A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF BLACK AND WHITE CRIMINAL JUSTICE STUDENTS By David G. Epstein A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Criminal Justice College of Social Science 1977 ABSTRACT A STUDY OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF BLACK AND WHITE CRIMINAL JUSTICE STUDENTS By David G. Epstein The criminal justice field, both the practicing and the aca- demic branches thereof, has made concentrated efforts to recruit blacks to its ranks. Little effort has been made to determine what type of black is being recruited, and how he or she contrasts with the white member of the field. The objective of this study was to determine the social- political views of black criminal justice students as compared to their white counterparts. College-level students were seen as a particularly important segment of the field since many future crimi- nal justice administrators will come from their ranks. Methodology Students at three different universities were examined. The universities were Michigan State, Illinois-Chicago Circle, and Lincoln, Jefferson City, Missouri. A total of l94 students were examined. They were divided into distinct socioeconomic and racial groupings. Forty-two black students were subjects of in-depth interviews. David G. Epstein The main study instrument was the College Student Question- naire, An analysis of variance statistical technique was used to examine and compare the scores made on the questionnaire by the various racial and class groupings. Content analysis of black folk music, literature, and humor was initiated to determine if any historical threads could be traced to the results found by modern research techniques. An examination was made to determine the possible existence of parallels between the interview results, the content analysis, and the analysis of questionnaire responses. Findings Parallels were found in the resultant data utilizing the various study techniques. It was found that the greatest differences existed between blacks and lower-class whites. Upper-class whites often shared views with lower-class blacks, though at a lesser level of intensity. In general, one can say that black criminal justice students are more liberal politically, more Socially sensitive and concerned, more peer independent, less independent of their families, more skeptical of the criminal justice field, and less apt academic- ally. They 93 differ from their white counterparts. However, pre- dominantly black schools may attract a significantly different black student than is found at predominantly white universities. The black student (and also the white student) at a predominantly black school may be less liberal, less socially sensitive, less independent of peer group pressures, and even less accepting of the status quo in David G. Epstein the criminal justice field than many of his counterparts at pre- dominantly white schools. However, he still remains more liberal, socially sensitive, and more skeptical of the criminal justice system than whites attending predominantly black schools. The trend toward recruiting more blacks into all facets of the criminal justice system therefore remains valid. However, class and type of school must be considered in designing and implementing recruitment efforts at institutions of higher learning. This study is dedicated to the memory of Professor Wesley Fishel, who exemplified the best virtues of the Renaissance man. He was as much at home in the councils of government as he was in the halls of academia. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................ LIST OF FIGURES ....................... PREFACE ........................... INTRODUCTION ......................... Chapter I. THE PROBLEM . . . . ................. Significance of the Study ............. Purpose of the Study ................ Scope and Limitations of the Study ......... Definition of Terms . . . ..... . . . . . . . . II. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS, INTERVIEWS, AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .......... . ...... Group Theory . ......... . ......... Police-Black Citizen Conflict . . . ..... . Interviews With 41 Black Criminal Justice Students . Michigan State University Responses ....... University of Illinois-Chicago Circle Interviews . Lincoln University Responses ........... Discussion ................. . . . Black Folklore, Popular Literature, Crime, and the Police ............ . ....... Black Attitudes: Police and Crime ......... III. PROCEDURAL FRAMEWORK ................. Hypothetical Foundation . . ............ Study Instrument .................. Socioeconomic Group Classification ......... Methodology .................... iii 122 Chapter Page IV. PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS ............... 13l Discussion of Analysis of Variance Results ..... 133 General . . . . . . . ..... . ........ l33 Discussion of Questionnaire Results ........ l38 Satisfaction with Faculty (SF) .......... l38 Satisfaction with Administration (SA) ...... l40 Satisfaction with Major (SM) ........... 142 Family Independence (FI) . . . .......... 144 Peer Group Independence (PI) ........... l47 Liberalism (L) and Social Conscience (SC) . . . . 149 Academic Aptitude ................ 158 V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........... 162 Conclusions .................... 162 Recommendations .................. 167 APPENDICES . . . . ........... . . ......... 182 A. GRAPHIC REPRESENTATION OF STATISTICAL RESULTS (ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE) . . ..... . ....... 183 B. BLACK AND WHITE ATTITUDINAL SURVEY .......... 192 C. ITEM ANALYSIS ................ . . . . 205 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . ....................... 2l4 iv LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Racial Divisions of Sample of Criminal Justice Students . ..................... 4 2. Black Students as a Percentage of the Entire Student Body .................... 4 3. How Shbuld Police Handle Ghetto Riots? (% All Respondents) .................... 102 4. How Should Police Handle Ghetto Riots? (% Black Respondents) . . . ............. . . . . 102 5. How Much Violence Is Necessary to Produce Change Needed by Blacks? (% A11 Respondents) ........ 103 6. How Much Violence Is Necessary to Produce Change Needed by Blacks? (% Black Respondents) ....... 104 7. What Is Called "Violence"? .............. 105 8. The CSQ at Michigan State ............... 116 9. The CSQ at Morgan State ................ 117 10. Race by Class by School ................ 131 11. Questionnaire Scores ................. 132 12. Analysis of Variance Results . . . .......... 134 Bl. "Would You Personally Prefer to Live in a Neighborhood With All Negroes, Mostly Negroes, Mostly Whites, or a Neighborhood That Is Mixed Half and Half?" . . . . 193 82. Percentage in Each Age Category Showing Separatist Thinking on Five Questions ............. 194 83. Percentage in Each Age and Education Group Showing Separatist Thinking (Results for Negro Men and Women Averaged) ................... 195 Table Page B4. Which of These Statements Would You Agree With: First, White People Have a Right to Keep Negroes Out of Their Neighborhoods if They Want to, or Second, Negroes Have a Right to Live Wherever They Can Afford to, Just Like White People? ....... 196 BS. How About Laws to Prevent Discrimination Against Negroes Buying or Renting Houses and Apartments? Do You Favor Such Laws? ............... 197 86. Suppose There Are 100 White Families Living in a Neighborhood. One White Family Moves Out and a Negro Family Moves In. Do You Think It Would Be a Good Idea to Have Some Limit on the Number of Negro Families That Could Move in There, or Let as Many Move in as Want to? ........ . ........ 197 B7. If a Negro Family With About the Same Income and Education as You Moved Next Door to You, Would You Mind It a Lot, or Not at A11? . . . ....... 198 BB. Some Negro Leaders Think All the Teachers, Bus Drivers, Store Clerks, and Other Employees in Negro Neighborhoods Should Be Negroes. Would You Agree With That Idea or Would You Disagree? . . . . . 198 89. If You Had Small Children, Would You Rather They Had Only White Friends, Would You Like to See Them Have Negro Friends Too, or Wouldn't You Care One Way or the Other? ..... . . . . . . . ..... . . . . 199 810. White Attitudes Toward Integration and Segregation Among Age Categories ..... . .......... 200 811. "Now I Want to Talk About Some Complaints People Have Made About the [Central City] Police. First, Some People Say the Police Don't Come Quickly When You Call Them for Help. Do You Think This Happens in This Neighborhood?" ..... . . ......... 201 812. "Some People Say the Police Don't Show Respect for Pe0p1e and Use Insulting Language. Do You Think This Happens to People in This Neighborhood?" . . . . 202 813. "Some People Say the Police Frisk or Search Pe0p1e Without Good Reason. 00 You Think This Happens to Pe0ple in This Neighborhood?" . . . . . . . . . . . 203 314. Complaints About Police Behavior Among Age Categories (Results for Men and Women Combined). . 204 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Environment-Sex Interaction .............. 136 2. School by Ethnic Group Interaction .......... l38 vii PREFACE The number of black students in the Michigan State University Criminal Justice program has risen significantly in the past decade. A 1972 survey of the graduates of Michigan State's Criminal Justice program since 1938 obtained evidence of only 9 black alumni out of a total of 1,161 responses. This minute figure is in startling con- trast. u: the approximately 110 blacks who were enrolled in the pro- gram at the time the survey was made (1972). The increase in black student numbers was due, in no small part, to very active, and overt, attempts on the part of the University to increase the quantity of black students enrolled. Within this overall activity, the School of Criminal Justice was also attempting to increase its level of minority-group student enrollment. The question that has not been answered, or perhaps even asked, is, what types of people are these black students? The often articulated assumptions heard in the Michigan State University School of Criminal Justice were that black officers could understand black problems better than could whites, that more blacks on police rolls would mean greater credibility for police agencies, that the School of Criminal Justice had a responsibility toward these ends which could be met by enrolling and graduating black students. Up until the time of this study, the political- social orientation of these students (both black and white) had not viii been examined. Nor had their attitudes toward the criminal justice profession been probed. While skin color by itself could, in many situations, ease a policeman's lot, it by no means appeared to be an indicator of a humane and service-oriented outlook. The sheer number of black criminals alone would hint at that. Certainly their black victims would do more than hint. Aside from cosmetics, then, would the influx of black criminal justice students be an influx of a differ- ent type of student vis-a-vis their white counterparts and in what way might the difference be expressed? The goal of this study is to examine the probabilities and directiontrfdivergent social-political- professional attitudes vis-a-vis white and black criminal justice students. ' ix INTRODUCTION In the wake of black urban rioting in the 1960's, dispro- portionately high black crime rates in black communities, dispro- portionately low ratios of black policemen in most police agencies, and the public revelation of alleged black hatred for the police,1 many qualified observers concluded that there was a need for increased numbers of black police officers.2 A concomitant belief arose that all policemen must be more stringently selected and better educated.3 Ultimately, of course, the rational pursuit of these goals would produce a college-educated black policeman who would serve his pe0ple and his municipality through a combination of a gut—level empathy and educationally inspired 50phistication. Researchers were very careful, we should note, to differentiate between black police who would, in fact, consider themselves public servants (particularly of their fellow blacks) and those who became more brutal than their white colleagues in order to become accepted as "c0ps," even if this entailed "brutalizing" their brothers in the ghetto.4 In the past decade, police efforts at black recruitment for many large city forces have produced definite if not always per- fectly satisfactory increases in pr0portions of black policemen.5 Simultaneously, dissatisfaction among black policemen and unrest between black and white policemen has increased and/or surfaced 1 6 dramatically. Many of the complaints by black policemen emerge from their perception of racial insensitivity and inexcusable bru- 7 However, the nature of this tality among white police officers. new militance by black policemen has not yet been completely defined or analyzed. Nicholas Alex has stated that the black policeman of one or two generations ago joined the force because it was the highest I paying and most secure job available. He bought job security by shutting his mouth and demonstrating that he was a "real cop." This often meant being significantly more aggressive than his white co- officers. Brutality to blacks never decreased in his presence and, frequently, he carefully nurtured a reputation of anti-black severity.8 Has this picture changed? Is the black policeman of today still an "Uncle Tom"? Is he "angry"? Is he "socially concerned"? Is he a self-perceived protector of his people? Is he still merely self-interested? Is he racially militant? Paradoxically, it is probably true that, as individuals and as a group, black policemen are all of these things. The motivations of the black criminal justice student are of great potential significance. The proliferation of college-level academic courses in criminal justice studies demonstrates the increasing number of police officers who have available to them and are taking advantage of higher education directed to law-enforcement practitioners. A review of advertisements seeking administrative and policy-making personnel for police agencies across the nation illustrates that a college education is virtually a universal requirement for these positions.9 A college degree remains a key to upward mobility for the poor. However, the criminal justice major leads to several career Options, most of which are associated with the lower class. A policeman, by virtue of his occupation, is not accorded a place of prestige and respect in the hierarchy of professions or trades.10 Given the paucity of psychic payoffs, and considering the traditionally hostile treatment accorded blacks by the police and related agencies, why should a black choose a profession that, at least in popular imagination, has traditionally rejected his peOple and that anchors his social status in a permanently inferior position? If the black student in question is middle class or higher in his origins, why does he risk the loss of class status by pursuing a low-prestige career and by associating himself with the lower-class whites who are often found in police ranks? Moreover, a black officer risks suffering a further severe loss of status among other blacks. Why, then, does a black student choose to major in criminal justice? Several answers come to mind. Perhaps he considers the criminal justice field an academic "pushover." Perhaps it is a bridge to a non-criminal justice career. Perhaps the strong pos- sibility of federal financial aid attracts him. Or he might consider a police career as a vehicle by which he may bring order and tran- quility to black communities. Finally, he may simply desire steady employment at a salary comparable to many other traditional black Iprofessions, e.g., eduCation or the ministry. In short, what does the black criminal justice student want? This question is significant not only because we need to know more about the personality range of criminal justice majors, but also because we have placed so much hope and effort in the recruitment and retention of black students with criminal justice ambitions. In terms of numbers, at least, that effort seems to have been successful. In this study we have sampled criminal justice students chosen from classes that are mandatory for such students at the University of Illinois-Chicago Circle, Michigan State University, and Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Missouri. The data demonstrate the following racial divisions: Table l.-~Racial divisions of sample of criminal justice students. School % Black % White Illinoianhicago 16 84 Lincoln 69 31 Michigan State 20 80 Table 2.--Black students as a percentage of the entire student body. School % Black Illinois-Chicagon 12.0 Lincoin12 55.0 Michigan State13 6.2 Obviously, criminal justice is disproportionately attractive to blacks. The premise that the black experience and world view differs from those of whites leads us, almost as a truism, to assume that as blacks increasingly enter criminal justice agencies, the agencies' posture vis-a-vis blacks will undergo profound transformations. The assumption will gather strength as evidence accumulates to support the hypothesis that black and white criminal justice students differ from each other. The significance of differences between white and black criminal justice students is subjectively strengthened when one notes the increasing number of administrators and policy makers in crimi- nal justice agencies who are graduates of such programs. If one is willing to postulate that administrators significantly affect the tone and Operations of an agency, then one can assume that adminis- trators with different views have different effects on the same agency. We are not attempting to study the effect Of different world views (whether that difference in view is found at the line or admin- istrative level) on actual Operations. That study is one that should be initiated subsequent to the present effort. The present effort is directed toward determining if structural differences exist, along ethnic lines, between persons whose training and edu- cation are being focused on the attainment of policy-making positions in criminal justice agencies. Put another way, this study will illuminate the question of whether recruitment of black criminal justice students is an effort that will Obtain students whose views differ from their white counterparts. CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM For the past decade, students and practitioners in criminal justice have recognized and articulated the need for increased numbers of blacks in the field. Almost 10 years ago The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration Of Justice stated: . if police departments, through their hiring or promo- tion policies, indicate that they have little interest in hiring minority group officers, the minority community is not likely to be sympathetic towards the police.14 A 1962 survey of police manpower levels demonstrated that, both in the North and South, blacks were seriously under-represented in metropolitan and rural police forces.15 Atlanta, for example, had a black population of 40% and a black police population Of 9.3%. Savannah had a black population Of 40% and a black police population Of 12%. Detroit had a black population Of 29% and a black police pOpulation Of under 4%.16 As of 1976, Savannah's black population had risen to approxi- mately 45% of the total, while its proportion of black police Officers had risen to 23.5% of the force. Detroit, where blacks made up 44% of the population, fieldedaipolice department that was 22% black. The data speak for themselves. Blacks remain seriously under-represented in law enforcement. At the same time that the President's Commission recognized the need for black Officers, it also stated the case for well- educated Officers. . . . Police personnel with two or four years Of college edu- cation should have a better appreciation of people with differ- ent racial, economic or cultural backgrounds. . . . Studies support the proposition that well-educated persons are less 8 prejudiced toward minority groups than the poorly educated. Still, the commission, as did sociologists such as Nicholas Alex, also found substantial hostility among blacks toward black Officers, educated or not. Researchers have, nevertheless, stated that black police Officers perform more capably in black neighbor- ]9 The recruitment of black Officers hoods than do white officers. appears, therefore, to have potentially large dividends if such Officers are college educated. But the problem is multi-faceted. How does one recruit black officers; how does one recruit educated Officers; and how does one recruit educated black Officers are only some Of the practical questions to answer. At this point we have not answered the most basic question of all: What are the educated black officer's attitudes? Will he or she be capable of relating to the black community in those crucial areas and ways white officers cannot? Significance of the Study As the previously related data demonstrate, much effort has gone into recruiting blacks for college-level criminal justice curricula. If the blacks who are enrolling in these courses do not differ favorably from their white counterparts, the efforts and results may, at best, be immaterial, and at worst, counterproductive. Criminal justice educators should have evidence that their recruit- ing results and procedures are also a step toward the goal of pro- ducing humane, intelligent, and sensitive criminal-justice prac- titioners. The effects of crime on American society are so profound, so damaging, and so potentially destructive that scientific inquiry into every facet of its operations is mandatory. "The existence Of crime, the talk about crime, the reports of crime and the fear of crime have eroded the basic quality Of life "20 These fears have resulted in the enormous of many Americans. expenditure of public funds directed to strengthen the fight against crime. In 1971, federal, state, and local governments spent a combined $6.2 billion for law enforcement services. Between 80% 2] The selection of and 90% Of these funds was for personnel costs. unsuitable personnel obviously represents an enormous waste of funds. Moreover, poor personnel selection will probably result in continued and serious strife between the police and the people they are called upon to serve and protect.22 Purpose of the Study There is generally no recognized examination of the type of student attracted to the criminal justice curriculum. This study will not and can not attempt to describe every variable contributable to every student in representative criminal justice curricula. It 10 will, however, describe a representative sample of black and white criminal justice students in terms of variables that relate directly to interpersonal reactions and communications with minority groups. Scope and Limitations Of the Study The study is limited to an examination of 194 students at three institutions having schools or departments Of criminal jus- tice.' It is further limited by the test instrument used. The instrument has been validated as demonstrative of the variable it purports to examine. The instrument does not purport to analyze thoroughly the personal profile of the test subject. What must be kept in mind, however, is not the depth and breadth of the research instrument vis-a-vis a given individual, but rather the instrument's ability to discern black-white differences, with important socio- behavioral implications. I do not attempt a comparison of philo- sophical commitments Of black criminal justice students with either .blacks in other disciplines or persons not enrolled in institutions of higher learning. I focus instead on a narrow comparison of black and white students within the criminal justice major. Definition Of Terms It is a common assertion that the terms "liberal" and/or "conservative" cannot be defined precisely. Just as clearly, however, it does make sense to speak Of a political continuum along which we may rank order people as "more" or "less" liberal. Certainly, common usage suggests precisely that continuum and a 11 great number Of political analysts agree.23 For example, Dr. Hans L. Zetterberg states: Definitions should be used to facilitate communication and argument, and used only to the extent that they make it pos- sible to say something more easily and clearly than would otherwise be possible. When a term is defined by means Of other words we are, of course, dealing with "verbal" definitions. There are many forms of verbal definitions. It is of some importance to dis- tinguish between conceptions that assert something that can be more or less truthful and conceptions that merely express linguistic conceptions without assuming anything that can be proved true or false. The rather misleading term "real defi- nition" usually stands for a truth asserting definition: an agreement to use in a certain way notions which have empiri- cal relationships to each other. 4 The words "more liberal," "less liberal," "more independent," "less independent," "greater social conscience," "lesser social conscience," etc. are being used in the manner Zetterberg suggests. It is not necessary for us to distill the pure essence of "liberal- ism," "conservatism," "social conscience," etc., whatever that is. We do not seek some platonic absolute but rather the more modest goal Of constructing a continuum along which we may compare black and white criminal justice students in relationship to each other. It is not important that other groups may be located at other posi- tions of the social-political continuum that, by agreement, we may call more or less "liberal," "independent," etc. The prime con- sideration is that we use the terms comparatively. "More" and "less" are indispensable modifiers to the labels we use in this study. However, we need not belabor the point that these concepts are used with a reasonable amount Of agreement throughout the United States. As John Locke stated, "The certainty of things existing 12 in rerum natura, when we have the testimony of our senses for it, is not only as great as our frame Of reference can attain to, but as our condition needs."25 In terms of this study, then, we will define liberalism as a political-economic-social value dimension, the nucleus Of which is either for an ideology Of change or for an ideology of preservation, the important nuance being one Of goals. The goal Of the value holder who is termed a liberal is the preservation or attainment of welfare statism, a viable organized labor movement, the abolition Of capital punishment, a climate where diverse political views can be heard, etc. The more strongly one holds these goals Of attain- ment or preservation, the more liberal one will be termed. The reverse is also true. In terms Of this study, we will define social conscience as moral concern about perceived social injustice and institutional Oppression or wrongdoing (as in government, business, unions). Persons who will be said to display high levels of social conscience express great concern about poverty, juvenile crime, graft in government, unethical business practices, materialism, racism, and so on. Persons who will be said to display relatively low levels Of social conscience will report a lack Of concern with these problems. In terms of this study, we will define peer-group indepen- dence as a generalized autonomy in relation to self-perceived peers. Students who will score high on this instrument (i.e., more independent) tend not to be concerned about how their behavior appears to other students. They might be thought of as 13 inner-directed. Low scores on this instrument suggest conformity to prevailing peer norms or other-directedness. In terms of this study, we will define family independence as a general feeling of autonomy in relation to parents and other parental family members. Test subjects with high scores perceive themselves as coming from families that are not closely united. They will not consult with parents about important personal matters, nor are they concerned about living up to parental expectations. Test subjects having low scores on this scale appear to be psy- chologically dependent on their parents and family. In terms of this study, we will define satisfaction with major as a generally positive attitude on the part of the respondent about his activities in his field of academic concentration. Satis- faction implies and suggests continued personal commitment to the major field. It also implies satisfaction with the quality of instruction. 0n the other hand, low scores in this area suggest an attitude of uncertainty about the major field work. In terms of this study, we will define satisfaction with faculty as a general attitude of esteem for instructors and respect for the traditional student-faculty relationship. Students scoring high on this scale regard their instructors as fair, accessible, and interested in the problems Of students as individuals. Low scores, of course, imply the opposite. In terms of this study, we will define satisfaction with administration as an agreeable and largely uncritical attitude toward the college administrators and the rules and regulations 14 they enforce. Low scores imply a critical or contemptuous view Of an administration that may be held to be arbitrary, impersonal, and/or overly paternal.26 CHAPTER II THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS, INTERVIEWS, AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Group Theory, This study employs the theoretical framework of group dynamics, the basic assumptions Of which are: 1. Groups are inevitable and ubiquitous. 2. Groups mobilize powerful forces that produce effects of utmost importance to individuals. A person's sense Of identity is shaped by groups important to him. 3. The application Of group theory enhances the possibility Of producing desirable social consequences. 7 Furthermore, group membership affects different individuals in different ways. We hypothesize that the "stronger" the group character, the stronger the effect (i.e., cohesiveness, isolation, self-identification) of the group on individual members. It is common knowledge that group solidarity increases when the group is 28 Accordingly, we may assume exposed to a common external threat. that motivation to retain affiliation increases as external pressure increases. Let us assume that minority membership (be it racial or religious) increases the perception (if not the actuality) of external pressure and danger. Undeniably, those who are victims Of lynchings, riots, and pogroms find it in their interests to strengthen group defenses. On 15 16 the other hand, it has been found that as intergroup conflict decreases, intragroup cohesion decreases. As an example, con- temporary Jewish scholars are expressing alarm at the rate of Jewish-Christian intermarriage. They cite a decreasing level of anti-Semitism as a primary cause Of this phenomenon.29 Conversely, the Dreyfus trial in the France of 1890, and the pogroms in the late nineteenth century Russia, engendered the modern Zionist movement. In turn, the Nazi holocaust led directly to the founding of the State Of Israel. Once again, as external threat increased, the need for internal cohesion increased.30 We would expect, then, that if the restraints against leaving are sufficiently weak, the rate Of turnover Of membership for a group will be negatively correlated with the group's attractiveness and positively correlated with the attractive- ness of alternate membership. In the case of the black minority, the general impossibility. Of exit from the group (despite some "passing") needs no elaboration. Observe, however, that it is not simply skin color but rather white reaction to blacks that gives a black no effective choice in decid- ing to which group he belongs. One of the better documented generalizations in small- group literature concerns group influence on individual perceptions 32 Membership in a peer group undoubtedly provides a and Opinions. student with a sense of security and thus helps him adjust to school life. Hence, we should expect the group to influence his opinions. Indeed, the influence of high school peer groups on individual social norms and aspirations, school achievement, and so forth is established beyond dispute. Many scholars conclude that cultural 17 assimilation into the group is the primary concern Of most students. This phenomenon has become perhaps even more pronounced during the 33 last four decades. Riesman was probably the first to explain theoretically the cause and effect of group influence in modern, 34 and much has been done since to lend twentieth century America, credence to his belief in the inordinate influence of groups in contemporary America. Man is still the measure of the things, but it is no longer the inner man that measures, it is the other man. Specific- ally, it is the plurality Of man, the group. And what the group measures is conformity. 5 Group memberships strongly determine individual perceptions. It is a common Observation that group members emulate each other. The price of nonconformity, i.e., physical punishment, ridicule, or rejection, is too much to pay.36 Consequently, group members often share opinions and beha- vior patterns. The classic "Robbers Cave" experiment by Sherif clearly demonstrates that, at least in an unstructured situation, subjects were entirely dependent on the group for forming acceptable 37 Clearly, collective influence was sufficiently response modes. powerful enough to submerge countervailing personal idiosyncracies. For analytic purposes, therefore, we may treat "personality" itself as at least a partial internalization Of various group roles that the individual plays in the family, the clique, the church, the ethnic group, and so forth.38 Nothing identifies group membership more visibly or more permanently than racial features. Historically, men have used 18 these primary (racial) symbols as a determinant of self-esteem or self-deprecation. Of all the factors involved in the great rearrangement of human relationships taking place today, racial characteristics are probably the most fundamental. From a contem- porary perSpective, race is, without question, the most sensitive, the most psychologically explosive, and the most intimately relevant human characteristic.39 For the Negro . . . American the element of color and physical characteristics remains the core Of a deep and profound iden- tity crisis. It was precisely around the Negro's blackness' . . . that the white world built up its rationale for reduc- ing him to a less than human status. Around these char- acteristics, too, the black man built up his own ways Of surviving, submitting and resisting. In all its aspects, this mutual process was woven into the fabric of our culture and into personality types it helped to create.40 The predictable voting behavior Of various large-scale groups supports this theory of group influence. For example, members Of business and labor organizations, Catholics, Jews, blacks, and other ethnic groups tend to vote disprOportionately for one party or another. Since members of these groups share many Of the same life experiences, we must ask whether this distinctive political behavior merely reflects parallel responses to parallel experiences or whether groups mediate in a more active sense. Cur- rent evidence concerning the more prominent Of these secondary groups supports the active mediation hypothesis. One study, for example, reports that members Of identifiable secondary groups remain distinctive in their partisanship when compared pairwise with nongroup members of similar background. It is manifestly reasonable to conclude that, controlling for life experiences, the 19 very fact Of group membership provides measurable behavioral dif- 41 ferences. Specifically, we should consider the family, peer group, and the school, which are the most significant institutions for the socialization of the child. Cultural differences (and perceptions) affect these institutions and through them determine the large-scale socialization patterns to be found in any society.42 Ruth Benedict states this view succinctly: No man ever looks at the world with pristine eyes. He sees it edited by a definite set Of customs and institutions and ways of thinking. Even in his philOSOphical feelings he cannot go behind these stereotypes, his very concepts of the true and the false will still have reference to his particu- lar traditional customs. The life-history of the individual is first and foremost an accommodation to the patterns and standards traditionally handed down in his community. From the moment of his birth, the customs into which he is born shape his experiences and behavior. By the time he can talk he is the little creature Of his culture, and by the time he is grown . . . its habits are his, its beliefs are his beliefs, its impossibilities are his impossibilities.43 As a person grows up, he or she observes a set Of shared views Of life and plans for living that we may loosely term a 44 AnthrOpologists commonly treat culture as both "culture." "inherited" and community influenced. More specifically, "ghetto" blacks face an environment that has remained relatively unchanged over a long period of time. This length of isolation has prompted an environmental adaptation syndrome to which we may apply the label "cultural."45 However, particularly in the past two decades of the media explosion, this isolation has been relative. Ghetto families now absorb and transmit "mainstream" as well as ghetto-specific culture.46 20 One school Of sociology suggests that we divide the various elements Of a total culture into distinct subgroups (including a political subgroup). Benedict and White, for example, consider these subgroups as a species of psychological phenomena. We refer to . . . this psychological dimension of the politi- cal system as the political culture. It consists of atti- tudes, beliefs, values and skills which are current in an entire population, as well as those special propensities and patterns which may be found within separate parts Of the popu- lation. Thus, regional groups or ethnic groups or social classes which make up the pOpulation as a political system may have Special propensities and tendencies. Empirical support for this concept abounds. For example, there is evidence Of a significant difference in white and black responses to high school civics courses with respect to the view of a citizen's responsibility in a democracy. This difference survives controls for sex, socioeconomic status, and geography. In face, we are probably safe in concluding that race, in this coun- try, at this moment, may be the single most significant determinant of social attitudes.48 There is almost universal scholarly agreement that ethnicity is an explicit and powerful determinant Of attitudes and beliefs. That peOple differ on the average according to the social class and the ethnic or racial groups to which they belong, is an ancient observation. Within our own United States, the mean values or the incidents of behavioral phenomena have been observed to vary significantly for nearly every char- acteristic where systematic measurement has been tried. Especially prominent have been the social-class, ethnic and racial differences in performances on tests of intelli- gence and scholastic achievement.49 In summary, then, to a great extent, group membership deter- mines many of the things we learn, see, experience, and talk about. 21 An individual may act like other members of a group because they are attractive to him and he wants to be like them or because he fears the punishment, ridicule, or rejection as the price he must pay for nonconformity. Police-Black Citizen Conflict Miller, Snyder, and Rokeach Of Michigan State University have found a larger value gap between police and blacks than between police and whites matched on age and education.50 A recent work dedicated to ". . . the liberation of Afro- Americans and all oppressed peOples Of the world" contained several 51 pertinent statistical Observations. Nationally, there are 30,000 black police Officers or 7% of the total 420,000 in the United 52 For example, Washington, D.C., with a black population States. of 71%, has a police department that is 36% black. Birmingham, Alabama, with a black population of 42%, has a department that is 2% black. Dallas, with a black pOpulation of 25%, has a police department that is 2% black.53 Omaha, Nebraska, whose deputy chief is a black and a per- sonal friend of the writer, supports a police department whose white Officers recently started a defense fund for a white Officer who shot and killed a 14-year—old black girl.54 The black deputy chief (who is also a full colonel in the U.S. Army Reserve) told me, over drinks at a midwest Army Officers Club, that the only way he sur- vived to reach his post in Omaha was to do his job, shut his mouth, and remain totally apolitical and noncontroversial. 22 Younger black Officers are not of the same mind, however. In 1970, the convention Of the National Black Council Of Police Societies adopted a resolution to prevent the wanton killing of blacks by white Officers even if it meant arresting them.55 On the other hand, in 1968 the Fraternal Order Of the Police (FOP), which had (at the time) 90,000 members and affiliates in 900 communities, publicly endorsed George Wallace for President. And although, in later years, Governor Wallace began attracting a more representative sample of Americans, in 1968 there was no doubt where he stood on the race issue. The Michigan State Chapter of the FOP turned over several thousand dollars contributed by its own members to Governor Wallace for his Campaign. V The writer and Dr. Kenneth Christian, currently on the Michigan State University staff, personally intervened to prevent two blacks from throwing soft-drink bottles at Governor Wallace shortly after the Michigan State FOP delegation had placed its contribution in his hands. Obviously, police support for Governor, Wallace worked to intensify black hostility to police. It should be no surprise, then, to read that: . . . the major recruitment problem [the police experience] among blacks appears to be the negative image Of the police in the black community compounded by actual discrimination [in the departments]. Carole Stack, a social anthrOpOlogist, who recently authored a book on black family life in "Jackson Harbor" (a city Of over 50,000 on a rail line from the South in Illinois), notes that: ' In all their contacts with the dominant white culture, blacks in Jackson Harbor are treated with some form of institutional or personalized racism. At best, this takes a form Of overt 23 benign paternalism. At worst, the reminders are in the form of bullets. In the last three years, in widely publicized cases, two blacks in the community were murdered by white policemen. Both victims were about to be arrested for charges no more severe than speeding, and neither was armed. Each policeman faced a hearing but no punishment was decreed. NO black . . . was surprised.57 In urban areas, three out Of five arrests for murder, rape, and aggravated assault are of blacks. Over 50% Of hard drug addicts known to the police are black. Thus, even if the 390,000 white police in this country were paragons of tolerance, conflict would be inevitable.58 Robert Williams, whose encounters with the legal authorities in North Carolina, whose formation of armed black self-defense units in Monroe, North Carolina, hithe late sixties, and whose escape to Cuba gained world-wide attention, stated that he ". . . might as well ask the Ku Klux Klan for protection as call the police."59 In Plainsfield, New Jersey, the black community in the late 1960's published a list Of "ten most wanted policemen." Two Of the ten officers were black.60 Eldridge Cleaver, at one time perhaps the most widely read and quoted spokesman for black nationalism, outlines what he per- ceived (and many blacks and whites accepted) as the dichotomy between the police and the black community: The police do on the domestic level what the armed forces do on the international level: protect the way of life of those in power. The police patrol the city, cordon Off communities, blockade neighborhoods, invade homes, search for what is hidden. The armed forces patrol the world, invade countries and conti- nents, cordon off nations, blockade islands and whole peOples; they will also overrun villages, neighborhoods, enter homes, huts, caves, searching for what is hidden. The policeman and 24 the soldier will violate your person. . . . Each will shoot you, beat your head and body with sticks and clubs and rifle butts. . . . The police are the armed guardians of the social order. The blacks are the chief domestic victims of the American social order. A conflict Of interest exists between the blacks and the police.51 In 1968 I did a survey of some 30 black colleges and uni- versities throughout the United States. The survey questioned whether or not the administration, the faculty, and the students Of ‘ the colleges would accept the presence Of police recruiters on their campuses. In general, and in summary, the response was decidedly unfavorable. The most vehement anti-police response came from the black students who were asked to fill out questionnaires. More favorable on the whole, but in some important cases no less antag- onistic, were the faculty and staff of these institutions. Sample excerpts from these replies follow: Howard University-~President James M. Nabrit, Jr., responding: It appears to be the consensus Of [our] students . . . that police work in the lower ranks is, in their judgement, unchal- lenging, and that significant administrative positions are so limited in number that there is scant hOpe of early promotion to these higher levels of responsibility. I do not see much chance of any change in the thinking Of our students in the near future. 2 Clark College, Atlanta, Georgia--President Vivian W. Henderson responding: I doubt very seriously whether our students wogld have much interest in recruiting by police departments.6 Central State University, Wilberforce, OhiO--E. O. Woolfolk, Vice-President for Academic Affairs, responding: 25 Our personal feelings are that we would like to see some [police recruiting on campus] take place. However, the current atmosphere at our predominantly black institution is not favorably disposed toward such an effort.64 Given our knowledge of the role the police play (and have played for generations) in black lives, we should not be surprised at this deep-seated psychological aversion toward the criminal jus- tice system. In surveys taken from The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration Of Justice, twice as many blacks as whites had negative views Of the police. Analysis shows that the differential is not due to economic status. The negative view of the police was held by all blacks regardless of income levels.65 The popular press Often mirrors group attitudes on issues. A two-year study Of a black newspaper in Columbus, Ohio, presents strong evidence that the Negro press often depicts the police in a "very negative" light. A content analysis of the headlines, pic- tures, captions, and story leads vividly support this conclusion. In short, the newspaper's representation of the police to the black public was unquestionably negative.66 The substance of any par- ticular story might be less negative to the careful reader than the headline or picture would lead one to believe, but headlines and pictures are the first to be noticed and the last to be forgotten. The extent to which a black newspaper reflects or molds public Opinion remains an Open question. A Los Angeles Police study revealed that 86% Of the respondents did ngt_look to a particular group, institution, or person as spokesman for the black community. 26 Of the 14% who stated they did so look, no one individual named a newspaper.67 One lesson I draw from this observation is that police Officers and administrators have a great deal Of room to maneuver when interacting with the black public. While hate and mistrust Of the police undoubtedly exist, many blacks are also aware that their own community is disproportionately victimized by crime. The black desire for courteous, equal, and humane protection under the law is, in fact, one of the reasons police are not popular in the black community. Simply stated, the desire for protection, for humane treatment, and for courtesy from the police has never been satisfied. If police administrators could reconstruct their Opera- tional approach, personnel selection procedures, training programs, and community relations contacts so that these black expectations could begin to be considered, the police image and the resultant community relationship would undoubtedly improve. The black Officer may be a key factor here, but the black police officer suffers from many views, images, and expectations that Often hide the essential self. He has, in short, been studied half to death, and the result has generated much heat but little light. However, the black police Officer is changing indeed. And so is his white colleague. New views, new people, and new approaches are taking root and the results can only be dimly imagined. Nicholas Alex's study, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman, remains a classic work on the subject and is worth quoting at length even if the author's view may be debatable: 27 . . Patterns of expected behavior reflect the structural position of the Negro policeman [that is, as guardian of white society and as a controller Of the Negro pOpulation]. In some ways, these latter roles resemble those of the “Kapo.” The "Kapo" was the inmate Official in Nazi Germany's concentra- tion camps. The "Kapo" role has the following components: (1) he is a member of the inmate pOpulation,(2) he acts as an overseer entrusted with command over his ethnic peers, (3) he is an extension of the dominant authority, and executes con- siderable power, but does not make policy, (4) he is rewarded with privileges and promotions, and (5) in order to keep those privileges, he must continuously demonstrate his loyalty to his masterg He is often regarded as a "quisling" by his clientele. é Alex's analysis set the tone for many similar studies in the late 1960's and early 1970's. The black police Officer was constantly portrayed as a man in the middle, suspect as if not an actual traitor to blacks, and never fully accepted by his white counterparts. A May 1971 article in the Detroit Free Press is reveal- ingly titled "The Black Policeman: Man in the Middle." Police officers who share patrol cars Often call each other "partners." But a few black Detroit cops tell stories about spending entire eight hour shifts in cars with white police officers and not exchanging a word Of conversation. That's half of the problem. Black patrolmen like David Simmons tell another kind Of story--about the simmering hos- tility that comes from other blacks.69 The author goes on to detail episode after episode of black police Officers experiencing discrimination at the hands of white Officers both prior to and after they became Officers themselves. The “old days" of the department and the Officers in it are detailed at some length, all the details relating episodes of blatant dis- crimination. The "Old days" were the years between 1950 and 1970. During that time (1958), I was assigned to what was then called . "field service training" with the Detroit Police Department. As 28 an MSU police administration student, I had an outsider's view of the department coupled with a sound theoretical knowledge Of police work. The 1958 controversy, in the then 4,500-man department, centered on its 250 black officers. The NAACP was threatening a suit challenging an Officially sanctioned segregation of blacks within the agency. Black Officers would never be teamed with white Officers. Black officers were the last to get car assignments and the first taken out Of vehicles. NO black Officer ranked above sergeant. White Officers freely and frequently used phrases and words out Of the Ku Klux Klan lexicon. "Nigger," "jig," "jungle bunny," “burr-head" were the approved verbal deScriptions Of blacks. Black physical and emotional attributes were freely described as well: "They smell bad," "Can you imagine eight hours in a car with one?," "They never back you up," "You can't trust them if you're facing another nigger," and so on. A strike was threatened and a cessa- tion Of ticket writing activities was well advanced as a form Of protest against having to ride with blacks as the NAACP demanded. As a member (1968-1972) of a U.S.Army Reserve, Military Police unit stationed on the outskirts of Detroit, I came in frequent and close contact with Detroit police Officers from the rank of patrolman to inspector. Indeed, some 50% of the 350-man unit were Detroit police Officers, all but two of whom were white. In 1972 the complaints were not related to black smells, but rather that "A white man has no chance for promotion in the department." The KKK vocabulary was less frequently heard, but not 29 by much, and the hate and fear of blacks who were becoming a majority of the city's population and attaining rank in the depart- ment is not surprising. The point remains: the black Officer was still under fire from his white fellow Officers. The Open conflict between some black and white officers that has recently been given wide publicity in the periodical press was first recorded at the start of the decade. Fights between black and white Officers, mutual denunciation at press conferences, militant statements released by mutually antagonistic (and separate) black and white police organizations were commonplace five years ago. The locales ranged from Chicago to Atlanta, to Detroit and San Francisco, Pittsburgh and Atlantic City. These sometimes physical, and always dangerous, situations were merely symptomatic of a radically changing black police Officer self-image. Black Officers were visibly losing the "black in blue" image painted by Nicholas Alex, but it was still unclear what image was to be substituted. In fact, we still must guess (perhaps not quite so blindly) at what the future holds. More and more blacks are becoming middle class. Very prob- ably, their expectations will mirror the class's traditional ideals . and goals. This transformation of class status will bring with it demands for law enforcement services different in intensity and quality than black population groups, on the whole, have demanded in the past. And, given increasing educational levels and require- ments in the police service, increasing levels of police pay, and increasingly effective efforts to recruit black officers, many of 30 the black members of the middle class will be law enforcement Officers. We dare not underestimate the significance of this development. Consider that an August 1972 survey of 1,161 prior gradu- ates of the Michigan State University school of criminal justice revealed only nine blacks. When approximately 110 blacks were in_ the school at the time Of the survey, the upward surge in numbers appears extremely meaningful. The survey covered the years 1938 through 1971, and thus represented almost the entire time the school was in existence.70 The increasingly high levels of black participation in the police role were not really unexpected. There is nO inherent black social-psychological barrier to such participation. In fact, the marriage seems long overdue. A 1971 United States Civil Rights Commission report states: If the ghetto riots of the late sixties taught us anything, it was that our big city police departments were in deep ethnic trouble. Black militants were comparing them to an occupying Army--a kind of white colonial battalion in every urban ghetto--and there was truth enough in the assertions both to startle and irritate white America. More civil rights spokes- men, meanwhile were demanding that the police put their house in order. They called for an end to police brutality and harassment in the ghetto, for better police protection Of the ghetto residents, and for new hiring policies aimed at recruit- ing minority members into the police departments.71 The report then proceeds to analyze an in-depth examination of the recrUitment problems faced by police administrators who did want to increase their minority strength levels. 1. A deep skepticism of the sincerity of the recruiting efforts exists. The testing procedures are looked upon as purpose- ful barriers designed to trip up minority members. 31 2. A perception on the part of many blacks that they are really not wanted in police agencies and that the recruiting pitch they are hearing is a pro-forma exercise to get protest groups and the federal government Off the collective police back. 3. The tests that most blacks do not pass are seen to be socially oriented to white middle class perceptions not only by the street-wise black applicant but by white scholars of the subject as well. Moreover, they are seen (by both groups) as hardly bearing on what the police job relates to in most jurisdictions. 4. White background investigators "intruding" into a black world and applying white standards Of rhetoric, etiquette, interior design and interpersonal discourse often come to faulty conclusions about a minority member's stability. The smell of chitterlings cooking on a stove is not neces- sarily a sign Of faulty sanitary standards. Beyond this point lies the police record which (even when devoid of convictions) many blacks accumulate as a normal matter of course by merely being black. 5. Medical examinations are sometimes seen to hinge on imma- terial matters such as hayfever (controlable by anti- histamines) or height (never proven as the prime factor it is felt to be by police) and these are Often felt to be a last-ditch and almost (professionally) inassailable for- tress Of racism. 6. Training academies with their Often spit-and-polish approach to instruction and a concept of personal appearance and deportment totally void Of the hair-styles, clothing fashions, and rhetorical interchanges of the black urban world, can be an insurmountable barrier to the black recruit who may also be the only black person in attendance.72 What blacks confront in the recruiting and in the academy process they must again confront in the field and in the station house. All police Officers with 30 days of service know it still exists--bigotry directed at blacks. Whether it be the word "nigger" or clucking over the "criminality" Of blacks, no black Officer can escape the signs. It is as true Of Coralville, Iowa, with seven Officers as it is true of New York with 30,000. I've heard it from both sources. 32 Interviews With 41 Black Criminal Justice Students A concentrated effort was made to interview all the black students who were subjects Of the College Students Questionnaire. Forty-two interviews were recorded. Twenty-two interviews took ,place at Lincoln University, 8 at Illinois-Chicago Circle, and 12 at Michigan State University. Less concentrated and complete inter- view efforts were focused on white criminal justice students at the three institutions. However, enough was accomplished to demon- strate Obvious (if somewhat subjective) contrasts. The goals of the interview process were to determine indi- vidual attitudes toward the major field of criminal justice and toward the logical consequence Of engagement in this major, i.e., field participation as a criminal justice practitioner. Toward this end, questions were designed to elicit the following information: 1. The individual's attitude toward criminal justice and/ or law enforcement. 2. What personal experience, if any, affected this attitude particularly if the attitude was negative. 3. How the interviewee saw his or her peer group's estima- tion Of his or her participation in the criminal justice field. 4. What the interviewee wants tO do in the field, i.e., what he or she hopes to accomplish. 5. Why the interviewee entered the field of criminal justice, and why this major was chosen above other possibilities, if any. Attempts were made to make the interview setting as informal, free, and far-ranging as possible. Where possible, a black assistant was present during the interview or was the prime interviewer. All 33 interviewees were promised total anonymity. All black respondents were from urban areas, however. The black interviewer assistant was an MSU criminal justice student and law enforcement practitioner. He has been known to threaten physical harm to white Officers whom he felt were racially insulting. On the other hand, he has worked in an undercover status in a largely black environment effecting the arrest, and causing the arrest of, many black criminals. His brother-in-law is also a police Officer. At the time of the interview phase, he was a crimi- nal justice undergraduate and, eventually, graduate student. This interview assistant was present as a substantial figure in all interviews at Michigan State University and at the University of Illinois-Chicago Circle. He was not present at the interviews Conducted at Lincoln University. This was due to problems inherent in the time-distance factor to central Missouri from Michigan and Iowa. Michigan State University Responses Respondent l--MSU undergraduate, black male, age 21.--This individual showed a realistic and articulate skepticism of police behavior. He stated that his attitude toward law enforcement prac- titioners varied with the group being considered. "Some depart-- ments are discriminatory towards blacks, lower income whites and Chicanos in terms of hiring and promotions." He cited Detroit and the state of Maryland as examples. "The police system must solve these problems if it is to improve." His personal ambition, in 34 terms of the law enforcement field, was to enter the Los Angeles Police Department (specifically) and specialize in homicide inves- tigations, eventually supervising the entire homicide division of this particular department. His idealistic goal is to reduce homicide substantially. He chose law enforcement because of the influence Of two Older brothers who are practitioners and because it interests him. He specifically mentioned that the future seemed to hold opportunity for blacks in law enforcement and that the financial rewards, especially in larger jurisdictions, were not inconsiderable. He also stated that blacks had to get into this area if they ever were to become full members of society. "Blacks in administrative positions in police departments will cut down on bigotry and brutality." He was persuaded to major in criminal justice per se by the head of the MSU program, who pointed out the financial support available through federal funding. He has found that numerous black fellow students (not in criminal justice) really think the program is a pre-law curriculum. Of those who are fully aware of its implications, a substantial number are prone to say "a pig is a pig." He has had negative experience with the police. He recalled merely standing on the street corner in a large city in the East and being brusquely told by a white Officer to move on or be locked up. He claims he was doing absolutely nothing illegal. Respondent 2--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 21.--This person showed a great amount of hostility toward the law enforcement 35 system as it is now constituted. She stated, "It is not doing what it is supposed to do. They are not fulfilling their role." Her ambition is eventually to become a lawyer defending black people. She stated, "Most black people think they know their rights, but they know nothing." She visualizes spending two or three years "on the street" before returning to school. She has encountered hostility from her peer group, which, she feels, sees her as a token black woman fulfilling a role made by "the man." Her parents don't like her presence in the field and have told her that she won't stay long once she gets out into it and sees how bad it really is. She had a very bad experience with the Detroit police. She stated that the police raided her house, stole money and other items, and later found out that they had raided the wrong house. She chose criminal justice after she determined she could not make it as a pre-med student. She states, however, that her bad experience with police led her to choose criminal justice after coming to the conclusion that she could not get into medical school. She wants to change "the system." Respondent 3--MSU graduate student, black male, age withheld.--This student expressed a great desire to improve the law enforcement system. He stated that the room for improvement was unlimited. He was a former probation Officer in a large southern city, and claims he was fired because he disagreed with a white judge's Opinion relative to probation revocation for a black 36 probationer. He stated his Opinion to the judge and shortly after- ward was fired. He felt the judge's Opinion was based on racism. His peer group constantly calls him a "damn fool" for con- tinuing to pursue his goals in law enforcement. He wants to be a prison warden or chief probation Officer. His wife has very nega- tive feelings about him remaining in the field. His parents also are in Opposition to his profession and are very middle class in their outlook. They are very upset about his job because he has to associate with dope addicts and prostitutes. His ultimate goal is to change attitudes Of the individual white prison guards and probation Officers so that they would realize that individual inmates are also human. He stated, “The only difference between guards and inmates is that the inmates have been caught and the guards have not." He chose to come to graduate school because of general concern for the role of blacks in the criminal justice system as well as his personal concern for advance- ment. He knows Of no blacks in policy-making positions in this field in his home state. He felt that graduate education would help him get into such a position. He chose criminal justice as an undergraduate field because he did not like anything else he might have had ability in. Throughout the interview he demonstrated a great amount of hostility and suspicion toward myself and my motivations, but definitely lesser amounts toward my black assistant. He expressed fears that his answers would get back to his home state and harm his future career. He expressed skepticism of anything good 37 coming from the study. He finally admitted that he did not trust white people. Respondent 4--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 20.--This student was very definite in her statement that the criminal justice system has many faults and many built-in injustices. She felt that the system could be changed, should be changed, and that the blacks in the system could help change it favorably for blacks. She had had a bad experience with the police. Her brother was picked up as a possible bank robber in a case of mistaken identity. She feels this was done because he was black and that the Officers would not have been suspicious Of him had he been white. She feels that too many Officers automatically assume a black had done something wrong simply on the fact of skin color alone. Her peer group has a negative feeling about black police officers. They are negative because they are fearful Of the power 4 Of black police Officers. They are hostile just because of that power. Her parents accept her choice of a career field, because they feel that it is a job that carries security and good pay. She stated that eventually she might consider law school and she considered herself a good student with sufficient ability to go on. She wanted to become a lawyer in order to stay in the criminal jus- tice field while improving her social status. Respondent 5--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 20.--This student felt the criminal justice system was unjust because Of its treatment of black peOple. She expressed a very definite desire 38 to get into the field because of its specific injustices to black people. She stated a desire to become a lawyer after completing her undergraduate work and after getting some working experience. She was not sure she would ever become a police officer, or other practitioner, and did not seem to be dedicated to that idea. She seemed strongly dedicated to her eventual goal of law school. She has not experienced any hostility from her peers nor her parents vis-a-vis her major. She has never experienced any personal con- flicts with law enforcement agents. Respondent 6--MSU undergraduate, black male, age 20.--This student appeared to be relatively conservative. He was aware of the problems blacks have vis-a-vis the police but he did state that, "On the whole, northern police forces are good and getting better. The police aid peOple in the ghettos, and black people should help, not undermine, the police which is what they do now." After more questioning, certain left-liberal views Of the police function appeared in his comments. He said that the police benefit one seg- ment Of society, but should benefit all society. "The police system benefits upper-middle and rich people most." He also felt that too much emphasis was placed by the police on the gun and that something should be done to take the emphasis Off guns. He felt training and selection must be a key here. He felt that some white police Officers were ignorant and afraid of black peOple and would shoot a black much more readily than a white because they were afraid. He did admit, however, and without hesitation, that black 39 peOple commit a large number Of crimes against each other. But, he felt this was due more to "the system" than any other reason he could think of. He stated that he had had many run-ins with police. He also stated that he had frequently been stopped by Officers on the street and had been "hassled." He was on juvenile probation for a while, but has never had a problem in the last three years. His view of police has changed for the better during those three years. He has had a great deal of difficulty with his peer group. He stated, "I am always hassled because of my major." He expressed Ia desire to prove to his peer group that he is going into some- thing good and necessary. His mother also views his choice negatively. One of her main concerns centers around the fact that many police in Detroit are being killed. She constantly tells him it does not matter if you are a black or a white policeman, a hoodlum would kill you just as fast. He chose this field because he felt it would be exciting, rewarding, different, and also a challenge. He chose criminal justice as a major because Of his career interest and also because he wanted to avoid as much math as possible. Respondent 7--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 21.—-This student expressed a strong belief that the criminal justice system, especially police, had to be changed, but it had to be changed in conjunction with the white community. She did not feel the police 40 would change until the white community changed. She did express hope in the future in that time would eventually bring the necessary changes as long as present progress continues. . She did have negative experience with police. She wanted to press charges against a man who had indecently exposed himself to her, and she did not feel her complaint was prOperly handled. Her peer group did not accept her idea of going into police work. They were openly hostile. She felt that she received hos- tility in relation to her choice of major because of the bad experi- ences black people had so Often had with police. "Black peOple see police as trying to make life hard. Police play the bad guy role and this includes tOO many black police." Her mother is against her going into the field. She feels women have no place in it and she might get hurt or injured. She felt she was motivated to go into it because of its necessity for improvement, particularly as it affected black people. She stated she entered this field and major because she is interested in it and feels she can do well in it. She would like to be a juvenile Officer, trying to help young people, particularly black young people, who never see a helpful black police Officer. Respondent 8--MSU undergraduate, black male, age 21.--This student expressed a large amount of hostility toward police. He stated several times that he feels the entire criminal justice system is a "farce." He says the peOple in it are hypocrites: "They play like they are human, but they are not. If a COp is 41 your friend you get away with anything. If not, you're dead, man.“ He has had bad personal experiences with the police. He was once given a traffic ticket for no reason at all, and he feels this was because the Officer was prejudiced. He also was arrested 1 on su5picion because he stOpped to look at a motor bike and the owner called the police, stating he was trying to steal it. He beat both cases, but still feels resentful of what happened. He does not get "hassled" from his peer group. They treat him as a college student rather than a potential police Officer. His parents are against his major because they are afraid he will get hurt. He also expressed the desire to get into law school, but would like to stay in criminal justice as a government attorney. He feels he can help change the system from within. He chose the field because he will have to work his way through law school, and he can get a job as police Officer much easier than anything else. He also is motivated by his view Of the need for black Officers. NO small part of his desire to carry a badge is that this would give him power to avoid being "hassled" in the future in his home town, Detroit. Respondent 9--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 20.--She feels the system is very unjust as it is made to benefit well-tO-do whites. "The police do not see it the way it is, they see it the way they want to see it." She has never had negative experiences with police officers, and she has not had Opposition from her parents 42 vis-a-vis her major. She gets surprised looks when she mentions her major, but most peOple have nothing else to say. Her family wanted her to gO into social work, and they cannot get used to the idea that she wants to go on to law school. She calls her mother a "20th century slave." She understands, however, that her mother had to work hard all her life, never had an education, and never had any experience outside the home after marriage. Her eventual goal is to become a lawyer helping black people gain and maintain their rights. She was a chemistry major, "but I just could not hang with chemistry." A girl friend Of hers was a criminal justice major and helped her switch from chemistry to criminal justice. She felt criminal justice would be a stepping stone to law school. “I wanted to be a chemistry major, but the subject was too hard. I could not find anything else I liked and I heard this was an easy thing.“ Respondent lO--MSU undergraduate, black female, age 21.-- The respondent feels that there is a need for black police Officers. "It would be a wild west show otherwise." However, she realizes that things are not fair. "Blacks get shafted because they are poor and because they are black. However, I think that if blacks could raise their economic level we would have less problem with police. The police, the government in general, respect money because money is power. I don't see any need to go around yelling about police brutality. The way to stop this is put qualified blacks into police departments who still feel something for other blacks and to raise the black living standard. Then brutality would not occur." This 43 respondent has had both positive and negative contact with the police. She remembers one incident when she was about 12 years old when her father forgot to pay a parking ticket. The Officer came to her house with a warrant and told her mother if her father did not come to the door he would be arrested. The officer acted "like a God" and got angry and implied that all blacks were trying to get away with something. On the other hand, when she was 16 years Old, she was jumped one night by two white men who tried to drag her into a car. They hurt her badly and ripped her clothes partially Off, and were about to drag her into the car when a police car came by and imme- diately arrested the two men. The men were charged with assault with intent to commit rape, and convicted. She does not think she would be alive today had it not been for the patrol. Her peer group is divided in their Opinions. Some are negative. Some are neutral. She has found that she can convince some Of them, through conver- sations, that she is doing the right thing. Her parents support her. She feels that she can help change the system. She knows that the whites are going to have a hard time running over her because she can match them in everything from looks to brains. (She appears to be correct.) She is majoring in criminal justice because she took an introductory course which aroused her interest. She feels her experiences with the police made her prone to take an interest in the field. The more she got into it the more interested she got. She has 1K) desire to go into law school, and would like to be the first black policewoman in her town, an industrial city 44 of 100,000 plus. She thinks eventually she will try to become an FBI agent. Respondent ll--MSU undergraduate, black male, age l9.--He feels that the police abuse blacks. "They think their uniforms and guns are passes to do what they want. They do not treat peOple as individuals." He feels the courts are doing a very find job. The backlog is not the court's problem since the public will not support more taxes for bigger court systems. He expressed a great deal of hostility, however, toward peOple who are arrested and said that if they had to wait in jail because of court backlogs, that was "tough." He once was "hassled" by a police Officer for a ticket. He dropped a school book on the floor Of his car while driving and bent down to get it and the car swerved. He does not feel he should have gotten a ticket for this, and the only reason he did was because he was black. The officer stated he failed to have his vehicle under control. His peers do not show hostility toward him for entering the criminal justice field. His father dislikes police very much because he is always getting tickets. His mother is encouraging him because she feels more blacks should be familiar with law and law enforcement. He eventually wants to go to law school and he feels criminal justice will be his key to law school. He was always interested in law enforcement and courts, and was always a good student. He comes from a well-to-do family and he always knew he would go to college. 45 ' ReSpondent lZe-MSU‘undergraduate, black female, age'21.--She feels that great changes are coming in the criminal justice field, but she still feels the best way to get quick change would be to "destroy the whole system and start all over again." She feels this way because black peOple and poor peOple are treated very badly by the system. She has never had any bad personal experi- ences with police, but she did sit in on the Haywood Brown trial and felt he never should have been tried. She felt everything he said was the truth and he was only trying to protect black peOple from the drug pushers. She receives no hostility from her peer group because she is trying to get a background for law school and they know and understand her motives. Her ultimate goal is to be a "jail-house lawyer and a neighborhood servant of the peOple." University of Illinois- Chicago Circle Interviews Nine black students who took the College Student Questionnaire were approached for interviews. One student refused the interview in an extremely hostile manner, stating that he didn't have any time to mess with any m ----- f----- interview. However, attempts at persuasion elicited the comment that interviews of blacks were a lot of bull s---, and "I ain't no guinea pig." This student stated he had a part-time job as a Pinkerton guard to get to in any case. Eight other black students were interviewed. The tempo of this urban, nondormitory campus was fast, and social life vis-a-vis the campus was relatively nonexistent. In contrast to many schools, lounges had been turned into de facto 46 study halls. In terms of interview attempts, questions were gen- erally met with impatience and the obvious desire to get on to something else. However, my black associate and I were fortunate in that the class which we tested terminated at noon, and all eight interviewees went to the student cafeteria, where we engaged them in conversation during lunch. A series Of questions was also asked immediately after the administration Of the questionnaire, and before the class was dismissed, the answers to which were requested in writing. The questions paralleled the verbal interviews; thus we were able to compare face-to-face questions with questions that were asked under less personal circumstances. In all cases there was extremely strong verbal correlation between face-tO-face and written answers. In fact, the one respondent who refused to be interviewed verbally also refused to answer questions in writing, stating words to the effect that he had "no time for silly games." Respondent l3--IllinOis-Chicago, undergraduate, black female, agg_gQ,--This student felt that most police Officers were sadists, that they hate blacks, and that black police are either Uncle Toms or unable to make money in any other way. Her most notable Quote was, "Policemen in my Opinion, are the most corrupt, unethical, and unprofessional members of the criminal justice system." She also stated, "There are only a few brothers in the system who have the balls to change the system." This particular student made it clear that she feels she can have an impact on the system. She would prefer to go on to law school and use her power as an attorney to 47 make needed changes. However, she feels that even as an Officer she will be able tO impact on the system. She has received some "flack" about her major from her peers, but she diffuses most criti- cism by explaining that she is using criminal justice as a stepping stone to law school. Her parents are supporting her efforts. She further stated that she has had bad personal experiences with police, but she explains it by stating "Everybody in Chicago has." She didn't feel that the Chicago police would ever be reformed until the political machine that runs Chicago was eliminated. She put the blame on Mayor Richard Daley, as perpetuating "the same Old corrupt system." Respondent l4--Illinois-Chicag9,_undergraduate, black male,, age_gQ,--This student called police "power hungry and sadistic." He stated, "The majority of police officers totally abuse the powers over someone else's life they have. They are always harass- ing peOple." Further questioning on this topic elicited profane affirmation of his Opinion, and adamant attestation that his view was true. He knows this because he sees it every day in the black ghetto, and because it has happened to him on numerous occasions, and he feels it will happen again. He states that he has been stopped and "shook down" on numerous occasions for no reason. The police who made these stops stated to him they were looking for weapons and/or dope. He has no desire to be a police Officer, but rather a parole and probation Officer. He feels that parole and probation work Offers more challenge, and that he will be able to 48 use his education to greater effect in this field. He further states that black police Officers would have an even harder time than white officers in battling the police system in order to effect changes. Therefore, he is not even going to try, but rather get into a field where the peOple he will be working with have "brains and human feelings." He has not experienced any problems from his peer group in relation to the police, because he shares their view. His parents are only concerned that he continue in college in order to have a better life than they did. Respondent 15--Illinois-Chicago, undergraduate, black male, ggs_gl,--This respondent stated that he believes the police exercise bias in whom they arrest. He stated, "The middle class white dude, dressed up square, can do anything. The cat better have a good story and be clean and square looking, because cops are always figuring he's done something." This student was dressed in what he would call "square" clothes. He stated he had never been harassed by police, but many of his friends had been. All were stOpped for no reason except that they were Obviously black, and young. He stated that he doesn't have or want friends that are criminals. He feels that while there is a disproportionate number of black criminals, the police do little to curb crime in the black commu- nity because they are unconcerned about black victims. Consequently, they are keeping themselves too busy harassing blacks who dress and act in a style Offensive to whites. He feels that black Officers brought up in the ghetto are far more able to cope with black 49 criminals than are white Officers. He says the black Officer cannot be "jived" by the smart black hood, and that the black Officer, particularly if he has a family in the ghetto, will do his best to concentrate on serious crime, as Opposed to harassing teenagers. This student feels he would act in a proper manner should he become an officer, and he feels he would not be a target for black hatred, because he would behave fairly, and would be able to communicate with young blacks. This student, however, wants to go on to a career in crimi- nal law with the Object of defending blacks against unjust charges or the "Oppression" of the system. He is admittedly using the criminal justice program as a stepping stone to law school. Some Of his friends do give him "flack," but most realize he is in crimi- ‘ nal justice as a means to becoming a lawyer, so "it's cool." His father wants him to get a college education, and is supporting him in his ambition to go to law school. His father feels it would be a waste of his brains if he were to become a police Officer. Respondent 16--Illinois-Chicago, undergraduate, black male, sgs_gQ,--This respondent played a very curt and annoyed role. He did answer questions, but he made it very plain that he was cooperat- ing only as an act of benevolence. He stated that his view of police was mostly negative. When asked why, he laughed and said, "Man you must be stupid if you've got to ask why. You know what cops are like. You know any Chicago cops? If you did man, you'd know some real pigs." He does not want to be a police Officer but 50 wants to go to law school. When asked about black Officers, he stated that, "They are mostly messenger boys for the man, and the ones that ain't are always getting f ----- over." He cited Renault- Robinson as an example. He doesn't get any negative reaction from his fellow students, since he is only at the campus for classes, and must leave after they are over to work part-time. He doesn't tell his peers in his neighborhood what he is majoring in, since he knows he will get a negative reaction. His parents, on the other hand, cannot understand why he dislikes police, and feel that a career as a police Officer would at least Offer steady pay and retirement security. They will support him no matter what major he chooses, and they are pleased that he is intending to go on to law school. He stated that he was majoring in criminal justice because he needed a major, and this was an easy one. If he didn't get into law school, he would consider going into federal investi- gation work or private security work. In any case, he would not allow the "COp world" to change him. He stated that "No COp better f--- with black peOple" when he was around. He has been stOpped and questioned for no reason by white police, and once was threatened \with a club because of his "bad attitude." He stated his bad atti- tude was showing the police he wasn't afraid of them when they stopped him. Respondent 17--IllinOis-Chicago, undergraduate, black male, age 26.--This respondent was a police Officer in Chicago. He 'tearmed the police "a necessary evil," "a way to fight fire with 51 fire." He felt that some peOple, particularly many blacks, only understood threats and force. He stated, "They'll always try and push you, game you, and con you, and if one act isn't going to work, they'll try another. I'm not talking about traffic violators. Sure, they'll lie, but the dopers and muggers, they'll try anything from going to the NAACP, to putting a knife in you. You've got to show the punks you aren't going to take no sh--." He acknowledged that some policemen, both black and white, tended to over-react to blacks. He acknowledged that some white police hated blacks, but he said, "After a while you get that way. You can only take so much." He had pulled himself up from a poor home background, and felt others could too. As a kid, he stated he had run from cops like anyone else, and once was almost arrested for vandalism, but he admitted it was his fault. He felt the police he encountered as a youngster were not overly harsh with him. His wife wanted him out Of the field, but he felt that was the only thing he wanted to do. He did, however, admit to deep contempt for the corrupt Chicago policemen, who he said "was mostly everybody." His intention is to get his degree and transfer to the FBI, or Illinois Bureau of Inves- tigation. He felt those organizations were professional, honest, and nondiscriminatory. He felt he would never have to pull an FBI agent Off a black defendant, as he had had to do to white policemen in Chicago. When asked about his fellow students' opinion of him ass an officer, he stated, "They know better than to mess with me." 52 Respondent lBe-Illinois-Chicago, undergraduate, black male, §g§_12,--This student was decidedly inarticulate, and appeared to be less than mentally alert. He characterized the police as "Ok, I guess." His reason for majoring in criminal justice was that "you can always get a job, and the pay is good." He felt the major was easy, and he would be able to graduate with a decent scholastic average. He didn't feel that other alternatives Open to him, such as education, were attractive. He stated that in order to make it on the street he had to be tough, and as a policeman "no one would mess with" him. He had been involved in some "bad hassles" with the police over traffic tickets, but he didn't feel the police were out of line. He felt he had talked when he should have shut up. He had no intention of being a crusader as a police officer, but rather he would just do his job, not looking for or giving anyone a hard time. Respondent 19--Illinois-Chicago, Undergraduate, black female, sgg_lg.--This student didn't speak with what one would term to be a black accent. Her entire mode of dress, method of self-presentation, and speech mannerisms were very much white middle class. She stated that "The police department is necessary if the city is not to turn into a jungle. I have no prejudices against police." She Imas in the major because federal funding was available and jobs upon SJraduation were also available. Her family supported her, since tfl1ey felt black crime was a serious indictment "of our race." She 'TEId never had any personal bad experiences with police, but she 53 didn't doubt that these things happen. She would not, however, tolerate such actions in her presence. When asked what she would do, she stated that she would have no hesitation to go to the NAACP and report a fellow Officer who was acting in a brutal way toward blacks. Her peers, however, felt she was overly idealistic and unrealistic and that "you couldn't fight city hall." Her father, a podiatrist, and active politically, felt she could fight and win. He had political influence and she "knew" the black power structure would support her if she needed help. Respondent 20--Illinois-Chicago, undergraduate, black male, sgg_gg.--This student stated that he was in the major simply to get a boost up the law-enforcement ladder, which he wanted to get into due to its relatively good pay, its security, and its interesting work. He had wanted to get into the Military Police in the Army, but he was too young when he joined, and didn't have a high school diploma. (He was only 17 upon enlistment.) He did finish high school in the Army, and had been taking law-enforcement courses through university extensions on military posts. He stated that even in the military, some white M.P.'s were obvious haters of blacks, but he felt that the majority of the military police treated him fairly. He feels this is also true of the civilian community, {and that "a few bad c0ps get all the publicity, and give everyone else a bad name." On the other hand, he knew Of many blacks who Plated not only white police, but whites generally, and that these ID'Iacks would kill a white if they felt they could get away with it. 54 Moreover, "Some Of the biggest mouthed" anti-police blacks were active criminals, whose victims were generally other blacks. I asked this student what he thought Of Eldridge Cleaver, in this respect. He stated that Cleaver had had a rough life, but that still didn't give him an excuse for raping and robbing. He felt that Cleaver was one of those "mean niggers" that white liberals had been "conned" into thinking as representative of all blacks. Most blacks, this student said, "just don't want to be messed with, and they don't want to mess with anyone." He wanted to make this state Of affairs come to pass more frequently, and he felt, as a police Officer, he could contribute to the safety Of fellow blacks. He himself had Often been stopped on his way home from night security work in a white neighborhood, but the encounters with the police had been peaceful. He was polite, and just told the truth, showing his security guard badge. While the stops did annoy him, he understood why they were made. He explained it by saying, "A black just looked out of place in those neighborhoods, especially after midnight." Since blacks were now starting to live all over Chicago, he felt this type Of encounter would diminish rapidly in the future. His parents supported hissambition, but he felt alienated from most Of his fellow black law-enforcement students. He stated, "Those kids haven't been around. All they know is what they read, and the white professors feel too guilty to argue with them." He called it "all a big game." 55 Lincoln University Responses Lincoln University black students were found to be generally articulate and willing to talk to the interviewer, with several exceptions. A large number Of black students were interviewed, many at great length. Parallel separate interviews were conducted with some whites in the same class. One point should be noted here. At Michigan State and Illinois, black and white students seemed to cluster in relatively separate groups within classrooms. At Lincoln this was a far less conspicuous tendency. In all three schools, class break and student lounge activities remained relatively highly segregated. Classroom discussion and banter between whites and blacks was, to my observance, much more unrestrained between the races at Lincoln than at the larger schools. The reason for this lies in these factors: 1. There is a much larger proportion of black students at Lincoln than at Michigan State and Illinois. If there is strength and therefore comfort in numbers, black students at Lincoln Univer- sity can relax and be at ease. They do not feel like a besieged and persecuted minority, always on the defensive and always feeling the necessity/to band together against Outsiders. Self-confidence breeds the ability to relax, laugh, and Open up. The feeling Of ease transmits itself to the white students, who, by being more relaxed vis-a-vis their black classmates, reinforce the general cycle Of easy give and take. 56 2. Lincoln has been a traditionally black school. Blacks have made its history and records. Until very recently, whites did not attend Lincoln except in minute numbers. The atmosphere there remains one of nonhostility, Of familiarity, vis-a-vis blacks and the relaxed social cycle continues on its black-white mutual rein- forcing round. 3. A very large proportion of black teachers and adminis- trators is present. This aids black self-confidence. This factor allowed me to utilize the benefits of a psycho- logical trade-off. What confidences were not revealed to me because Of my status as a white stranger appeared to have been revealed to the white classmates of the black student, and I was able to glean insight from this both as an interviewer and as an Observer, with some interesting results. Of ten white students spoken to over a period of twO days, eight stated that there was an extreme amount Of dislike on the part of the black students at Lincoln for the police in general. Four white students used the word "hate" to describe the feelings of black students for police. One white student said, "They feel they are real pigs." Two others described black feelings as "bad." Only two described black student feelings as good or fair. Respondent 21--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male,,age l9.--This student, who is from St. Louis, expressed decidedly hostile views about the Jefferson City Police in particu- lar. He called them "dumb white country boys.“ When comparing 57 them to the St. Louis police he stated, "Anyone who would work for $600.00 a month when St. Louis is giving $1,000 a month, has to be dumb." When asked about the difference in attitude toward blacks vis-a-vis St. Louis and Jefferson City police, he stated that there were "plenty" black supervisors and Officers in St. Louis and that made a favorable difference. He intended to return to St. Louis and get employment with the city or county police departments. He did admit that many blacks had an unfavorable impression of both the St. Louis City and County Police Departments, and he stated that this was probably justified in view Of the treatment some of the "Old timers" meted out to blacks even today. He is acquainted with several black St. Louis police Officers, and he can relate many stories Of how black officers successfully intervened to prevent mistreatment to blacks. He feels he can perform this intervention role as well and fully intends to dO so when he gets employed by a department. He tOO has been harassed by police in St. Louis. He expressed a vehement negative when asked about desire to go into corrections or parole work. He cited the Missouri State Peniten- tiary in Jefferson City as a "pen that holds red-neck pig guards and meaneass black hoods." He stated the prison guards were even worse than the Jefferson City police because they were even more poorly paid. His peer group understood his desire for police work, as he explained it, "because everyone knows it's a steady, good paying job that needs more black peOple in it." His father, who works in an aircraft plant, wants him to get a good education, and is 58 somewhat against him becoming an officer, but he still lends his support. His parents' main concern is with his grades, not his major. Respondent 22--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, sgng§.--This student was from Memphis, Tennessee, and stated he "hated" the Jefferson City police and his home town police as well. He knows Of black peOple who have been killed by police for "no good reason at all." He felt that the police can't be changed until "the system" is changed and that may take more violence. He could not see progress without the violence and he wouldn't be able to be a policeman "against the brothers." He has been "chased, hassled and beat on" by white police. His goal was to go to law school and work as a defense or civil rights lawyer. He might, however, con- sider the FBI or Bureau Of Narcotics. He felt that "dOpe was crazy" and had to be stopped. He trusted the federal agencies as more tolerant, more professional, and more honest. His peer groups felt the same way he did as to law enforcement, so he had no problems with them. His mother (his parents were divorced) had always wanted him to go to college and was "praying" he'd go on to law school. She wouldn't mind him becoming a federal agent, but she didn't want him on a local police force. Although his mother never said so explicitly, he knows she thinks most black Officers can't be relied on by black peOple. He knows some in Memphis and while "they don't hate their own peOple, they still beat on them." He did admit that a 59 a disproportionate number Of blacks was involved in criminal activi- ties, but he attributed this to the "system." Respondent 23--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, ogg_gg,--This respondent's home was a small town in southwest Missouri, where about 50% of the population Of 6,500 was black. Until 10 years ago there were only 2 black officers on the l4-man force, and they worked the black part Of town only. Today, about half the town's department is black, and they work all over. He has never had a bad encounter with his home town police. He feels this is because everyone knows everyone else there and blacks and whites get along better there than in large northern cities. The fact that his father worked as a city employee (public works laborer) also had something to do with his lack Of bad encounters. However, he did not feel the same way about the Jefferson City police, whom he termed "very bad.“ He has had bad experiences with them and felt they should be banned from the Lincoln campus. He attributes the difference in experiences to the fact that Jefferson City police have hated black students ever since the civil rights demonstrations Of the sixties. He does feel that there is an "inherent" problem with white police since many of them come from the portion of white society that normally hates blacks. His per- sonal ambition is tO get into a large city police department such as Los Angeles. He is a veteran of the Army and is married. He chose criminal justice as a major because he is used to "discipline," government work, the job is "interesting," "more blacks should be 6D in it," and it's secure with a pension at the end. His parents always wanted him to go to college, and his wife is studying educa- tion at Lincoln. Thus everything "fits together" for him. His peers don't bother him. Moreover, it's his life and he knew better than some "loud-mouthed jitterbug" what to do with it. Respondent 24--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black female, sge l9.--This respondent was from Jefferson City itself. She has had numerous bad experiences with the Jefferson City police throughout her life. She felt they were "pigs" and would never get any better as long as the pay scales were so low. She cited instances of neglect in relation to black needs for police protec- tion, brutality, arrogance, verbal insults, etc. She would like to see the police change, but feels the "white power structure" does not want to see change. Change would have to mean "more black police and maybe even a black police chief." She can't "see" the mayor, governor, legislators, or other power brokers tolerating blacks in positions of police power. Blacks would get these posi- tions nevertheless, but she was not going to be one of them. She does not like violence and police Often have to face violence. She intended to gO on to law school at the University of Missouri. She hoped to specialize in civil rights or criminal law in order to help blacks. She feels that many of her fellow students want to be officers and will "clean the mess" but "it'll take a genera- tion, at least." Her parents, both Of whom are "working people," would be overjoyed to see her as an attorney, but they didn't want 61 her in law enforcement unless it was juvenile or probation work or something with "more class than ordinary police work." Her peers don't really affect her way Of life, since most have been her friends all her life. Her boyfriend is also in criminal justice and he wants to be an FBI agent. She could tolerate that because it takes a "cool dude to be a Fed" and they make good money. Respondent 25--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, sgs_29,--This respondent was from Gary, Indiana. He expressed a very low Opinion Of police. He stated that "you can understand why the Gary police are low. All they have to choose from are dumb Polaks who can't work in the steel mills. It makes no difference if the mayor is black. The black caps become like the Polaks too. SO why is Jefferson City so low? NO Polaks here--just Missouri red- neck hillbillies. And then there's Chicago.l Man they are all bad. You gotta say it. The whole system that's rotten. NO one is going to change it. We gotta have a revolution man. I'm telling you that." This respondent emphatically stated he was not going into police work at the street level. He was "no pig." He would like to be a chief somewhere and show what a black man could do. He was going to go on to law school and try for the FBI. After a few years as an agent he would become chief somewhere. He would change things by firing "every red-neck m ----- f ----- who didn't shape up." He thought there might be quite a few Of these. His parents, the father a steel worker, supported his ambi- tion. His peers did harass him very infrequently and in a joking 62 way, but "no big thing." He could take it and besides "they know I'm no Tom. They know I'm going to move and shake things." Having had numerous antagonistic encounters with the police in Gary and a few in Jefferson City, he wouldn't forget and sell out. His last words were, "If you think the cops in Jefferson City are sorry, look at some of those prison screws. Those people are really stupid." Respondent 26--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black female, age 19.--This respondent was from St. Louis. She stated that she was in criminal justice because biology, her previous major, bored her, so she didn't do well at it. This was much more inter- esting to her and she found it easier so her grade point average was up. She would like to be a police officer back in St. Louis. She had no fears of not being able to handle the job, though she did have several negative contacts with police. She had been "into karate" for three years and anyone could see she was big. (She stood at least six feet tall and easily weighed 160 pounds.) More- over, she felt that any black and any woman who made it onto a police force had to be better than a white male. If she was accepted then she knew she would be better than the men she'd work with. She was not going to go the route her deserted mother went, working to please a man who left town. Her mother was currently sacrificing herself holding two jobs, so she could finish school. Having grown up in a real dog-eat-dog housing project in St. Louis, she knew how needed black police are in the city and she 63 intended to fulfill the need. Black peOple always got victimized by "black criminals," "Jew store owners," "I-don't-care white caps," and "lying politicians." Black officers could do something for black peOple. They could protect blacks. Blacks needed protection since many blacks were criminals. She had been the victim of purse snatchings, attempted rape (which is why she started karate), and her apartment had been burglarized numerous times. Her peer group didn't bother her. "They think they are so smart. They haven't thought past the next weekend." She did not argue with them, however, since she had all she could handle working, studying, practicing karate, etc., and she didn't "need no hassle." She said that fighting the peer group would mean "glue in the lock," "stolen clothes," "water under the door," and since she lived in the dormi- tory she wanted to avoid that. Respondent 27--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male,, sgg_gl,--This respondent was from St. Louis and had already been accepted by the St. Louis police. He would not be back in school at Lincoln next term. He would finish his last year at a St. Louis area university while working. He had never been "really bothered" by any policeman personally. He knew there were many problems in the St. Louis Police Department, but he felt that the more blacks on the department the fewer these problems would be. Most of the problems were based on race. Blacks didn't get treated fairly and neither did other minorities such as Mexicans. Although he did say that many blacks and Mexicans tended to violent actions. He stated 64 he was half black and half Mexican and his mother's peOple (Mexican) were always getting mocked and hassled by the police. I asked him if black police would be prone to hassle Mexicans. After all, their lack of English ability made them vulnerable. He retorted that a black man would be less likely to act that way since blacks knew what it was to get "pissed on by the cops." When asked if he knew of any incompetent black Officers, he admitted he did, but termed than the "Old time whale bellies" who were "playing white man." He said the few black Jefferson City police he knew were not as competent as the St. Louis black Officers, but then the Jefferson City police were under-paid and badly trained as a group. His parents supported his efforts toward higher education and were "down" on black criminals just as he was. They felt tOO many blacks and Mexicans were lazy and would rather gamble than work. He couldn't say who were more of a problem to blacks, the white police or the black hoodlums. He wouldn't "mess around" with either group. What both needed was to "get their asses kicked." His peer group did not bother him about his major, but he claimed he didn't bother them either. He did his thing and minded his business. He got along "OK." Respondent 28--Lincoln University, undergraduate,_black female, age_20.--The respondent was from Kansas City, Missouri. She stated that while she was aware of stupid and brutal police she knew how hard it was to deal with some Of the "mean blacks" who were police problems. She didn't know how police took it 65 sometimes, since even when they tried their best, some black "preacher" would always try to stir up the crowd "hanging up on the corner." She had been treated impolitely by one Officer in Kansas City and she did not like their Old Chief (Clarence Kelley) but she knew they were improving. She did not think she'd ever be a street officer herself. She had no patience for "smart ass young punks" and she knew "most female Officers worked juvenile." She had ambitions for law school and wanted to make money at it. Defense of some "worthless black bum" was not serving black people. Her father was a liquor truck driver and had been held up numerous times in black neighborhoods. She sure was not going tO defend the man who stole her tuition money. Her parents had sacrificed too much to send her to school. She admitted that the problem was more complex than bad white police and bad black hoodlums, but she felt a person's main Obligation was to himself and family. Her peer group felt the same way and understood that she was using criminal justice as a ladder to something better. She was a black sorority member and enjoyed Lincoln's extensive social life. She felt this was important, since a lawyer had to know how to deal with people. Rsspondent 29--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, sge_24,--This respondent was from St. Louis. He was an Army veteran and was working as a part-time campus security officer. He stated that he had little patience for the "cry baby," "lazy living," "party going," average Lincoln student. Most Of them didn't really 66 want to work and most didn't know what the world was all about. His Opinion of the Jefferson City police was no higher. They were "dumb asses." He wouldn't go near a small town department. People were too narrow minded. His goal was a larger city police depart- ment where he could go to law school part-time. He wasn't sure if he'd stay in law enforcement, but he would help his peOple "no matter where" he ended up. He wouldn't be "conned" by them, however. He knew many black people were "gaming whitey" to get as much for nothing as they could, but they couldn't game him. He'd worked hard for where he'd gotten to and his family had also. The "cry babies" could work too, instead of "playing rip Off." Most Of the blacks in the State Penitentiary deserved to be there, but he had to admit that most prison guards were "at least dumb." SO were the several white police with whom he had had negative contact in St. Louis while growing up. He was in criminal justice because it Offered good jobs at good money in most places, and one could look forward to a decent retirement as well. He had no thought Of not standing up for blacks and he knew from experience that blacks were "messed with" by police. He knew he would have a hard time if he did stand up, but just being black was a hard time so "they wouldn't be getting any cherry." He did not consider the black undergraduate at Lincoln his peer group. His peers were working peOple like the other security guards on the campus and they didn't hassle him or anyone else. He was "cool" in that crowd. They just did their jobs. 67 Respondent 30--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black female, age l8.--This respondent was from Kansas City. She had had bad experiences with the Jefferson City and Kansas City police. These stemmed mostly from traffic encounters and she felt these were racially motivated. On the other hand, one black Kansas City Officer had prOpositioned her during a traffic stop just last month. She said that was "just the man in him," and she had not "really" been mad. Her goal was to get into juvenile work. She felt most adults could and should straighten up on their own, but juveniles Often needed help. Many parents were "wine-drinking trash" and were totally unfit to have children. Yet some of them had six and more and lived "like animals." One couldn't expect those children tO be anything else except delinquents unless outside intervention were available. This student would go so far as to force steriliza- tion on welfare mothers after the second illegitimate child. Her father worked as a yard man with the railroad and raised three children "the hard way." Her two older brothers had good jobs: one was a railroad mechanic and the other a railroad police Officer, and they did it while surrounded by the "trash" the other families produced. Both had some education beyond high school. "They got along by going along" until they could get out on their own. This student did not feel that a woman should be on regular police patrol. That was a "man's job," although a very few women could handle it. She didn't feel she could, but she knew she could make a good juvenile officer. She was black, after all, and could relate to the kids where many white officers Obviously didn't, 68 couldn't, and wouldn't. Too many white Officers were racists and refused to admit there were good and bad blacks just as there were good and bad whites. She felt her peers read the situation as she did, and that most of them were there for good jobs and good lives after gradua- tion. If police work could Offer it to them, they'd take it. After all, "whitey is everywhere," and there was no way to live away from that fact. PeOple didn't have to sell out but they had to adjust. She felt she had reached a compromise she could live with. Respondent 3l--Lincoln Universitys undergraduate, black male, ogs_gl,--This respondent was from a black suburb of Chicago. He was in advanced ROTC and was eagerly looking forward to being commis- sioned a second lieutenant in the Army Military Police Corps in June. He had a high academic average and was very military in his bearing, responses, and attitudes. He was a Distinguished Military Student and would be commissioned in the Regulary Army. He intended to make the Army a career. He felt the civilian police field could not even come close to offering him the chances the Army could. It would take him 15 years to be a lieutenant in the Chicago Police Department, where everyone "was on the take anyway." There were many black generals in the Army, but very few black police chiefs. The Army was obviously more progressive and more tolerant than the civilian police. He reminded me that during the Detroit riots, the Regular Army restored order with a minimum amount of force, while the National Guard, Civilian Police (local, county, and state) 69 killed dozens of black peOple without doing anything except making (the situation worse. He would not consider the civilian police field as a suitable career except at the federal investigative level. He stated that blacks and civilian police did not waste love on each other, but both sides were wrong. The civilian police had "too many stupid, dumb-ass racists" in their ranks. Blacks, on the other hand, had tOO many "lying, cheating, lazy, thieving low-lifes" in their ranks. He had had negative contacts with both sides to include physical fights or blows. He was an only child and his father and mother, though working people (machinist and nurses' aide), always told him his family was different than other blacks and he was to make something Of himself. He felt that being an ordinary patrolman would not be meeting that parental demand. His peer group were his fellow ROTC cadets, and while every- one would fight for black rights, "no one was dumb enough to believe that every bum the NAACP defended was really a martyr." Much of that was "politics" and he knew it. He felt comfortable with his goals, his life, and his friends. His last words to me were, "Good night, sir." Frankly, I felt quite comfortable with him, too. He was a very good example of the bright, young, Regular Army second lieu- tenant. Respondent 32--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, age 27.--This student was from Jefferson City and had spent six 70 years in the Marines. He had been to Viet Nam twice and had been wounded twice. He was on a 30% disability pension due to loss Of feeling in his left arm. He was employed full-time as a guard at the State Prison. His goal was to advance up the ladder in the state legal, corrections, or probation field and he needed a bache- lor's degree or law degree to do that. His real preference was active police work. He would prefer the Missouri Highway Patrol, but he was sure his left arm would disqualify him. He felt that was unjust because he was right handed and had full left-hand mobility though very little feeling due to nerve damage from a war wound. He knew that most Of his fellow students thought very little Of the prison guards, and they were right. But at $6,000 a year, "what could you get?" If it were not for his pension and the 6.1. Bill, he couldn't live on that either. He had too many responsi- bilities to worry about the "mouthings Off" Of a few lB-year-Old kids. He minded his own business, went to school, and didn't look for fights but he wouldn't back off if pushed. All he really wanted to do was "live a little" and get along. He was not married, but had "a few" female friends. He had been brought up by his grand- parents, both of whom needed his support now that they were in their sixties. He refused to talk about his real parents. His experiences with the police, worldwide, were "not bad." "Sure," he'd "been chased" by the Jefferson City Police as a kid, but "so had everyone else." The ones who got into real trouble "asked for it." He saw them everyday at the prison. He really felt he had no bad experiences himself. There was no doubt that 71 white racists were active in civil police departments, but they were active everywhere and blacks just had to stand up and beat them with brains if possible, physically if necessary. That was the price you paid for being black, but he commented that as a Jew I must know that fact as well as he did. He said he knew I was Jewish from my name. His experience with Jews made him feel they were the most understanding of all the whites. He had had a close Jewish friend in the Marines, who had been killed in Viet Nam. Respondent 33--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, ggs_lg,--This respondent was from St. Louis. He claimed his mother had been killed by the police and his family was in the process Of suing the St. Louis Police Department for $2,000,000. His goal was to gO on to law school and enter the legal field as a civil rights lawyer or defense counsel. Criminal justice was just a means toward this end. He "hated" police since they had killed his mother while chasing a black man from an armed robbery scene. He was sure the police "wouldn't be shooting no guns on a street crowded with white shoppers." Police just had no regard for black people or black lives. Black police were too few in number to make a serious impact on the problem, and some of them didn't care anyway. They had joined "the man" for pay and benefits and many had sold out blacks for their paychecks. Some hadn't, of course, "like Renault Robinson," but those who stood up got "put in the trick bag," "killed," or "never promoted" with "lousy assignments" all their lives. He felt his peers agreed with him, though some were kidding 72 themselves by thinking they could change things by getting inside "the monster." His feeling was that "the monster" was so sick it had to die or be killed off and that was soon going to happen. He explained "the monster" as "the system." His family had to be tough and strong if they were going to avenge his mother's death. They would avenge it one way or another, and it would be cheaper for St. Louis to pay his father and his sisters the $2,000,000. If they got the money, the family was going to move out of the bad neighborhood they lived in. It was an all-black slum and there was an over-abundance of "mean mens" roaming the streets. Wine, dope, and dice were their pastimes and he and his sisters were fed up with living "like animals with animals." Respondent 34--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black female, age 19.--This respondent was from St. Louis. She wanted to be "a criminologist." She explained this as someone who could analyze the crime problem and find real solutions. She knew she would need years of study to accomplish her goal, but felt it was a needed ambition. She did not think that the police would ever solve the crime problem for black peOple. Blacks did commit more crimes than whites, but this was due to their ignorance and poverty. Most black neighborhoods were "jungles" where most blacks were fearful for their lives. Blacks had to change but the police would not help them to dO it. She could have been a criminal herself, though she never had any bad contact with police in St. Louis. Her 73 friends all had gotten into trouble and her mother was all alone since her father had gone to Chicago. They were on ADC and she was working her way through school. She had four brothers and sisters, all younger, and it was all her mother could do to keep them from getting contaminated by criminal blacks. The police were not only doing nothing about it, they couldn't do anything about it even if they tried. The police could lock up 100 black criminals and the system would have 100 ready to go again the next day. Most of her peers had really not probed the problem as deeply as she had, so they talked about other things rather than disagree. What was really needed was educated blacks to study the problem and find the real answer. She did not believe in revolution and she really did not think blacks were faultless, but she felt the problem demanded a black solution. More black police "sure couldn't hurt any." Although she had been verbally abused by Jefferson City police, it had never happened in St. Louis. She felt the reason was that fewer blacks were on the Jefferson City force. Respondent 35--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black males ggg_gQ,--This respondent was from Memphis, Tennessee. He had trans- ferred from a branch of the University Of Tennessee after two years, since he felt that a black environment was what he needed to get his grades up. He had been majoring in engineering, but had found he had no talent for engineering drawing, though the math and science had been "o.k." He would like to get into criminal investigation using the scientific approach he had learned in chemistry, physics, 74 college algebra, and so on. He was behind many credits because his grade point average hadn't been the best, but he knew the subjects nevertheless. He felt that police did give black people bad service and bad treatment, though he hadn't been victimized himself. He saw what went on in his neighborhood. His father, who was in charge of a night cleaning crew in a downtown Office building, had to carry a gun to keep "black punks" from walking into, and off with, the building. He might consider going back to Tennessee to work, but he felt the West Coast was a better atmosphere for professional police and blacks as well. He couldn't say much about the people he was going to school with at Lincoln since he didn't know many of them, but he had heard a lot Of bad things from them about the city police. Most people didn't harass him about his major since he minded his own business, but he felt a certain amount of hostility. All he knew was he had to finish college. He needed a good and interesting job, and police work fit the bill. He felt that most Of the complainers were afraid Of getting caught for doing dope. If they did, it would serve them right. TOO many blacks were their own worst enemies. Respondent 36--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, age l9.--This respondent was from the Kansas City area. He was totally convinced and adamant in his contention that most police hated blacks and that most blacks hated police. It was unavoidable 75 as long as so many black criminals existed, and as long as so many "stupid cops" set the standards for most police departments. The answer was to recruit, hire, and promote "educated, proud black men" who could deal with both sides Of the problem. He admired the Black Muslims and felt that he might become one someday, though he did not know if the Muslims would let him be a police officer. He knew they did not like to have their women out in the world, and he felt this was a proper attitude. His family had been held together by his mother, and that proved that a woman's place was in the home. He might not actually go into police work, but law instead, particularly if he became a Muslim. He felt, however, that a crimi- nal justice major was good in that it revealed the inner workings of the police system. "The man won't show you nothing. You've got to get in to find out what's happening." Now he understood why some white police had beat him as a young teenager. His peer group were "O.K." He was having a gOOd time at school and was "into" a Black Muslim study group. He felt at home at Lincoln, though he did complain about noisy dormitories. An all-Muslim dormitory would be peaceful and quiet. Muslims had self-respect and thus respected each other. This was something most blacks had not learned to do yet, and until they did he couldn't respect them tOO much either. Muslims were the best blacks as they were the only "real" blacks. 76 Respondent 37--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, ogs_2Q,--This respondent said he started out in criminal justice because financial aid was available. He is from St. Louis and saw the St. Louis police as hostile to blacks. Even many of the black Officers were hostile. He could see why this would be the case, since blacks were "bad" in return, but he knew that more black Officers could solve the problem. Black Officers would know when to be tough and when to be easy. Whites went from one extreme to the other, and a black citizen never knew what to expect. He had per- sonal contact to prove this. This respondent felt he would remain in the criminal justice field since he could see from his scholar- ship that money was always available, and unlike his mother and father, he would not be suffering repeated layoffs. They were production-line workers in an aircraft plant. They supported his goals and wanted him to graduate and get a respected position in life. He emphasized that this was not his only reason for his major. He knew that blacks wanted and deserved firm but fair prO- tection, and he could give it. But, why not "admit that it's a good job with security?" It was a job that carried prestige in the black community whether blacks would admit it or not. The police had "power" and many blacks were "bitching" because they envied and feared this power. He wasn't doing either. He was going to get a share Of the power to use it for the good of "the peOple." Until then, he was going to "be cool," because the Lincoln black student would harass you to the breaking point if you were too much Of an individualist. He knew of some "campus crazies" who 77 always "did their own thing," but they didn't have to live in a dormitory like he did. Respondent 38--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, ggg_2l.--This respondent was from Jefferson City. He related several bad experiences with the Jefferson City police, including what he termed "getting beat with a stick" because he wouldn't move Off a street corner fast enough. He had originally majored in physical education, but discovered that the field was over-crowded and had decided to switch to criminal justice since he saw many Opportuni- ties for blacks in this area. He didn't want to be a police Officer, since in his Opinion he would have to associate with underpaid, uneducated, ignorant, bigoted whites. The black probation Officers he knew were generally much more tolerant, educated, and sophisti- cated, with more prestige in the community. He also commented that a higher percentage of probation Officers in the county were black, than were police Officers. His attitude toward black crime was that it would take a black to catch another black, since whites either didn't care or didn't know. He was very severe on black crime, stating that his mother and father worked hard for every- thing they had, and some "rip-off artist comes along trying to sup- port a habit, and steals from poor black peOple to do it." His house had been burglarized many times in the past 20 years, and the police had psy§r_caught anyone. He felt they didn't care. He laughingly stated that he wouldn't mind black burglars working the 78 white community, but he "sure was going to blow some cat away" if he ever caught him in his parents' home again. He stated that his peer group felt the same way as he did about the police, and he had no problems relating to the group. Respondent 39--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black male, ggs_23.--This respondent was from Kansas City and was a veteran of the Army.' He had served in Viet Nam with a military police unit and reached the rank Of sergeant. His goal is federal service, particularly the FBI, but he admits that Lincoln is not a very good school, and he doesn't know if he can pass the FBI examination. His secondary goal would be a state-level, police, or investigative agency. He has not considered transferring to a better school such as the University of Missouri, because he frankly admits that Lincoln is easier scholastically. He could not really explain the contra- diction in his views and statements; i.e., he wants the FBI, but he doesn't think Lincoln will give him the background for it, yet he refuses to transfer. His feelings about the police were also somewhat ambivalent. On the one hand he felt that all police forces he came in contact with were inherently anti-black, which he felt was not justified. He cited some negative personal contacts to back his point. He used the Jefferson City police as an example, but then he went on to say that he could understand how officers working in a college community would get to dislike students and professors. He, however, would not lose his cool. He'd help students. He is particularly bitter about the professorial and 79 student attitude toward the war in Viet Nam, which he feels is a just war and should be won. (At the time of the interview the war was still going on.) He says that he knows a large number of blacks are pro Viet-Cong, because they feel the United States has mistreated them. However, he feels change can occur on a peaceful basis, and that all the communists have ever done for the blacks is lie to them. He went on to say that if blacks would stop com- mitting so many crimes, maybe the police would not be so much of a problem for black people. I asked him what reaction he had received as a military policeman in the Army, and he stated, "I never went for that brother jive. If a man was wrong, he went." He claimed that he saw much less discrimination against black Offenders in the military police than in the civilian police, but he would not gO back into the military himself, since "your life is not your own." His wife is also a student, and works part—time to help him through school. He is on good terms with his parents, who wanted him to go on to college immediately after high school, instead of going into the Army first. He feels the Army helped him grow up, and gave him valuable police experience, which he hopes the federal services will recognize. He doesn't consider the average undergraduate at Lincoln one of his peers. He lives Off campus. He doesn't argue with the peOple he goes to school with, professors or students, since that would gain nothing, and could hurt him. He'll just wait until he can do "more than talk." 8O Respondent 40--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black female, age l9.--This respondent seemed particularly immature and unrealistic. She was what I would term "giggly" and gave me the distinct impression that her main concern was male students, as opposed to any scholarly pursuit. She was from Chicago, and stated that she had never really noticed the Chicago police, one way or another, but that her friends had always had bad comments to make. She felt that the Chicago police were bad because so many of her friends claimed they were, but she really "didn't know." She also felt the same way about the Jefferson City police. Her family had not wanted her to go away to school, but she received a scholarship through the United Negro College Fund, and decided to get away from home because she wanted to live on a campus. When asked why she chose criminal justice, she stated that it might be a good pre-law curriculum and it was an easy major. Her Opinions were Obviously those of everyone else, and her motivations and dedications were other-directed at best. I felt that her personality was tOO weak to pursue this interview much further, since she was not seriously considering her answers, nor did she seem to care for any serious discussion on the topics at hand. Respondent 4l--LincOln University, undergraduate, black male, ggg_29,--This respondent is from Kansas City. He is living with his grandmother, who resides in Jefferson City. He chose criminal justice because he felt this would be a good major for a pre-law curriculum, and would also serve him in obtaining a job, if he was 81 not admitted to law school. He recognizes that nonadmittance is a possibility because Lincoln doesn't have a gOOd reputation, but he feels that this is just another example Of white prejudice. He stated that the overriding consideration in choosing Lincoln was that he could live with his grandmother and save money. He didn't feel he could go to school in Kansas City because the pace was tOO fast and his home was too crowded for proper studying. He felt he had to get away, and his grandmother is easy to live with. His Opinion of the Kansas City police is higher than that of the Jeffer- son City police, but he feels both organizations are anti-black, both in their Operational and hiring policies. He feels that the Missouri State Patrol is worse yet, but he would rather be a state patrolman than a local police officer if he didn't get into law school. He knows that the state patrol has very few black troopers, but he also knows that pressure is being placed on them to hire more, and he feels the time is right for him. ‘He felt more black Officers were needed because blacks could understand other blacks better than could whites. He mentioned during the conversation that he liked the state patrol not only for their image Of professionalism, their sharp uniforms, but because they had jurisdiction throughout Missouri. He said, "a badge from Kansas City doesn't mean nothing in Jefferson City," but a badge from the state patrol means some- thing everywhere. He stated that he didn't talk much about his ambitions to his peer group, since most Of his fellow students had little respect for police, and he saw no reason to get into argu- ments with people whom he would never convince. He was in it for 82 his own benefit, and he knew he would get a job faster than the "fools" shooting their mouths Off at home. I asked this student about crime on campus, and he said "s--- man, they wOuld steal your teeth if you ever took them out at night." While he admits that many blacks victimize other blacks, he also feels that this doesn't give the white authorities the right to abuse black peOple. He himself has been insulted by white police. He ended his comments by saying, "It's just no go. Some Of these black folks are rotten, and some Of these honky cops are just as bad. All I'm trying to do is make my way." Respondent 42--Lincoln University, undergraduate, black males, sgs_gg,--This respondent was from Springfield, Illinois. He stated that he left Illinois for Lincoln and Jefferson City because Spring- field was really a Deep South city. The Springfield police behaved like red-necks and were brutal toward blacks. His father had been beaten by the Springfield police when he had the nerve to argue about an illegal parking ticket. This happened less than three years ago and the same actions were still going on today. The police cursed him when he called to complain about the incident. He had seen the Jefferson City police in action and they were "bad" but not as bad as the Springfield police. He felt the whole city was better and that Missouri was better than Illinois, which was run by "Daley the pig-man." His goal was to gO on to law school and get into "power" to "change things." He would like to consider a police job, but 83 he didn't see how he could sell out his friends by becoming an Officer. He was in criminal justice since it was an easy major for pre-law. As an attorney he might consider the FBI, but he also felt that the FBI was anti-black, but more clever as to how they expressed this hostility. He felt the FBI was "more dangerous" than the local and state police because they were "a lot smarter." I pointed out that the FBI had broken up the Klan. He said yes, but that was because the Kennedy brothers were running the count then. Lyndon Johnson, who came afterwards, was also pro-black because he needed black votes since the hypocritical white liberals didn't like a southerner. Under Nixon, who "hated blacks" ("He's like Hitler"), the FBI had become a "Gestapo." His father, who worked as a driver for the Illinois State Government, wanted him to go to law school. His mother felt medi- cal school was better. He felt his grades would get him into law school, but not medical school. Law could also lead to politics, where the real power lay. He got along with his peer group, but felt most of them were "fools." He didn't tell them that since if "you were going to go- into politics you couldn't bad mouth everyone." You had "to be cool and compromise, you know." He admitted that the black crime rate was disproportionately high, as were black victims. His father kept a shotgun and a Doberman in the house to discourage black burglars. He shared his father's view; i.e., a black criminal preying on other blacks should be shot. If anyone broke into his house, he wouldn't hesitate to kill him. 84 When asked if this wasn't a brutal response, he said that blacks had a right to protect themselves and that white police couldn't or wouldn't do the job so blacks had to. White police couldn't tell a black burglar from a black doctor. Black police were better but had "to take a lot of s---" from other blacks and were poorly paid for all the trouble they had. He'd take a police job in a large western city/where the police were better, if he couldn't get into law school, but this would be a definite second choice. He did say he'd be "a good cop and a friend to the brothers," however. Discussion It can be seen that the majority of black students inter- viewed expressed a definite hostility toward the criminal justice system in general and the police in particular. Interpretations Of hostility were not difficult to make. The interviewees were usually very explicit and precise. 'Of the 42 interviewees, 34 expressed very explicit hostili- ties vis-a-vis the police. The remaining eight were not unreservedly pro-police, but their hostilities were accompanied by rationaliza- tions, explanations, or comparisons that tended to dilute the nega- tive comments with at least semi-realistic assessments Of the causes of police behavior toward blacks. Significantly, 28 of 34 students who expressed decidedly anti-police attitudes had had negative personal contact with the police. Moreover, five Of the eight "pro-police" respondents claimed negative personal contact with the police as well. 85 Nineteen Of the black respondents stated that they were using criminal justice as a springboard to law school. However, another 18 (and many of these had expressed anti-police comments) did want to get into local or state law enforcement agencies. Three wanted to go into parole or probation work and two wanted to enter other fields such as the Army or "criminology." On the other hand, the vast majority (over 90%) of the whites who informed me of their ultimate goals desired to enter the police field at local, state, or federal level. Ten Of the black students felt the criminal justice major was easier than some others they had tried or looked into. That is why they had chosen it. Two Of the black students cited the availa- bility of financial aid as the deciding factor in their choice of major. The other 30 respondents expressed a choice of criminal justice as a major based on career goals as Opposed to ease of curriculum. Interestingly, 17 Of the Lincoln respondents expressed hos- tility toward other blacks for being involved in so much crime. Five Illinois-Chicago respondents did the same, but only one Michigan State student made this point. Idealistic statements such as "changing the system," "help- ing other blacks," "fighting black-on-black crime" were made by 31 Of the respondents. This did not include several others whose idealism related mainly to doing a good job as a police Officer. These students may have been termed "idealistic" if one terms police service as service to an ideal. However, I applied more stringent 86 criteria that went beyond crime fighting. The respondent must have expressed a desire to make the organization or system that supports "crime fighting" a better one. I detected this view in these 31 respondents. Comparison of verbalizations of social and political view- points with scientific testing of these viewpoints is admittedly risky. The interviewer can misinterpret the responses Of those being interviewed. He can attribute nuances of meaning where none are present. He can "prime" a respondent in order to elicit a desired response. On the other hand, a respondent can attempt to please or mislead an interviewer by giving misrepresentative responses designed to leave a specific impression. For example, where it is "accepted" that a given group, such as blacks, should be hostile toward police, then it is possible that black subjects, knowing Of the modular expectation, will attempt to respond in the prepatterned manner. The interview responses I gathered, however, fit data gathered from other sources. The hostility Of these black college students toward police, their experiences with personal brutality at the hands of police, their disillusionment with blacks for black-on-black crime, their desire to "reform the system," and the dedication of many respondents to combatting crime in the black community is replicated by other gathered data. The examination of black music, folklore, contemporary literature, and humor shows a positive reflection of the views and 87 concerns expressed by the respondents. The subject matter of stories in Ebogy, the titles and verses of black folk songs, and the humor Of today'and yesterday all show the concerns expressed by the students. The analysis of the data gathered through use of the College Student Questionnaire also shows parallel concerns to those expressed in the interviews. Blacks in these interviews showed a disillusionment with the criminal justice system, and the College Student Qoestionnaire showed blacks to be less satisfied than whites with their major of criminal justice. Almost all blacks interviewed expressed a sense Of identi- fication with and support from their families. The College Student Questionnaire_shows blacks less independent Of their families than whites. In two schools blacks appear to respond with disdain to peer-group pressure more so than whites did. At one school peer- group pressure was a black concern. The College Student Qgsstion- psirs parallels these interview results. Interviewed blacks appeared very liberal in their attitudes toward criminal justice issues. However, the blacks at Lincoln also Often displayed a vehement disgust with black criminals. This dislike for the black criminal element appeared to match the strength of their disillusion- ment with the criminal justice system, particularly the police. It should be noted that these constructs are not mutually exclusive. These tendencies appear clearly in the answers given by Lincoln University students in the College Student Questionnaire. For 88 example, Lincoln blacks are less liberal than blacks at Illinois and MSU. They are also less liberal than most other white groups, with the exception of the whites at Lincoln. The same points can be made when examining the Lincoln student answers (on the College Student Questionnaire) that pertained to social conscience. The interviews appear to support the test results. Time and again blacks at Lincoln would categorize other blacks as "cry babies," "lazy," etc. In short, Lincoln blacks, while denouncing the crimi- nal justice system, were not prone to take up arms for blacks who were arrested and made subjects Of the system. The test data, which support the validity Of the interview results, will be dis- played and discussed in forthcoming chapters and appendices. What trends are established in the interviews are also supported by a review of the literature, the content analysis of black music, folklore, and contemporary periodical literature, as well as other survey research. Black Folklore, POpular Literature, Crime, and the Police Folklore is a vivid record of a peOple, palpitating with life itself, and its greatest art is its artlessness. It is a true and unguarded portrait, for where art may be selective, may conceal, may gloss over defects, and even prettify, folk- ' lore is always revealing, always truthful in the sense that it is a spontaneous expression. It is, therefore, three- dimensional with the sense of "life" and "people." It pro- ceeds in a straight line towards the significant and ignores the trivial.73 Whatever else may be said about the white view of the police, 100 years Of dime novels, detective stories, "High Noons," "French Connections," and "Adam 12's" have placed the police, at least 89 partially, in the folk-hero category. Radical students, civil- libertarians, prohibition, and corruption notwithstanding, a large part of the police image in the white mind is an admirable one. By contrast, many black minds contemplate the police from a somewhat different folklore perSpective. "Unscientific," "nonscholarly," nonquantifiable views Of a people's concerns are Often the most revealing. Music has tradi- tionally been one of those views, and black music, more than that of the American mainstream, illustrates this phenomenon quite well. Music is an expression Of a people's deepest cultural values and this is especially true of Afro-Americans. The con- stricted status of blacks has limited their Opportunities for social and political expression and forced them to rely upon songs and folklore, often containing hidden or double mean- ings, to express sorrow, resignation, humor, satire, anger and protest. Black music reflects the changing conditions of Afro-Americans over time. The spirituals help us understand slavery; work songs and country blues tell us much about blacks in the post-Emancipation South; urban blues and jazz are keys tO the urban black experience. Bessie Smith, an immortal Of black music, has a favorite and famous blues number entitled "Jail-House Blues." The song hardly finds a comparison in white American folk music. Another set of blues lyrics sung in swayback bars through- out the black North and South asks: Well have you ever been to Nashville? Have you ever been to Nashville? Have you ever been to Nashville? 0 Lawdy to the Nashville Pen? Boys, if you don't stog stealin You'll go back again.7 90 Blind Lemon Jefferson, a World War I and Prohibition Era contemporary Of Leadbelly, had a favorite blues song entitled Hangman's Blues: The mean old Hangman's waiting to tighten up that noose Lord I'm so scared, I'm trembling in my shoes The crowd's around the courthouse an' the time is goin fast Soon a good-for nothin killer is gOin to breathe his last.76 A Dallas, Texas, blues song states: I shot at my woman because I was tired Of so much bull arn I said policeman jumped me, run me like a rabbit from a burnin barn.77 Lonnie Johnson, a famous blues singer of a generation ago, carried the police theme further: The police run me from Cairo all through Arkansas They put me in jail behind those cold iron bars The police they say "work, 78 fight, or go to jail. . . " Just the titles Of some other songs carry the unmistakable theme of crime and violence: "Mississippi Jail House Groan" "Back in Jail Again" "First Degree Murder Blues" "Kidnappers Blues" "Jailhouse Fire Blues" "Gravel Camp Blues" "Cocaine Blues" "Shelby County Workhouse Blues" "Blood Hound Blues" "High Sheriff Blues" "Revenue Man Blues" "Parchman Farm Blues" ."Judge Harsh Blues" "My Crime Blues" "Big Rock Jail" "Chain Gang Trouble" "45 Pistol Blues"79 91 The relatively "new" fact of black-on-black crime has long been a recognized social phenomenon in black music. Note the follow- ing lyrics: I walked all night long with my 32-20 in my hand Looking for my woman, well 80 I found her with another man. One can only assume what use the 32-20 Winchester was put to. Another famous blues song depicts the theme again: I got de blues, but too damn mean to cry Wake up in de mornin by city clock bell Niggers up town giving cocaine hell I tell you once and I tell you twice Next time I tell you, goin to take yo life Went up town wid my hat in my han' 81 Good mornin Judge, done kill my man. And still another song of intra-racial violence: I went down town de yudder night A sassing and a wantin a fight Has a forty-dollar razzer and gatlin gun Fer to shoot 2 Them niggers down. "Frankie and Johnnie" was originally a black ballad originat- 83 ing in St. Louis called "Frankie and Albert." "She shot her man 'cause he done her wrong" is the well-known theme and, again, it is one of crime and black-on-black violence. Male-female altercations, the source of so much police business in the black ghettos, is further reflected in the follow- ing lines: Now I'm goin to get me a picket right Off-a my back fence And I'm goin to whup my 84 woman till she get some sense. 92 Red River Blues contains this line: GO down to the camp and tell my brother Bill 85 That woman he's lovin', she's gonna gat him killed. The black ghetto with all its criminal harshness is vividly depicted in this next blues song, "45 Pistol Blues": Lord but I'm going over to 3rd alley Lord but I'm going to carry my gun Because you know ain't many men goes there and comes back alive They will shoot you and cut you lord they will knock you down And you can ask anybody ain't that the baddest place in town Men's carry 38's Womens carry razors tOO And you know you better not start nothing they'll make away with you Say I ain't goin to 3rd alley Unless I change my mind 'cause you know I done got shot once Lord my 45 most at home Lord my 45 most too big 'cause you know when I carry that gun Lord I can't keep it hid.86 Humor is also often a key to the inner thoughts of a people. Nathan Ausbel, writing of the humor of another persecuted group, the Jewish peOple, states: Jews are skillful at joke-making because they are also virtuosi in the art of pathos. They have been tempered by necessity to take life passionately--with gaiety, as well as with sober earnestness. Like every thoughtful tragedian from Dionysius on down, he has taught himself how to laugh. Perhaps most important Of all, he has learned how to laugh at himself. This has made it easier for him to take himself and his troubles less 87 seriously and thus help remove the sting from an unjust fate. Much the same point is made of black-American humor: Where does humor fit in the blood-stained history Of the black American? It has been important in its use as a survival tool during slavery, significant in its role in softening stereo- types that have perpetuated racial intolerance from the 93 antebellum period, and useful in the insights provided in the changing psyche of the black American. In Negro humor we have a surreptitious form Of protest which contains within itself much aggression and hostility that could not find socially acceptable outlets in the power of white society. Negro humor, in form and content, is a deriva- tive of the Negro's unique social position in American life.88 To begin: One day, not very long ago, an elderly black man got off a Greyhound bus in a medium-size city in Alabama. He was broke, friendless, hungry, and lost. The first man he saw was a policeman. "What time is it boss?" The Officer struck him two licks with his club and said, "Two O'clock Nigger--Why?" "Nothing Cap'n, I'se just glad it ain't twelve."89 An Ebony cartoon depicts a black man with his hands in the air in a doctor's office. The doctor has placed his stethoscope on the black man's back. The patient states, "Yes, Doctor, I do live in a high crime area. How do you know?"90 In another cartoon, a black athlete is running a hurdle race against several white Opponents when all Of a sudden he stOps. The hurdle in his lane is a traffic horse marked "POLICE LINE, DO NOT CROSS."9] A March 1975 issue of Epogy_depicts a totally bandaged man on crutches limping into an Office whose window sign, "Soul Insur- ance," can be plainly seen in the background. The Office manager looks up at him and states, "I know it's a tough district Jackson, but why not give it a chance instead of quitting after two hours on the job?"92 94 In a Mississippi town a black man was arrested for crossing a street on a red light. He explained to the judge, "I saw all the white folks going on the green light. I thought the red light was for us colored folks." The judge let him Off.93 A black man in an Alabama town was arrested for fighting with a white man. The police buried the black man up to his neck in the jail house yard and set two bulldogs on him. The black prisoner began nodding his head so fast the dogs couldn't grab Onto him. The police called out to the black man to "fight those bulldogs fair."94 In North Carolina a black man hit a mule with his car and killed it. He was arrested and brought before the judge. The judge asked him if the mule was white or black. The defendant said, "It was a white mule, Your Honor." The judge replied, "If it was a white mule, you say 'Mr. Mule.‘ Don't you come calling no white mule just another mule."95 The topics employed in Negro jokes continued to be the stereotypes grown hoary with age and familiar with repetition: argu- ment, bragging, chicken-stealing, court cases, courtship, death, divorce, doctors, fears, fighting, funerals, ignorance, jail terms,‘ law, lying, marriage troubles, money, mules, nonsense, watermelon stealing, and whiskey drinking. The mainstream Of white humor is hardly comparable. Each reflects its own wellsprings. Epogy magazine as a mirror Of current black folkways, morals, political and social concerns cannot be easily denied. I conducted a content analysis Of Ebony from October 1972 through November 1976 hoping to 95 discover the magazine's level and direction~o>:_ cowuuo paocpwz zmzocm page mums ma :mu mmmcmsu Noop New RN xm xv Noo_ fies xop go xc NOQP &mm RNN me fie goo~ xmm xmm NNP Ne Noo— x0 fimp xqm xwm m 0 Fame pmmeu amczmsom umzzmsom ~mmo noose p u h m mmsmmmwo mmcmmmwo mmcm< a mmsm< :5; n 5 Amucwucoamms Fpm ev meumpn an umnmm: mmcmzu moanosa on xsmmmwum: mm mucmpom> cuss 30:--.m «Fame 104 aoop Roo~ &oo~ Roop ROOF ape xvc wow xmm &o_ amp Rum xmm xom xmp amp am— xcm xvm Nmm am xmp Nm— xmp xmm .gmzocm Hume mourn mxmu ppw: mmmcmsu msoemn xgmmmmom: mp umFFPx men m—aomn msom gave: cm ummuocm .gmzocm ummm uaonm ugmzoga on coo mmacmgu meowmn agmmmwumc mm momgwu augmaosq guns m? mews“ some: cw ummuoea .cmaocm ummm uzonm unmzosa on on mmacmcu so» Acmmmwumc mm «magma xasmaoca meow mw mews» ;u_;z cm ummposa .zmaocm “mow msoo ow mmmcmzu cow xgmmmmum: m? «can use mpaoma meow sues: cw “monoca .zuancw so amazon zaewqosa mcm>po>cw copuum “segue: zmzocm “mum mums on coo mmmcogu _eooe puma ummsw a mmsmmMmo umgzmeom mmsmmmwo “mesmEom mmsm< Fame ammsw m mmcm< Anon u zv Amucmucoammg xumpn &v wmxumpn An venom: «mango «unvogn op symmmmumc mm mucwpow> suns 3o:--.m mpnmh 105 Table 7.--What is called "violence"? (in percent) All Black ReSpondents Respondents (N = 1,374) (N = 303) Police Police beating students is violence 56 82 Police shooting looters is violence 35 59 Police frisking is violence 16 34 Burglary Looting is violence 85 74 Burglary is violence 65 7O Dissent Student protest is violence 38 23 Sit-ins are violence 22 15 Draft card burning is violence 58 51 Denial Of civil rights is violence 49 7O An August 1969 survey of 469 black households (out of an estimated 1,300) in Menlo Park, California, revealed a great deal of support for the concept of law enforcement, even though 49% of those queried rated this particular police department (Menlo Park) as "poor." However, 50% of those who rated the department as "poor" stated they would increase their rating if enforcement activities in traffic and juvenile crime were increased. Some 202 of the 469 respondents wanted more_patrol service.106 We can see, then, that black attitudes toward law, law enforcement, and law enforcers, police, judges, and penal workers reflect a multitude of shades and Opinions. While the black atti- tude, compared to the overall white attitude, is more perceptive, critical, and liberal, it is not antagonistic to the point where 106 blacks have rejected roles within the criminal justice system in general, and within the police in particular. Blacks do recognize and criticize the shortcomings Of the criminal justice system. But they also recognize the necessity for the system and the wide- spread problems Of a law enforcement nature that exist within the black community. The recognition and criticism can be traced over several past generations through song and story. The current level and direction of black Opinion, the current preoccupation Of black Opinion makers (and reflectors Of black Opinion) with criminal justice themes has long and old roots within the fabric of black society. It is only recently, however (certainly no further back than a generation), that blacks could realistically hope to affect the processes Of law and law enforcement from within. Blacks recognize that their main role vis-a-vis the criminal justice system was that Of victim. The recognition centered on the undeniable facts that: 1. Blacks were exploited and held down by majority societal laws, folkways, mores, and institutions. 2. These realities could be changed but only if blacks took action to force and/or demand change. 3. The criminal justice system as a particular institution, and as the enforcement arm of white Opinion, was particu- larly neglectful of black needs in three main ways: a. Blacks were not protected from the extensive crimi- nal activity present and active within the black community, i.e., black-on-black crime. 107 b. When police activity did focus on blacks, the mea- sures taken were often designed to maintain the caste status quo and were also excessively brutal or over- reactive in their particulars. c. Blacks were overwhelmingly unacceptable within police ranks even if black candidates displayed "ideal" white police attitudes toward the black community. The black criminal justice student Of today does reflect all these preceding facts, opinions, folkways, hopes, and attitudes. He has seen both the effect of crime and the criminal justice system on the black community, and he appears more capable Of finding the reality that defines and addresses the problem than the average white respondent. The black criminal justice student, as a reflec- tion of black attitudes structured over many generations, is neither an irreconcilable enemy of the criminal justice system nor a sup- porter Of black criminality as a means Of protest against the inequities Of that system. Blacks at the very least are more cog- nizant Of the disastrous effect black crime has on black peOple. They are also more cognizant of the disastrous effect unequal appli- cation Of the law has had on black peOple. See Appendix B for an extended discussion Of black-white attitudinal differences relating to race and racial interchanges and mixes. CHAPTER III PROCEDURAL FRAMEWORK Hypothetical Foundation This work begins with the assumption that black criminal justice students differ significantly from white criminal justice students with respect to those social and political attitudes that are most likely to affect person-tO-person contacts by criminal justice agency members and that are also most likely to affect the perceived tone Of the agency. The fact that a black student defies overt social expectations (both black and white) by choosing to major in criminal justice indicates a degree of individuality and courage not common in our "other-directed" society and usually not required Of his white counterpart. The usual theory is that conformity or compliance in behavior is the price most Of us are willing to pay for the approval of the group which has us under scrutiny and to avoid the punishment that might be applied against our violation of its norms. There are, [however], some individuals who act out their . . . attitudes . . . despite group pressure facing them.107 It has been shown previously that black police officers are increasingly willing to violate the norms of the "pOlice world" and identify publicly with the black world. (In no case, however, has 108 Black a black police group defended black criminal actions.) people are Often cross-pressured men. They exist in two different worlds and in two different societies at the same time without 108 109 belonging completely to either one. The expectation that this msy, be a norm,_in the case of black police Officers, is Obviously not 109 without foundation. The isolation of blacks has, in fact, resulted in the emergence of an ethnically distinctive ghetto sub- 110 culture. This fact becomes significant in the light of empiri- cal findings that policemen tend to be more conservatiVe (both politically and socially) than the general public.]]] Some scientific personality testing procedures have also demonstrated distinct differences between white and black modal personalities. The evidence suggests several possible social-political personality models among blacks, particularly those blacks who choose a criminal justice career. To review, historical data confirm that, while blacks have indeed developed a distinct sub- culture, most black individuals are somewhat bicultural in that they share views and ideals with both the minorityyand majority grogps, We have also seen that while defiance Of group expecta- tions is unusual, black policemen have become increasingly defiant of the expectations of both their blaCk and police constituents. Moreover, while white policemen are, as a group, conservative, socially and politically, black policemen, as a group, have adopted "liberal" attitudes that demand, interalia, change in the police establishment and in the political and social structures that govern it. I therefore present the following hypotheses: 110 1. Black criminal justice students will be significantly more concerned about social injustice and more liberal in their political attitudes than their white counter- parts. 2. Black criminal justice students will demonstrate sig- nificantly greater disregard Of peer group expectations, demands, and rewards than will white criminal justice students. 3. Black criminal justice students will demonstrate sig- nificantly greater independence from family expectations ' and demands than will their white counterparts. 4. Black criminal justice students will demonstrate sig- nificantly greater dissatisfaction with the criminal justice system and its components than will their white counterparts. Study Instrument A commercially produced and distributed test instrument was chosen as the tool with which to examine the hypotheses. The instrument is the College Student Questionnaire (CSQ), produced by Educational Testing Service (ETS) Of Princeton, New Jersey. The College Student Questionnaire was develOped in the late 1950's and early 1960's by Berkeley sociologist Martin Trow. Professor Trow had done extensive survey work with a large cross- section of students, and he provided Educational Testing Service with a pool Of questionnaire items he had gleaned from these 111 surveys. From this pool of questions, Trow provided the College Student Qgestionnaire, the content areas covered, and the specific 113 item formats adopted. Subsequently, Richard Peterson, a research psychologist and chairman Of the Higher Education Research Group in the Development Research Division of the Educational Testing Service, expanding on the work of Trow, Burton Clark, Harry Schuman, Robert Stanfield, and Johnathon Warren (who were working in the same area), and the results of 120,000 testings of the College Student Qpestionnaire at 250 colleges and universities, develOped a model of eight student types distinguishable in terms Of their dominant value commitment. These types are:n4 Vocationalists: This student's main commitment is to developing a skill with which to pursue a specific occupational career. He generally comes from a working-class background and desires primarily to acquire a skill that will ensure the security and social standing that his family has lacked. Professionalists: In general, this student comes from an upper-middle-class background. He seeks high academic achievement. He desires entrance into one of the prestigious and high-paying profes- sions. Collegiates: This student's commitment is to "popularity, play and sex." He is a supporter of extra-curricular activities, ski-weekends, and conformity. Generally of low intellectual attainment, he is usually from a middle-class background. Ritualists: This student has been swept into college through external pressures, usually by a desire to please his parents. The institution he is in is merely a situation with which to COpe, but not to become excited about. He does not take part in peer-group activity and is generally detached from collegiate concerns. He is usually from a lower socioeconomic level. 112 Academics: This category is virtually self-defining. He is broadly middle class in background, committed to a Ph.D., a career of scholarship and research, and while liberal in his tendencies, is seldom radical. He pursues knowledge within a specific, well—defined academic discipline. Intellectuals: These students tend to come from upper- and middle-class families and are concerned with the traditional concerns of the philosopher, i.e., those questions Of interest to intelligent men everywhere. While the academic is motivated by grades, the intellectual is not. Left Activists: As Keniston has pointed out, the left activist is usually from a prosperous, liberal background.“5 He is highly intelligent, majoring in the social sciences or the humanities, and is com- mitted to personal, direct action designed to change some funda- mental aspect Of American life. The difference between radicals and intellectuals lies in the radical's willingness to act. Hippies: These students are pessimistically apolitical. They reject virtually all traditional, reformist or revolutionary commit- ments and desire to withdraw from collegiate life and its external pressures. On a continuum of degree of acceptance or rejection of pre- vailing American institutions and values, we may array these "ideal types" as follows: ACCEPTANCE NEUTRAL REJECTION Vocation- w‘C‘ollegi'ates Ritualists Academ- ’Intel- Left alists ics lectuals Activists Profession- Hippies alists The College Student Questionnaire itself measures 11 differ- ent scales from which these student types (and what they imply) may be discerned. (A twelfth scale, academic attitudes, is used as a control device.) The scales are: 113 l--SF--Satisfaction with Faculty 2--SA--Satisfaction with Administration 3--SM--Satisfaction with Major Field 4--SS--Satisfaction with Students 5--SH--Study Habits 6--EI--Extra Curricular Involvement 7--FI--Family Independence 8--PI--Peer Independence 9-- L--Liberalism 10--SC--Social Conscience ll--CS--Cultural Sophistication The scales were constructed in a logical, or a priori manner, rather than through factor analysis or some other essentially empirical analysis. The concepts implied by the labels given the scales, e.g., satisfaction with faculty, cultural sophistication, were concepts that were judged to be implicit in the pool Of ques- tionnaire items assembled by Martin Trow.”6 We refer to the scales in the College Student Questionnaire as a "summated" scale. The four alternatives on each item have weights ranging in order from 1 through 4. An individual's scale score is the sum of each of the 10 item values. The score range, therefore, for each Of the scales is 10 through 40. When a student omits three or more items, no scale score is computed. When one or two items are omitted, the mean of the answered item values multi- plied by the number Of omitted items is added to the sum Of the answered items to Obtain total scores. The scales are ordinal 114 measures only. The scores serve to order groups of students in "higher than" or "lower than" relationships. These are pot_inter- val scales. The difference between a mean Of 25.5 and 26.5 is not necessarily the same as the difference between 31.5 and 32.5. Equal score differences dO not necessarily signify equal differ- ences in terms of the measured trait.”7 Questions comprising the 11 scales in the College Student Questionnaire are identified by the numbers below. 1. (SF) Satisfaction with Faculty: 55, 56, 58, 61, 66, 67, 70, 72, 73, 74 2. (SA) Satisfaction with Administration: 43, 50, 52, 53, 57, 59, 64, 65, 71, 84 3. (SM) Satisfaction with Major: 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 4. (SS) Satisfaction with Students: 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 113, 115, 117, 118 5. (SH) Study Habits: 77, 78, 79, 81, 83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93 6. (E1) Extracurricular Involvement: 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 51, 54 7. (F1) Family Independence: 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157 8. (PI) Peer Independence: 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167 9. (L) Liberalism: 171, 173, 176, 177, 179, 185, 186, 188, 192, 194 115 10. (SC) Social Conscience: 170, 172, 174, 178, 181, 182, 189, 191, 199 11. (CS) Cultural Sophistication: 180, 183, 184, 187, 190, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199 Observe closely "liberalism," "social conscience," "satis- faction with major," "satisfaction with faculty," "satisfaction with administration," "satisfaction with family," "family independence," and "peer independence." These dimensions appear to contain the major differences among criminal justice students that would inter- est us. We may more easily evaluate the soundness of these scale choices as descriptive of the hypothesized social-political views by considering a dissertation undertaken at Michigan State University in 1966, in which the College Student Questionnaire was administered to 75 students equally divided among 25 left-oriented activists, a control group of 25 nonactivist students carefully matched to the 118 The activist activist sample, and 25 student government leaders. group consisted of leaders Of the local 505 and SNCC organizations as well as a local group called the Committee for Student Rights (CSR). The student government leaders were elected officials of the regular student administrative body, Associated Students of Michigan State University (ASMSU). Results on the scales are shown in Table 8.1'9 116 Table 8.--The CSQ at Michigan State. Standard Score Percentile Score Activists (SA) Satisfaction with Administration (SM) Satisfaction with Major (SF) Satisfaction with Faculty (FI) Family Independence (PI) Peer Independence (L) Liberalism (SC) Social Conscience Nonactivist Control Sample (SA) Satisfaction with Administration (SM) Satisfaction with Major (SF) Satisfaction with Faculty (FI) Family Independence (PI) Peer Independence (L) Liberalism (SC) Social Conscience Student Government Leaders (SA) Satisfaction with Administration (SM) Satisfaction with Major (SF) Satisfaction with Faculty (FI) Family Independence (PI) Peer Independence (L) Liberalism (SC) Social Conscience Below 30 41 47 7O 63 73 6O 44 42 47 58 55 56 50 42 41 40 56 48 51 47 Below 3rd percentile 20th 4lst 97th 86th 99th 84th 30th 25th 4lst 80th 66th 69th 50th 24th 20th 16th 70th 48th Slst 40th percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile percentile 117 In 1967 the College Student Questionnaire was administered to a group of approximately 600 black freshmen at Morgan State College (a predominantly black college), 75% of whom were from blue- collar families. These 600 students were then compared to approxi- mately 12,700 white freshmen from a variety of predominantly white institutions only, 33% of whom could be classified as blue collar. Five CSQ scales were tested. They were:120 Peer Independence Family Independence Liberalism Social Conscience Cultural Sophistication Results were as follows:]21 Table 9.--The CSQ at Morgan State. Morgan Freshmen Other Freshmen N Mean 50 N Mean SD Scale *Family Independence 563 22.36 5.29 12,709 24.35 5.57 **Peer Independence 585 27.43 4.24 12,814 27.27 4.36 *Liberalism 574 31.19 4.00 12,574 27.68 4.69 *Social Conscience 584 34.12 5.66 12,687 33.02 5.66 *Cultural 585 25.44 5.00 12,685 24.83 5.74 Sophistication *Difference in means significant at the .01 level. **Difference in means not statistically significant. 118 Family Independence (F1) was significantly different for the Morgan State freshmen. They were lgss_inde- pendent than the "other" freshmen. Peer Independence was not a source Of significant dif- ference in the Morgan State study. Black students were more liberal than the "other" students. Black students were more socially conscious. Morgan State freshmen are significantly more culturally SOphisticated than "other" freshmen. Obviously, there exist some serious attitudinal differences between many sampled groups, which the questionnaire is capable of measuring. Thus, I feel confident that the instrument is useful for differentiating between white and black criminal justice students, as suggested by our hypotheses. Socioeconomic Group Classification The first part Of the questionnaire includes three key ques- tions designed to elicit data by which one could classify the back- grounds of the students who filled it out. They are: A. Which of the following categories comes closest to your father's occupation? If your father is retired, deceased, or unemployed, indicate his former or customary occupation. (Mark one only.) 1. Unskilled worker, laborer, farm worker. 2. Semi-skilled worker (i.e., machine operator). 3. Service worker (i.e., policeman, fireman, barber, military noncommissioned officer, etc.). 119 Skilled worker or craftsman (carpenter, electrician, plumber). Salesman, bookkeeper, secretary, Office worker, etc. Owner, manager, partner Of small business, lower level Of government work, military commissioned Officer. Profession requiring a bachelor's degree (engineer, elementary or secondary school teacher, etc.). Owner, high-level executive--large business or high-level governmental commission Profession requiring an advanced college degree (doctor, lawyer, college professor, etc.). What is your best estimate of the total income last year Of your parental family (not your own, if you are mar- ried)? Consider annual income from all sources before taxes. 1. Less than $4,000. 2. $4,000 to $5,999. 3. $6,000 to $7,999. 4. $8,000 to $9,999. 5. $10,000 to $13,999. 6. $14,000 to $19,999. 7. $20,000 to $25,999. 8. $26,000 to $31,999. 9. Over $32,000. How much formal education does (did) your father have? Indicate only the highest level (i.e., mark only one Of the nine alternatives). 1. 2. 3. NO formal schooling or grade school only. Finished grade school. Some high (or secondary) school. 120 4. Finished high school. 5. Business or trade school. 6. Some college. 7. Finished college (four years). 8. Attended graduate or professional school (i. e. ,law or medical school) but did not attain a graduate or professional degree. 9. Attained a graduate or professional degree (i. e. , MA, Ph. 0., MD). Originally five class categories were constituted. There were: 1. Upper-middle Middle-middle Lower-middle boom Upper-lower Declassé After analysis Of the data available on the population under study, it was decided that it would be more convenient to collapse the categories as follows: 1. Upper class 2. Lower class 3. Declassé Income was dropped as a factor in class determination, since it is quite possible for a semi-literate skilled workman to earn as much, and to live in a neighborhood comparable to, a college prO- fessor. Certainly, in some parts of the South, a member of an ~industrial union, such as the United Steel Workers, can have an 121 income greater than that of a college professor. In these cases, class certainly is not income-determined. The original (noncollapsed) class categories were based on the following professional-educational variables. (See the list at the beginning Of this chapter for definition of number-letter combinations, i.e., l-E, 8-1, 8-9, etc.) The letter stands for the stem. The number stands for the foil as listed. 1. Upper-middle class Job classification 8-8 or 8-9, ggg_educational classi- fication D-7, 0-8, or D-9. 2. Middle-middle class Job classification 8-6 or 8-7, gpg_educational classi- fication 0-6, 0-7, 0-8, or 0-9. 3. Lower-middle class a. Job classification 8-6 gpg_educational classification D-4 and D-5. b. Job classification 8-4 or 8-5 spg_educational clas- sification D-4, D-S, 0-6, D-7, 0-8, or 0-9. c. Job classification B-3 gpg_educational classification D-7 or 0-8. 4. Upper-lower class a. Job classification 8-4 spg_educational classification D-l, 0-2, or D-3. b. Job classification 8-3 ggg_educational classification D-1, D-2, D-3, D-4, D-5, or D-6. 122 c. Job classification 8-2 Egg educational classification D-l, D-2, 0-3, 0-4, 0-5, or D-6. d. Job classification B-l gpg_educational classification D-l, 0-2, D-3, D-4, 0-5, or 0-6. 5. Declasse Other combination. (This category was instituted to encompass those situations where professional level and educational level were so disparate that no class cate- gory could be agreed on.) When the collapsed categories Of upper class, lower class, and declassé were formed, they were constituted as follows: Upper class - Upper-middle class and middle-middle class Lower class Lower-middle class and upper-lower class Declassé Declassé Recall that the new categories are developed from precisely the same variables as the Old ones. Methodology Survey research is not only a popular tool, it has become an increasingly important instrument for serious research. Granted that survey research is somewhat imprecise, that it is too sensi- tive to unmeasurable concepts such as the quixotic disposition Of the questioner and the indefiniteness Of the subject matter or the state Of the householder's domestic relations. Granted that it is subject to the criticism that it implies the possibility of inter- personally comparing subjective utility. Granted all Of this, the 123 fact remains that for a great deal Of sociological research, there is simply no reasonable alternative. Mature scientific research, by definition, involves the testing of theoretically derived hypotheses. In this study, our hypotheses are grounded in a theory Of opinion formation among various segments Of the public. To test these hypotheses, we must confront them with data. Survey research is simply the best avail- able data-collecting instrument. Unlike the "hard" sciences, laboratory testing is usually unrealistic, expensive, and perhaps an unethical alternative. In short, all modes of social science methodology are limited, and if research is to await the emergence of a perfect method, important and necessary studies will never begin. . . . The methodological investigation of the causes of social phenomena is beset by peculiar difficulties. Any social change we seek to explain is meshed in an entangled web Of its inclusive history. It is dependent on conditions arising within every order Of realit --pnysical, biological, psychological and social. The factors we invoke embarrassingly combine the universal elements of teleological causation. The phenomena themselves are Often difficult to demarcate. What shall we include in a social movement? There is imbalance and mobility, the constant emergence or injection of new elements. What we call the movement or the trend is an aspect of an endlessly variant flux. We cannot isolate it for experimental study. We cannot find two identi- cal instances Of it, or even two instances with no relevant difference between them. Nor can we find two instances which differ only in the gresence or absence of a single clearly designated factor.1 2 Scientific inquiry amounts to the deduction Of and the choice from among alternative hypotheses. Explanatory value, therefore, depends on the ability of the theory to predict real phenomena. If the data tend to confirm the hypothesis, then the 124 theory is Of predictive value and thus furnishes useful explanations of social phenomena.123 Questionnaires and interviews are probably the most flex- ible and generally useful devices we have for gathering infor- mation. If one were going to be limited to a single method, then certainly a verbal report from a respondent would be the choice. With no other device can an investigator swing his attention into so many areas of substantive content, Often simultaneously, and also gather intelligence of the extent to which his findings are hampered by population restrictions. The controlled laboratory setting makes for excellent internal validity, as one has tight control over the condi- tions of administration and internal structure Of the question- naire, but the specter of low generalizability is ever present}24 Survey research, on the other hand, often provides the only realistic alternatives. Certainly, the conditions Of administra- tion in survey research are extremely difficult to control, but so are the conditions under which people socially and politically react to each other. We seek connection between data and theory. Survey research provides this connection. It must be restated, however, that data never prove a hypothesis, that they can only support it. There is a strong mutual dependence of data and theory, the theory determining which of the multitudinous facts of social life are to be selected for investigation, and the data lending support to the theory. Hypotheses testing has long represented the model Of research procedure because the hypothesis is presumably drawn from theoretical considera- tions and because it is potentially nullified by empirical data. While hypothesis testing, in this strict sense, is Of great value in survey research, it is by no means the sole nor even the dominant, procedure employed. There are several reasons why this is the case. The first point is that even if the hypothesis is drawn from a theory and is supported by the data, the data does not prove the theory; they only support it. The second reason why hypothesis-testing cannot serve as the sole scientific procedure is this: that even if the 125 hypothesis is confirmed in survey analysis, one's job is still not done. The possibility still remains that the relationship may be spurious, that is, may be due to extraneous variables. The third point is that much can be learned in survey analysis which is not based on the explicit testing Of clearly formulated hypotheses. Indeed, the strict and exclusive adherence to hypothesis testing as the sole scientific model may seriously impoverish research. The wide range Of knowledge which can be Obtained through the various processes of elabora- tion, the flow of analysis, the "pursuit of an idea" and the analysis Of the evidence is largely cut Off through strict adherence to the model of hypothesis testing.125 Consequently, social scientists must be willing to adjust views of phenomena under current study. Serendipity is not to be rejected out of hand. On the contrary, it is to be sought and welcomed. Ultimate results depend greatly on the connections one can make between data obtained and the theories derived. It is possible, Of course, that the data will partially or wholly refute the theory. Even if the data do support the hypothesis, we may not be justified in reaching any final conclusions. . . . [I]f the independent testing Of the conclusion shows it to be true, then the hypothesis is shown, not to be true, but to be plausible. A sufficient collection Of several proofs, all hav1ng the hypothesis as an identical bit Of evidence and all with their conclusions independently known to be true, can provide a test for the hypothesgs that will show it to be highly probable [emphasis added]. Probability theory permits us to determine the extent to which groups, randomly selected from the same population, are likely to differ by chance. Statistically significant tests, which calcu- late the probability of chance differences, make it possible to say, with a specified degree of certainty, whether the difference between the two groups on the dependent variable is or is not greater than would be expected by chance.127 126 Measurement always occurs in a more or less complex situa- tion in which many factors may influence both the characteristic being measured and the measurement process itself. Scientific research proceeds by attempting to control the more important Of these variables and by assuming (with justification) that the random variation of uncontrolled factors will not bias the test results.128 Accordingly, for our purpose consider the following passage from Rosenberg: . .One might hypothesize that Negroes in American society would be more alienated than whites. This prediction might be based on the assumption that people that are systematically deprived of the rewards of society would be little disposed to adOpt the dominant value system of the society. The point is that even if the hypothesis is drawn from a theory and is supported by the data, the data does not prove the theory; they only support it. While the findings may be consistent with the theory that give rise to the hypothesis, they may also be consistent with other theories. All research must begin with certain assumptions from which empirically falsifiable propositions are deduced. SO it is in this study. We begin with the admittedly unproven (but reasonable) proposition that low-status groups (by definition, those subject to greater social and economic deprivation, Oppression, and exploitation) are more interested in social change than are their high-status counterparts. Conversely, the high-status groups sup- port the maintenance of the status quo more than low-status groups. In the United States, support Of the status quO is currently iden- tified as conservatism. This would not have been true in the Germany of 1920-1932. 127 The test was administered at three universities having schools or departments Of criminal justice. One hundred ninety-four tests were administered. Twelve of these were administered at Michigan State University to a night class of junior-level, active police Officers, all of whom were white.* This group was deleted from the final analysis. All of the schools chosen had specific curricula in criminal justice that allowed students the Option Of identifying as a crimi- nal justice major. In other words, with some minor, unimportant exceptions, all the students in our sample had chosen to major in a law-enforcement-related field. The institutions are Michigan State University, University of Illinois-Chicago Circle, and Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Missouri. We chose these institutions for several reasons. Michigan State University, as the location of the leading school Of criminal justice in the nation, was an obvious choice. Michigan State Uni- versity has a relatively large contingent of black students who had elected to major in criminal justice. Moreover, MSU had made strenuous and conscious efforts to increase its black enrollment. Thirteen Of the 73 students tested in regular classes at MSU were black. In short, MSU provides an ideal institutional setting in *Mean scores on two scales for two apparently Opposite groups were as follows: MSU Active Police Students Liberal ism--23.92 Social Conscience--29.00 Lincoln Blacks Liberalism--23.87 Social Conscience--24.95 128 which to investigate the social-political outlooks of black and white criminal justice students as they relate to each other. University Of Illinois at Chicago Circle was chosen for its identifiable major in criminal justice, its relatively large number Of black students, its proximity to the domicile Of the researcher, and its dissimilarity to Michigan State. This was an important consideration in view Of the data desired. If similarities or dif- ferences in social-political views appeared between black and white students in dissimilar institutions, then the gaps are likely a result Of factors not inherent in the educational environment itself. As at MSU, the Chicago Circle campus Of Illinois had made conscious efforts to enroll a greater number of black students as criminal justice majors. 0f the 59 students tested, 9 were black. Lincoln University at Jefferson City, Missouri, was chosen as a test institution for three main reasons. It had an identifiable major Of criminal justice, it was dissimilar to the other two institutions, and it had a large number Of black criminal justice students. This last fact was not really surprising since, until the late 1950's, Lincoln University was a de-facto segregated institution of almost totally black composition. Prior to 1954, it was segre- gated by law. At the time the test was administered, the total black-white student ratio was approximately 1:1. However, of the 38 criminal justice students tested at Lincoln University, 25 were black. I In all cases, I made every effort to test only those stu- dents who were bona fide criminal justice majors. At Lincoln, 129 Illinois, and Michigan State, the classes chosen in which to admin- ister the test were Officially restricted to criminal justice majors. At Illinois, I chose two sections Of a research methods class and one juvenile delinquency class. While the theoretical possibility was present that a small proportion Of nonmajors could have been present in the MSU sample (since 10% of the spaces were so avail- able), no such group Of nonmajors in fact was tested. An additional precaution was exercised by requesting that only declared criminal justice majors should participate. No freshmen were tested at either MSU or Illinois. Of the sample, most were juniors and seniors. Eight Of the white students at MSU were sophomores. One Of the MSU blacks was in graduate school. Three Of the MSU whites were in graduate school. No student at Illinois was less than a junior. At Lincoln University, a somewhat different breakdown was encountered. Freshmen at Lincoln can, and do, declare major fields Of concentration. Eleven of the black students and eight of the white students tested at Lincoln were freshmen. All the rest ranged from SOphomore to senior. All of the black students tested at Illinois considered themselves to be in their major field. Ninety-eight percent of the white students at Illinios considered themselves to be in their major field. All Of the black students tested at Illinois considered themselves to be in their major field. Ninety-eight percent of the white students at Illinois considered themselves to be in their major field. All Of the black students at MSU considered themselves to 130 be in their major field, as did all of the white students. All Of the blacks and 11 of 13 whites at Lincoln, University described themselves as committed to a criminal justice major. The questionnaire provides eight questions, by the use of which students indicate their mpjpr, i.e., "political science," "sociology," "other social science." Notably, there is no specific label for "criminal justice." A label Of "criminology-law- enforcement" is provided, but is buried in the last series of choices under "other profession or vocation." This label is actually choice 67. This mode of presentation results in a somewhat diffused choice spectrum. The vast majority (90) did choose "law enforce- ment." However, the confusing and hidden placement of this choice, coming far after the item "other social science" (which 34 students chose) may partially explain the questionnaire results. The variety of choices (72) and the number Of abstentions (21) suggest that we ought not weigh too heavily this particular facet of the question- naire. For our purposes, then, we treat all test subjects as crimi- nal justice majors. The tests were administered at various times between April 1973 and March 1974. The Michigan State University sample was tested in April and May 1973. The University of Illinois sample was tested in January 1974 and the Lincoln University sample was tested in December 1973 and March 1974. CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS We originally divided our subjects into five socioeconomic groups (SEG), upper-middle, middle-middle, lower-middle, upper- 10wer, and declassé (numbered 1, II, III, IV, and V, respectively). The breakdown of the subjects by SEG, ethnic group, and institution results in the figures in Table 10. For subsequent analysis, indi- viduals in SEG V (declassé) were eliminated and the remaining four SEG's were collapsed into two socioeconomic groups. SEG's I and II together are called the upper SEG and SEG's III and IV together are called the lower SEG. Table lO.--Race by class by school. Blacks Whites I II III IV V I II III IV V MSU O 0 2 10 l 8 14 18 12 8 Illinois-Chicago l 2 2 4 l 5 14 15 6 8 Lincoln 1 O 4 20 1 O l 3 7 O The mean score and the corresponding SEM for each of the 11 scales are shown in Table 11. The scores have also been plotted 131 1132 Table ll.--Questionnaire scores. MSU Illinois-Chicago Lincoln Scale Lower Upper Lower U pper Lower B'aCk White White 3'3““ White White B'ac" White SF ._ X 25.6660 24.5170 25.5710 21.1110 23.6000 23.2100 24.3600 23.4440 SEM 1.7595 .9253 1.0439 1.0199 1.0193 1.2251 1.0310 2.2980 N 12 29 21 9 20 19 25 9 SA ._ X 25.0900 27.2400 27.6190 25.3330 27.7370 23.1870 24.5600 25.1110 SEM 1.7552 .7816 1.0724 1.7321 .8782 1.3910 .9593 1.9890 N 11 25 21 9 19 16 25 9 SM ._ X 26.1000 27.6200 28.8000 25.0000 27.1110 23.1870 23.7270 25.2500 SEM 1.1590 .7332 .9078 1.4960 .7449 .9710 1.1208 1.8203 N 10 29 20 7 18 18 22 8 F1 ._ X 25.3070 26.8270 24.9040 23.2220 25.5710 24.4730 22.7200 24.3000 SEM 1.3653 1.0423 .8589 1.8913 1.3177 1.4560 .9478 1.5206 N 13 29 21 9 21 19 25 10 PI ._ X 27.5380 26.2410 25.1810 27.7500 26.8000 25.1050 23.6080 23.4440 SEM .7228 .8591 .6568 1.3330 .8227 1.0650 .8751 2.3458 N 13 29 21 8 20 19 23 9 L ._ X 29.9160 27.8270 28.5000 29.8750 27.1428 29.6660 23.8750 20.6250_ SEM 1.5785 .9165 .8647 1.0426 1.3130 1.4860 .7181 1.6899 N 12 29 22 8 21 18 24 8 SC ._ X 31.4540 31.2070 31.4590 34.0000 28.5240 28.1580 24.9580 22.8750 SEM 1.5360 .7853 .7522 1.4516 1.3570 1.0125 1.0742 1.7572 N 11 29 22 8 21 19 24 8 AA ._ X 16.0760 18.0660 18.1360 15.3330 19.7140 17.9470 9.9260 12.0830 SEM 1.2933 .6485 .8382 .9574 .7657 .9160 .7584 1.4794 N 13 30 22 9 21 19 27 12 133 as graphical representations (see Appendix A). Questionnaire results relating to opinions about fellow students, extra-curricular participation, cultural sophistication, and study habits were omitted since it was felt that these scales cast little, if any, illumination on the question at hand, i.e., political and social attitudes as applied to criminal justice as a concept and a career. Academic Aptitude is a reported scale for control and comparison purposes. Controls are added for ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Since there were very few blacks in the upper SEG, we decided to display the means for all blacks. This had a very slight effect on the black means. Means for upper SEG whites at Lincoln are not reported as there was only one such subject. A least squares analy- sis of variance was applied separately to each scale to compare the mean score. Two different two-way analyses were performed. One analysis compares two ethnO-socioeconomic groups (blacks vs. whites) within three schools and the other compares two groups (blacks vs. upper whites) within two schools (MSU and Illinois). Discussion Of Analysis Of Variance Results General Results of these analyses Of variance are summarized in Table 12. Each line of this table shows the results of F-tests (variance-ratio test) Of different sources of variation, namely the main effects Of School (Sch) and Ethnic Group (Ethnic). The inter- action variations can be visually noted on the graphs presented at Appendix A. 134 Table 12.--Ana1ysis of variance results. Source School Ethnic Interaction Blacks vs. Lower-Class Whites (Level of Significance of Difference) 1. Satisfaction with Faculty NSD* N30 N50 2. Satisfaction with Administration N50 .10 N50 3. Satisfaction with Major .05 .10 N50 4. Family Independence .05 .10 N50 5. Peer Independence .Ol .10 N50 6. Liberalism .01 .05 N50 7. Social Conscience .Ol .05 N80 8. Academic Aptitude .01 .01 N30 Blacks vs. Upper-Class Whites (Level of Significance Of Difference) 1. Satisfaction with Faculty .05 N50 N50 2. Satisfaction with Administration .05 NSD N50 3. Satisfaction with Major N30 .05 N50 4. Family Independence N50 N50 N50 5. Peer Independence N50 N50 N50 6. Liberalism NSD NSD N50 7. Social Conscience N50 .05 .05 8. Academic Aptitude N50 .05 ‘NSD *NO significant difference. 135 The test for school effect compares the mean scores at the three schools without regard for ethnic group membership. In the test for ethnic-socioeconomic group effect, the black and white means are compared after adjusting for the differing ethnic mix at each school. In effect, the statistical technique contrasts the black mean and the appropriate white mean (lower or upper) at each school and then combines these three (or two) contrasts to form a weighted average. The F-statistic for ethnic group by school inter- action tests whether the black-white contrasts are uniform over schools. A significant interaction means that the black-white contrast is sharper (perhaps even Of Opposite sign) at some schools than at others. For example, on the Social Consciousness (SC) scale, the black mean at Illinois is six points higher than the upper white mean, but at MSU these two groups have nearly identical mean scores. A word of caution is appropriate here. A statistical test can fail to show significant difference between two samples for two reasons: 1. Either there is really no important difference between the populations from which the samples were Obtained or 2. The sample sizes were too small or the variability within the samples too large to permit the detection of a real difference. What may be an example Of the latter is shown in the test on the SC scale in Table 11. The 5.5 point spread between blacks vs. lower-class whites at Illinois is not statistically significantly 136 different from the .3 point spread at MSU. What is puzzling is the fact that the virtually identical contrast for upper whites is significant. Presumably, this may result from greater variability (in terms Of standard deviation) of lower-SEG whites at Illinois compared to upper-SEG whites at that school. We now provide, verbally and graphically, further details outlining school and ethnic differences on the various scales. We hOpe to present the reader with a clear "mental picture" of the important interrelationships we are testing. Tables 11 and 12 (supra) relate intimately to these graphs. For example, Table 12 shows that interaction exists between schools and ethnic groups (black vs. upper whites) on the "Social Conscience" scale. Inter- action variations are those which are not attributable to either Of the two influences acting independently, but rather to their joint effects. For example, in the following graph (which data are used merely as an example) the socioeconomic class is held constant. .4 .. t 5 ‘L E 4L- Q) a J— '2 t U 41— < 4.... U 0%- ‘L_ U ‘— 8 "' < 41... X L I 1 1 Boys Girls Figure 1.--Environment-sex interaction 137 The graph shows that the differences are in Opposite direc- tions. That is to say, the differences between the sexes gp_vary by the environmental setting. Whether or not boys are superior to girls on the average (or vice versa) depends entirely on whether the children are from the city or the country. If city and country children were compared as a group representing a particular envi- ronment there would be little (using the above example), if any, differences in means. In a two-way (boys vs. girls by city vs. country) analysis the main effect for sex would likely be insig- nificant as would the urban vs. rural comparison. Clearly, inter- action between environment and sex dominates this hypothetical example. For example, as mentioned earlier, in the scale "Social Conscience," interaction is present when blacks and upper-class whites are compared. To make the view clear, Figure 2 (eliminating the lower-white group as a point of comparison) is presented. Since Lincoln has no upper-class whites, it is not included. Figure 2 clearly demonstrates that differences between the ethnic groups vary significantly between schools in a manner strongly suggestinganiinteraction between the variables. To explore this possibility further, we computed a "T” statistic which shows significant differences (at the .01 level) between Illinois upper-whites and Illinois blacks, but no signifi-' cant differences between Michigan State blacks and Michigan State upper-whites. (Graph 7 at Appendix A demonstrates this relation- ship.) 138 B 34_\ \ I \ 33 — x’z, cu \ 0 g \0/ .0) 32 ,— \JKO g \\4; MSU 8 31 _ B 390 W 0 \ 0 F. ~\{; ,2 \.Q, U 30‘ \a o \ U) \ 29-— \ \ \ 28 »— \ \ \ W 1 l T l Blacks Whites Figure 2.--School by ethnic group interaction. Discussion Of Questionnaire Results Satisfaction with Faculty (SF) The only significant difference between means of blacks and upper-whites was between schools (.05). This is probably due to the extremely low black score on this scale at Illinois. The dif- ference between blacks and whites in this respect is greater at Illinois than at any other school and, moreover, the black mean relating to this variable is the lowest Of any mean for any group at any Of the schools tested (re: Satisfaction with Faculty). This difference is significant at the .05 level and denotes an Obvious school effect. The school effect can also be seen in the general direction of the white group at Lincoln (and this exception is a 139 mean score difference of .56 compared to the counterpart group at Illinois). Illinois students as a group register lower in Satis- faction with Faculty than students at the other two schools. Blacks at Illinois differ significantly from both lower and upper-whites vis-a-vis views Of the faculty, as compared to blacks at Michigan State (.01). The Obvious differences extend across school lines. Illinois blacks are also depicted on this scale as quite different from Michigan State lower-whites and Illinois upper-whites. It was felt that some idea of how satisfied with,Lj4 ~v-I1' a '-.v r 1 v.59 yv,.—.-,~. .. 14.; ....14—4. .... - ' t, 'r‘v lV‘ 419.11.,vv-y .... '1Q4411Y‘1C" ... v". . .- 04-4" L -- o-Ov . M .- 1. ..1 yd H.1'cto4yo.ol z... . . .9. t4. tvrtI-G“ , -i _, we'v-too-u 4 ~44...- .. .... HT—tq '41-, eta. .-, HAL ‘wo- "Y'T .- twt .,.. t..1.... 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APPENDIX B BLACK AND WHITE ATTITUDINAL SURVEY 192 APPENDIX B BLACK AND WHITE ATTITUDINAL SURVEY In l968, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders published the results of an attitudinal survey of blacks and whites on the subject of race. The surveys, titled respectively "Black Views of Racial Issues," "White Beliefs About Negroes," and "A Comparison of Black and white Attitudes and Experiences in the City," produced the following questions and results.152 Table Bl.--"Would you personally prefer to live in a neighborhood with all Negroes, mostly Negroes, mostly whites, or a neighborhood that is mixed half and half?" (in percent) Negro Men Women Total All Negro 7 8 8 Mostly Negro 7 4 5 Mostly white l l l Mixed half and half 47 48 48 Makes no difference 37 37 37 Don't know 1 2 l l00 lOO l00 Nearly half the Negro sample indicates a preference for a mixed neighborhood and another third claims that the racial char- acter of the neighborhood makes no difference to them. Only one Negro respondent out of eight in our sample favors residential separation. 193 l94 m e o N m m =mcm; cowum: xompn mumgmamm m on upzocm mews“: umzu mwcm< m N m N N __ m=o_oan=amto mugmwm PV>PU a? “can maven“ seem ummmczoummu on cpzogm mmuwcz m>mWPmm N m m N A F_ :3. spa; emu sag“ ct mwpwcg no.3 ow op acmzuo: w>mz upzocm mmogmwz= “as“ mmcm< N_ m m o m _— mcmcummu ogmmz z—pmos m>mc upzogm :mcupwso ogmmz apumoe gov; poocum m>mmpmm m m_ m_ o. o_ m_ =mwocmmz an :3; use amaze an v_=o;m voozgonzmwm: ogmmz m: cm mmcogm m>m__mm cmsoz ocmwz op w m m o_ —_ =wcm; scrum: xomfin mumgoamm a on upzocm mews»: pang mmcm< m m o m NF m_ meowua~vcamco mpsmwm __>wu =_ been m=_xao soc; ummmgaoomwu mo vpaogm mmpwzz m>mw~mm m_ a m_ o q_ mp =uw upm; :mo awn“ m? mmp_nz cpwz on o» mewspo: m>mc cpsozm mmogmmz= was» mmgm< m_ m m mp my mm mcmgommp ogmmz z_umoe w>mc vpzogm :mcufiwcu ogmmz xppmoe saw; Poogum o>mwpmm m_ a. w_ om mm mm =mm0tmmz >5 :3; new umczo an upzocm noosgoacmvmc ocmmz m: cw mmcoum w>mwpmm mm-oo mmsom ovuoe mm-om mmnom mpuop cm: ogmmz .mcowummsc m>_m co mcwxcwgu umwumgmqmm mcwzosm xsomwpmu mam sumo cw mmmucmugmmuu.mm mpnmh 1595 .mmmsommumu —m=owumu:cm ppm mm:_neou naosm mvgha o m N m m e N w m m op =ocm; cameo: Nun—n oumgmamm m on uFaogm acme“. one“ macm< m m m m m OF F. m N e, m. meowua~w=amto mugmwm __>mu a. “can chNmu Eogw ummagaoommu on u_:o;m mouwgz m>ompom a m m m a. o m o _F m_ a, .u_ a_m; emu Nag“ a. map_;z saw: cu o» mcwguoc m>an cpaocm mmocmmz= unnu m>mw_wm m m m a o— oN op op __ m o_ mcmcummu ogmmz apumos m>mz upsozm cmgu_w;u ogmmz xpumos suv: Foogum o>mmpmm m— NP mp m_ o_ om ON mp N, m_ NN =mmogmmz An :3; van cmczo ma upsozm coaggoa;m_mc ocomz a: cw museum w>mm_mm mmmd mmwb magnumgu camp—cu mmnmcu mwcmgu Lo mumaumco mmmppou mmcmco manage Lo mam—poo «sow N— ppum ounce moms—cu meow N— _P-m ounce em~-mp gum gum amq ao-o¢ maa om-o~ am< .Auomusm>u case: vco cos ounoz so» mupzmmgv mcwxcwzu ammuugmamm mcwzocm azogm comumoaum new mom comm cw mmmucmocma--.mm opnmh 196 Table B4.--Which of these statements would you agree with: First, white people have a right to keep Negroes out of their neighborhoods if they want to, or second, Negroes have a right to live wherever they can afford to, just like white people? (in percent) White Men Women Total Whites have a right to keep Negroes out 27 32 30 Negroes have a right to live anywhere 64 59 62 Negroes have a right to live anywhere if they are the "right kind" 3 2 2 Other 3 3 3 Don't know 3 4 3 100 lOO l00 It is certainly not surprising that when confronted with a question implying equal rights a majority of white Americans give their verbal support. Many earlier inquiries have demonstrated the willingness of large majorities of the American public to approve statements of democratic principle of this sort. Those respondents who expressed some degree of approval of the right of Negroes to live wherever they wish were asked a subse- quent question intended to measure their willingness to convert this sentiment into a specific legal requirement (Table BS). We now discover that a significant fraction of those who support the prin- ciple of Open housing are opposed to specific legislation to prevent discrimination in housing. If we combine those who are forth- rightly opposed to neighborhood integration with those who are not 197 ready to accept laws to bring it about we find that they outnumber those who favor such laws. Table BS.--How about laws to prevent discrimination against Negroes buying or renting houses and apartments? Do you favor such laws? (in percent) White Men Women Total Favor such laws 42 38 4O Oppose such laws 23 l9 19 Undecided, don't know 8 ll 9 Feel whites have a right to keep Negroes out 27 32 9 100 lOO lOO Table 86.--Suppose there are lOO white families living in a neighbor- hood. One white family moves out and a Negro family moves in. Do you think it would be a good idea to have some limit on the number of Negro families that could move in there, or let as many move in as want to? (in percent) White Men Women Total There should be some limit 45 52 48 Let as many move there as want 44 36 40 Don't know ll l2 12 100 100 100 198 Table B7.--If a Negro family with about the same income and education as you moved next door to you, would you mind it a lot, or not at all? (in percent) White Men Women Total Mind a lot 17 2l 19 Mind a little 25 26 25 Not at all 53 44 49 There is already a Negro family next door 3 5 4 Don't know 2 4 3 lOO lOO lOO Table 88.--Some Negro leaders think all the teachers, bus drivers, store clerks, and other employees in Negro neighborhoods should be Negroes. Would you agree with that idea or would you disagree? (in percent) White Men Women Total Agree 30 39 34 Disagree 66 55 60 Other 0 l 1 Don't know 4 5 5 100 100 100 199 Table B9.--If you had small children, would you rather they had only white friends, would you like to see them have Negro friends too, or wouldn't you care one way or the other? (in percent) White Men Women Total Only white friends 30 37 33 Negro friends, too l9 l9 l9 Don't care one way or the other 48 43 46 Don't know 3 l 2 100 100 100 200 mm mm mm me No .. Lexus ocmmz umpmppmac a so» muo> u—aoz mp m_ mp NF eN om mucmmcm ocmmz m>mn :mcupwso megu mom on mxwp v.36: mm mm me mm mm mm mwoogconzmwm: ocowz cw «amazopaem ogmmzuppm to mmu_ mmonao um mN mm mm mm _m comW>cwaam exam: 6 ocw>mg ppm an caps Ho: v—aoz co mm mm oN mo mN mach cw mmocmmz umcwcmm cowumcmswcummu mcwucm>mga mzmp Lo>mu we ca Ne ca me am coca pxm: NPLEML cemmz new>ag F_a um u=_s yo: u_=o3 mm NN .m mm me mm weencongmwm: m ou:_ m>oe new: mm mmocmmz Acme mm m:_uum— go>mu om mm Nm ow Ne om m:_m:oz cw comumcwewcommv mcwucm>wca wrap so>mu Nm om Nm Nm om om mmoogo xmcu mews: m>_~ op «now; a m>mc mmogmmz w>mwpmm mm< x2 case: mm mm mm ex ON .. Loses atmaz newcwpmzc a coo abo> u_=oz cp ep o_ «N «N NN mucmwgw ogmmz m>ms cmgupwcu gwmcu wmm ou mxwp upaoz an mm _o NN No ON mcoocconcm_mc ocmmz c_ ucmsxopasm ocmmzuppm we can? mmoaao mm mm mm mm mm mm comw>gqum ocmmz a mcw>mg —~m um ucws no: upsoz co co mo NR mm mm mach cw moocomz “mammmm cowum:_ewcomwu mcwucm>mca mzop Lo>mm om me we mm mm mm Loon uxmc N_PEac camaz m=_>a; __a on u=_e “a: v.30: Fe Ne Rm me we om noocconzm_mc a op:_ m>os use: mm mmocmmz xcoe mm mcwupm_ Lo>mu mm mm mm ma Na me mcwmzo: :_ compmcwswcomwu mcwucm>wgq mzop go>mu mm mm om we No ON mmoocu xmzu mews: m>wp o» ucmwg m m>mc mmocmmz m>mwpmm mmuoo mm-om ov-oc mm-om oN-ON mp-o_ mm< An co: .Aucmugma cwv mmwgommuou wow mcoEm comummmcmmm tam cowumcmmucw vgmzcu mmuauwuum «awnzuu.opm mpam» 201 Table Bll.--"Now I want to talk about some complaints peOple have made about the [Central City] police. police don't come quickly when you call them for help. First, some people say the Do you think this happens in this neighborhood?“ (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 51 52 51 29 24 27 No 36 31 34 58 62 60 Don't know l3 17 15 13 l4 13 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it ever happened to you?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 24 26 25 16 13 15 No 39 42 40 25 24 24 Don't know 1 O l l 1 1 Don't think it happens in their neighborhood 36 34 34 58 62 60 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it ever happened to anyone you know?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 31 35 33 18 15 17 No 27 3O 28 20 20 20 Don't know 6 4 5 4 3 3 Don't think it happens in our neighborhood 36 3' ' 34 58 62 60 100 100 100 100 100 100 202 Table B12.--"Some people say the police don't show respect for people and use insulting language. Do you think this ha pens to peOple in this neighborhood?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 43 33 38 l7 14 16 No 38 41 39 75 75 75 Don't know 19 26 23 8 ll 9 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it ever happened to you?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 20 10 15 9 5 7 No 40 49 45 15 l9 17 Don't know 2 O 1 l l 1 Don't think it happens in this neighborhood 38 4' 39 75 75 75 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it happened to anyone you know?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 28 23 26 12 9 11 No 29 34 32 11 13 12 Don't know 5 2 3 2 3 2 Don't think it happens in this neighborhood 38 4' 39 75 75 75 100 100 100 100 100 100 Note: Figures rounded off to 100% in some cases. 203 Table 813.--"Some pe0p1e say the police frisk or search people without good reason. Do you think this happens to pe0p1e in this neighborhood?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men ' Women Total Yes 42 3O 36 12 9 11 No 41 4O 41 78 75 76 Don't know 17 3O 23 10 16 13 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it ever happened to you?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 22 3 13 6 l 4 No 36 55 45 16 24 20 Don't think it ever happens in their 41 4O 41 78 75 76 neighborhood 100 100 100 100 100 100 "Has it ever happened to anyone you know?" (in percent) Negro White Men Women Total Men Women Total Yes 28 20 24 8 6 7 No 28 36 32 12 l7 14 Don't know 3 4 3 2 2 2 Don't think it happens in their neighborhood 41 4O 41 78 75 75 100 100 100 100 100 100 2(fl1 O O. N_ ON NO ON zoo; Nooo ONOOOO oo ooooOOoO woo o, Now _ O N O N O sooo oo oooooooo woo o_ Now ON ON ON NO NO OO OOOOLOOOOOoO ooooo ON woooooo wooo oOOONoO prgowwouocca m—nooa a: gazes wow—om O N, NO ON ON NO zoox Nooo o_oooo oo oooooooo woo o. Now O O O __ O_ NN sooo oo oooooooo woo ON Now ON ON NO NO NO Nw OOOOOOOOONOO ooooo ON woooooo wooo ONOONOO cowomg teem uaonu_z gusomw vco xwwgm mu_Poa w N w_ O. O. 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O_ NN NOON Nooo ONOOOO oo ooooooog woo ON Now ON __ ON ON ON ON sooo oo oooooooo woo Ow Now O_ ON ON ON NO ww OOOOLOOOONoO o_oOo ON woooooo wooo OOOONOO N—xomsa oEou u.coo mow—om OO-OO Ow-Ow OO-OO OO-OO ON-ON O_-O_ ooooz III « Ill Illnlhr I II;|I|..I.I. I. I |.|l III II .Aucouooa c_--oocwnsoo cosoz cco cos Now wNFOwocv womoomouou moo acoeo Now>ocon compo; uaono wucwopqsounn.epm opnoh APPENDIX C ITEM ANALYSIS 205 APPENDIX C ITEM ANALYSIS An item analysis of the 200 questions comparing six socio- economic-ethnic groupings at three different schools was performed. Each of the 200 primary questions in the questionnaire was compared within school-socioeconomic divisions to determine if any significant differences existed between ethnic groups. The comparison divisions were as follows: Illinois-Chicago Upper Class Lincoln Upper Class Michigan State Upper Class Illinois-Chicago Lower Class Lincoln Lower Class Michigan State Lower Class Examination of the results dictated dropping the two cate- gories "Lincoln Upper Class" and "Michigan State Upper Class" since there was not enough ethnic variability within these categories to make comparisons of significant ethnic differences viable. The bulk of all students, at all three schools, was, according to our classifications, in lower socioeconomic classifications. The cate- gories left after this elimination process were: Illinois-Chicago Upper Class Illinois-Chicago Lower Class Lincoln Lower Class Michigan State Lower Class 206 207 The object of the item analysis was to determine if a cor- relation existed between ethnicity and item response. By applying the categorized divisions listed, we controlled for socioeconomic class and school, our main interest being ethnicity. A succinct and accurate summary of the results of this item analysis is that there is little, if any, consistency in correlation across school lines and socioeconomic groups. On one case out of the 200 questions in the College Student Questionnaire was significance, at even the .05 level, attained across the socioeconomic, ethnic comparisons listed above. In this one case only, a lower-class ethnic correlation across all the school groupings (ranging in significance from .05 at Illinois-Chicago, .025 at Lincoln, and .01 at Michigan State) was found. This case was question 175 of the College Student Questionnaire, which fell in the variable titled "Social Conscience." Question 175 read as follows: Are you concerned about the extent to which economic poverty still exists in the United States (e.g., the fact that in 1966 about one-fifth of American families earned under $4,000 a year?) In my opinion that is not a matter for concern. I have not given this matter sufficient thought to say. Mildly concerned. Highly concerned. boom-a I In all cases, lower-class blacks, at all three schools, showed significantly greater concern about the problem than did lower-class whites. 208 Some questions and attendant answers showed significance between two schools within the same socioeconomic grouping (two cases). In two other cases, three significant correlations across two socioeconomic groupings at two schools were seen. These results were respectively confined to the following questions: 1. Correlation between two schools within the same socioeconomic grouping A. Question 55 (relating to Respect for Faculty) What prOportion of the faculty members who have taught you during the past year would you say are superior teachers? 1 - Very few 2 - Less than half 3 - More than half 4 - Almost all White lower-class students at Illinois-Chicago were signifi- cantly more favorable to faculty accomplishments and attempts as revealed by this one question (at the .025 level) than were black lower-class students. The opposite was true at Lincoln, and at the .025 level as well. B. Question 159 (relating to Peer Group Independence) Other than on dates with your spouse, do you generally pursue leisure time and recreational activities (movies, exhibits, hobbies, etc.) with a group of friends or by yourself or with one friend? Almost always with a group of friends. Usually with a group of friends. 1 2 3 Usually by myself or with one friend. 4 Almost always by myself or with one friend. 209 Blacks at Illinois-Chicago showed significantly more peer-group independence (at the .01 level) than did whites. This was also true for blacks vis-a-vis whites at Michigan State (at the .05 level). (It should be recalled, however, that we are talking about one ques- tion out of ten dealing with a particular variable.) II. Ethnic correlation between three schools across socioeconomic lines A. Question 177 (relating to Liberalism) Are you concerned that people who are not white Anglo- Saxon Protestants seem to have somewhat less Opportunity in America? 1 In my Opinion this is a phony complaint or for other reason not a matter of concern. 2 - I have not given this matter sufficient thought to say. 3 - Mildly concerned. 4 - Highly concerned. In all cases where significance of a varied ethnic response was detected, i.e., in the Illinois-Chicago Upper Class grouping, in the Illinois-Chicago Lower Class grouping, and in the Michigan State Lower Class grouping, blacks showed more concern than whites. Significance was on the order of .05, .01, and .005, respectively. B. Question 188 (relating to Liberalism) DO you agree or disagree that labor unions these days are doing the country more harm than good? 1 Strongly agree (they are doing the country more harm than good). 2 - Agree, but not strongly. 3 - Disagree, but not strongly. 4 - Strongly disagree. 210 In all cases where significance of a varied ethnic response was detected, i.e., in the Illinois-Chicago Upper Class grouping and in the Michigan State and Lincoln Lower Class grouping, blacks showed more disagreement with the statement the stem of the question presented than did whites. Response significance was on the order Of .05, .025, and .025 (at the three schools mentioned), respectively. An analysis of the only level of response within the ques- tions showing significance throughout the rest of the questionnaire demonstrates the following: Whites at individual schools answering individual questions were more favorable to the administration than were blacks. The item analysis showed only four questions were evenly divided (two and two) between Illinois-Chicago lower-whites and Michigan State lower-whites. Significance ranged from .05 to .005. It is obvious, however, that no pattern can be detected. Two individual group responses relating to Satisfaction with Faculty were found to be significant. These groups were the Illinois-Chicago upper-class whites (one question) and the Michigan State lower-class blacks (one question). In the first case, upper- whites enjoyed their studies significantly more than upper-blacks, and in the other case, lower-class blacks felt more instructors knew them by name (as compared to the feelings of lower-class whites). Again no pattern displaying a trend could be ascertained using this technique of item analysis. 211 Four individual school groups showed significant inter-ethnic differences when the question of Satisfaction with Major Area of Study was considered. Upper-class blacks at Illinois-Chicago saw conformity of thought as ggt_being rewarded within the major area of study, as compared to upper-class whites. Lower-class whites at Michigan State showed a significant disagreement with a statement calling course requirements "purely formal" and "unrealistic,“ as compared to Michigan State lower-class blacks. This same group found their course work significantly more interesting than did lower-class blacks at Michigan State University (at the .05 level). Lower-class Whites at Illinois-Chicago felt significantly more favorable (5%) to the level of adequacy of the courses being given than did lower- class blacks at the same school. Again, no pattern can be detected except whites seemed to be more satisfied where any significant difference in outlook could be detected. Four individual school groups showed significant inter- ethnic differences when the question of Family Independence was examined. All significant differences were found in the lower-class groupings with whites being more independent of family influence than were blacks in three out of four questions. The cases were: Illinois-Chicago blacks more independent on one question and whites more independent on another, and on two questions at Michigan State whites were more independent. Considering these responses as presented, no pattern can be detected. 212 The variable of Peer Group Independence tends to lean in the direction of blacks being more independent. In addition to the cross-school comparison previously mentioned, blacks at individual schools rank higher on this variable than do whites. The groups are described as follows: Lower-class blacks at Michigan State showed significantly more independence than did lower-class whites in one question instance. However, the Opposite (at the same school) was true in another question instance. In a third question instance, upper-class blacks showed more indepen- dence than did upper-class whites at Illinois-Chicago. Again, the question instances do not provide a pattern from which to draw con-- fident inferences. The variable Social Conscience displays five question instances of individual case response (within a question group of four cases each) which are significant. In three question cases, blacks displayed greater social conscience, and in two question cases whites displayed greater social conscience per a particular question. The cases were, respectively, at Illinois-Chicago (two cases of lower-class comparisons and one of upper-class comparisons) and two at Michigan State (lower-class comparisons). The variable of Liberalism displays two question instances of response where significant differences between blacks and whites were attained. In both cases upper-class whites at Illinois-Chicago were significantly more liberal than upper-class blacks. Again, no statement of consistent pattern can be made. 213 As an analytic tool, therefore, item analysis examined for correlation coefficients proved less than perfect. It demonstrated no overall trends though it did hint (in certain cases) of certain conclusions which tended to slightly favor one ethnic group or another. The pattern was too scattered to be of use. Analysis Of variance, on the other hand, displayed signifi- cant differences which could lead to viable conclusions. 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