural differences in expected earnings with the urban employment rate acting as an equilibrating force on such migration" (Harris and Todaro, 1970, p.128 ). 30 It is not uncommon for a person to migrate to the urban center if there is only a 50 percent or even 33 percent probability of obtaining a job because the job in the modern sector is two or three times the average agricultural income. According to Todaro, there are three characteristics of the basic model, and these are worth enumerating here. (1) Migration is stimulated primarily on rational economic considerations. (2) The decision to migrate depends on "expected" rather than nominal wage differentials where the expected differential is determined by the interaction of two variables, the nominal wage and the probability of successfully obtaining employment in the urban sector. (3) Migration rates in excess of urban job opportunity growth rates reflect a disequilibrium situation (1973) . Although we need more field observations on the aspects of the probability componeit of the model, since probability studies in Africa are few, the model has much to offer the student of migration, the politician, national planner, economist, agriculture extension officer, and other people concerned with rational, economic development. In the words of Eicher and others: "The contribution of the Todaro and the Harris-Todaro models are their insights into the relationships between employment probabilities, intersectoral real income differentails, and rural-urban migration. Their analysis reveal a paradox in coping with urban unemployment. Attempts to reduce the size of the urban unemployed labor force through employment expansion programs in the modern urban sector without a conceltrated effort to make rural life more attractive are likely to be thwarted because rural to urban migration will actually be encouraged by the increased probability of securing urban employment" (1970, p. 7). 31 Types of Migration in Africa Basically, the overall picture of geographical mobility in Africa can be considered under three categories, on the basis of characteristics, continuity and change . a. Movements that took place in the past but which have now ceased to exist. b. Movements that have continued from the past into the preset day,for example, Muslim pilgrimages from Africa to Mecca and the movements of pastoralists. c. Movements that have developed in recent times, mainly during the present century. (Prothero, 1968, p. 25). Of paramount importance for our purpose, are the movements which are associated with recent economic and socio-political developments coupled with the phenomenal rapid growth of urban centers, in Africa. Urban centers and other rural "economic regions" became socio-economic growth points and continually attracted people from areas with minimum opportunities (Mercier, 1963; UNESCO, 1956). Migration in Africa during the colonial era was either forced or voluntary. In a few cases there existed established institutions to control migration. The Mozambique Convention of 1897 and 1938, for example, enabled South Africa to recruit a minimum of 65,000 and a maximum of 100,000 Mozambique Africans in return for using the Mozambique port of Iourenco Marques of a guaranteed 47.5 percent of overseas trade (Hance, 1970, p. 136) . Voluntary migrations became a common phenomenon during the latter part of the colonial period for a variety of reasons . Briefly, these are: the increase in economic activities and the associated need for labor at certain locations; a better developed infrastructure; the encom'agement of the free movements 32 of people, at times across political boundaries, by the Colonial administrations; and above all, an increased awareness among the people who moved, of monetary gains and the acquisition of many other socio- economic benefits not available at the place of origin. The commonest recent types of movement--(i) rural-urban migration, and (ii) rural—rural migration-—can either be seasonal for periods of about six months or they may be short-term for periods up to two years. Migrants may leave the rural areas when there is little activity and go to urban centers or more economically advanced areas of agriculture development where there is usually a need for extra labor. Other men may seek work in towns at mines, and in agriculture but for longer periods of time (Prothero, 1957, 1959, 1962, 1968; Panofsky, 1963; Barbour, 1965; Mabogunje, 1962; Mitchell, 1961; Rouch, 1957). To these two types, we can add a third category in which a migrant leaves home with the intent of staying away from home for a very long period or is influenced into doing so after staying for some time at the urban center. Labor migration, therefore, is the dominant pattern in many countries in Africa today. Gulliver, for instance, has suggested that there are two general types of labor migration ". . .in which the motivations of African workers and effects on then and their families and communities are significantly different" (1960, pp. 1959-63). Hance expanding on Gulliver's two types, said examples of (1) "low-wage rural employment, would be migration to cocoa farms in Ghana, to sisal estates in Tanzania. . .and examples of (2) higher-wage, industrial employment would be migration to the copper belt or to manufacturing plants in urban centers" (Hance, 1970, p. 165). 33 Causes of Labor Migration in Africa Reasons often given for the causes of migration on the continent are varied in nature, often depending on the disciplinary orientation of the researcher. Nonetheless, there is a general trend in these analyses and one can easily draw meaningful conclusions. As Mitchell pointed out, though, single factor analysis does not consider the migration process as a continuum or a system. There is some merit in Hance's view that single factor analysis provides a synthesis for a better understanding of the complex components of migration in the continent. Economically thivated Migration Numerous studies have indicated that for all practical reasons, almost all the labor movements in Africa have an element of economics. Greater earning in cash and/or in kind are desired for a variety of purposes. These include payment of taxes or of bride price, provision of daily needs, the purchase of cattle or of more sophisticated material goods, and the satisfying of ronmaterial wants such as education. Many authors have continuously pointed out that the need to earn additional income plays a major role in an individual's decision to migrate to urban areas. The pattern of migration flows is such that migrants allocate their time between work at home and work away from home in ways consistent with the maximization of their income (Hance, 1970, p. 161; Prothero 1965, p. 42; Beals, levy and Moses, 1967; Dean, 1966; Elkan 1959; Caldwell, 1968; Barber, 1960). Socio—Cultural Factors Major movements caused by socio-cultural factors include those 34 motivated by religous considerations, ethnic ties and the whole correlates of modernization. It has often been mentioned that African towns or cities have in then attractions such as better facilities and a good infrastructure which invariably attract rural people to them. However, as Prothero pointed out, the glamor of distant places should be considered as a motivating factor in addition to economic need (1957, p. 436). In some parts of Africa, migration is indulged in as a "ripe. Eli passage" or initiation to adult life as was found by Harris among the Thonga Society (1959, p. 59—60); by Rouch among the Savanna areas of West Africa (1956) and by Schapera in Botswana (1947) and by Prothero who stated that ". . .in many tribes a trip to town has become a recognized symbol of a boy's becoming a man"(1961, p. 233). This factor, however, was not found to be true among the Mossi, a neighboring region of Frafra (Skinner, 1960, p. 383). In a few cases, people move in order to get away from traditional authority or family control, including family quarrels or related rural elements of dissention involving the rural youths. Of importance in the socio—cultural causes of migration are the effects of education on migration--either when people move to seek education or move as a result of the acquisition of education. Migration Related to Environmental Conditions Considering migration in its widest perspective, movements due to soil exhaustion, drought, flooding or search for grazing land will all come under this category. In recent years, there also have been significant movements directly related to over-population (population 35 pressure). Elkan roted that some of the rural push factors in migration are assoicated with high pOpulation densities (1960) . Southall gives the Kikuyu of Kenya as an example of high population concentrations with an emigration rate of about 24 percent of the total population in 1948 (1961, pp. 171-172). Writing on population patterns in Ghana, Grove stated that: "There is a clearly marked movement from the more densely populated areas to the less densely populated areas" (1963, p. 14) . Migration Related to Political Considerations Other determinants of migration are associated with political considerations. Hance has suggested that movement due to political motivations have increased during the post-independence era and are often interrelated with ethnic and racial considerations; religious animosities; nationalist sentiments and related activities such as the nationalists movements for political and economic emancipation in Southern Africa; and economic activities (Hance, 1970, p. 182) . Return Nngation to Areas of Origin 0n the other side of the coin, one could discuss the factors which tend to keep people from entering the migration stream or make "return migration trips home" an essential component of the migration process of Africa. These will include the importance of kinship and lineage ties in the rural area, and a need to work on farms back home in order to support parents and relatives. In a few cases, rural areas with well developed cash crop economy tend to receive migrants and do not usually have many out-migrants. Examples of these areas are the cocoa producing areas of Chane and the Chagga and Sukume people of Tanzania as found by Southall. He totes, however, that where there is a shortage of land in a cash cropping area, there is the tendency 36 for the younger people to migrate in order to find the cash they need (Southall, 1961, p. 172). The Migration Process in Ghana and the Bistribution (location) of the Migration 'rOpportunity'r Zones During the colonial period and the post-independent era, Ghana served as a destination for migrants from other parts of West Africa, namely Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Upper Volta, Sierra Leone, Mali and Niger (Caldwell, 1968, 1969). Rouch has impressively documented the flow of migration frcm the former French countries into Ghana (1957) . Sub- stantial numbers of people came to Ghana at such a rate that in 1960, 8.3 percent of the total population was classified as born outside Ghana. These immigrated to Ghana in order to avail themselves of job opportunities at the mines, cocoa farms and urban areas. These movements continued into the '60s and, as Table 2.1 indicates, there were quite a few foreign immigrants living in Ghana. Apart from African migrants in Ghana, for the past few years there have always been people from the Middle East (especially Lebanese and Syrians) India, Europe, and North America, etc. The sex ratios quite clearly point to the fact that it is mostly the males who move from these faraway places into Ghana. The proportion who were in urban centers is indicative of the high concentration of these foreign immigrants in the towns (Table 2.1). 1 The picture of international migration is quite different now. In November 1969, the Ghana government ordered all alien's without valid resident permits to leave the country. As a result of this order, many aliens left Ghana in Noverber-December 1969 at such a rate that the 37 pr0portion of people born outside Ghana fell from 8.3 percent in 1960 to 4.1 percent in 1970. About half of tie foreigners left the country. The 1970 census also indicates that whereas the proportionn of persons born in other African conntries declined from 8.1 percent in 1960 to 3. 9 percent in 1970, the proportion born outside Africa remained the sam (0.2 percent). Thus, it was mostly African aliens who left the country (Ghana, 1970 Census, Vol. 2). Table 2.1. Place of Birth, Proportion in Urban Areas, and Sex Ratios of Foreign-Origin Population in Ghana, 1960. Country of Origin Percentage Percentage of Percentage in Sex Ratio Born in Ghana Total Foreign Urban Areas (Miles Population per 100 Fereles) Ivory Coast 40.0 6.6 12.0 134 Nigeria 40.0 23.0 54.0 127 Togo Republic 37.0 33.8 24.0 116 Upper Volta 32.0 23.5 24.0 200 Dahaney 31.0 3.8 24.0 133 Liberia 25.0 1.0 82.0 163 Mali 25.0 2.3 59.0 355 Niger Republic 19.0 3.0 48.0 447 Other Africans 31.0 0.8 41.0 204 United Kingdan 7.0 0.9 77.0 152 Other European] . American 7.0 0.4 83.0 191 Iebanon 32.0 0.2 93.0 210 Other Asian 7.0 0.2 70.0 124 All Countries 35.0 100.0 34.0 146 Source: Ghana 1960 Census, Vol. 3, Table 12, p 103. Advanced Report of Vols. 3 and 4, Tables 11 and 12. Also, Ehgnann, E. V T , 1972, p. 177. 38 Internal migration with its sub-sets of (a) inter-regional (either for long or short distances), (b) inter-urban, or intra-urban migration is an important denographic phenomenon in Ghana. The place of birth data in both the 1960 and 1970 census reports give us an idea of internal migratory patterns in Ghana. The number of pe0ple born in another locality but in the same region is an indicator of intra-regional or inter- locality mobility. From the 1960 census, 24 percent of all females and about 18 percent of all males were reported as having been born in a different locality but within the same region. This suggests that women tend to be more participatory in short-distance or intra—regional migration than men, perhaps due to marital arrangements. Grove says that this feature is important in the Northern and Upper regions such as Frafra, where members of settle- ments are also members of a particular clan, and marriage partners must be selected from some other clan group (1963, p. 16). In 1970 mmen continued to dominate in inter-locality movements, especially in Upper region where 35.4 percent of the females were born in another locality but in the same region, as compared with only 8.1 percent for the men (Table 2.2) . Inter-regional Migration and Opportunity Zones Ghana can broadly be divided into (1) forest region in the South, (2) the Savanna region of the North and (3) the savanna of the south- eastern coastal plain (Figure 5). Related to this is the distribution and utilization of natural resources. Agriculturally, the forest areas produce cocoa (Gnana's main export crop) and staples such as plantain, cassava, coco-yam, maize 39 GHANA MIGRATION OPPORTUNITY ZONES AND AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT ’__“,_._.—.—.—-—.__.._:—--‘1._._r\ p VEGETATION I:I Savanna Forest r: Mangrove swamps MINERALS a_ Gold a Diamond: b0 — Bauxite I Migrant Labor 0 Source Area 2 fiflflflflfi;flfl§flfl ' c. [ZZZ] Cocoa \ .uuALE O ‘2 F Food production < T Timber URBAN CENTERS I970 0 5,000 O l0.000 0 20,000 I00.000 ””7777” Boundary "between TheNor and The n Frafra Homeland O 25 50 75 Wt‘e: Surrey of 600M Figure 5. Table 2.2. Place of Birth By Regions and Sex in Ghana (1970) Birth Place Region Sex This Another Another Abroad' Total Locality Locality, Region West Other Same in African Country Region Ghana Country (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) All Regions Total 57.1 20.9 17.9 3.9 0.2 100 Male 57.5 18.0 19.6 4.7 0.2 100 Female 56.7 23.8 16.3 3.1 0.1 100 Group A: Mainly Immigrant Regions Greater Accra Total 46.0 4.8 (4212 5.8 1.2 100 Male 43.4 4.4 43.6 7.4 1.2 100 Female 48.8 5.3 40.8 4.1 1.0 100 Ashanti Total 54.4 21.7 19.2 4.5 0.2 100 Male 52.0 21.0 21.1 5.8 0.1 100 Female 56.9 22.4 17.3 3.3 0.1 100 Brong-Ahsfo Total 53.0 17.9 23.9 5.2 0.0 100 Male 50.7 16.3 26.5 6.5 0.0 100 Female 55.5 19.6 21.1 3.8 0.0 100 Group 8: Regions with Inward and Outward Flows Western Total 48.3 20.3 27.4 3.8 0.2 100 Male 46.6 17.9 30.2 5.1 0.2 100 Female 50.2 22.8 24.5 2.4 0.1 100 Central Totsl 65.4 20.3 12.7 1.5 0.1 100 Male 64.4 19.2 14.3 2.0 0.1 100 Penal. 66.3 21.5 11.1 1.0 0.1 100 Eastern Totsl 51.4 29.1 16.3 3.1 0.1 100 Male 50.8 27.5 17.5 4.1 0.1 100 Panels 52.0 30.6 15.1 2.2 0.1 100 Group C: Out-ligrstion Regions Volts Total 63.1 23.3 7.5 6.1 0.0 100 Male 63.8 21.7 7.9 6.6 0.0 100 renal. 62.5 24.7 7.1 5.7 0.0 100 Northern Total 64.2 24.1 9.5 2.2 0.0 100 Isle 63.2 19.2 10.1 2.4 0.1 100 female 60.0 29.1 8.8 2.1 0.0 100 Upper Total 70.8 22.4 4.4 2.4 0.0 100 Isle 85.2 8.1 4.8 1.9 0.0 100 rensls 57.8 35.4 4.1 2.7 0.0 100 Rots: The ssin out-migration regions st. (1) volts, (2) Northern and (3) Upper Regions. These had very low proportions of people born in other regions (Column 4). Source: After Ghsns 1970 Population Census, Vol. 2, Table 2, p. xxvi. 41 and a few others. The forest areas also provide timber resources for local consumption and for export, and other valuable tree crOps for example, rubber. The Savanna areas on the other hand, produce such staples as yams, maize, rice millet and also cattle. Quite recently, rice and cotton have beccme important cash crops in these Savanna areas. In addition to the above, the closed forest region has valuable minerals-- gold, diamonds, manganese and bauxite. During the colonial period and immediately after independence, economic developments were concen- trated in the Southern half of the country as a result of the above enumerated advantages such that today even though Northern Ghana "covers nearly half of the total land surface and contains 18 percent of the total p0pulation, it contributes practically nothing to the wort of raw materials on which the economy of the country rests" (Dickson, 1970, p. l). The nearness of the southeastern Savannas to the coast, and the fact that the capital of the counu'yuAccrauis located here has given the region, a far greater advantage over the Northern Savannas. As pointed out by Dickson, "Some of the political and economic determinants which came into operation after the 18503 profoundly affected the growth and distribution of towns in the country” (1969, p. 239) . Thus, a majority of the urban centers and cities are to be found in the better developed southern part of the comtry. The existence of inequalities in economic development and related Opportunities has made some areas in the south basically economic growth points for other sections of the country. Hence, the major wit-migration regions are the Northern and Upper regions (the two constitute Northern Ghana). The Volta region is also an out-migration region because inaccessibility and especially lack of minerals, did not 42 attract any colonial development projects. Ashanti, Greater Accra and Brong—Ahafo are predomfiruntly immigrant areas, while the Eastern, Central and Western regions constitute regions with considerable inward and outward flows of migrants (Table 2.2; Figure 6). Inter-regional migration in most respects is therefore characterized by long-distance movements. Undoubtedly, opportunities for wage employment in mining and mine related activities at urban centers and cocoa growing areas led to long-distance migration in the country. In the colonial era, mines relied on outside labor instead of local labor for a variety of reasons (Darko, 1963). Workers from the North, for instance, were purposely encouraged by the administration to migrate to mining centers. In 1927, the streams of migrants from Northern Ghana and elsewhere were diverted to cocoa production, nonetheless, mining and cocoa farms continued to attract migrants concurrently (Dickson, 1968, 1969; Darko, 1963). The main mining centers have always been Prestea, Bibiani, Tarkwa, Obuasi, Akwatia, Konogo-Odumasi, and Dunkwa. Mining tends to let migrants stay longer in the South than does agriculture, which is a seasonal activity (McNulty, 1970). However, the continuous stream of seasonal labor to cocoa producing areas has made the volume of migration to this sector higher than other sectors of the economy in Ghana (Caldwell, 1968; McNulty, 1970; Grove, 1964; Szereszewski, 1965) . From the occupational distribution of the Frafra migrants (all the four ethnic groups together) as estimated by the post emmmeration survey of the 1960 census, we can characterize the main opportunity zones for Frafra as follows (Table 2.3) . 43 GHANA INTERREGIONAL MIGRATION FLOWS IN EXCESS OF 30,000 PERSONS NORTHERN AND UPPER WESTERN AND CENTRAL CAPITAL DISTRICT NUMBER OF MIGRANTS O 50 Miles 30,000 50,000 80,00 0 5bwwe:€mWWa%.GM7 Rummaé. 44 Food producing areas, especially in Brong-Ahafo, some parts of Ashanti, Eastern Regions. Farm laborers plus those who directly reported that they were food producing farmers, together constitute the people who were utilizing this type of opportunity. Cocoa Farm Iaborers--these just as the above, will be mainly seasonal migrants who move to the cocoa producing areas for short periods. Mining Employment 0pportunities--the mining areas indicated on Figure 5. Obuasi and Tarkwa-Abosso areas alone had about 10 percent of all Frafra migrants in the South (Table 2.4). Urban Centers-~most of the general laborers; those in white- collar occupations; service workers; transport and communication, would have been residing in urban centers. There is no doubt that some of these people were also located at the farms and the mines, especially the latter which are quite sizable towns. Generally, urban centers with administrative, cultm'al and other services to perform do attract most of the migrants. In the 1960 census, some urban centers were local authority units by themselves. It is possible, therefore, to estimate the number of Frafra in them using data from the post-ermmmeration survey. As shown in Table 2.4, six urban centers had about 29 percent of all Frafra migrants in the South, with IQmasi accounting for 15 percent of this proportion. The proportion of Frafra migrants living in urban centers would be well over 50 percent if there were exact figures for those residing in the many other urban centers located in various local Councils . 45 The occupational characteristics (Table 2.3) and the proportion living in the main urban centers (Table 2.4) do suggest that a majority of Frafra migrants are to be found in the cities and urban centers. Table 2.3. A Breakdown of Occupations for Migrants Away From Home and for Nonmigrants (Homeland): Gurensi Males Aged 15 Years and Over. Occupation Nonmigrants Migrants (Homeland) Food Farmers 22,000 660 Cocoa Laborers 0 570 Other Farm laborers 100 3, 960 Total Farm Employment 22,100 5,190 Mining laborers O l, 240 General laborers 300 5,350 Service Workers 120 1,800 Professional, Clerical 290 O Traders 850 0 Own Account/Self-Fmployed 350 630 Other Employment 550 1,290 Total Nonfarm Employment 2,460 10,310 Grand Total 24,560 15,500 After Ghana 1960 Census Report E. Thus far, it is quite evident that we are dealing with basically long-distance movements. Generally, it has been found that there is an inverse relationship between migration and distance--that is, as a result of transportation costs the longer the distance the fewer the number of peOple who will participate in the migration process. Caldwell found this to be true for migration in Ghana but he also noted the peculiar pattern of migration flows from Northern Ghana where people travel for ,¢_-¢ ec‘ .. ... ...H n ‘ e \ - H. 4‘. I 46 long distances to their destinations (Caldwell, 1969). The main important factor of migratory patterns from the North, therefore, is the location and the availability of real or perceived opportunities; in most cases not available in the North. Table 2.4. Proportion of Frafra Migrants Living in Major Urban Centers in 1960. A. Urban Center Urban Center Number Percent of A11 Frafra in the South 1. Kumasi City 4,740 15.1 2. Accra City 2,320 7.4 3. Sekondi-Takoradi City 1, 240 3.9 Sub-Total in Three Cities 8, 300 26 . 4 4. Cape Coast Municipal 410 1.3 5. Tema 330 1.0 6. Sunyani 150 0.5 Total 9,190 29.2 B. Major Mining Towns l. Tarkwa-Abosso 1,870 5.9 2. Obuasi 1,220 3.9 Total 3,090 9.8 After Ghana 1960 Census, Special Report E. Research Hypotheses Through the review of the literature, coupled with a consideration of the research objectives stated in Chapter I, the following hypotheses will be examined. Hypothesis 1: There should be a direct relationship between migration 47 on one hand and literacy, ability to speak English and formal education on the other. In like manner, the migration "e3q3erience" as found in families should in turn affect "the number of children in sch" in that family (Caldwell, 1968). Hypothesis 2: The extent of out-migration in any locality (settlement) in Frafra should be a function of the total population of that locality. Here, it is assumed that over-population coupled with lack of any cultivable land should be one of the prime factors which enter into the decision-to—migrate (Southall, 1960; Grove, 1963, p. 14). Hypothesis 3: The number of people to migrate from any locality to the South should decrease with increasing distance from Bolgatanga--a commercial and administrative capital since 1936. Bolgatanga is assumed here to be the center of Frafra out—migration, through its influence as a recipient of local migrants and the fact that almost all lorries bound for the South from the Frafra areas start from this urban center. Hypothesis 4: Considering the location of Frafra in relation to destination areas, it is here assumed that the long distance destinations of migrants are predetermined at home and therefore intervening oppor- tunities or obstacles should be of minor consideration. This assumption also means that "step-migrants" decide on the intervening stops before they leave home. Hypothesis 5: The number of migrants over time should be concentrated in some families, clans or lineages who make frequent movements to other regions . The migrant who has been to the South once is more likely to go again than the one who has not. Consequently, migration experience, contacts , friends, knowledge of job opportunities etc. should easily be :E'a'. .- *e.A \- L.‘ / c... ‘7. 48 passed from migrant to clan members. The initial "social security" for the rural migrant on arrival at his destination for the first time from a family or clan member will also affect the decision-to-migrate process. Therefore, there should be a social network of chain migration in such families (Caldwell, 1968; Fortes, 1945, 1949) . Hypothesis 6: Considering the role of economic factors in the decision- to-migrate process, the probability of a person migrating for the first time will depend on, among other factors reliable information about 10b opportunities at the destination area (Caldwell, 1968; Todaro, 1969, 1971, 1973) . Hypothesis 7: Returned migrants should be "better off" in the home area. The probability to obtain regular employment for wages in the homeland itself should be directly related to the number of migration trips to the South or the length of stay in the South or both. Here, it is assumed that the returned migrant who probably has acquired some skills, some form of education, knows other languages apart from the mother tongue, and above all, is used to being paid at the end of the month is likely to join the labor force in the modern sector at home. (11 the other hand, the nonmigrant who is used to subsistence agriculture will continue to keep up with his responsibilities in the traditional sector. . _ It slould be noted that these assumptions, just as the objectives, have a focus on both the Frafra homeland and the destinations. The empirical data collected in the field were used to test the hypotheses through sane statistical metlods (tables of descriptive statistics, multiple regression and component factor analyses). CHAPTER III RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS OF ANALYSIS Rational for Selecting the Frafra labor movements from Northern Ghana to other parts of the country iavebeen going on for quite a considerable length of time. Apart from the migration studies on Ghana as a wiole, there are only a few specific studies on the migratory patterns of the individual ethnic groups in the North. Most of the rural environments in Northern Ghana are basically labor reservoirs for the rest of the comtry. The ideal thing will be to have 172311 extensive and intensive research projects which will cover the migratory patterns of all the major ethnic groups in Northern Ghana, especially tlose in Uppe --the main labor reservoir region for Ghana (Table 1.1) . However, due to financial and time constraints, only the movements of one ethnic grouputhe Frafra--were studied. Although the Frafra are second to the Dagarti in terms of numbers in the South they were selected for the study for the following reasons: (a) There is substantial background material- -anthropolotica1 and geographical-on the Frafra which were of a great help to the author during the period of data collection and analysis (Fortes, 1969; Hilton, 1966; Hunter, 1965, 1967; Lynn, 1937; Hart, 1970, 1971). (b) A majority of the Frafra migrants are to be found in the major cities or towns in the South and this made it possible 49 5- _‘ fi'/ .4 f v. 5‘. r4- <‘e’i’ ‘ ' h 50 to interview many migrants for sufficient data for the analysis. This factor also helped in reducing the cost of in—country travelling for purposes of interviewing the migrants. (c) The capital of Upper Region--Bolgatanga--is in Frafra local Council and the author decided to find out what effects Bolgatanga's spatial relationships have on out-migration in F rafra. (d) The author's hometown is in South Mamprusi, which lies immediately south of Frafra. He is therefore familiar with the Frafra area more than the other homelands in Upper Region. He understands the dialects in Frafra local Council, and Hausa which is a major lingua franca among Frafra migrants in the South. Data Collection Public Records Some of the available books and articles on Frafra were utilized where necessary for the study. The colonial administrative officers wrote a number of monographs and reports on various aspects of both the physical and the human geography of Ghana. Some of these are only available in london, United Kingdom, at the Public Records Office. TWO stops were therefore made in london (25th March to 30th March, 1972 and 10th February to 20th February, 1973) for the purpose of extracting relevant data on Frafra migration. During the stay in london trips were made to Cambridge University for full discussions of the research with Professor Meyer Fortes, who has mmerous studies on the Frafra area, especially the Talensi . v- -v .H a“ ‘n enu- . . I I ~\. 51 Related to the records in the Public Record Office, london, is the archival material available in Ghana. The Ghana National Archives has a branch office in each regional capital and these were utilized for compiling data on the Frafra from some of the Departmental Reports and records on the Colonial and Independent periods . Data were also derived from libraries in Ghana, Employment Agencies, Government and private departments, and the Mining establishments. Ghana Population Census Reports The first population count to be carried out in Ghana was in 1891. After this count there have been subsequent censuses every ten years, except in 1941 due to the Second World War. There were counts again in 1948, in 1960 and the latest in March-April, 1970. Apart from the last two the accuracy of the first counts are in doubt. For instance, the chief census officer of the Ghana 1960 census remarked that the 1948 census had about 10 percent under-estimation (Gil, 1963, p. 68) . Data on migration in Ghana are very limited, because there are no population registers in Ghana with basic information such as migration rates, birth and death rates, etc. Whatever is available is mostly in the Census Reports, especially those of 1960 and 1970. Both the 1960 and 1970 reports have "place of birth" data and these were used for the study. The 1960 census had an added advantage for this study because there is some information on the number of each ethnic group in Ghana counted outside their homeland. 1 1This information is available from the 1960 Census, Special Report E based on the results of the Post Enumeration Survey on about five percent of the total population. Although a similar survey was carried out after the main 1970 census no results will be published on the 52 Although place of birth data on migrants tend to ignore the total migrant stock (migrants' children and grown-up migrants who were born in the South will all be left out) the use of data on both "place of birth" and "the nunber of an ethnic group enunerated in a locality" offer a better Opportunity for analyzing patterns of migration in Ghana. If we had similar data (number of an ethnic group counted in a locality) for the 1970 census it would have been possible to compare and account for the spatial distribution of Frafra migrants in 1960 and 1970. Field Research Strategies Field Interview Schedules With the absence of any substantial data on migration in Ghana the bulk of the data used for this study were derived from first hand field research. The basic research instrument was a formal interview schedule. There were two types, one for the homeland and the second for migrants at the destinations. 9p_e_n interview schedules, which allowed the respondents to provide their own answers, were used instead of closed ones or questionnaires .2 Most of the migrants have never been to school hence the schedules were more appropriate than questionnaires. Besides, apart from Caldwell's study there are no detailed studies on the migration process in Ghana and therefore it was difficult to think of typical different ethnic groups in Ghana. The current military regime on resuafirg control of the national affairs in 1972 abolished the word tribe or the presentation of data on ethnic groups from all public records, a Step aimed at creating a stronger national consciousness among all Ghanaians. 2According to Peil and Incas the main difference between question- naire and interview schedules is that questionnaires are self-administered (completed by the respondent) while schedules are administered by an interviewer (who asks the questions and writes down the answers) (1972, p. 146) . H... -~._ I I a‘ , I l‘ ‘ S . u s , K -\ . 53 answers which would have made the use of a closed schedule possible (Caldwell, 1969) . Further, the open schedule had the advantage of obtaining all possible answers from the respondents. The research period in Ghana was from April, 1972 to December, 1972. In addition to obtaining general demographic data on the migrants (age, sex, marital status, religious affiliation, etc.) the schedules for the destinations had the following sections: (a) information about the home area, (b) pathways and step-wise migration, (c) channels and carriers of information flow and migration behavior, (d) information on residential locations, (e) education of respondent and family, (f) social networks among migrants, (g) return migration and rural-urban links, (h) the urban experience--attitudes, problems, benefits and social integration into the urban milieu, (i) econcmic changes among migrants--occupational characteristics, property and unemployment, (j) attitudes towards rural-urban migration (Appendix 1) . The schedule for the homeland had almost the same format but differed greatly in some sections which had questions on a variety of topics, for example, past migration experience (returned migrants), characteristics of intending migrants and stayers, relatives, friends, etc. away from home, occupational characteristics and job aspirations of intending migrants, etc. (Appendix 2) . Research Assistants It would have been very difficult to carry out a research project of this type alone, therefore field assistants were used for interviewing purposes. Tne decision to use interviewers to help in the field is of paraxmunt importance that can affect the course and nature of the research 54 (Williams, 1967, pp. 31-33; Diop, 1963; Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, 1961). With this in mind, the selection of the field assistants depended on the following (a) previous experience in census taking, (b) their knowledge of Frafra migration or the whole concept of migration, (c) their ability to speak English, Frafra (Talensi or Nabnam or Grune or all of them) and Hausa, ((1) their acceptance in the areas in which the inter- views were to be carried out, and (e) their ability to devote substantial amounts of their time to the research. Almost all the field assistants used were of Frafra extraction (university students, secondary scholars and a few completed middle scholars). An intensive interviewer training was carried out at the beginning of the research. Besides introducing the interviewers to the principles of interviewing and the methods of the sample survey, they were given detailed instructions on how to fill the schedules. A uniform, mutually agreed upon Frafra (Talensi, Gurensi, Nabdam and Boonsi) and Hausa translation of the English schedule was established and followed by all interviewers. Pilot Survey A pilot survey was carried out in Medina, a suburb of the University of Ghana where quite a substantial nunber of Frafra migrants live, for the sole purpose of pre-testing the schedules. This took one and a half weeks after which each question was checked for its feasibility or use- fulness in the field. Some were left out of the final schedules and a few, realized from the pilot survey, added. vol 'w “as.“ w. -1. .. D"Q‘. 8.! 1:»... .in: at .. '- .e.... a u as.» he. - V' r. x - § -. ! r’.— '7' - u-v'u. v-9. '7‘" *. rs! \ i v 1 f . -‘~-. .1. .y' A a vrfll I \‘o ~‘L r‘ n, g I n... ‘ -.. . 'n ‘ ‘ «L. . “w furl: ”‘3 . . ..x "~ ‘_ 't “clvca n ,‘r 3.3 1;. '5 ‘11.] .. . 5 H "I“. h .- v . ~ V"-T q A x, v :r’§,~‘ W (\- w. ‘ vg ul \. uw . ‘1 55 The Sample Survey The South With the limited time and finance at the author's disposal it would have been difficult to interview all Frafra migrants in the South, or visit all the settlements in the Frafra homeland. Sample methods were therefore used for selecting both the areas to be visited and the number of people to be interviewed in each location. Berry and Baker remarked that if the spatial distribution of any phenomenon being studied is random, any of these probability sampling nethods--random systematic, stratified or a combination of any two-~will give unbiased estimates with approximately equal variations (1968, p. 94) . According to Matern (1960) from the statistician's point of view, it is important to have a good knowledge of the spatial variation of the studied phenomenon in the region where a sample survey or field experi- ment is to be conducted. Thus the author's knowledge of the destinations to be visited was a great asset. The 1960 census was used as the basis for the sample design because at the beginning of the research the results of the 1970 census had not yet been published. If even they had been published it would have been difficult to use that because of the lack of data on individual ethnic groups. For administrative and organizational purposes, the 1960 census utilized the then existing 69 local administrative units (local Authorities)3 (Appendix 3 and Figure 7) . From the Special Report E, 31a 1969 the local Administrative structure in Ghana was reorganized into 140 local Authorities, hence the 1970 census utilized these instead of the previous 69 local Authorities. 56 GHANA LOCAL COUNCILS l960 - ’i’ofl Frofro Homeland ’ 24 Census Code Number For Local Council Source: Ghana IOSO Camus 9 2.5 Note: Soc Appondlx 3 for list of Local Authoflty names Ml. Figure 7. Q 57 it was possible to have an idea about the number of Frafra migrants in each locality (Appendix 3 and Figure 8). There is a very high probability that dm‘ing the past decade or so this distribution pattern might have remained proportionally the same with only minimum changes. Apart from a few places like Tema, which mushroomed from a small settlement to an industrial center during the intercensal period, the attraction force of the other localities for migrants remained almost the same as in 1960. Since it was impossible to visit all the local authorities in the South, the localities to be visited depended on the proportion of Frafra migrants living in it. One basic consideration was to make sure that interviews were conducted in all the migration-opportunity zones (a) towns/ cities, (b) mining areas and (c) farming areas (food and cocoa production). The first stage was therefore cluster sampling by drawing up a hierarchy of localities on the basis of the number of Frafra migrants in than (Table 3.1). Fortunately, out of the then 55 local authorities in the South, 20 had 82 percent of all Frafra migrants. Besides, this list contains localities characterizing the three migration opportunity zones. The first two cities--Kumasi and Accra--which together had 23.5 percent of Frafra migrants formed the first stratum. The rest were divided into three groups, on the basis of the percent of Frafra migrants in the localities, that is Stratum Two (4-6 percent), Stratum Three (3-3.5 percent), Stratum Four (2-2.5 percent). A few of these local authority units were single towns whereas the others covered quite extensive areas . The next stage of the sample design was therefore, the compilation of Census Enumeration Areas in each local authority which had clusters or many Frafra migrants. This was not very difficult to _____.—— g-m DSTR! t’e 58 GHANA DISTRIBUTION OF FRAFRA tog/at .22 .48 NORTHERN GHANA -61 IO |.I4 2.33 [.7 3.59 . ' r SOUTHERN GHANA/ 3.06 15. I W‘ trike Frafra Homeland ” L42 Percent of Frafra: North and South Each Equal IOO% Source: Ghana I960 Populotton Census Report E 9 2; J Note: See Appendix 3 for list of Local Authority nomee Ml. Figure 8 . vl 59 Table 3.1. A Hierarchy of Local Councils in the South with Many Frafra Migrants. Rank Census* local Council No. of Percent of Remarks Code No . Frafra in Frafra in Council South 1 64 Kurasi M.C. 4,740 15.08 Stratun 21 & 22 Accra—Toma City I Council 2,650 8.42 3 15 Tarkwa—Abos so 1 , 870 5 . 94 Strattm 4 67 Sekyere 1, 760 5 . 59 II 5 l8 Sefwi—Anhwiaso- Bekwai 1 , 470 4 . 67 (4- 67°) 6 66 Kumasi East 1,350 4.29 7 3 Sekondi-Takoradi l , 240 3 . 94 8 61 Obuasi 1,220 3.88 9 70 Brong—Ahafo- South 1 , 180 3 . 75 10 63 Klmasi West 1,090 3.46 Stratum 11 39 West Akim Abuakwa 920 2.92 III 12 74 Brong-Ahafo East 890 2.83 (IS-3.57..) 13 14 Wassaw—Fiasse 810 2 . 57 14 30 Western Akim 800 2.54 15 72 Brong-Ahafo Central 780 2.48 Stratum 16 73 Brong—Ahafo North 710 2 . 25 IV 17 13 Denkyira—TWifu-Hemang 660 2 . 09 (2-2 . 57.) 18 68 Kumasi-North 590 1 . 87 19 17 Sefwi-Wiawso 550 1 . 74 20 6O Adansi-Banka 500 1.59 Total 25,780 82.0 (All figures represent the three ethnic groups--Frafra, Talensi and Nannam. After the Ghana 1960 Census, Special Report E.) Note: In 1960 out of the 55 local councils in the South, 82 percent of the Frafra migrants were in 21 coulcils (Tana and Accra together). *Refer to Figure 7 for the location of these local administrative units. I‘m .- I of! e o I e. usi or: c of: all. ilqu 60 achieve because, apart from the very rural areas, almost all the migrants live in sizable towns. Before the beginning of the research, necessary contacts with Frafra headnen through reconnaissance field surveys (visits) in most of these localities were undertaken. This helped a great deal with the final sample design, as well as paving the way for the high level of cooperation we received from all migrants. With a list of enumeration areas in each locality, the systematic random sample method was used to choose the actual emmeration areas to be visited. For the actual interviewing purposes, a list of houses with the migrants was drawn in each selected enumeration area. Systematic random sampling was still used for selecting houses to be visited. There are only a few houses which are solely occupied by Frafra migrants. Also, many migrants live as individuals and not with others as household units. The individual migrant was therefore the target for interviewing and not the head of the household. Proportional sampling was used such that the number of migrants interviewed in each local authority was proportional to the number of Frafra living in it, as given by the 1960 census. In all 1,229 individual migrants, both men and women aged 15 years and over, were interviewed. This nunber represents 3. 9 percent of all Frafra migrants (31,430) in the South (Ghana, 1960 Census, Special Report E). Rest of Northern Ghana (Intermediate or lntervening Destinations) With the time and money available it was decided to concentrate on only Tamale, the major intermediate destination between Frafra home- land and the South. With a list of houses, coupled with the location of Frafra migrants in the various residential sections in Tamale, the I. .' 61 systematic random sample method was used (187 individual migrants in Tamale were interviewed). Considering the number of migrants inter- viewed at the destinations—~intemediate and target or final destinations in the South--in all, data were collected on 1,416 migrants (1,229 + 187 = 1,416). The Homeland The rural population at home is somewhat homogeneous and therefore the interviews were done by selected houses. A list of enumeration areas was compiled and through the use of systematic sampling, some of these enumeration areas were visited. In each enumeration area, the detailed list of localities (1960 Census Special Report D) was used for selecting specific localities, through the use of systematic random sampling. In a selected house or locality a number of residents were interviewed and not only the head of the household. In all, 607 people were interviewed in the homeland. Methods of Analysis Editing, Coding and Key Punching The Data on Cards Although close supervision of interviewers was rigorously carried out in the field it was necessary to edit the filled interview schedules. The forms were checked for completeness and consistency. In a very few cases, it was necessary to have a follow-up field visit in order to obtain the necessary and accurate data. The editing was followed by the construction of coding instructions which made it possible for all the responses to be key-punched on IBM cards as numerical values. All these were carried out in Ghana, utilizing . v $313128 CI rm»). ax. it -v 331‘ 532%.". Q ‘1'.“ ‘ fi\. .I I e " Ate ‘2. I, . .g m- fa ' “Mac. . ~ n a u. A 1. JC; fw, '4 >1 3r»- H {1 ‘\\ fie o ‘Ii‘ "V. i L -. * MK. ‘5 \ t‘. 62 the facilities of the University of Ghana (editor-coders from the Institute of Social, Statistical and Economic Research and the Computer Center) . Data Analysis It was noted that in any meaningful analysis of migration data "some attention should be paid to persons migrating during a relatively short period of time so that the characteristics of several generations of migrants are not lumped together" (Caldwell, 1968, p. 363). Frafra migrants can be considered as a heterogeneous group in two possible ways, (a) by migration opportunity zones, because migrants at the farms may not necessarily be the same as the typical urban dwellers or the mining laborers, (b) by length of residence at the destinations. The last criterion is of crucial importance because the characteristics, migration behavior, perceptions, etc. of people who moved for the last five years will definitely be different from those who have been away from home for more than 10 years. The length of residence offered the best aggregate level of analyzing the data on migrants. It was also no problem aggregating the data by the migration ecological zones . Throughout the analysis where there was a need for comparing the migrants in these zones, this aggregate level was used. In a majority of cases, however, the two approaches were complementary. Of the 1,416 people interviewed at the destinations, 2.7 percent reported that they were born in the South. A further 1 percent could not determine their length of residence. Thus it was decided that the data on the 3.7 percent of these respondents should be excluded from the analysis. At least, this eliminated bias in the data--the responses 63 of people who did not really migrate from home. Perhaps in the future, it will be interesting to analyze this bit of the data and find out how second generation migrants differ from first generation ones (Table 3.2). Multiple regression and component factor analyses were the basic statistical techniques employed in analyzing the data. These methods have been discussed in the appropriate chapters. In addition, it was decided to use the Chi-square statistic4 as a test of independence among the four migrant categories. One basic question which this statistic was meant to help in answering was; Are there any significant differences in the responses of migrants by length of residence? With such a statistic it will be possible to determine whether migration behavior among Frafra migrants has changed throughout the years. This being the case, the null hypothesis was "There are no basic differeces among the responses" of migrants. The Chi-square statistic is basically 2 _ (fo-fe)2 e Where: X2 is the chi-square statistic fo = the observed data fe = the expected According to Noether it is possible to compute the expected frequencies by first organizing the data into a data matrix and then using the following method: 4The consulting services of the Department of Statistics and the advice of Dr. Stanley Brunn were utilized in deciding on this particular statistical teclmlique. 64 , j __ (Total for column) )2 (total for row) Expected frequency — n (Noether, Gottfried, 1971, p. 97). Using chi—square distribution tables and the chi-square statistic (X2) derived, it was possible to establish probability confidence levels for each table. 5 levels which were .25 or less were considered significant enough to reject the null hypothesis of no difference (Guilford, J .P., 1965, p. 227-251). Table 3.2. Migrant Categories by Length of Residence at the Destinations (Aged 15 Years and Over) Migrant Category?" Nlnber Percent . Interviewed of Total Recent Migrants (0-5 years) I 434 30.65 Intermediate (6-10 years) 352 24.86 Old Migrants (ll-20 years) 373 26.34 Very Old Migrants O’bre than 20 years) 205 14.48 Sub-Total 1 , 364 96 . 33 Born at Destination 38 2.68 Cannot determine length of residence 14 0.99 Sub-Total 52 3.67 Grand Total ‘ 1,416 100.00 *For lack of established names in the literature, these names were used to facilitate the analysis of the data. "Old" and "Very Old" should be read in the thesis as pertaining to length of residence and not necessarily actual ggg categories, though there is a strong relationship between the t__w_p_, i.e. , length of residence and the actual age of the migrant . 5The actual numerical values in each table were used for calcula- ting the chi-square statistic and not the percentage frequencies as presented in the tables. ,0 ‘ ' t "1‘ Anton“. r .I‘ —I .. (to Jr“... 1 Vat-’5‘ ,I. 7“.'t‘ ..CD I . .- \ 't'.‘ ‘1‘” ~.. ..I “K, I ‘w..‘ c .‘ \rr ! ‘ -\v VA . A. 65 Special Supplementary Field Research During the research period it was decided to carry out special interviews which involved generating a list of migrants in the homeland. The specific locations in the South were determined (recent letter from him, visits, etc. all helped in this exercise). Particulars about these were obtained (occupation, marital status, when left home, income and properties, gifts sent back home, number of visits, when eJqDected back home, etc.) . The next phase was the location of these at the destina- tions by the author. Special interviews were carried out with the sole purpose of matching the data of the homeland and what was obtained from these migrants. Thisfidata are still untouched, and hopefully the author will examine that in a future project. ..-_ L‘.‘ CHAPTERIV THE MIGRATION PROCESS IN NORTHERN GHANA: THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND THE MIGRATION SYSTEM IN THE FRZWRA HOMElAND The Genesis of Out-Migration in Northern GU13 Records available indicate that labor migration from Northern Ghana started as a result of the policies of the colonial administration. At the turn of .the centlm'y, labor supply needs at the mines, harbors and for railway construction were met by the employment of local people from Southern Ghana and the immigration of workers from other parts of West Africa, especially, Liberia and Nigeria (Table 4.1) . Table 4.1. Sources of African Labor in Ghana's Mining Industry, 1904. . Ghanaian* Alien Ethnic Group Percentage Ethnic Group Percentage Fanti 38.40 Kroc. (Liberian) 13.97 Ashanti 16.22 Iagos (Southern Nigerian 6.97 Krepi ll . 35 Bassa 4 . 97 Apollonian 1.42 Mandi 4. 36 ' Hausa 2.34 Total . 67.39 . , , Total , 32731- . *Note the absence, at the time, ‘of workers from Northern Ghana. Somme: Department of Mines, Annual Report, 1904. See also, Dickson, 1969, p. 190. 66 ~- 67 Competition for immigrant workers and the increasing need for more labor supply by the various sectors of the economy caused a labor» shortage by 1906. In that year (1906) the colonial administration agreed to help miners, cocoa farmers and other employers in the South to recruit labor from the North. Consequently, different gangs of laborers were recruited by the colonial admfinistration in the North and taken to the South between 1906 and 1909. Although in a few cases the colonial administra- tors were highly successful in obtaining labor, conditions at the destinations did not really attract workers from the North. ". . .in 1907 two gangs of laborers were brought into the colony from the Northern Territories but owing to the local conditions in the cocoa districts and to the fact that the Northern Territories' men were absolutely strange to the conditions the experiment was not success- ful and it is not likely to be repeated until such a time as the Northern Territories men can be trusted to look after themselves" (letter from W. H. Grey, F. and A. Swanzy Ltd., Sekondi, to the Colonial Secretary, Accra in March 1909: National Archives, ADM l/24:1909-10: Tamale). In the same letter, Grey advocated the importation of more Yoruba laborers from Lagos instead of the men from the North because: ". . .the language difficulty is another drawback to the employment of Northern Territories men in the cocoa district. There are so many Iagos Yoruba people in the country that a Yoruba speaking native can always find someone in the village to interprete for him but Northern Territories men with their various languages may not meet any one in a day's march capable of under- standing a word said by them" (National Archives, ADM 1/24zl909-l910: Tamale). The Colonial Secretary, however, held a different View regarding recruitment of labor from the North. In his reply he pointed out 68 that ". . .the questicn of attempting to secure a large number of labourers from the Northern Territories is being considered." With regard to the importation of labor from Southern Nigeria, the Colonial Secretary ruled out that possibility because: ". . .the supply of labour in Southern Nigeria appears to be insufficient for local requirements and a similar request was made not long ago to this Government by that of Southern Nigeria. In these circurstances it would be of little we to again attempt to obtain labour from that colony" (Reply of Colonial Secretary to Mr. Grey's letter in June 1909. National Archives ADM 1/24: l909-l910: Tamale). Another letter from the mining companies through their represen- tative in the Gold Coast to the Colonial Secretary also mentioned the problems of recruiting labor. They emphasized that the only source open to them was the Northern Territories, because of the following reasons: a) labor supply from the indigenous populations around the mines was insuffioent. The few such people employed could not be relied upon because "they came to work at such times as they think fit." b) The labor from the Eastern end of the colony which used to be brought to the mines was no longer obtainable. c) The supply of foreign labor from the Kroo Coast in Liberia had dwindled to very small numbers. d) The Transport Department (the main govermnent department, for recruiting labor) was not able to cope with the demand for lahdr‘at the time (National Archives, ADM 1/24: 1909-1910: Tamale). The letter also stated that the management of the mines was certain that the 69 ". . .protectoratel was capable of supplying a sufficient number of labourers to ensure that no less than 12,000 workers (in addition to the already existing numbers as explained in subsequent correspondence) (sic) shall always be available at Tarkwa and Prestea. .j to work at the mines. To enable them to achieve this the management wanted to know if the government would assist the mines to form a Native Labor Association. This association would keep its recruiting agents at work in the Protectorate, engaging men, organizing them into bands, and transporting then to the South. Or, as an alternative, they asked if the government would undertake these responsibilities in return for a fixed payment per head. The government agreed to help the mines not only to establish a Native labor Association but also to help with the actual recruitment of labor from the North. In addition, the colonial secretary asked the British government to import 200 Indians to the colony for employ- ment as an experiment in the Public Works Department (National Archives ADM 1/24zl909-l910: Tamale). Mass scale recruitment of labor from the North, however, was abandoned in the 19103 because (1) peOple from the North were completely strange to conditions in the forest areas, having come from savanna regions, (2) they were not accompanied by their wives , because they feared taking their wives to such faraway places, even though some of the colonial officers tried to encourage them to take their wives, (3) they were compelled to work underground at the mines, (4) they could 1 'Present Northern Ghana was first known as the "Protectorate" and then later was called the "Northern Territories" until independence in 1957. b—l .. or -> ‘h ‘4 p u. to. .0, 1!. J. v; I 70 not obtain food to which they were accustomed, namely guinea corn and (5) as a result of the above, many workers recruited in the North either deserted before reaching the mines or immediately after arriving at the mines (National Archives: ADM 1/24zl909-1910: Tamale). The continued need for labor at these economic growth points and growth areas in the South, forced the administration to revise its policy of helping southern farmers and miners recruit labor from the North in 1923. It was not an easy undertaking and the recruiting was left to the miners and farmers themselves. As late as 1950, the Finsbury Pavement House Transit Welfare Centre established a labor recruiting camp at Bogatanga with the approval of the Colonial Secretary for engaging and tranSporting labor to the mines of the Finsbury Pavement group in the Tarkwa area at the rate of 1,500 annually and subsequently increased to 2,000 annually. In the 19503 and 19603 the Tarkwa mines made one of their old laborers, who is of Northern extraction, responsible for helping in the recruitment of labor from the North. For instance, in 1967 a team of recruiters from Tarkwa to the North were asked to recruit candidates from the North because the . .experience of underground workers has taught the mining management that only nationals from Northern Ghana have shown aptitude for underground work with very few exceptions with regard to recruits from the Apam area along the coast" (A letter from the Mines Admin- istrator to Recruiters in the North: Correspondence File, Tarlma Mines, 1967) . Apart from this government sanctioned recruitment of labor from the North, there were illegal recruiters who lured to the South a vast majoriw of laborers, especially around Bolgatanga and Wa, without these men knowing exactly where they were going and under what ‘9. 71 conditions they were to work. All these recruitment efforts, govern- ment sanctioned or illegal recruiting, especially since the 19308, formed the erryo of voluntary labor migration from the North to the South. Further, the enlistment of many peeple of northern origin in the Gold Coast Regiment for action during the Second World War resulted in quite a few people remaining in the South after the war. The Frafra Homeland_and Out—Migration: A Consideration of Some Push Factors It has already been pointed out that population growth in Ghana as a whole has been very rapid. An analysis of census reports starting in 1921, however, will reveal that there were varying differential growth rates at regional or even local council levels, with some areas in Northern Ghana showing the least percent increase. Though inter- " censal population change rates in Frafra have been negative since 1948 due to out-migration, it is one of the few areas in Ghana with high population concentrations (Figure 2 and Table 4.2) . During the colonial period many migrant settlers moved into the northeastern and northwestern parts of Ghana, 30 that after 1921 it was immigration which accounted for population change in those areas. Dickson has commented that: "The north-eas tern and north-wes tern areas received from Upper Volta, Northern Togo, Mali and the Ivory Coast, significant numbers of immigrants who were seeking land for cultivation or were desirous of escap- ing the stringent policial and administrative tax systems in their respective countries . In the Upper Region over 50 percent of the immigrants settled in North-Mamprusi (present Kusasi and Frafra areas)" (Dickson, 1969, p. 280). IV ‘ M 5‘1".”1“ 0'", L) P 1 that». uni-\- . -‘,.,. ”an AA“: 3“: ND UL. ‘ 3...... . ”Ill . end. a: . . "1'- n n I. if- ‘Im- r‘vm " OJ wttbi I 3370:: ‘5‘ ~ 5'. ‘I .C I I ”I. "I?" 3. V. s' .3» e‘. « 'w. C I", i 72 In 1921, the Frafra area had a population density of 82 persons per square mile but later census counts gave higher average densities (Table 4.2). Until 1960, when for the first time a well-organized census was carried out, the early counts were done by very few personnel and at very little cost. Not everyone was counted and the Chief Census Officer in 1960 remarked that the 1948 census alone had about 10 percent under-estimation (Gil, 8.2., 1963, p. 68). Although these figures are not very accurate, they do serve as an approximation and as a guide to what the trend was in population growth and densities during the intercensal periods. Table 4.2. Population Growth and Densities in Frafra Homelzmd (1931-1970). Year Area Population Density Average (Sq. Miles) (Per Sq. Miles) Annual Increase 1931 735 132 , 479 180. 2 --- 1948 735 163 , 474 222 . 4 1. 38 1960 735 150, 028 204.1 -0. 67 1970 735 172, 202 234. 3 2. l Source: After Ghana Census Reports. Densities in some localities as revealed by both the 1960 and 1970 censuses are far higher than the average population densities given above. For example, population concentrations exceed 512 per square mile in the Kulubiliga—Kuldaga watershed and around Bolgatanga (Hilton, T.E. , 1966). In the Nangodi traditional area, the problem of overcrowding was found to be most acute in central areas of fixed cultivation which had densities ranging from 1,000 persons to 1,240 .wi": u \ .an-v o 'l ‘\. a- I v'\ 73 persons per square mile (Hunter, 1967). Further, a detailed analysis of population densities by census enumeration areas has shown that some very small enumeration areas have densities far beyond the average density figure, for example, Yazore-Kpatia 1,568 psm; 2 Shiega—Tindongo 1,360 psm; Tarongu-Akimsigibisi 1,345 psm; Bolga Zuabisi 1,312 psm; Tongo Nayiri 1,268 psm and Zanlerigu 1,144 persons psm (refer to Figure 9). The traditional agriculture pattern here is the compound farmirg system, characterized by fixed farming around compounds (houses) in a dispersed settlerent pattern without any fallow periods. Thus, over population on a limited land resource base has been one of the major problems of the Frafra area and in neighboring areas occupied by the Kasee-Nankani, Kusasi and Busansi. The influx of immigrants from further north already referred to above, created a serious land shortage with the concommitant- problems of soil erosion, periodic hunger and the like. To compound the land problem, the incidence of some epidemic diseases, such as sleeping sickness (trypanosomiasis) , and river blindness (onchocerciasis), have resulted in the retreat of population from rich infested riverine areas. Further, the availability of water in these areas is a critical problem. Even then, soil erosion (sheet and gully erosion) and extensive rock out-crops have been responsible for the reduction fo cultivable land available to man here. Table 4.3 clearly shows the extent of uninhabited land in the divisions which are now not available Psm is the persons per square mile. 74 FRAFRA HOME LAND DENSITY 0F POPULATION, |960 BY ENUMERATION AREAS UPPE R VOLTA 11 ’\ 34'003 1‘30 MAMPRUSI WALE WALE LOCAL COUNCIL Persons/sq. mile |:] 0-50 56-99 nos-:50 [72-239 O 3342:1233" 248-293 L3:%’..‘::'::.".:, 298-377 0 5 ,9 m 402-593 """ W sue-9n - “144-1,553 Source: Hunter, 1912 and data from Ghana Census Repons, l960 Figure 9. 75 for farming. If the factor of uninhabited land is therefore considered in the computation of densities as in Table 4.2 the1 the densities discussed above will be far higher than these averages. Table 4.3. Estimated Areas of Uninhabited and Inhabited Portions and Densities of Inhabited Portions of the Frafra Area (1948 and 1960). Division Uninhabited Inhabited Density of (Square Miles) (Square Miles) Inhabited Portion?" 1948 1960 Bolga 33 111 422 421 Bongo 28 150 380 347 Nangodi 12 41 423 326 Sekoti 11 20 258 211 Talensi 204 125 296 268 Frafra 283 447 365 335 *Persons per square mile. Source: After Hilton, January 1966, p. 33. The land problem and the periodic hungers here were also made worse by the invasions of locusts in 1929-30, 1933-34 and finally in 1939 when they destroyed many farms. Add to these problems the fact that onchocerciasis (river blindness) affects many men in the prime of life and who consequently become disabled. This means a definite reduction in the farm labor force--a further bitter element of the vicious cycle of poverty here. The colonial administration recognized this problem and most of the officers encouraged new agriculture methods , but they also con- sidered out-migration as one of the best answers to the population 1 ‘ ... ...- ..n.‘ . .J . ..Ii .‘l I ‘tI ..Ph 76 problem in Frafra. For instance, in 1930 Messrs. Muir and Williams (1930), carried out a survey on the agriculture system here. They reported that the average land cultivated per person was about 0.4 acres in the more densely populated areas and 0.8 acres in the sparsely populated areas. Through their findings and, of course, the reports of District Commissioners, it was recorded that ". . .the population in Zuarungu and Navrongo areas of the Northern province was congested and suffered recurrent food shortage and yet there had been unsuccessful efforts to encourage the population to migrate" (National Archives, ADM 1/ 208:1935: Tamale). As a result, an Agriculture Station was established in Zuarungu in 1932 with the main objective of finding the causes of the recurrent food shortages here and to suggest ameliorating measures to combat the situation. It was hoped that "farming colonies" or "land settlement scheres" could be developed whereby Frafras could be encouraged to move. The overall targets of the agriculture station were clearly outlined in a letter from the Provincial Superintendent of Agriculture for the Northern Territories, to the Agriculture Officer, Zuarungu. ". . .to obtain a thorough working knowledge of local crops, yields, normal consumption per head, etc. you should get as much first hand information as possible on the attitude of the people towards moving to new areas; and presuming that they move, what their wishes and requirements as to new land are. Such information appears necessary if eventually we are to put up a scheme attractive to the people themselves" (National Archives: ADM 1/ 208:1935: Tamale). C. W. Lynn, a very capable agriculture officer, was in charge of the Zuarungu Agriculture Station and the monographs he wrote are still some of the most comprehensive studies on the relationship 'vq-‘u. 4‘3 77 between man and his environment in the Frafra area. In 1932-36 he carried out a survey of 54 houses in North Mamprusi. Among other things, he found out that the average amount of land cultivated per head per annum was 0.66 acres, of which 78 percent was fixed (i.e. , cultivated each year) and 22 percent in bush farm. The average farmer cultivated 2.49 acres which supported 3.7 persons including the farmer himself (Lynn, C. w., 1937). In recent years, the bush farm has disappeared from the agricul- ture landscape in these areas and all the land has been converted into fixed cultivation. Very little fertilizing of the soil takes place therefore the system has been beset with problems of declining crop yields and of sheet and gully erosion especially in the areas with very high population concentrations. In 1942 Lynn pointed out that continLous fragmentation of farm holdings by inheritence tended to intensify the compound farming system, resulting in soil erosion and consequently periodic hungers. He proposed a number of remedies basically concerned with the modification of the agriculture practice in Frafra (Lynn, 1942) . His recommendations eventually gave birth to the establislment of land Planning and Resettlement Schemes in Northern Ghana, especially for the Frafra people. The Frafra Land Planning Committee formed in 1948, established land planning areas in Frafra and also tried resettling families outside the area. The Kamiba (1938), Parogo (1952) and Damongo (1951) Resettlement Schemes were three different programs aimed at easing the population problem at home, but all met with limited success and were abandoned. . a ‘9': r “.04.. t ”a A ‘ f n; ink O s v M ,1 n e, ~55“ O #5.... IN 4 h I .. . n “by w . as; 1' ‘ I“ a df‘ '- y; P ‘5 " 5'. ‘ ~ I,.~ Y3». ‘. § L4! ‘ L'I 78 From the above, it can be seen quite clearly that the population problem in Frafra is quite serious and no satisfactory solution to the problem has yet been found. In 1959 Hilton suggested that in order to relieve the pressure on the land at least 80,000 people (roughly 12,000 to 13,000 compound families) need to be moved from the Frafra area (1959, p. 237). Also, in the Nangodi area, Hunter (1967) estimated that approximately 280 persons per square mile is the maximum possible carrying capacity of the land in these areas. This is very true for most of the areas with population concentration. In the above account an attempt has been made to bring to the fore the population problem in the Frafra area. Relating this problem to the recruitment efforts during the colonial period coupled with the objectives of the colonial administration to encourage emigration of Frafra families give us a very good idea about the genesis and nature of Frafra out-labor migratory patterns. It does seem that the colonial administration tackled the population problem here from three fronts: (a) improvemeit of the traditional agriculture system at home, (b) land planning and resettlement schemes and (c) encourage- ment of out-migration to areas in the South needing labor. From the records, the first two were very difficult and not easy to achieve, but the third objective hadvery remarkable successes, the repercussions of which are still with us today. Faced with such a situation, out-migraiton probably provided an escape from the stringent survival system in the area. As a result of the encouragement from the colonial administration, the efforts of the illegal labor recruiters , an improved transportation system, 79 coupled with the difficult conditions in the peculiar eivirormment of the Frafra area, out-migration by the 19308 was a permanent pheiomenon in the population geography of the district. In the 19303, Fortes noticed that "whereas, in former years, a young man moved out tempor- arily to the periphery of settlement on account of a shortage of land in his natal community, nowadays he often goes to Ashanti or the mines as a labourer" (Fortes, Meyer, 1945, p. 10). Among the Talensi alone he found out that about one man in three had at sometime or other in the past decades visited the South. An important development which also helped to raise the aspirations of many Frafra people was the discovery of gold (about 200 feet long and 3-4 feet wide) in Nangodi by Messrs. McQuiness and Reid in 1933 (Dickson, 1969, p. 191) . Mining started here in 1934 and undoubtedly local sources of labor were utilized fully because the people were readily available. The mining operations were rather short- lived, 1934-1952 because ". . .the cost of transporting machinery up to then or of sending the ore to the ports was high" (Dickson, 1969, p. 322). On the whole, the operations had the following effects: (a) there was an immediate transfer of most of these workers to other mining opera:- tions in Southern Ghana, (b) for the first time, there was a substantial number of wage earners at home and this probably increased the dsmzmd for more goods, better social amenities and consequently, a possible tendency in quite a few people to move to areas with better opportunities, (c) mining operations had been exposed to the area, therefore, hitherto doubtful intending migrants were in a better position to determine whether they wanted to go to the mines or to the urban centers. 80 Since the 19303, a momentum of rural-urban migration has been created in the Frafra homeland and today there is a social network of chain migration among clan members or specific families who make frequent movements to and from the better developed areas of Ghana. Among these migrants are those who go to seek permanent jobs, visitors of all categories to the South, and oscillatory or seasonal migrants, especially the few wfo work on the cocoa and food producing farms. Extent of Frafra Out-Migration In March 1954, the results of a pilot survey conducted at the Yeji ferry on migrants returning home demonstrated quite clearly the high rate of mobility of the Frafra people. Migrants returning to the Frafra homeland accounted for 34 percent (2,501) of all the migrants retmming north via the Yeji ferry. This was a greater percentage than any other ethnic group (Davidsons, 1954, refer to Table 4.4) . The pilot survey missed migrants returning to the Northwest, but an analysis of the 1960 and 1970 census data supports quite clearly the high rate of mobility in Frafra. For instance, in 1960 30.5 percent of the men and 14 perceit of Frafra womeu were enumerated in other regions of Ghana (Table 1.1) . Table 4.5 gives the number of, Frafra in other regions of Ghana in 1960, indicating that the Frafra are to be found in all regions of Ghana with the Ashanti region capturing most of the migrants, especially Kumasi city, where 15 percent of all Frafra migrants in the South were enumerated (Table 4.5 and Figure 10). Migration to other parts of Ghana has become an integral part of the socio-eoonomic life of the people at such a rate that in one locality of 13,346 people, Hilton found that about 1,091 inhabitants (8.2 percent 81 Table 4.4. Yeji Migrant Labour Survey, March 1954, A survey of Migrants Returning Home from the South Ethnic Group Number Percent of Total 1. Frafra 2,501 34.0 2. Hausa 1,217 16.0 3. Kusasi 487 7.0 4. Dagomba 437 6.0 5. Builsa 265 4.0 6. Mamprusi 147 2.0 7. Konkomba 129 2.0 8. Kanjarga (Builsa) 116 2.0 9. Gonja 95 1.0 10. Ashanti 77 1.0 11. Nigerian 53 0.7 12. Dagarti ‘ 51 0.7 13. Bimoba 43 0.6 14. Lobi 43 0.6 15. Chokosi 32 0.4 16. Fanti 20 0.3 17 “Grunshie"* 1,574 21.0 18. Not Stated 32 0.4 Total 7,319 *According to Davidson, "The number of Frafras was probably greater than the above, because men of this tribe are sometimes in the habit- of concealing their true identity under the nickname Grunshie when they are away from home." Source: After Davidson, Migrant Labour in the Gold Coast A Pilot Survey, December 1954, p. 10. 82 .m ”Honda 13% “9.6.50 coma 5.38 “8H8 .CQUmumETuso Saga wo £088 05 uo 83 cm 83m mans o5 mmoamfiugflu .385: Ba 93 00:0; unwound an 33:03.. 0.35m ~35 96m 3552. :96 we boo: .633 269. on» 5. @33de 85¢ 93 5.5 EEO: 05 «.3330 @534 g and 3:38. mug wan E05 .3355wa .mdzoum 0850196 ucwuwtflo w5 w0 5095c 1.58m on.» Bhommm 5930 m5 5 @353 B 3:03qu 392.3805 ya 39. 8: .596: m5 .68 388 23 in 8 “.88 8 .838 3838 «5 85... .888? no om: wfi us: use 6358 83 €8.41 92 8 "8.02 «.3 o~m.mv 36.an 03.: 036 0:4 owe Sufi 813 omm.m own.~ omim oo~.m 03.3...” 38. om.o on 03.3 S o o o o o 3 0 ca on 03.3 g .m m.m ova 85.6.. oom cm 3 o ow om." can om oan co ovmén Hamid. .~ N.om 08.2. onmdma omm.om oomé 02.4 owe omwfi 80.3 898 od..~ 35.5 2.1m ovméa ugh ..n Sufi “Drama «5.6 5. 98o S. 980 1538c 053 388 883 238.8 05 a2 .3952 uo H38. 38. 5.382 3.3ch 33> 88m 3:23 Emma 3004 c039“ HRH: Hg ..H 9.6.8 mo unwed.” 98.8 3H3 3.3 A3 33 Add 33 at 5:302 «0 umua Swank 0.25m 68¢ Bag “.338 8. E .8 3c 3 95.53 .8952 H309 E g5 F3538 5 80”QO .82 .88: an 813m 388 no 3952 65.8305 .296 do 9588 850 5. 838.58 £me 88 388 no “352 .3. 038. 83 GHANA FLOW OF MIGRANTS FROM FRAFRA HOMELAND UPPER :2/ W f ?/ ....... .. ............ nnnnnnnnnnnnn ..... oooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooo IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII oooooooooooooo ............ oooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooo 00000000000000000000 oooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo 0000000000000000000000 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooo ..... ccccc ...... IIIIII uuuuuuu 000000000000000000000000000 ooooo ooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo ..... ooooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 0000000000000000000000000 ooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo ....... 00000000000 ooooooooooooooooooooo 000000 ................... oooooooooooooo OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo ccccccccccccccccccccccccc oooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo cccccccccccc aaaaaaaaaaaa oooooooooooo ccccccccccccccccccc ooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooo oooooooo oooooooooooo ccccccccccccc nnnnnnnnnnnnn ..... 00000 ............... ooooo uuuuu oooooooooooooooooooooooooooo ......................... oooooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooo nnnnnnnnnnnnnn ooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooo nnnnn ooooooooooooo nnnnnnnnn ooooooooooooo oooooooo ooooooooooo ......... ooooooo oooooooo ooooooooooooo oooooooooooo .......... giggiASHANn I, fro 3LRAL Aggy '3 CA I WESTERN CENT DISTRICT > l,000 3,000 6,000 0 50 J 9.000 M i. L j l2,000 Source: Ghana I960 Census: NUMBER OF MIGRANTS Special Report E Figure 10 . ml pc; 1133 1939, 1 :a mate q :z-agatm 21053318 was ETEIESOZ: '1 :‘IVMR “PAL" ”5'"; M10; 1 15:5. ‘ ‘ V‘ -"|"\. . .md mu;c K | 7M." ; e.‘ N‘ = 431' 1.! .. 1f! .3 ‘rJ “an .W’ Clix: :mfim 84 of the total p0pulation were mostly migrant laborers absent from home (Hilton, 1959, p. 235). An analysis of sex ratios for tln Frafra. area indicate quite clearly that it is mostly the men who migrate to these faraway towns. Although female preponderance in Frafra and other nearby areas could have partly been caused by clan exogamy, out-migration accounts for these low sex ratios. The average sex ratio here was 59 in 1960 and in 1970. For the 15-45 years age group, there are some localities with sex ratios far lower than these average figures (Table 4.6 and Figure 11) . The propensity to migrate aunng the Frafra people since the 19303, as depicted by the steady decline in sex ratios for the 15-45 years age group has increased at such a rate that in 1960, apart from the Ada3 local Council, there were Frafra migrants in all the other 68 local Councils in Ghana (Figure 8 in Chapter III). Table 4.6. Sex Ratios (Males Per lOO Females) of the Working Population in Frafra. Year 15- 45 46 and Total Years Over 1931 92 56 88 1948 84 . 79 ' 83 1960 59 130 73 1970 58 120 89 Source: After T. E. Hilton, 1968, p. 287 and Census Reports. 3The train economic activities in the Ada local Council are shallot growing and fishing; and these have apparently not attracted many migrants from the North. Besides the Ada area itself is noe of the labor reservoirs in Ghana. 85 FRAFRA HOMELAND SEX RATIOS FOR POPULATION AGED l4—45 YEARS BY ENUMERATION AREAS UPPER VOLTA Chiana -Paga L.C. Kusanaba -Zebilla L.C. (Kusasi) Navronqo L.C. Nalerigu L.C. WOlBWOIG MAMPRUS' L.C. Number of moles/loo females H;;;;Z;;;.;.;.;. mm :5 so 45 so 75 so ...... © Bolgatanga urban center Lc. Local Council Data Source: Ghana Census, l960 e «970 Figure 11 . 86 A Factorial Ecology of the Frafra Homeland: Rural Conrmmity Differentiation and Propensig of Rural—Urban Migration In the preceding discussion we focused on the importance of historical dimensions on the migration process in the Frafra area. In addition to the above information, it will be very helpful if we have data on the current denographic and socio-economic characteristics of the whole area. The difficulties of obtaining relevant data in Ghana, especially on Northern Ghana, has already been highlighted in Chapter III. However, it is possible to use the information available in the Census Reports for the purpose of aggregating the necessary characteristics in the home area. Using the 1960 and 1970 census enuneration areas as our basis, we can derive 143 units and thereby be in an position to build a data matrix for our analysis. The data so derived comprises 15 important demographic and socio-econmltic variables which describe conditions in each of the 143 1960 censm enuneration areas. It must be noted that the variables were selected with the migration process in mind (refer to Table 4. 7 for a list of 15 variables). Also, the 143 localities excludes Bolgatanga, the train urban center and regional capital. In the past years it has attracted aany migrants from all over Ghana and has many facilities mt attainable in rural Frafra. It was considered appropriate to exclude it and concentrate on only rural Frafra for the factorial ecology. Table 4. 7. 87 Variables and Factor Loadings. Variable Fae tor Factor Factor Factor Factor 1 2 3 4 5 Total Population in 1970 .93!" .08 .32 .01 .ll Pensity of Population in 1970 .10 .667? .00 .10 .13 Population Change 1960-1970 .27 .04 .12 .10 .71* Number of Houses in 1970 .917? .08 .12 .06 .02 Percent Born in this Locality .93* .03 .23 .05 .07 Percent Born'in Another locality, Same Region .82* .16 .18 .00 .18 Percent Born in Another Region .11 .04 .78" .14 .03 No. Never Been to School (IS-45 Years) .92" .07 .28 .01 .09 No. with Past Education (15-45 Years) .27 .11 .857" .10 .05 Ho . with Present Education (15-45 Years) .39 .03 56* .12 .10 No. Attending School New (6-14 Years) .40 .01 .78* .15 .01 Distance to Bolgatanga -.14 .59* .10 .33 .37 Distance from Main Road .02 .73* .04 .03 .20 Sex Ratio (IS-45 Years) -.01 .004 .04 .723? .07 Ho . Employed in Secondary and Tertiary Occupations .70" . .21 .49 .11 .05 Highest loading .93. .73 ..85 , .72 .71 *Highest loadings for the factor . 88 A Brief Consideration of the Variables Population Size, Density and Population Change It has been hypothesized that the larger the number of people in any locality, the greater the number of people who will be away from hone. It is assured that population size and density will help in giving an idea about the effects of population pressure in the localities. The clan and lineage system here is very important and so the number of houses in 1970 was included with the assurption that it would be indicative of family cohesion or otherwise, i.e. , the more united a lineage the less the nunber of houses. Also, with the absence of exact data on rural fame and since the compound farming system predominates in Frafra, the number of houses should also give us an idea of the number of "farm holdings" in a locality. Education Education has been found in other studies to have a direct influence on migration. The search for education itself, the usual tendency in the educated persons to look for better opportunities outside the home area, and, of course, the role of education in attracting many literates to imban way of life, are some of the func- tions of education in the migration process. In Frafra area, there are different levels and attitudes toward education, hence the effects of education on migration should vary from one locality to another. Further, returned migrants who have been exposed to modern ideas at the destination areas should be more receptive to sending their children and dependents to school than those who have never migrated. 89 The number of pupils in primary school (6-14 years) in a locality should be an indicator of "modernity" and level of exposure to the outside world. Place of Birth . Both the 1960 and 1970 censuses give information on whether a person was born in (l) the locality of enumeration, (2) another locality in the same administrative region (intra-regional migration), (3) another administrative region (inter-regional migration) and (4) abroad, including Africa (international migration). These are crude measures of the volume and sources of migration into an area during an indefinite nunber of years. An analysis of migration based on this is very crude because such data do not take into consideration migrants who have died between the time of migration and the date of the census; migrants who have returned to their place of birth or moved on to other areas after migrating to the area in question; or _ previous migrations between the time of birth and the time of entering the given area . In any case, we can obtain neanirgful generalimtions from these variables . It is very unforturmte that we have no "direct measure" to determine the nunber of out-migrants from each locality. Distance Generally, out-migration from the Frafra area is of the long distance type, apart from those which terminate at interuediate areas in Northern Ghana . With this in mind, only distances :03 each enmeration area to Bolgatanga and to the nearest miin road were computed for the factor analysis. These two variables (distances from on. M, UL" Q I I .u n-. l ' ‘ L uhv- l. . n. L. - i is" (y l' 90 each enumeration area (1) to Bolgatanga and (2) to the nearest main road) should help to determine the roles of Bolgatanga as an urban center, and accessibility in the migration process in Frafra. Sex Ratio and Migration It is predomiru—mtly the young adult males who migrate and therefore sex ratios are by and large good indicators of whether an area mostly "supplies" or "receives" migrants. Occgpational Characteristics The rmmber of people employed in agriculture was not used because it is too broad a category and would have no meaning in a district with basically a subsistence economy. The number employed in secondary and tertiary activities was used because of its potential in giving an idea of the level of "modernity" and consequently level of "exposure" to the migration process in an area. The Factor Analytic Method Obviously the volume of migration out of each of the 143 localities is not the same throughout the "homeland." Therefore, we need to have an idea of some of the factors which account for any variations. The number of migrants from the localities will vary with differences in resource endowment, socio-economic characteristics of the people, especially the 14-45 years age group and the level of rural development. It will be helpful to delineate the various ecological zones in order to have a better understanding of the migration process at home. To achieve this, the factor analytic method was used with the hope that the results can show "what patterns are in the data and how A. "u 91 they overlap, what characteristics are involved in what pattern and to what degree, and what characteristics are involved in trore than one pattern" (Rmmel, 1967, pp. 447-448). In this way, the factor analytic method will help us to disentangle the complex inter-relationships of these variables into their major and distinct regularities. In the preliminary calculations where the "R" Mode wasirm, the principle components or factors derived were based on arbitrarily located axis. Hence, it was found necessary to rotate them to a position which made the factors more meaningful and eonsistent--that is, an orthogonal position or varimax rotation at which the commn factors were uncorrelated, thereby "delineating distinct groups of interrelated data" (Rtmrel, 1967, p. 474). It has often been suggested that factors should be restricted to those with eigen-values greater than unity (Kaiser, 1960, pp. 144- 151). Of the rotated factors, three have eigen values greater than unity and together account for 74 percent of the total variance. In the analysis here, however , the next two factors which have eigen-values Of .7027 and .6207 have been considered because of the high loadings on sex ratio and population change, both important variables for the migration process. The five factors together account for 86 percent of the total variance (Tables 4.7 and 4.8) . Identification and explanation of these factors depend on the nature of the factor loadings that indicate which variables are involved in which factor pattern (direction) and to what degree. In this particu- lar study, loadings which are .50 or more are considered worth discussing. However, loadings below .50 in the analysis will be given only for . may .the. .. . ‘n'rhrv U1 92 variables which by being "recognized" by the factors in question will help in explaining variations in the characteristics of the migration process . Table 4.8. Factors and Variance Explained. Factor Factor Name Percent Cumulative NLmber Explained Preportion Explained 1 Traditional-Rural . 40 . 40 2 Distance-Density of Population .11 .51 3 Education .22 . 73 4 Sex Ratio .06 .80 5 Population Change . 06 .66 In addition to the factor loadings , there are factor scores4 for the localities derived from each of the five factors. The scores have been mapped (Figures 12 to 14) and do depict the spatial variations of the variables used. Factor One The first and largest factor identifies rural-traditional dimensions. This factor alone accounts for 40 percent of the total variance. Number of people born in the locality of enumeration is definitely the key variable here (a factor loading of .9346). Total population in 1970 (.9299) and total houses in 1970 (.9146) are also important variables and help to identify localities with high population concentrations . 4Factor scores are derived for each locality as the sum of the products of each variable value and loading of that variable on a factor. 'Ilhese scores are normalized so that teach has a mean of zero and unit variance. 93 Level of education is generally low in the Frafra area and it is therefore appropriate that the variable uneducated adults (.9186) should be associated with this typical rural factor. Internal move- ments, especially those connected with clan exogamy, shifts in settle- ments and intra—regional migrations are a common feature in the rural areas. In general, rules of exogmmy forbid anyone to marry a genea- logical kinswoman, so that all clemsswomen are prohibited as wives. As a result men have to look outside their natal areas for prospective wives. Thus, clan exogamy and virilocal residence at marriage encourages a high rate of fermie local mobility (Fortes, 1936 and Oppong, 1967, p. 13). The secondary loading of .4988 on the variable, "number of people employed in secondary and tertiary occupations" brings out the fact that there are a few rural areas which have quite sizable popula- tions and are also traditional authority capitals, for example, Tongo, Nangodi, Sekoti, Bongo and Zuarungu. These are better developed (with health posts, primary and middle schools, local administrative institutions sectional markets) and consequently have an appreciable number of workers in nonfarm occupations. Figure 12 depicts the spatial patterns of this factor and most of the localities have scores above zero. Factor T‘wo This is a distance and density of population dimension and accounts for 11 percent. The bi-polar nature of the factor loadings suggest that the further you move from Bolgatanga or the main roads, the less the concentrations of populations. Figure 12 shows the road and population densities in the various localities. 94 FRAFRA HOMELAND UPPER VOLTA FACTO R l . ‘155-59wa355 RURAL-TRADITIONAL \ ooooooo eeeeeee -------- ooooooooo ...... ...... I l ooooooooo .I. ..... .... ....... ....... ........ ....... .......... - ... .................... ........ ................. ..................... . . ooooooooo ............ nnnnnnnn ooooooooooooooooooooo ............... ooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooo nnnnnnnnn ooooooo .0... .................. ...................... ................... .................. ...... ........................... .................. .................. ................ ........... ......... ......... ...... no. --------------- ........... ............ ............. .......... u a n a ooooo ooooo o u o n u . u a o o a n - o n . u v . u - n . . o n . u n o . . u - . . . u . u . u o . n u n o a . . - n o o c . n n a . , a - o u n o . . . I u o - v c c c o a c - o a l n. . u ooooo a. '- ...- .- 0. 1 a c n a u n c I o u u u o c 9 . . n . n a I , . o u . o O . . u - . c - u n . o o u n a o o o o o a l u u c- -. II. an) o--- ...- ..... ...... ........ ....... ........ ....... .......... ........ ......... ooooooooo ......... ......... ........ ......... ........ ......... ........ .......... ....... .......... ------- nnnnnnnnn ....... ......... ........ uuuuuuuuu -------- ......... uuuuuuuu ......... ........ --------- aaaaaaaa ......... ........ ......... oooooooo ......... nnnnnnnn --------- -------- ......... nnnnnnnn ......... nnnnnnnnn nnnnnnnnn ........ ooooooo ....... ...... ago: on. or. o FACTOR 2. POPULATION AND ROAD DENSITIES -ACCESSIB|LITY A . IIIII to y.--.;.. ‘1' :yu“ -5.“ 4 ’Qa.- .- a] "At ow v. An. “A‘ .h5 95 Factor Three The third factor is clearly an educational dimension and. as can been seen from Figure 13 only a few localities have past educated adults, students still in school and elementary school pupils. The factor loadings of .7810 and .6988 on the variables, hunger born in ‘ another region and "number employed in nonagriculture activities," respectively clearly bring out the fact that most of the educated people in Frafra area are from other regions. By virtue of being educated, these people are employed in secondary and tertiary jobs in the public SGCtOI' . Factor Four Figure. 13 isolates the sex ratio characteristics in the various localities of the pepulation aged 14-45 years . The secondary factor loading of .33 on distance from Bolgatanga suggests taht the further away a locality is from Bolgatanga the higher the sex ratio, that is, the less the out-migration of males. This supports the assumption at the beginning of the analysis that Bolgatanga, as an urban Center, should create incentives in people nearby to move out . Factor Five This is basically a population change dimension and even though the average population change between 1960 and 1970 was -4, there were quite a few areas which increased in population (Figure 1.4) . Relationships Between Migration and Factors Nmerous studies have shown that a combination of the factor analytic and regression models has the advantage of explaining a am oAAopit .H‘ r 9f F! A~> v..\ . ""vo \ "VII! 96 FRAFRA HOMELAN D FACTOR 3. LEVELS OF EDUCATION UPPER VOLTA ..... ...... ...... ....... ........ ..... ..... ..... ...... ..... ...... ...... ....... --------- oooooooooooo .......... .......... .................... u ........... ..... ...... ....... ...... ....... .......... .............. .................. .................. .................. ................. ............... ..... ..... :::::::o:o:0:0:0:0:0.0. 2:: :::: :: - . K“ . and Do ”25:22:, -Zobma C . L. . . (Kusasi) ttttttt ......... ..... o O o ............. ..... ........ ................ ---------------------- .......... ......................... ............... ......... ---------------------- ....... ................ .......... ........ ...................... ............ ................ .......................... .......................... ........ ---------- ................. .................. ................. ............. ...................... ..................... ............................ ...... ................... ............... ............................. ................... ............................ .............. .......... .............. .. ................ ........ ........................ ................... ................ ............... ................. . .......... .......... WOIO ......... vol. """ L.C. ........ ............ ......... ......... ......... ......... ...... ..... FACTOR 4. SEX RATIOS AND DISTANCE DIMENSION UPPER VOL” FACTOR scones L‘L‘. * 3.00 ' ' f + 2.00 '9‘ LOO 0 -' LOO - 200 LC Local Council Q Bolgatanga urban confer nnnnnnnnn o Ku.afl°b° ......... ooooo ............ oooooooo ........ ‘ZODH'C LC _ .. .- -. . -- U ..... ...... ....... ............ .............. ............... ...................... ........................ ........................ ...................... ................... ................ ................. ............... ................. ........ .................. .................. ..................... ................... ..................... ................... ................... ........... ................. .............. ................. ................... ............. ................. ............ ................. .................. ..... .................. .................... ................... .................... .................... .................... .................... .................... ..................... ..................... .................... .................... ................... ...... ooooooooooooooooo nnnnnnnnnnnnnnnn oooooooooooooooo cccccccccccccc ..... ..... oooooooooooo oooooooooooo l a ':-: Wanna“ ' . . . . . L.C. . . . . . . .;.;.;.;.;.;.;.. . O . O . I . O O ::::E:::::E::.C N Data Source: Ghana Census, l960 a l970 Kuoonobo -Zoblllo VOLTA 97 UPPER urban COI'I'Of FACTOR SCORES I-c. Local Council C Bolgatanga Novronoo L.C. FRAFRA HOMELAND POPULATION CHANGE, I960-I970 FACTOR 5. 5m Data Source: Ghana Census, l960 o l970 Figure 14. . MIIOC 3!. ‘9. o -,.‘ VA. uh '- 98 dependent variable (Brunn and Wheeler, 1971; Brunn and Theme, 1971; Romsa, gt; §_l_., 1969; Harvey and Riddel, 1973). Thus, the factor scores on each factor were considered as a set of independent variable, thereby yielding five independent variables. Here, the main objective of these analyses is to explain migration out of Frafra area and therefore a migration variable was used as the dependent variable. There are no vital statistics for Ghana nor any estimates of the rate of internal migration for each enumeration area in the census reports. At first, it was decided to use the method 5 because devised by the Bombay Demographic Training and Research Center it does not need vital statistics to compute the migration rate. However, the idea was dropped because the rate of natural increase in Ghana is not the same throughout as required by the formula, smarized below. 5According to the Bombay Center, "if the total counts of the popu- lation of an area are available from two censuses , a rough indication of the extent of net migration may be obtained by comapring the rate of growth of this area with the rate of natural growth of the nation. This method assures that the rate of natural increase is the same throughout the country." Here: Where 111i is the migration rate; Pi is the population of the area at the beginning of the period; Pi is its population at the end of the period; BI. is national births; DT is national deaths and PT is the nations popu- lation at the beginning of the period. K is a constant thus the last term is the national rate of natural increase. Deaagraphic Training Research Center, Bombay, "Internal Migration in Some Countries of the East," in international Union for the Scientific Study of Population, International—Tepulation ConferenceTNe'w YorE, I9'oI, vol. I, IZ‘ifdoh‘,‘ 1963, pp. 420-427. A similar method has been recommended for developing countries but it also assumed that natural increase and international migration are the same throughout the geographical sub-divisions . See U.S. Department of Commerce, The Methods and Materials of Demography, Vol. 2., 1973, p. 625. 99 During the research period, migrants at the destination areas were asked to indicate the villages back home from which they migrated. Of the 1,416 migrants interviewed at the destinations, only 38 said they were born at the destinations therefore only the remaining 1,378 were used for the regression model. There were two factors in favor of using the number of migrants interviewed as the dependent Variable. First, the sampling method (proportional and systemitic random sampling) was consistently carried out in all the destinations visited and therefore there is a fair chance of prediction, than if consistency had not been maintained. Secondly, datawere collected on the villages where migrants moved from, for example, distances of hometowns to Bolgatanga, their ethnic affiliations, and the names of traditional divisions in Frafra. This made it possible to designate the migrants to their various enumeration areas (the units for the factor ecology). A linear descriptive model relating migration to the group of factor scores on the five factors was derived in the form: Y = a + lel + bZXZ + b3X3 + bax4 + bSXS Where: Y = the dependent variable (Number of migrants from each enumeration area who were interviewed at the destinations) . >4 ll 1 independent variable 1 (Factor 1) independent variable 2 (Factor 2) 6‘ ll independent variable 3 (Factor 3) X N 00 II II 4 independent variable 4 (Factor 4) X = independent variable 5 (Factor 5) a r= the intercept b1. . . ,b5 = the regression coefficients. '1‘ V ‘ -.- a I —-~<¢*‘ ...—... .-.-‘4 av an... v~ -‘~»v 100 The results of the multiple regression showed that factor one (the rural-traditional dimension) was a better variable for predicting migration in the Frafra homeland (Table 4.9). The proportion of total variance explained by the five factors in the regression.model was 83 percent. The rural-traditional factor accounted for 82 percent and the other four only one percent of the explained variation. Table 4.9. Results of Multiple Regression Medal. No. Factor (Variable) R R2 Increase or Significance Contribution level 1 Rural—Traditional .9015 .8205 .8205 <.0005 2 Distance-Density .0044 .82178 .0013 .719 3 Education .0766 .8227 .0009 .114 4 Sex.Ratio .0603 .82532 .0026 .090 5 Population Change 1960-1970 .1078 .8255 .0002 .041 Most of the Frafra.ndgrants in the South are basically from the rural areas, hence the significance of factor one. It has been mostly people with little education who continuously nove out of Frafra. Apart from.Bolgatanga, which is the main.urban center, almost all the settle- ments in.Frafra are rural. It is only the few traditional capitals (Nangodi, Zuarungu, Tongo, Bongo, Sekoti) which have quite sizable populations, but these are the central areas for traditional affairs, religious and politico-military. They therefore tend to have populations 'with dominant rural characteristics instead of urban ones. This factor should help us in the analysis of the data on the decision to migrate, and the socio-econmmic and political organization of the migrants at 101 the destinations. The role of the family and the clan system are of parannunt importance in discussing Frafra migration. Factors 2 and 3, that is, distance-density of population and education, respectively were not good predictors of Frafra migration. Basically, Frafra settlements are dispersed and therefore this probably affected the role of the density variable considering the fact that high densities are to be found everywhere (Figure 9). Although sex ratio and population change had very weak correla- tions with the migration rate they were significant at .10 and .05 levels (Table 4.9) . Sex ratios of the population aged 15-45 years are very low in Frafra, a few of them being negative. Bogue has observed that the percent of population which is male is "a mach better measure for use in correlation and regression analysis" than sex ratio (Bogue, 1969, p. 166). This was tried but this did not prove to helpful, neither as a variable in the factor analysis nor in the regression model. Probably, the very unusual low sex ratios in Frafra did not make this variable (factor) a good predictor of the migration process . o a. , u- ‘ . '- . - ‘ ..N V‘ . u.‘ . .__ ‘5 5 ‘5 [I] .' CHAPTERUV PROCESSES OF THE DECISION TO MIGRATE: IhfiiMOVERrSIAYER.DICHOTGHY Introduction In the preceding chapter there was an attempt to define some of the important ecological characteristics of the homeland which are related to out-migration. It is quite obvious that apart from the few relatively better developed rural areas, the environmental stresses and other related problems discussed in Chapter IV affect many parts of the Frafra homeland. We also know that since out-migration became an integral part of the socio-economic life of the people in Frafra not everyone has moved out of the home area. This raises a basic question to be answered--the mystery of the "mover-stayer dichotomy." Why did some people migrate while others stayed at hone? Also, we will want to know the nature of the migration system itself and the character- istics of the movers and stayers. An examination of migration literature reveals that the factors of the decision to migrate are generally conditions associated with (a) the generating area (push-factors) , (b) the area of destination (pull-factors), and (c) personal considerations (Lee, 1966; Bogue, 1969) . The details of these three categories are very complex in nature; and, in addition to the factor of intervening opportunities, we have to consider the whole migration process as a system. In this way, either 102 ...» (I‘l .- 'F r .L .i- I‘ ~ . - .. t'v‘w a ‘1' we.“ um.-. \ ..\ .... h . “A “ a: ¢ .. h V - .... . b . ‘. t n n. - N . r. l ,f 103 the generating area or the destination area can possess characteristics of both push and pull factors. As a matter of fact, much will depend on the migrant's perceptions of the two areas. The individual whether as an "intending migrant" or a migrant already away from borne, is of paramount importance in the understanding of the migration process. In stressing the importance of personal considerations, lee remarked that: . .personal sensitivities, intelligence, and awareness of conditions elsewhere, enter into the evaluation of the situation at the origin, and knowledge of the situation at the destination depends upon personal contacts or upon sources of information which are not universally available. In addition there are personalities which are resistent to change--change of residence as well as other changes--and personalities which welcome change for the sake of change" (Lee, 1966). The types of recent labor movements in Africa discussed in Chapter II have a strong bearing on the nature of the decision making process. Any particular type will, by and large, determine whether the decision making unit will be composed of one person or more than one person. For example, the Northern Savannas have only one farming season, from April to November, thereby making it possible for a young farmer to take off and work in the forest areas which have double maxima annual rainfall. Where a family is in need of extra money for expenses like taxation, it will be accomodating to a father for a son to migrate for the short period. In such a case, the decision making unit may be the family. In contrast, the yomg male or female taking off for the town against the wishes of family members will usually "run away" from home, that is make a decision of his own. 104 The Role of Momenth and Information in the Migration Process According to Gulliver, ". . .the incentives to labor migrants in Africa are pre-emm‘nently a desire for cash and material wealth which are not available at home, or at least which are far more readily available away at we " (1960, p. 159). Although this might be true, the money income hypothesis is not completely exhaustive, because for a migrant to take advantage of an opportunity he must be aware of its existence (Nelson, 1959) . Also, when rational decisions are made, the role of information is to reduce uncertainty. Thus, the more information an intending migrant has available to him, the better will be his expec- tations, the less the uncertainty attached to his decision and the more rational the final decision will be. It is generally accepted that distance has an inverse relationship with the number of migrants from any place. But as Morrill and Pitts have pointed out, superior information about the destination area can and does overcome great distances (Merrill and Pitts, 1967, p. 406). As a matter of fact, the availability of information about the destina- tion areas plays a major role in helping the intending migrant decide on where he would move to (Gober, 1972). Before we have a look at the main components of the decision to migrate, it will be appropriate to examine first the role of information in the Process. In like manner, it is also fitting that we examine the significance of the historical factors already discmsed in the creation of inter-regional information and migration fields as we know of then today. '— .3”: fiis 1.— 105 The Factors of Momentum and the Establishment of Information/ Migration Fields The first migrants out of the area at the turn of the century, probably had very little information about where they were going and what to expect, considering the fact that initial movements were involuntary. In subsequent years the use of District Commissioners and the traditional system of political authority (chiefs) as channels for recruiting labor indirectly made these institutions sources of infor- mation to the intending migrants. The role of the chief for dissmrina- ting information to other people was considered very important. In fact a few free excm'sions were organized for selected northern chiefs to visit the mines and thereby be in a better position to advise their people on the benefits of migration. This was a very successful propa- ganda method used by the mines to realize their labor requirement goals. Nonetheless, it went a long way to create an awareness among many people in the North about some of the economic opportunities farther away from home. These trips were significant for people living in the Frafra area because there was always a Frafra chief among the delegates , an apparent recognition of the successes of the recruitment efforts in the area. Of late, it was the establishment of the labor recruiting center in Bolgatanga which created a real awareness among many people about job opportunities in the South. This was in the 19503, and more labor was needed in the South, especially at the mines. The Finsbury Park used the already existing labor camp for large scale propaganda activities in order to attract people to these mines. The center was furnished ‘ l1 :, +- 09. at: 3585! n ' $0.1: 106 with large numbers of photographs taken at all the mines, which showed mm from the North at work, both on the surface and Lmderground. Ex-miners at the Finsbury Pavement House Transit Welfare Center, as it was called, explained the rates of pay at the mines for each particular type of work and also aspects of welfare, housing, etc. at the mines. locally employed agents working on a commission basis recruited labor for the Finsbury Pavement Companies . Information about the destination areas reached many people through the activities of the illegal labor recruiters. The Colonial District Commissioner in Frafra in 1952 considered these illegal recruiters as performing a necessary function essential to the economic development of the country and therefore reccmmended that such peOple should be licensed. The single factor, Iowaver, which helped most to raise the aspirations of many intending migrants was the improvement of the transportation system, and the subsequent establishment of Bolgatanga as a commercial center in 1937. By 1939 there were second class motorable roads in the North which facilitated easy communication between the South and the North. . By the 19603 Bolgatanga had grown into a huge camercial and administrative center and was linked to the South by a first class road. All these developments meant that people could move freely both out and into the Frafra homeland. This also meant there was an exchange of ideas , flow of information, the creation of new perception surfaces in the midst of the fast "shrinking Ghana." The journey to the South which in the past was accomplished on foot and took more than two weeks could nowbe done in only a day to Kumasi from Bolgatanga. The 107 cattle routes were no longer channels through which knowledge about the destination areas flowed to the people. More importantly, national socio-econrmic development efforts, political activities and new educational policies in the 19603 all helped to create a new wave of "perceptual thrusts" about the destination areas. They were no longer perceived as strange areas, but rather they were considered as forming part of the whole matrix of "Ghanaian" rationalism. Inter-Personal Relationships and the Information Flow in the Migration Process Relatives and friends play an important role in the dissemination of information in a typical rural setting. Migrants away from home and returned migrants at home do have a significant impact on the migration behavior of fellow camtry men (Nelson, 1959, p. 49). (11 one hand, relatives and friends can be sources of information to their peers and in most cases do directly influence out-migration. On the other hand, relatives and friends can be highly influential in providing the mechanism necessary for keeping an individual from migrating. In each case, the decision making unit and process, to move or stay, will be different. In an attempt to characterize the sources of information available (11 the destinations, nonmigrants and intending migrants were asked to indicate these sources (Table 5.1) . A similar question was also asked of themigrants already at thedestinations as tohowthey learnedabout the towns to which they moved (Table 5.2). It was easier for the intending and recent migrants to name these sources than it was for the migrants who moved more than ten years ago. Consequently the responses 108 Table 5.1. Indicate in Order of Importance the Sources of Information About the South and Other Areas You will or Others Move to. (Homeland) Responses Most Important Second Source Total (Percent Source Proportion) Category A B A B A B 1. Friends 41.9 52.17 9.54 3.26 51.45 55.43 2. Other Relatives/Ethnic Members 10.10 9.24 2.68 9.78 12.78 19.02 3. Brothers and Sisters 8 76 61 4.12 1.63 12.88 9.24 4. Mass Media (Dailies/Radio, etc) 9 11 11 96 3.04 2.72 12.15 14.68 5. Employment Agent 2 45 4.35 0.10 0.0 2.55 4.35 6. Spouse (Wife/Husband) 6 46 0 0 2.00 0.0 8.96 0.0 7. Others--Misce11aneous 18.87 13.59 18.87 13.59 37.74 27.18 8. Not Reported/No Answer 1.84 1.09 59.65 69.02 60.74 70.11 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 200.00 200.00 N: 423 184 423 184 Category Key: A - Stayers or Do Not Intend to Move. B - Movers or Intending Migrants Table 5.2. Migrants at Destma' time-410: Did you Cbtain Information at Home About the South Before Your First Phgnmaanlkip Wes Mast Important Second Source Grand Total Source (Penzym anxxtion) Category A* s- c* o- A s c D A s c D Total Nurber 434 352 373 205 434 352 373 202 Percent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 1. Friends 36.4 42.6 43.9 43.9 9.2 10.2 17.6 11.2 45.6 52.8 61.5 55.1 2. Other Relatives/Ethnic Members 19.3 21.0 23.3 25.4 9.2 10.2 7.5 9.8 28.5 32.2 33.5 35.2 3. Brothers and Sister! 16.8 16.2 10.5 10.2 1.8 0.9 1.1 4.9 18.6 17.1 11.6 15.1 4. Mass Media (Dailies/Radio etc) 13.1 9.1 7.5 6.8 4.4 4.8 2.9 3.9 17.5 13.9 10.4 10.7 $.3pnne fiflfeflmabmun 7.6 4.8 3.2 4.4 0.2 0.0 0.5 1.5 7.8 4.8 3.7 5.9 6. Othero-Miscellanaous 6.7 5.7 11.5 8.8 4.4 4.6 4.3 3.9 11.1 10.3 15.8 12.7 7. Not Reported/No Answer 0.0 0.6 0.0 0.5 70.7 69.3 65.9 64.9 70.7 69.9 65.9 65.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 200.0 200.0 200.0 200.0 Cauxxuy'xey:‘m.-I¥:entbugrmu3 (GJSyeann ”in huenumhatehugrmus (&dfl yams) 'C - 01d Migrants (ll-20 years) *0 - vary 01d Migrants (21 yen: muiown) Chi-square test for indepaniezne stated that the names for the four groups were significantly different at the.00112~e1. 109 of the former might: have been more accurate than the latter. However, the tables do give a good picture of the nature of information flow connected with out-migration. The importance of friends and relatives as sources of information stand out very clearly in the two tables. Both intending migrants and migrants already at the destinations found friends as a better source of information and probably the best associates with whom they could confide about their intentions to migrate. This is even very true for those who indicated that they had no plans of migrating. Relatives were considered as the next important source of information. Friends and relatives here refer to either those staying at home or away from home, or even both. Thus, an intending migrant might receive information fran a friend staying at home or away from home. It has to be noted here that until recently migration as such was not generally accepted as the right thing to do especially when one considers the whole dynamics of parent-child relationships in Frafra. As a result, it was easier for a young man to enquire about the South or discuss his plans to trove with a friend or a distant relative than with anybody in the immediate family. Fortes (1945) has described in detail the bonds between siblings in the Tale society, a phenomenon which is widespread in the Male-Dagbani cultural area. It is not surprising, therefore, that brothers and sisters, especially those who grew up together and therefore confide in one another, were amtioned as the third important source. It is far easier to discuss matters with timbers of ones peer group than it is with grom-ws or for that matter ones parents. -. .\. ..\ r. .3 ... HM 110 Certainly, a very major factor in the transfer of information largely depends on the return trips of people who migrated to the South or who went there on short visits. Also, there are the numerous visits of friends and relatives at the destinations back home for such events as funerals and festivals and it is not out of place to suggest that people derive a host of ideas and information from these visits. It is also known that quite a few do make one or more casual _vi_s_i£§_ to these destinations before they finally migrate and apparently this is I a direct method whereby such people acquaint themselves with events at the target towns. As Caldwell noted in his study, chain migration,1 which is now an established phenomenon in Frafra, "allows the flow of information and permits easy and cheap visits to the town. There is little evidence in Ghana that problems of communication delude villagers about the real nature of the town or that rural-urban migration is based largely on false hopes" (Caldwell, 1969, p. 138). In the same study Caldwell suggested that there is a very little evidence to show that mass communications play a significant role in stimulating migrant flow. Although this is very true in Frafra, especially considering the fact that the illiteracy rate is higher here than the national average, one must not lose sight of the growing importance of this source as revealed in the above tables. Whereas 12 percent of the intending migrants considered the mass media as their 1Caldwell has defined chain migration as the type "whereby once migration" from a certain family or village begins it tends to gain nmentum.’ 11118 is caused by the fact that "Ghanaian migrants to the town usually go first to join a relative or fellow villager" (Caldwell, 1969, p. 80). a... v .11.! N.— «C. -u. x. 111 most important channel of information, the figures for migrants who have been away for 5 years, 10 years, 20 years and more than 20 years are 13 percent, 10 percent, 8 percent and 7 percent, respectively. This surely is indicative of the increasing number of people who now go to school in the homeland. It is also a reflection of the better developed system of the mass media in Ghana since the early 19608. The ubiquitious transistor radio has had a significant impact in rural areas in terms of creating an awareness in people about what is going on in Ghana and elsewhere in the world. Programs in English and the main Ghanaian languages used over the air (Dagbani, Akan, Hausa2 and English in particular, in so far as Frafra listeners are concerned) are all helpful sources. Also, the important Ghanaian daily newspapers, "Ghanaian Times," "Daily Graphic" and others, are now distributed in Bolgatanga usually the same day they are released in Accra. From Bolgatanga, these do get to a few other rural areas, especially the traditional capitals where there are quite a number of people who are capable readers. We have to note the effectiveness of this somce (mass media) on the few who utilize it and who in most cases, pass it on to their uneducated peers or relatives. Much research is needed in this area, especially in assessing the overall importance of information in the whole migration process. As shown in the tables, employment agents , spouses (wife/ husband) and others are the other sources of information about the South. 'lhe insignificant role of employment agents can be explained by the fact 2Many returned migrants have a good knowledge of spoken Akan and Hausa. ..Q ..hn‘ 112 that few people get recruited or employed in the mine area before the principle move. Also, spouses have not been important sources of information on the destinations because the majority of the people who move for the first time are usually single. Therefore, the figures for spouses in the table represent the few who were married before moving and those who actually got information from their husbands or wives. 'Ihis is usually very true of wives left behind and wto later join their husbands at the destinations. Determinants of Migration: Rural—Urban Push and Pulls Above, we have examined the remote (historical or factors of momentum) and intermediate (environmental stresses and information flow) characteristics of the decision to migrate. We will now turn our attention to some of the immediate factors which either make people decide to leave or stay at home. In doing so we will be looking at some of the characteristics of both movers and stayers because these will tell us more about the perceptions and preferences of the migrants or nonmigrants. People decide to move or stay at home for diverse reasons, but it is possible for different types of movers or stayers to give the same explanations for their actions. For instance, both an illiterate and an educated person can all claim to have moved in order to obtain jobs. Analytically, however, the means by which they arrived at that decision, especially if we consider: the individual belavior of people, will by and large be different. Thus, a combination of "stated reasons" given by migrants, intending migrants and nonmigrants for their decision to move or stay, together with their characteristics, will make it possible ~D-v s NH 5 ....fi H 113 to relate in a logical framework the multiple causes of migration. It has been pointed out by Morse that push-pull factors alone cannot explain the wiele migration process. These must be tied to the attitudes and decisions of individuals. Migration is not necessarily a derographic response to specific social and economic conditions, but a direct and overt behavioral response (Pbrse, 1965). The Role of Economic Factors Previous migration research in Ghana has emphasized the importance of economic factors in pushing people out of their home areas. Caldwell found that more than 80 percent in both rural and urban respondents in general, and in specific louseholds gave an economic reason (to obtain jobs, money and consumer goods) as the main reason for their movement (Caldwell, 1969, p. 89). An econometric study by Beals, levy and Moses, utilizing the Ghana 1960 census data of inter-regional migration, indicated that a high income in the labor reservoir regions deters movement, but in the destination regions high incomes eicourage movelent (attracts migrants) (Beals, levy and Moses, 1967) . Gill and Qmaboe also found that gross migrations betweei regions in Ghana was a negative function of distance betweei regional capitals and of a positive function of the relative private per capita consumption of the destination and origin regions (Gill and Omaboe, 1963) . Respondents at the towns were asked to give the reasons why they migrated while intending migrants were requested to give their expec- tations or reasons for their decision to move from home. In addition, information was obtained from the respondents in the homeland, especially intending migrants, on their perceptions of the destination areas; the 1 «in 114 wages they expected to receive on migrating; the towns which they considered to have better job opportunities; why they felt they could not obtain the aspired jobs at the homeland; and their socio-economic characteristics . The motivations for migration as given by the respondents are shown in Tables 5.3 and 5.4. Although migrants were asked to give all the possible motivations, only three choices are given here. The fact that both tables indicate that more than 80 percent of the respondeits in each category considered two reasons as being sufficieit to explain their decisions did not warrant including all the choices in the tables. (Refer to figures in the tables for "No Other Reason" in columns for third choice.) Since it was an open interview schedule whereby respon- dents were not restricted to already provided responses, these two tables do represent a fair distribution of the incentives to out-migration in Frafra area. The significance of economic factors in attracting people to the destinations is quite obvious. More than 60 percent of the migrants already at the destinations in each of the four categories considered "to seek a job and money" as the most important motivation for their principle move. At the second choice level, more than 10 percent regarded economic factors as being important . When we consider all the three choices together, the importance of economic factors stand out more clearly than the other reasons . In each category, the accum- lative value for three cloices is over 80 percent, reaching 88 percent with the old migrants and 85 percent with the very old migrants. 115 08 802000080 00 0&9 .20 0.230.: 05 :2 89.20.332.20 nonn: o: .0005: .3530: no 3030083 H60 05 .2962 0. me... an 0:822:02» 68080825 .80 33 05.00.25. 3.200» ow :23 0.00.5 9.2.5.002: 620 >005 n a 2380 00-220 3:302: 020 u u Annum» 92:3 02.20.2002: oun2ooEuounm I n Annum» mlov 3230000: 2.200022 u d "E 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 0.002 2392. 00.002 00.022 20.222 00.002 00.00 00.00 22.00 00.00 02.00 00.00 00.00 00.00 0 0 0 0 common .850 05; oz .0 0.0 20.0 0.02 00.0 00.0 00.2 00.0 00.0 00.2 00.2 02.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 039322.832: Eufio .2. 00.02 00.02 00.02 00.22 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 28395823 0 222506 8 fl: 02020.5 D2. .0 00.2 00.0 00.0 00.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 0.0 00.0 00.2 00.2 00.0 00.2 00.2 00.0 00.0 8208.60 .25 0.535 8. .0 00.0 00.02 00.22 20.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 20.0 02.0 00.0 02.0 02.0 00.0 580 05 38. D2. .0 00.2. 00.0 00.02 00.02 00.2 0.0 02.2 00.0 0.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 20.0 20.0 82.3.0292 \3530 0a 203.3 8: H .0 00.00 00.00 00.00 00.00 00.2 00.0 00.0 02.2 00.00 00.00 20.00 00.00 00.22 02.02 20.0 20.02 0022 20.88 .2303 00.05 92. .0 00.00 0.00 00.00 00.20 20.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 00.02 20.02 00.02 00.2.2 00.00 00.00 00.00 00.00 038. one no.0 0 ion 92. .2 0 o 0 0 0 o 0 < 0 o 0 < .0 .o .0 .4 802020 0005. condom Gong no.0 2392. 0033902 00500922 5392 “52.055090 20.22202. unoowm “2205.305 awn! Samoa 02:03 0020220 02:... Cu :3OUUEOI HSO> Ehu #:0505005 mumu0u venue—0025.... unOE 05 :25qu00.— anemone .30» .000. 0:02.90 05 0.203 ans: " n:o..0uu:2uwoo on 32.3.32: .n.m 0201.2. I [J [I ‘l‘v’ up Table 5.4. Intending;Nfigrants: to Move? 116 What are Your Reasons for Deciding Responses Mos t Second Third Accumulative Important Important Important Total for Reason Reason Reason Three Choices . To secure a job--money 75.54 4.35 0.54 80.43 . To enjoy better social life 9.24 18.48 7.61 35.33 . To obtain personal effects 6. 52 27.17 3. 80 37 .49 . In order to know the South 2.72 2.72 1.62 7.06 . To improve my education 2.72 1.62 1.09 5.43 . To e'lable me to obtain a wife/husband 2.17 1.62 1.09 4.88 . No Answer/No other reason 1.09 44.02 84.24 129.35 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 300.0 N 184 184 184 The responses of the intefiing migrants also stress the importance of "to seek a job and money" in their decision to migrate. Seventy-six of then considered it as the most important, but of the three cloices put together 80 percent mentioned it as a motive for their plans to move from home (Table 5.4). The outstanding role of economic factors in the decision to migrate as given by the respondents is a clear indicator of the wide gap in rural-urban income differentials in Ghana. In the oral sector, job Opportunities are predominantly agricultural and usually involve mrking on the family farm. In the Frafra area, comercial farming is still to be developed and most of what is produced on the farms is for L1, [:21 fl; (1, (H h) C} I- .1" L‘l in“ 117 local consumption, i.e. , at the subsisteice level. Expected rural incomes, therefore, are very low, especially if we add the factors of over-population and the proportion of the land not available for cultivation here (Chapter IV) . In (bare, the government is the employer of many workers and, therefore, wages and salaries in the public sector have been standardized. Thus, a road- laborer or a school teacher in rural Frafra should receive the same remuneration as their counterparts in Accra or Kumasi or, for that matter, in any of the other destinations. If monetary rewards and other conditions of service, in the case of civil servants and many others, are the same in the public sector, why do some people move to the urban sectors? The expalnation can be derived from the fact that jobs in the public sector are rot available in any appreciable variety or even within an expanded regional planning program which will provide jobs for many rural folks . The government, by the very nature of the burdei of national development programs it undertakes, can only create or provide jobs for a few. In a majority of situations, these job opportunities happei to be concentrated at the urban centers. When one looks beyond the government programs, it is the private sector which has a host of jobs to offer rural people, especially if we consider the point that a majority of these are of the unskilled type. Since a major proportion of the jobs in the private sector are connected with secmdary and tertiary activities, they are mostly found at the urban centers and other "islands of economic activity." In the private sector, wages or salaries, mostly the former, are not standardized. The expectations of a migrant hoping to earn a certain level of income will depend very much on his perceptions of the availability of jobs and also LU [- t: d IN I]. u“ :9? 118 his awareiess of the variety of activities in the private sector. The fact that jobs are nonexistent or only available at a very low level in rural areas is likely to create a situation where people will move to regions or towns where they can also benefit from the income rewards of such occupations. Modernization brings in its wake a lost of pre- requisites for human survival, including the possession of actual cash. An area where even subsistence farming is not sufficient to support the base population unless food is brought in from outside cannot be expected to have any substantial income geierated from the agricultural sector. Ever the cattle which quite a few peOple have here, on the whole, are not regm'ded as a source of income, but rather as property which has an intrinsic value embedded in the cultural values of the people. Cattle, therefore, form part of the traditional sacrifices to the Gods, or are usually killed during festivals and funerals. More important still, is the role cattle play in the marriage system because they are used for paying dowry by the men (uSLally betweei two and four cattle for any woman married). A few farmers raise poultry and other animals at home and occasionally these might be sold in the market for some money. But the raising of these is carried out at such a low level of operation that the income from such sources is very insignificant as compared to the continued rising cost of living experieiced in both irban and rural areas. If we accept the concept that the introduction of cash economy brought many changes in Ghana, thei one of the major effects it had on rural Frafra and many other places, was to set in motion chain 119 migration, sparked off by an embryo of organized involuntary moverents. Since the colonial period, the need for modern consumer goods of all types, which have not eluded any hamlet in Ghana,has increased the importance of the possession of cash. Even as early as the 19303 there was already the pressing need for actual cash and modern consumer goods in Frafra as this observation by Fortes suggests: "Nowadays a common form of independent labour and enter- prise by young men is to go south for a season or longer. The chief economic stimulus for this is the desire for money to buy clothes or to make certain of payment of pride-price for a wife. A father is not bound to pro- vide his sons or any other dependeit with clothes. These yomg men go in the dry season carrying crates of fowls to sell or seeking 'white man's work'" (Fortes, 1949, p. 206). The perceitage distribution of mages earned in present occupation (Table 5.5) shows quite clearly that only a few people had paid jobs--l7.l and 11.9 for stayers and intending migrants, respectively. Also, analysis by actual occupations revealed that apart from elerentary school teachers, two nurses, and one accomtant, all the occupations were of the unskilled type. This was more appareit with the occupational types of the few intending migrants wfo had paid jobs. The actual wages earned per month are also indicative of the low level or menial nature of these jobs because today the standardized minimum wage in the public sector is about (£30.00 per month. We also have to note the low earning 3Where a family has no cattle to pay for any dowry, actual cash is sought for this purpose. 'nie cash when acquired can be used to purchase cattle or many parent-in- laws will accept the cash value. (11 the whole, many families prefer cattle to cash, because animals received may also l’elp in paying off dowry for a member of the family. Thus, it is canton for ownership of a umber of cattle to change from family to family. 120 capacity of the intending migrants which suggests that an individual who has a good paid job at home is unlikely to migrate imiless transferred by his employer. Also, there were fewer intending migrants in paid jobs than the stayers and this is a pointer to the fact that the demand for actual cash earning capacity is one of the strongest motives today for migrating from home. Table 5.5. Perceitage Distribution of Wages Earned per D’bnth from Present Occupation in the Holeland. Wages Earned Stayers Intending Migrants 1. Less than $20.00 0.5 1.6 2. $20.00 - $25.00 3.9 2.7 3. $26.00 - $30.00 3.6 2.2 4. $31.00 - $35.00 3.1 3.2 5. $36.00 - $40.00 2.6 2.2 6. $41.00 - $50.00 1.9 0.0 7. Fire than $50.00 1.5 0.0 8. Not Reported/No Answer 3.0 0.0 9. Not in any Wage Employment 79.9 88.1 Total 100.0 100.0 N 423 184 ReSpondeits wto were farmers were asked to g! and give an approxi- mation of the amual income value of what they derived from their farms (Table 5.6). Altlough these figures could be guess work and are probably not very accurate, they do give an idea that on the wlole farming does not provide much either, to farmers in Frafra area. These figures were based on all possible products from the farm but it is possible that these might not necessarily have been sold by the farmers. for real cash. [I I I“, 121 Table 5.6. Percentage Distribution of Estimated Income From Farms per Annum in the Homeland. Income Stayers Intending Migrant 1. Less than $50.00 15.4 13.6 2. $51.00 - $100.00 16.8 13.1 3. $101.00 — $200.00 3.8 1.6 4. $201.00 — $300.00 1.0 0.5 5. $301.00 - $400.00 0.2 0.5 6. NOt Reported 26.5 22.3 7. Has No FarmVland 36.4 48.4 Total 100.0 100.0 N 423 184 To many farmers, the farm is more of a symbolic income source (supplying family'food needs) rather than a real income source, therefore other channels of Obtaining actual cash have to be sought. A.further analysis on these farmers showed that a few full-time farmers who work on their own farms participate in migration (Table 5.7) . Farmers who work on family farms are more likely to move (32 percent of intending migrants as compared with 21 percent of the stayers). Again, the role of lack of a job or land to farm in pushing people away from home is reflected in the figures for the response, "not in a.paid job or none of the above." The figures for part-time farmers can possibly mean two things. First, we can assume that most of the paid workers usually maintain a fanm.in addition to the regular occupation.in.order to meet some of the food needs of their families. This is a common practice in Northern Ghana. Secondly, it can also be inferred that although sole 122 people work on farms, they may regard it as a teiporary occupation or an activity below their level of job aspirations, or expectations. On the whole, the proportion of intending migrants who were engaged in some form of farming were less than the proportion of the stayers. This can be explained by the fact that most of the intending migrants were middle-school leavers or had some form of education and these usually disassociated themselves from farm activities. As a matter of fact, it is the search for white-collar jobs which usually drives many educated people out of the rural environment. Table 5.7. Percentage Distribution of Full-time and Part—time Farmers in the Homeland. Category of Farmer Stayers lvbvers 1. On my own farm-full time 32.81 10.91 2. On family (group) farm-full time 20.80 ‘ . 32.02 3. Part-time farmer on own or family farm 10.87 10.33 4. Wage Occupation only or none of the above 33.81 44.02 5. Not reported 1.89 2.72 Total 100.00 100.00 N 423 184 Note: Total engaged in some form of farming-4, 2 and 3 64.48 53.26 To many intending migrants, the home area has few jobs to offer then as corpared to what they expect to find at the destinations. Sixty-nine percent of then considered this as the most important factor 0‘ 4 u '- 123 for looking elsewhere for jobs (Table 5.8). With the increasing number of youths who pass out from elementary school in the rural areas (where there is no adequate provision for absorbing them into the labor market) out—migration rates will continue to rise in the Frafra area. Back home, people with little or no education are disadvantaged because the few jobs available, especially in the public sector, usually go to the educated. The level of competition for jobs at home is even made higher by the fact that some of these are held by people from other regions who were either transferred there or who moved to Frafra on their own accord before being erployed. There are better educational facilities in the areas these workers come from so they stand better chances of obtaining jobs than unskilled Frafra people. This is one aspect of the spirit of natioralism in Ghana--there is no regionalism or, to some extent, there is less tribalism in the labor market--which is a very good development for welding the people together. What is important, perhaps, is the provision of jobs in the rural areas to absorb the mnerous middle-school leavers or the increasing number of people released from the agricultural sector as a result of over-crowding and consequently lack of land. We also have to realize that many rlral people are aware of the fact that most of the jobs in the urban environment favor the mskilled person. In that respect, lack of education is no hinderance to migra- tion. As a matter of fact, the need to be enlightened has often been one of the important factors pushing people out of the rural environment. Those who complained of raving little education could be the elementary school drop-outs, or the few middle-school leavers, who at form have to were “I § 0“; 124 compete with secondary and college leavers in a tight labor market. Responses three and four in Table 5.8 are all related to the lack of jobs at home, but response five does suggest that some paid workers migrate with the expectation of obtaining higher paid jobs at the destinations, most likely in the private sector. Table 5.8. Reasons for Failure to Obtain Jobs in Horeland by Intending Migrants Reasons First Second Third Value for all Reason Reason Reason Three Ctoices 1. There are no jobs available 68.5 3.8 0.0 72.3 2. I have little education 9.8 0.0 0.0 9.8 3. Employers do not want to hireme 7.1 0.5 0.5 8.1 4. labor Office not doing its best 4.4 2.2 1.1 7.7 5. Wages are too low 5.4 0.0 0.0 5.4 6. Others-~1’Iiscellaneous 4.9 1.6 1.6 7. No answer 0.0 91.9 96.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 300.0 N 184 184 184 It is generally accepted in the literatire that income factors play a major role in the migration process, but to what extent has not yet been established (Caldwell, 1969; Knight, 1967 ; Beals and others, 1967) . It has been suggested that the difficulty in studying ecoranic factors in rural-urban migration is three fold (a) measurement of the relevant rural ireome, (b) measurement of the relevant urban incore and (c) comparing the two incomes (Byerlee, 1972). Knight has deionstrated 125 clearly the problems involved in comparing rural and urban incomes especially in developing countries like Ghana where records are rather few. As he observed, . .we need a fine classification of rural and urban incomes by all the socio-economic characteristics which distinguish migrants and nonmigrants; both for rural and urban pOpulations as a whole, and also for intending rural and recent (urban) migrants" (Knight, 1972, p. 208). During the research period, it was rather difficult to obtain detailed data on incomes in rural and urban areas in Ghana, in order to compare incomes in Frafra with what prevails at the destinations. However, the results of surveys carried out in 1961-62 on expenditures of urban and oral households in Ghana and in 1967 on income of urban and rural households in Eastern Region, which were used by Knight in his paper, do help to give a general picture of what prevails in Ghana (refer to Appendix 4(a) and 4(b) for tables). Here, only the salient points as they pertain to the present discussion will be given. In terms of rural-imban income differentials as depicted by the 1967 survey, Knight observed that (a) urban income per household was 13 percent greater than rural income per household (line 1) , but the income of the household head alone was 31 percent greater (line 2) owing to the larger contribution of other household members in rural areas (line 3, 4, 16) . (b) The average income of household heads exclusively engaged in one occupation at the urban ceiters was 33 percent higher than rural counterparts (lines 17 and 10). (c) Comparing the income of household heads exclusively engaged in wage employment in the towns to those in full—time farming in oral areas, we find a differential of 39 percent (lines 10, 13) . He added that this figure could be a little misleading 126 because of the problems in computing the actual income contribution of farming. The urban income is still 30 percent more than the rural income even whe'i we exclude from such a comparison people educated beyond pri- mary school, because in Ghana household income increases sharply with education of the household head (line 32) (Knight, 1972, pp. 209-212). With reference to the table on expenditure levels in Ghana, Knight rerarked that . .consumption per household was higher by one-third in urban than in oral households.. . .there was consid- erable regional variation in mean expenditure within both the urban and the rural areas; the figure for Northern Region being half that for Accra in the former case, and half that for Ashanti in the latter. . .it might be argued that these differentials reflect not a higher standard but a higher cost of living: urban prices are expected to be higher, particularly in the case of food and housing" (Knight, 1972, p. 209). Knight suggested that the economic sturcture of the Eastern Region is "fairly typical of the country as a whole," it must be pointed out that if similar figures were available for Northern Ghana for both rtral and urban sectors, incomes will be relatively lower than those for the Eastern Region. There will be income differentials between rural and urban areas in Northern Ghana , but a comparison between rural incomes in the North with those in towns and cities in the destination regions will be higher than the average differeitials found in the Eastern Region. Tables 5.5 and 5.6 together depict the low income earning capacity of people in rural Frafra whether in paid jobs or full-time farmers . If education tends to make income increase sharply, then the Frafra area is disadvantaged because of the low 127 level of education. When respondents were asked to estimate their monthly household incomes, most of them had no idea how much they make in a month, particularly the farmers. On the whole, it is not easy to compare rural and urban incomes because of (a) the lack of the necessary data, (b) the effect education attainment has on levels of wages and salaries, (c) the problems of computing actual farm incomes, (d) the computation of family expendi- ture, (e) the highly fluctuating nature of both the rural and urban labor markets, especially the latter, (f) different levels of cost of living, usually higher in the towns and cities, (g) computation of the actual flow of income between urban and rural areas, etc. It is quite legitimate, however, to assume that there is a wide gap between income earned in rural areas and wl'at is earned in urban centers and other islands of substantial economic activity. This gap teids to be wider when there is an attempt to compare incoies in rural northern Ghana and those of urban areas in the better developed southern part of Ghana. Many people in rural Ghana are aware of this income differential and will face the costs and risks of migration to move out in search of jobs. An important factor in the decision to move will largely depend on perceived income and the employment opportunities in the urban areas (Byerlee, 1972). The importance of information flow in the migration process was stressed earlier. It is sufficient to note here that with an established chain migration in Frafra, and consequently an on-going mechanism of sound knowledge of opportunities elsewhere, through rural-urban links, many people move without real information or a promise about jobs (Table 5.9) . A majority of them actually leave 128 home hoping for the best on arrival at the destinations. The table suggests that more people nowadays have some information about jobs before moving than did people in the past. Improved transportation and communication systems in Ghana facilitate easy movements of people, flow of information and exchange of letters. It is not surprising that more people receive sound information about a job before moving. Table 5.9. In Deciding to Migrate Did You Have Any Information About a Job? Response Intending Recent Migrants Migrants Yes 25.0 11.8 No 73.4 84.3 Not Reported 1.6 3.9 Total 100.0 100.0 N 184 434 Of those who had information about a job, the most helpful source was friends and family members (Table 5.10). The labor office or recruiting agents were poor sources of job information. Apart from the occasional recruitment efforts of the mines, there is actually no other organized recruiting system in Frafra. Only a few relied on newspapers which is not surprising because a majority of them are illiterates. Classified job advertisements in the newspapers are usually streamlined for people with education so even the few middle-school leavers will not find newspapers very helpful as a source for securing jobs. Inter- personal relationships are by far the most important in seeking a job. 129 Table 5.10. Percentage Distribution of Sources of Information About a Job. Source Inteiding Recent Migrants Migrants 1. Family Members 13.1 7.4 2. Friends 9.2 3.3 3. Labor Recruiting Agents 0.0 0.2 4. Labor Office in Bolgatanga 1.1 0.0 5. Newspaper 1.1 0.2 6. Other 0.5 0.7 7. Not Reported 1.6 3.9 8. Did not have any Information 73. 4 84. 3 Total 100 . O 100. O N 184 434 People may move without any promise or somd information about a job. Nonetheless, they have an idea of the types of jobs they are likely to find at the destinations (Table 5.11). These target occupa- tions, as can be seen, are all of the unskilled type, except teaching, nursing, bookkeeping and typing. The field research has slown that these are most of the occupations in which many Frafra migrants at the destinations are elgaged. It stands to reason that just as chain migration continues to attract people out of Frafra, it has also led to the concentration of clan members or ethnic members in specific occupations. The table for expected incomes (Table 5.12) depicts the high level of expectations rural people have about the migrating process . Even thoxgh some of then were not in paid jobs at home, they had an 130 Table 5.11. Perceitage Distribution of Target Occupations of Intending Migrants Still at Home. Occupations Percemtage N [\J General Laborer H F Hous ekeeper-Cook, maid, etc . Farm Laborer Waiters in Restaurants, etc. H H Teachers Petty Trader . Mechanics—Repairman . Carpenter KOOONOUTDUJNp—a . Policemen/ Soldiers H O . Transport, ticket seller . Bookkeeper, Clerk . Tailor, Dressmaker . Typist . Nurse t—‘t—‘f—‘l—‘t—J mwar-I . Religious Occupation H Ch . Driver . No Idea, No Answer fiOOOOOOI—‘Hl—‘t—‘HNU'I H \l Total 100 . N 184 131 idea of hOW‘mUCh they were hoping to earn per month. Furthermore, if‘we compare Table 5.12 with the figures of Table 5.5, it will be realized that a greater proportion of the intending migrants gave expected.incomes which were higher than what people were receiving at home. This goes to prove the earlier contention that rural people, by and large, are aware of the prevailing rural-urban income differentials. Of course, some of the expected incomes are higher than what the target occupations will actually give, especially those expected incomes which are above $40.00 a month. As a result of these perceived incomes (which are higher than what prevails in rural areas) people will face any risks and cost of moving in order to obtain the target opportunities. Definitely, not everybody will have these aspirations fulfilled on arrival at the destinations, but this is quite a different dimension and will be covered in Chapter VI. Table 5.12. Percentage Distribution of Expected Income Per Month at Destinations by Intending Migrants Still at Home. Income Percent Income Percent 1. Less than $20.00 4.9 5. $36.00 - $40.00 14.2 2. $20.00 - $25.00 0.5 6. $41.00 - $50.00 1.6 3. $26.00 - $30.00 27.7 7. Mere than $50.00 0.5 4. $31.00 - $35.00 16.3 8. No Idea 34.3 Total 100.0 N 184 132 The Role of Noneconomic or Socio-Cultural Factors According to Prothero, the glamor of the distant towns to mal people should be considered as one of the major motivating factors in addition to economic need (Prothero, 1957, p. 434). The better facilities in the urban centers definitely attract a considerable number of the migrants from Frafra homeland (responses; "to enjoy better social life;" "to know the South" and part of the 'Miscellaneous--0thers" in Tables 5.3 and 5.4). Taking the figures for these responses the attraction of the South as a social phenomenon, is the second most important factor, after economic considerations, which motivates people to leave the rural environment. The better social life referred to, include facilities such as, better housing, medical and health facilities, better transportation system, good water supply, good lighting--electricity, better market facilities, etc. Apart from these, there is a host of different types of entertainment (bars, cinemas, dances, women's clubs, good soccer matches, recently, television, etc.) which are not usually available in the rural environment. For example, one of the migrants interviewed in Accra left Frafra in order to watch an international soccer match between Nigeria and Ghana in Accra in 1960. He is still there without having made even one single visit back home. Towns are also centers for kmwledge acquisition. Many migrants leave home with the hope that they will enlighten themselves by staying in the towns or possibly receive or improve upon their education and skills. The desire to learn spoken English (pidg‘n English), spoken Hausa or any of the Southern languages, especially Akan, is usually 133 one of the motivating factors to many migrants for making the trip to the South. The consistent importance of the attraction of the destirations, as mentioned by the respondents in the tables, may even suggest that it is at times the underlying factor for most of the movenents out of Frafra. At times, we need caution in interpreting the response "In Order to Seek a Job or for Economic Reasons" when we are trying to explain the processes of the decision to migrate. It is true that many people in the Frafra area, or for that matter, in the whole of Northern Ghana, are not completely opposed to their sons or relatives migrating to the South. Nonetheless, the fact also stands that since labor move- ments became prevalent in many areas in the North, the migrant has been, and is, regarded as one who has run away from his rural social responsi- bilities. Migants are very much aware of this. Consequently, to minimize the effects of or in order to counteract the accusations that they left home because they were lazy or disobedient, migrants would in most cases endeavor to prove that they moved in order to be industrious or because they were already industrious. It is usually after careful interviewing that the actual motives for the departure would be given. One migrant conpared his position with mine when he said, "You people attending schools in the South are alright. As for us, we are regarded as ‘taa-bu usi'4 people at home." Generally, the student in any institution of learning has a respectable or a more acceptable image at home than the average migrant whom he might be staying with in the same tOWl'l. l"I‘aa-bu usi is a Hausa word meaning a person who has no respect for authority (his elders) or has ro purpose in life or generally one who has failed in life. b.“ a; w (I. 134 Age, Sex, Marital Status and the Decision to Migrate There is a general agreerent in the African migration literature that, just as in other parts of the world, migration is highly selective with regard to age, sex, education, occupational contrasts, conjugal condition, family responsibility, position in the family and the economic characteristics of individuals (Caldwell, 1969; Prothero, 1968; Hance, 1970; Southall, 1961). This research had the advantage of compiling data on different categories of people at home and at the destinations. later in the aralysis (Chapter VI), there will be a full discussion of all the migrants already at the destinations. Chapter V is a focus on some of the factors which cause people either to move or stay at home. Hence for this section, it was decided to concentrate on the characteristics of only intending migrants still at home; recent migrants who have been at the destinations for between 0 and 5 years; and the stayers where necessary.5 To use data on migrants who have been at the destinations for more than five years in order to determine the general character- istics of movers is to suggest that migrants are not affected by what goes on in their new environments. This is far from being right, because although sex coxposition may be constant, age, educational or literacy achievenents, occupational contrasts, conjugal conditions, income and property characteristics, etc. all tend to change with time. It is true that a migrant can have any of these characteristics changed 5Data for all migrants have been used in this chapter only where the time element may have no serious effects, for example, refer to Table 5.3. 135 within five years, but at least the period is not so long that it will create many distortions. At least, a five year period is sufficient enough to enable us to make a meaningful conparative analysis between what goes on now and say five years ago. The characteristics of migrants who have been at the destinations for more than five years will be discussed in Chapter VI and this should shed sone light on the periods beyond five years. It is mostly the young, especially those between 15-25 years who migrate. In general, it is predominantly the men who continuously participate in these moverents from home. Of the intending migrants, 87 percent were male and 13 percent female, while 78 percent and 22 percent of the recent mnigrants were male and fenale, respectively. Those who had no plans to move (stayers) were 75 percent male and 25 percent ferale (Table 5.13) . This same table also gives the ages by sex of the three categories of people. The absence of any significant number of movers (intending and recent migrants) beyond age 45 years old is quite obvious from the table. Since it is predominantly the young people (ages 15-25 years) who are more prone to move than all other age groups, tine propensity to migrate tends to decrease with increasing age. According to Thomlison, moving is easier for the young because usually social ties are not well established, commitments are fever and weaker and the spirit of independence prevails (Thomlison, 1965) . In recent years, as a result of education and the whole attributes of modernization, the spirit of independence in youths has risen at such an unprecedented rate, that rowadays many of then leave home without any permission. Although it is mostly the young who move, 136 at times a few people aged 45 years and over join the migration stream to the South (Table 5.13) . Table 5.13. Percentage Distribution of Age by Type of Migrant and Sex (Aged 15 and over). .Age Group ‘Migrant Category and Sex Sta ers Intending Recent Migrants Male Ferale Male Fenale Male Ferale 15-19 years 2.3 2.0 15.0 2.9 19.3 3.1 20-24 years 10.0 2.3 26.1 8.1 34.5 12.0 25-34 years 19.5 11.0 30.0 1.0 20.2 4.0 35-44 years 13.0 2.6 12.0 1.1 1.5 2.0 *Tbtal Aged 15-44 years 44.8 17.9 83.1 13.1 75.5 21.1 45-54 years 7.1 6.1 3.8 0.0 1.0 0.5 55-64 years 12.0 1.0 0.0 0.0 1.4 0.0 65 and over 11.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.5 0.0 *Tbtal Aged 45 and over 31.2 7.1 3.8 0.0 2.9 0.5 Total 75.0 25.0 86.9 13.1 78.4 21.6 Grand Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 423 184 434 *SUbtotals An explanation for the migration of people aged 45 years and over can be a function of return migration in the first place, and then secondly as a by-product of the exodus of bread-winners from the home- land. Return migration which will be given more attention in Chapter VII is a well established phenolenon in Frafra, and there is an apparent relationship between the number of trips to the South and age. A person who has reached 40 years and has never migrated, more often than not, .. J l, a». 0-. s “on L." 1.! ‘1) (n 137 is reluctant to join the migration stream unless forced to do so by catastrophic circumstances such as expulsion from ancestral land; the loss of all property, extreme perceptual thrusts of being haunted by witchcraft, etc. These are rather rare, but even when they do occur the built in "social security" for all family or clan members in the African extended family system provides some measures of extenuating the effects of such unfortunate occurences. The returned migrant on the other hand, is aware of the destination areas, and has a perceived value for migration. Moreover, he has already developed a social net- work of relationships at these destinations. Therefore he can decide to join the migration stream at any time regardless of his age. The second explanation for the moverent of people aged 45 years and over is the fact tlat since more people stay at the destinations for long periods without returning home, it is not uncommon for aging parents who need immediate srpport from their children to move to the South and live with their bread/timers. This is more apparent if such an old person happens not to be a head of any clan or the extended family. For instance, during the research period one old man (60+) explained his move to Kumasi in 1972. After the death of his wife in 1970 he found life very difficult to live alone since all his six sons were migrants in the South. He could no longer work on his farm and he did not want to continue depending on outside family support either. Therefore he billed himself on the first son, whom he said "can decide to keep me or throw me out, it is between him and God," here stressing on the social responsibility of the son. Of course, he is quite comfortable since the other five sons contribute towards his upkeep. 138 A third possible explanation is related to medical care. There is the general belief in these rural areas that medical facilities are far better developed in the cities and towns than in the small settle- ments. This is generally true because most of the well equipped and staffed hospitals and related establishments are in the towns and cities. Thus people, including the elderly, will travel from the North to rela— tives residing at the destinations for medical treatment. The factors for the primary move are one thing and quite another when we consider those for the return trip home. Hence, those who first set out for medical reasons could end up joining the urban population for quite a long time. With the fee older people joining the migration stream for diverse reasons, one wonders whether long distance residential mobility, might rot be developing in Ghana, and quite possibly in other parts of Africa. It is not a far-fetched idea to think of residential mobility in Africa as being quite common say 50 or 60 years hence, especially if we consider the role of education and the growing waves of nationalism. This is already happening in regions where there are high rates of urbanization, coupled with high standards of education and national occupational placement policy. Turning to migration selectivity by sex, there were few women who moved out of Frafra (Table 5.13) . The journey to the destinations involve rather long distances, therefore it is difficult for some men to migrate with their wives or for women to move on their own. Generally, there are limited professional or job opportunities for women in many urban centers, except the "oldest profession" (prostitution) in which quite a fez wonen get engaged in the towns. But the fact that prostitutes have a long way to gain acceptance in society leaves the woman who takes u ‘ ma a A In PI 139 this route to survive at the urban center in a rather uncomfortable situation. Consequently, only a few girls will really be attracted to move to the city solely to engage in this type of activity. Education is a great determinant of seeming a job in marny urban areas. Until quite recently women's education level was low and only a few of them were ever enployed in administration business, banking nursing and other major jobs at the urban centers. As a result, male secretaries, male nurses (occupations dominated by females in some parts of the world) are common in Ghanaian cities and towns. Even in the "domestic service" there is not a monopoly of women in Africa as there is in Latin American urban centers. Jobs open to women in the urban centers, apart from the very few educated fenales wlo receive the same rights and remuneration as their male counterparts in Ghana, are house- maids, commerce (petty trade) seamstresses, and a few other unskilled activities related to the chores of the house. Apart from tie above reasons, in many rural areas in Ghana, the female who leaves home by herself is highly disdained, the repercussions of which could lead to direct or indirect social sanctions against her, and at times, as well as members of the extended family. A further explanation for the low level of participation of women in migration is due to the fact that most of the young male migrants are single and this invariably reduces the mmnber of female migrants. In the past, many married men moved without their wives, but this research has revealed that the situation is changing (Table 5. 14) . The proportionofmarriedmenvinomovedwiththeirwivesmorethanZO years ago was 7.2 percent, 48.3 percent about five years ago, while 140 63.2 of the married intending migrants were ready to move with their spouses . Table 5.14. For Men Who Were Married Before the Principle Move: Will You or Did You Migrate With Your Wife? Response Migrant CategoryWe Intending Recenta Intermediateb ’ Oldc Very Oldd Yes 63.2 48.3 40.3 29.2 7.2 No 36.8 51.7 59.7 70.8 92.8 Not Reported 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 87 118 88 94 42 Wlength of residence at the destinations. aRecent (0-5 years) blntermediate (6- 10 years) C01:31 (11-20 years) dVery Old (21 years and over) Chi-square test for independence was significant at less than .001 level, indicating major differences among the categories. Many reasons were given for decisions p91; to migrate with a wife. Some of these were uncertainty about jobs, lack of a supporting relative at the destinations, need for the wife to take care of the children back tome, insecurity of venturing into such faraway places with a woman; and opposition from parents and relatives. Many migrants were also quick to point out thatwl'ereas amarriedmanwhomoves alone can be flexible in the difficult urban mnillieu in terms of housing, food and clothing there is usually a multiplier factor to the problem if 141 such a person must support his wife. Those who migrated with wives often gave almost the opposite of the above, but an important develop- ment nowadays is that young married couples insist on being together. This might suggest that, the longer the marriage, and, of course, the number of children in the family, the more likely the wife will be left at home in the North only to be brought later on to the destination, especially when the husband decides to be away for a long period of time. Where it is a polygamous family, and the man decides to migrate, it is usually the junior wife who might get invited to move with the husband. On the whole, polygamy tends to anchor people to the rural environment. This might have sorething to do with age because young people seldcmn have more than one wife except in a few cases where the young man is from a well-to-do famnily. The number of female migrants Ias increased in recent years because of the increasing number of girls who are not sent to sclnool. If there are no jobs available at here, on the completion of their elementary education, quite a few such girls move to the South in search of jobs. With the developed transportation system linking the North and the South, coupled with the long standing of chain migration in Frafra, most of the risks in woren travelling by themselves have been eliminated. Another factor in the past which made sore married migrants leave their wives back home was the readiness of relatives and fiiends in the home area to provide support for the families left behind. For some time now, the cost of living in Ghana has been rising, not only in the urban centers, but also in all the rural sectors of the country. ‘E? (I) 1|! I’ll 142 Poor harvests and consequently scarcity of food due to the unreliable nature of rains are common in Frafra area and other parts of Northern Ghana. The echoes of these problems are getting to the very foundation of society, the extended family system. Consequently, quie a few people are very reluctant to take on added responsibilities as a measure of "social" support for a relative. As a result, a married man who intends to migrate has to leave sufficient financial or otherwise support behind for his family or take them along. Even in the past, as manny respondents explained in both the homeland and at the destin- ations, there were a few occasions when a man with sore children moved with the wife or was joined later by only the wife while the children were left home with relatives. Today relatives seldom will accept such a responsibility, unless, of course, it is a v_ery close relation- ship (e.g. , father-son, especially if it was a family planned trip; brother-brother, brother-sister, etc.) and particularly if those left at home are assured of continuous help from the migrant while at the destinations. A man determnined to move and who has no relative to support the family back hone has no choice but to take them along. Nowadays, we are beginning to see a new pattern involving the moverent of a few nuclear families including children. . On the other hand, the high cost of living in rural areas is also restricting, in one way or another, the migration of some married men especially when there are several children in the family. Whereas in the past such a person could move and leave the fannily behind in the care of relatives, it is now becoming increasingly difficult to find such proxy parents. 143 Education Numerous studies in Africa and elsewhere lave demonstrated that there is a direct relationship between education and the propensity to migrate. Caldwell, for instance, found out that in Ghana the proportion of adult male respondents who had never migrated or had plans to migrate was 65 percent among those with no education, 59 percent for those with limited primary education, 38 percent for tlose with extended primary and middle sclooling and 17 percent for those with secondary or university education (Caldwell, 1969, Table 3.3). In other parts of Africa, such as Kenya and Tanzania, similar results have been reported, especially in Tanzania where Sabot". indicated that migration selectivity by educational achievenent has increased in recent years (Renple, 1971, and Sabot, 1972). Margaret Peil found that in Ghana the preference for farming and manual work declines with education while the attraction of clerical, professional and commercial occupation increases (Peil, Margaret, 1971) . Thus, formal schooling turns people from rural areas towards town life and urban occupations. An examination of the educational achievemens of Frafra migrants will reveal the insignificant role education plays in directly pushing people from the homeland to the towns. Although at the national level (as found by Caldwell) education might be important, we will need to re-exanine its real inflnence in a basically rural area which since the 19303 has been a labor reservoir. Most of the respondents interviewed have never been to school-~80.4 percent, 53 percent and 61.3 percent of the stayers, intending migrants 144 and recent migrants, respectively (Table 5.15). The proportion of respondents with past education was 19.6 percent for the stayers, 47.3 percent for the intending migrants and 37.4 percent for the recent migrants. The majority of these migrants with sone form of education were those with past middle school education. Table 5.15. Percentage Distribution of the Educational Achieverents of Respondents. Responses Migrant Categories A B C 1. Never been to school 80.4 52.7 61.3 2. Primary school 1.7 4.9 12.4 3. Middle school 9.9 31.4 23.9 4. Secondary 2.8 7.6 0.9 5. Other Vocational Training 0.7 1.6 0.2 6. University Training 0.2 0.0 0.0 7. Teachers Training College 4.3 1.8 0.0 Total with past or present education 19.6 47.3 37.4 8. Not reported 0.0 0.0 1.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 423 184 434 Key for Migrant Categories: A - Stayers--will not move B = Intending Migrants C = Recent Migrants at destinations (0-5 years length of residence) . (be possible explanation for the high rate of mobility out of Frafra, despite the low level of education, is the nature of the labor 145 market. Throughout the colonial period and in the independence era, especially the former, most of the jobs in the mines, urban centers, on the farms and in the factories were of the unskilled type. Until quite recently, successful middle school leavers were not attracted to some of these unskilled positions in the labor market to the advantage of the uneducated. Despite the increased number of educated people since the mid-60$, some jobs like seasonal migration to cocoa farms and many other menial jobs in the towns will continue to be the monopoly of the uneducated. This is because education tends to turn people away from such 13w level jobs. The preponderance of people with no formal educa- tion can further be explained by the fact that in rural areas, especially where a momentum of migration has been established, people will move to the urban centers in order to enlighten themselves . Others may move in order to improve their education if they happen to be primary or middle school drop outs (refer to Tables 5.3 and 5.4). This enlighten- ment could range from the acquisition of another language-spoken English, spoken Hausa, Akan or any of tlne Southern Ghanaian 1anguages--to formal training leading to proficiency in a specific skill. Though the above is very true in recent years, say the past five years or so, education is definitely becoming an important factor in the decision to migrate in Frafra. As indicated in Table 5.15, the proportion of educated among the intending migrants was more than that of the recent migrants . If we compare the proportion of educated recent migrants with figures for the intermediate, old and very old migrants, we will realize that the number of literates in the migration stream has been increasing steadily, especially since the sixties. The 146 introduction of compulsory free elenentary education for all chilch‘en over six years old in Ghana6 in the sixties has not been matched in the rural areas nor the urban centers with the provision of job opportunities. Generally, boys and girls who receive formal education in the rural areas tend to be out of touch with what is going on around them because of the more hours spent in school. Consequently, boys and girls who have been to school regard themselves as misfits in the social or occupational structure of the rural environment. Since their numbers have increased with this education policy, conpled with the lack of jobs for them, such youths lave flocked to the urban centers . Related to education is the ability to speak English, and literacy either in English alone or any of the Ghanaian languages. Caldwell found literacy and spoken English to have a strong effect on the tendency to move to the toms . It is quite obvious that sore of the respondents who reported that they had never been to school, had some knowledge of spoken English (Tables 5.15 and 5.16) . Young people who drop out of school—-whether primary or middle school--are more likely to move to the towns than their illiterate counterparts . Even some of the students or "scholars" of the mass education program instituted in the North to raise the literacy rate, took advantage of what they acquired as a basis for migrating. English is the "lingua franca" in Ghana and the medium of instruction in all Ghanaian schools. 6In 1962 the Ghana Parliament passed an act requiring all children in Ghana above six years old to be sent to school. No fees were to be paid by parents for their children in primary and middle schools. 147 All government and private businesses are transacted in the English language. It is against this background tlat one has to evaluate the importance of education, literacy and the possession of spoken English in the decision to migrate. Whereas in the past, the low level of education in Frafra meant that there were few literates who participated in migration, the expanded educational program in Giana since the sixties on the other hand has resulted in the increase of educated youths in the migration stream. Table 5.16. Percentage Distribution of the SpOken.English Proficiency of Respondents. Responses Migrant Categories A B C 1. None 72.1 46.8 54.8 2. Fair 13.7 24.5 20.3 3. Good 11.4 24.5 18.2 4. Very Good 2.8 4.4 5.4 Sub-Total--Good and Very Good 14.2 28.9 23.6 5. Not Reported 0.0 0.0 1.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 423 184 _ 434 Key for Migrant Categories: A = Stayers-~will not move B = Intending Migrants C = Recent Migrants at destinations (0—5 years length of residence). 148 The Importance of Clan and Farily System in the Migration Process It has been noted that the typical extended African family system prevails and inheritance is patrilineal and patrilocal. Also, when we discussed the role of information flow in the migration process we noted the importance of friends and relatives. Here, we will try to identify some of the immediate factors related to the clan and kinship system which directly or indirectly affected migration. As already mentioned, the tenurial system in Frafra is such that alloidal rights are vested in the chief priest (tendana) but in reality it is individual fanilies who own and farm the land (Fortes, 1945, p. 177) . With increased population, the limited land has often not been available to everybody and therefore prospective landless people usually move to the South. It was also noticed in the field that in many of the honeland villages the land available for actual farming has been reduced by such factors as soil erosion, rock outcrops, the modern infrastructure-roads, the built-up areas of towns, schools, expanding real-urbanization, etc. As a result, there is under utilization of the manpower in the very densely populated areas. From time immenorial the clan or kinship system has encouraged the fixation of many families on ancestral lands, especially in the recent past. Hence, many programs to resettle Frafra farilies in other unoccupied areas of the North have failed. On the other hand, as mentioned in an earlier chapter, the people have found migration to the South as a means to ease this congestion problem. Just as the dynamics of kinship ties have kept Frafra on ancestral lands, such relationships have also been a big factor in the birth of chain migration here. A person 149 who has relatives already in the South is more likely to move than one wlo has none. Caldwell rerarked that even visits to the towns, which often precedes more permanent migration, by families without relatives already living there were practically urnknown (Caldwell, 1969, pp. 80-81). Back in the 19308' Fortes found that among the Talensi alone about one man in three had at some time or other in the past decades visited the South. It is therefore understandable why the 1960 census reported that 30.5 of Frafra men and 14 percent of their women were away from home (Fortes, 1945, p. 10). With many Frafra migrants residing in the South and highly dispersed throughout Ghana, intending migrants have a wide range of spatio—temporal choices. More often than not, many will move to areas where they are assured at least of maximum social snpport from fiiends and relatives during the early part of their stay at the destinations. Another important aspect of the lineage system is the patrilineal and patrilocal inheritance in Frafra. This means that inheritance is through the male line of the farily and by generations and age. This is quite a common practice in the Mole-Dagban cultural area. For instance, the autlor is older than some of his uncles (brothers to his father) but they occupy higher positions in the hierarchy of inheriting patrilocal leadership in the extended fanily. The stage of inheritance in the extended family will not pass to the author's generation until all male members of his father's generation die. This has many implications for structural relationships in the society, especially between brothers , cousins and other consanguineous relatives. A sensible family head can develop a strong family unity, 150 especially one who has a well-balanced relationship with all members. By the same token, a selfish family head or one who has no self- discipline can bring disunity between himself and other members of the family. When such disunity occurs, old members of tie extended family with established nuclear families of their own are more unlikely to move than say young meters in the extended family. With a sound perception of a better and "free" place away from home, many such discontented young men will migrate. There were quite a few respondents at the destinations who indicated that they moved because of this factor. Fortes found this to be the situation in the 19303: "When young men who have been abroad, working in Ashanti or the Colony for a period of years are questioned about their motives for leaving home, the comonest reason they give is the death of a parent. 'My father died, and my junior father took over the house and so I went away' is the usral formula. One soon discovers that there was always some tension and often friction between the youth and his father's brother" (Fortes, 1949, p. 140). In like manner, it is possible for sons to get away from home as a result of a disagreerent between them and their parents--father or mother. On the wlole, the tendency to migrate increases, especially if the youth has lost one or both of the parents. "Where there is much friction between father and son, the son is apt to find a way out by going South; . . . the likelihood of a son's leaving tome is increased if one or both of his own parents are dead and he is living with a proxy parent" (Fortes, 1949, p. 206) . This problem has been magnified in recent years with increased education and the acquisition of secondary and tertiary roles by a few rural folks . 151 Caldwell found that there is a relationship between the number of living siblings in a family and the propensity of each to migrate to the towns. "Members of large families are more likely by randomn chance to have at least one sibling in the town. . .and persons with a close relative already in town are the most likely to migrate," he observed (Caldwell, 1969, p. 80). This was found to be the sane in the Frafra area. Over-crowding on limited cultivable land coupled with the fact that the Northern Savannas have seasonal unenployment in the dry season when there is no farm work, ras made it possible for some members of large families to move away to the towns for better job opportunities. Parents with a few children will do everything possible to keep them at home to help on the farm, though in a few instances such parents fail to keep their sons fromn moving. In an effort to find out what or win influenced their decisions to migrate, respondents were asked to indicate these in order of importance (Tables 5.17 and 5.18) . Most of the intending migrants and migrants arrived at their decision to move on their own, but the tables also emphasize the role of friends and relatives in the decision process. The tables also suggest that the proportion of migrants who leave on their own accord has increased in recent years, 88 percent for all three choices of the intending migrants or the 64 percent of the recent migrants as compared with the 56 percent of the old or the 48 percent of the very old migrants who moved on their own. This can be a function of the prevalent awareness of what is going on at the destin- ations by many people back home. Education also has influenced the number of people who leave on their own. A parent will usually not 152 oppose the migration of a son who has completed his elementary or secondary education, especially if he fails to obtain a job at home. Such a father knows that keeping him at home will only be a burden, because he will not help with the work on the farm. A father or mother, however, may be skeptical or cautious about allowing an educated girl to migrate to the towns on her own, especially if there are no relatives But his skepticism has seldom at the destinations to take care of her. prevented such girls from moving. Table 5.17. Percentage Distribution of People or Factors Who/Which Influenced the Decision of Intending Migrants to Move. Responses Mnst Second Third Accumnlative Important Factor Factor Total for Three Choices 1. (h my own 75.5 8.7 3.3 87.5 2. Father 7.6 5.4 7.1 20.1 3. Friend 5.4 14.1 6.0 25.5 4. Brother/Sister 4.9 2.7 3.3 10.9 5. Spouse-Wife/Husband 2.7 1.1 0.5 4.4 6. labor Recruiting Agent 1.1 1.1 1.6 3.8 7. Others-Miscellaneous 0.5 2.2 1.1 3.8 8. No Answer/None 2.2 64.7 77.2 144.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 300.0 N 184 184 184 The relative importance of fathers and mothers (accumlative totals) ininfluencingtheprincipalmoveassl'mninthetablescan have two possible explanations. In the first place, tension between ayouth and the parents canresult in a departure fronhone. Secondly, 153 Joe/ma So. 93 um powwomwao xflcooaacmam mug @980 .58 $5 HON monsoomwu o5 umfi gem 85.92% “Cu 993 anaemia... Ago» cm 5.5 9.85 flanked; 30 box, O 28mm» owned 5:3an mac n U Imago 3:8 359on 30895ch H m 29.80% mlov outage: unmomm u ( “gamma wo Luge E moauoomumo annoyed: MOM >mx mom mum mmm vmv mom mum mmm vmv mom msm Nmm vme z o.oom o.oom 0.00m o.o0m o.ooa o.oo~ o.oo~ o.oo~ o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooH o.ooa Hmuos om.oHH w.nm ve.m~a Hm.oma vm.mo mm.mm ~.mw Hm.an mn.mv hm.~v v~.om o.mm o.o 0.0 0.0 o.o mc02\um3m:< 02 .m mm.n mm.m om.~ Hm.~ vv.m vm.a mN.o Ho.H mo.o mh.m mm.o mm.o om.m MN.m on.a hh.o odomcmaamOnHZImumcuo .m mo.o mm.a av.a mm.a o.o vm.o mm.o m~.o o.o 0.0 m~.o mm.o mm.o vm.H mm.o mm.o unwed mcaufiduomm uonmq .n vm.om hm.mm mo.o~ vm.v~ vv.~ Ho.a ~¢.a Ho.a mm.mm Hm.mm vv.- om.om ma.a mh.m ma.m mm.~ Macao: .w mm.o~ mm.mm mm.m~ mo.vm ov.~m ~H.~m vh.o~ mm.m~ vv.~ mm.~ Ha.m mm.m mo.~ H¢.N mm.m m~.m mhmumam\mum:uonm .m mm.vm mo.mm vn.ma om.oH av.m mh.m Ha.m on.~ ma.va ow.ma mm.m mw.e mm.n on.o H~.m mm.m ucmwum .v mm.o mm.m no.n vv.m mv.o >~.o mm.o wv.o mv.o o.o o.o mo.o mm.m mo.m om.h mN.h mwa3\ocmnmomllomzonm .m no.mm mn.om Nv.mm hm.w~ wv.H HV.N on.H vm.o vv.~ av.~ VH.H Ho.H mm.vm mm.o~ mm.m~ Nv.vm Rosana .N n.hv o.mm vm.mm v.vo ov.~ mo.m Nv.a mo.a om.m av.~ mm.H mm.m mo.~v v~.om mm.vm Nm.om :30 sE :0 .H D U m 4 Q U m C D U m 4 a U m ¢ gag m MON. 309 gnogfig noooom pug Houoom 980m $3095 yoga 833m .590...“ 05 ou 5.6860: 30> chum m>Q= Mongoose 55> "Canada.“ gag? gone: no go :a 38:2: "$5323.80 um. mucokmdaéad 3on9 Gr“ \iNu 154 in some instances fathers or mothers really encouraged or helped some dependents to migrate. Parents in need of money at home may ask a son to migrate, work and earn some incore for the family. This is more prevalent with seasonal migration to the farms, whether cocoa farms or the food producing areas, than with the long period moves. As Fortes observed: "The youths who go at other times of the year are often stealing away without permission. But in the dry season, when farm work is at a stand still, a man will often give his sons permission to go South until the rains commence. Some men do so very readily in the hope that the boys will bring back money and 'things "' (Fortes, 1949, p. 206). Occasionally a son may be sent by his parents to some relatives at the destinations to bring back hone some needed help. But, as has happened in a majority of cases, such an ermisary may decide not to return tone to fulfill the purpose for which he was sent. He might go back home to satisfy the parents and then use the foundation of his exposure to the towns and migrate in due course. Spouses as an influential factor in the decision to migrate apparently refers to the wives wlo already joined their husbands at the destinations or were planning to join them, in the case of intending migrants. It can also refer to the few men who migrate owing to encouragement from their wives . Indeed, the trip to the South can be the major instrument for a marriage between a young boy and a girl. It is not uncommon for a conple to elope and steal may to the South. Of course, not all get away from forceful parents who may follow the girl or both. Quite a few are able to. "get lost" in the South until 155 they have children, at which time parents back home are forced to accept the marriage. There were some people who migrated in order to get married (Tables 5.3 and 5.4). The respondents were referring to the generally held notion that migration can better the individual's status in society thereby making marriage possible or easier. Also, some young men get away from home simply because they want to elope with another girl, especially if the parents are not in agreenent. Also there are a few girls who may actually move with the hope of getting a ”better" husband, migration again considered as a function of social mobility. Characteristics of the Migration Itself The Distance Factor and Financing the Journey This investigation is primarily concerned with long-distance migration rather than short-distance movements between settlements. Available literature all support the notion that the volume of migration tends to decrease with increasing distances. That is, transportation costs serve as a constraint on the number of people wlo will move for long distances. For all practical purposes, the research has shown that in the Frafra area the distance factor in the migration process is not a m_aj_g§_ hinderance in keeping people at home. Caldwell noticed this special case when he wrote; "Distance from the nearest large town (50,000 or more inhabitants) has a clear effect on migration among both males and females. . .as distance rises, the number of long term absentees falls steeply. Conversely, the distance the proportion who have never migrated rises 156 except for distances over 250 miles, where the special problems of the North, and the pressure to migrate from it, at least seasonally, have left their mark" (Caldwell, 1969, p. 57) . Thus as a result of the uneven distribution of resources in Chara, and the imbalances in regional economic development, people from the North will accommodate the distance factor in order to achieve their desired goals. There is no doubt that probably more people might have engaged in migrating to the South than the current numbers if the distances were short. Generally, why have the long distances not drastically reduced the number of migrants from many parts of the North? The first reason, of course, is the imbalance in regional economic development. Regions in the South are better developed than Northern Ghana and this has resulted in the generation of labor migration flows from the Northern Savannas to economic growth points in the South. Related to this is the fact that in the initial stages when migration was involuntary, laborers taken to the mines, farm or towns by the Colonial administration or mining companies, did not need to pay for transportation costs. Even when migration becare voluntary, many migrants still enjoyed travelling to the South free (without worrying about costs involved) because the companies or individuals who recruited them in the North often paid for these. The proportion of migrants whowent by this means (Employment Agent) was higher in the past than in recent years (Tables 5.19 and 5.20) . This is so because there is very little recruiting today and all migrants have to travel to the South on their own. Apart from meetirng the cost of transportation the companies and a few other private 157 Table 5.19. Percentage Distribution of How Migrants at the Destinations Financed the Journey to the South. Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 years) Migrants Migrants (0-5 years) (ll-20 years) (20+ yeas) l. Financed by self 67.1 74.7 74.5 69.8 2. Close Relatives- Parents, sister, borther, etc. 19.7 15.3 16.6 13.7 3. Husband/wife 5.5 4.0 3.0 2.9 4. Friend 6.2 4.0 2.7 3.9 5. Employment Agent 1.2 1.8 2.4 8.6 6. Not reported 1.2 1.1 0.8 1.1 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 5.20. Percentage Distribution of How Intending Migrants Will Finance Trip to the South. Responses Percent l. Financed by self 39 . 1 2. Close Relative— Father, Mother, Brother, etc. 30.4 3. Husband/wife 7 . 1 4. Friend 4.9 5. Employment Agent 0.0 6. No idea at present 16.9 7. No answer 1.6 Total 100.0 N 184 I'll III ’I 158 recruiters provided food and accommodation for the migrants during the journey and especially during the first few weeks of their stay at the destinations. It was not everybody who was recruited before the journey to the South. Such people, determined to avail themselves of the better opportunities in the South provided their own means of transportation in diverse forms. When motor transportation was not comon in Ghana, the pull of the towns was so strong that many migrants walked from Frafra to the South often covering the distances in stages until the target towns were reached. Cattle and trade routes, which were often short-cuts, were fully utilized to travel to these faraway places. During the research there were a few migrants who went to the South on foot still at the destinations. (See Jean Rouch, 1956 for a full description of these early trips on foot by migrants to the South). Of the respondents already at the destinations, it was only 3.4 percent of the old migrants (those who lave been there for more than 20 years) who went to the South on foot. The rest of the respondents indicated that they went by lorry. Today the cost of movement is met in diverse forms depending on the individual person planning the move. The improved transportation system which has made it possible for a migrant to leave Bolgatanga and reach his destination the sane day has generated easy and free movements of people. The rate of mobility is typified by tie fact that many people in the North now regard these destinations as distant markets where they travel for the purposes of buying or selling commodities. Such a trip there and back home can be done in two or three days, especially the trips to Kumasi--the central focus of migrants. 159 A majority of migrants and intending migrants indicated that they financed the trip themselves (Tables 5.19 and 5.20). Financing by oneself could involve the sale of poultry or livestock or sone crafts in order to raise the needed money for the trip. Occasionally, a few might sell some of the products harvested from the farnm, for example, groundnuts (peanuts), Frafra potatoes, vegetables, in order to provide the needed income. Today it is quite common for intending migrants to seek all types of odd jobs in Bolgatanga and in any of the rural-urban centers and thereby realize whatever money is needed for the journey. As already noted above, a few people in very low paying jobs at home may migrate with the hopes of raising their earning capacity, and such peOple find no problems in providing mnonney for the journey. Financing the trip through a close relative, a friend or a spouse are some of the sources used to raise the money for the trip. This help could be free to the intending migrant, or it could be a loan to him to be paid back later. Migration has often been regarded as an investment among many rural people. Thus, a relative will be willing to help, knowing that while the migrant is at the destination, income and other gifts will be flowing back hone to hime. When the migrant returnns home, such a relative is bound to receive something probably double or three times the value of the initial help to the migrant. Even where the money is loaned out, the party involved will do so with conplete anticipation of full payment in the future and probably with other gifts or the like. A desperate intending migrant may even give any piece of property, for example a big smock, an animal, etc. , to be held in trust by the one who loans him the money until he returns 160 the loaned sum. Generally, money borrowed may be repaid by installments or in full when the migrant gets back home from the South. In a few situations the money for the trip might be provided by relatives or friends already at the destinations. There again it could be free help or a loan that the migrant will repay it after securing a job at the destination. In many traditional areas, the extended farily system tends to make people regard formal lending and repayment to relatives as rather being in poor taste (Caldwell, 1969, p. 136). Thus many rural people will help relatives free of charge, if they can afford it, rather than give it as a loan. In some parts of Northern Ghana, for instance, it will be in very poor taste in the rural 7 .As environment, to think of borrowing money from a mother or a father. a result, quite a few intending migrants will take the monney from their parents without their prior knowledge (family stealing which, though regarded as immoral, is not as serious as taking it from a distant relative or a nonrelative). As Caldwell noted, ". . .the ease with which money could be secured from relatives varied directly with the wealtln of the region, being greatest in the South and Ashanti, not so great in Volta, and least in the North." Thus many intending migrants from the North may have to raise all their money by personal efforts since most of their relatives may be in an equally bad position (Caldwell, 1969, p. 137). 7By custom, the property of a father and a son or mother and daughter are supposed to be inseparable. Supposedly therefore money for a father belongs to the son and vice versa. Of course, all these are changing gradually as a result of the growing importance of the possession of cash. 161 There is no doubt that irncome generation in the Northern Savannas by rural people is very difficult. However, it does seem that when people are determined to migrate they will do everything possible to accrue the necessary irncone from various sources at home Financially, a majority of these people are so well prepared for the trip that some new migrants arrive at the destination with some money left (Table 5.21) . It must be pointed out that not all monies borrowed for the trip are usually repaid to the owners. Much will depend on the success of the migrant in securing a job at the destination and especially how he manages his finances. Also the length of stay at the destination ranges from a few months to mnany years, at times makirng it difficult for the patyathome to reclaimhis money. Since therearenoacceptedor established penalties for transactions of this type, especially if it involves blood relatives, the migrant can end up never paying back the money. Table 5.21. How Much boney Did you Arrive at the South with Dun-ing Your First Migration Trip? Money Arrived With Migrant Categogy Recent Intermediate 01d Very Old (0-5 Yrs) (6-10 Yrs) (ll-20 Yrs) (20+ Yrs) Less than $5.00 43.3 45.5 46.9 53.2 $6.00-$10.00 20.9 18.8 16.9 7.8 $11.00-(115.00 2.9 1.4 0.5 0.0 (116.00-$20.00 1.2 0.6 0.0 0.0 $21.00-$25.00 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 (12600413000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Did not bring any money 27.3 25.8 28.5 27.7 Not reported 4.2 7.9 7.2 11.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 162 Deciding on a Destination Considering migration in a historical perspective during the period of involuntary migration, destinations were pre-determined by the recruiting authorities for migrants. However, when it became righly voluntary, it was the migrants who mnade their own decisions, of course, depending on a number of inter-related factors, regarding the destinations to go to. When migrants were asked during the research to indicate the towns they wished to migrate to before they left home, or the target towns they intend to move to, in the case of intending migrants, they always gave the maj or towns, particularly Kumasi, Accra, Takoradi, Cape Coast, etc. , the mining towns and the other Opportunity zones (Chapter II). Kumasi, with its central location and numerous jobs in the mnodern sector to offer migrants, is still "the symbol for everything South of the Black Volta" to mnany Frafras today as it was in the 19303 (Fortes, 1959, p. ll). Accra, by virtue of its role as the capital of Ghana, has also attracted mnany Frafra migrants . The other areas have also attracted migrants, probably in proportion to the opportunities, either real or as perceived by migrants, available in them. Though inequalities in economic development in the first place sparked off labor migrantions to the South, respondents emphasized the role of relatives, friends and ethric members in drawing then to the specific destinations (Tables 5.22 and 5.23) . Intending migrants also stressed effects of chain-migration on current movements. 163 Table 5.22. Why Did You Decide to Come to this Town and Not Another (he? Responses Migrants by th of Residence Recent Intermediate* Old3" Very Old?" Migrant (6-10 Yrs) (ll-20 Yrs) (20+ Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) Relatives / friends are here 41.2 28.1 31.1 28.8 There are jobs available 20.7 33.5 31.4 37.5 My husband is here 13.8 14.2 14.5 10.7 Better social amenities 7.7 4.6 4.0 8.7 Others-Miscellaneous 4.4 4.7 5.9 2.0 On transfer brought by enployer 9.7 12.2 8.3 6.8 Not reported 2.5 2.7 4.8 5.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 *Ihe present location of these groups could have been reached after a number of stops at other places (step-immigration) . Nevertheless , the responses give an idea of some of the reasons for the choice of destinations . People back home (both stayers and intending migrants) are in constant touch with relatives and friends away from home (Table 5.24) . Ietters are the commonest type of comnmication, with intending migrants participating more in this than stayers. The visits of migrants at destinations also help to keep the rural-urban links intact. There is a general exchange of messages through others between people at bone and relatives or friends at the destinations. An important aspect of 164 these contacts is the possible numnber of visits intending migrants may actually make to the South before their final move--in Table 5.24, 13.8 percent as against 1.0 percent for the stayers. Table 5.23. Intending Migrants: Why Do You Want to Move to the Town You Have Given? (Target Town) Responses Percent Relatives/ friends are there 50.5 There are jobs available 24.6 Better social amenities 17.6 My husband is there 3.3 On transfer/not my own decision 0.5 Others- -Miscellaneous 2 .4 Not Reported 1.1 Total 100.0 N 184 Before a person leaves home he or she is aware of where all the relatives are located at the destinations. Even if he is lucky, he might travel the journey with one of such peOple (it is common for migrants to return to the South after visits with new comers). The availability of job opportunities at the destinations is important, but more important still is the assurance of oneself that accommodation, help to seek a job, etc. will be provided on arrival at the destionation. When intending migrants were asked whether they specifically informed these relatives at the destinations, of their intentions to join them the responses were 76.4 percent "No" and 23.6 percent "Yes". 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This is no unusual because in general practice seldom do people in the traditional society give any advance notices to prospective hosts about their visits. What is usually done is to cover the journey first and then on arrival present yourself to your host, and this is a well accepted social phenomenon. Insofar as potential migrants are concerned, this has an advantage. Whereas preinformation might result in a rejection, especially if the relative is facing problems at the destinations, surprise visits can have definite dividends for the individual. At least, by custom the relative is forced to provide the newcomer with free accommodation and food. Where, in extreme cases, the migrant is rot prepared to live with this newcomer, the new migrant can move on to another relative. Since movement away from home tends to unite all Frafra migrants together in the South, any ethnic member who is not even related to the newcomer in any way can come to his rescue. A further examiration of Tables 5.22 and 5.23 indicates that a few moved to their present locations because of better social amenities. Others moved there, not on their own but on transfer, i.e. , taken there by their employers. "My husband is here/ there" demonstrates quite clearly that most of the few females who move do so because of their husbands . A’ Model of the Processes of the Decision to Migrate as Presented in Chapter V. In this chapter there has been a detailed analysis of the factors 167 which make the Frafra people move or stay at home. To aid a better understanding of this important aspect of the migration system in Frafra, all the determinants of migration discussed in Chapter V have been presented as a model (Figure 15). The page facing Figure 15 explains the flow chart as presented in the model. Historical factors, forces of momentum and domestic or local environmental stresses, as already explained, are the underlying push factors of Frafra out-migration. The flow of information between the North and the South and creation of an awareness about job opportunities and better social life at the destinations, have been responsible for the continued influx of the F rafra to the South. The dynamics of the family and clan system in Frafra have helped in the creation of chain migration. The characteristics of movers indicated that it is mostly the young single males, the middle school leavers, returned migrants, the unemployed in the home area, the people without land to farm, etc. who participate in the long distance movements to the South. The role of chain migration has been to give assurance to the nee migrant about a sound survival in the urban environment. The choice of a destination, does not often depend on the opportunities there, but rather on the number of relatives living in the area. 168 NOTES ON THE MODEL OF THE PROCESSES OF THE DECISION TO MGRA'I'E--FIGURE 15 (1) Historical Factors (Al) and Domestic Envirommental Stresses (A2) together form the remote causes or underlying factors of Frafra migration. (2) Information Flow (B) is the first stage of intermediate motivation to migrate. (3) Knowledge about the destinations (C) is the second stage of inter- mediate motivation. (4) At stage D, it is assumed that almost everybody is aware of the above factors but now has to decide whether to stay at home ( ) or migrate (E ). The characteristics or reasons of the stayer and movers an some reasons for their decisions have beei given in these two boxes. (5) A stayer wishing to migrate in future could gather more information (e1) or utilize what he knows already (e2) and move in due course. (6) The intending migrant (E?) has to estimate transportation cost . and other matters related to the move (F). If he does not possess these (G ) he could go back to the stimuli stage and start all over again. On the other hand, if he has access to the variables estimated (G2) he will then decide on the destination, mode of transportation and when to depart from home (H). It is possible for a migrant or a visitor to the South to avoid planning and get to stage (H) directly from E2(f ). After Stage "H" it is possible to be stopped from migrating eigher by parents, relatives, or personal problems (sudden death in family, loss of money or change of mind). When this happens (J ), the person involved may go back to Stage E , that is, if he still wants to migrate or revert to Stage E i he has no immediate plans about moving. Where after Stage " ' the intending migrant is successful in leaving home, etc. (J 2) he then becomes a MIGRANT (K). 169 F? A MODEL OF THE PROCESSES OF THE DECISION TO MIGRATE DYNAMICS OF THE MIGRATION PROCESS- HISTORICAL FACTORS AND FORCES OF MOMENTUM (l) Colonial - Administrative. Illegal and other labor recruitment efforts Impact of Nangodi Gold Mine Impact of 2nd Horld Har Creation of Chain Migration wa vvv ENVIRONMENTAL STRESSES DOMESTIC/ LOCAL Over-population Lack of land Incidence of diseases- river blindness.etc. 6. mroaMATion now- PERCEPTION or EXTERNAL srmuu (1) Information carriers-channels A. A. (4) Low level of Econ. develop- ment and low standard of living (2) Transportation and conun- ication (3) Role of Bolgatanga C OPPORTUNITIES IN DESTINATIONS KNOWLEDGE ACQUISITION AND CREATION OF AN AWARENESS SURFACE-PERCEPTION Economic Opportunities Social Amenities Knowledge of location of relatives, etc. (4) Dynamics of Kinship ties (I (2 (3 ID STIMULI- DETERMINE: NO ESTIMATE THE FOLLOWING (I) Transportation Cost - :an y0u afford it? (2) How far do yOu want to travel - use intervening opportunities? (3) Parents/Relatives at home agreed? If not consider how you can run away. (‘I Has family meeber in South agreed? are you going in any case? (5) Travelling alone or in a grOup? (6) Any target tauns? 9! MOVER - STAYER DICHOTOMY DECISIONS TO MOVE (1) Family vie-oer in the South (2 Vaung Population - l4-45 yrs. (3 Host y Hales (4é Singles Predominate (5 Lack of land for farming (6 lnfonnation about a job (7) Educated yOung who are unemployed/ 3; YES Role of Literacy (8) Un-employed Population - not receiving wages (9) As a means of marrying (10) Lost immediate and most important parent - guardian ll Taken down by relative l2 Quarrels in Family 13 Village not far from Bolgatanga f Cursory Migrant or Visitor who might ignore planning. H STAYER (l) Very yOung or above 45 yrs. old (2) Head of family (Political or reli ious roles. etc.) 3) Avai able land a Permanent returned Migrant (5 In off-farm occupation with wages (6) Females (7) Family opposition to movement, etc. DECIDE/ACT ON THE FOLLOWING El Decide on Destination 2 Mode of transportation and date of departure (3) Make arrangements for relatives. etc. to look at family or property left behind. J1 SUCCESSFUL J. YES Board a Lorry for South. K MIGRANT Figure 15. CHAPTERVI SOCIO-ECONCMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MIGRAN'IS AT THE DESTINATIONS AND PATTERNS OF STEP-MIGRATION Town life and a continuous movement of people to the expanding towns are striking socio-economic characteristics of African populations today. The migration of people from poorly developed regions, where marginal productivity is either zero or very low, to more developed areas, suggests that such people move in order to improve their living conditions. As a whole, urban centers in Africa are characterized by a highly cosmopolitan population of different ethnic groups from varying rural backgrounds . One could broadly divide the population into "indigenous" or settler population and the "strangers." More often than not, though not the rule of thumb, the strangers are usually the migrant population in these towns. A majority of migrants in urban centers are from the rural areas Where kinship ties and other family linkages are darfinant. The systan in the rural area provides a high level of social security for the individual. It has often been pointed out that migrants leaving the rural area more or less carry the rural millieu to the urban center. They still retain their ethnic and kinship identities and the form of social organizations developed by them in the towns by and large are a 170 171 reflection of what exists at home (Little, 1965, p. 8; Gluckman, 1960, pp. 55-57). To McCall, "the towns and the countryside are inseparably interrelated; in truth, they are different aspects of the same reality-- like the two faces of a coin. The character of the town is determined, among other things, by the nature of the hinterland from which it draws its labor force and for which it acts as emporium," (1955, p. 153). On arrival at the urban center the migrant is faced with many problems such as accommodation, employment, social security in the urban milieu and in some cases language problems. Faced with these, more than likely he will look for kinship members, friends or members of his ethnic group who will provide him with the necessary help in order to survive in the difficult urban environment. Apart from this, many migrants leave the home area in grows and this means they are likely to congregate at the same place whet they arrive in the urban center. A basic consideration which has given rise to the strangers' sections of many West African towns, popularly known as "zongos" in Ghana and Nigeria, has been the nature of land allocations for residen- tial purposes. Both traditional alloidal (land) rights and colonial policies encouraged the separation of the residences of migrants (strangers) from those of the indigenous people. For instance, in 1910 all mining companies were instructed by the colonial government to provide structures for laborers from Northern Ghana as indicated in the following: "These laborers shall be located at a distance fran other natives (indigenous peOple) gig. in suitable houses. . . 172 Zongosl shall be erected on sites approved by the Government Medical Officer and Advisory Board. A market shall be provided in every Zongo and no trader shall be allowed to sell food there except at prices to be fixed by the govern- ment" (National Archives, ADM 1/24: 1909-1910: Tamale). In one way or another the urban center could be thought of as a place which provides a milieu for physical, cultural, social, economic and political continuity with rural counterparts while introducing elements of rapid social and economic changes among these migrants. The town is a source of social change because it has its own necessities of organization, arising out of its economic functions and the ethnic diversity of its population. It is also a transmitter of other forces, such as education and commerce, which also make for a social change. The town is both a response to forces of change and a focus for then, a place where they operate more intensively (McCall, 1955, p. 154) . Many African migrants moving into towns find that their customs are affected by the fact that town relationships are predominantly universalistic rather than particularistic (Levy, 1952, p. 248). In the urban center all statuses are achieved rather than ascribed, . contacts are numerous and the conditions of employment entail the necessity of regularity and punctuality, forcing change from habits based on rural seasonal patterns. The very organization of the urban center for commerce, adminis- tration, transport, mining (a few cases), education, division of labor, and the like calls upon the urban migrant to broaden his horizon beyond 1Zongo was defined as "a term usually applied to the permanent camp established by Hausas on the outskirts of a native indigeious (sic) village." 173 the ethnic or kinship group. Whereas the rural center may be a typical place for local politics, the urban center by and large is a focal point for both national politics and local politics. The migrant by virtue of this is forced to be part of a new pattern of relationships. Against this brief background of the urban environment, we can now examine the demographic, social and economic characteristics of the migrants already at destinations. In this way we will try to find out the social, economic and political changes, including any adjustment processes, among Frafra migrants in the Southern towns. Demographic Characteristics When we looked at some of the factors which operate in the decision to migrate process, we discussed the characteristics of intending migrants and recent migrants. Other migrants at the destinations were excluded in these specific analyses; it was believed that the urban environment as a source of social change, by and large, will affect the socio-economic characteristics of rural migrants who reside in it. Here, we will look at all the groups (recent, intermediate, old and very old migrants) except the intending migrants, who, of course, are still at the place of gr_ig_i_n_. Age The age distribution of the respondents shows that apart from the migrants who have been at the destinations for more than 20 years, a greater proportion of the migrants were within the 15-44 age group (Table 6. l) . The concentration of the recent migrants in the age group of maximim migration (19-25 years) has already been noted in the preceding chapter. As we move to the higher age-groups the other 174 migrants dominate. For example, the intermediate migrants had 50.3 percent in the 25-34 age bracket, while the old.mdgrants had 43.7 in this age group. Further significant concentrations are the 23 percent of the old migrants and the 33 percent of the very old migrants who 'were aged 35—44 years. Once we move beyond age 44 years, the Obvious pattern is the insignificant representation of the recent and intermediate‘migrants. Table 6.1. Percentage Distribution of the Age Structure of Respondents at Destinations . Age Group Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) 1. 15-19 years 22.4 5.1 1.9 1.5 2. 20-24 years 38.9 22.4 7.3 1.0 3. 25-34 years 25.1 50.3 43.7 8.3 4. 35-44 years 3.5 9.9 22.8 32.7 Total Aged 15-44 Years 89.7 87.8 75.6 43.4 5. 45-54 years 0.7 3.7 8.3 23.9 6. 55-64 years 0.5 0.3 2.2 13.7 7. Over 64 years 0.3 5.4 8.8 Total Aged 45 and Over 4.3 10.9 46.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 The above age distributions for the four groups reflect the factor of leigth of residence at the destinations. The first observation to be made is that if we try to estimate for each group the average ages at which they first moved out, we realize that a majority left when 175 they were youths-—supporting the notion that it is mostly the young who migrate. The second important point to make is that the age structure tends to suggest that evei though we may have return migration, there is always the residual migrant—group which tends to stay at the destina- tions for longer periods. Thus, analyzing the age structure in a cross- sectional form, depicts a picture of a ”continuous" population, i.e. , all the age groups, from 15 years to over 64 years, are represented. When we discuss return migration in the next chapter, we will examine some of the factors that make some migrants return home after a brief stay, while others remain behind at the destinations as the residual migrant group, only returning home in their senile years. As a matter of fact, there were migrants interviewed who had been in the South continuously for more than 40 years. Those people and the many others who are back home now, set in motion the chain migration as we know it today among Frafra migrants . Sex and Marital Status The majority of the migrants were males; 78, 82, 84 and 87 percent of the recent, intermediate, old and very old migrants, respectively (Table 6.2). This disproportionate representation of the males has been highlighted in the earlier chapters, that is, men are more participatory in the migration process than females (refer to Figure 11 for distribution of sex ratios in homeland). Analysis of marital status data depicts an interesting situation. Obviously the most important observation to be made is that there is a strong relationship between length of stay and conjugal condition. As will be expected, the older the group, the more married people there 176 were among them. However, there were a few "old" and "very old" migrants who were still single. Table 6.2. Sex Composition of Migrants. Sex Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6—10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Male 78.1 81.7 84.2 87.3 Female 21.9 17.3 15.8 12.7 Total 100. O 100. O 100 . O 100 . 0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 6.3. Marital Status of Migrants by Length of Residence and Sex. Marital Status Recent Intermediate 01d Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Male: Single 73.5 49.8 28.3 12.8 Married-1 wife 30.0 46. 7 57.3 51.4 -2 wives 1.8 2.1 11.5 23.5 —3 or more 0.9 1.0 2.5 11.7 Widowed/Divorced 0.9 0.3 0.3 0.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 339 291 314 179 Female: Single 26.3 9.8 10.2 11.5 Married 71.6 88.6 83.0 73.1 Widowed/Divorced 2.1 1.6 6.8 15.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 95 61 59 26 177 There are three possible explanations for this. In the first place, movement from the rural areas to the urban centers might prevent an individual from marrying or it might delay marriage for a very long time. Many Frafra males marry women from their home area because there are few Frafra females in the South and they are usually wives of others. Thus, although migrants might be away for long periods of time, the homeland is still the reservoir from which they derive their wives. This being the case, any migrant who did not marry before moving and is out of touch with home will definitely find it difficult to secure a wife. Also, marriages almost invariably involve transactions between families and not individuals. The migrant who does not measure up to the expectations of his peers in the South, or those back home regarding his general behavior and personal character or qualities will also have a very hard time finding a wife. IA second explanation could be that these old and very old migrants had wives who were either at home or staying at other destinations, but 7 I whom they did not want to report.about. The third possible factor is that quite a few people find it difficult to report divorced and widowed status when asked to indicate their marital status. Those men who were married did so after the first migration trip out of Frafra (Table 6.4) , especially those who have been at the destin- ations for ten years or more. The table also clearly shows that more married men tend to move today than did their counterparts in the past--75 percent of the recent migrants who were married acquired this conjugal status before the initial trip as compared with 36 percent for the very 178 Table 6.4. Married Men Only: Were you married before your first move from home? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6— 10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Yes 75.3 47.7 38.2 35.7 No 24.7 52.3 61.8 64.3 Not Reported 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 158 187 241 154 Table 6.5. If You Did not Migrate With Your Wife How Long Did you Stay in the South Before Your Wife Joined You? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Less than 1 month 2.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 1-2 months 2.1 0.0 0.0 0.9 3-5 months 9.6 2.0 3.7 2.8 6 months - 1 year 7.4 3.0 2.1 4.5 13 months - 2 years 41.5 15.3 11.3 5.4 2 years - 3 years 24.5 26.7 12.1 11.0 3 years - 4 years 12.8 31.3 28.6 19.0 5 years or more 0.0 21.7 42.2 56.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 41 106 102 110 179 old migrants. Many migrants explained that migration surely enables the single male, especially when such a person returns home, to secure a wife easily. Even then, as explained in Chapter V, a few youths move in order to better their social status and consequently make marriage easier to achieve. "Seldom will a rural girl back home turn down an offer from a returned male migrant who wants to take her to the South," one of the old migrants in Kumasi explained. Parents of the girl may not resent much especially if the young boy proves that he is capable of supporting the girl as well as paying for the dowry. The dominance of people who married after the migration trip among the old and very old migrants may also point to an aspect of Frafra migration behavior. Men who have their wives left back home may readily return home, especially if they are incapable of bringing the spouses to the South. The single male who in the first place might establish himself at the destination before marrying will be more reluctant to go home. As mentioned above, the strong force for capturing the attraction of a prospective wife at home might even be the fact that he is already living in the South. There are some instances when the relatives back home will marry a girl for the single migrant in the South. Thus, it does seem that among many other interacting factors, length of residence at the destination will depend on the responsibilities of the migrant (marital status, position in the family and children to care for) prior to the initial migration trip. Those who were married before moving constituted only 13 percent, 9.9 percent, 11.3 percent and 11.2 percent of the recent, intermediate, old and very old, respectively. As given in Table 6.5, some of the 180 migrants stayed for long periods without their spouses—-at times for more than five years. There are many reasons which will make a man send back home for his wife. Some of these have been mentioned in Chapter V, but here we will present a few from the perspective of the migrant at the destination: (1) If a man obtains a good job and establishes himself in the town he will usually seid for his family, (2) After staying at any destination, one may still not have a good job or may even be unemployed but if he has established bonds between himself and friends or other relatives, who are ready to give him a helping hand to support the family at the destination, he will send home for his family, (3) Occasionally, pressure from home, either from the parents of the wife or the husband, or both could force the migrant (i.e. , the husband) at the destination to send for the wife. This pressure could start as a result of the failure of the man to be remitting home for the family's upkeep. It could also be a measure to avoid a possible divorce since a "neglected" young wife could end up with another marriage and (4) If the migrant, for sure, decides that he is going to be a permanent-migrant or one who will be away from home for long, he will more than likely bring the nuclear family to wherever he is staying. Education and Literacy On the whole, a majority of the migrants have never been to school-- 61 percent, 75 percent, 85 percent and 91 percent of the recent, inter- mediate, old and very old migrants, respectively. The increasing importance of education in Northern Ghana as a whole, especially since the 19603 is reflected in these figures. Thus, a greater proportion of educated Frafra migrants are among the recent migrants (Table 6.6) . .4 {W 181 According to the 1970 census, even though Northern and Upper Regions of Ghana lagged very far behind the other regions, as far as proportion of school attendance is concerned, there was relatively greater improvement in these regions between 1960 and 1970 in proportion to those who had never been to school (Table 6.7). This helps to give a picture of the role of education in future migration streams out of the North, unless job opportunities are generated to tap all the people who drop out of school. Table 6.6. Percentage Distribution of Educational Achievements of Migrants. Responses Recent Intermediate 01d Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Never been to school 61.3 75.4 84.5 90.7 Primary 12.4 6.8 4.3 2.4 Middle 24.0 13.3 6.4 2.0 Secondary 0.9 0.8 1.0 0.0 Other, Vocational Training Commercial 0.2 0.6 0.3 0.0 University 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Arabic 0.0 0.0 0.5 0.9 Not applicable 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Not reported 1.2 3.1 3.0 4.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Chi-square test for independence was significant at the .001 level, indicating striking differences among the four groups in educational achievements . 182 Table 6.7. Rate of Improvement in School Attendance in Ghana by Regions Between 1960 and 1970. Region Rate of Improvement Upper Region (Frafra Included) 175.0 Brong Ahafo Region 98.5 Northern Region 88.1 western Region 6.29 Central Region 6.25 Ashanti 58.0 Eastern Region 52.6 Volta Region 40.7 Greater Accra Region 35.8 The percent change in preportions between 1960 and 1970 was obtained as follows: Pr0portion (1970) — Proportion 9:960) x 100 Rate = Proportion 1960 Source: Ghana 1970 Population Census Report Volume 2, 1972, Accra, p. xxiv. Of the educated, a greater proportion of them in each group are the middle school leavers. Table 6.6 also indicates that some of the migrants obtained only primary school education and apparently dropped out of school.2 In Chapter V it was mentioned that the role of education in pushing people out of rural areas is so strong that even the person who drops out early in primary school may regard himself as a misfit in the 2Llhe interviews were restricted to migrants aged 15 years and over at the destinations, so those with primary education were adults and not; currently enrolled. 183 rural ewiromnent and therefore migrate. The mere acquisition of the rudiments of literacy, so to speak, is enough to broaden the perceptual action space of an individual beyond the homeland, and consequently becane a real action space when the person migrates. Whei migrants were asked to indicate their writtei English profici- ency, the percentage with "no education" among the recent migrants (Table 6.6) increased from 61 to 64.8 percent. This suggests that some of those with primary education probably did not stay in school long eiough to acquire a knowledge of written English (Table 6.8) . When we compare those wlo have never been to school among the old and very old migrants in Table 6.6 with those with written English in Table 6.8, the proportions fall from 85 to 81 percent and 91 to 86 percent, respectively. This is indicative of the point that migrants, by staying long at the destinations, do acquire some education or literacy skills ranging from spokei or written English to a versatile knowledge of other languages in the South, including Hausa. Of course, a prior knowledge of these can be a noti- vating factor in letting an individual move out of Frafra haneland. Table 6.8. Indicate Your Written English Proficiency. Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) . (20 + Yrs) (0—5 Yrs) None 64.8 75.0 81.2- 86.3 Fair 13.4 11.7 9.7 ‘ 7.8 Good 15.9 8.5 5.6 2.4 Very Good 4.8 2.3 0.8 0.0 Not Reported 1.1 2.5 2.7 3.5 Total 100. O 100. O 100. 0 100. 0 N 434 352 373 205 Chi-square test for independence was significant at less than .001 level. 184 This is brought out more clearly by the responses for spoken English and spoken Hausa (Tables 6.9 and Table 6.10). Spokei English, whether fair or very good, is very helpful in obtaining a job or carrying out everyday transactions at the destinations. Therefore many migrants will endeavor to pick up some basics in it, especially West African pidgin English. As a matter of fact, some of those who indicated that they had no knowledge of spoken English could speak pidgin English. Table 6.9. Indicate Your Spoken English Proficieicy. Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) None 54.8 53.7 59.0 67.3 Fair 20.3 26.7 30.0 26.8 Good 18.2 14.5 7.5 2.4 Very Good 5.3 2.6 0.8 0.0 Not Reported 1.4 2.5 2.7 3.5 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Chi-square test for indepmdence was significant at less than .001 level. Hausa is a commercial (trade) and occupational language in almost all the urban ceiters in Ghana, especially among residents from Northern Ghana, Upper Volta, Niger, Nigeria and Mali. It was originally intro- duced in Ghana by Hausa traders and since the turn of this ceitury it has bee1 established as one of the important languages in Ghana. It is one of the six key Ghanaian languages broadcast over radio and television in Ghana. (These languages are Akan, Nzima, Ga, Dagbani, Hausa and Ewe.) Hausa is an urban language, hence, _since many Frafra migrants are from 185 the rural areas, the proportion of Hausa speakers rises with increasing length of stay in the South (Table 6.10). Table 6.10. Indicate Your Spoken Hausa Proficiency. Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Years) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) None 36.6 17.6 12.3 9.8 Fair 26.3 27.3 26.3 23.9 Good 35.0 50.6 56.0 58.1 Very Good 0.7 1.4 2.4 4.9 Not Reported 1.4 3.1 3.0 3.3 Total 100. 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 N 434 352 373 205 Chi-square test for independence equal .01 significance level. Akan3 is spokei by many people in the Southern towns, thus a knowledge of it will enable a migrant to have easy social intercourse with the indigenous people and other migrants at these destinations. Moreover, almost all the opporttmity zones are located in the Akan speaking areas, except those in and aromd Accra where Ga is the dominant language. Even them as the highly cosmopolitan capital city of Ghana Accra has many Akan speakers. There is no doubt that a kncmledge of Akan is a big asset to a Frafra migrant (Table 6.11) . As most of the migrants pointed out, these languages (spokei English, Hausa, Akan, etc.) enable all migrants from areas with different languages, whether in 3Akan is a language which covers the following dialects, (l) Twi, (Wasa, Dankyira, Asei, Akyen, Akuapem, Akwamu, mawu, Asante, Ahafo, Boron), (2) Fanti, (3) Nzema and (4) Anyi-Bawle. 186 Ghana or outside the country, to communicate easily among themselves. Those who could speak Ga were mainly in Accra. From Table 6.11 we can safely conclude that the proportion of migrants to speak one or more of the Southern languages directly depends on the number of years lived in the South. Also the type of language learned will depend on the indigeious language at the destination. Table 6.11. Indicate Other languages Spoken Apart from the Above and Any of the Frafra Dialects. Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6- 10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) None or no other lang— uage 35.3 14.8 9.7 9.8 Akan 56.7 69.9 73.5 71.2 Akan and Ga 5.1 7.8 8.1 9.8 Akan and Ewe 0.5 1.1 0.8 0.9 Ga 0.2 0.6 4.1 0.5 Other Combina- tions 2.0 4.8 3.5 6.9 Not Reported 0.2 0.9 0.3 0.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Chi-square test for indepeideice equals .01 significance level. Addo observed that "the disproportionate location of education institutions in the urban areas , particularly of intermediate and higher institutions have geierally meant that more and more of the rural 187 population have left for the towns in order to attend these schools" (1971, p. 20). This is very true for the whole of Ghana, especially the South, but when we zoom on rural areas in Northern Ghana this pheomenon is only meaningful in regional and not in inter-regional analyses. Many rural northern youths are concentrated in the few institutions located in northern urban ceiters, and very few are in institutions in southern towns. This is a function of distance in the first place, and then income. Most of these southern institutions are faraway from the North-- calling for expensive transportation costs and also different living conditions for students. Related to this is the low incaIe earning capacity of many parents in the North. In almost all the institutions above elementary scl'ool (primary and middle) students have to pay fees. Since local councils and not the parents support the fees of all students of northern extraction in higher institutions (except university educa- tion) , it is far cheaper for local comcils to concentrate on schools located in the North. Only a very low percentage of students of northern extraction in southern higher institutions receive support from their respective homeland local councils. This explains why in Table 6.6 there is a striking absence of migrants with past or current secondary/ commercial school education. Another contributory factor is that a majority of those who usually finish secondary or higher educa- tion in the North get employed there. This further reduces the possible number of educated migrants at the destinations in the South. When we analyze educational achievements by the migration ecologi- cal zones, we realize that almost all the migrants with past educatibn are in the urban centers. Even mining, often involving manual work 188 undergromd or on the surface has not yet attracted substantial numbers of the middle scholars. Those who are in the mining towns were in related urban occupations and not directly in mining (Table 6.12) . Thus, mining and farming areas (cocoa and food production) continue to attract mostly the uneducated rural people, the exception being the urban celters located in these areas. Addo found similar results in his study on same aspects of the employment situation on cocoa farms in Brong Ahafo (Table 6.13) . He found that 90 percent of Ghanaian farm employees and 99.4 percent of alien farm employees in his study area were illiterate, emphasizing the rural background of these farm workers . As noted in Chapter V, education continues to make many people desire urban occupations and urban way of life. Table 6.12. Percentage Distribution of the Education of Migrants by Selected Towns, Mining and Farming Areas. Town/Area Education level J Never Primary Middle Higher Total N A. Urban Ceiters 1. Kumasi 65.1 6.8 24.4 3.7 100.0 429 2. Accra 68.6 8.3 18.6 4.5 100.0 306 3. Sekondi-Takoradi 75.2 10.0 12.5 2.3 100.0 88 B. Mining Areas 4. Bibiani 82.1 10.6 5.3 1 0 100.0 38 5. Tarkwa 80.5 8.5 10.3 0 7 100.0 30 6. Obuasi 70.4 17.1 10.0 2 5 100.0 54 C. Farming Areas 7. Cocoa Farms-Ashanti 93.5 4.2 2.3 0 0 100.0 65 8. Farms-Brong Ahafo 91.4 3.5 5.1 0 0 100.0 53 189 .00 .0 .8000 .0000 000030 00000 05 06500005 8 0003 000000....0w0o 800000000 mmmz 05 Mo 083mm ofi mo am < "mum mugged 005.02.008.00 @000 :95 03w 00.0 OE wage 5 gm 0080 no 8.006053 0055030050 map mo 3009900 080m .o condo—a .32 £3.02 000 0.000 --- 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0000.000 00¢ 000 0.000 --- ..-- 0.0 ...: 0.00 + 0.0000 00 000 0.000 --- --- -..- ..-- 0.000 as 0 - as 0 0:002 000 0.000 --- -..- -..- 0.0 0.00 00 0-90008 0 00 0.000 --- 0.0 0.0 --- 0.00 0000 .08 mQHmm 000.0 0.000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0000.000 004 000 0.000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 + 0000.0 00 . 000 0.000 --- 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 0-00.0 .0 00000006 000 0.000 --- 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00008 0 . 000 0.000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0000 .000 00:00 0.0 0-0 00000 00000 A 2 00000. 0000000 000002 0.00500 000E000 0.082 0000.000 _ 0900 8000800 00 50:00 i 0800 0000.000 00 £080 0.0 000000300 E00 0,00 00 00.000 800.0800 .000 00000. 190 Residential Analysis of Migrants Arrival in Town In our examination of the factors which enter into the decision to move to a particular destination, we stressed that the location or distribution of relatives, friends, acquaintances, etc. of intending migrants was of paramount importance. One, therefore, will expect to find these. relatives and friends playing an important role in helping the new migrant not only to find accommodations but also to adjust to the urban environment. As Caldwell has pointed out: ”Pore often than not the migrant already knows, when he dismounts from the mammy lorry in the lorry park, with whom he will be staying. Often he does not know how to get there. He will seek advice from bystanders, often from people from his own area" (1969, p. 129) . In most cases, as pointed out in Chapter V, the new migrant might travel to the destination with old migrants or even the relative with whom he will be staying. This minimizes or eliminates the problems of finding his way out on arrival. The fact that people move to places where they already know someone means that reasons for the spatial allocation of migrants in any town will be closely related to factors of ethnic and family dynamics among Frafra migrants. Migrants were more likely to stay with someone they knew than on their own (Table 6. 14) . On arrival a greater preportion of the migrants stayed with close relatives--brothers, sisters, father, mother and spouse. Growing the figures for the very close relatives gives 70.4, 60.8, 63.0 and 55.1 for the recent, intermediate, old and very old migrants, respectively. This trend emphasizes the well established nature of chain 191 migration in Frafra. As noted in Chapter V the proportion of extended family members who will migrate from Frafra will depend very much on the number of family members already in the South. Thus, there is something like a multiplier effect, that is the prospects or the gains of migration derived by a family will in turn stimulate others at here to take part in migration. The existence of relatives at destinations also weeds away many uncertainties in intending migrants before they erbark on the initial trip to the South. Table 6.14. Whom Did You Stay With When You First Arrived in This Town? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) *Brother/ Sister 48. 2 41. 5 48 . 0 39 .5 *Spouse 14.1 14.5 9.1 10.7 *Father/Mnther 8.1 4.8 5.9 4.9 Other Relatives/ Ethnic Phrbers 12.7 23.3 16.4 20.0 Friend 6.0 6.5 6.2 5.9 Miscellaneous/ Others 5.0 5.2 6.1 6.0 By Myself 1.8 1.1 4.3 7.8 Not Reported 4.1 3.1 4.0 5.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 *Subtotals for close or blood relatives are 70.4, 60.8, 63.0 and 55.1, respectively for the four migrant categories . "Spouse" and "Father/Mother" in Table 6.14 represent the proportion of migrants who joined their lmsbands and parents. The intensity of chain-migration is undoubtedly a Emotion of time. It is, derefore, not 192 surprising that more recent and intermediate migrants went to join parents than did tl'ose who had been long at the destinations. We should also note the increase in the proportion of spouses joining their husbands in recent years, as already explained in Chapter V. In an attempt to find out why some migrants moved to join parents, the following reasons were given: (1) After the Second World War some of the ex-soldiers remained in the South, either in the military or in other occupations and in due course spouses and children joined them, (2) As explained in Chapter II, some migrants leave home with plans to be away for a short while but circumstances at the destinations might dictate otherwise. If such a person left a family with children at home, he will send for then. (3) It was noted earlier that as a result of the low earning capacity of rural farmers in the North, parents do not pay anything directly for the education of their children. Hence, it is not uncommon for a migrant to send his children back home or leave them benind to be educated in the North. When they finish their elementary education, especially if they do not find jobs nor qualify to enter institutions of higher learning, they will often join the parents in the South where they would have made many trips during the vacation periods. The role of friends in providing accommodations for newly arrived migrants is not as prominent as when we were discussing the flow of information, contact persons and the like, before the initial migration from home. It was explained in Chapter V that when the decision to migrate does not involve the extended or the nuclear family, especially if they happen to be opposed to it, the potential migrant will tend to rely on friends. On arrival at the destination, the new migrant more 193 than likely will go to a relative and not a friend. Generally, by the norms of the family system prevailing among the Mole-Daghani speaking people, a person's perception of who should help him when in need is in the form of a hierarchy. From the highest to the lowest, though not the rule of thumb, will be parents (father/mother) , immediate blood relatives (brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins, etc.), other relatives in the maximal lineage, friends, ethnic members, etc. Of course, this assumes maximum harmony in the family, which in a few instances might not be the case so the hierarchical structure can take any other form. Also, we can have different grades of friends and a very intimate one, especially in the midst of family disunity, can even supercede the parents. "Spouse relationships" have not been included because marriage calls for a special bond between the couple, with each owing a top priority responsiblity to the other, unless again there is family discord. In the field, the respondents always expressed that it was incumbent upon relatives to provide these services to their peers when they arrived in town. Caldwell found this to be true when he recorded that a 35-year-old man from Bolgatanga explained that "As relatives , they (migrants at destinations) (gig) always treat them (new arrivals) (_s_i_._<_:_._) fairly, for they are bonmnd by custom to give them the same quantity of food that they themselves eat" (1969, p. 134) . Although this might be the general expectation, some relatives at the destinations fail to perme this function. As one migrant put it "shirking ones social responsibilities in town is largely due to the difficult and different urbann way of life which calls for the actual possession of money, unlike the village life." Another said, "Town 194 life makes some people so hard-hearted that they even forget about their own people." These general observations about the treatment given to a new migrant are different in the typical farming areas, especially the cocoa producing areas. These rural destinations may have very few or no residual Frafra migrants residing for long periods as in the towns or mining areas, an exception being the towns in these farming areas. As a result, southern farmers tend to be directly responsible for pro- viding accommodations including food for their farm laborers. These services we part of the contract--be it for six months, a year or more, and adjustments in the wages are made accordingly. Insofar as food is concerned, some farmers will permit their laborers to cook their own meals utilizing whatever is available on the farm-maize, plantain, bananas, cassava, coco-yam, etc. There tends to be a strong and healthy bond of relationship between farmers and the farm laborers, more so than what prevails between migrants and their employers in the towns. It is quite common for the few migrants wlo go to these rural areas with their wives to return home at the end of the contract-~probably renewed many times—-with one or all of their children bearing Akan names. This is one of the indices of the level of assimilation insofar as the culture of receiving areas is concerned. As demonstrated by Table 6.15, the accommodation was usually given to these new arrivals free of charge, that is, no rent was paid. Only a few indicated that they paid rent and these were the migrants who got their own accommodation or were put in some areas by their employers . Apart from free accommodation, a majority of the new migrants were also 195 given free meals--an extension of the security given to migrants on arrival by relatives and friends (Table 6.16). Only a few paid for some or all their meals. The length of this type of service for new migrants from relatives, friends, ethnic members or spouses can range from a fee months to ten or more years. It was fonmnd out in the field that migrants who were very close relatives continued to live together with the wages each made going to the most senior man who then decided on how the incomewas to be spent. Table 6.15. Did You Pay Rent For Staying There? Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Yes 3.9 5.1 4.3 7.3 No 93.8 91.2 90.1 84.9 Not Reported 0.9 1.4 1.3 2.4 Not Applicable 1.4 2.3 4.3 5.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 6.16. Which of These Did You Enjoy When You lived with This Person? Response Recent Intermedia' te Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Years) (0-5 Yrs) Free meals 88.0 83.5 82.6 76.6 A few free meals 1.8 2.8 1.9 2.9 Paid for some of my meals 5.1 5.7 5.4 5.4 Paid for all meals 3.2 3.1 4.6 6.3 Not Reported 0.7 2.8 1.3 3.4 Did not stay with anyone 1.2 ’ 2.1 4.2 5.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 196 Residential location and Housing Conditions of Migrants We have just discussed some of the methods used by new arrivals to provide themselves with accommodations. Here we will focus on the spatial distribution of migrants in the towns. Are there any neighbor- hoods or sections of the towns preferred by migrants? What are the living conditions of these migrants in the towns? At the beginning of this chapter it was noted that since the colonial period there have always been sections in many West African towns occupied by mainly migrants (The Zongo). Ghana, of course, is no exception and today many Frafra migrants live in clusters in the neighbor- hoods predominantly occupied by migrants from other parts of Ghana and other West African connntries. The numbers of aliens have reduced considerably as a result of the aliens compliance order previously mentioned. There are many factors which have contributed to the current spatial distribution of migrants. The most obvious and important explanation is the administrative policy already referred to, that is, the establishment of separate sections for migrants in receiving areas. In the mining towns, almost all the mine workers are housed in residential areas which were developed to keep the migrant population separate from the local people. In Tarkwa, for instance, the mines (shafts) are a few miles from the main town, hence the residential areas for miners are located near the mine, about three to four miles away from town. It was however, not all the mining establishments which had quarters built especially for their workers. In Obuasi, where in 1960 about 197 four percent of all Frafra migrants in the South lived, the mining company encouraged the development of residential areas with cheap accommodations around the mine. The mining company pays for about one- third of the rent for each mine worker. The migrants explained that the system is far better than what their friends living in the towns obtain from their employers. In Obuasi, the main areas occupied by all migrants are the Zongo, Wawasi, Kwabrafuso, Tutuka, Boete and Brahabebome, but Frafra migrants live mostly in the Zongo, Tutuka and Boete sections with either fair or poor conditions (Figure 16) . In the towns and cities most of the Frafra migrants live in the sections which have grown to be permanent residential areas for all migrant population. Some of these towns have expanded at such a fast rate that a few of the initial migrant sections are no longer on the periphery of the towns but almost part of central business districts. In places like Accra, Kumnasi and Takoradi, new sections were established for the increased migrant population while the old ones were retained. In Accra, for instance, Tudu seems to have been the first portion allocated to migrants in about 1920. As the city grew in size many other sections were added such that today there are many residential areas in Accra which contain migrants. Some of the main migrant sections in Accra are Tudu, Sabon4 Zongo, New Town, Nima, Maamobi, Kotobabi, and New Fadamna. Of course, not all of these sections were established solely for migrants. These residential areas were often established in response to the need to house the increased population 4"Sabon" in Hausa means 1:191: hence Sabon Zongo is New Zongo. 198 .00 00:00.0 33:30 11.1... coo: 03.0 vacuum I ooom 0020 00:... III... 2:4 9:52 . . . . . . ..OOn. :00. 030 3:0... 8 C '0‘ .0 o m .353 .8.th #0.; s30 . «Fog covet-0302.4. 000. £233. 2:32.299 .03 or ‘0 9.3:... .3063 03v. 00.0.: 200nm 20 0:33.20 § c.0030 :25 :2 J a! .zozazou \ o \ 0.4 0000 8 0:: z. 000 002.0050 0:000 02¢ 35:: 0.4 av 000000003. .00200 2. 550: 00.000 0230.: 2.0:: ”0002 ..v 00 .00 mwzanzam m0 ZO_._. go: g 9‘ NH .onmm .o canon. 218 would like to do on arrival at the destinations. These aspired jobs are mostly the unskilled, and semi-skilled types (Table 6.24) . When we compare the responses in Tables 6.24 end 6.25 it will be realized that a majority of those wlo wanted to be laborers of all types, house- keeper/ cooks, salesmen/ shop assistants, and miners actually had their aspirations fulfilled (Tables 6.24 and 6.25). These occupations are the dominant positions easily available to unskilled migrants end it is therefore not surprising that it was no problem among Frafra migrants to secure these. Other aspired jobs, policemen/guards, mechannics and postmen/messengers are rather special and limited in the labor market, often calling for special skills. Only a few actually got employed in these fields. One important aspect about Tables 6.24 and 6.25, is the fact that even though migrants may not succeed in obtaining the target jobs they are, however, very flexible in terms of the final or first job they would do. A very insignificant number of migrents left home with the hope of becoming farm laborers but in due course quite a few were enployed on farms. There are two possible explenations for this. Migrants do utilize the intervening opportuities, mostly the food and cocoa producing areas or areas around Tamale, before they finally move to their target destinations. Secondly, it is quite easy to get employed as a farm laborer, especially during periods of maximum farm activities (sowing, weeding and harvesting) . Thus, a migrant wlo finds it difficult to obtain en urban occnpation could decide to move to a farming area or become a farm laborer if he is already in a town located in the farming regions. The job could be a temporary one, that is, only a meens of survival and a stepping stone to obtaining a better job in the future. 219 .uomounmonom ab: and non—6.3 33034., N a... 3 ma .5 SN 8N Rm 2 98” 99: 98a 92: 3.8. a N a o m... 1m 3. Ha 388a uoz d 8 3 S N.N 1m «N Ni 3% 62 an. N a m m m6 N.m 3. 93 $3382 0 a o o ....o a... 9N N.m hang use us. 5663 o o o o o.o m6 NA ma 333. «gleam o m o N o... «A 2. m4 .36 doom «FAQ—Ha! .wg N m m 2 mi N6 in 3: §.§m 638.5. n38 o a o o MN m... N.m Qm g o a N N NA 9o TN «4 Ed 688.388 o N o o «.5 a... in N.N go .32 N a H N 92 TN flmN «.3 and: .9600 .33 a o o o “N o4 NA We .98 .888 .5338 N N N o 9.8 mdm N.on RN 33233 Emu To. 3H» ml: is.» + 8. =5 8.3 383 3.3 semen: :5 + oNv .8» 8.3 .88» 3.8 ......qu So has So 335 2.82 So has Bro 825 pg «@388 H: g .33.: on 50a 3d #33 05! @955 so» 5.! .m~.o manna. 220 Only a few men wished to be petty traders/ street vendors (Table 6.24) but to enable them to survive in their new environments, the pro- portions increased with those who actually accepted this position. Petty trading or being a street vendor usually involves selling consumer goods, of all types owned by another person (a relative or a friend or a non- relative employer). There are migrants who own stores and other commercial establishments, but since these responses refer to their first occupations, we can assume that they were employed by other people. This is a very low paid job and Lmless forced to do so, seldom will migrants wish to become street vendors. Bakers, millers and laborers in eating places are very low paid jobs but Frafra migrants take these, in any case, as a survival strategy. Mining is generally not an attractive occupation to Frafra migrants and therefore only a few wished to be this on arrival. The figures for first occupations, however, indicate that more became miners, probably after failing to secure target occupations or through the influence of relatives . Female migrants have four basic job aspirations-~(a) general laborers, (b) housekeeper/cook, (c) petty traders or street vendors, (d) seamstress/dressrraker. The first two occupations are also competed for by men and only a few women actually got employed as housekeepers or cooks. We should note that these figures do not necessarily refer to wives who are all included in the figures for "Had No Job/No Idea." Until quite recently it was mostly men who were employed as house- keepers or cooks. Men still predominate in that particular type of occupation but more women get employed today as maids than the case was during the colonial period or immediately after independence. 221 It is the ambition of many women to become seamstresses or to own a few items and sell as petty traders or streetside vendors. These two occupations are easily combined with household activities. But it involves a bit of substantial income either to receive training as a seamstress or to be a petty trader. This explains why only a few female migrants actually got these occupations although more had these two as their target occupations. Previous research in Ghana has shown that there is a strong rela- tionship between the type of occupation that a new arrival will do and the actual occupation of the relative or first person the migrant would live with (Peil, 1972, p. 169; Hart, 1969, p. 183). According to Peil, "When relatives are called on to find jobs for new arrivals, as many of them are, their first approach is probably to someone at their own workplace. This some- times results in concentrations of workers from a given village among the workers at a given firm or government department. . . .Many etl'mic concentrations are a result of chance factors of original hiring and hometown networks rather than deliberate policy" (1972, p. 169). This was supported by data collected in the field (Table 6.26) . The first occupations mdertaken by migrants were not very different from what their hosts (relatives, friends, etc.) were doing. Current Occupatiorul Characteristics Current occupations of migrants were closely related to their first occupations and of course those of the relatives they stayed with (Table 6.27) . The dominant occupations for men were still the skilled and semi-skilled ones. A substantial proportion of the migrants were general laborers, with the old and very old migrants dominating in this 222 635% no: 93 8.553 3389:. mN mm 8 mm m5 an RN mmm z 92: 92: 0.2: 92: 38. N e o 3 mg ...o m... N... Efiofia uoz o m m H N6 H... N.N 9m 83 02 an: a N N 2 m.m m.m N.N o.» mambo-133303: o H o o H4 m5 e.N m4 pages 3% o o o N .3 m4 3 N6 Bong noon .Bflfiz 59.8 o H o 0 EN m4 fiN no .52? .503? o m N N N.N o; "N fiN mamas gm .59 how.“ N a o o 9N e4 04 N.N age H o o a. N.N 06 TN m4 go @8388 o o o H 9... m4 m6 me E .g a m N S N.N «.3 mi «.3 83... .938 5% ... o 3 m N.N 93 93 fiNN .Bm .§.fiaofiom fl mm mm mm mg «.2. man 93. g an» ml: 3“» Te :5 + ON. AP; 8.3 and...» Sue €83. in» + 8. an» 8.3 E8» 3.8 ugh: So has Bo $.88.“qu €88 Bo E So Bum—sauna among «an moi: mug-ounce NEE Baum so» comma amuse «5 no 3358 ofi an: use. .93: ESE umfim .50» 5! 6N .o 038. 223 68% we: new $596 0953.. HRS H8. an agenda? 83 «2858?: .Hou uuB waging eN mm H... mm 2H «Hm HmN «2 z 3:: 3:: c.8H 3.3 H88 N v N H o.o m.H .3 o... Bayonne 82 m on NH. me NH H.m m.oH maN gems H c N v H.o N.N 0.». o.N anion—«Hanan? m m e N o.o o.o ad ad Hugs—mg o o o H m.NH N6 N.N m.H §.§uofi8 o o o o ....o m5 N.N m5 fig 38 H a H N .....o «N «H m.H .3» .98de .we—9.3 o o o o m.H ma ....N 9H §U.§ o o o H o.o o.o H.H N.N $0833: .fifluom o o o H o.H m.m 9N 9N .32 5.3m a NH m HH ....N H.N m.N N... .889 £889 Fug o o o o m.N QH ca 0.0 ufiaooc g o o o o no fiN e... 2. 83m 55 5 ~99: o o o 0 ON N.N «..H ...e H.583 Emacs o o o o ed N6 H.m 9N EH85 .5 o o o H N.oH N.N Na m6 pg 83m 8&5 H? H a. H m o.NN 93 ..NN ...NH «68.; H o H m fiNm H.HN oKN H..NN $8.83 :5. Te :5 is as» + oNc cm; 8.3 E8» 3.8 35%? He.» + as :5 8qu E8» 3:8 33H: Bo fig m8 «boguflfi “.988 So has Bo 3W§5 38m: .83 8?: 983368 ...Sflflwmoo ufiuao H5» 3 ufl! KN.» 038. 224 occupation. Housekeeping or being cooks continue to attract some Frafra migrants. The number of people in a few other jobs such as, all other sales workers, miners and policemen/ guards depend on the length (of residence at the destinations. After the Second World War, quite a few ex-service men joined the army or the police force. It is also usually these ear-servicemen or former soldiers who are nightwatchmen. For the past five or so years recruiting in the army or police force has not been at the same level as it was years ago. All these help in explaining why for instance, 13 percent of the very old migrants were employed as policemen/guardmen or soldiers while only 2 percent of the recent migrants were in such occupations . There are some jobs, however, which are dominated by the recent and intermediate migrants, especially the semi-skilled or skilled types. For instance, there were a few recent and intermediate migrants as postJmen or messengers while the other two groups had nobody in these positions. This is solely a function of education because being a postman or a messenger calls for an ability to read. The recent and intermediate migrants dominate as workers in eating places (fufu pounders, dishwashers, etc.) because these are rather very strenuous occupations. Besides, the wages are very low such that migrants do not stay in such positions for long--they are highly temporary occupations. The few old and very old migrants in these occupations had "chop bars" of their own often offering services for other migrants . There were also one or two old migrants who were employed in eating places as Supervisors of young Frafra migrant workers . It must be noted that restaurants or hotels are generally regarded as occupying a higher order than the common 225 establishments which sell food to the public. Thus, the many Frafra migrants working in hotels or restaurants regard themselves as cooks or stewards. The seasonality of farm labor is reflected in the proportion of recent migrants who were farm laborers as compared with the figures for the other groups. But when we consider migrants who own farms of their own, we will realize that it is mostly those who have been out for long periods who own farms. The cmrrent occupations of the females have not also changed much from what they first did. The dominant occupations for Frafra women are petty trading, dressmaking, housekeeping and selling bread. As already noted, being a petty trader or a seamstress on your own usually requires some capital, especially the latter where a sewing machine has to be pm'chased. In the field, it was found out that it is the ambition of quite a few migrants to save enough money and then buy sewing machines for their wives. In a majority of cases, those who were seamstresses were the wives of old and very old migrants who stayed in the South long enough to enable them to buy sewing machines. Migrants do change their occupations from time to time depending on two main factors. In the first place, step-migration often results in change of occupation trough there is no fast rule about it. The other factor is when a migrant fails to secure a real good job but is forced to take a low paid or a temporary one. When such a person obtains a better job in the future, the temporary or low paid one would be abandoned. The number of} different occupations held is definitely a function of length of residence but on the whole many migrants have 226 either been consistent with one job or changed to another once-that is two different jobs (Table 6.28). The dynamics of kinship ties which promote the concentration of clan or ethnic members in one type of occupation continues to be a strong force in people engaging in the same type of work when even they move to another place. Of course, there is a possible third factor, which is the nature of the labor market. The Frafra migrant is unskilled and no matter where he goes to in Ghana the types of jobs available to the unskilled or send-skilled are almost the same, especially the urban occupations. Income-Property Analysis Migrants on the whole have higher aspirations than what is really available to them. It was shown in Chapter V that intending migrants have higher expected incomes than what prevails at home or evei at the destinations . In like manner, the migrants interviewed at the destina- tions indicated that most of them arrived at their various locations hoping to receive high wages or salaries (Table 6.29) . These expected incomes are related to some of the high level jobs most of them were seeking on arrival (Table 6.24) . A substantial proportion of the migrants in each group had target incomes ranging betweei $21.00 and $35.00. There were even some migrants who were hoping to receive above M00 a month. The wages or salaries which migrants received from their first jobs showed that there was a wide gap between their aspirations and what was really available to them (Table 6.30) . The number of migrants who got jobs which paid above $35.00 were rather few, in contrast with the proportions in Table 6.29. The actual income figures also show that the salaries or wages of migrants have improved considerably in recent times . For instance, 227 .an we Bun—5: 3389? eN am He mm «.2 «HM HaN a8 z 92: 3.3 92: o.8H H38. TH o.o To m.H Bag 82 OH Hm NH. 3 NH N.N 9N o.mH muzxflnuofinmc uoz o o o O NH 9N o.H no 56m o N o o H.mH fiNH «6 Wm 859 N H. v H mi. 9% «.8 «.mN 05. «H HN 2 R can fiHv he. 9% 80 3.8 in» me 35 mug in» + oNv E» 0TH: ammo» 3L: ufiumH: in.» + 08 in» ONIHHV EH8» 3:8 €832 H.Ho bu> H.Ho 3.»ch £582 30 5 Bo Bugs £58m among—we mead: 9.533 Ho .3852 QR! Una N.N—mung g 009.8 cad: Egg van—mung HO .an—52 .an .0 manna. 228 .mmofifiouwe we: use 0mg 335m? 0N am He mm 2H «Hm HeN m2 2 o.8H 92: 902 92: H.309 H H m N N.NH m4. m4 v.3 @3893 uoz N.N mm 3 3 N6 H..oH N.NH H.mN non oz \anaoHHneN .82 o o o o o.o m6 H.H m6 86% 5.5 an! o o o o v4 m.o m6 m.o oo.ovv:oo.omu o o o o a6. Tm N.H. 9m 863.84% o o H N N.N o.HH de oNH 8.8;63 o o o 0 m6 «.5 0.3 a.mH oo.m~&:¢o.H~u H N N H N.HH w.NH Tm N6 oo.omu:oo.wHu o H H v N.NH m.HH YHH N6 8.3293“. H o o H To». m.mH H.mH TNH 8.3a 55 33 3.; we. Amp» To. 3.; + ONV Bu.» 0N:HH. :38» 2:8 €59: in» + ON. AP; 8H: 3.33 3:8 £83? 30 Ems oHo BQHEEHBS ucmomd So by: Bo 8...ch Enema .8 95m 8?: gang N833 of: 50» SE 9.188 8» 3o .65: 5:: an: .86 «Home .8153 n8 muons-E 33035. eN am S m... 2H «Hm HmN «mm z 92: 92: 903 9%: H52. a ... 2 2 ..S NdN o.HN H.mN Bug uoz 3 H. 8 No N.H ma N.H «In «82 H H H. v H.mH o.mH 06H v.2 oo.o§ 5.5 Pd: o o o m N.N H.N H.N o.m oo.c§:8.wme o N N H o; ....o 92 m.HH oodeooHnu o o o N N.H od N6 ....OH 8.8?86Nu o v m H o.NH o.mH m.HN N.NH 8.mNu:oo.HNu o o o H 0.... 9v m4 N.H 8.83:8.3u H N o v N.@ we 9N ma 8.mHu:8.HHu o o o N v.2 TN in H... 8.2”. 55 33 AP; muov Haw» mnov an» .. ONV Am; 8.3 $30» 2:8 23on in; + 2. in; 8:3 .08» 3:8 23st So .Co> Bo BEBEEEH ucwoum So .Co> Bo SnEBnBS €on «meagre 8?: owning measgnogagxwufifiHBZMCHgfiig.gwgumaig m~.w wanna. 229 12 percent of the recent migrants received less than (610.00 as compared with the 19 percent and 31 percent for the old and very old migrants, respectively. In recent years the cost of living has forced many employers, including the government, to increase the wages of workers . The wages received today by an average worker is probably three or four times what his counterpart was paid about twenty years ago. Few women arrived at the destinations with any job aspirations or income targets. However, as we have noted elsewhere, more single females move today than was the case in the past. This factor is reflected in the number of recent females who reported that they had target incomes on arrival as compared with the figures for the old and very old female migrants (Table 6.29). The wages currently received by migrants still reflect the nature of the low paid jobs which most of them are employed in (Table 6.31) . Ihose who received less than $20.00 a nonth were the street vendors, the boys who helped in establishments which made food for sale to the public and many other odd jobs. Almost all the other occupations are of the unskilled type, but apparently those who have stayed at the destinations for longer periods receive more wages . The migrants who received above 060.00 were the old and very old migrants, especially the latter. A majority of the females who were employed received low wages. Apart from those who are employed in the public sector, female occupations such as street vendoring/petty trading, sales girl, sewing, helping in a home, etc. are all low paid jobs. Besides, there were no female migrants who had stayed continuously for long periods at one job which 230 devour—song no: can 33 39ch eN mm H... mm EH «Hm 8N mmm z 3:: 92: 92: 9%: H38. m e N m o6 m.H «H ....o 893%». 82 m on Na. me N.H H.m m.oH m.m~ 83555 c o o o N.H o.o o.o o.o H26 H5 8.2a o o o o QN N.H o.o o... 8.239ku m N o o Na 92 m4". 2. 852.3“. m m H N o.Hm 93 ed N.N 8.83.8.Hvu N m n v 9: N.H: Nam o.oH 8.82048 H m N o H; H.oH H.mN m.mN 8.8uuoo6Ne N m m m MN m; H: H.oN 8.mNe..8.HNe v N m 3 H..H 3. Na QMH 8.5. 55 $3 .89 ml: Eu» To. 6.; + ON. E» 8H: 6.48» 3-8 €33. Bu» + oNe an» 8H: A88» 3...: ”.552 So be, So 83355 28mm 30 has Bo 33355 unmomm confine-we 83: 896mg NfinufiggsgflfisosBfigufigfifizfl .-HmémHan. 231 would have earned than high wages. For example, a few of the miners, policemen and soldiers, general laborers and housekeepers/cooks, were receiving salaries twice or three times what an average migrant was making. In Obuasi one of the respondents was a senior employee at the mines--a bossman or a supervisor over many other miners. Although he had little education he rose through the ranks and was living in one of the houses (bungalow) owned by the mining authorities for their senior officers. He was the most successful Frafra migrant in Obuasi and although he was not the Headman of the Frafra community there, he was regarded as an important person--one of the key Frafra elders in Obuasi. Quite a few migrants have other sources of income apart from their regular jobs (Table 6.32). Some migrants have other jobs from which they earn extra income. Many unskilled workers in the towns do at times have the advantage of possessing two regular jobs or one regular occupation and then do all kinds of odd jobs in order to supplement the income. Night watchmen do occasionally have another job which they do in the daytime and then carry out their duties of watching property in the night. A good proportion of Frafra migrants are conservancy laborers--keeping the towns and cities clean as janitors. Such people do their work either in the first few home of every evening or in the early hours of each morning. This leaves them many hours in the day to take on another job often, as another laborer in road building or construction. In KImLasi, a few of such workers had second jobs in timber saving mills, in the market selling their own wares or working for another person. As can be noted from Table 6.32 the possibility of having another job depends very much on how long the migrant has been at the destinations. Having a 232 an m... 2H 2m HaN 8m z 3.2 92: 92: c.8H H38. o H H.H a... ma N.H 3332 uoz on N... H58 3:. 36 35 «82 \uHouoHHant 82 N o EH o5 N.H. s... non .8584 H o m5 QH H.N N.H .850 o H as a; «H N... and 3.5.5 o o so «:0 o.o o... 9:380 o o H.H m5 o.o o... 3853 can can?! 56 o o N.H as he 9H 68893 3.5098 Ed o H was N.m TN o... 838 ES :3 an» ml: in» TB :5 ONHH. .03» Sue £3“me HE» + as .8» 8qu H03» Sue acumen. Bo 3%5 €88 Bo b9 m8 «”3335 38mm 89% mBSH «0 .358 850032 doe 835mg .NNJ «Home 233 second job requires knowing the urban environment as well as having some established good relationships with employers. Some migrants do own private businesses such as stores, watch repairing, etc. in addition to their regular jobs. Owning a commercial store while still a regular worker might involve having the wife or any other relative as the Storekeeper. Property owned, for example, houses and livestock, are all other sources of income for quite a fev migrants. To be able to build a house will depend on how long one has worked. The respondents who owned houses were, therefore, the old and very old migrants. So far, we have noted that many female migrants were not mrking--they are either housewives or unemployed . Obtaining the initial occupation could be a problem consequently, there are very few of them who have other sources of income apart from their regular jobs. As a result of the other sources of income which migrants have, it was realized in the field that most of them made more than what their main jobs paid them (Table 6.33). It was pointed out by many migrants that it would have been very difficult for them to survive if they had no other sources of incane. The proportions of unemployed people among the old and very old migrants in Table 6.32 drop in Table 6.33. This can be explained by the fact that some of the old and very old migrants have been pensioned but a few own establishments such as commercial stores, houses, etc. and these are good sources of income, either on monthly or yearly basis. The cost of living at these destinations is so high that at times migrants find it very difficult to support themselves without relying on relatives and friends. The group of people who suffer most are the 234 60ng HON 8.393 33085 eN a... He mm 2H «Hm HmN m8 z 3:: 92: 3.3 3.3 38. m e N m o5 m.H o.o N.H 38mm uoz m on Na 8 o.o H.H ...... m.mN FEB: uoz o o o H. OH o6 N.H. o.o H80 can 8H§ o o o o N.NH m4. N.H. m... 8.2.ulooHeu m N o o N.HH m... m... N.N oo.8uu8.Hmu m m H N ....mN maN N.H «H.H ooémuuooH§ N m N v hon v.3 N.H..N m.vN oo.o§.8.Hmu H m N 0 Ta m.oH m4: m.mH oodmunooeNu N m m m N.N N.N a... m... 868.84% c N m ...H N.H m... a... m.mH 8.0%. 5.5 8.3 HE» To. .an» me. HE» + ON. 6.; ONHH. imam» Sum. ”.53on He; + H.N. at» 8.3. H38» 2...... ”.352 So Ems H.Ho flags E89. 30 be, 30 333535 £88m «mmHmfiwm 81?. 898mg mfiCQH Hg EH Hg H5» man #93 .mm.o manna. 235 unemployed, a group to be discussed later in this chapter. Generally, migrants have to meet the cost of food, housing, clothing, remittances to relatives and family back home, and miscellaneous expenses (Table 6.34) . Migrants in the farming areas are better off in terms of supporting them- selves. The food is cheaper than what is found in the towns. Since they live in rural areas expenses on housing, clothes and a few other basic items for their survival are relatively cheaper than what their urban counterparts have to pay. A study in Kenya recently revealed that migrants spend their income in the following manner: (a) school fees, 12.1 percent; (b) paying of debts, 1.7 percent; (c) maintenance of farm, 3.6 percent; (d) support of family and friends, 96 percent (Johnson, and Whitslaw, 1972, p. 3) . The situation is quite different among Frafra migrants. In the first place, parents spend very little on school fees, especially during the elementary school stage. What parents may spend on will be school uniform, a few books and related items which they will have to purchase for their children and dependents attending school. Maintenance of the farm may not be an important consideration among Frafra migrants because the compound farming system at home often needs very little maintenance. During the research period it was also found out that when migrants move, they seldom continue to maintain their farm land, if they had any, back home. Perhaps, it is only those who have their own farms in the food and cocoa producing areas wl'o might invest some money in farm maintenance. Among Frafra migrants , therefore, supporting themselves and their families, and paying off their debts are the most important expenditure items. When we examine the proportion of people who make remittances home it will be realized tlat it is not 236 .08.. 0N 5.5 80:. 3:052 So be, 2309 0NIHH. 3.8.32 08 2ng 0.7“: 38.89. 3385.35 29.80» mic. 35pm? ucwomm Q U m < "8803a NO 583 E 83833 £8.83 Haw >3? .HmSwH 00. 05 00 mundane: an: 8.3385 you 88 838-3 m0N 20 Nmm 5. m0N 0: Na 03 m0N 2m Nmm 02. m0N m2 Nmm 02 z 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H H38. 0.0N 0.NN 0.NN 0.2 0.: mi 0.0 0.N H.0H H.NH 0.H. 0.H. 0.... ....m H.H” ms. Hung uoz N.H... H00 H.NH. Nam N.NH 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.NN 0.0N 0.0N 9:. 0.3 N.NH N.NN m8 83 35 :0 En uo: 88 Ho 80 oz 0.H m0 H0 N.0 m.H 0.H N.H 0.0 0.0 0.m 0.N 0.0 0.H H.H 0.0 0.0 803 can 302 0.N 0.N 9N H.N 0.N 0.0 m0 H.N «.mN TmN m.0N N.HN in 0.0 0.0 0.0 00.0Nu 3 +863 0.0 m0 0.0 0.0 0.0 m0 m0 0.0 0.H 0.H 0.N m.N mg H0 0.N N.0 00.2”. 8 +803 0.H m0 H.H N.0 ...N fiN N.H H.H 0.0 0.... m0 N... 0.... ma H.H 0.0 00.8. B 8.8. m0 .0 0.0 N.0 0.N ....0 m0 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.N .3 0.: N.0H 0.N 0.0 00.8. B +8.2... ....0 m0 m0 N.H m0 0.0 0... m0 0.N ...m 0.0 mm 0.0H 0.3 0.2 0.0H 86a 3 +8.8. ma N.0 N.0 0.H mg N.N H.N N... 0.0 ms H.0 0.N 93 0.0m N.NN n.0N 00.00. B +8.8. 0.x H.H.N N.0H 0.H: N.HH H.NN 0.: 0.2 m0 H.NH as 0.0 0.N 0.HH N.0H H.0H 8.0 55 83 o 0 m e a U m e Q U m 4. «a .0 in «d manage 9853082 96: 8885mm 8288 08a ouBH no web. 2.595 .30 6.88 05508 .88 co 3:33: no confidence 355: Banana No 8334.508 83588 .329 manna... 237 everybody who sends gifts back home. The major reason often given for failing to do so was either insufficient income or lack of a job (unan- ployed people). The benefits of migration in terms of property owned are clearly depicted in Tables 6.35 and 6.36. Before the principal move some of the migrants had houses, livestock and farm land at home. We must note that some of these items are usually family owned prOperty and not neces- sarily for one individual, especially the farmland and the livestock. In contrast the migrants go for modern items when they move to the South (Table 6.36) . Only a few considered a job important to be included in the list. Clothes, shoes, etc. were regarded by many as being the most important property acquired at the destinations. All the other items-- bicycles, sewing machines, watches, radios, furniture, etc. are also important because these are usually the target property of many migrants . Some rural people move in order to purchase these, especially a bicycle and a transistor radio. In a few instances, some migrants become satis- fied with these and consequently make the return trip home. men migrants were asked to indicate the items they would take back home at the end of their stay, money, clothes of all types, bicycles, transistor radios, some furniture, etc. in that order were often given. These items are so important that before the migrant returns home, these might be purchased and sent to the relatives at home as gifts or as a step towards building some property at home in a gradual process. Unemployment (he of the major problems facing many African nations today is the rising rate of mleuployment in the major cities or towns. This has been 238 000 .0 000 000 ~00 000 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0008. 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 09.090000 002 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 082 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 05090 05 no 004 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0. 009000 6:00:50 .000550 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0090.050 on... $80 4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 005.0 5.00.0 n00 8800 .0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.88.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 000590 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 98030500 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.00 00000.0 5 ammo: 00050.0 00.00 0:00 00050 A0; + 08 30.0 00-000 0008» 00:00 0080002 0390. 0000 08> 0000 3000005300 0883 mmmcoommm mmuaom 0.de 003000502 50» 0.000008 56 so.» @000 muHonhE m0 @908 one? ..mmd magma 239 000.0 000 000 ~00 000 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 038. 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 08.09090 002 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 “088000.500 0:0 mo 82 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.0 03.08 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 .30 690.600 .3968 600.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 $000000 0&0 8325.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 8603\380 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 .80 60050 50005000. 5302 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.080 .80omo0mlmmcfiomz 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.: .800 .820 .mmfiod 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 Elana 3.00 0.00 009000 00.00 +000 600 00-000 6080 00:00 050002 08.8. Bo Ems 0000 30.69.0035 0880 8080800 mmebm um :20 #02 00.00 50% £035 302 gum 000% Hg “mun...” ..omd QHQNH. 240 caused largely by the continued influx of people to these urban centers. Rural—urban migration is one of the major contributory factors in the creation of an excess of job seekers over jobs. I The 1960 census of Ghana reported that the urban population and rural areas had unemployment rates of 6.3 percent and 3.2 percent, respectively. In large towns with populations exceeding 10,000 people, unerployment rates (expressed as a percentage of the labor force) were as follows: Age Group 1.5-l9 20-24 25-44 45-All Ages Unemployment Rate 34 15 7 7 12 Source: Ghana 1960 Census Reports. The preliminary reports of the 1970 census indicated that unemployment rates in Ghana as a whole did not change between 1960 and 1970 (6 percent each). There was, however, a rise in the male unemployment rate from 6.5 percent to 7.5 percent, which was accompanied by a drop in the female memployment rate, from 5.2 percent in 1960, to 3.9 percent in 1970.7 The unemployment rates by age groups reveal the high incidence of memloyuent rates among the young population. There are a few public employment centers in Ghana which keep records on the employment situation in Ghana. As renarked by Knight, a study of the data these centers compile reveals that in the second half of the 19603, the proportion of newcomers (registrants with no previous employment experience) increased, and that 7Ghana 1970 Census Report, Volume 11, June 1972, p. xzciv. 241 the largest increase in newcomers occurred among primary and middle school leavers without a middle school leaving certificate. Data for Accra alone revealed that less than one-sixth of registrants were born in Accra, and well over one-third of the registrants had no education at all (1972, p. 221). There is definitely a relationship between length of residence and the number of people who will be in regular jobs (Table 6.37) . Although a good proportion of the recent migrants were employed (76 percent) 24 percent were unemployed as compared with only 2 percent for the very old migrants. The labor market in the urban cmters is now very tight for a variety of reasons. It has been difficult for the government to provide jobs for the numerous job seekers in the towns. Jobs which used to be the monopoly of migrants are now undertaken by the indigelous population-- that is the original dwellers of the towns. The increased level of education in rural areas has raised the aSpirations of many young people who flock into the towns for urban jobs. Also related to the above is the tendency of employers to emagage some of the floating unemployed middle scholars. In this way the employer may beiefit twice--pay low wages and at the same time probably increase the level of efficiency, if the previous workers were uneducated . Thus, the uneduated new migrant in the town is highly disadvantaged in terms of securing a job apart from the very unskilled positions. Even there, he is likely to receive competition from middle school leavers desperately in need of jobs in order to continue to live in the town. These low paid jobs may be stepping stones to better positions in the future. The causes of memployment as, given by the unemployed migrants throw 242 mm mm 00 mm 000 SM 00m mmm z o.oo0 0.80 o.oo0 o.oo.n 08000.0. N 0 m 0 c.o 0.0 v.0 0.0 08900990 H002 m om me mm 0.0 0.0 m.o.0 m.m~ @0383 080009505 00 mm 00 0.0. m.mm 00.000 00.3 060 much gum 5 083008.000 00.00 0.00 800 00v 800 + 08 0000 00-000 A0880 00.8 38802 0000 + 08 0000 00:0: A080 0000 8.08802 0000 08> 0000 8.0008535 088m 0000 08> 0000 30000535 8890 030.080 8082 0.00535 Amm.o 80989 8000 owuomnuxmv mucowcommom oo0O0QEmcD mo coeesnwuumwa wmmucooumm .mm.m manna 243 more light on some of these points suggested above (Table 6.38) . One interesting point about the table is the fact that there were a few who were unemployed because they did not want to work at the destinations they were. It is possible that some of these were about to move on to other destinations (step-wise migration) or were probably in those towns for short visits. When some migrants become frustrated about failing to find jobs they may decide that the best thing to do is to seek for any job in a different town, especially if there is another relative there. A few migrants, particularly the very old, quit working because wages were rather too low for them. Almost all the female respondents who were unemployed were housewives (Table 6.37) . As reported by the 1970 census, the rate of employment among females has increased in recent years. This can partly be explained by the increased mmmbe: of educated females and also by the fact that many me: do seek wage employmentnboth educated and meducated.--than the case was years ago. A further reason for this is the increase in commercial activities of women in the retail and wholesale trade or petty trading in almost all the major towns in the country. Processes of Step—Wise Migration Basically, in terms of the characteristics of the movement itself, the migration process in the African environment either involves reloca- tion by stages or one step migrations (Riddel and Harvey, M., 1972, p. 272) . Step-migration is the process by which a migrant moves from his rural birth place to a city by a series of steps or stages, first to a local village, then on to a larger town and eventually to a major city (Thomas, 1970, p. 7) . Riddel and Harvey held the same view about step-migration 244 00 vm mm 0w 2 o.o00 o.oo0 o.oo0 o.oo0 00009 m.m w.m o.o m.m Hmnuo .mflomGMHHmOmHZ m.o~ 0.0m w.m0 c.00 808m x003 on 0:03 002 on m.o~ 0.00 N.N0 m.m mon 02 m>mm H m.0 o.o o.o o.o 300 00» mum mmmoz 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 umom 000 00000 002 800000 00000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 000000050 00 co0u0c0s00om0a 0.0m 0.0m 0.00 o.mm 80n000m>< mach oz 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 000000500 000000 000 Am00 mlov A000 + 000 000 00-000 A00000 00-00 0000002 UHO 008> o0o ouM0©mEHmuaH unwoom noncommmm .00:0 :02 meOmmom 0002 may 80¢ xc0nB :00 09 00:3 .om000mEmaD 000nmwmum mud :00 NH .wm.m manna in Africa when they described it as a process in which an individual or group of individuals migrate into higher order modes from rural areas, moving by way of intermediate centers (1972, p. 272) . Step-wise migration has been a common phenomenon in Ghana, especially during the colonial period when the transportation network was not well developed as it is today. As would be expected, it was commonly indulged in by migrants who originated from the Northern Savannas, Upper Volta, Niger, etc. , that is, areas which are far away from the major destinations in the South. Dis tanCe and transportation cost were, therefore, the first considerations in the generation of step-wise migration among migrants from the Northern Savannas. Whel there was very little motor transportation in Ghana, many migrants travelled to the South on foot and in stages. It was a common practice to make stops and stay in intermediate towns for considerable lengths of time in order to pick up a few coins for the rest of the journey. Whei a majority of migrants started going to the South in lorries, it was not everybody who could provide the needed money to cover the transporta- tion cost to their target destinations. To overcome this bottleneck in achieving some aspired goals, perceived to be located many miles away from home, determined migrants usually did the journey in stages. In this way, the few coins available at home were used to board a lorry to the nearest town. Here the migrant did all types of odd jobs, earned same money and paid for transporation costs to the next town. This continued for any number of stOps until the migrant reached his target destination. Further, recruitment of labor by mining companies and the colonial administration encouraged step-wise migration in two possible ways. In 246 the first case, a recruited migrant could honor the "contract," work at the mine or on the farm for the agreed length of period, and then mnve to another destination of his own choosing. The second method was where the migrant took advantage of the free transportation, food, and accommoda- tion offered by these companies enroute to the South, but on arrival ran away to a town of his own choosing. This was a serious problem, especially at the mines where many of the "volunteers took to flight on their arrival or only stayed a few days or months" (Rouch, 1954, p. 29) . As one of the very old migrants put it, "This was a very effective and safe method of migrating to the South." It was effective in the selse that official recruiting, especially when carried out during the dry season, often received support from traditional leaders and consequently drew very little opposition from parents. With all the above mentioned facilities available, including a thorough medical examination, it was surely a "cushioned" system of migrating to the South insofar as some Frafra intending migrants were concerned. Although these factors have been responsible for laying the fomda- tions of step-migration in Ghana, it has been, to a large extent, the existeme of intervening opportunities that account for the preset patterns of this type of migration. Most of the target towns are in the central part of Ghana (forest region) or on the coast. There is a range of intervening opportunities between these target areas and the Northern Savannas, therefore, many migrants utilize these, ranging from agriculture activities to urban occupations (Figure 17) . Variations in the levels of attraction these target towns hold for migrants , are related to the number of opportunities available and the number of relatives already living there. 248 FRAFRA MIGRATION IN GHANA: A HIERARCHY OF TARGET DESTINATIONS AND THE SPATIAL FRAMEWORK OF STEP-MIGRATION o Fwd—_———w—‘I—_\_—fiv— an.“ ) - Tum. Nouronoo “ff I _ / a o . ~ —-— international boundaries ( ”LSATANGA Regionoi :Ounoaries ,oL°"° .\ -— First class roads (JP/359 ,, _ K a 0"“ °“ \ NORTHERN GHANA ' mm " I L I' a ' ‘\ oco ize caportm ‘1‘35 1 .fl ' walnut. V) 0 Immediate oppcrtm ties \ / ( in some parts at ( m Q H Northern Ghana / ‘4 I Intermediate target ( i/ destinations ) K’J / Super-intermed.otc ' //V ( target destinations P/ Savanna \ j BRONG-AHAFO, ASHANLVOL‘TA W0? frrfR/v H" (... Tomato ° 0 dr'\ a'onq-Anaro and some t 5 ) parts at Ashanti regions 5 mixed with intermediate / and final desrmations & Doro .Domonoo / (DOSICOUy food rJitd - ' cocoa production and \ \ urban occupations) ) : VOHO Region: minimum ‘ attraction farce tor migrants SOUTHERN GHANA . Super target destinations Q First order target destinations 0 Second Order target destinations ammo I Some ‘ 0 ..... /////// Kimompo / 9r/ ill/l ,/',l 1 BRO/VG— 5404 FQ ” i.) /. ' 0 Third order tar-get I . . . « ”new , _ M909!» W destinations /«‘ ’ , . r «' . ' ' ' " ' " 0 Fourth order target : " I. ', q. .0 , .T'f"f."‘f_",.-j, ,,- ,, I ' ' ’ destinations ,- ' 5 I ' - Fitth Order tthet ’00.. .- ‘ » destinations ,' Mantra ,1 .. o 0506'“ Aaoanlranqua Ll W55 75)? /V . 0 0000000 Note: Refer to Appendix 5 for an '- explanation oi the design mu Altai . . I C0081 0f the MOD _ f.’ O 25 50 MI. Sources: Ghana .51/rye; Dad. ,- Grove and flavor, I964; and current res-care» Figure 17 . 249 For example, if a migrant stays in any target town for a period of time and is dissatisfied with the opportunities there, he could decide to move on to another target town with better jobs and social facilities. This is more likely to happen after the migrant has been in the South and has a better awareness space about all the major destinations. It can be inferred from some of the step-migratory patterns that the forces that motivated the migrant to leave home in the first place are most likely to continue to be operative. Consequently, subsequent moves are generated until some level of satisfaction is achieved. Kumasi and Accra are the super-target destinations to many Frafra migrants (Table 6.39 and Figure 17). It is quite obvious that most of the migrants utilize Tamale--a super—intermediate destination in Northern Ghana--before they move on to the South. Of course, there are a few who stay in Tamale permanently. In 1960, for example, 1,470 Frafra people were enumerated in the Tamale Urban Council. The next two important towns—~0buasi and Tarkwa— -are mining towns and are therefore target destinations of the first order (Figure 17) . The above patterns of step-wise or direct movements of Frafra migrants to the various destinations have been presented as a paradigm in Figure 18 (Figmre 18) . Step-migration is so prevalent among Frafra migrants such that only 57 percent, 38 percent, 30 percent and 35 percent of the recent, intermediate, old and very old migrants, respectively, were still at the destinations they first stopped (Table 6.40) . There were migrants who made more than four stops at different towns before getting to their current locations . Apparently, there is a strong relationship between length of residence at the destinations 250 :26: :8. 2» us 58:35:... 83 3%: no: and: 83350 ice: 8 can 895 355:: So be, u a. idea» 8:: 33:: So u o. 2E8» Sig 355:: Bugs: u m. 288% mie $532 888 .. 5. "do: 8g :2 mm: :2. mom mum mm: :3 mom MR mm: v2. mom mm: mm: «2: z 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: 92: :38. 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STEP-WISE ROUTE DIRECT ROUTE INTERMEDIATE ‘* DESTINATIONS 7p : FIRST OR : SECOND ORDER Low ORDER DESTINATIONS DESTINATIONS , v 4 : , l SUPER FIRST OR DESTINATIONS SECOND ORDER (KUMASI AND DESTINATIONS ------- a] ACCRA I Note: Refer to Fig. IT —-¥ Main flow of migrants ----> A weaker flow when migrants leave higher order destinatlons for lower ones. Figure 18 . 252 and the number of possible step-wise stops made by a migrant in his search for better opportmdties. Only 3 percent of the recent migrants unde about four stops as compared with 21 percent for the very Old migrants (Table 6.40). There was evidence in the field to suggest that nowadays many intending migrants leaving home indulge very little in step-migration unlike their compatriots in the past. For one thing, there is a better awareness now in the haneland about the destinations so that intending migrants can easily determine at home the particular towns to migrate to. Further, the sound foundation of chain migration in Frafra facilitates direct movements to relatives already at destinations . Besides, the easy flow of motor traffic between the North and the South help to enhance unre direct trips than the step-wise ones to the destinations. Table 6.40. Percentage Distribution of the Nunber of Stops Made by Migrants. Nmber of Stops Recent Intermediate Old Very Old ' . Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) (he Stop--still at first destination 56.9 38.4 30.3 34.6 Two Stops 31.8 35.8 32.2 26.4 'Ihree stops 8.5 17.9 20.9 18.5 Four or Me 2.8 7.9 16.6 20.5 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Note: This table is derived fran Table 6. 39 utilizing the figures for reponse "Made No Other Stop/Still at this Station." 253 Migrants do utilize opportunities in the various destinations at which they stop for periods ranging from a few months to even more than 10 years (Table 6.41) . The length of residence at the first destinations by the four migrant categories seems to be evenly distributed except that a majority of the recent migrants stayed at the first steps for periods ranging from a few months to two years. It is also quite evident that wherever possible the migrants stayed at destinations for periods between five and ten years. Of course, a few resided at some stops for more than ten years. The reasons given for their departure from one destination to another helps in explaining the lengths of these periods (Table 6.42) . The search for better jobs was often the dominant motive for migra- ting from one destination to another and was equally an important consid- eration among all the four migrant categories. The second important reason was "in order to return home.‘ This is indicative of the extent of cyclical labor migration among Frafra migrants. Some of the migrants left some destinations and went back home--either for long periods or on short visits-~but never returned to the same towns as before. A majority of such people changed their destinations in order to seek better jobs in other locations. It might be a little difficult for a migrant to transfer direct from one town to another, in terms of leaving friends or relatives or previous jobs behind, but such a difficulty can be circumvented when the transfer is made directly e_1_f_t_er_ a visit home. Employees in the private or government sector do get transferred from one tom to another and therefore some of the migrants left previous destinations because of this factor. Related to this is the number of 254 493 mo. 93 um ucoowwaduam no.3 gm new anon. BaumIdU Among» ow 55 89¢ $5.52 So E I O. 35.2" Rudd REED. SO I 0.. Eng 3:3 35%“: flag I m. E3» mus 35.52 .2803 I s. 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Misunderstanding with family members, relatives or friends at these destinations can also generate step-wise migration. Just as the existence of a relative in any town can attract other relatives or siblings to the same place, by the same token family discord can disperse such relatives over many towns. As most of them pointed out, the urban centers have one advantage which the rural environment back home has not. In the town, if there is a family misunderstanding any of the members who do not want to move to another town can simply change the residential location--that is try to have some social distance between himself and the other dissenting party. This cannot be easily achieved in the same manner in the rural erwironment. On the whole, there are all sorts of social mechanisms and sanctions which help to keep blood relationships intact, hence the low figures for the response "Misunderstanding with relatives" in Table 6.42. One interesting point which is rather difficult to explain, is the fact that more of the old and very old migrants changed their destinations as a result of misunderstanding with relatives/ friends than did the recent and intermediate migrants . It is difficult because during those periods, ‘ Frafra migrants were few, hence one would have expected more harmony than the case would be today when Frafra migrants are nunerous in the South. Also, those were the days the spirit of youthful independence was low, as compared with the level of "freedom" which educated and urban youths have today. One plausible explanation could be the continuous insistence in 257 the past by parents and some relatives in requesting migrants to return home. If a migrant was located in the South and asked to return home and he was not prepared to do, perhaps the best line of action was to change his destination. Other factors which made migrants change their destinations were for health reasons, to further education/ trade, and a few others. Usually, a few seriously ill migrants do change destinations to other locations where there are better health facilities or return home if there is the belief that it will only be local treatment (herbs, etc.) that will cme the disease. A change of destination, in order to further education, usually involves those in schools--say frommiddle school to secondary school or to a teachers training college or commercial school. There are also a few migrants who may be lucky enough to be selected by their employers for further training in another part of Ghana-~but this is a rather rare occurrence. The nature or extent of step-wise migration can further be analyzed by using the responses on where migrants were enumerated in both the 1960 and 1970 censuses. These were the best censuses to be carried out in Ghana. Apart from deriving almost accurate data from these two censuses, we can use the intercensal period of ten years to examine the character- istics of movements by Frafra migrants. The counting of people was both an extensive and effective exercise thus almost all grown up Ghanaians remember the two censuses (Table 6.43(a) and 6.43Cb)). The first obvious observation is the proportion of the recent and intermediate migrants who were enumerated at home in 1960-~93 percent and 90 percent for the recent and intermediate migrants , respectively. 258 mom mum mmm one 2 o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooH Hooch m.H m.H w.~ v.H. owuuommm uoz m.o m.H o.o v.H ooumumsdcm uoz mm3 o.o o.o o.o o.o cmuuomuomnuaama uocqmo m.ha v.m o.o o.o muood Hmuomuw 0.H H.H o.o o.o coammm Hmuucmo o.aa H.NH o.o o.o scammm numummz e.m s.m o.o o.o defimmm cuwummm 0.0 0.0 0.0 o.o cowmmm muao> m.mq H.5m Q.o o.o flucmsmd m.o s.m o.o o.o ommndlmaoum m.m m.a e.o m.~ coammm cnmguuoz o.o m.o h.o q.a scammm momma ca wmmHHw>no> oao mamaomaumch unmoom mmcommwm mmomcmo coaumHomom omma manna on» MOM omumumfidcm do» 983 95:3 .3va .m magma 259 mom mum mmm vm¢_ z o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa Hance m.a m.H H.H m.o omuuomom uoz 0.H m.o v.0 N.H omumumfisnm uoz mmz o.o m.o 0.0 0.0 cwuuomuomuaaame became o.~m H.h~ H.m~ m.~H mnood kumwuw m.o o.o m.o ~.o . scammm.amuucmu n.ma m.ma ~.na m.m scammm cumummz v.m m.¢ m.~ o.a cofimmm nuoummm o.o m.o o.o o.o :oammm muHo> m.mq m.vm m.nm m.mm .flucmnmm m.o o.v >.H o.m Onondlmcoum m.o a.m m.~a v.oa coammm cumsuuoz o.o m.o m.o m.o coamwm momma CH ommaaw>\c3oa Hmnuond m.v m.v o.v m.vm mummuh aw asoumsom Amy» muov Amos + one “mum omuaav Amumm» canoe mangoes oHo mum> oao oumflomaumucH unmomm mmcommmm mmsmcmu coflumHomom osma macaw may now omumumfiscm sow whoa mumsz gem: 033 260 This at least suggests that a majority of Frafra migrants make the initial move from home. About 39 percent and 5 percent of the recent and inter- mediate migrants, respectively were enumerated at home in 1970. The 1970 census took place in March-April, 1970 and this research was conducted between April and December, 1972. Thus, we can assume that it was between March-April 1970 and April-December, 1972 that 35 percent of the recent migrants and 5 percent of the intermediate migrants moved fran home. It was pointed out earlier that a few of the migrants utilize the immediate and intermediate locations in the Upper and Northern Regions and then later on move to some destinations in the South. In 1970, for example, 10.4 percent of the recent migrants were enumerated in the Northern Region, but only 6.0 percent of these were interviewed in Northern Ghana during this research. Hence between 1970 and 1972, 4.4 percent of recent migrants moved from intermediate areas in the Northern Region to the South. Another striking pattern about these two migrant categories (recent and intermediate) is their dispersed distributions in all the regions during the intercensal period, except the Volta Region, but with concentrations in regions with the super-destinations (Ashanti and Greater Accra). An analysis of the responses of the remaining two groups-Fold and very old migrants-among other factors, portrays the extent of cyclical movements among Frafra migrants. In 1960, 40 percent of the old migrants (away from home for 1.1-20 years and interviewed for this research in the South) and 6 percent of the very old migrants (away for more than 20 years) were enumerated in their hometowns in Frafra. In 1970, 5 percent of each of these two groups were still enumerated at home and not at the destinations. If the migrants were right, and there is no reason to doubt 261 responses, then there are two possible explanations. Welical labor migration, whereby migrants return to their home towns and rejoin the migration stream is one possible explanation. It is possible for a migrant to do this many times, especially the seasonal migrants. It is also known that migrants make frequent visits back home for short periods, a topic to be discussed in the next chapter. Thus, returned migrants who were enumerated at home but who migrated again is the first explanation. Although there is no reference to this in the census reports, it is most likely that some migrants return to their hometowns during the census periods to make sure that they are counted in their ancestral lands. Probably more research is needed in this area to determine to what extent population counts in Ghana generate movements of people, especially back to their hometowns. In 1960, 27 percent and 46 percent of the old and very old migrants, respectively, were enumerated in Ashanti Region. In 1970, 35 percent and 46 percent of the old and very old migrants, respectively, were enumerated in the same region. Although 7 percent more old migrants moved into Ashanti region, mostly Kumasi, we can infer that the Ashanti region with its numerous opporttmities--tmban jobs, mines, food and cocoa production-- tends to encourage many migrants to stay there for longer periods. If we compare figures for the two groups for Greater Accra in 1960 and 1970 it will be realized that migrants continue to move from other destinations to Accra, hence it has a rather an unstable migrant population. It was roted that since independence (1957) Accra has continued to be the most centrepetal destination for many Ghanaian migrants. The proportion of old and very old migrants who were enumerated in 262 the Western region in 1960 and 1970 did not change much, except in the twin city of Sekondi-Takoradi, Tarkwa and Prestea, the two main gold mining towns, in the Western Region. Even though mining has not attracted many migrants, it is an occupation which, if wholeheartedly undertaken, can keep an individual from home for long periods. This is so because of the pension benefits, the long service awards and the social facilities available to workers at the mines (to be discussed in Chapter VII). From the above, it is evident that step-wise migration is a widely practiced phenomenon. There was every evidence to show that as long as there are differences in the attractions of the various destinations, step— migration will continue for a long time among Frafra migrants (Table 6.44) . The increased memployment rate in Ghana, coupled with the fact that more young educated people are moving to the urban centers-~a competition which uneducated Frafra migrants will have to face--it is most likely that the level of step-wise movements will increase in the future. This will probably be more prevalent among migrant ethnic groups who have no special— ized skills or occupations but are rather dispersed in all occupations and destinations in the wiole country as the Frafra migrants are. 263 Table 6.44. 'What Wbuld.Make You Decide to Leave This Town fer Another Place in the South? Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old 'Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 +-Yrs) (0—5 Yrs) Cannot find a Job 21.2 11.6 18.5 13.2 lost My Job 34.6 44.6 44.5 44.4 wages Too Low 2.8 5.7 4.3 4.9 Tired of Present Job 0.7 1.1 0.8 1.0 Tired of Living Here 21.9 17.9 16.3 19.0 On Transfer, Pensioned 0.9 1.7 3.0 2.4 Decision of Husband 10.8 11.6 8.3 8.3 III Health, 4.4 3.1 3.5 3.4 'Not Reported 4.4 3.1 3.5 3.4 No Idea 1.2 0.8 0.3 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 CHAPTERSEVEN A SYSTEMS ANALYSIS OF FRAFRA MIGRATION: STREAM AND COUNTER STREAM FIDWS The migration Process and Rural-Urban links Numerous researchers in Africa have proven that the majority of urban dwellers are an integral part of both of the towns they live in and of the villages they migrated from. Wallerstein, for instance, in discussing the rural-urban link refers to migrants in West African cities as a "quasi-proletariat" (1967, p. 501). According to Caldwell, "When the migrant has reached the city, fomd a job and established himself in reasonably satisfactory housing, he has usually not completed a once-and—for- all operation. Very few migrants begin a new life and forget the old. On the contrary, for most, there are continuing links of all kinds with the village; very often the town, is regarded as a kind of stopping place, and the stay there as a kind of sojourn" (1969, p. 140). These links between the rural environment and the urban dwellers are very much a function of the dynamics of kinship and family ties which operate in many African societies. Both patrilineal and metri- lineal patterns of family inheritance place emphasis on the lineage system. "A person' s membership of his lineage binds him forever to the village where the lineage is localized. Wherever hemey go, however longhemaybeaway, hebelongs to his lineage town or village. The economic and social obligations of kinship such as those connected with 264 265 funerals, marriages and divorce, as well as political allegiance and jural rights and status, which are also tied up with kinship, keep alive his attachment to his native town or village" (Busia, 1950, p. 73). This observation which was made in a report on the social system of Sekondi-Takoradi is quite an appropriate description of the forces of the family system which help to bind people of the same lineage together. Fortes' research revealed that dynamics of the kinship system in Tallensi and the other ethnic groups in the Mole-Dagbani cultural area are very strong, fostering on the whole centripetal relationships (Fortes, 1945, I949) . The links between the rural environment in Frafra and the migrants at the destinations have been kept intact throughout the whole period of out-migration in Frafra. These links find expression in the regular visits migrants make back home; the gifts they send back home or receive in return; the hospitality to home visitors to the destinations, for example, family members, friends or ethnic members; the numerous types of help given to new arrivals; the social and political organiza- tion of the migrants along the lines of what exists at home and above all, the desire in most migrants to return home finally. The social and political organization of the Frafra migrants has a very strong bearing on the lineage system at home. The attachment to the homeland was clearly depicted in their responses on the level of allegiance (respect) they owed to traditional leaders (Table 7.1) . In order of importance, a majority of migrants owed more allegiance to their clan/ family heads back home, followed by the traditional chief (village of the divisional chief back in Frafra homeland). The fact that they considered the family or clan head as being the most important 266 EH8» om :53 8020 355a 30 36> Ga 338» 8.3 35% So u o. 658» 3.8 3552 3o§5 n 0.. Snow» mus 3:39.: ”.580 u 5. "m2 mom 050 ~00 v0 v mom 08 ~00 v0: 003, 2.0 ~00 v01 00m 050 ~00 v0 mow 050 000 v0v 2 0.00v 0.00v 0.00v 0.00v 0.00H 0.03 0.00H 0.03. 0.000 0.000 0.00H 0.000 0.03. 0.000 0.000 0.00H 0.03 0.000 060d 0.00H .738. 0.00 0.2. 0.2. H60 0.0a 0.2.. 0.0m 0.00 v.0 N.0.m 0.0a 0.0." 0.0 0.H 0.0 N.0 Bug uoz 04 0.N 0.H H.N 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 N.0 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.H H.N v.0 v4 EH85 0.00 HAN N.0N 0.00 04 0.0 0.0 H.N. 04 04 0.0 0.0 0.v 0.v 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0.... 023 0.0a 0:84 H3 mo 3 0.5 «.50 040 0.3a v.- 0.3 d: 0.: 0.H 04 H.HH 0.0 v4 H.N and H.H 0.H H.H 0.H 0.N End. 3.5 no H03 «5. H.N.h 0.0m Q04. 0.3 0.0 0.0 «.4 0.0 5.00 0.3. .700 ~60 13 0.: v.- 0.5 0.N. 0.0." H23 04. and: hug swank «0 mg 0.00 5.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.0 73 5.3 0.: 0.3 0.3 n.0v 04.0 0.00 0.00 0.0m 5.00 0.8 5 um Hog gauche 5.00 0.2. 0.2. v.00 04 0.0 10 0.N 0.0 0.0 H.N. 0.0 0.00 «.40 0.0a 0.0a 0.3 0.00 0.00. 0.00 g.— uo so: .AHEEU o o m 4 a o m < a o m 4 a u m < ..a .u .m .2 8E838 moodflhv udpwuoundupu wghfithn QHRHHQE: mQhfihQEQ m>fifi§2fifidd uw¥a£flqom umflaoudt. uw¥~nEHmd mQhUthfi uwfla mgflfimmflm memo: Hmco«uaomue mCH3OHHom wcu Ou mzo 90> mocmfimmaae wnu wocmuuanH 00 nonuo aw oumofiUCH H.h manna 267 is indicative of the significance of the lineage system among migrants who are away from home. Whem we go down the ladder, the third important traditional leader is the chief of the Frafra communities at each of the destinations. The establishment of strangers' quarters in towns has been one of the strong forces for drawing members of an ethric group to the same residential location. One of the outcomes of this was the creation of ethnic group leaders (chiefs) in all the towns. ’Ihis phexomeion was eicouraged by the British Colonial Administration in line with their policy of Indirect Rule. For instance, in Sierra Leone as early as the 18808 Governor James Hay recognized these Headmen of migrant communities as . . .the proper medium of communication between the Governmeit and their people. . . .Among other things, it was his duty to advise the Government of any bad characters among his people and aid the detection of robbery and any other criminal offences by any such characters. . ." (Banton, 1954, p. 109). Headmen for the various ethnic groups in the towns were recognized by the Colonial Administration in Ghana probably for the same reasons. For example, the Chief Commissioner of Ashanti, Kumasi reported in September, 1932 that: "There are nine recognized Headmen in the Zongo over the following tribes: (l) Dagomba, (2) Frafra, (3) Fulani, (4) Grunshi, (5) Kotokoli, (6) Mamprusi, (7) Wangara, (8) Moshi and (9) Yoruba. The head of the Hausas is regarded as the Sarikin (Chief of Zongo)" (Annual Report for Ashanti Region, 1932) . The social organization of Frafra migrants is in the same hierarchy as what exists at home. Since chain migration has brought together 268 members of the same family or clan, problems among migrants are tackled first before the immediate family head. When this does not bring a solution, the next level will be the clan or sectional head1 and then finally the Frafra chief at the destination. Of course, problems of the higher order or very complex could go straight to the Frafra chief. Generally, the Frafra chief in each town is the go-between in major political or administrative transactions between migrants and the indigenous traditional chiefs. This explains why the response "the chief of this town," is the fourth because Frafra migrants seldom deal directly with these local chiefs. (he interesting point about the perception of traditional authority among migrants was that almost all the Frafra chiefs interviewed in the South indicated that they owed their first allegiance to "the Chief of this town." This probably can be explained by the fact that some of the indigenous chiefs are highly or solely instrumental in the appointment of many migrants as the Headmen over the rest of their ethnic groups. The spirit of independence is stronger among the recent migrants, for example, 15 percent of them owed no allegiance to any of the traditional leaders as compared to the 8 percent of the very old migrants (Table 7.1) . Networks of interaction among migrants are also based on the traditional lineage system. The sources of information for migrants 1There is a hierarchy of chiefs among the Frafra migrants . In each town there are sectional leaders--bomdaries coinciding with the residential boundaries of the towns--and them the chief over the whole Frafra community in that town. Chiefs in District Capitals (destina- tions) are higher than the other chiefs in the District. The chiefs at the Regional Capitals are higher than the chiefs in District Capitals. 269 reflect this factor, although in the towns the radio and the daily newspapers are better sources of information than they were before the migrants moved out of Frafra homeland (Tables 5.1 and 7.2). This means that in tenms of obtaining information while in the towns, migrants depend more on the mass media than on frields or family members. This is quite understandable considering the fact that the mess media is far better developed in the towns than in rural areas. The mass media occupies such prominence because it is often the only means of channel- ling informetion to urban dwellers and, of course, the rest of the nation. Ethnic dynamism or solidarity among Frafra migrants is quite strong in the South. They have all sorts of functions together either on the weekend or during some of the traditional festivals held back home. Even though they may not go home for the particular festivals, the migrants will have their cmn version at these destinations. Deaths or funerals also pull migrants together. Contributions are usually made when a death oCcurs and this money is used for various purposes-~burial expenses, help to the bereaved family and them, finally, the sending of a delegation to take the funeral (the property and family of the deceased if he/ she had any) back home to Frafra. The most significant solidarity among them, however, is the initial help given to new arrivals-«free food, housing, money, clothes, help to obtain a job, etc. (Table 7 . 3). Generally, whei migrants are in need of help, especially financial, only a few will utilize their employers. It is usually the parth or relatives, frieids and other ethnic members whom they contact (Table 7. 4) . 270 3H8» 0~ :15 0.85 558502 30 03> I P. i880 8A: 355:. So u u. 3.30» 0.78 5:33: mania—5.35 I m. 3.3% 0:8 3502 88mm _- 4.. 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Larry Sjaastad found this to be true in his study in Mississippi when he said "gross migration in one direction is the best single indicator of the amount of black-flow" (Sjaastad, 1962). Lansing and Mueller also showed that immigration and out-migration have a positive correlation of .58, suggesting that as in-migration rate increases, so also does the out-migration or vise versa (lansing and Mueller, 1967). No detailed research has been carried out in Ghana to test this notion of counter-stream flows between regions or towns. However, the evidence available indicates that some towns and specific regions which are better developed or endowed with a variety of valuable resources continue to attract migrants from areas with few or no economic opportunities. Thus, very few people migrate into the Frafra area, because there are no significant economic activities in the area (Table 7.5) . All the migrants in the Frafra homeland are to be found in Bolgatanga, the main urban center, and the few rural urban centers such as Tongo, Zuarungu, Bongo, Nangodi and Sekoti. 'Ihe population of Bolgatanga increased from 5,515 in 1960 to 18,896 in 1970 and there is no doubt that this increase was due to the outcome of the creation of Bolgatanga in the 19603 as the capital of Upper Region. 'Ihere will not be any data on different ethnic groups in the 1970 census reports, hence it will not be possible to determine the extent of the counter-stream flows into Frafra between 1960 and 1970. However, we know that scan of the towns, especially Bolgatanga 274 Counter-Stream Migration: Total Migrant Popula- tion in Frafra Local Council by Ethnic Groups, Table 7.5 . 1960. Ethnic Group Number Percent of Total Migrant Population Akan 660 10.4 Ga 200 3.1 Ewe 420 6.6 Guan (Minus Gonja) 120 1.9 Centran Togo 10 0.2 Sub-total From Southern Ghana 1,410 22.2 Dagomba 640 10.1 Mamprusi 270 4.2 Gonja 140 2.2 Gurma 70 1.1 Sub-total From Northern Region 1,120 17.6 Wala 30 0.5 Dagarti 10 0.2 *Gurensi-Nankansi 350 5.5 Kusasi 100 1.6 Lobi 260 4.1 Grusi 380 6.0 Sub-total from Upper Region 1,130 17.9 Yoruba 600 9.4 .Moshi 1,380 21.7 Hausa 240 3.8 Fulari 60 0.9 Mande 80 1.2 Songhai 150 2.3 Others 190 3.0 Sub-total from Africa 2,700 42.3 Grand Total For Migrants 6,360 100.0 Frafra (Talensi, Nabdam, Gurensi) 143,830 Percent of Total Population in Frafra 95.8 .After Ghana 1960 Census, Special Report E. 275 lost {Inst of the foreign African migrants because of the Aliens Compliance Order of 1969. Return Migration Generally, it is the aspiration of almost all Frafra migrants to return home finally with no subsequent moves from the homeland. We have no exact data on the rate of return migration in Frafra, but we know that every year some migrants return home while others, in numbers, migrate to the South. It is probably at this level that one could talk of counter-stream migration, but involving the same ethnic group. Basically, there are three types of returned migrants. The first is the migrant who returns home for a short visit while the second is the person who goes home, stays for quite a considerable length of time (6 months to two years) after which he rejoins the migration stream again-~cyclical labor movements. The last type of returned migrant is the one who goes home permanently with no intention whatsoever of leaving the ancestral land again. The first and the second are more frequent than the third, but on the whole, the first type of returned trips are the most frequent. Short. Visits Back Home Apart from the strengthening of kinship ties among migrants at the destinations, the connonest method of keeping intact the links between the urbanites and the rural people is the frequency of short visits back home by migrants (Table 7. 6(a)) . Many Frafra migrants do make visits back home during their leave periods or when there are public holidays--particularly Christmas and Faster holidays (Table 7.6(b)). Others make the visits when there are funerals or any of the Frafra traditional festivals to be performed. As nost of the 276 mom mum Nmm «me 2 o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa Hmuoa v.m m.a o.m m.~ omuMOQmm uoz m.mm N.HN m.mm m.mo mcoz m.o 0.H o.o m.o moses cos on xflm 0.H m.o o.o m.o mmea m>flm m.m m.a m.o ~.0 moses Moon m.am w.mH o.m m.H moses mouse H.om o.n~ N.¢H n.v posse m.mm m.om m.hm m.m~ mono Ann» mnov Amp» + owe 1mg» omuaav Amummw sauce unmumflz oHo >um> oao muwflomaumucH uomomm mwmcommmm mmEom wcoo so» m>mm mmEHB mam: 30m mummy moHSB “mom gnu Hm>o Amvm.s magma 277 Z o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooa Hmuoe m.ma H.mv 5.5 m.m omuhommm uoz m.mm o.om m.mm m.¢o muflmw> oz o.o m.o o.o h.o mmpH on mbm: H o.o o.o 0.0 0.0 Hm>o we uomuucoo m2 om£3 v.m H.N m.o v.H swamMM\mMEumwnno mcwuso m.n m.m o.v m.H sunoz cw commmm mafiaumm m.¢ m.m m.¢ o.H mamumcom\mam>fluwmm mcwuoo «.ma m.ma o.mm m.ma as enemas emo H manusqm n.Hm H.N m.nm m.m poaumm amofiaom\m>mmq mcwuoo Amuw muoo 1mg» + omv Amp» ONIHHV Amummm canoe panama: oao >um> oao mumaomfiumucH ucmowm noncommmm .mEom snoumm madmomo :0» mafia may m>fiu .anvo.n manna 278 migrants explained, it is usually difficult for workers to make frequent visits unless during the leave (vacation) period, usually granted workers annually. Seasonal migrants and a few others who still alternate their activities at home and in the South with the rythrm of the seasons, often return in the farming season to help with the farm labor (Table 7.6(b)) . Although it is the desire of many migrants to maintain the bonds with the relatives and friends left at home, it was not everybody who made a visit home within a three year period (Table 7.6(a)) . The evidence showed that migrants who had been in the South for long periods were more likely to go back home than, for example, the recent migrants. An examination of some of the reasons why migrants make these trips back home will help explain the irregular nature of the visits as well as why some migrants do not make them (Table 7.7) . Alnost all the visits had direct links with family ties (to visit parents, help with farming, offer sacrifices, attend funerals, festi- vals, etc.) . This means that the migrant who left home as a result of a misunderstanding in the family is unlikely to return home for short visits. Chain migration has smely brought many family mariners to these destinations, thus unless there is a key family member or members back home there will be no need to make any short visits. The biggest hinderance, however, is the cost involved in going back home. First, the migrant has to provide the transportation cost home and back and considering the distances between Frafra homeland the destin- ations, this could be a substantial amount of Honey. Secondly, a migrants success is usually measured by the rural people by what he remits home, either when he makes visits or through others. Of course, 279 mum ~00 03 000 02 000 03 z 0.00H 0.03 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H H38 0.~ 0.H 0.0 0.H 0.~ 0.H ~.0 0.H “.3880 82 0.2 0.: 0.00 0.00 0.0~ 0.0~ 0.00 0.00 «33> oz 0.0 0.H 10 0.0 0.H 0.H ~.0 ~.0 b.3209 “855 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 ....0 a; 0.0 3? xufl 055 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.0 fihm 98 0.H 0.H H.H ~.0 0.~ 0.H 0.~ N.H H9398. "53¢ 0.0 0.0 0.H 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.~ 04 Human “.86992 12 0.0 0... 0.~ 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.~ 823.83 homo 8. 0.~ 0.0 0.H ~.0 0.~ 0.0 0.... 0.0 oceans 53.032. 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.H p.00 ~.0... 0.: 0.0~ 09003 \mflacam fine, 8. 18» 0.00 E» 0.0V E» + 0.: 1m; 00;: 6.83 0700 0:052 at. + 02 a; 0TH: A38» 078 233: So has, Bo Boagfifi 28% So be, So 3060535 28mm commxmm unsuog: «0:008 condom wasp 09:qu 895mg ~96: 05638 .80 980$ Bo» >280: 84 006. 420 038. 280 the most successful migrant will be the one who will be able to build a good house or a commercial store either at the destinations or back home but mostly the latter. Thus, unless a migrant has sufficient income the visit back home will not be made. "It is a shame to go back home empty handed. My pay is not even alright for me, how then do I visit home?," one of the migrants asked. Perhaps, this explains why the migrant who has not been in the South for long is very unlikely to make such short visits. Apart from the problems of income there are other risks involved. There is a tight labor market now hence if a migrant makes frequent visits home in order to celebrate festivals or greet funerals, this would most likely lead to his loss of a job. Another risk involves the possibility of being prevented from returning to the destinations after the visit, especially if the migrant in the first place was not allowed to leave home. In addition to all these, there is a psychological factor which is related to the high level of competition among returned migrants back home. Returned migrants, whether on short visits or back permanently tend to compete among themselves in "showing off"--in terms of mannerisms, clothes worn, property brought back, language tools, etc. This consideration has often compelled many migrants who mm___s_t_ visit home (say the death of a key family member) to make very elaborate preparations, incluiing the borrming of good clothes, especially if the migrant has none himself, money, etc., to ensure that "they can keep their heads above the crowd at home" explained one old migrant from Bongo in Ohmsi; Insofar as the lineage system or kinship ties are concerned there are usually only a few migrants who will decide ne_v_e_1_:_ to visit. home. As a result, even though for the past three years 65 percent, 281 34 percent, 21 percent and 26 percent for the recent, intermediate, old and very old migrants, respectively, did not visit borne, the proportion dropped sharply when respondents were asked to indicate when they hoped or planned to visit home (Table 7.8) . The emphasis on the response "anytime I can afford it, is indicative of the fact that generally many migrants would have made frequent visits home if there were no monetary constraints. To many migrants, unless there is an urgent need for the visit, it is better to send the money, which would have been used for transportation cost and other gifts, (either by mail or through another person) to relatives than to visit home with nothing to offer relatives. Short Periods and Permanent Returned Migrants Of the 607 peOple interviewed in the homeland, 323 or 53.2 percent were returned migrants while 284 or 46.8 percent had never lived outside Frafra area continuously for more than six months . In the following analysis, and later when there is a discussion on the effects of out-migration on the Frafra area, the characteristics of these two groups (returned migrants and never-migrated respondents) will be examined. Migrants already at the destinations were asked to indicate whether they were contemplating a permanent return to their villages, and the results are presented in Table 7.9(a) . Only a few, about a third of each group responded that they had such plans, while the rest were not planning to return home permanently. The reasons for the decision of the third of each group to return home permanently are given in Table 7.9(b) . To some extent, we can regard these as some of the pulls of the rural environment. The need to obtain sufficient income 282 z 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H Hmuoe ~.0H 0.~H m.0 0.o oouuooom uoz 0.0 0.0 ~.0 o.H moo were on oomucH u.coo H 0.0 e.m 0.~ 0.0 mooH oz o>mm H 0.0 0.0 m.0 0.0 um>o me uomuucoo as core m.m m.w ¢.m n.m mamuooom\am>eummm mownso o.m w.m H.v h.m cowomm mGHEHMh m.s m.m 0.5 5.0 “mummM\mosumauoo pa 0.~m m.mm «.mm 0.0H coauoo o>ooq unease 0.5m H.mm H.00 m.m0 he onommm coo H magpmca Amy» mn00 Ame» + 0N0 Amos 0muHH0 Amaoo» 0Huov panama: oao mum> pHO ouMHomEHmucH unmoom noncommwm moEom uewe> pxmz Mao» oxmz ou cmam\mmom now on Gena .m.h manna Table 7.9(a) 283 Are You Contemplating a Permanent Return to Your Village? Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) Yes 30.2 28.3 33.2 38.1 No 69.1 70.5 66.2 61.1 Not Reported 0.7 1.2 0.6 0.8 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 7.9(b). If Yes, What Would Make You Decide to Return Home Permanently? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) When I Obtain Sufficient Money 14.5 11.9 13.7 18.4 I Must Return to Farm 4.8 7.4 5.1 6.8 Tired of Living Here 0.7 2.3 2.1 1.0 When I become Family Head 2.0 2.3 7.5 5.4 To Marry or Join Family 5.3 2.3 2.7 4.0 When Most of My Children are Adults 0.7 0.9 0.8 1.5 When All Children are Educated 1.0 0.2 0.8 0.5 Not Planning to Return Permanently Now 69.1 70.5 66.2 61.1 Not Reported 0.7 1.2 0.6 0.8 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 7.9(c). If No, Do you Wish to Stay Here for the Rest of Your Life? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) Yes 0.7 0.6 2.0 2.4 No 70.7 70.2 65.5 58.5 I am contemplating a permanent return 28.6 28.4 32.0 38.5 Not Reported 0.0 0.8 0.5 0.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 284 to return home permanently was the most important, followed by the need to return home and farm. Other responses were solely related to the pull of the lineage system such as (1) when I become a family head, (2) to marry or join family and (3) when children are adults or are all educated. Though a greater proportion of the respondents were not planning to return home permanently, they did not intend to stay at the destina- tions forever without going home finally, (Table 7.9(c)). While only a few could give the length of periods they wished to stay on at the destination quite a substantial proportion though they would still be away from home for more than ten years (Table 7.10(a)) . A comparison of this table with the reasons for those perods in Table 7.10(b) illustrates clearly some of the factors or attractions which continue to keep migrants from returning home permanently. The acquisition of income and property is one of the basic considerations for a migrant's contin- uous stay in the South. But cost of living and the related demands of the towns are never in the favor of the migrant. Thus, a migrant's life is probably full of daydreams about returning home with wealth, sending many gifts home or building a house or the like, back home. It is this drive in migrants coupled with conditions in the homeland which have forced quite a few Frafia migrants to be away from home for very long periods, at times for the rest of their lives. The acquisition of sufficient income and property by migrants can have a dual role in teams of the decision of migrants to return home. It is quite true that the migrant who is satisfied with his achievements--financially or otherwise-in the South will be more 285 Table 7.10(a). If You Do Not Want to Stay Here for the Rest of Your Life, How Much Longer Are You Then Going to be Away From Home? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) Less than 3 months 0.9 0.3 0.0 0.0 3 months-One Year 0.9 3.6 1.9 0.0 1 year to 2 years 4.1 2.9 3.0 6.3 2% years to 4 years 2.9 2.0 3.6 6.8 45 years to 6 years 5.2 5.4 6.2 5.4 6% years to 8 years 3.2 7.l 6.2 6.8 8% years to 10 years 9.5 9.9 14.5 11.2 More than ten years 33.6 29.6 21.5 16.2 Will go home soon or wants to be here for rest of life 30.2 29.3 34. 40.9 Not Reported 9.5 9.9 8.9 6.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 Table 7.10(b). Why Do You Want to Stay in This Town for the Period You Have Just Stated? Responses Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrant (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 + Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) I hOpe to Obtain Sufficient Income 38.9 35.5 36.5 27.3 My Husbands Decision 11.8 12.5 8.5 6.3 In order to obtain Pension 3.0 5.4 7.5 15.9 I want my children educated 1.8 2.3 My Parents are here 0.7 1.9 1.9 .5 I have still got a good job 1.9 1.1 0.5 4.0 Hope to Obtain Property 1.8 1.2 0.3 2.0 I am attending school, etc. 0.7 0.6 0.3 0.0 Will go home soon or wants to be here the rest of my life 29.5 29.0 7.4 1.5 Not Reported 9.9 10.5 34.6 41.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 286 willing to return home than the dissatisfied migrant. On the other hand, the numerous advantages of being a wealthy person in the society will most likely encourage the rich migrant to continue to live in the South, make more money and acquire more property either at the destina- tion or at home or both. The very successful Frafra migrants who have houses and a few businesses of their own do make frequent visits home, especially if part of the property is at home. However, on the whole, there is a tendency among successful migrants to continue to organize whatever they already have in the South in order to expand their enterprises. The only exceptions are the few who may decide to invest all of their income in the Northuhouses, commercial stores, etc. The location of the parents 'or key relatives of any migrant at any of the destinations will also tend to keep such a person from returning home permanently. The length of time wives of migrants will spend in the South depends very much on the decisions of the husband and also the age of the wife(ives) as explained in Chapter VI. Educa- tion, that is those still in school or receiving some training, will tend to keep migrants in the South for some time. Even after completion, unless the person has been offered a good job at home, he will probably stay at the destinations where there is a wide range of job opportunities. Besides a few migrants who have stayed at these destinations for long periods may decide not to'return home whether they have been offered jobs or not. Apart from the above one other major factor which will tend to anchor migrants to the destinations is the nature of the jobs they have. The terms of service offered by some jobs indirectly encourage 287 workers to stay at the same place continuously for long periods. For instance, almost all the mining companies have the following awards for their workers . (l) Pension: A person will be pensioned if he works for 25 consecutive years underground or 35 consecutive years on the surface at the rate of 55 pesewas (about $0.50) a day. Pensioned senior officers receive 10 pesewas more, that is 65 pesewas a day for the rest of their lives. Apart from the pension rights a worker is entitled to gratuity and the total amount to be received as gratuity will depend on the number of years of service. Occasionally, some very old migrant workers are lucky enough to collect gratuities above one-thousand dollars. This is quite a reasonable amount to start a business or build a house with, often the dream of many migrants. Nowadays most of the gratuities are admn'nistered by the Central Government as required by the Social Security Act of 1961. (2) long Service Awards: (a) If an employee works underground continuously for 18 years he is presented with a jewel watch, with his name inscribed on it. If this person continues and works for 25 consecutive years he is then awarded a medalion with his name inscribed on it, plus $50.00 cash. It is at this stage that the worker is awarded pension rights. (b) the surface miner will be given a jewel wrist watch if he works for 25 consecutive years. He will be awarded a medalion, $50.00 cash and pension rights if he works continuously for 35 years. Many other occupations in the public and private sectors have similar rewarding system. Since it is the wish of many migrants to 288 benefit from these facilities people tend to stay longer than their counterpart migrants do in the farming regions or in occupations without such incentives. A further factor which keeps migrants at the destinations for long periods, especially those at the mines, is related to the above mentioned rewarding system. Retirement of a mine worker does not depend on the worker himself but it is at the discretion of the mining management. Many migrants complained against this system because a few have in the past been forced to retire perhapsonly a year or few months left to qualify for pension rights. Some migrants thought it was a method used by mining authorities to lessen the number of people who will continue to be on the payroll of the mines as pensioned workers . The mining management however had different explanations for that trend. Most of their workers arrive at the mines already in their mid-twenties or passed 30 years. If such employees are allowed to work continuously for 30 to 35 years in order to qualify for pension rights,"this humanitarian action will be done at the expense of quality and maximum production at the mines," one adminstrator explained. Whatever be the case, such workers find themselves in a serious dilema, that is, either to go home with nothing to boast of or to stay behind and look for another job, at which stage the factor of age is a strong disadvantage. In some cities, like Accra and Kumasi, the number of people who apply for pension and gratuity rights are high that it takes years for ones application to be processed. In the meantime, the retired migrant will probably be hanging around without a job. This being the case, he may get into many debts with great hopes that the. 289 gratuity or social security award will help to pay these off. This is more likely to happen especially if he saved very little during the years he was working. Unfortunately, as it has happened to quite a few retired migrants, either the gratuity award would not measure up to expectation or it would take a long time to be granted the worker. In either case the migrant will be a very unfortunate position; first of all about paying off the debts he might have built up and secondly about returning home with some appreciable personal effects. The second consideration is at times so important that the migrant would decide against returning home. One retired migrant interviewed in Kumasi was so frustrated about the problems of claiming his pension and gratuity benefits such that he did not want to discuss any other topic with the author but the problems of his money. At one stage he remarked, "I surely want to go back home, but I will rather prefer my funeral to be taken home than return personally with my ten fingers." This means that unless he can satisfy himself of substantial property to take home, he would not make the permanent return trip. Perhaps, the following table gives an idea of the importance migrants attach to the prestige or self satisfaction derived when they return home with something (Table 7.11) . Once again, the very high aspirations of migrants are depicted in the responses. It is very unlikely that the number of people who indicated they would like to return with lorries or cars would actually have their dreams fulfilled. The old and very old migrants laid emphasis on obtaining money and probably had hopes of building houses or starting businesses in the future. (hi the ohter hand, the recent and intermediate were more interested in items which could help then to "show off" in the 290 Apnoea" cm 55 953 35.5.5 0H0 50> u 9. Boom» 8.3 388% So u or 188» 3.8 womanhood u m. EH8» mug “Emma #08on u e... "aux Amt/ma Hoe. m5 um ugowmecmwm mg gamma How one» mesomlflU mom mam mmm emo m0~ mam mmm HQ . 2 0.00m 0.00m 0.00m 0.00m 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 38. is 00H TE 93 MS 5.0 «.3 H.0H ~.0H «.5 He no ooouomom uoz we 93 0.0H m.m me THH he Tm 0.H m.m 0.~ ea 88 oz R0 Tm 0.0H m.HH we me mo in m.m 0:0 oé 0.m nofiolmaooqofloomaz e5. o.m H.m 00 a; o.m m.~ Tm 0.H H.H Tm H.N paring 53088.38 m.m m.0H 0.m 00 Rm aim m.m m.~ TH H0 H0. H.N womb H2 .35qu 0.8 000 dmm mam 0.0m 00m 0.3 0.2 m0 H0 N.NH moH moan. H2 .8520 m.0H m.NH 93 5.0 aim 0e Tm 0.m 00 mo He m0 emo S03 T0 0e Tm m0 0.0 0.m 0e 0.». 00 04 mg. 90 mangoes madam TS H0 e0 0.0H ed as 00 ~.0 0.0 ~.0 To 00 30>on Rm» m.0e too H00 N.HH ti 0.2 TS 0.3 m.mm H40 mate 882 Q U m 4N Q U m AN #0 «U arm #4 mooeonu 03H. mom H33 mot/Undoefiooe @035 300mm mounoob umHE Emma nomads «homage 98: Enema 8. momma met so» zoos some meme 8 menu so» egos pass .HHK oHooH. 291 public--clothes of all types and lorries or cars. No matter what the percentage distribution of the responses in Table 7.11, one basic factor about Frafra migration behavior stands out quite clearly. For these to be achieved, migrants will have to stay at the destinations for very long periods considering the cost of living today. If that is the case, then we can assume that cyclical labor movements, except those to the food and cocoa producing areas, are giving way to permanent migratory patterns. An examination of the results of the survey carried out among returned migrants at Yeji Ferry shows quite clearly that it has been mostly workers in agriculture who constantly go back home (Table 7.12). People in urban jobs on the whole tend to stay on for very long periods. Generally, respondents in the homeland had no idea of when their relatives, friends, etc. away from home were expected back-- about 95 percent of the peOple interviewed at home reported that they had no idea when their relatives in the South would return home. Effects of Migration on the Home Area Definitely, out-migration has been of some advantage to the Frafra area and Ghana as a whole. Perhaps, what comes to mind as the first advantage is the reduction of population densities, because a considerable proportion of Frafras are away from home at any given time. Both Hilton and Hunter have demonstrated that the population densities found in the Frafra are far beyond the carrying capacities of the different localities (Hilton, 1959, p. 237 and Hunter, 1967). This being the case, out-migration has gone a long way in providing some relief for a few localities. The second advantage is the flow of income from the urban centers, 292 . Avmmfl Maggy 39522 7&3 CHOU HO momHHOU bflmgg ~83 MO “38 how ooHHo a 388 28 of ca Em .383 Homage .m .m .8853 .838 of 3 Banana men emu nHN.H wnmta omm.H Hom.m Hmm.m mam.m z o.ooa o.ooa o.ooH o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa Hanna o.m o.m o.mH o.m o.mH 0.N o.om 0.N oouuodmm uoz 0.N 0.N o.ne 0.N o.m~ o.m 0.0m 0.H HoouOImaooomaaoomez 0.H o.m 0.N o.e 0.H o.m 0.H o.H unmeonm>oo 0.N o.m o.v o.m o.m o.m o.m 0.N monmeeoo o.e 0.HH 0.N o.m 0.H o.oa 0.N o.m moHoHHsm o.m 0.~ 0.N o.m o.m 0.HH 0.N o.m mcHon o.mw o.mm o.em o.me o.em o.om o.mm o.mm onsuHsoHHmm mom Hmuounsm m.m m.m H.N o.m e.m m.o e.H m.v Hmoaee o.vm m.NH m.e n.0H e.n m.w n.h H.mH moooo m.nm m.mv v.5H m.Hm m.mv m.om m.mm n.om ooom $33033 meoHo woodman amour oHnmooHo Homage mummum meenmomw wflomoz scum 0chum :oHumooooo .mooonw oecoum an “amma ovum: :H munch Hflmw oou um neocoou mucmmez oGHcHSpmm wo mooHpmooooo mo ooeuooeuumea mmmuomoumm .NH.h magma 293 mining areas and farms back into Frafra area. In Ghana as a whole Caldwell found that a third of both rural and imban respondents felt that village people would be very poor if none of their members worked in town (Caldwell, 1969, p. 165). Similar results have been found in other parts of Africa, for example, as found by Gulliver among the Ngori of Southern Tanzania or as reported by Middleton on migrants returning to northwestern Uganda (Gulliver, 1955, p. 20 and Middleton, 1958, p. 94). In addition to money sent back home, items like building materials, bicycles, radios, clothes of all types, etc. are remitted by migrants to relatives left at home (Tables 7.l3(a) and 7.13(b)). Occasionally, money sent back home helps to pay off the pride-price, (purchase of cattle or otherwise) or help with the general expenditure of the family. There were a few migrants wl’o were not able to send anything back lure, ”especially the recent migrants (Table 7.3l(a)) . This is definitely a function of length of residence at the destination and also the proportion of the migrants in paid jobs. The responses of people at home confirmed that, they regard whatever comes back from the migrants as being helpful (Table 7.13(b)) . There were some who received nothing from relatives because they had none staying away from home or their relatives did not send any gifts. The time these gifts are sent indicate that a few of then are for specific purposes while a majority are part of the general help to the rural people (Tables 7.l4(a) and 7.l4(b)) . It is evident from these tables that during the farming season a few send gifts back home, probably cash to help with the farm activities. This is at a far lower level than what was fond in Kenya (Johnson, and Whitelaw, 1972) . 294 3a nun 0.0~ Rm .3 Rm 2 0.8H 0.00H 0.8H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 38 0.0 TH 0.0 N.H 0.0 N.H 0388: no: 0.; 08 0.8 0.2. 0.0... H.Hm 3mg m>Huoo¢ so: noon 0.0 ~.0 H.H 0.H 9H 0.0 8.5. 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IE .Bwa\80cduu§ 02 003: £362 ado» £59 and 882 . 3:15 32 ice» on 55 80:0 £63: 30 E n .5» 8.3. 2.8.3: 30 u .33» 078 0:95? 333.585 n m. .38» T00 fiend. ucuoaz u f :03. 2’9 mom mnm Nmm Xv mom mnn mmm 3v mom 2..” Nmm I; z 0.00~ 0.00N o.00~ 0.00.4 0.00a 0.02 0.00“ 0.8a 0.00H 0.00." 0.00“ 0.00H Hag ~.~0 ~.~0 040 0.0: m.m0 040 060 m.mm 0.0~ min v.0N 080 a?! “.2 88 m.~ 0.N N.N 0.~ m.~ H.H «A '4 0.H m4 H.H v:— E 02 0.0 0.~. 0.2 o.v v N H.H n.~ v4 m4. 06 0.0 m.m a8 m.mm 08v m.vm ~.0~ 0.0~ ~.0~ 04A m.m 0.NN 0.0~ v.NN 0.3 an EOuud :60 N a”! 0.0 0.0 0.0 m0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 . 0.0 0.0 m0 802 r1.- mnd g 53 m4 0.~ 0.0 0.0 m0 0.H 0.0 0.0 0.~ m.H 0.0 0.0 Wang «9532 6.153! 0.~ A.~ 0.~ v.0 0.~ 0.0 m.0 N.0 0.~ H.N v... ~.0 Sm g m0 N.N 0.~ m4 0.0 ~.H 0.0 ~.0 m0 #2" H.H H.H 0960* 2 g 0.: ~.0~ ~.0 m.m 0.m o A 0.0 v A ~.0~ 0.0 ~.0 v.v H60» 4 g o.mm m.mm H.0v 0.: ~.0~ 0.: N.v~ 04 v.m~ 0.~N o.m~ v.2 a» c g C U m (as Q U m 4 b «U Cm C< 38. @3315?! made 0.6000 .3690 uni...“ 89.9w! ~95: fimm 306 3 gas 085. 05m so» 8 El! . .334. 32 296 A greater proportion of gifts sent back to the home land go to parents, spouses, brother and sisters, friends and other relatives. As a result, there is a counter flow of gifts from the rural areas to migrants in the towns (Table 7.15) . Advice to migrants was the most important help offered from home. Although migrants are away from home they do continue to send home for advice in areas of family problems, occupational difficulties, etc. Juju of all types (charm, amulets, magical wands, tails and fetishes) figure prominently in the gifts which flow back to the urbanites. To many rural people, the town is full of evil spirits, bad people, a host of diseases, bad luck, etc. It‘is therefore, necessary to protect the individual with the charm or fetishes which they believe have the power of achieving this. The recipients of these fetishes, charms, etc. believe in than and often attribute their success to the possession of such items. Apart from giving some mystical seem-it)! to the migrant in his new environment, these itens tend to strengthen the bonds between migrants and relatives at bone. The success of any juju will, to a large extent, depend on how the owner abides by the regulations for possessing it. Since nest of these originate from home, the regulations are based on the religious beliefs and social organization of the people in the homeland. In some cities and towns, this mystical or religious role is considered so important that in addition to an ethnic headman, there is also a fetish priest. His Motion is religious and works closely with the headman. There are also Frafra individuals at the destinations who claim to be capable of producing these mystical items. In a few instances, this is done as a means of livelihood, perhaps the only occupation of such a person. 297 vmm mmm vmm mmm «mm mmm z o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa Hmuofi N.mm m.mm m.Hm 5.0m o.mm m.mm manmoflammm.uoz H.H N.H H.H N.H H.H N.H wouuommm #02 «.0 0.0 H.H N.N m.v v.w moomcmaamOmHz 0.0 0.0 0.0 m.o ”N.H m.m cmMUIumchz 0.0 0.0 m5 0.0 H.H m6 Hufloabfizaflfimm 0.0 0.0 m.o o.o m.o o.o mafimgg fins 3mm m.o m.o m.o m.o m.m m.m mmmuc Hmooq .moxooam .mmcuoHU 0.0 0.0 m4 m.m 5.3 T: 35 H2 mo 5.96 0.0 0.0 m.m m.H m.ma o.mH m0H>u4 unmouom ucoonom unwouoo unwouom unmouwm ucmoumm poumuoaz mucmnmaz noumuoaz mucoumaz pmumumaz mucmuoaz uo>wz Uwcusumm uo>oz pocuoumm um>mz pocuoumm mHCw_©uHeB meme Uncoow mmww.uwuflm noncommmm .ApcmHmeom CH mucmpcommmmv mmeom EOum maze mCH>Mum mocwflum\mo>flumamm ou pcom so» .oum .muMHo .mamm mo momxH map mumoflch .ma.n maeme 298 Clothes sent to migrants are mostly the smocks made in Northern Ghana. Surprisingly, some relatives sent money to migrants at the destinations. Before the research, it was believed that cash flowed only from the destinations to the labor generating areas (homeland). When respondents were asked to explain why there was that reverse flow, the following reasons were often given: (a) At times middle school leavers looking for jobs rely on the help of pareits at home and relatives at the destinations. This help could be in the form of money, especially if such an unemployed middle school leaver decides to change to another town to try his/her luck in the labor market. In some cases, parents would give some money to depeidents who have just beet employed particularly if they just finished their eleneitary education. The purpose of the money will be to help the son or daughter or the dependent involved to make a good start in life. Of course, all these depend on having a relative or parent back home who is in a position to help. (b) A few of the returned migrants at home live in their own well built houses. Some of then stayed in the South for very long periods, and they therefore have members of their families still living at the destinations. If this returned migrant has a business or a house for rent as a few of then did, he will be willing to send monetary help to his family still in the South. (c) There are a few migrants who cannot make eids meet at the destinations but, if they have well-to—do families back home they would send for help. Occasionally, migrants facing financial problems may seid home and ask for their own poultry or livestock to be sold for some cash to help out. The above explanations are not camnn practices and that explains why the 299 proportion of people who sent cash to the destinations is low--2.3 and 1.4 percent for the returned and those who never migrated, respectively. The migration experience has given birth to a new zeal of entre- preneurship among the Frafras, either based in the South or in the North. Some of the commercial stores and houses for reit in Bolgatanga and the other rural towns are owned by returned migrants or migrants still at the destinations. There is a counter-stream, though nowadays a rather weak one, of returned migrants (casual visitors to the South, seasonal migrants and permanent returnees as discussed above) to the rural areas. These bring along with them some kind of wealth often appreciated in the rural setting, new ideas, knowledge of urban ways of life, acquired rudiments of education or skills, and qualities of multi-lingualism. Usually Akan, Hausa and some pidgin English are the other languages the returned migrant may know in addition to the Frafra dialect. Educational achievements in Frafra have beez very low and therefore in the past all the migrants had never been to school. This factor is brought out when we compare the responses of returned migrants and those who have never migrated in Tables 7.16 (a) and 7.16(b) . The figures are all almost the same. But whe1 we consider spoken English (pidgin English), 41 percent of returned migrants had a knowledge of it, as compared with only 30 percelt of those who never migrated (Table 7.16(c)) . In like manner, a knowledge of spoken Hausa. or any of the Southern Ghanaian languages depend to a large extent on the past migration experieice of the person, thus returned migrants have a better knowledge of these than those who never migrated (Tables 7.17(a) and 7.17 (b)) . Table 7.l6(a). 300 Indicate the Highest Education Obtained. Responses Returned Never Returned. Never Migrants Migrated .Migrants. Nflgrated Number Number Percent Percent Never been to School 227 210 70.3 73.9 Primary 12 4 3.7 1.4 Middle 45 51 13.9 18.0 Secondary 16 10 5.0 3.5 Teacher's Training College 17 5.3 2.8 Other 0.6 0.4 University 1.2 0.0 'Dotal 323 284 100.0 100.0 Table 7.l6(b) Indicate Your written English Proficiency Responses Returned. ‘Never Returned. iNever' p :Migrants. ngrated. Migrants Mdgrated matxu: Imxdmer Percent Percent NOne 230 211 71.2 74.3 Fair 29 30 9.0 10.6 Good 52 35 16.1 12.3 veuy'Good 12 8 3.7 2.8 Tbtal 323 284 100.0 100.0 Table 7.16(c). Indicate YCur Spoken English Proficiency. Responses Returned Never Returned NEver Nflgrants .Migrated .Migrants. ngrated Number INumber Percent Percent NOne 191 200 59.1 70.4 Fair 63 40 19.5 14.1 Good 57 36 17.0 12.7 VEuy'Good $2, 8 3.7‘ 2.8 firmed. 323 .284 100.0 100.0 301“ Table 7.17(a). Indicate Your Spoken Hausa.Proficiency (Homeland). Responses Returned Never Returned Returned Migrants Nugrated .Migrants .Migrants Number Number Percent Percent None 83 195 25.7 68.7 Fair 174 61 53.9 21.5 Good 64 26 19.8 9.1 very Good 2 2 0.6 0.7 Total 323 284 100.0 100.0 Table 7.17(b). and Frafra Dialects. Indicate Other Languages Spoken Apart Fran Above Responses Returned Never Returned Returned .Migrants .Migrated .Migrants .Migrants Number ‘Number Percent Percent NOne 122 241 37.8 84.9 Akan 169 38 52.3 13.4 Akan and Ga 13 1 4.0 0.4 Akan and Ewe 8 2 2.5 0.7 Not.Applicab1e l 2 0.3 0.6 Akan, Ga and Ewe 5 O 1.5 0.0 Ga 5 0 1.6 0.0 Total 323 284 100.0 100.0 302 The few job Opportunities at home, or for that matter in any part of Ghana, required a knowledge of some of these languages. Any person who can speak both Hausa and Akan in addition to the Frafra dialect will easily get employed in any commercial establishment in Bolgatanga. People seeking employment in the public sector and who have a good knowledge of spokei English stand far better chances of obtaining jobs than their rural counterparts who know only the Frafra dialects. Consequently, returned migrants easily obtain jobs back home whei they decide to work at home. Apart from the knowledge of languages, a few migrants return home with some skills--fitters, mechanics, tailors, masons, carpenters, etc. and all these help to secure them job positions. Others are able to return with substantial sums of money and then start their own business, for example the many tailors, bicycle and lorry fitters, private masions and carpenters in Bolgatanga who are returned Frafra migrants. This edge the returned migrant has over those who have never migrated can extend to the traditional system of authority, especially the politico-military one. When a vacancy occurs in any chiefdom or village it is highly contested for by merbers of the clan or lineage who qualify to become chiefs. This competition can take place in any form, and more often than not, the migration experience (the skills, languages, any accumulated wealth, etc.) is a great asset to returned migrants. A majority of the village chiefs in Frafra have at some time in the past lived outside the homeland as a migrant. Although the above are very true, the rural exodus, nevertheless, has its disadvantages, for the Frafra homeland. The sex ratios in the localities already discussed show quite clearly that most of the men are 303 away from home. There is no doubt that the success of any family unit in rural Frafra depends in a large part on its labor potential, the number of economically productive males, females and also the number of dependents in the family. With many men away from home, it has been very difficult for some families to cope with the farm labor requirements. Although densities have been reduced, the absence of the very productive sector of the population is a handicap to the Frafra area. About 50 percent of the group 20-45 years of all Frafra in Giana are away from home at any given time and although dependency indicators are sememhat difficult to determine in basically subsistelce economies, it is quite obvious that the Frafra area has been deprived of some of its able bodied farmers and workers. It is not an uncommon sight to see a man or wmen well advanced in age, working laboriously on the farm. And yet, the expected help from the relatives away from home might not come because the pay of many migrants is inadequate to cater for all their needs let alone for then to make remittances home. As a matter of fact, some of then continue to have serious financial strains until they finally return home, mere oftei than not, with nothing substantial in hand as noted above. The extent of the return- migration stream has beei considerably reduced in recent years such that there are migrants today who have beei away from home for more than 30 years with or without a few visits mede back home. The pre- ponderance of Frafra migrants in the urban and mining occupations, which offer incentives such as gratuity (social security fund) peision, wrist watches and medalions, means that a few migrants return home 304 after short periods of residence at the destinations. Even the casual visitor to the South may decide to stay behind, always hoping to obtain a job, and may in due course join the unemployed labor force. Besides, whereas in the past the unskilled migrant could go back home and return with the possibilities of obtaining a job again, nowadays he has to stick to his job or else he will lose it to job-seekers. Employers too are known to be eigaging only those who will stay at the job for long periods in order to achieve continuous maximum production. It was mheard of to find a successful middle school leaver as a ckiver mate, bread seller or a meat seller in the market, but today it is becoming common among stranded middle school leavers who have flocked to the urban ce1ters. The unskilled migrant is therefore becoming increasingly disadvantaged insofar as job opportunities are concerned at the urban centers and this means less help will be given to relatives back home or the continuous search for jobs will prevent them from going home. An examination of the type of people who usually return home, coupled with responses from migrants in the South, has revealed that it is mostly the old people usually above 50 years, and those who have suddenly found themselves as family heads who go back home as permanent returnees . If it is argued that the returned migrant, in whatever condition he returns , is innovative or more ellighteied than the non- migrant we still have to consider the resource base in which the returned Frafra migrant will find himself. The pattern of settlements here is highly dispersed and the farming system is fixed agriculture, without any fallow periods. Water is a critical problem and worst of all soil erosion (sheet and gully erosion), extensive rock-outcrops and 305 endemic environs have all reduced the cultivable land. As a matter of fact, the Frafra environment has presented the Agriculture Extemsion Officer or Regional Planner a difficult task since the efforts of Lynn in the 19303. The migrant who is used to pay at the end of the month is unlikely to find subsistence agriculture in such an ervironment attractive or even satisfying. For example, a steward who had to leave Legon for home in 1968 because he suddenly became the head of an extended family through patrilineal/patrilocal inheritance was back on the campus seeking re-employment because "farming had nothing for me at home"—-the beginning of the shirking of traditional family responsibilities . CHAPTER VIII TOWARDS AN ANALYTICAL MODEL OF THE PROCESSES OF THE MIGRATION SYSTEM IN FRAFRA An Analytical Nodal of the Migration Process Models relating the volume or rate of migration to characteristics of the migrants or of the areas of origin and destination have beel developed by many social scieitists. Prominent among these models are the gravity model, the intervening opportunities model, a gravity type model including wages, rates and unemployment rates developed by lowry, and the Cornell mobility model (Zipf, George, .1946, Stouffer, 8.8., 1940, Lowry, Ira S., 1966, McGinnis, Robert, 1967, pp. 121-126). Almost all the above models used data derived from the developed countries. Models which have appeared in recent times using data from the developing world, especially Africa, include, the numerous models of migration put out by Todaro and others, the econazetric model on Ghanaian inter-regional migration by Beal and others , and a func- tional model to estimate remittances set back home by urban migrants in Kenyan towns by Johnson and Whitelaw (Todaro, 1968, 1969, 1971; Harris and Todaro, 1970; Johnson, 1971; Beal, Moses and Others, 1972; Johnson and Whitelaw, 1972; Riddel, 1969 and 1972). Speare, utilizing data on rural-urban migration in Taiwan developed a cost-beiefit model "to explain the frequently observed relations between migration and age, distance and other factors 306 307 (speare, 1971, p. 117). Spears based his model on Larry Sjaastad's model which treates migration as an investmeit from which one expects to receive returns sufficient to offset the costs of moving. Thus it is assumed that a person will move if the present value of all future monetary benefits from moving is greater than the monetary costs involved (Sjaastad, 1962, pp. 80-93). According to Speare, "we can assume that the only benefits are the differeice in income betwee1 the origin and the destination and that the only costs are those of transporting the migrant, his family if they also move, and his belongings betweei two points" (1971, p. 118). The basic model put out by Harris and Todaro on African rural-urban migration postulates that ”migration proceeds in response to urban-rural differeices in expected earnings with the urban employment rate acting as an equilibrating force on such migration" (Harris and Todaro, 1970) . In short there are three characteristics of their basic model: (1) migration is stimulated primarily by rational economic considerations, (2) the decision to migrate depeids on "expected" rather than nominal wage differentials where the "expected" differential is determined by the interaction of two variables, the nominal wage and the probability of successfully obtaining employment in the turban sector, and (3) migration rates in excess of urban job opportunity growth rates reflect a disequilibrium situation. According to Hance , "it may be wondered whether migrations are not so complex and so changing as to make the development of a unified theory an mrealistic goal" (1970, ,p. 162). It is quite true that 308 there are numerous types of movements in Africa and that probably explains why the development of theory on African migration is still in its infant stages. Most of the models mentioned above were attempts to "develop a theory of rural-urban migration which can eqilain the apparently paradoxical relationship of accelerated rural-Lntban migration in the context of rising urban unemployment" (Todaro, 1973, p. 8). In the present study the focus is on the processes of out-migration among the Frafra of Northern Ghana, both in the homeland and at the destinations. The purpose of the model being presented here is two-fold. First, it is hoped that the analytical model would help to explain further any established relationships among the main components of Frafra migration. The hypotheses of the study were examined at different leveL‘ in the previous chapters through the use of the factor analytic model in Chapter IV and descriptive statistics in Chapters V, VI and VII. The model will utilize data on the processes of the decision to migrate and the socio-economic characteristics of the migrants already at the destinations. Thus, its results should facilitate a further testing of the basic assumptions of the study. Secondly, it was established through the review of the literature that rural-urban migration and other types of movements are very prevalent in many parts of Africa. A common pattern of labor movements in West Africa alone is the continuous flow of migrants from relatively less developed regions (mostly the Savarma and semi-desert enviroments) to regions with better jobs and other opportunities (the forest, mining ' and coastal areas). Although the patterns of Frafra migration are not necessarily very typical of the overall patterns of moverents in West 309 Africa, we can make meaningful conclusions from this study which can, by and large, be generalized for other parts of the sub-continent, especially in areas with almost identical envirormmental conditions and patterns of labor flow. The Model The statistical method used as a predictive tool to examine further the data on the Frafra migrants was the multiple regression model. As explained in Chapter III stratified proportional sampling was carried out such that the number of migrants interviewed were more in destinations with many migrants (Berry and Barker, 1968, p. 93) . The proportion of migrants interviewed in each destination (about four percent of the total number of Frafra migrans as reported by the 1960 census in each destination) was held constant. In all,l,416 migrants were interviewed in fourteen destinations. The multiple linear regression was the form: Y = a +-le1 +-b2X2+. . .,anh where Y is the dependable variable (number of migrants interviewed in each of the 14 destinations visited); X1, X2, . . 3% the independent the estimating parameters and a is the variables; bl’ b2,. . "bn’ regression intercept for Y. (Refer to Table 8.1 for a list of the variables). Basically, the multiple regression model is the conventional statistical method for investingating trerds in the relationships between two or more sets of data on aggregate behavior. It is useful in helping to establish meaningful areal associations between a dependent variable and a set of hypothetical independent variables. It is , 310 Table 8.1. List of Variables for the Regression Analysis. Number Variable Name Y Number of migrants interviewed at each of the 14 destinations (Dependent Variable). Independent Variables Xl Distance from hometh in Frafra to destination. .3‘ mix: 0365;?“ >4 \1 X10 Percent average rural-urban income differential between destination and hometown. Percent of migrantswith past education (Hypothesis 2) Percent of migrants without any education. Percent of migrants aged 14-45 years. Percent of migrants who moved "in order to seek a job/ money" that is moved for economic reasons (Hypothesis 6)* Percent who moved for family related reasons (Hypothesis 5)* Percent of migrants who had information about a job before moving (Hypothesis 6)* Perceit of migrants who expected an average income before the initial movement (Hypothesis 6)* Distance of hometown to Bolgatanga (Hypothesis 3)* *Refer to Chapter II, for a list of hypotheses. 311 therefore, a suitable model to be used with the data collected in the field. The variables used are some of the most important variables which directly affect the migration process as discussed in the preceeding chapters (Table 8.1). It was decided to use all of these in the regression model as an attempt to find out the explained variance of each variable in the total picture of rural-urban migration. Thus, as an aid to understanding the individual contributions of the variables both "least Square Deletion" and "least Square Addition" programs were carried out with the data. The contributions of the individual variables, in order of importance are given in Table 8.2. The regression coefficients, the b's or betas, indicate the extent to which a unit change in each of the independent variables is associated with increases or decreases in migration rates. The regres- sion coefficients, therefore, "provide a measure of the effect/fie particular variable on the probability that a person with (or affected by) the characteristics described by the variable will move" (Speare, 1971, p. 123). The standardized regression coefficieits provide a I comparative index, indicating the relative strengths of the variables in. explaining the variance in Frafra out-migration. All the variables together accomted for 59 perceit of the variance in migration rates. The most important variable is the percentage of migrants with no formal education, accounting for 48 percent of the total variation. It is quite obvious from the table that the significant variables are (1) percent of migrants with no education, (2) perceit average rural-urban income differeitial betwee1 312 2m. 88. RR: 8. 3. . 8. mammfiummn 8 $ng 2 8m. 88. new. 3. 8.- 3.- .mwfiummuom 9. 85.0.8 .m ea. Roe. can. 3. 8... B.- 8088 name 8%: “888m .m «S. 88. RR. 3. 8.- 2.- 8825 ”.895. “808m .5 we... RS. SR. 8. no: a; commences 8h. “88m .e New 88. RR. om. S. 8. cg 3 “808m .m NS. 88. man. N.N. 8.- me.- mame oi: Ema. “808m .e mom. 38. RR. N.N. 8. 3. Bug ”.838 .m «3. 88. mom. a. 3.- 3.- 885 «8.55 “Home .~ SN. 83. 83. R. 8. 8. gauge 02 ”.888 A cameo-mug H game, no 839888 888me “Beaumont Emma-8.8 888383 ...o ...-.885 Ne Buemefium comma-mum 835m 388; .oocmouoefl mo 5.30 5H Ammammd .3on £3de mug-gm on”. now manna gm .N.w canon. 313 hometown and destinations, (3) percent of migrants with past or present education, and (4) percent of migrants aged 14 to 45 years. Perhaps, the fifth one is percent of migrants who received information about a job before moving-significance level of .58, and regression co-efficieit of -. 20. The rest of the variables could be regarded as insignificant in the regression model or in explaining Frafra migration. All these important variables have been explained in the previous chapters in terms of their relative roles in the migration process. There will therefore not be another extensive discussion here and only the salieit points will be given. Apparently, the significant variables did not individually have high simple correlations with the migration rate although they were regarded as fair predictors of the migration process (the regression coefficients). Probably, the number of observations (14) and the number of independeit variables (10) did not make it possible to have any significant correlations. A second problem is that the migration process in Africa is so complex in nature that most of the migration variables "are neither statistically or conceptually indepeideit" (Riddel, 1970, p. 144). This srpports Hance's contention that it will be unrealistic to try to formulate any theory on African migration (1970, p. 162). A third shortcoming of the model is the abselce of the effects of factors of length of resideice of migrants at the destinations on their socio-economic characteristics. Although lelgth of residence offered the best aggregate level of analyzing the data on migrants it was not possible, due to time and financial constraints especially the latter, to aggregate the data by length of residence for each of 314 the 14 Local Authorities or destinations visited.l There is no doubt the migration behavior, perceptions, the socio-economic characteristics, etc. of migrants who moved twenty years ago were different from those who moved in very recent years. Thus, separate regression models with data on the migrants by length of residence (recent migrants, 0-5 years; intermediate, 6-10 years; old, 11-20 years; and very old migrants, more than 20 years) would have definitely been helpful for developing the analytical model. Although these are very true the preset model can help to explain better some of the processes of migration. A combination of direct field data and the use of analytical models as predictive or explanatory tools should help to establish with certainty some of the important variables to be found in the whole real of migration. As Riddel pointed out, "given the complexity of the migration process and the expectation that the influence of certain variables will vary regionally or locally, the results of the regression model can be used to support hypotheses especially if 'the signs are all as predicted'" (1970, p. 140). Thus we could still use the model to explain Frafra migration by laying emphasis on the nature of the signs, although the correlations may be low. 1As noted in Chapter III, the data on the 1,416 migrants already at the destinations were aggregated at two levels (a) by leigth of residence, that is four differeit computer outputs and (b) by the different migrant opportunity zones, that is the 14 destinatons visited giving 14 computer outputs . Thus, detailed analysis for all the destinations by leigth of residence would have required 56 computer outputs (14 by 4) . 315 In the factor analysis in Chapter IV, rural-traditional variables were isolated as being the best predictors of Frafra migration (never been to school, low level of economic development, family ties, etc.) . In the present regression model these traditional factors are still significant especially the variables, percent without any education, percent average rural-urban income differential. The importance of these rural-traditional factors support the assqution that the dynamics of kinship and family relationships are important in explaining Frafra migration. Education The importance of the variable "perceit without any education" suggests that the role of education and literacy in migration system in Frafra is not very sigificant especially if we are considering the whole migrant group, including old and very old migrants. The fact that the variable "perceit with past education" is the third important variable is indicative of the increasing importance of education and literacy in receit years, especially among the recent migrants. Role of Income Altlough the data supported the idea that many migrants move in order to seek employment, it was rejected in the regression model (r = -.27 and a regression coefficient of -.l6) . This was probably due to the complex nature of the processes of the decision to migrate. The model also rejected the hypotheses that, the probability, of a person migrating for the first time will depeid on among other factors, a receipt of reliable information about job opportunities at the destinations . 316 Distance From Hometown to Bolgatanga or the Destinations The results of the model have accepted the assurption that the number of people from any locality in Frafra should decrease with increasing distance from Bolgatanga, the main urban center. Distances from hometown to the destinations, was not a significant explanatory variable, probably because of the fact that all the destinations are located at long distances from the Frafra homeland, that is distances to the destinations have very little effect on Frafra migration. A further useful aspect of the model is the utilization of the simple correlation matrix (Appendix 6). Some of the important correla- tions will be discussed here. There is a correlation of -.56 between distance from horetown to destination and distance from hometown to Bolgatanga. This suggests that the further the destination the more likely the person will be staying near Bolgatanga. This is quite logical because people who migrate from the vicinity of Bolgatanga are more likely to go to the urban areas than their rural counterparts would. That is, migrants with former urban experieice are more likely to move to urban areas than to rural areas. Apart from Kumasi, all the other major towns are further away from Frafra, mostly on the coast; home the bi-polar correlation. There is a positive relationship (.46) between the distance to destinations and the average rural-urban income differential, that is the further you are from the destinations the higher the rural-urban income differeitial. This is true because the distribution of resources in Ghana is such that the father you move from the South the poorer the area will be. There is an inverse relationship between percent educated and perceit who moved for family reasons (- . 67) . Perhaps we will 317 understand this relationship better if we note that there is also a bi-polar correlation between those "with no education" and "expected incomes" (-.42). Apparently, those who are educated have no problems moving away from home because there is usually less family opposition. Their prime objective is to seek a job. A majority of them are young and single males, hence the level of family responsibility is rather low. If they migrate solely to obtain jobs them the educated intending migrant will tend to have higher expected incomes than the uneducated inteiding migrant. As noted elsewhere, the role of education has been to raise the aspirations of many rural people who seek tmrban jobs, and consequently move from home. It is difficult to explain the inverse relationship between per- cent aged 14-45 years and percent moved for economic reasons (- .50) . Perhaps it might have been a positive correlation if data on the young age group (15—24 years) had been used because this age group had most of the middle school leavers. This inverse relationship also points to the complex nature of the processes of the decision to migrate (refer to Figure 15) . The positive correlations between the variable, moved for economic reasons, and the two variables (1) percelt who had information about a job, and (2) distance of hometh to Bolgatanga, (.74 and .63 respectively) are obvious relationships . If an interding migrant has information about a job, the most logical motive for his movement will be economic. We have noted above that migrants from the Bolgatanga area will prefer to go to the towns than to oral areas. Also, by virtue of living near an urban center at home, they are likely to be more conversant with the money economy than rural people. Their motive 318 for moving will most unlikely be,"in order to enjoy better social life" because most of the facilities in the destinations also are available in Bolgatanga. Some of the Bolgatanga urbanites are at times so aware of increasing their earning capacity that they will leave lower paid jobs at home and move. Thus, economic reasons will be more important to people who move from an urban area to another urban environment than rural people in the same migration stream. 319 Summary and Conclusions Geographical mobility is a complex pheromenon of the human geography of any place. It is inter-related with a myriad of factors which are socio-economic, demographic, political, historical, socio- psychological and indeed, the totality of the human eivirormmert. Regions of varying levels of economic and social development in Africa are connected by streams of persons who move from one region or locality to the other in order to avail themselves of real or perceived opportunities. In recent years many African countries have been hard hit by unemployment problems, the root cause of which is the continued influx of more people to urban areas. Migration is the key determinant of the urban labor supply hence it is necessary to better understand the processes of rural-urban migration. This is a study of internal migration in Ghana, West Africa. In order to more fully understand the nature of migration patterns and their consequences for both the source and destination areas, the study focused on one ethnic group-~the Frafra of Northern Ghana, for an indepth study. Research Methods Data were derived for the study from the Ghana Census Reports, Records in the Public Records Office, london and relevant material from the National Archives of Ghana and other related departments. The bulk of the data were however collected from the field through the use of interview schedules. Basically, stratified proportional and the systmatic random sample methods were used in selecting the migrants to 320 be interviewed at the destinations and also the respondents interviewed in the homeland. In all 1,416 migrants at the destinations and 607 of the people at home were interviewed. The following assumptions (hypotheses) were made for the study. Hypothesis 1: There should be a direct relationship between migration on one hadn and literacy, ability to speak English and formal education on the other. In like manner the migration "experience" as found in families should in turn affect "the number of children in school," in a family. The analysis showed that although education has been important in recent years, the low level of illiteracy rates have not prevelted rural Frafra people from moving. Hence the hypothesis had rather a weak level of acceptance. Hypothesis 2: The extent of out-migration in any locality (settlement) in Frafra should be a function of the total population of that locality. Here it is assumed that over-population coupled with lack of cultivable land should be one of the prime factors which enter into the decision- to-migrate. Accepted as one of the major predictors of migration in a factor analytical model, but it had a weak correlation with migration rate when the derived factor was used in a regression model in Chapter IV. Hypothesis 3: The number of people to migrate from any locality to the South should decrease with increasing distance from Bolgatanga--the commercial and administrative capital since 1936. Bolgatanga is ' sugested to be the center of out-migration (through its influeice as a - recipient of local migrants) to other parts of Ghana. This hypothesis H was supported by data collected in the field and accepted by both the (factor analytical and multiple regression models . 321 Hypothesis 4: Considering the location of Frafra in relation to destination areas, it is here assumed that their long distance migra- tion destinations are predetermined at home and therefore intervening opportunities or obstacles should be of minor consideration. This assurption also means that "step-migrants" decide on the intervering stops before they leave home. Supported by the data collected in the field. This particular hypothesis is directly related to chief: migra- tion. The choice of a destination depends,to a large extent, on the existence of a relative there, and not necessarily the job opportunities in it. Hypothesis 5: The number of migrants over time should be concentrated in some families, clans or lineages who make frequent movements to other regions. The migrant who has beer to the South once is more likely to go again than the one who has not. Consequently, migration experience, contacts, frieids, knowledge of job opportuities, etc. should easily be passed from migrant to clan members. The initial "social security" for the rural migrant on arrival at his destination for the first time from a family or clan member will also affect the decision-to—migrate process. Therefore, there should be a social network of chain migration in such families. The evidence of chain migration was strongly supported by the data as discussed in especially Chapter V and VI. Hypothesis 6: Considering the role of economic factors in the decis ion- to-migrate process , the probability of a person migrating for the first time will depend on, among other factors, reliable information about job opportunities at the destination area. This was 322 not an important factor in the decision-to-migrate process, so it was rejected. lgypothesis 7: Returned migrants should be "better off" in the home area. The probability to obtain regular employment for wages in the homeland itself should be directly related to the number of migration trips to the South or the length of stay in the South or both. Here is is assumed that the returned migrant who probably has acquired some skills, some form of education, knows other languages apart from the mother tongue, and above all, is used to being paid at the end of the month is likely to join the labor force in the modern sector at home. On the other hand, the nonmigrant who is used to subsistence agriculture will continue to keep up with his responsibilities in the traditional sector. This assumption was supported by data collected in the field as discussed in Chapter VI. Migration and (a) the Different Opportunity Zones and (b) length of Residence at'the Destinations Frafra migrants were considered as a heterogeneous group in two ways (1) by migration opportunity zones and (2) by length of residence at the destinations. The results of the research showed that in many respects migrants differ by the types of migrant opportunity zones in Ghana (mining, urban, agricultural, etc.). For example, migrants at the farms were at times strikingly different from their counterparts living in urban areas. The nature of job opportunities at these ecological zones also had a profound influence on the socio-economic characteristics of the migrants . Indeed, the distribution of resources and related employment opportunities in Ghana has made some parts of 323 the country mainly as labor reservoirs and others as migrant receiving areas (intermediate, and target destinations of different levels). The bulk of the data were analyzed by four migrant categories of length of residence (1) recent, 0-5 years; (2) intermediate, 6-10 years; (3) old, 11-20 years; and (4) very old migrants, those who have been at the destinations for more than twenty years. The data strongly supported the idea that the socio—economic characteristics, migration behavior, perceptions, the processes of the decision to migrate, etc. of people who moved for the last five years were significantly different (through the use of chi-square tests) from people who moved ten or twenty years ago. Factors of Mcmentmn and Environmental Stresses Since the 19303 there has been a continued flow of migrant labor from many parts of Northern Ghana, especially the Frafra area. A consequence of rapid urbanization and other economic developments in the Southern forest and Southeastern Savanna zones of Ghana has been the continued flow of seasonal and long- term migrants from the Northern Savannas. As a result of the encouragement from the colonial administration, improved transportation system, the efforts of illegal recruiters, coupled with rather difficult conditions in the peculiar environment of the Frafra area, out-migration by the 19303 was a permanent phenomenon in the population geography of the district. In the 19303, Fortes fomd that among the Tallensi alone about one man in three had at sometime or other in the past decades visited the South (Fortes, 1945, p. 11) . 324 Over-population on a limited land resource base has been one of the major problems of Frafra area and in neighboring areas occupied by the Kusasi and Busansi. The situation was made worse by an influx of immigrants from further North (Upper Volta, Northern Togo and Mali) who "were seeking land for cultivation or were desirous of escaping the stringent political administration tax systems in their respective countries" (Dickson, 1969, p. 280). Consequently, there was a serious problem of land shortage with its concomitant problems of soil erosion periodic hunger and the like. As early as the 19303, Lynn found out that the average land cultivated per person was about 0.4 acres in the more densely populated areas and .08 acres in the sparsely populated areas. At the time 78 percent of the arable land was under fixed culti- vation (the compound farming system) and 22 percent in bush farm (Lynn, 1937) . It has been estimated that approximately 280 persons per square mile is the maximum possible carrying capacity in the Nangodi traditional area (Hunter, 1967). Thus the densities as given above are far beyond the carrying capacity of the land considering the scarse resources available and the high unreliability rate of rainfall in these areas. ' Faced with such a situation, out-migration probably provided an escape valve from the stringent survival system in the area. In the 19303, Fortes noticed that "whereas, in former years, a young man moved out temporarily to the periphery of settlement on account of a shortage of land in his natal commmity, nowadays he often goes to Ashanti or the mines as a labourer" (Fortes, 1945, p. 10). Thus since the 19303 as inertia of rural-urban migration has been created in the 325 the Frafra homeland and there exists today a social network of chain migration among clan members or specific families. Among these migrants are those who go to seek permanent jobs, visitors of all categories to the South, and oscillatory or seasonal migrants, especially those few who work on the cocoa and food producing farms. The Decision to Migrate Both the forces of momentum and the eivironment stresses in Frafra can be regarded as the underlying factors of Frafra migration. The flow of information betwee1 the North and the South, and the creation of an awareiess about job opportunities and better social life at the destinations have been responsible for the continued influx of the Frafra to the South. The dynamics of the family and clan system in Frafra have helped in the creation of chain migration. The characteristics of movers indicated that it is mostly the young single males, the middle school leavers, returned migrants, the unemployed in the home area, the people without land to farm, etc. who participate in the long distance movements to the South. The role of chain migration has been to give assurance to the new migrant about a sound survival in the urban environment. The choice of a destination does not often depeid on the opporthities there, but rather on the number of relatives living in the area. The Socio-Economic Characteristics of Migrants Already at Destinations Frafra migrants are mostly unskilled and semi-skilled workers, with a few in skilled positions. The bonds of network of relationships among migrants (relatives, friends, ethnic members) have resulted in the 326 concentration of Frafra migrants in specific occupations. In the urban environment, contrary to the rural-urban dichotomy concept, there is no erosion of the Frafra family or dynamics of clan and ethric relationships. Instead, Frafra migrants live in very close ties with one another with almost all aspects of the Frafra culture or traditional norms seriously practised by them. Family and ethnic ties are often strong determinants of where a migrant will live at the destinations. Indeed, the Frafra migrant has been able to survive in the urban environment because he has succeeded in transferring the social security benefits of his extended family system to the destinations. Step-wise migration has been a common practice among Frafra migrants but it is gradually losing its importance. There are more direct trips today than was the case in the past. Rural-Urban Links Although a migrant might be away from home, there are, nonetheless, very strong links between him and relatives/ friends at home. These links express themselves in varied forms including continuous remit- tances and gifting by the migrant to the people left home, retmrn 'cxips home, hospitality paid to visitors from home, etc. Above all. it is the desire of every migrant to return home permanently. The migration experience has givei birth to a new zeal of entre- preneurship among the Frafras, either based in the South or in the North. Some of the commercial stores and houses for relt in Bolgatanga and the other rural towns are owned by returned migrants or migrants still at the destinations. There is a counter-stream, though nowadays a rather weak one, 327 of returned migrants (casual visitors to the South, seasonal migrants and permanent returnees) to the rural areas. These bring along with them some kind of wealth often appreciated in the rural setting, new ideas, knowle 0e of urban ways of life, acquired rudiments of education or skills, and qualities of multi-lingualism. Usually Akan, Hausa and some pidgin English are the other languages the returned migrant may know in addition to the Frafra dialect. Although the above are very true, the rural exodus, nevertheless, has its disadvantages, for the Frafra homeland. The sex ratios in the localities already discussed show quite clearly that most of the men are away from home. There is no doubt that the success of any family unit in rural Frafra depends in a large part on its labor potential, the number of economically productive males, females and also the number of dependents in the family--the dependency ratio or load. With many men away from home, it has been very difficult for some families to cope with the farm labor requirements. Although deisities have been reduced the absence of the very productive sector of the population is a handicap to the Frafra area. Conclusions and Generalizations Based on the Analytical Model Preseited in Chapter VIII 1. Economic factors, (rural-urban income differeltials and different levels of develOpment in Ghana and other parts of West Africa have been responsible for creating labor reservoirs in some regions. 2. Traditional factors are very important in explaining African migration. The dynamics of ethnic and family ties have led to the establishment of chain migration. The pheiomenon of chain migration 328 is in some instances solely responsible for the destinations chosen by migrants, the types of occupations done, and above all for the continuous flow of migrants to the towns. 3. In regions where the level of education is low, and yet there are no job Opporturities in the homeland, the majority of movers will be the uneducated. This is usually a function of forces of hisotrical factors, the environmental stresses and above all a better perception of job opportunities in other areas. In recent times, however, the improvement in education has changed this pattern such that a majority of recent movers are educated, especially middle school leavers. The inability to provide an equilibrium between improved education and job opportunities in rural areas will continue to eicourage middle school leavers to migrate to the towns . The recent movers benefit from the forces of chain migration, because of the many migrants who may already be at the destinations, and are therefore in a better position to face the risks of migration than did migrants in the past. 4. As a result of the striking imbalances in the availability of resources and economic developmeit, distance is generally not a hindrance to migration, especially if there is a better awareness among people of job opportunities further away. 5. People of working age (IS-45 years) who move from urban centers in search of better opportunities are more likely to go to other urban centers than to rural destinations. This means that urban- rural types of movements are not common in Ghana, and perhaps other parts of Africa. For instance, the data showed that Frafra migrants who moved from Bolgatanga, the main urban center at home, went mostly to other urban ceiters and not to rural (farming) regions. 329 Policy Implications of Frafra Out-Migration The free moverentsof people have made it possible for certain sectors of the nations economy to be developed. There is no doubt that most of the development projects which have successfully been carried out in some parts of Ghana,3ince the colorial period,would have never been possible without the free movements of people. It was the influx of migrants from the Northern Savannas and neighboring African countries to the areas needing labor in the South which helped in the socio- economic transformation of Ghana. Beal and others have pointed out that "the huge expansion in migration improved its allocation of labor resources and enabled agricultural output to be increased in Ghana" (Beals, e_t_:_. 51):, 1966, p. 200). Although this is the case, rural—urban migration in recent years has created a host of problems for many African nations, notably urban unemployment. Many African nations have been aware of this problem though no effective measures have as yet been devised to cope with the continued influx of rural people to the towns. In Tanzania for instance, in 1965 the Presideit ordered that all unemployed people in Dar es Salaam, the nations capital, should be shipped back to the home areas. But this program did not really arrest the situation until quite recently when Tanzania introduced large scale rural development programs. The dynamics of historical factors, environmental problems such as poor soils, over-population, shortage of cultivable land, etc. in Frafra, coupled with the wide gap between rural-urban incomes are important determinants in the Frafra migration system. In addition, chain migration has been of major importance in facilitating continuous 330 movements of people in some families to different destinations in the South. What alternatives are then left open to the social scientist, economist, regional planner or administrator, civil engineer, the regional medical officer, the social welfare worker, the agricultural officer, etc. regarding the implementation of programs which would help solve the environmental problems in Frafra area. Is out-migration to be encouraged or curtailed in the Frafra area? Ghanaians today are striving at building one nation for one people and therefore it is probably unrealistic to talk of internal migration policies. However, in the interest of fostering successful national or regional self reliance programs, we may have to reevaluate the rural development programs in the Frafra area or for that matter, in most of the districts in Ghana with high out-migration rates. According to Todaro , . .policies wirich operate only on the demand side of the urban erploymeit picture such as wage subsidies, direct government hiring, elimination of factor-price distortions , and employer tax incentives are probably considerably less effective in the long run in allevia- ting the mermloyment problem than are policies designed directly to regulate the supply of labor to urban areas. Policies of rural development are crucial in this regard" (1973, p. 15). In like manner, Addo has remarked that rural development in Ghana . .may raise the living standards among the rural population and guarantee the prices of certain commodi- ties such as rice, maize, oil-palm and cocoa. These measures themselves may themselves create confidence among the rmral population and in turn encourage the children of these workers to participate in farming" (1972, p. 250). 331 In view of the rising urban unemployment rates, inadequate housing, educational and health problems at the destinations, there is a need for some rural development projects in rural Frafra in order to reduce the influx of migrants to the towns. Some progress has already been made in the area-~the Bolgatanga Meat Factory, the Tomatoe Factory at Pwaligu, the Vea Irrigation Project, and the urban developments in Bolgatanga. But all these, except the last, have a prerequisit of a sound agriculture base, namely, available good land for food crOps, cash crops and grazing; wide stretch of land for effective irrigation or for easy use of simple farm machinery; a sound transportation system; and marketing facilities. The dispersed settlerent pattern and the resultant fragmented individual holdings means that land consolidation will be very difficult to achieve here. And even the rough terraint -rock outcrops--in many parts of the district is bound to restrict the use of machinery. For any agriculture program to succeed here the goverrment would have to be prepared to invest in the area because of the low earning capacity of the people. Their responses pertaining to how agriculture can be improved show quite clearly the role that the government must play in order to make agricul- ture more acceptable (Table 8.3) . This is the crux of the problem because the governmeit has many other national development programs to take care of, thereby making the capital available for numerous rural development programs rather limited. 3 Economic considerations are very important in the decision to migrate process . An effective rural development program is therefore likely to affect the rate of out-migration. A family planning program 332 mom mum mmm «me 2 o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa o.ooa Hmuoa m.v e.o v.5 m.n omnuommm uoz 0.0 0.0 9.0 5.0 manmoeamme uoz 0.H v.m v.m H.N uonuo o.o m.o m.o ~.0 muofiumw on cm>flo on umsE omoaw>wum o.o m.o m.o o.o mongoose now ooofl>oum on umoE uothz m.o m.o 0.0 N.0 muooooue Emmy Mom moan“ Houuom n.0a o.m m.m m.m mumfinom on co>wo on umoE mamoq w.m m.e H.m m.m owNficmnooE on oaoonm muouaoowume m.mo m.vm m.oo e.mo mugofimaifie ocflfiumm man umoE ucoeouo>ow N.HH m.m m.m m.m Hmuflemo oofl>oum umoE ucoEcHo>oo Amuw muov Ame» + omv Ame» om-aav imnmms canoe newsmaz oao >uo> oao ouwflooEuoucH ucooom.. noncommom moanmumoooe ouoz mHouHoOHnme oxmz on moon om oaoonm pens mew manna 333 in an area which has a large proportion of rural population will take 1. some generations to be successful. Cooperative farming is already gaining ground here and more cooperative units based on the clan and lineage system should be formed for better productive utilization of the land, coupled with credit facilities to the farmers. Cottage industries could be encouraged here, especially leather work, among the fanrers and other enterprising people. Probably, with tourism being encouraged in the region (the development of the Page Crocodile Pond) leather products of all types should find an easy market. If the reactivated Bolgatanga Meat Factory is in continued production skins and hides could be sold to the leather workers. Fortunately, the goverrment has recently decided to expand the irrigation scheme around the Vea Dam in order to cater for more rural farmers. If this objective is well executed it should go a long way to help in minimizing the rural exodus of the Frafra people. Though the Frafras readily move to the South, they are reluctant to be resettled as the Damongo Resettlement Schere showed. Is it possible that with expansion of cash agriculture in the North a newly settled hard working Frafra farmer is likely to stay at his new home without a permanent return to the original home in Frafra? Though with increased value attached to land now in the North, it might be a little difficult to acquire new areas for Frafra resettlement projects it 1In 1969 the Ghana Government issued a population policy in which it promised to bring facilities to the people, and also eicouraged private organizations, to assist the population to practice family planning (Ghana Populaton Policy, Accra, 1969) . 334 should present no serious problems with careful administrative and traditional planning, especially in neighboring areas with wide expanse of land. What possibilities exist for reclaiming the lost rich river valleys for increased food and cash crops production? Already, tobacco is a rewarding cash crop to some farmers in the area and the added utilization of settled riverine areas will be a booster to the rural economy. We hope that the joint efforts of the World Health Organization and the World Bank at eradicating onchocerciasis and the simulian fly in West Africa will help to achieve this (Hunter, 1972). In the field, migrants indicated that they would be willing to move to rural areas if they could earn the same income (Table 8.4) . The failure of the early resettlement scheIes have scared many social scientists about recommending similar programs in order to ease the population congestion in Frafra. Iri'Frafra people are resettled in areas very close to the homelandsuch as in South-Mamprusi or Dagomba, where cash cropping is thriving they' are most likely to stay permanently. If chain migration is responsible for most of the moverents, tlis factor can be utilized in settling influeitial family members in such cash cropping areas with substantial financial and technical aid to them. In this way it might be possible to reduce the pull of family members already in the South. Indeed, the influential family members already in the South could all be managed to become settlers of the new "cash cropping towns." Returned migrants could be helped to start very productive agricultural lives in these towns in case they do not haveany landof theirowninthehomeland forfarming. Whensucha program is implemented in South-Mamprusi or Dagomba, frequent visits by settlers to the homeland should not be discouraged, considering the 33S proximity of Frafra, unless it greatly affects production levels. Table 8.4. If You Could Earn As Much Income From Agriculture as From J/ Urban Jobs, Would You Settle in a Rural Area as a Farmer? Response Recent Intermediate Old Very Old Migrants (6-10 Years) (ll-20 Yrs) (20 +-Yrs) (0-5 Yrs) Yes 80.7 86.6 87.1 90.2 No 10.1 6.0 5.6 4.4 NOt Applicable 8.3 6.8 5.6 1.0 Not Reported 0.9 0.6 1.7 4.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 434 352 373 205 we have also seen the effect of education on rural young people. "The idea of the dignity of labor must be instilled in.the youth of the country, and the educational system.also reorganized to place emphasis on education for production in all sectors of the economy” QAddo, 1972, p. 250). Such a prograHIis very much needed in.Northern Ghana where the laCk of facilities have made many educated youths feel that they were made to live in the towns. A reorganization.of the education programn as is done by the current military regime through the "Operation Feed Yourself Program'} would definitely help in diverting some of the middle school leaverSIWho floCk to the towns,to become successful farmers. Cooperatives, loans frmm the Central Government and related technical advice to these young farmers will be needed to make a program.of that type useful. Such appeals as was made recently 336 by the Divisional Chief of Tongo to the Ministry of Agriculture for farming machinery, fertilizers and other facilities fbr farmers in.the area, if effectively implemented will go a long way to reduce the hunger, disease and poverty so prevalent in these parts of the country. Programs to alleviate the economic hardships of these areas inevitably calls for the participation of all disciplines in learning, government departments, the medical profession, private entreprenuers, the legal profession, etc. APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR FRAFRA MIGRANTS RESIDING OUT-SIDE FRAFRA HOMELAND (i.e., AT THE DESTINATIONS) AGED 15 YEARS AND OVER. Local Council Enumeration Area Name of Town Region Name of Interviewer Date of Interview 10. 12. 13. IS. . When do you hope to have your next visit home and for what? SECTION A: GENERAL INFORMATION Name of Migrant; 2. Age: 3. Sex: M :1 F :1 How old were you when you first migrated to the South? House Address: Relationship to Head of Household: 7. Age of the Head: . Marital Status of Migrant: S D ; M D ; DD; Sega ; Widowed t: Wife's (wives) ethnic group and hometown: (1) (2) (3) (A) Total No. of Wives 11. Children: Male: Female What is your religion? (1) Protestant D ; (ii) Catholic D ; (iii) Traditionaln ; (iv) Muslim D; (v) No Religion D ; (vi) Other (Specify) Wherecfixiyou become this? 16. In what year Have you ever changed your religion? Yes :1 ; No [3 16. If Yes, Why? SECTION 3: INFORMATION ABOUT HOME AREA Place of Birth; (Town/Region) 2. Hometown in Frafra L.C.: Distance of hometown from Bolgatanga: 4. Your sub-ethnic group: (i) Talensil::l (ii) GurenaiU; (iii) NabnamD; (iv) BoonsiD. Name of Clan/Lineage 6. Name of Head of Clan: . Give details about your clan members now staying the whole of South Ghana: Town or Village ‘Region No. There Types of Jobs Engaged In Total No. of Clan Members in the South: 4' SECTION C: PATHWAYS, STEPWISE AND RETURN MIGRATION L/ ‘ . When did you leave home? 2. Give all the towns/villages/regions you have been to since you first left: Station IName of’ Region Lengfh of, Nearest With Whom Whygfeft Means of? Town Stay--Date Big Town Stayed Transportation If Possible . Where were you enumerated for the 1960 and 1970 Population Censuses--Town/Region/Local Council: (i) 1960 (ii) 1970 . When did you last visit home and for what purpose? Over the past three years how many times have you gone home? . Give the time you usually return home: 7. Give the reasons why you make these return -’,,"’“ visits home: b 337 338 APPENDIX 1: Continued. 9. 10. ll. 12. I}. 10. ll. 12. 13? 14. 15. l6. l7. . When did you decide (or when did it occur to you) to migrate? . Which of these have been fulfilled? 7. Are you satisfied Yes [:7 ; NoIZJ ; Why? Are you contemplating a permanent return to your village? Yesa; No a If Yes,whenand why? Do you wish to stay here for the rest of your life? Yesa; Noa If Yes, Why do you want to be here for the rest of your life? If No, how much longer are you then going to stay here? (1) Less than 3 monthsa; (ii) Three months to one 0; (iii) One to two years (iv) Two to four yearsg; (v) Four to six yearsA:7';§\d) Six to eight years , (vii) Eight to ten years (viii) More than IO years State how long Why do you want to stay in this place for the time you have just said? What would make you decide to return home permanently? (1) When I obtain sufficient income C27, (ii) Cannot find a job [I]; (iii) I must return home to farmx C3; (iv) Tired of living in the South :::, (v) When I become a family head at homeIZD ; (vi) When children are all educated C23; (vii) When most of, or all my children are adults (over 21 years old)l::]; (viii) Other (Specify) SECTION D: INFORMATION ON CHANNELS-CARRIERS: MIGRATION BEHAVIOUR Before your first migration trip what did you know of the South? (other regions outside Northern Ghana) What were your reasons for migrating to the South? (List all reasons): (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) If these were your reasons for leaving home what were you hoping to obtain or enjoy in the South? (2) (4) (5) (1) Among these indicate the three most important aspirations you had: 2 (l) Indicate in order of importance whom/what you will say influenced your principal move (Use 1, 2, 3,5 in the boxes): (i) Father ::: ; (ii) Mother :::; (iii) Brothers/Sisters :23; (iv) Other Relative (Specify) :::; (v) Friend :::; (vi) Labour Recruiting Agent £23; (vii) On my own :::; (viii) Other (Specify) . Were you promised anything before you left home? (i) Job CD ; (ii) Education CZ]; (iii) Domestic Training c:); (iv) Wife/Husband t3 ; (v) Other (Specify) (vi) None :3 Who gave you the promise? Name RelationShip 4His7Her Occupation Resulfs of Promise How did you obtain information about the South and all the Southern towns you have lived in? (Sources of information) Give details about relatives, friends, etc. you travelled with. andtfiuameans of transportation between the places you have been to (start with the time he left his hometown). rom To N6. of List Their Means of Relatives Relationships Locations Transportation on Trip Now How was your means of transportation to the South provided/financed? (i) Financed by self CI]; (ii) Close Relative [I] ; (iii) Friend :27; (iv) Employment Agent 1:! ; (v) Other (Specify) Why did you decide to come to this present town and not another place? With whom did you first stay in this town? Apart from him whom did you know here on your arrival in town? (You can indicate more than one where applicable). (i) Friend C21; (ii) Relative C23; (iii) Acquaintance :::; (iv) Ethnic Members [:3 ; (v) Employment Agent [:3 ; (vi) None [:7 ; (vii) Other Did you have any communication with him before coming? Yes E3 ; No E27; Explain how: 339 APPENDIX 1: Continued 13- What w0Uld make you decide to leave this town for another town in the South? (i) Cannot find a job [I]; (ii) Lost my job :::; (iii) Wages too low]:] ; (iv) Tired of present job III; (v) Tired of living here ::: ; (vi)Other(Specify) 19. List any towns in Ghana in order of preference you wish to migrate to (including the present location); (1) 3 (4 20. Before you left home which were the towns, in order of reference, you would have liked to migrate to? (target towns). (l) ) (3? ( ) (5) 21. How often did you visit Bolgatanga in a month/year and for what purpose? 22. If Bolgatanga is not your home town, did you ever live there? Yes [I]; No {I}. 23. If yes, for how long and for what purpose? 24. What will be your recommendation to a friend or relative at home who wants to migrate to this town or any other place in Southern Ghana? 25. List the types of ?912 available to a new migrant who arrives in this town: (i) (2) (3 Residence of Your Family Members 26. Where are your wives living? Give the number in the boxes: 1. In this house [:1 ; ii. At home with my or her people [I], iii. In another house in this town/village (:7; iv. In another town or village in Southern GhanaIZD , v. In another town in Northern Ghana outside Frafra :::; vi. Other (Specify) 27. Married Women-~How many wives has your husband including you? 28. Where is your husband living? (i) In this house CZ? ; (ii) At home with my/his people £27; (iii) In another house in this toumxtz? ; (iv) In another town in the South 2:1 ; (v) In another town in North outside Frafra C27, (vi) Other Specify) 29. Indicate the present location in Ghana of your children. No. of Children?7 Sex Ages 7 Where PWiEh Whom Why There i.il . [TT1 30. Were you married before you left home? Yes I: ; No D 31. Did you migrate during your first trip with your wife/husband? Yes E21; N0133 32. A Man: How long did you stay in the South before your wife joined you? 33. A Woman: How long did you stay at home without your husband before you joined him in the South? 34. What would make you decide to send your wife back home to live with your/her people? (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (V) SECTION E: EDUCATION OF RESPONDENT AND FAMILY 1. Indicate highest education obtained, Give Class/Form where necessary: (i) Never been to school :3: (ii) Elementary-Primary C23; (iii) Middle School E27; (iv) Secondary 1:7; (v) College—Teachers :::; (vi) University (Degree)::: ; (vii) Arabic Education :::; (viii) Other, Specify: 2. Give the Schools, Colleges, etc. you have attended: SchooIYAddress Duration Distance Certificate/Diploma etc. Obtained From home 3. Indicate your English proficiency: Spoken: None £3 ; Fair 1:3; Good D ; Very GoodCJ . Written: Noner—‘J ; Fair==1 ; GoodEJ ; Very GoodL'D 4. Indicate your Hausa proficiency Spoken: None C23; Fair :::; Good :::; Very Good [:3 Written: None [:7 ; Fair £3; Good C23 ; Very Good CI] 5. Other languages spoken or written by you apart from the above 6. Indicate the highest education obtained by your wife(ves) 7. Give the No. of your children and relatives attending school here under your care. Name Of'ChiId’ School Attending, Age Sex crass Why wifh You ~ by 340 APPENDIX 1: Continued List any special training you have already completed or taking for apprenticeship/domestic/ 8. driving, etc. Type JTraining Duration Location Reasons 'Iaken Resnts SECTION F: SOCIAL CHANGES AND SOCIAL DYNAMICS AMONG FRAFRA MIGRANTS IN THE SOUTH Residential: Information About the Migrant's Present Location 1. Name of neighbourhood (section) in town: 2. What are the walls of the house made of? (i) Cement/Stone Block I: ; (ii) Landcrete U; (iii) Burnt Bricks D; (iv) WoodD; (v) Swish/Mud D ; (vi) Other (Specify) 3. What is the roofing material made of? (i) Asbestos E3; (ii) Corrugated MetalD ; (iii) Concrete D; (iv) Wooden tiles/Shingle D; (v) Tatch (grass/leaves)[3 ; (vi Other :7 . 4. Condition of Dwelling Area: (Sleeping room, Kitchen, Hall, etc.) (i) Excellent D ; (ii) Good D ; (iii) Fair C]; (iv) Poor [3. 5. What is the main source of light in this house? (i) Electricity :1; (ii) Pressure lamps 1:) ; (iii) Other Kerosene lamps with glass shade D ; (iv) Other, Specify 6.What is the cooking fuel for your family? (i) Electricity CI ; (ii) 085:] ; (iii) Kerosene ED; 14. 15. (iv) Charcoal D; (v) Firewood (:3 , Other, Specify How many rooms in this house are occupied only by your household? How many people of your household live together in a room? (Average No.) How long have you been living in this town/village? (1) Less than 6 months C1 ; (ii) 6 months but less than 1 year :7; (iii) 1 year but less than 5 years (2 ; (iv) 5 years but less than 10 years [2: (v) 10 years or more :3 ; State No of years . Are you satisfied with your present residence? Yes D ; NOD . If No, which type of house would you wish to live in? (Brief description) What were the main reasons which led you to come to this section of the town? List other section in this town you have ever stayed and duration of stay: Sec tionjn an Duration Why Lef? Accommodation: How do you hold this accommodation? (i) RentCJ Give amount paid per month (115 Owner occupied D ; (iii) Not owner occupied but free rent D; (iv) Other, Specify If you rent it, or if it is rent free who owns this accommodation? (i) Relative C7 ; (ii) Friend :1; (iii) Private Ownership 1:]; (iv) Public (Gov't.) Owned U; (v) Other, Specify Social Networks Among Migrant in the South I6. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. When you first came here what was the occupation of the first person you stayed with? How long did you stay with him? Did you pay rent for staying there? Yes D ; Not: . Which of these did you enjoy? (1) Free meals I: ; (ii) A few free meals U ; (iii) Paid for some of my meals 1:]; (iv) Paid for all meals :1 . Since then have you again lived in a friend's house, in a relative's home or a house provided by an employer: YestZl; NoCJ . If Yes, continue with 21 but if No, skip to 24. (Make sure that host is not around--if around skip to 23 and come back later if possible). How long did you stay there? 22. Did you pay rent there? Yes D ; No D . Which of these did you enjoy? (1) Free meals [27; (ii) A few free mealsE: ; (iii) Partly paid for meals [_‘j; (iv) Paid for all meals E3 . 341 Appendix 1: Continued 24. List dependents of all ages whom you feed and provide with accommodation in this house. Name SexT'Age Relationship Why with you Duration Occupation _L If many give the total number of dependents after a few examples 25. Do you belong to any organisations/associations/social clubs etc. Name I Location IWhen Joinedi BriefTObjectives Benefits TROIe - By You Played ' +in Them + I 26. Indicate in order of importance the allegiance you owe to the following traditional heads. (Use 1, 2.3.4 in the boxes). (i) Clan/Family Head at HomeZZY ; (ii) Traditional Chief at homelfj , (iii) Chief of the Frafra Community here 5:3; (iv) The chief of this town [27, (v) None of the aboveLZj ; (vi) Other, Specify 27. Do you make any gifts to any of these traditional heads? Yes 5:7; NOLZJ 28. If Yes, fill in the following: Whom T Type of Gift Why CifcfiMde How Often in a Yr./s. ‘JT 29. If you belong to associations etc. at home state briefly here the role you play and the achievements of these associations Urban Life: Attitudes and Benefits 30. Apart from the main (chief) reasons why you came to this town, are there any other advantages of coming to this town? Yes :3 ; N0‘:J . If Yes, mention the 3 most important advantages (1) (2) (3) If No, why? 31. Do you. or did you face any problems in living in this town? Yes C3 ; No C3 . If Yes, mention the 3 most important ones: 32. (i) What is your best form of entertainment (ii) Can this be found in this town? Yes :3 {TNOEE . (iii) Can it be found in some other areas? Yes :3 ; No :3 . If Yes, which areas 33. If you could find the same type of job as your present one in a rural area, would you prefer working in a rural area? Yes :3 ; No C3 . 34. Considering your background and education, which type of work best suits you? (1) Urban work C27; (ii) Rural work I: ; (iii) Location does not matter [3. 35. Indicate in order of importance how you obtain information about events in the city, country, etc. (Use 1, 2, 3, 4. . .in the boxes). (1) Radio (:3; (ii) Newspapers E23 ; (iii) Friends C23; (iv) Family Head HereIZJ ; (v) Local Chief Here :21; At Work :3 . (vii) Other, Specify 36. Indicate in order of importance how you think you are better off than people at home. (Use 1, 2.3.4....in the boxes). (1) Has a joblZJ ;(ii) Better social life--entertainment £3 ; (iii) ElectricityD ; (iv) Women-prostitutes--availab1e D ; (v) Can support family 1:; (vi) Education—-training etc. t2: ; Other, Specify 37' As result of your living in an urban area (like this town) do you gain any special advantages aisadvantages in your ocal area or in the eyes of your local people? (a) Advantages :27; (b) Disadvantages I27 ; (c) Does not apply 1:7. If (a) or (b) state them: (1) Advantages (ii) Disadvantages 342 APPENDIX 1; Continued. SECTION C: ECONOMIC CHANGES--INCOMEJ EMPLOYMENIL UNEMPLOYMENT AND PROPERTY Employment--Income 1. 10. ll. ‘12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. . When you first arrived in the South what type of work were you looking for? Before you migrated out of Frafra area what work were you doing: (Indicate all that apply). (i) In schooltC] , (ii) Employed for wages £3 (a) Job (b) Wages earned per month (iii) Self-Employed business, e.g., trader, seamstress etc.£:3 ; (a) Specify’business (b) Amount earned from business per stated period_ --- ’(iv) Farming (a) Full time [:1 ; (b) Part time £23; (c) Family Parmz:3 ; (d) Independent farm £27; (e) State income from farm (v) Fully unemployed CZ). State length of period unemployed ATTvi) Other, Specify Where were you staying before you migrated from the Frafra area? (i) At home in a family house CZ]; (ii) In a friend's house [I]; (iii) In a house provided by your employer in Frafra 2:]; (iv) In a rented house (room)L:] ; State amount paid per month (v) Other, Specify How much money did you bring to the South during your first migration trip? In deciding to migrate did you have some information about a job? Yes [I]; No C3 If Yes, which of the following gave you the most information about the job? You can indicate up to 3 in a ranking order. (i) Family Members £3 , (ii) Friendstzn ; (iii) Labour Recruiting Agent [:3 , (iv) Radio [23; (v) Newspaper E3 ; (vi) Labour Office in the North [3 ; (vii) Other, Specify . When you first arrived how much money in a month were you expecting to earn from this job/ What work did you do first? . When you first arrived did a friend or famdly member help you find work? Yes C3 ; Not] If Yes, Relationship His Occupation If No, How did you obtain your first job? (i) The Labour Office :3 ; (ii) An Employment Agent C3 (iii) My own arrangements with my employer [21; (iv) Other, specify Occupation on History out of Frafra (including Present Job). Occupation Type of ‘Locatibn ’Duration Income7MBnth ’Why Left Migration (Where) Apart from your job name other sources of income? List all the benefits you are enjoying from your present Job: When you are in need of money/help whom do you contact--List in ranking order about 3 people. Relationship His Occupation Why contact him Since you came here (South/Town) have you been sending anything back home? Yes £27 ; NolI] If Yes, fill this table: Type of’RemTttance Time Sent HOme To Whom For What Pugpose If No, any comments? State your total INCOME per month. Expenditure: State your monthly expenditure on the following: Ebod Housing Education Remittances to Relatives Clothes Other Amount per stated period Year/month \/ 20. 21. 22. 23. 343 APPENDIX 1: Continued PROPERTY OWNED: Indicate here details about your property: Where Located Jointf Personal Owned Income Producing/Year ‘When Acquired Total Number Types (1) Buildings (Houses) (ii) Land/farm (Acres) iii) Business U) Animals (y) Savings vi Vehicles, Machines etc. (vii) Others Among these which did you own before you migrated? List what you have now which you did not have at home When you are ready to return home list in order or priority what you would like to take back home. (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) Unemployment 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. When you finished school how long did it take you to obtain a job? If you stayed here for a period without a job did you consider any of the following? (i) Accepting a lower paid job than your expectations £3 ; (ii) Farming as an occupation [23; (iii) Going to some other town or area [2]; (iv) Other, Explanation Why did you not move to another place to obtain a job? Questions 27 to 32 are to be filled if he/she is now UNEMPLOYED What do you think are the main reason(s) why you cannot find a job here? You can indicate all that apply to you. (i) You have too little education :3 ; (ii) There are no jobs available C3 ; (iii) You are being discriminated against by employers C3 ; (iv) The Labour Office is not doing its best [I]: (v) Wages are too low here £21; (vi) I do not want any work here [:1, Explain (vii) Other. Specify: In your opinion name the jobs which are easily available now to the unemployed people i) (ii) (iii) (1V) (V) Which towns do you know that offer more and better jobs to the unemployed than here? Why would you not move to any of them? Name any benefits you enjoy as an unemployed person What do you think are your major problems as an unemployed migrant? SECTION H: ATTITUDES TOWARDS RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION (Use Question I to 3 where applicable) Why did you decide to migrate to this town/city instead of going to a cocoa farm or a food producing area? Why did you decide to come to this mining town instead of going to a farming region in the South? Why did you come to this farming area instead of going to a town or a city? 344 APPENDIX 1: Continued 4. If you could earn as much income from agriculture as you do from urban employment, would you be willing to undertake some form of agriculture work? Yes [3 ; N042] If No, why? What should be done in order to make agriculture more acceptable to people? (i) (ii) (iii) (1") Give that the cost of living is lower in the rural areas, will you be willing to work in the ruraT area if your present job is moved to: (a) your local area Yes £3 ; NoCZJ (b) some rural area not far from your home town? Yes D ; No D (c) any rural area? Yes E3 ; NoCZJ If answer is still No. why? If the government wants people to work in the rural areas, what things must the government do if the idea is to be accepted: Name these in order of their importance E N D You have been very helpful and co-operative. Thank you ~ very much for that. REMARKS BY INTERVIEWER The respondent was: (i) Quite co-operative E3 ; (ii) Neutral C3 ; (iii) Not very co-operative C] The respondent: (i) seemed to remeber well and likely was accurate E] ; (ii) had difficulty recalling the information desired from him I] ; (iii) May not have been giving accurate answers :3 . The interview lasted about Hours Minutes. Note; Interviewers can include any comments below. 345 APPENDIX 2 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR PEOPLE 15 YEARS AND OVER RESIDING IN THE FRAFRA HOMELAND (RETURNED MIGRANTS, NON-MIGRANTS, INTENDING MIGRANTS ETC.). Name of Town Local Council Enumeration Area Region Distance from Bolgatanga Name of Interviewer Date of Interview SECTION A: GENERAL INFORMATION 3. Sex M C3.; F CI: 4. House Address 1. Name: 2. Age: 5. Relationship to Head of Household- 6. Age of the Head: 7. Marital Status: 3 D; D C] . Sep.CJ ; Widowed D ; M I: 8. No. of Wives 9. No. of Children; Male: Female: 10. What is your religion? (1) Protestant £3; (ii) Catholic £7 ; (iii) Traditional L3; (iv) Muslim (:7 ; (v) No Religion £3 ; (vi Other, Specify ll. Where did you become this 12. In what year 13. Have you ever changed your religion? Yes CI]; No l4.If Yes, Why? 15. Your sub-ethnic group (i) Talensi LI]; (ii) Gurensi C]; (iii) Nabnam C3; (iv) Boonsi D 16. Name of Clan/lineage: 17. Head of Clan: 18. Where were you enumerated for the 1960 and 1970 Population Censuses? Town/Region (i) 1960 (ii) 1970 SECTION B: EDUCATION OF RESPONDENT AND FAMILY 1. Indicate the highest education obtained: (i) Never been to school C: ; (ii) Elementary Primary :7 ; (iii) Middle School :3 ; (iv) Secondary Q : (v) College D ; (vi) University (Degree):1; (vii) Arabic Education C3 ; (viii) Other, Specify 2. Give the Schools, Colleges etc you have attended: school/Address Duration Distance from Home gCertificate Diploma Obtained 3. Indicate your English proficiency: Spoken: None D ; Fair B; Good E] ; Very Good D Written: None D ; Fair £3; Good C3 ; Very GoodD 4. Indicate your Hausa proficiency: Spoken: None (:3 ; Fair 1:: ; Good D; Very Good 1:3 5. Other languages spoken or written apart from the above 6. List any special training you have already completed or taking for apprenticeship/domestic/ driving etc. Tfype of Training, Duration ‘Where Taken TReasons Taken Results 7. Indicate the Highest Education obtained by your wife(ves): (i) (ii) (iii) 8. Give the Number of children and relatives attending school here under your care: Name of Child, :1 school Attending; Age Sex Class ‘Why with You — 9. Give details about members of this house who have completed their education: (past education) Name Highest Class Where ‘Occupation Help Received From Him/Her Obtained Located Now 10. If more than 10 fill in ten names and write the total number of people with past education here: 346 APPENDIX 2: Continued 10. ll. 12. 13. . What are you hoping to obtain or enjoy when you migrate outside Frafra? (1) SECTION C- MIGRATION BEHAVIOURi EXPERIENCEL INFORMATION CHANNELS; ETC. Have you ever lived outside Frafra area for more than 6 months? Yes t3 ; No C: If Yes, what were the main reasons for ndgrating to the South or other parts in the North? (1) (ii) (iii) (iv) Indicate in order of importance whom/what you will say influenced your past migration outside Frafra? (Use 1, 2, 3. 4 in the boxes). (i) Father [:3 ; (ii) Mother [:3 ; (iii) Brothers/SistersIZJ; (iv) Other Relatives (:3. (v) Friend :3; (vi) Labour Recruiting Agent D ; (vii) On my own 1:]; (viii) Other (Specify) Indicate below all the places outside Frafra you have lived in for more than 6 months. Town *7 Region . Length of Sfay With Whom Stayed? Why Went There Means Of 4 Transportation a l u l a I I Give the reason(s) why you returned home: (i) (ii) (iii) Do you intend to migrate to any place outside Frafra? Yes CZ); NOIZJ If Yes. list in order of preference the towns you would like to migrate to? (target towns): (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) How do you obtain information about the South or about the towns on have listed above? (Sources of Information) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv (v) (ii) (iii) (iv) (V) Among these indicate the three most important aspirations you have for wishing to migrate outside Frafra: (i) (ii) (iii) Indicate in order of importance whom/what you will say has influenced or is influencing your intention to migrate. (Use 1, 2. 3, 4 in the boxes); (1) Father CZ); (ii) Mother E23; (iii) Brothers/Sisters [2]; (iv) Other Relative c3 ; (v) Friend ::: ; (vi) Labouring Recruiting Agent :3 ; (vii) On my own :::; (viii) Other, Specify: If you will never migrate outside Frafra give the reasons for deciding to do so: What will be your recommendation to a relative or a friend who wants to migrate outside Frafra? Residence of Your Family Members I4. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Where are your wives living? Give the number in the boxes: (1) In this house E3; (ii) At home with my or her people C3 ; (iii) In another house in this town/villagelza ; (iv) In another town or village in Southern Ghana [:3 ; (v) In another town in Northern Ghana outside Frafra E2]; (vi) Other (Specify) Married Women-~How many wives has your husband including you? Where is your husband living? (i) In this house :27; (ii) At home with my/his people [27; (iii) In another house in this town E23; (iv) In another town in the South I23; (v) In another town in North outside Frafra £23; (vi) Other (Specify) Indicate the present location in Ghana of your children: Ages ‘Where With Whom IWhy There X No. of Children DSe M F Did you migrate during your first trip with your wife/husband? YesIZD ; N013: A Man: How long did you stay in the South before your wife joined you? A Woman: How long did you stay at home without your husband before you joined him in the South? Will you migrate outside Frafra with your wife/husband? Yes C23 ; NotZJ If Yes. Give the reasons for your decisions: If No, Why? 347 APPENDIX 2: Continued SECTION D: RELATIVES, FRIENDS ETC. FROM THIS HOUSE IN THE SOUTH AND OTHER PLACES OUTSIDE FRAFRA l. Give details below about people from this house alone now living outside Frafra: Name T Sex I Town and Occupation Marital Duration When Expected 1 Angddress if any Status Back Home ? I N.B. If more than seven. give the total number here after filling in seven names above: 2. What will you say were the main reasons why these migrated outside Frafra? 3. Indicate the nature or tvpes of contacts between you and the people in the South? (Indicate all that apply) (i) Letters £2]; How often? (Months/Years) (ii) Their visits :23; How often? (Months/Fears) (iii) Your visits ::: ; (a) Give towns 4(5) How often (Months/Years) (iv) Messages :3 ; How Often? (Months79ears) (v) Other, Specify 4. Give details below about the help—money, clothes, farm implements, building materials, you receive from your relatives away from home: Type of Remittance 4: Time Usually Sent From Whom For What Purpose 1 5. Indicate below the help (advice. medicine, juju, smock etc.) you give to your relatives in the South: Iype of Help :1, Time Given To Whom For What Purpose 1 6. What would you say are the advantages and disadvantages of people migrating outside Frafra? Advantages: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) v Disadvantages(i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (V) SECTION E: ECONOMIC CHANCES--INCOME, EMPLOYMENTl UNEMPLOYMENT AND PROPERTY I. What is your occupation? (Indicate all that apply): (1) in School [21; (ii) Employed for wages (a) Job: (b) Wages earned per month (iii) Self-Employed business, e.g. trader. seamstress. etc. C21; (a) Specify business (b) Amount earned from business per stated period (iv) Farming: (a) Full Time C23; (b) Part-time IZD ; (c) Family Farm [:3 ; (d) Independent Farm :::; (e) State Income from Farm 2. Apart from your job or farm, name other sources of income. 3. In deciding to migrate do you have some information about a job? Yes £21; No E3 4. If Yes, which of the following have given you the most information about a job? You can indicate up to 3 in a ranking order: (i) Family members E21; (ii) Friends £21; (iii) Labour Recruiting AgentIZD ; (iv) Radio :3 ; (v) Newspaper 1:3; (vi) Labour Office in the North [3 ; (vii) Other, Specify _ _. ...—i 5. When you arrive in the South what type of work would you be looking for? 6. When you arrive how much money in a month will you be expecting to earn from a paid job? 7. List all the benefits you are enjoying from your present job: 8. When you are in need of money/help whom do you contact--List in ranking order about 3 people. Relationship His Occupation ’Why Contact him 9. State your total INCOME per month: 10. Expenditure: State your monthly expenditure on the following: Food ’Housing Education Remittances to Relatives Clothes Others Amount per stated period (Year/Month) 348 APPENDIX 2: Continued Property Owned ll. 12. I3. Indicate here details about your property: 0 nt y Personally Owned en Acquired ota No. ere Located ypes Buildi Hou5es land/Farm (Acres (i Business iv Animals (3) Savi Vi Vehicles Machines etc. vii Others S If you have ever migrated. among these which did you own before you migrated? If you intend to migrate how will you pay for the cost of transportation? Unemplovment I4. 15. l6. I7. 18. I9. 20. 21. 22. 23. 3. When you finished school how long did it take you to obtain a job? If you stayed here for a period without a job did you consider any of the following: (i) Accepting a lower paid job than you expectations [:3 ; (ii) Farming as an occupation C23; (iii) Going to some other town or area [:3; (iv) Other, Explanation: Why did you not move to another place to obtain a job? What do you think are the main reason(s) why you cannot find a job here? You can indicate all that apply to you (if unemployed): (i) You have too little educationc:j ; (ii) There are no jobs available [23; (iii) You are being discriminated against by employers :::; (iv) The Labour Office is not doing its best C2]; (v) Wages are too low here E2]; (vi) I do not want any work hereL;j ; Explain (vii) Other, Specify In your opinion name the jobs which are easily available now to the unemployed people. (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) Which towns do you know that offer more and better jobs to the unemployed than here? Why would you not move to any of these? Name any benefits you enjoy as an unemployed person. What do you think are your major problems as an unemployed person? How long have you been unemployed? E N D You have been very helpful and cooperative. Thank you very much for that. REMARKS BY INTERVIEWER The Respondent was: (i) Quite cooperative [23; (ii) Neutral C27; (iii) Not very cooperative I: The Respondent (i) seemed to remember well and likely was accurate :::; (ii) had difficulty recalling the information desired from him‘czj; (iii) May not have been giving accurate answersIZJ The interview lasted about Hours Minutes. Note Interviewer can include any comments below. 349 APPENDIX 3 The Distribution of Frafra Migrants in the South (Refer to Figures 7 and 8) Census No. of Percentage of Code No. local Council Frafra in All Frafra in Council the South 1 NZ ima- Evalue-Aj orroro 90 0 . 28 2 Ahanta-Shama 130 0 . 41 3 Sekondi-Takoradi M.C. 1,240 3.94 4 Komenda-Edina-Eguafo 170 0. 54 5 Cape Coast 410 1.30 6 Mfantisiman 90 0.28 7 Gonna—Awntu—Effutu 100 0 . 31 8 Swedry 30 0.09 9 Agona 10 0.03 10 Nyakrom—Nkmn 30 0.09 11 Brexnan-Aj umako 50 0 . 15 12 Asin 220 0.69 13 Denkyira—TWifu—Hemang 660 2 . 09 14 Wassaw-Fiasse 810 2 . 57 15 Tarkwa-Abosso l , 870 5 . 94 16 Amenfi-Aowin 370 1 . 17 17 Sefwi-Wiawso 550 l . 74 18 Sefwi—Anl'wiaso-Belmai l , 470 4 . 67 20 Ga-Dangbe—Shai 110 0 . 34 21 Accra M. Council 2,320 7.38 22 Tema -330 1.04 30 Wes tern Akin: 800 2.54 31 Southern Akim Abuakwa 120 0.38 32 Nsawam 40 0.12 33 Almapim 110 0.34 34 Ada 0 0.0 35 Akwanm-Amm—Boso 20 0 . 06 36 Manya-Yilo-Asoduku 170 0 . 54 37 New Juaben 210 0.66 38 East Akim Abuakwa 330 1.04 350 Appendix 3. Cont'd. Census No. of Percentage of Code No. local Council Frafra in. All Frafra in Council The South 39 West AkiniAbuakwa 920 2.92 40 Oda-Swedru 410 0.13 41 South Kwahu 420 1.33 42 North Kwahu 270 0.85 50 Anlo South 20 0.06 51 Kata U. Council 40 0.12 52 Anlo North 30 0.09 53 Tongu 10 0.03 54 Ho 60 0.19 55 Kpandu 140 0.44 56 Buem—Krachi 360 0 . 14 60 Adansi-Bankwa 500 1.59 61 Obuasi 1,220 3.88 62 Amansie 460 1.46 63 Kumasi west 1,090 3.46 64 Kumasi M; Council 4,740 15.08 65 Kumasi South 470 1.49 66 Kumasi East 1,350 4.29 67 Sekyere 1,760 5.59 68 Kusasi NOrth 590 1.87 70 Brong-Ahafo South 1,180 ,3.75 71 Sunyani 150 0.47 72 Brong-Ahafo Central 780 2.48 73 Brong-Ahafo North 710 2.25 74 Brong-Ahafo East 890 2.83 Total 31,430 100.00 (After Ghana 1960 Census, Special Report E) 351 APPENDlX 3 Continued Distribution of the Frafra in Northern Ghana (Refers to Figures 7 and 8) Census No. of Frafra Percentage of Code No. local Council In Council Frafra in the North 80 western Gonja 960 0.61 81 Eastern.Gonja 180 0.11 82 Nanumba 160 0.10 83 Eastern Dagomba 350 0.22 84 Tamale U.C. 1,470 0.94 85 ‘western Dagomba 760 0.48 86 South-Mamprusi 5,260 3.36 87 Wala 70 0.04 88 lawra 40 0.02 89 TUmu 30 0.01 90 Builsa 60 0.03 91 Kasena—Nankani 800 0.51 92 Frafra (Homeland) 143,830 92.06 93 Kusasi 2,260 1.44 Total 156,220 100.00 (After Ghana 1960 Census, Special Report E) 4} ( a) - incum- iAPPENDIX 4 bgANb—l c w 19 21 2 23 24 25 26 27 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 mi Fiuan AAA huful “unsunuljs, Eastern Region, 1967. Urban Rural Urban (Rural = 100) Inconr pvr h usuntld INN pur month): oi wh;ch: of LimJUhHii Emit. . 37.5 33.1 113 of ~IL'f mu -urj . . . . . . . . . . . . 30.6 23.3 131 ::int 'p:oi.cfisn fir Self—conSunption). 3.8 2.1 181 Incine pvi cip-fi INC pwr m nth; iii 31".'-tl.1~'ilf:iii$ . . . 11.0 10.1 109 win'l mom: hfinsrhulis . 26.3 25.9 102 wilri—purznn hcuswhtlds. . . . 9.0 8.4 107 Slim hf 11".. ..J- :.g'fhfihill ul; fiqiwvhuliz . . . 3.41 3.27 104 'u.'.-iv:J-J hwusonildn. . . . . . . 4.61 4.18 110 incr": 'f hm .~ Lead txcluuivuly endowed in one QCJUpdflwn h pvr mqnfh): wa. incumr. . . 40.5 30.4 133 ':uizuj. .. . . . .. . . . . 31.0 33.9 91 puiw ¢f cra:ts 30.3 24.8 122 i r:xa. 23.0 29.2 79 of wt..tn: ssh-5 . . . . . 13.8 17.8 78 -u:1l-Ccn5;fiq;tlon. 9.3 11.4 82 Peranitu me oHOSmeoc mnu kn Umospona mooow mo coaudescho .mssou mwnmaz psm :cmnns: mmmwhano swan: .musmu pmusdafl How meme ma moSmBOHHm 02m .m>onm was ooo.m mo sowumasmom N .nusoe Hem ooaoz Hops: mmEoosH Luwz mwaosmmdo: 0mm mo mamamm pmHMHumuum mwmumioau N Go mumamn mump maHH "mmuoz ¢.ma m.NN . . . . .mvaosmmnon Rename mesHm mo mwMuconmm om em.q mo.¢ . . . . . . . . . paosmmnos mo mNHm mwmnm>< oma 0.0 o.m Anucoa Hem ozv muwmmo pom mnduflvcmdxm WOH m.®N 0.NN . . . . . o . o o . . . . o o . GHmummz HOH m.mm m.mm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . muHo> mma H.NH «.mm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cnwfiuuoz oHH H.Hm N.0m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cnwuwmm wMH N.0m m..N.—V o o o . . o o . o owmn< wCOHm oHH ©.mm m.Hq . . . . . . . . . . . Hucm£m< m.oq . . . . . . . . . . . . muoo< ”sowwmm mm «ma «.mm m.om . . . . . . musuwwammxm Hmuoe owH o.oH N.¢m . . . . . . muSqusmaxm Hocuo Hm m.w 0.N . . . . . . .modnowm s30 mo coauQESmsoo "macawmm HH< ”Anusoe Hod ozv eaocmmdos Hem musuwecmmxm Aooa n Hwnsnv swan: Hmnsm swans .Nouaoma mpaozmmsom Hmpnm one away: mo mHDuHcCoaxm .Anvq APPENDIX 5 Explanatory Notes on the Design of Figure 17 (Chapter VI) The sources of material for the map were (1) Ghana Survey Department, (2) Grove and Huszar, (l964)and data from the current research. The first exercise to be undertaken, in order to determine the spatial framework of step-wise migration, was the utilization of a map with all the important Ghanaian towns. The administrative map of Ghana published by the Survey Department was very helpful in this respect. Grove and Huszar produced a hierarchy of places (towns) in Ghana based on 17 essential kinds of services. These were derived from the main service categories of (1) Administration, (2) Commmica— tions, (3) Comerce, (4) Social Services, (5) local Industry (Grover and Huszar, 1964). The service centers so defined by them in each region were utilized with the Administrative map for designing Figure 17. These service centers (urban and mining centers, important towns in farming regions, etc.) are mostly the places Frafra migrants move to. Since a majority of the migrants live in the cities and the main mining centers, it can be assumed that there is a strong relationship between the number of services in a destination and the number of Frafra migrants living there (Table 2.4) . Dining the research, migrants were asked to indicate the towns they had as targets before they left home, the towns they wished to 354 355 move to, and the number of times and names of destinations they have been to since they migrated (Tables 6.39 to 6.43(b), i.e., pp. 249-263). These tables, especially Table 6.39, were used with the above maps, and the distribution map of Frafra migrants (Figure 8) for the final product of Figure 17. For a better presentation of the different levels of destinations (immediate, intermediate, target towns of first to fifth order) symbols were designed to cover separately each of the following: (a) towns in Northern and Upper Regions, (b) Belts with intermediate or final destinations and minimum attraction for Brong—Ahafo, Ashanti and Volta Region and (c) all towns in Southern Ghana where most of the target destinations are. 356 . 96338.30 NEG/mama... 0804 SR? 22v. £80. .220. mmmmmf 2&9: $02.: 303.: 33%.: ~38. amcfimoaom :35 .8530 00004 003m. Emma. $02.. «30?: «303.: 2500.: mmmmm. $8.". 830; 2605 03% workman mo unmouwm 00004 03.8. L003. 303.: 2.000.: 00000.: 0800. 830.: 30:... non 838585 uo unmoumm 00004 033. 033.: 0003.: 33.00.: 53.0.: Emma. 0030.1 83$ 35 L026: mo ucoobwm 00004 $2.00.: 305.: mmmmmi 0:00. 303.: 088. «conga 00558 0398a: no goons 00004 805. mmmnm. mmomm. $03.: 000mm. 38» 3:3 88 mo “.8080 00004 2.03. 000%. :«2? mommm. 835038 oz no 28me 00004 vmmov. wamma. 0003. 203088 ummm mo ucmohwm «SSH :35 00004 .203. $08.: ASE magmas mo ucmouom 0000 A 2.3: . 1 5333me Cu mocnumE 0084 3:302 mo H.352 9595 mcommdm .9505 mocflummaom Bookcfl 000 commit 058m whom» mvlz c0368?“ 003955 53:35 gnaflmg Suiii 0339/4 COSQEOMCH 3 during: “Youmwoaz 80¢ 02 ummd QOMHQE OD 35.5.34 moguma mo ucoouoa wo ucmohd Mo ucmoflom 00 ~56qu mo ucmoxam mo ucwoumd uo ucoouwm wo ucmouwm 8:330 mo EH o 03%an 5.5m: 96333.80 395m .0 BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Abiodun, Josephine Olu. 1967, October. 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