3...... ......,H.44~=§. ...: 5'12. . 4r. .4 .. .4...v_.4..4m;m.mw..x, mu...a,.....n.._.;4 .4... .49}. 4.. 4...:4y4fi p... .5; m 4.414... ...—.44.»... .4 4.4"... 2; I .9. a :4. n;- A . ...4 ..r .. r .v . 4 .3. 1:33.. ...: .2 ...: J’/,..4¢4..4 1:74.11: , : . Ct}... f... 4... 4 I :3 44.3... . I. 1—; 44 . _€”.:...u....44,.m 2 .... 4:. 4 ...xi. sir”, 3... . . L in“. 14.... 14...“? tr: a.v— . 4 5 4 4r. . .... . _ .. ...: 44.3., "4.44...ch .2 4...; .44. . .4 .....nm. 4 x 4 ...5 .41 7.1.... In .4 r4. ...:f. .. .5 ... 4.. 4 . ..2. ..firfi: . 3f 4 .— ... .4422... . .. .....v‘ RMA‘ 3? 43.“... 1: , 4 ....m. 1... 4 :3 ...u CATI UN r: 3;}. . MM co 4 . . . 1.3.3.3. ..4 2 ‘ ’-'.- a '. l A ' ‘ thesis efiti'flecl’ Cf“ COMMUNICATION, NON-FORMAL EDUCATION AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE COLOMBIAN RADIO SCHOOLS presented by Juan Ricardo Braun has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in Administration and Higher Education Qf/awm f g/flw Major professor Date May 15. 1975 0-7639 ::) ABSTRACT A: COMMUNICATION, NON-FORMAL EDUCATION ’ AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE COLOMBIAN RADIO SCHOOLS By Juan Ricardo Braun This was a study of five Colombian rural communities. The focus was on participants and non-participants in the radio schools conducted by Accion Cultural Popular (ACPO), a private Colombian agency funded to help raise the educational and skills level of that country's rural population. The study had three main Objectives: 1. TO determine the diffusion, adoption and continuation rates for ten agricultural, home, and family planning innovations in the five communities; and to relate these rates to participation or non-partici- pation in the radio schools. 2. To look at ACPO radio school participation patterns. 3. Through network analysis techniques, Ofi’examine the role of radio school auxiliars (moderators) and participants in diffusion in each community; and to look at how agricultural and family planning in- formation flows through the five communities. ACPO radio schools are looked on as the model for other Latin American countries to follow in trying to reach and help their rural Juan Ricardo Braun poor via radio. According to ACPO sources, their radio schools reach almost 170,000 "campesinos“ (farmers) a year. To do it's work with radio and other educational media/[ACPO has an annual budget of nearly 4.2 million. Thus it is important to know more about the impact of Colombia's program—-both so ACPO will have a better idea of how effect- ive it is in these efforts, and so other countries might have clearer gguidelines in setting up similar programs. /A fourth objective of the study was to test out the research methodology to see if it might provide a model for future use in asses- sing radio schools. The goals were to find and test methods that were not too costly, relatively easy to use, and from which results could be drawn in a relatively short time. This research was carried on in five rural Colombian7communi— ties: La Aguada, Morros, Centro Alto, San Jose and Holguin. A total of 220 interviews were completed--l80 structured interviews and 40 open-ended interviews. The results are presented in the form of des- criptive analysis, Pearson product moment correlations, and an analysis of interpersonal communication networksg’h Nearly 20 percent of the sample were radio school participants. Most of them enrolled in the basic course, and some of them in the advanced course. The fewest enrolled in the complementary course. About ten percent of those enrolled in the basic course completed it. Dropouts seem to be a major problem for ACPO. Most of the campesinos know the ten innovations they were asked about, nearly half’of them have adopted the innovations, and one- third report using the innovations at the time of the interview. Accepted by the Faculty of the Department of Administration and Higher Education, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree. @L/ctm 6 g/L/[Qr Director of Thesis Guidance Committee: © Copyright by JUAN RICARDO BRAUN 1975 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study and my career were both possible thanks to the cooperation of many persons and institutions. It is quite difficult to enumerate all those who have contributed in one way or other and describe how I feel about them. But I should say that all of them were important and I thank them with my heart. One person should be mentioned first. He was Ing. Ramiro Samaniego principal researcher from CIESPAL. He was the Change Agent who came from a different social system and made me adopt the innova- tions he was talking about: the concepts of scholarship and research, which I eagerly adopted. To him, a very special thanks, even though he no longer is with us. Most influential to get me through the Ph.D. and this disser- tation were my academic committee members, Professors Vincent Farace, Russel Kleis, Mason Miller, James Page and Everett Rogers. Dr. Farace, a friend, was always handy, as in the first day when we arrived at this campus some years ago. He helped to make my four years in this University more enjoyable. I consider him a member of my ”network." Professor Kleis should be specially thanked. He gave the oppor- tunity to join his ”think tank” team and helped me overcome difficult moments in my academic life. He is a gentleman and a person of char- acter whom I will not forget in the years to come. Dr. Miller, cross-country skiing expert, friend, and advisor always had enough time to chat and laugh at my non-humorous jokes. Thanks to him I got my job at INTA, and thanks to him I can finish this dissertation. Dr. James Page, whose sensitivity toward all the Latin American people makes him a special person. The first paper I wrote about radio schools was for his class, in 1970. I hope Dr. Page always will fly high. Dr. Rogers whose friendship and advice since the first time I met him at "Quito" has lasted and strengthened. I still remember when years ago, before I undertook the difficult road toward the Ph.D., he said to me, "Juan, the price for the Ph.D. sometimes is too high . . I have seen many exchange their families for a degree . Don't let that happen to you.” Several institutions in Argentina, Colombia and the United States cooperate in making my graduate study possible: in Argentina, The National Institute of Agricultural Technology, which sent me here and backed me financially through all these years. I thank all INTA personnel and friends. I should mention specially Ings. Martin Naumann and Jorge Josifovich whose readiness to help made this possible. In Colombia to Accién Cultural Popular (ACPO) and its person- nel. I am specially indebted to Monsefior Joaquin Salcedo, Dr. Hernando Bernal, Dr. Eduardo Nieto, Dr. Marta Restrepo who cooperated with great energy and enthusiasm with me in this research. A special thanks to Dr. Eduardo Carrasquilla, his wife Estela and dog Pina. They made my stay in Colombia a pleasant one. In the United States, special thanks to USAID for its financial support; and to Roberta Clark from USDA, my thanks. This study would not have been possible without the cooperation of the Inter-American Foundation, whose opportune grant made all things look rosy. To Paul Bell, the foundation's Vice-President and a friend, thanks. Thanks to Pacho, Ifigenia, Gloria and Jorge, very efficient interviewers and colaborators whose companionship and willingness made this study less difficult. To Rolf Wigand a good friend and network analysis specialist, also my thanks. To my wife Estela and kids Patricia and Ricky, ”un beso grande." They had enough patience to survive the long winters in sunny Michigan. Without their love this Ph.D. would not have been possible. Finally, to all those in Argentina, parents, relatives and friends whose support to us never weakened, my best love. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES. LIST OF FIGURES Chapter TABLE OF CONTENTS ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo ooooooooooooooooooooooo I. INTRODUCTION ..................... Importance of the Study .............. Diffusion of Family Planning and Agricultural Innovations ................... The Latin American Radio Schools .......... ACPO and ALER ................... Study Objectives .................. The Setting and Hypotheses. . . . ......... Limitations . . ............. Chapter Summary and Dissertation Review ...... II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . . .............. Participation in the Radio Schools and Adoption of Innovations ...... . . . . . The Diffusion of Innovations Process ...... . . Interpersonal Communication Networks. ....... Taboo Communication . . . ............. Paradigm and Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . ..... III. THE SETTING AND DESIGN OF THE STUDY ........ The Setting .................... Social Stratification and Class Structure . . . . . Education . . . . . . . ........... . Community Selection . . . ............. The Five Communities ................ Instrument Construction and Data Collection . . . . Measurement of Variables. . . . . ......... Statistical Analysis. . . ...... Chapter Page IV. FINDINGS ...................... 68 I. Descriptive Analysis ............. 68' The Typical Colombian Campesino ......... 68 Radio School Participation ........... 8l Diffusion of Innovations ............ 82 II. Correlation Analysis ............. 84 III. Network Analysis ............... 97 V. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION ............... l06 Summary ..................... l06 Conclusions .................... 109 Discussion and Interpretation ........... ll2 Radio Schools .................. llZ Diffusion of Innovations ............ 120 Network Analysis ................ l24 Implications for Practice ............ l30 Implications for Research ............. l33 Methodology ................... l33 Topics for Research .............. l37 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................ l4l APPENDIX .......................... l54 vi Table LIST OF TABLES Comparative Summary of Characteristics of Mass Media and Interpersonal Channels .............. Radio School Projects in Latin America, l973 ,,,,, Colombia: Basic Data ................. Some of the Correlates of Size of Farm in Colombia. . . Description of the Sample of Five Colombian Communities ..................... Radio Exposure: Broadcasting Stations Most Listened to in Five Colombian Communities ........... Exposure to Newspapers in Five Colombian Communities. . Exposure to the Periodical El Campesino in Five Colombian Communities . . . . Radio School Participation in Five Colombian Communities ..................... Knowledge, Adoption and Continued Use of Ten Innovations in Five Colombian Communities . . . . Knowledge and Adoption of Family Planning Methods in Five Colombian Communities . . . ....... Pearson Product Moment Correlation Between Participation in the Radio Schools and 24 Independent Variables in Five Colombian Communities . . ...... . . Participation in the Radio Schools and Adoption of Innovations in the Community of Holguin ...... Pearson Product Moment Correlation Between Adoption of Innovations and 23 Independent Variables in Five Colombian Communities ................ vii Page 18 46 48 7O 72 74 75 77 78 80 85 87 88 ..Ilrll ... I 20. 2l. 22. 23. Adoption of Innovations and Radio Sutatenza Exposure in the Community of San Jose ............ Adoption of Innovations and Priest Contact in the Community of Morros ................. Adoption of Innovations and Crops Planted in the Community of Morros ................. Adoption of Innovations and Literacy in the Community of Holguin ................ Radio School Participation and Years of Schooling in the Community of San Jose ............ Radio School Participation and Exposure to the Weekly Newspaper El Campesino, in the Community of La Aguada .................... Radio School Participants and Their Contactees in Two Interpersonal Communication Networks in Five Colombian Communities . ............ Respondent Roles Within Two Networks in Five Colombian Communities ................ Radio School Auxiliars' and Participants' Number of Contactees in Five Colombian Communities ..... viii Page 91 92 93 97 98 99 104 . J I'. . ink In autumn! in 1101':qu .atl * .................amoflhgfinumoo 5.3 " ' 9.43 M b93115“ aqu has mamas-mm! '70 1 3~r-.bk'=s:1‘fi SQ . . ..... _ .......... 2"" -"'.'JM if; \.__ '-.-'.'.:'i' '3'“: hi -,-_\y‘.'-. I113. ' 2 5“. --1-~- . ; -:'r ao.‘ I 1 *r.’ J. - I -0 . . -. I I ': I D LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Graphic representation of ACPO's MULTI-MEDIA approach to rural mass education ................. l3 2. Radio schools, radio forums and study groups basic operational characterism ............. l4 3. An illustration of peripheral, isolate, group members, bridge and liaison roles in a communication network with four groups .................... 35 4. Variables related to radio school participation and community members linkage ............. . . . 4l 5. Partial analysis of the agricultural network of the community of San Jose, Colombia ............. l27 6. Partial analysis of the agricultural network of the community of Centro Alto, Colombia ........... 128 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Importance of the Study In spite of the tremendous diversity among Latin American countries, they have all been labeled as less developed. They are said to have the following common characteristics: (1) a relatively low in- come per capita, (2) low productivity per person, (3) high illiteracy rates, (4) limited transportation facilities, (5) little industrializa- tion, (6) politically unstable governments, (7) inadequate nutrition and (8) high birth and death rates and short life expectancy. Authors like Borgstrom (1973, a, b, c) and Myrdal (1968), among others, point out that two major factors are the direct cause of these eight characteristics: shortage of food and high population. They in- dicate that the food/people imbalance aggravates the living conditions of the campesinos. Other authors such as Fromm (1968) and Lerner (1958), indicates no country has achieved development without a high level of education.* Consequently, it is important to study aspects of these three factors that affect the process of country development: specifically, * We acknowledge the importance of food, population and education. But we should point out that development is a multi-variable process and factors such as external dependency and internal colonialism also affect it. to study how agricultural and family planning innovations* flow through communities in a less developed country, and how campesinos can be- come literate out of a non-formal educational system like the radio- schools. Innovations and literacy usually are promoted by a change agency. In this study this change agency is Accidn Cultural Popular (ACPO), a Colombian institution which started operations in 1947. We are particularly interested in ACPO because its methods employ imagina- tion and ingenuity to fulfill the needs of the individuals they serve. They operate nearly 22,212 radio-schools** whose members are the campesinos living in the rural areas of Colombia. A change agency needs constant information to know if its ob- jectives are being accomplished, at what cost, if there are gaps in the functioning of the organization, and the like. In order to do so, it is necessary to use a methodology adaptable to the change agency, its needs, and to the social context in which the change agency op- erates. Therefore, we decided to try a methodology which is basically simple, one which from the design of the study to the final report does not take more than three months, has a low cost, and does not require the use of a large number of specialists. In summary, three areas were emphasized in this study: (1) analysis of the variables affecting the participation in ACPO's radio— schools by campesinos from five Colombian communities; (2) analysis of the variables affecting the diffusion of agricultural, family planning, *We have also included the analysis of Home Innovations. ** This number changes according to source and year. I—V— 7“ , -;_ _ and home innovations; and (3) analysis of interpersonal communication networks in the areas of family planning and agriculture. To the author's knowledge this is the first time that interpersonal networks have been measured in this way in a Latin American country, and in a rural setting. Diffusion of Family Planning and Agricultural Innovations Diffusion can be thought of in four parts: (1) an innovation, (2) which is communicated through certain channels, (3) over time, (4) among members of a social system. An innovation is an idea, practice, or object perceived as new by an individual. It does not matter so much whether the idea is objectively new, as whether it is perceived as such by the receiver. Innovators are those who first adopt the innovation. This character- istic of early adoption is called innovativeness. Food and Population It is a belief of many authors such as Myrdal (1968) and Borgstrom, (l973 a,b,c) that no other problem facing mankind today is so crucial as the food and population imbalance. They see this im- balance at the root of many other problems such as domestic and inter- national unrest, the widening gap between the haves and have nots, and the lag in economic development by the less developed countries. Unless these and other problems related to food supply and population can be solved, all other efforts to build a better world may come to naught. In most Latin American countries, the agricultural sector heavily contributes to balancing the national deficits, is the most important source of revenue, and makes up a big part of the gross national product. Moreover, in countries such as Argentina and Ecuador, it is the agricultural sector which directly finances the urban sector and the local and national governmental bureacracies. This is paradoxical. On one hand the campesinos are considered to be the poor brothers, but on the other hand they are the ones who help pay for the tremendous deficits in the national budgets. It is not easy to understand this situation and most difficult to find the causes of it. Quite often the analysis is influenced by controversial issues with high emotional content, such as those related to the external and internal dependency analyzed in depth by authors like Beltran (1970) and Garcia (1966). In any case campesinos can probably improve their livelihood if they can be helped to improve their crop yields and diminish their number of children. There have been millions of hungry people for thousands of years in this world. It seems there will be millions more for the many years to come. Of the 60 million deaths recorded annually in the world, 30 to 40 million have to be attributed to malnutrition. Hunger is the most widespread of the endemic diseases as well as a serious manifestation of world poverty. Malnutrition refers to an inadequacy in the quality of the diet. By hunger is meant a state of acute undernourishment persistent enough to cause physical discomfort or pain to the individual. By undernourishment we refer to an in- adequacy of calories or other food elements required for normal body functions. Scientific studies continue to broaden the domain of the dis- eases that have their origin in inadequate nutrition. Some of these diseases are pellagra, beri-beri, anemia, tuberculosis, leprosy and intestinal worms. Their development depends in great part on the state of organic resistance in the human groups——that is, in their state of nutrition. A lack of vital energy, an incapacity for work, is in a ma- jority of cases a consequence of chronic malnutrition. It was cal- culated that for a Far Eastern worker, where hunger is more deeply sensed, productivity was 13 times lower than the average productivity of a US farmer, because of malnutrition. It seems clear that population growth exacerbates food prob— lems. This is so because the more people, the more food needed to feed them. Brown (1972), Borgstrom (1973 a,b,c), Myrdal (1968) among others, describe sufficiently the problems that must be overcome be- cause of the population explosion. By the year 2,000 they indicate the total world population will increase to nearly 7 billion. This is almost double the figure for 1960. Under this condition, enormous efforts are needed to avoid serious, tragic levels of hunger, mal- nutrition and death from starvation. Any comprehensive national developmental project in the "Less Developed Countries,” should include action programs to increase the availability of food and to decrease population growth. Agriculture will have to increase its outputs. And countries have to diminish their population growth. The techniques to overcome these problems and suitable for many of the countries involved, are available now. We think now that it is probably mainly a matter of diffusion and adoption of these techniques. Structural Factors for Adoption The adoption of agricultural and family planning innovations does not occur in a vacuum. It depends on the setting, the basic resources, the state of technology, the social attitudes and goals and the effectiveness of the countries involved in setting up an efficient system of extension of new and improved techniques and practices to the target system. It also involves the existence of price and income incentives to adopt and the social and political organizations to bring about all these conditions. To better understand how agriculture and family planning are affected by structural factors, we give the following examples. In the region of Zapatoca, Colombia, the maize harvest was an almost 100 percent loss due to severe drought this year (1974). As a consequence the campesinos will not have enough corn to sell at the market and their income for this year would be near zero. 0n the other hand in previous years when the maize harvest was really good, prices fell due to speculation. This means that in neither good nor in bad crop years can the campesinos substantially increase their income. It seems they are caught in a vicious circle. Specula- tion and bad harvest don't let them improve their living conditions, and instead help keep them in poverty. In regard to family planning, several rural leaders have pointed out that the campesino seems to be caught in a psychological conflict. On one hand the Catholic Church, through the priest, tells them it is a sin to control the number of children. 0n the other hand institutions like Pro-Familia, in most cases, promote methods of con- trol per se without emphasizing "why” it is important to follow such practices. Often when some explanation of birth control is given it is too abstract for the simple reasoning of the campesino. Campesino leaders suggest that family planning education should be undertaken explaining the several alternatives available so the husband and wife can make a more rational decision. Their opinion often is that family planning is something imposed on their countries from abroad, by more developed countries trying to eliminate a problem at the expense of the less developed countries. Only effective information methods aimed at clearly showing the campesinos the ”why's“ can hope to over- come this opinion. These are some examples of how structural factors can affect the degree of adoption of an innovation by members of a community. In some circumstances they might be more important than the diffusion pY‘OCGSS per SQ . The Importance of Literacy Latin American countries today face the challenge of educating more of their people for a longer time: 120 million Latin Americans are illiterate. They need to be educated. It is no longer possible that such a huge mass of people remain without the benefits literacy can bring. The technical development these countries are experiencing also means greater need for literate and skilled personnel. In developing countries human and financial resources are known to be scarce. There is an urgency to do many things at once and in many areas at the same time such as in agriculture, industry and unemployment. Because of scarce resources, not all needs can be satisfied. Priorities have to be established. This implies that cer- tain sectors will have preference over others. This means that if resources are given to education, for example, other sectors will have diminished shares of the national budget. To better invest the scarce resources in these countries it is imperative to know which sector will give the country the greatest benefits. Is the alternative of literacy priority number one? The answer is yes and no. First, we should better ask what literacy can do for an individual and for the social system in which he lives. At the social system level (e.g. country) Lerner (1958) and Schramm (1967) have suggested that no country has achieved ”development” without a literacy level of more than 80 percent. Niehoff (1973) indicates that literacy has been considered essential to any country, regardless of the degree of development. At this point we should mention that literacy alone does not develop a country. A literate will be as handicapped as an illiterate in helping a country to develop. Other things are needed. As an example we should look at structural changes in agriculture: tenure, capital distribution and tax system. History tells us that literate individuals have failed in developing a nation. . . because development is a multi-variable process*. The effort of developing a country should be done in several areas at once, and not only in the field of education. How'can literacy help the individual? What does literacy give him? Lerner (1958) indicates that literacy helps develop the basic personal ability to modernize. Through literacy the individual not only learns how to read and write but trains himself in the com- plicated mechanisms of empathy. He says, in general, literate people have more modern attitudes and a higher level of empathy. Holden (1972) indicates that a literate person has a higher degree of autonomy than an illiterate. Autonomy is closely related to the individual's modernization. A person with a low degree of autonomy tends to conform to the norms and goals of the system he be- longs to. On the contrary a person with a higher degree of autonomy tends to have a lower degree of conformity. He is more open to new ideas, to trying something his neighbors have not tried first. Literacy is well established as perhaps the most important influence upon the individual's level of assimilation (Peterson and Scheff, 1965) and modernity (Inkeles, 1969; Kahl 1968; Rogers, 1969). According to Waisannen (1971) education (including literacy) is (1) a social system rooted in and representative of the core of modernity, and (2) a powerful mechanism of intersystemic linkage and a vital com- ponent in the idea diffusion process. * For example, Argentine has the highest literacy rate in Latin America (91 percent) but in spite of this it is considered a developing country. It's political stability is shaky, and economically it has been stagnant the last 30 years. 10 The Latin American Radio Schools This study was conducted in Colombia with the help of Acci6n Cultural Popular (ACPO), who runs Radio Sutatenza, the national broad- casting system which tries to reach with its messages--instructional and entertainment--the illiterate campesinos living in marginal and remote areas of the country. We chose to study ACPO because (1) it is the first organization in Latin America to start radio school operation-—in 1947; (2) the scope of its operation——nearly 22,212 radio schools, 167,451 partici— pants, and a yearly budget of 4.2 million dollars--make this a unique enterprise; (3) they use a combination of mass media and interpersonal channels, which combines the advantages of both channel systems; (4) many other institutions in several Latin American countries are imple- menting radio school systems based in ACPO and adapted to the local conditions. There are some common characteristics between ACPO and the radio schools from the other 17 Latin American countries. Examining these will help us define radio schools in general. Organization (1) The Catholic Church and other related private groups are responsible for the system's operation; (2) the radio school finances come from private funds, donations, government subsidies and self- financing; (3) efforts are directed mainly at increasing literacy, dif- fusing innovations, and entertainment. The Medium Radio has several advantages over other types of media. As an example, illiterate people can understand the message transmitted via this medium. Also, once the transmitter is installed, signals can be received regardless of the geographic characteristics (mountains, for example) of the particular place. Only a small usually cheap battery operated radio is needed. McAnany (1973) indicates that the potential advantages of radio involve time, cost, and localizing: 1. Time: The broadcast signal is immediately received by the listeners. The diffusion of cheap transistor sets through rural areas is sufficient to guarantee virtual coverage of most countries. It may reach all populations in all countries in all languages at the same time. 2. Cost: It's low. It's lower than television and other media-- both for the producer of programs and for the person receiving the pro- grams. 3. Localizing: It is relatively inexpensive medium which allows for creating local stations that serve a relatively limited area with homogeneous language, culture, and interests. Programming may reinforce local values that may be threatened by dominant groups anxious to develop a marginal area or group (Schmelkes, 1973). Local stations broadcasting in local languages can contribute to the solution of local problems and provide a voice for their audiences through a more appro- priate feedback mechanism. Each program uses radio as a central medium, but there are more media than just radio in the system. Booklets, periodicals, tape 12 recorders, records, and the like make this system a multi—media approach (See Figure 1). Channel Combination: Mass Media and Interpersonal The Latin American radio schools use a strategy based on the combination of interpersonal and mass media channels (Figure 2). Each of these has its own characteristics which make them unique. When we have an interpersonal communication situation, we mean two persons, source and receiver, who are directly linked by facing each other at the same time and place. If the source says something to the receiver, he can immediately verify the responses the receiver makes. These responses are called feedback. When a source uses mass media-—for example, sends a message via a channel such as radio--the receiver does not come in direct contact with him and vice versa. The message is mediated. Interpersonal and mass media channels have their own advantages and disadvantages. Interpersonal channels, as suggested by research, are more likely to produce attitude change, and allow for greater and quicker feedback, than mass media channels. 0n the other hand, mass media channels can reach simultaneously a larger audience and have more speed in message distribution (Table l). The strategy of channel combination is highly productive, then, because it puts together the separate virtues of mass and inter— personal channels. What one lacks, the other provides. Theoretically two assumptions seem to lie behind this strategy: (1) the joint use of channels is more effective than the separate use of them; (2) such 13 .mmmp .cmgp—mm .4 ”mugzom .cowpmozcm mmaz chzm op cumogaq< gwm d AIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII muw< m:_;umoh vcm mxoonuxmh 111111 Amcoprcos ucc wucmucoammgxou mummwca .mugmaxmv wow>cmm mFooeum o_eo; oweam A1111111111 mamasoo u_a_a new metewaee awemcaumas111 ecmpm ermmu mcwueouam mcowumwuommm vcm A1:IIIIIIIIIIIIII mcmwmaEmu Pneumam maw_wEac .mpasuw>mncm mow>cmm 3.5018 03% 333023 25005 29$ 9.5:qu mcowuwpm mwpzpwumcH mcw mcwpmmuumogm 1cwmce .mcmummA mpcmmmwm .511111111111111111111. Lwamamzmz x_¥wm3 A :wuw—Fzm 0:51 \fhpcoz [J A/ H thpm mgwugmzuummx .o.n_.u.< mum—xoom III] maame use meeoumm --«-u-u-> mpgoamm m.Lm>meno chowwmooo --:-:-:. m>w>csm :owpm:_m>m _m:owmmuuo ................ .-.-.-__------—.’ p + Ampcapmwmmm .mfioo:um uwcocaowvwc vcmv mummwgm smwcmm soc» mugoamm Fmowvowcma .-_-_-_____-__-__._._.-..___--’ .---.---.-._-> I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I . LATIN AMERICA RADIO SCHOOLS CATHOLIC CHURCH GOVERNMENT Mass Media Mass Med1a [‘MONITORS inter- personal PEASANTS Figure 2.——Radio Schools, Radio Forums and Study Groups. Braun, 1974. INDIA RADIO FORUMS COMMUNIST CHINA STUDY GROUPS GOVERNMENT PARTY GOVERNMENT CHANGE AGENCY .fU f6 f6 (0 6 {-3 E "6 OJ 0.) OJ 0) E Z Z Z (n V) (n U) U) V) U) U) f!) (U (U «'1 z: 2: z: 2: I MONITORS ] l CADRES inter- inter- personal personal PEASANTS PROLETARIAT tional Characterism. Source: Basic Opera- 15 TABLE l.-—Comparative Summary of Characteristics of Mass Media and Interpersonal Channels. Source: Braun, 1974. TYPES OF CHANNELS CHARACTERISTICS Interpersonal Mass Media 1. Allowance for feedback High + Low — 2. Promptness of feedback High + Low - 3. Ability to choose audience High + Low - 4. Ability to overcome selectivity processes High + Low - 5. Ability to induce attitude change High + Low - 6. Ability to reach simultaneously a scattered audience Low - High + 7. Speed in message distribution Low - High + 8. Number of people that can be reached Low - High + effectiveness increases as the number of channels is increased (at least to some level). The Audience Usually the participants are thought of as illiterate men and women campesinos on the middle years of life. But the figures indicate that a substantial number of youngsters and elderly persons of both sexes formally register to take the courses. Group Sessions They facilitate discussion of the topic being taught. Feedback is less difficult to obtain in group circumstances than in individual 16 conditions. People in group situations are sometimes easier to per- suade than people in individual situations. The Content The course content usually includes information on the follow- ing main areas: reading and writing, elementary math, basic health notions, economics and work, morality and religion. Out of the course hours, the radio presents entertainment in the way of music, soap operas and news. The Auxiliars The radio school system resorts to the use of what has been called auxiliars or monitors. They have the task of coordinating the groups, giving feedback to the sponsors, having the radio sets ready, and sometimes supplying the places for the meetings. They are usually appointed by the local priests or supervisors. A Definition of Radio School Having analyzed some of the main characteristics of the radio schools we can now attempt to present a definition: A radiophonic school is a channel combination strategy of communication, which uses radio as primary channel, but also employs printed media and other mass media channels as well as the interpersonal ones. It serves learning groups consisting of neighboring peasants ranging from 3 to 20 men and women, of varying ages (usually 15 to 60) under the guidance of a local auxiliar. These peoples voluntarily meet for an hour each day, six days a week, during ten continuous months (depends on the country), in order to receive a series of broadcast lessons supported by written l7 and visual materials, specifically prepared to teach them basic notions of literacy, arithmetic, health, agriculture, religion, cultural, civic and social rudiments. ACPO and ALER* One of the most widespread strategies for using radio in rural development began in the small town of Sutatenza, Colombia, in 1947. The idea began with Father Joaquin Salcedo who saw radio as a better means-—than person to person action--of reaching his rural people with both an educational and spiritual message that might improve their lives. A quarter of a century later the effort has a national organiza— tion, Acci6n Cultural Popular (ACPO), With an annual budget of 4.2 million U.S. dollars (McAnany, 1973). Its apparent success in Colombia has been influential in other Latin American countries as well. There were reported 25 projects similar to ACPO's which have formal relations with the international organization ALER. An interesting thing is that many other Latin American countries have planned similar systems which presumably will get under way in the very near future (see Table 2). In Table 2 we include information about 25 radio school pro— grams which in one way or another are trying to help the poor masses of Latin Americans. The number of ”adults“ apparently benefiting are nearly 200,000 counting all 25 projects. Eighty percent of those * ALER (Asociacién Latinoamericana de Escuelas Radiofonicas). 1 1 1 1 x \m\—\4 1 1 me _m 1 1 1 - x _\s mmo.m om < eacssm flavwem_ «scam 1 . 1 1 - x .svea\s ooo.. mo w:cw .EPLQ 1 - x x x s ooo.o_ 1 <1 «om_ m_eez .m um_n=awm .200 1. 1 1 x x 1 1 1 1 1 =8m0_ mace cameo —a_sopms .uuog cuguo x x x x \N\_\4 Fme.NoF ~_N.NN «a qu_ oau< awnEo_ou .pe ugwagd x 1 x x a—uxu F 1 1 «m away ”La—u .mom a_meu w—uxu N.F ANVa 1 x - x x s emu.¢ 1 w=cw NFm.w m\z> 1 1 1 x x 4 mew 1 <¢ mom_ z 1 1 x x x 4 0mm._ QN_ assuage “mm. csu< 1 1 1 1 x x 4 wow No _m o~m_ ¢ 1 1 x 1 x A No_.o Mae memex< 1 mouz_Fom m\z> .mxnx: x x x x A 1 - Hg 1 cazuze a:_u:mme< .uflwuw cacao manage mrwz mxoom o_um¢ mFm>w4 mucwuzum mgmucmu .cmwu:< :zmmm poocom acacsou .uu .oz .02 “match memo caved .Ammmp .»:m= n u AK? 3508 .896»: u 4 wEmZm: 235:: o: ”3:25? co 3:95 5.; 20.533 323mm x? mm; 29:839.. :33 31:...» n E . ..CgEam WE E 323:: ~85; u E ”Ev. 3:25pm .6 23:8 we 285:: :0 023.82 coSmELot: o: $wa 33: SE? 39 32> 3.23 it x 1 x x 4 1 1 E BEE—a SH Emszcm> 1 1 1 1 1 x 1 1 1 1 1 93:3: oowE 1 1 1 1 1 x 1 1 1 1 1 3~< mvcoE :33: 1 1 1 1 1 x 1 1 1 1 1 .Eou.uom.sum xmammcmma: 1 1 1 1 x x A 1 1 E 1 came: E 1 .uE 2.8.: 1 1 x x ._ o? om E $3 2%: ESE m\z> 1 1 1 x x 4 ooo.m B E 83 8:88 E «3282 m\:> 1 1 1 x x 1_ ooo.m om E 5.65 33 2388933: .3 a 8 .22: .E 1 x 1 x x 5.733 So; 3 .EE 23 $2 225:8“; 8.582 do; 8.63 1 . 1 1 1 x x 1_ 1 1 .2; 3.52 1 285m E 22.839... 1 .E 2.3: 1 1 x x A 1 1 E 82 828$ .x m\z> .us 2.51.... 1 1 x x :1. 1 1 E $3 Begum 63. £525: 20 participants are in the Colombian radio schools-—nearly 160,000 radio- fonicos attend the classes transmitted by ACPO-Radio Sutatenza. The second largest number of radio school participants are from the Dominican Republic, with 10,000. Besides radio, most of the programs also use printed media in the form of books and newspapers to reach their audience. The audience is usually made up of rural adults, most of the time illiterates and Indians. With the exception of ACPO and the Mexican Tarahumara project, which is not operating anymore, most of the projects were started in the sixties. Study Objectives Having stressed the importance of food, population and literacy, and analyzed the basic characteristics of the Latin American radio schools, it seems important to find out how those radio schools can be more efficient in the diffusion of agricultural and family planning innovations and to increase the literacy level of the campesinos. Therefore, it seems important to undertake a study with the following goals: 1. To understand what the variables are which may help pre— dict the adoption of innovations by the campesinos. 2. To find out about those variables related to, and which will help to predict, radio school participation by the campesinos. 3. To understand how family planning and agricultural messages flow through the rural communities, and the role the radio school participants may be playing in this process. 21 The Setting and Hypothesis The study was carried on in Colombia, South America. One hun— dred eighty structured interviews were undertaken in the rural commun- ities of La Aguada, Morros, Centro Alto, Holguin and San Jose. The communities are from three different "departamentos" (states) in the country. They were purposively selected. Criteria were established in advance for such purpose. Mainly they had to be communities with no more than 50 households, and had to have radio schools in operation. All the heads of households from four out of the five communities were interviewed. This was so because it was decided to undertake a micro study to better understand how the information-~family planning and agricultural--flows through a given community. These data then could supplement macro- level studies on a regional or national scale, which use sampling procedures, and where obviously the information can be used to make generalization to the larger population. A total of seven hypotheses were developed. In general they tend to predict relations (1) between radio school participation and 24 independent variables classified in demographic, economic, communica- tion and modernization; (2) adoption of innovations and 23 independent variables classified in demographic, economic, communication and modern- ization; (3) that radio school participation will vary with adoption of innovations; (4) bridges and liaisons tend to be linked to partici- pants and non-participants of the radio schools; (5) bridges and liaisons also tend to be the auxiliars of the radio schools; (6) that there is a linkage between those campesinos participants of the radio schools and 22 non—participants; and (7) that the radio school auxiliar will tend to have more contactees in the network than will the radio school parti— cipants. Limitations Two major limitations of our study are: 1. We do not have a sample of villages. 0n the contrary they were purposively selected. Consequently our findings cannot be gen- eralized to other villages or to the national level. 2. We only analyzed family planning and agricultural networks among the campesino heads of family. This is a limitation, particular- ly in the family planning network in which the woman plays an important role. If the findings indicate we have a ”weak" type of network among the heads of family, this does not eliminate the possibility that we have a strong network among other community members, such as women. Chapter Summary and Dissertation Review In this chapter we analyzed the importance of agricultural and family planning innovations in the context of developing countries. We indicated there may be a necessity for increasing agricultural production and decreasing population growth. The food-population imbalance is thought to be the root of many problems such as domestic and interna- tional unrest. An extensive analysis of the characteristics of the Latin Amer— ican radio schools is presented. These schools are based on the combin— ation of mass media and interpersonal channels, and in general, use a multi-media approach in the diffusion of messages. There are 25 23 projects of this type in Latin America, of which ACPO-Radio Sutatenza is the most important by far. We have stressed the necessity to understand how the individuals adopt innovations in rural communities, and what some of the variables are which may help to predict such acts; to find the variables pre— dicting radio school participation by the campesinos; and better under— stand how messages--agricultural and family planning--flow through rural communities. The setting of the study was the five rural communities located in Colombia, South America. A series of seven hypotheses was tested. In Chapter II, the theoretical framework, we present background information used to set up a research paradigm and hypotheses to be tested. Chapter III includes information about the setting and design of the study, including a description of the country and the five com- munities, how the communities were selected, instrument construction and data collection, measurement of the variables, and statistical analysis. Chapter IV includes the findings. The information is presented in three sections: descriptive analysis, correlation analysis and analysis of interpersonal communication networks. Finally, Chapter V includes a summary of the study, interpre— tation and discussion of the findings, and suggestions for researchers and the change agency as well. CHAPTER II THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Peasants constitute a major portion of the population in less developed countries. Asia, Africa and Latin America have a total pop— ulation of no less than 1.75 billion peasants. Most of them barely make a living and have only a bowl of rice or similar local staple food for their daily meal. The food—people imbalance creates a double need: (1) to in- crease agricultural production, and (2) to control the population growth. Therefore, it seems appropriate that we focus our research upon the problems of diffusion of innovations relating to increasing food production and family planning in a rural setting. The diffusion of innovations as a process is so complex that it is difficult to isolate all its components and determine how they affect each other. However, research can help us gain a better under- standing of how campesinos adopt innovations; what some of the vari— ables affecting this process are; how innovations are communicated through the community; and what the role of radiophonic schools is in this process. 24 25 Participation in the Radio Schools and Adoption of Innovations Studies on the effectiveness of radiophonic schools are not numerous. Those dealing with the impact of the schools on such be- haviors as diffusion of innovations are in considerably lesser supply, and only in connection with ACPO activities. Two studies in the late 1950's attempted to assess the effect— iveness of ACPO radiophonic schools. Ferrer (1959), in a research project sponsored by UNESCO, gave special attention to the role of the radiophonic schools in influencing the adoption of innovations and improving the rural level of living. With a sample of 82 schools, he reported an average adoption rate of 51.4 percent on a scale of prac- tices related to agricultural crops and soils, 73.8 percent on a scale of innovations dealing with animal health and care, 69.4 percent on a scale of human nutrition innovations, and 45.9 percent on a scale of human improvement and hygiene practices, for students of radiophonic schools. Ferrer (1959) attempted to place a monetary value on the adoption of these innovations (assuming that these data can be gen- eralized to the 112,576 students enrolled at that time in ACPO classes). He calculated the value of ACPO radiophonic schools influence at $US 14,414.087. Dividing this sum by the total population produces a per capita increase of $US 1.04. Using the number of students en- rolled in ACPO classes yields an average benefit per student of $US 128.03. 26 Bernal (1971) questioned Ferrer's (1959) conclusions, pointing that he failed to report how market prices and production costs were calculated, and how cost of farm labor was figured. He also pointed out the difficulty of calculating the value of student input to in— frastructure construction. Although 14,289 students worked on commun- ity roads and bridges, it is almost impossible to sort out the extent and value of this contribution. Despite severe methodological short- comings the Ferrer (1959) study demonstrates that the radiophonic schools do contribute toward the improvement of the campesinos' living conditions. Torres and Corrodor (1961) selected three Colombian municipios (counties) in the same geographical region, differentiated in degree of local parochial organization and involvement in the radiophonic schools. Involvement was indexed by: regular visits from the parish priest to the schools, the priest's support of the students, and atten- dance by school monitors in the monthly meetings. Using an inventory of innovations similar to those of Ferrer Martin (1959), Torres and Corredor (1961) found that communities of higher levels of parochial participation had, generally, better homes and home improvements, followed better health and nutrition practices, and had adopted more agricultural innovations. Probably the most extensive research project to include effects on adoption of innovations was conducted for ACPO by the German De- velopment Institute and reported by Musto (1971). They found that, overall, students in the radiophonic schools had higher scores on an 27 innovation scale than listeners of radio Sutatenza or those not in— fluenced at all*. Their analysis included four main variables: modernity of attitudes, adoption of innovations, integration into the community, and income. They were also careful to take into account the differ- ing levels of regional development for different segments of their sample. Musto (1971) reported that: 1. In the more developed regions the students are more modern, they accept more innovations and are more integrated, but they do not have a higher income than those who are not influenced and are in- habitants of the same region. 2. In the less developed regions the students are not more modern but they accept more innovations, they are more integrated and they have a slightly higher income than those who are not influenced in the same region. 3. In the more developed regions the students are more modern, they accept more innovations, are more integrated and they have a higher income than those who are not influenced and live in the less developed areas. 4. In the less developed areas the students are not more modern nor do they accept more innovations, but they are more integrated and they have a lower income than those who are not influenced and dwell in the more developed regions.** *More than half of the innovations diffused by ACPO were adopted by radio school participants; one seventh of them were adopted by non- participants, (Musto, 1971). **Trans1ated and reprinted in ACPO (1972 a). 28 The conclusion appears to be that acceptance of a given inno- vation depends both on the degree of development of the respective region and on the influence of the radiophonic schools. The inter- action of variables is complex but a definite effect attributable to the radiophonic schools emerges. In considering the land ownership variable, Musto reports that owners, in general, are more innovative and more integrated than non- owners, but not necessarily more modern in their attitudes; and that owners influenced by ACPO are more innovative and more integrated than owners not influenced. There is no significant difference in modernity between owners influenced by ACPO and those not influenced. Musto (1971) and his colleagues conclude that the radio schools exercise their greatest impact in the field of explicit behavior of peasants, and not in teaching them to read and write or in the chang- ing of traditional mentalities. Bernal (1971) conducted a case study in the municipio (county) of Sutatenza, the "birthplace” of the radiophonic schools. His sample consisted of 916 households, drawn from nine communities. He compared 70 "participant" households with 846 ”non—participant“ households. Participants were defined as those who “follow the program of the radiophonic schools ” The questionnaire included measures of adoption of innovations promoted by ACPO, including use of fertilizer, production and consumption of cheese, preventive measures against soil erosion, growing of gardens and consumption of certain vegetables, construction of stables for milk cows, home improvement construction, and knowledge of and participation in cooperatives. 0f the 14 indicators of 29 innovativeness, there were significant relationships on 11 variables between adoption of that practice and participation in the radiophonic schools. Bernal (1971) notes that the finding of a significant re- lationship between radiophonic school participation and adoption measures does not prove a necessary or causal link between these vari- ables. These represent the principal studies, to our knowledge, that shed light on the role of radiophonic schools as channels for promul- gating the adoption of innovations. In general they indicate that those individuals who participate in radiophonic school activities adopt more innovations than those who do not. But they also suggest that there are other variables related to innovativeness. So far we do not have a clear picture as to how these other variables interact with the radiophonic school impact to lead to more innovative behavior. Consequently, and based on the information presented, we set up our first hypothesis: H]: Radio school participation is positively related to the adoption of innovations. The Diffusion of Innovations Process Most of the studies in the area of rural communications were specifically devoted to the verification of the diffusion process of agricultural innovations, within a conceptual model in use in various parts in the world. The model, actually under heavy criticism in Latin America*, defined diffusion as that process by which an idea spreads from the *See Beltran (1974) and Felstehausen (1971). 30 source of invention or creation to its ultimate users or adopters. It considered an idea to be an innovation if it is perceived as new by individuals in the social system. Four crucial elements in the process are postulated: the innovation, its communication, the social system in which the innovation diffuses, and the time period in which the diffusion occurs. The model identifies five stages in the dif- fusion process: awareness, interest, evaluation, trial and adoption. As we can see, level of continuation of the innovation after adoption is not taken into account by most authors*. Bernal (1974) reports that the research inspired by this model found numerous variables to be of importance in predicting the innova- tion decisions of individuals and the rate of diffusion of innovations in different social systems. The main sets of variables studied were: (1) those describing the traditional or modern state of the individuals and of the social system; (2) those specifying the chief characteris- tics of the innovations themselves; (3) those referring to the type of decisions required in order that the person adopt the innovation; (4) those identifying the communication situation itself; and (5) other des— criptive variables of the individual and of the structure of the social system in which he lives. We will not attempt to summarize the diffusion studies because this has been done by many other authors**. What we include here is a summary of the findings most relevant to our research. * One exception is Rogers (1971) who analyzes this topic. **For summaries see: Felstehausen (1965), Fonseca (l968), Diaz Bordenave (1974), Rogers (1962), Beltran (1972). 31 Diffusion studies have found that certain variables are con— sistently and positively related to the adoption rate for agricultural innovations-—for example, the variables size of farm, income level, educational level, social prestige and exposure to mass media, which at the same time correlate positively with each other. Echavarria (1967) found that farmers owning land are more innovative than sharecroppers. Parra (1966), Grunig (1969), Diaz Bordenave (1974), Fonseca (1968), Herzog (1968), and Rogers (1970) indicate that farmers with high levels of education and of access to mass media adopt innovations more readily than do landless, uneducated peasants with little access to communication media. These farmers are also considered to be more innovators. Innovators play a key role in the diffusion process. They are those who adopt innovations earlier than others. They are willing to take risks; they present evidence to other members of the community on how new ideas or practices work in real life conditions. They are the first category of adopters out of the five characterized by Rogers (1962): (l) innovators, (2) early adopters, (3) early majority, (4) later majority, and (5) laggards. The available research suggests that innovators differ from non-innovators in several aspects such as socio economic status, level of modernization and the like. More specifically, Rogers (1970) and Herzog (1968) have found the following variables generally related to innovativeness: age, level of living, farm size, land tenure, status, total income, mass media exposure, social participation, empathy and cosmopoliteness. 32 In this research we chose not to study in depth the innovators but to emphasize more the adoption of innovations per se--the number of innovations each individual adopts as compared with other members of the system. We made this decision because: (1) the body of re— search on innovators is quite extensive; (2) we are interested in knowing about the characteristics of those individuals who adopt more innovations than others (in the last analysis the goal of the change agency is that all the individuals in the community adopt all the appro- priate innovations). Based on the above information we are able to establish our second hypothesis: H : Adoption of innovations tends to vary with selected demographic, economic, communication and modernization variables*. It has been indicated by Musto (1970) in his Colombian study that those who adopt more innovations tend to be radio school partici- pants, as compared with those which adopt fewer innovations. Consequently, at this stage we hypothesize the following: H : Radio school participation tends to vary with selected demographic, economic, communication and modernization variables. Interpersonal Communication Networks In spite of the importance of interpersonal channels in the diffusion-adoption processes, relatively little is known about their exact nature within a local system or community. Studies at the *The Appendix includes a list of variables. Chapter III includes operational definitions of them. 33 community level have failed to report on the interpersonal networks and how the information about new ideas or practices passes through them. Communication research from a number of developing countries indicates that interpersonal channels are the most important in the adoption process when compared with mass media channels. When adopters of innovations are asked how they were persuaded to adopt, they over- whelmingly report such interpersonal channels as friends, neighbors and relatives (Rogers, 1974). To know about an innovation is not synonymous with adoption. Rogers (1970) and Herzog (1970) report that in general only 50 percent or less of those who knew about the innovations adopted them at any one point in time. So, it is important not only to know information flows within the community but also to know about interpersonal influence to- ward adoption. Whenever the campesinos exchange a particular message they be- come linked to each other. Via interpersonal network analysis* we are often able to map the information flow network for a particular com— munity. There can be different information networks for different types of messages. For example, agricultural and family type messages may flow through different networks. Once we have mapped the information flow network for the com- munity, different kinds of communication roles in the community: isolate, peripheral, group member, bridge and liaison. A communication network, * A network is a set of nodes (individuals) linked by communication flows. The members of a network do not have formal positions and titles but certain individuals do perform specialized roles in the network such as liaison, bridge and so on. 34 as indicated by Farace (1974), Danowski (1973) and others, usually includes all of these (see Figure 3). Isolate, Type 1 He is a person who communicates with no one else in the com- munity in some specific topic: daily, weekly or monthly. Isolates are persons not involved in the communication flow of the community. Isolate, Type 2 (Peripheral) He is a person performing a communication role in which he has a minimal involvement in the communication network--he is only attached to one person in the network. He is out of the mainstream of the com- munication flow. Tree Node He is a person who might have links to a group participant, and also has Type 2 isolates attached to him. Group Member To be a group member a person must have strong links with a sub-set of people--made up of three or more persons. We can consider persons in the group member role to be quite highly involved in the communication network-—provided that the small group itself is inter- linked with other groups in the community. Dyad A pair of persons with links only to each other. 35 Isolates Type 2 (Peripherals) Tree Node 0 Isolates Type 1 0 Figure 3. --An illustration of peripheral, isolate, group members, bridge and liaison roles in a communication network with four groups. 36 m A person performing a bridge role is, in addition to being a group member, a person who receives communication inputs or messages from other components or groups than his own in the organization and sends outputs to the other components. Bridges perform a critical role in the communication network linking up the various small groups--tying them into the communication system. A bridge exercises control over the information coming into and leaving the small group. Bridges are more important than those persons whose roles we have discussed up to now. Liaison He does not belong to any one group--he does not share a ma- jority of his communication with a single group. The liaison divides his loyalties among more than one group. He serves as their communi- cation link with the messages which flow in the network. By control- ling the information inputs for a number of different groups, the liaison can control the perceptions, attitudes and subsequent behavior of a large number of people in the community. The liaison is like an information center. He tends to be a decision maker in the community. The importance of these persons in the diffusion and adoption processes is obvious. One aspect of networks which is especially critical is the existence of linkages between various groups in the network. It is these linkages which make the community a whole system and not merely an assortment of independent small groups. Each small group,for most 37 effective integration into a community, should have a connecting channel with at least one other group-—whether it is through a bridge or a liaison—-on a highly regular basis (Danowski, 1973). We should mention that it is important for ACPO to have bridges as members of the radio schools, and liaisons linking groups made of participants and non-participants. This is so because we want the information, which is sent via the radio school, to flow through as many groups within the community as possible so all the campesinos get the chance to be informed and consequently make better decisions. One of the many differences between the people who live in a rural community and those who work for an external organization is that the latter are linked to the community temporarily, most of the time with a low sense of belongingness and are members of it to get a reward, to make a living in most instances. They are pieces within the formal structure of the organization who in most cases occupy a small piece of territory and might not be allowed to know or to commun- icate with most of the other organization members. 0n the other hand, in the case of those living in a rural traditional community made of 50 to 70 households (e.g. Tabacundo in Ecuador), they were born there and so were their grandparents and their sons. They know each member of the community and some cases they have strong ”padrinazgo"* ties with many members. They go together to church, to the “bebedero”** and ”bailadero"*** and in general they *Padrinazgo: Godfather. **Bebedero: Place where the campesinos get together, usually over weekends or holidays, to drink alcoholic beverages. *** Bailadero: In most towns, this is the place where the campesinos go to dance. '[F-l" 38 know pretty well what is going on, and what most of them think and do. Probably they share the same norms of the system and defend them. If a person becomes a radio school participant in a rural com— munity, he probably does so because this is a role accepted by the community. If the campesinos were against radio school participation, they would set up this decision normatively, and if you break this norm, you might well be rejected by the group. There is evidence that members of traditional communities usually would not play a role which is not accepted by the members of the community. Therefore we establish here our fourth hypothesis: H : Participants of the radio schools tend to be linked via interpersonal channels to non-participants of radio schools. The community members who play the roles of bridges and liaison act in some way as information centers. They tend to be decision makers. They have the power to re- lease or withhold the information which gets to them. We do not have information about their personal characteristics, because studies about them are nonexistent. But based in the same rationale which we follow for hypothesis four, we can predict they might be linked to partici— pants and non—participants as well. Consequently, our fifth hypothesis is: H5: Bridges and liaisons tend to be linked to participants and non—participants of the radio schools as well. The auxiliars are important to the effectiveness of the radio schools. It has been said that the success or failure of the radio school depends in degree of the drive and motivation of the person playing this role. 39 An auxiliar in some degree may also occupy a position of cen- trality within the community, because at least he acts as gatekeeper for the 20 or so radio school members, which in one way or other are dependent on him to achieve success while attending the courses. Bridges and liaisons also control the information flow in the commun- ity. Consequently, we expect that the auxiliars and the bridges and liaisons often are the same person. H6: Bridges and liaisons tend to be the auxiliars of the radio schools. It is obvious that if the auxiliar occupies a more central position in the community he will be linked to more people in it. Consequently we state our seventh and final hypothesis: H : Auxiliars tend to have a higher number of linkages than do the participants of the radio schools. Taboo Communication A word has to be said about the agricultural and family plan- ning innovations we are going to study. ACPO is a Catholic-run organ- ization. Their clients, the campesinos, are mostly Catholic. A topic like family planning is in opposition to traditional Catholic values. If it is still somewhat taboo in ”modern” U.S. to talk about sex, intercourse and pills in many situations, this is more so in rural traditional areas of developing countries. But even in rural societies some people must talk about intercourse and the pill. Consequently it will be important to know if they do, and who they are. The picture is completely different when we deal with agricul- tural innovations. In this regard, Marshall's (1971) study well sum- marizes the idea that agricultural information is not taboo 40 communication. He found that information about a new wheat variety spread more quickly in his Indian village than did a new family plan- ning idea (the IUD). Because of the degree of tabooness, we expect the agricul- tural network to be more integrated, with more links and more groups, and fewer isolates and peripherials than the family planning communica- tion network. Paradigm and Hypotheses Paradigm In summary and in order to have a better understanding of our research objectives, it might be of interest to look at the paradigm included in Figure 4. In the paradigm the following are implied: 1. Members of a community have certain characteristics that can be measured adequately. The characteristics are certain selected social, economic, modernization and communication variables. (See Appendix A for list of variables.) 2. Researchers such as Musto (1971) indicate that those who adopt more innovations tend to be radio school participants, as com- pared with those which adopt fewer innovations. Therefore, we expect an association between radio school participation and adoption of inno- vations. Also, Rogers (1970), among others, indicates there is a sig- nificant relationship between those who adopt more and several demo- graphic, economic, communication and modernization variables. Conse- quently, we expect that there will be an association between the four groups of variables specified and radio school participation. 41 Variables Social Communication Modernization Economic Yes (+) N0 (-) Radio—School Radio-School Participants Non Participants 41 Linkage Via Interpersonal Communication Figure 4.--Variables related to radio—school participation and community members linkage. 42 3. It is expected that those exposed to the messages sent by ACPO through radio and printed media will diffuse these messages via interpersonal communication to the other members of the community. We expect a two-step flow of information, from mass media to the par- ticipants of the radio schools, and from them, via interpersonal channels, to the rest of the community members, including the poorest campesinos who need this information the most. 4. We expect the auxiliar of the radio school to occupy a central position within the community. This is to be an opinion leader, a bridge or liaison, depending on whether we are analyzing inter— or intra-group linkages (in fact, in this study we stress the inter). We have underscored the importance of the auxiliar in the effectiveness of the radio school. It allows the person playing such a role to con— trol the flow of information. We have indicated that bridges and liaisons are special types of gatekeepers. Consequently we expect them to be the auxiliars. Hypotheses The review of selected studies in the field of diffusion of innovations, radio schools and interpersonal network analysis has helped us to narrow down the investigation into a number of research hypotheses: H]: Radio school participation is positively related to the adoption of innovations. H : Adoption of innovations tends to vary with selected demo— graphic, economic, communication and modernization variables. — 43 Radio school participation tends to vary with selected demographic,economic, communication and modernization variables. H : Participants of the radio schools tend to be linked via interpersonal channels to non-participants of the radio schools. H : Bridges and liaisons tend to be linked to participants and non-participants of the radio schools as well. H6: Bridges and liaisons tend to be the auxiliars of the radio schools. H7: Auxiliars tend to have a higher number of linkages than do the participants of the radio schools. CHAPTER III THE SETTING AND DESIGN OF THE STUDY Some of the objectives of this study, exploratory by nature, are to provide insights into how the radio schools in Colombia help the campesinos and their communities in areas such as the diffusion of innovations and what some of the relationships among adoption, radio school participation and other related variables are. It also was important to understand how the innovations in family planning and agriculture travel through the community, and how persons participating in the radio schools fit into this scheme. Another goal was to develop and test a research methodology which is simple enough, has a low cost and will allow program decision makers to set up a similar system so they can obtain fast feedback for decision-making. This also is believed to be the first time this form of net- work analysis has been used in rural settings in Latin America*. In this chapter, we include information about (1) the setting-- the country and the five communities in which this research was done; (2) the criteria for village selection and sampling; (3) instruments *Only one other study of this kind has been conducted. This is the study by Rogers, Park, Chung and Lee (1975), in Korea. 44 45 used for data collection; (4) operational definitions; and (5) statis- tical analysis. The Setting Geography Colombia, the fourth largest country in Latin America, is lo— cated in the northwestern portion of South America, adjoining the isthmus of Central America, and has coasts on both the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. It has an area of 439,513 square miles and a population of just over 20 million people (Table 3). The country is divided into four rather distinct regions by the Andes mountains which occupy about two-fifths of the land. The lowlands are generally hot and experience heavy rainfall. The highland climate varies with ele- vation and is pleasant and temperate in the higher elevations. Colombia's population is concentrated in the valleys and basins between the Andes ranges. Eleven of the fourteen urban centers are located in these mountain valleys. The other urban centers are found on the Caribbean coast. Vast plains extend from the eastern range of the Andes into valleys along the northern ends of the Amazon River basin where the jungle areas are almost unpopulated. Mountain valleys along the northern ends of the Andes ranges also are uninhabited. The principal means of transportation for much of Colombia is by water, but roads are flourishing and there is a good air service 1 (Dame, 1968). 46 TABLE 3.--Colombia: Basic Data. Area (square miles) 439.513 Population: 1970 21,116,000 Urban population (percentages) 57.7 Rate of population growth (1960-1970) 3.2 Death rate (per thousand, 1967) 9.4 Percentage of literacy (1964) 72.9 Percentage education expenditures out of Government expenditures (1969) 12.7 School enrollment, preprimary and primary (1968) 2,843,926 School enrollment secondary (1968) 586,704 Source: Inter-American Development Bank, 1970. Political - Governmental Situation Colombia is a former Spanish Crown Colony which achieved its independence in 1819. In 1946 anarchy verging on civil war developed. Revolts in the provinces and a wave of terrorism commenced. In 1953 Rojas Pinilla a military leader, seized power via a coup, and held it until 1957, when a Liberal was elected by a Conservative-Liberal co- alition. This government soon began to restore stability to the coun- try. Last year, the era of the coalition ended, and a new president was elected. The Rural Sector Agriculture, the economy's most important sector, accounts for 29 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and about 50 percent of the total employment in Colombia. The sector generates 75 to 80 per— cent of earnings from commodity exports, among which coffee remains the 47 most important item. Exports from other agricultural items are in— creasing. But coffee still remains the Colombian economy's most im- portant product: it usually accounts for about ten percent of the GDP and 30 percent of the total agricultural output. The 1960 census divided land use into six categories: arable land, cultivated 7.1 percent; arable land, fallow 5.8 percent; land in permanent plantings (such as coffee) 5.5 percent; land in pastures 53.4 percent; land in forest or woodlands 23.4 percent and other land 4.8 percent. The above information shows why the nation's rural area is devoted principally to cattle ranching. This is despite most of the foreign exchange earnings coming from the coffee exports. In Table 4 we see that a mere two percent of the producers (20,595) have ranches above 200 hectares in size. They account for 55 percent of all the land, however, whereas the 60 percent of the farmers with establishments of less than five hectares have only 4.5 percent of the land. The farms of five hectares or less are the minifundios, the subsistence tracts of the farm laborers. At the other extreme of the minifundia we have the large haciendas and plantations, the so called latifundia which are the farms made up of more than 200 hectares. g The Farmers There are about 1.5 million families in Colombia who are di- rectly dependent upon agriculture and pastoral activities for a live- lihood. Of these, by any reasonable criteria, only about 35 percent 48 TABLE 4.—-Some of the Correlates of Size of Farm in Colombia. Less than 5 to 50 50 to 200 Over 200 Correlative 5 hectares hectares hectares hectares Number of farms 756,605 370,165 62,307 20,595 Land in farms (ha.) 1,238,976 5,375,526 5,676,623 15,046,702 Land in farms (percent) 4.5 19.7 20.8 55.0 Owners: number 446,139 248,260 44,987 15,932 Owners: percent 59.1 32.9 5.9 2.1 Owners: hectares of land 723,158 3,725,555 4,168,249 11,162,623 Owners: percent of land owned 3.7 18.8 21.1 56.4 Maize: number of farms 301,578 196,152 32,452 9,069 Maize: hectares harvested 231,301 368,409 156,933 114,535 Maize: percent 26.6 42.3 18.0 13.1 Coffee: number of farms 230,978 166,424 17,304 3,161 Coffee: hectares 209,431 557,475 145,494 55,919 Coffee: percent 21.6 57.6 15.0 5.8 Cattle: number of farms 170,176 207,845 44,748 17,551 Cattle: head 576,115 2,207,390 2,200,853 4,659,231 Cattle: percent 6.0 22.9 22.8 48.3 Manpower only: number of farms 537,934 201,786 33,583 8,413 Manpower only: percent of farms 68.8 25.8 4.3 1.1 Resident farm population 3,497,412 2,320,735 494,270 253,867 Resident farm pop. per farm 4.6 6.3 7.9 12.3 Sources: Censo Nacional Colombiano, 1960; Lynn Smith, 1970. can be considered to be operators of the farms on which they are de- pendent. This leaves almost two-thirds in the precarious condition of farm laborers. Most of the campesinos are still relying upon systems of agriculture that are more rudimentary and primitive than those the Egyptians were using at the dawn of history (Smith, 1967). .I-I"I -'-—1-.-1 I." 49 Peons or Jornaleros They are the casual agricultural laborers who work in return for a meager daily or monthly wage and occupy the position at the bottom of Colombia's social scale. Probably 50 or 60 percent of all male work- ers in Colombia assume the role of peon for at least a portion of every year. They account for 26 and 30 percent of Colombia's entire labor force. They live in miserable huts, are undernourished, in poor health conditions and deprived of almost all the social benefits an individual should have. Arrendatarios The second large class of agricultural laborers in Colombia is composed of those called arrendatarios or renters--around 200,000 people. The basic arrangement is as follows: the family of the campesino re- ceives from the landowner a small tract of ground on which its members themselves erect a rude dwelling and on which they grow some subsis- tence crops, keep a small flock of chickens, and possibly care for a cow or a few head of sheep. In return, the members of the family are obligated to work on the hacienda at nominal wages for a certain number of days per week. The exact number of days' service required varies widely, although often it is all six, with only stated periods off during the course of the year. In some sections of the country, only three days of work per week are required (Fals Borda, 1957; Garcia, 1966). 50 Minifundistas Probably almost as numerous as the arrendatarios are the pro- pietarios or owners of the small tracts of ground from which they gather a few subsistence crops. Even though they own a few acres of ground and usually are considerably better off than those who do not, very few of them can live exclusively or even mainly from the small amounts of produce they are able to extract from their small plots. Like the arrendatarios, most of them count on other employment mostly on the fincas and haciendas, in order to gain a modest liveli- hood. For most of them, the role of agricultural laborer is the dom- inant one in their lives. Social Stratification and Class Structure Lebret (1958) indicates that the rural population of Colombia can be divided into four categories of social class: (1) the burguesia, which includes not more than one or two percent of the population; (2) the clase media, which might be estimated at 15-20 percent; (3) the popular class, which is the most numerous, in general 75 percent and running as high as 85 percent; and (4) the clase indigente, including some day laborers, unemployed laborers, and beggars. The Colombian society is highly stratified. The differences between the social status of the small upper crust (one-two percent) and that of the great masses of the population are tremendous. The former enjoy wealth and income, political power and prestige, education, culture, leisure, and positions of honor to a high degree. Those at the bottom are undernourished, poorly housed, disease ridden, and largely abandoned to their misery. Most of the campesinos, peons, fall 51 in this latter category. It has been just recently, in the last few decades, that a genuine Colombian middle class began to emerge, prin- cipally in the large cities so far. The population is composed of four principal ethnic groups: European 20 percent, mestizo (mixed European and Indian) 68 percent, Indian 75 percent, and Negro 5 percent. The Colombian people are Roman Catholic. The different origins and the geographical isolation of several groups within the country have developed groups of people who are culturally and socially distinct and only loosely associated politi- cally. Education According to the 1960 census* the general literacy rate was 73 percent: 85 percent among the urban population 15 years of age and older, and nearly 59 percent in the rural sector. In spite of increas— ing enrollments in both primary and secondary institutions, the average number of years of schooling for the population, placed at less than four years in 1964, remains low. In 1968, about 96 percent of all children between seven and 12 years of age in urban areas, and over 62 percent of those in the rural sector, were attending school. However, in the secondary school group age, the enrollment was placed at just 21 percent (both, rural and urban sectors). There are no data on dropouts. * We could have used data from the 1970 National Census. But when undertaking this research in Colombia, we learned this census was not reliable, and the government was undertaking serious investi- gation to find out why the census was a failure. Therefore, we de- cided to use data from 1960. 52 In 1970, which was designated internationally as the year of education, the Colombian government embarked on numerous programs to further education among the population at large. Ministry of Educa- tion programs have included: (1) an increase in community development programs; (2) establishing new literacy, functional education, technical training and middle level instructional programs; and (3) formulation and promotion of a new program for fundamental education aimed at assist- ing adults 14 years of age and over in furthering their education. ACPO has as its main audience the poor campesinos, those thousand illiterates, peons or laborers, arrendatarios and owners as well of the smallest plots of land. Most of them are mestizos located at the bottom of the social scale. Community Selection Colombia was chosen for this study because the first radio schools in Latin America were started there in 1947. Nowadays, the radio schools are united in a national organization called Acci6n Cultural Popular, which takes credit for coordinating approximately 22,000 radio schools in this country, and runs an annual budget of 4.2 million. The criteria we used for the selection of the communities were: 1. To select communities located in different geographical areas. We decided to choose one close to a large urban area--Bogota- This community was Centro Alto. Another community or two was to be rather isolated and in the mountain ares of the country. These were 53 Morros and La Aguada. Finally, we looked for another pair of communities to be located in the Valley area--San Jose and Holguin. 2. The communities should have had radio schools and a sizeable portion of the campesinos (at least ten percent) should have been radio school participants. This criterion was particularly hard to meet. The number of people enrolled and the radio schools as well, were scarce in each community. Many of those which were formally en- rolled on paper, I discovered were not now participating or never had participated in the radio schools. This matches with what was said in open interviews with Monsegnor Ardilla who indicated that probably out of 100 campesinos formally enrolled, only around 40 participate. The priest Dolores Solano, among others, also said that out of the 14 radio schools on paper for his area, only three or four are in actual oper- ation at most. 3. Each community should be made up of about 50 households. All heads of family were to be interviewed. All of them except Holguin met this criterion. Holguin had 300 households, so a sample had to be taken. There, the head of family in each tenth household was inter- viewed. The communities were first preselected, based on the information provided by ACPO's Department of Planning and Research. In general, four or five communities were preselected from each of the areas and then were visited by the coordinator of the project. After a visual inspection, and informal interviews with the campesinos and village authorities, the decision was made to select the final ones. The villages were purposively selected. 54 The Five Communities Next is a more detailed description of the five rural communi- ties in which this study was carried on: La Aguada, Morros, San Jose, Holguin and Centro Alto. La Aguada and Morros These two communities are located in the ”Departmento” (state) of Santander. Most of the farmland is located in the foothills of the Andes Mountains. Coffee and maize plus tobacco are the farm products most grown. The coffee and tobacco are sold and are a good source for money for the campesinos. La Aguada is a community of 55 households scattered along four miles of dirt road which climbs up and down the mountains. Tobacco is the farm product most grown. It is marketed at the towns of Zapatoca and Socorro. Food stuff is mainly purchased at the town of Galan which is within one hour walking distance. In Galan there is a church and a primary school. One hour away by car is the city of Zapatoca where the bishop has his headquarters. There also is a secon- dary school there. A bus service operates regularly from Socorro to Zapatoca and goes right through Galan and La Aguada. Morros has approximately 35 households, scattered around ten miles of dirt road and up in the mountains in isolated farmsteads. One end of Morros is one hour walking distance from Socorro, a quite urbanized center. The contact between the inhabitants form Morros with Socorro is almost daily. 55 San Jose and Holguin These two veredas are located in the ”Departmento” (state) of El Valle, AMunicipio” La Victoria. This is a flat area, with a tropi- cal type climate, very different from the other three communities studied. San Jose is made up of 45 households and Holguin of about 300. Most of the farmers own small plots of land, which is the char- acteristic of the minifundio pattern in Colombia and most of the Latin American countries. There are haciendas nearby, for which the campesinos work as cotton pickers or cattle herders. The communities are linked by a dirt road, along which most of the households are build. Holguin has a church and a school at the elementary level. Near these communities the government has set up a special rural development program called ”Concentracienes de Desarrollo Rural.” Centro Alto This community is a one hour bus ride from Bogota, the Capital of Colombia. Centro Alto, which is the place where the interviews were held, has its boundaries with Sopo, ”cabecera de municipio.” Many of the heads of families in Centro Alto work in other farms or in a local dairy industry. The 50 households are closer to each other than in the other four communities studied. The church located in the urban area of Sopo, can be seen from this “vereda.” The priest, who is 70 years old, is respected but, be- cause of his age, lacks energy to undertake many operations related to the welfare of the community and its members. 1. 56 The campesinos travel to Bogota quite frequently, and most of them have relatives there. Instrument Construction and Data Collection The survey instrument used was a questionnaire. A draft was first written in English and then translated into Spanish. It was submitted to two types of pretests: (1) expert evaluation, and (2) a pretest in a rural community in Colombia. The first draft was analyzed by experts at Michigan State University. A revised version was translated into Spanish and submitted to ACPO personnel who had experience in the area of research and had almost daily contact with the campesinos. The corrected draft was then submitted to a rural community located two hours by bus from Bogota in which 25 interviews were done. The wording and scales were corrected again with the special help of the interviewers and ACPO personnel. Special care was taken in terms of the length of the interview, which finally was reduced to 30 minutes. Most of the questions were close-ended and pre-coded. Four interviewers were contracted. All of them had field experi- ence and all worked for ACPO before. This means they were familiar with the radio school operation. In order to reduce the sex bias, two were male and two females. In total they interviewed 180 campesinos in the five communities. All the four interviewers went to the five communi- ties. All the heads of households of the five communities, with the exception of Holguin, were interviewed. An eligible respondent was 57 defined as: (l) the head of the family, (2) between the ages of 18 and 65, (3) a major provider for the household. When the “jefe de la familia“ was not available, because he might have been working in a far away place, and they did not expect him to be back the next day or so, the interviewers were allowed to sub- stitute his wife, the oldest son or relative living in the same house- hold. In some instances when the head of the family was working in a nearby field, the interviewers asked if he could be told to remain home the following day, so they could talk to him. In other instances, as happened in Centro Alto, loud speakers from the church were used to inform the community of our presence. Moreover, the community members were asked through the loud- speakers to cooperate and if possible wait for us the following day. This worked pretty well. In addition to the regular respondents nearly 40 in-depth in- terviews were held with selected radio school experts, national and international organization experts in the area of development, mem- bers from the Catholic church, rural leaders and campesinos. The in- terviews were unstructured and in most cases (34) recorded. Most of them were done by the coordinator of this research. The coding, keypunch into cards and verification as well as the data analysis were done at Michigan State University. The data gathered was subject to descriptive and statisical an- alysis--percentages, frequencies and Pearson product moment correlation-- and network analysis. 58 Measurement of Variables In an effort to select the most relevant operational definitions for the concepts, dozens of selected research reports in the area of education, communication, diffusion of innovations and communication networks were analyzed. The measurements used by Herzog (1968) in Brazil; Rogers (1970) in India, Brazil and Nigeria; Kincaid (1972) in Mexico; Farace (1974); Monge (1974); and Richards (1974), were the ones most relied upon. Some of the definitions were adapted to the local conditions, and some new ones developed by us were also introduced. Despite most of the variables being measured in other cultures, such as Brazil and India, we assumed that we could extrapolate validity and reliability to our own setting. In this study, we did not under- take validity and reliability tests. We now know it is important, and something which should be done in further studies. A. Demographic Age,——Farmers were asked their age. Sex,--Farmers sex was recorded by the interviewers. Years of Schooling.--Each respondent was asked how many years of formal schooling he had completed. Literacy.--(a)-A 36-word reading test (in Spanish) was constructed based on an actual problem of the campesino. Each respondent was asked to read the passage and was scored on the number of words that were read correctly. 59 Reading Test: “Los animales son atacados por muchas plagas y enfermedades. El aseo y la higiene permanente y la vacunacion oportuna, nos permite tener unos animales sanos, animales que nos van producir mas y de mejor calidad.” English version: Animals are attacked by many pests and illnesses. Cleaning, permanent hygiene and timely vaccination, allow us to have a healthy animal which will produce more and of superior quality. (b)-Afterward, to measure comprehension, a question was asked related to the content of the paragraph: Comprehension Test: 0: ”Que cosas, aspectos o puntos se deben tener en cuenta para que los animales esten sanos, produzcan mas y sean de mejor calidad? A: Aseo, higiene y vacunacion oportuna. English version: What things should be considered to have healthy animals, which produce more and are of better quality? A: Cleaning, permanent hygiene and timely vaccination. B. Economic Total Income.--Farmers were asked the total cash income for their family the previous year. Farm Size --Farmers were asked to indicate the total number of hectares they own or rent. Land Tenure Status --Farmers were asked if they owned, rented the land, or worked for others. Agricultural Activity.-—Farmers were asked to indicate their agricultural activity (e.g. they grow coffee, corn, etc.). Also a com- pound index was used by adding up the number of crops they grew. As an example, if they grew potatoes only, then their score will be 1. If they grew corn, potatoes and coffee, then their score will be l+l+l = 3. 60 C. Communication Radio Set Ownership.—-Farmers were asked if they owned a radio set. Radio Exposure.--Farmers were asked to give the name of the broadcasting stations they listened to. That number was put into a general index indicating how many radio stations they were exposed to. Print Media Exposure —-Farmers were asked to name the different newspapers and magazines they read. This gives the number of respon- dents exposed to a particular medium. I also calculated the degree of exposure of a particular individual to newspapers and magazines by adding them up. Member of Radio School.--The farmer was asked if he was a par— ticipant at time of interviews, if he had been but was not anymore, and if he had not been at all. Length of Time as Participant of the Radio Schools.--The farmer was asked for how long, in months, he had been a member of the radio schools. Courses He Took as Participant.--The farmer was asked what courses he had taken as participant of the radio school, if he approved (passed) the course (ACPO requests the individual to take a general knowledge test prepared by them and standardized for the whole country), and if he had received a certification of approval (completion) from ACPO. _~__‘ 61 Role in the Radio School —-The farmer was asked if he was a supervisor, auxiliar*, promoter or a student in the radio school. Family Participation.—-The farmer was asked if some other member of his family had been a participant in the radio school. El Campesino Exposure.--The farmer was asked how often he reads the periodical El Campesino**. Contact with the Local Priest --Each farmer was asked to indi- cate how often he sees the priest, and also how often he talks with him. 0. Modernization Knowledge of Innovations.--Our operational definition of know- ledge of innovations was the relative extent of an individual's knowledge about family planning, home, and agricultural innovations, as compared with other members of the system. Knowledge of innovations was measured as to whether respondents had heard of each of ten innovations. The approach assumed that each innovation was roughly equivalent in import- ance to each other innovation in the scale. The year they had first knowledge was also asked, as well as the source of the information. * Auxiliar. Person who helps in the coordination of the radio school group, by tuning the radio set, seeking the batteries to run the radio set and helping the students to follow the messages received via the radio. This person usually is appointed by the priest or the re— gional radio school supervisor. * *El Campesino is edited by ACPO in Bogota. ACPO figures in- dicate 70,000 copies a week are distributed nationwide. The target audience are the Colombian campesinos. It is printed in color. 62 Five innovations were related to agriculture, one to family planning and four to home aspects. They were: raised cooking stove, running water in the house, sports field, latrine, vegetable garden, milk cow, manure pit, animal vaccination, roya (coffee disease), family planning method. The practices were common and applicable to all five communities. Adoption of Innovations.—-Respondents were asked if they had adopted any of the ten innovations* and the year of the adoption. If an individual reported having adopted eight out of the ten innovations, for example, his adoption score was eight. Continuation of the Use of the Innovation.-—Respondents were asked if they were using the innovation at the time of the interview. Cosmopoliteness --This concept was operationalized as the num— ber of trips each farmer took to the three nearest large cities during the previous year. For example, if a farmer traveled two times to the first city, three times to the second city, and six times to the third city, then his score would be 2+3+6 = 11. Empathy.--Each farmer was asked what he would do in a number of different roles: the Minister of Agriculture, the community priest, and the President of the country. We added together the number of * One of the ten innovations-—roya--is a type of coffee disease. It originated in Africa and entered Brazil a few years ago, devastating entire coffee plantations. It is new to Colombians. Thus we were find- ing out whether or not they were aware of the disease, and whether or not they had the disease in their coffee plants. Adoption in this sense is strictly involuntary--not voluntary as the others in the list were. 63 things he would do in each role. As an example, he indicates doing two things as Minister of Agriculture--giving credit and distributing 1and--, none as priest, and one thing-~give titles of land ownership-- as if he were the country's President. Then his score would be 2+O+l = 3*. Occupational Aspirations for Son.--This concept was operation- ized as the degree to which the respondent desired a similar or dif— ferent job than his own (respondent) for his son. E. Communication Network Network analysis allows the researcher to identify the structure of a social system (in our case the community). The analysis is based on ppggg (in our case, campesinos) and lipk§_which are indicants of a relationship between nodes. * Empathy was measured in this study as it was by Lerner (1958). He asked respondents, for example, ”What would you do if you were Pres- ident. . .?" Responses to such a question don't necessarily demonstrate presence or lack of "empathy," in the sense of ”putting one's self into the shoes of the other.” What Lerner found was that some peasants could not answer such a question because they knew that they never could or would be President, and so it was a nonsense question for them. For this study, we felt that responses at least would give us an idea whether or not the peasant could even think in terms what another person in that position might be able to do, and why he might do it. Such skills and abilities would be important where the peasant has to try to understand about what he should or should not do. Where he doesn't have face-to— face contact with those trying to influence him, it is important that he have some ability to ”visualize" or ”empathize with” the distant source so he can try to understand the motives of the change agency in asking him to change. The more he has these skills and abilities, the better he should be at assessing the relevance of any proposed change for him personally, and therefore the more rapidly he might change if he sees the change as benefitting him. 64 Our analysis has two primary goals: (1) to produce the typo- logical description of the network under investigation (more specifi- cally, a list of the groups within the system and a description of the roles of all individuals members within the system), and (2) to deter- mine the place the auxiliars, radio school participants and nonparti- cipants occupy in the network and the relationships among them. Typically, in a network analysis of this type, the following roles are distinguished: Isolate Type 1, Isolate Type 2 (peripheral), Dyad, Tree Node, Group Member, Bridge and Liaison. Isolates, Type l.—-They are individuals who have no links to other individuals at all. Isolates, Type 2.-—They are individuals who have only one link and no one attached to them. We also call them peripherals. Tree Nodes.——They are individuals who have a single link to another individual and have some Type 2 isolates attached to themselves. Bridge.--Person who is a member of a communication group and who has a link to a person who is a member of a different communication group. Bridge Link.-—One-step, direct communication link between two persons who are members of different groups. Communication Group.--Three or more persons within a network who have at least 50 percent of their links with each other. 65 Contact (Contactee).—-A person who is listed on a network questionnaire as someone with whom the listener has a communication relationship. Group Member.—-A person who belongs to a communication group. A group member has at least 50 percent of his links with people who share their links with each other. Liaison --Person within a network who has links with two or more communication groups, but does not have a predominance of links with any one group. Network Data.——The major goal of a network analysis is to specify the pathways through which communication flows in a given social system. We gathered data about: (1) the topic of interactions-- agricultural and family planning, and (2) the frequency of the inter- action. The sociometric questions asked were: With whom do you communi- cate about family planning topics? Would you please give me their names so that I may include them in my list? How often do you communi- cate with them about family planning? 1 __~__j or 2 times a year 2 _____l or 2 times a month 3 _____j or 2 times a week 4 _____l or 2 times a day With whom do you communicate about agricultural topics? Would you please give me their names so that I may include them in my list? How often do you communicate with them about agricultural topics? 66 _l _l or 2 times a year or 2 times a month or 2 times a week #wN or 2 times a day NAME FREQUENCY Statistical Analysis Statistical tests of significance, set at the .05 probability level, were used in the present analysis. Pearson product moment cor— relation was used in hypotheses one through four. Because we did not have a representative village sample (they were purposively selected), our findings cannot be generalized to the whole country. Consequently, when generalizations are attempted, they are rather speculative. Up to the present time, efforts aimed at studying communication networks have been hampered by the inability to manually handle and analyze the great amounts of data necessary to construct networks of relatively large-sized social systems. Recent methodological advances in computerized identification of communication network data now allow us to understand many added dimensions of interpersonal communication networks which were previously hidden (Rogers, 1974). Rogers (1974) indicates that while the work on matrix multi- plication of sociometric data began with Festinger (1949) and Luce and Perry (1949), and was advanced by Hubell (1965) its application to the analysis of communication networks was made by Bott (1957), Coleman (1964), Harary and others (1965), and Lin (1968). Recent 67 methodological approaches to measuring various dimensions of communica- tion networks, using computer matrix multiplication techniques, are re— ported by Guimaraes (1972) and Richards (1971). The computerized methods of matrix analysis employ strict mathematical criteria for explicitly identifying cliques and communica— tion roles in the network data. With the mathematization of computa— tional rules executed by a standard computer program, judgmental errors—-due to visual analysis--can be eliminated, and the capability of making inter and cross-network comparisons is facilitated (Rogers, 1974). To do the communication network analysis we used the W. Richards (1971) computer program in operation at Michigan State University, Department of Communication. This is a "novel” program, which is only in operation in two places in the United States. CHAPTER IV FINDINGS This chapter presents the analysis of the data gathered in the five Colombian communities. A total of 180 questionnaires were admin- istered. This chapter is divided into three main sections: ijgt, descriptive analysis. It includes information about the typical Colombian campesino; the participation in the radio schools by community members; and diffusion of agricultural, home and family planning innovations. Segppg, correlation analysis of two dependent variables, par- ticipation in the radio schools and adoption of innovations, with several independent variables classified as demographic, economic, communication and modernization variables. Ipirp, analysis of two interpersonal communication networks, agriculture and family planning, in each of the five communities. I. Descriptive Analysis The Typical Colombian Campesino The 180 individuals interviewed were predominantly heads of families; where the head of family was not available, the spouse or oldest son was interviewed instead. Data are also presented indicating 68 69 the actual total number of heads of family in each community. Note that in Holguin, because of the larger size of the community, a sample was drawn rather than attempting to interview all family heads (Table 5). Occupational data are also presented in Table 5. Forty percent of the sample are engaged in agriculture as their primary source of livelihood. Although these are rural communities, several non-agricul- tural occupations are substantially represented. A third of the sample was unemployed at the time these data were collected. The data in Table 5 indicate that 97 percent of the sample own land. In the peasant culture of Latin America, this is a vitally im- portant possession and may at times mean the difference between starva- tion and survival. Almost half the sample owns one hectare or less, an indication of the prevalent minifundio (small farm) problem. Only ten percent own more than 20 hectares. This supports the now familiar generalization that in Latin America most of the land is in the hands of few, while the majority of the rural population has barely enough land to scratch out a meager existence. Income data are presented in Table 5. Twenty-five percent of the sample earns US$ 70 or less a year. Eighteen percent have an annual income of an equivalent between $70 and $270 a year. Twenty-six per- cent of the respondents declined to give an answer when asked about their income. Data were also collected about the agricultural activities of the families. Fifty percent of the sample grow corn as their principal crop. Coffee, while a main export of Colombia, was grown by only 11 70 TABLE 5.-—Description of the Sample of Five Colombian Communities. 1. Number of respondents. Community Number of Respondents La Aguada 27 Centro Alto 24 Morros 14 San Jose 24 Holguin ____ _11 180 100 2. Primary occupations of respondents Occupation Agriculture Laborer (bricklayer, factory, etc.) Other (artesan, shopowner, etc.) Unemployed 3. Size of farm owned Farm Size Owns no land Owns less than % Hectare From 8 to l Hectare Over 1 to 5 Hectares Over 5 to 10 Hectares Over 10 to 20 Hectares Over 20 Hectares 4. Annual family income Income Less than US $70/yr. 70 to 270/yr. Over 270/yr. Declines to respond Number of Respondents 7O 13 38 _52 180 Number of Respondents 5 63 18 _J _Io1 COU‘IWW _l CD O Number of Respondents Percent of Total Sample Total Number of Heads of Family in Community Percent of Total Sample 39 7 21 i3 100 Percent of Total Sample 3 35 10 32 low —I O 0 Percent of Total Sample 71 percent of the present sample. Other crops indicated were: tobacco, 27 percent; and yucca 13 percent. In general, the data indicate "monocultivation," where farmers grow one, or at most two, cash crops. Sixty-three percent of the sample grow two different crops, while the rest grow only one. There is virtually no growing of fruits or green vegetables. Thirty-five percent of the respondents sold part of what they grew, while 26 percent sold all of it. The latter group is composed mainly of those who grow tobacco and coffee. One-third of the sample consume all the crops that they produce. Respondents were asked about the quantity of the previous year's harvest. Most answered that it was less than the year before, although 17 percent reported a higher yield than the year before. They attri— buted their larger harvest to better weather and improved techniques in that order. Only 11 percent of the respondents reported keeping records of their farm transactions. Table 6 presents data on radio exposure in the five communities. As can be seen, Radio Sutatenza, the station operated by ACPO, is the only one heard nation-wide. The national chain ”Caracol" is heard in three of the five communities. The other ten radio stations have only local coverage. Campesinos from San Jose and Holguin listen to the same local radio stations-—Cartago, Cali and Cauca-—because they are geographically close to each other. 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