URBAN HFEGRATEON: A CGMRMIWNE $TUDY ,' “a H “u: '3" W1“ ‘,‘ '51” mm: 5-“?54' f‘ii-Qh‘m‘r SEAN. 'Jm'n film ‘3' 1‘ I! i,::A a ‘ 'l‘ 22in: l‘ v. 561% Law? flame mud-ES: 197C; “J LIBRARY Michigan State University THFQVS This is to certify that the thesis entitled Urban Integration: A Covparative Study presented by i Earle Lat-wen ce Snid er has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for _E_E1D___ degree in _S_QQinQ9‘_V Date Z/7 ,{f/é, ; I 0-169 I ‘ The University of Alberta Printing Department _ Edmpnton, Alberta ABSTRACT URBAN INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Earle Lawrence Snider The purpose of this research was to examine the process of integration in urban environments of different levels of economic development. A three-phase analytic paradigm was chosen as the appropriate theoretical conceptualization as it provided an oppor- tunity to study the ameliorating and mitigating forces that might influence the urban dweller's eventual integration. Data were collected in an industrialized city, Lansing, Michigan; a stable city, Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan; and, data were made available for an industrializing city, Santiago de Chile. Functional equivalence between the questionnaires resulted from original equiva- lence of questions or by later manipulation of coding categories. Differences existing between the phases of integration were sufficiently large in extent and variety to merit the use of a wider theoretical perspective. Acculturation variables contributed to the largest number of significant relationships over all sample cities while adjustment variables contributed least. Determinants of success in larger society and measures of cultural integration were found to be more viable indicies of urban integration than adjustment of participation variables. Earle Lawrence Snider Differences between communities in terms of the relative strength of dependent and independent variables existed and a pattern emerged. Universalistic criteria, such as education, were more salient than particularistic criteria, such as nativity, in the more industrialized community. In the industrializing community, particu- laristic criteria were more pertinent. This trend also applied to categories of integration - particularistic variables found expression in communities where exposure to individual values and the requisite social structure to support and transmit those values exists. Differences existed among the categories of the dependent variables across the communities but the strength of the relationships between the independent and dependent variables did not decrease from higher to lower levels of industrialization as expected. A U-shaped distribution resulted primarily because the industrializing community sufficiently resembled the industrialized community. Implications of this research for a theory of modernity are discussed. Methodological considerations for cross-cultural research are presented. URBAN INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Earle Lawrence Snider A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1970 1:) ieiyb '7»/~7o ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In preparation of this dissertation, many individuals have given willingly of their time and effort. I wish to acknowledge my debt to them. Dr. Philip Marcus supervised my efforts not only during the dissertation period but pushed, pulled and encouraged me throughout my doctoral program at Michigan State. Dr. J. A. Beegle, Dr. W. A. Faunce, Dr. W. H. Form and Dr. F. B. Waisanen provided assistance, encouragement, and valuable criticism throughout the project. It is difficult to name all those who have made the years at Michigan State a rewarding experience. My colleagues, especially E. Howard Borck, gave willingly of their time to assist and encourage me when I needed it most. The congeniality and coffee of the main office supplied unmeasureable stimulus. Miss Julie Tubbs' cheerful disposition and assistance during the final stages of data analysis are thoroughly appreciated. Being a product of an extended family system provided many channels for support throughout my career. To them, I am forever indebted. My wife Ruth suffered through the trials and tribulations of the role of a graduate student's wife. Her love, understanding, and willingness to assist brought the project to conclusion - without her I would still be at it. For any errors of a technical or interpretive nature, the author assumes full responsibility. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS IN’rRODUCTI-WOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOO00......OOOOOOOOOOCCOOOOO Statement Of the PrOblemOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.. Justification for this Research....................... TliEORY MD LITERATURE...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Definition of terms................................... Theoretical approaches................................ Process of Urban Integration.......................... Shannon and Shannon's two-step paradigm............... Cultural lntegration.................................. Economic Absorption................................... Germani's three-phase paradigm........................ Acculturation....................................... Adjustment.......................................... Participation....................................... Independent Variables................................. Socio-economic Status............................... Duration of Residence............................... Nativity............................................ Level of Economic Development......................... SUllllllflfYooooooooo000000000.0.0000000.coo-000.000.0000.. iii PAGE 10 10 10 10 12 15 20 25 25 29 31 34 37 CHAPTER PAGE III. PETHomI-JOGYOOIOIOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 39 Comparative Research Design........................... 39 Research Sites........................................ 40 Lansing, Michigan................................... 41 Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan............................. 43 Santiago, Chile..................................... 43 The Samples Compared.................................. 46 The Questions......................................... 50 Paradigm of Functional Equivalence.................... 50 Summary............................................... 55 IV. FINDINGS...00.000.000.000...0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 57 Concept Equivalence in Survey Research................ 57 The Use of Socio-Economic Status...................... 58 Relationships Between Variables....................... 63 Strength of Relationships............................. 79 MagnitUde Of DifferenceSOOIOOOOQooooooo00000000000000. 88 Regression Analysis................................... 91 The Development of Comparative Statistics............. 92 Least Squares Routine................................. 94 Summary............................................... 149 iv CHAPTER PAGE V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS............................... 150 Summary of Results.................................. 150 Implications for Theory on Modernity................ 152 Suggestions for Further Research.................... 156 Development of Integration Scales................... 158 BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................. 161 APPENDIX A. Concepts Involved in the Study and Form of Appropriate Questions in the Questionnaires for the Three Sample Cities....................................... 170 APPENDIX B. Percentage of Respondents Possessing Guttman Scale Score Items for All Sample Cities........... 174 APPENDIX C. Table Of Critical Values Of Tanoooooooooooooooo 176 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. Economic Development Criteria for Lansing and Moose Jaw........................................ 47 2. Employment by Economic Sector in Chile, 1960........... 49 3. Contributions by Economic Sectors to Gross National Product of Chile............................ 49 4. Occupational Distribution for Sample Cities............ 51 5. Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients Between Independent Variables for Sample Cities.............. 62 6. Tau Values for Independent Variables by Dependent Variables: Lansing........................ 64 7. Tau Values for Independent Variables by Dependent Variables: Moose Jaw...................... 66 8. Tau Values for Independent Variables by Dependent Variables: Santiago....................... 68 9. Distribution of Significant Relationships (p£.05) Over Independent Variables and Integration Categories for all Samples........................... 72 10. Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Education.............................. 81 11. Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Mean Monthly Family Income............. 82 vi TABLE 12. l3. l4. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. PAGE Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Occupation............................ 83 Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Duration of Residence................. 84 Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Nativity.............................. 85 Value of Somer's D for all Dependent Variables and Cities by Percapita Monthly Family Income........... 86 Mann-Whitney U Test for Dependent Variables Between Sample Cities............................... 89 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable JOb Aspirations............oee...................... 98 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Educational Aspirations-00.000oooooooooooooooooooooo 99 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable LeVEI 0f LiVingooo00000000000000.0000...ooooooooo... 100 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Future orientationeoooooooooooooo0.00000000000000000 101 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Occupational Interest............................... 102 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable satiSfaCtion With Life-cocoa...0.0.0.000...00.00.... 103 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Rationale for Move...ono...oooooooooooooooooooooooo. 104 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Positive Impression-City............................ 105 vii TABLE 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. PAGE Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Negative Impression-City............................ 106 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Attraction of Neighborhood.......................... 107 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Satisfaction with Neighborhood...................... 108 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Number of Relatives in City......................... 109 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Presence of Relatives in City....................... 110 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Number of Friends in City........................... 111 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Presence of Friends in Neighborhood................. 112 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Presence of Friends in City......................... 113 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Tenancy............................................. 114 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Mobility Status..................................... 115 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Number of Moves - Last 5 years...................... 116 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Willingness to Migrate.............................. 117 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Employment Status................................... 118 viii TABLE 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 440 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. PAGE Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Literacy.... 119 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Interaction with Neighbors........................... 120 Regression Analysis for Dependent Variable Extent Organizational Participation......................... 121 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Job Aspirations............... 124 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Educational Aspirations....... 125. Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Level of Living............... 126 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Future Orientation............ 127 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Occupational Interest......... 128 Comparison of Original and RestriCted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Satisfaction with Life............ 129 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Rationale for Move............ 130 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Positive Impression - City........ 131 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Negative Impression - City........ 132 Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Attraction of Neighborhood........ 133 ix TABLE 51. 52. 53. 54. SS. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Satisfaction with Neighborhood.... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Number of Relatives in City....... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Presence of Relatives in City..... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Number of Friends in City......... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Presence of Friends in Neighborhood Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Presence of Friends in City....... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Tenancy....................... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Mobility Status............... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Number of Moves - Last 5 Years.... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Willingness to Migrate............ Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Employment Status................. Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weight for Dependent Variable Literacy.......................... Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Interaction with Neighbors........ PAGE 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 TABLE PAGE 64. Comparison of Original and Restricted Beta Weights for Dependent Variable Extent Organizational PartiCipation...OOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 147 xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ...However, knowledge and ignorance of habit patterns are as truly a means of migration as a railroad ticket or the rail- road itself. For, if one is accustomed to the habits and patterns of life of a big city, this is as truly helpful to transportation to a city as a railroad ticket. The more experienced in the ways of life of a city a person may be, the easier the transition, and presumably, the more inclined the person is to make the transition. Thus it was probably easier for Daniel Boone to move from Virginia to Kentucky than it is for a person in Brooklyn today to move to the Alaskan wilds, owing to the differences in experience or culture patterns. Jane Moore, Citygard Migration, (Chicago, University of Chicago Press), 1938, p. 130. The purpose of this research is to investigate the process through which migrants, living in cities of different levels of economic development, become integrated into an urban way of lifegthat is, to search for some causal factors that influence city dwellers to accept and demonstrate those values defined as urban. Such a project would contribute to our knowledge and understanding of integration and ‘ urbanism. With the fluctuation in numbers and interest in international migration to North America, population redistribution within a country, internal migration, has held the interest of researchers and speculators. This interest is also due indirectly to the recognition of the fact that urban growth depends not only upon natural increase in population in urban areas but also upon a continual net gain of migrants from rural or other urban areas. The changes in economic and social life which 1 2 have resulted, such as expansion of industrial production, technological advances, decline in agricultural employment and the secularization of value systems -- to name a few concomitants -- have raised our interests in the change process underlying the phenomenon of internal migration. Of the more pertinent writers in this area, Shannon and Shannon express "...a decline in the prOportion of foreign-born a position we endorse: in cities or in the number or prOportion ofpersons involved in city- ward migration does not necessarily mean that the impact of migration on urban areas is decreasing."1 The justification for pursuing such research then is three-fold: (1) There is a scholarly interest in the effect of a change in environ- ment on behavior which is largely of man's own making; (2) In a prag- matic vein, much of the time and effort spent on urban assimilation programs are based on the assumption that movement to the city and residing there are the only two sufficient conditions to be satisfied for successful urban living; and, (3) Migration is an integral part of industrialization and economic development. As the urban setting provides the catalyst for social and economic changes, the study will shed light on some of the important boundary conditions affecting the change process. By controlling for environmental factors in the place of origin and destination of migration, we can begin to search for certain 1 Lyle W. Shannon and Magdaline Shannon, ”The Assimilation of Migrants to Cities," in Leo F. Schnore and Henry Fagin (eds.), Urban Research and Policerlanning: 1 (Beverly Hills, Ca1if., Sage Publica- tions, Inc., 1967), p. 50. 3 regularities predictable on sociological principles concerning the affect of environment on behavior and give validity to these principles for predictions as to the process of social change in general in other related fields of social life. Currently such a tact is difficult given the rough estimates available from census migration data. Few countries (Sweden is the outstanding exception) even have a systematic procedure for reporting migratory behavior. Census data also provide no direct information useful for inferences about causes and motives for migration to cities.2 The present research takes into account the manifold forces known and/or assumed to exert positive causal influence on the process of integration into urban life. As a result, more utility could be gained from current census data aside from exploring a number of migration . differentials. Given the public demand for fewer social science questions in the census, we must seek alternate forms of evaluation of whatever data may be made available as supplemented by information from sample surveys. As will be pointed out in following chapters, the concern with migration and urban integration as a social process is justified on two grounds. Firstly, the procedure forces the researcher beyond the limited data available in the census. Secondly, it ensures the persual of a sociological endeavor. Conceptual analysis presumably leads to rigorous 2 . The weakness of census data for use in the study of the process of migration is accurately discussed by K.C. Zachariah, "Bombay Migra- tion Study: A Pilot Analysis of Migration to an Asian Metropolis," Demography, 13, (1966), pp. 378-92; and in a special United Nations report, Problems 2; Migration Statistics, Population Studies No. 5 (New York, United Nations, 1949). 4 prOpositions concerning the components of the major concepts involved but previous researcher's central concern with personality equilibrium prevents consideration of a sociological formulation. An overconcern for techniques and procedures has delayed the study of social organi- zation and social effects in the system of interaction in which they 3 take place. 3 An attempt to formalize such a procedure may be found in Frank E. Jones, "A Sociological Perspective on Immigrant Adjustment," Social Forces, 35 (Oct., 1956), pp. 39-47. CHAPTER II THEORY AND LITERATURE Transferring or learning the ability to cOpe with an urban envir- onment or way of life is immediately confused by the semantic varia- tions in what the task involves and to what it refers. Terms such as "assimilation,” "acculturation," "adjustment," and "integration" have beenutilized to refer to the urban dweller being absorbed into an urban way of life. Often the terms have been used interchangeably while their meanings overlap. In most cases, however, reference is made to an end product which entails conformity to an urban culture or way of life as variously defined by level of living, participation patterns and other typically urban forms of behavior and interaction. Park's concept of social assimilation implied social stability rather than complete absorption at all levels. He defined assimilation as "the process or processes by which peOples of diverse racial origins and different cultural heritages, occupying a common territory, achieve a cultural solidarity sufficient at least to sustain a national existence."i Although the definition was destined for application to the absorption of international migrants, it is relevant to the proce- dure through which migrants and non-migrants become absorbed into urban 1 Robert E. Park, "Assimilation, Social," in Edwin R. A. Seligman and Alvin Johnson (eds.), Encyc10pedia Q; the Social Sciences (New York, The Macmillan Co., 1930), p. 281. life. Park's notion is not uncommonly representative of the trend of thought which argues that the migrant forfeits some of his identity in exchange for the local and/or national culture. It may be traced back to Fairchild's physiological analogy of the nutriment being taken into the system of a living organism where it "ultimately becomes an integral part of the physical body."2 Such an ecological approach restricts itself to the study of groupings of men through time and Space as buffeted by the non- ‘rational, subsocial forces originally suggested by biologists. Phenomena were studied at the aggregate level and the existence of phenomena were explained with reference to homogeneous social organiza- tion found within each subarea. This method, however, provided little insight as to the process through which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments and attitudes of other persons or groups and sharing such history and experience are incorporated into a common cultural life.3 It should be pointed out that what different authors perceive as necessary and/or sufficient for assimilation is partially a function of their ideological furvor for one or another phiIOSOphy with reSpect to the "prOper" state of assimilation. Gordon presents the three basic 4 philosophies of Anglo-conformity, melting pot, and cultural pluralism. 2 Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration (New York, Dryden Press, 1925), p. 396-ff. 3 Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction 22 Egg Science 9; Sociology (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1921), p. 735. 4 Milton M. Gordon, Assimilation 33 American Life (New York, Oxford University Press, 1964). 7 Each demands a different degree of migrant renunciation of previous socialization and cultural life and political and economic integration into the receiving society. Since his point of reference is the national level, his-ideal types do not necessarily adhere at the local (community) level. Such complications are avoided in the present research by focusing on those variables which have proven theoretically to be necessary and/or sufficient for urban integration while avoiding those deemed ”desirable” for the cultural tone of society. Although most of the relevant concepts are still used interchange- ably, general agreement is developing as to the elements involved and perhaps some consensus as to the order of occurrence.5 Differences between the migrating groups and receiving societies slowly disappear, the loss of old identities and loyalties heralds the eventual common culture the effect of which is more significant than only the token acceptance of certain cultural artifacts. For our purposes, urban assimilation is defined as "the process of interpenetration and fusion in which persons and groups acquire memories, sentiments and attitudes of other persons or groups, and, by sharing their experience and history, are incorporated with them 6 in a common cultural life." Such a definition encourages interest 5 See for example Edward Byran Reuter, Handbook gf Sociology (New York, Dryden Press, 1941), p. 84; Brewton Berry, Race Relations (Boston, Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1951), p. 217; Joseph H. Fichter, Sociology (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1957), p. 229; Arnold M. Rose, Sociology: The Study 2; Human Relations (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), pp. 557-8; John F. Cuber, Sociology: A_SynoEsis 9f Principles (New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 3rd Edition, 1955), p. 609; and Arnold Green, Sociology: Ag Analysis gf Life ig_Modern Society (New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co., lst Edition, 1952), p. 66. 6 This definition parallels Gordon's, gp. cit., p. 62. 8 in the process of assimilation rather than in an end-product. The introduction of attitudes recognizes the variability between cultural groups and between the receptiveness of different receiving commun- ities and societies. The persistence of cultural traits in spite of fluctuations in the labor market, community conflicts and the like suggests an irrationality in assuming that a conformity in urban values exists for all urban dwellers. Stone's7 distinction between urbanism as a gay of life and as a way of lifg has merit here in that a matrix of identifications are available for distinguishing oneself as an individual in an urban setting, giving rise to different contexts of urbanism. We intend to focus on such different contexts of urbanism to determine the extent to which the process of integration is facilitated by formal and informal patterns of interaction the urban dweller deve10ps given a specified level of social organization in a host community. Urban dwellers, then, will receive different levels of social support and insurance against the insecurities of urban life. What is necessary now, in order to avoid further semantic and theoretical confusion, is a systematic and rigorous treatment of the process of urban integration. All relevant factors and variables included under the rubric of the working definition must be explored to comprehend "how the migrant acquires the behavioral patterns of larger society and learns how to play major roles apprOpriate to his 7 Gregory P. Stone, "City Shoppers and Urban Identification: Observations on the Social Psychology of City Life," American Journal gf Sociology, LX (July, 1954), p. 36. 9 , 8 position in society. This does not infer that standard integraLion processes exist; only that certain factors crucial to the process are present to varying degrees according to the different levels of economic development of cities, that is, according to their capacity to provide the stage on which the process could be acted out. UNESCO's conference dealing with the cultural integration of immigrants, held in Havana in 1956,9 was also faced with a myriad of definitions and conceptual approaches to a similar problem. Their conclusion, to accept the pragmatic view that whatever term may be used, it should reflect a concern with a process of economic, social, and cultural adjustment, and that deliberations of the conference should be concerned with the major problems of the process, is adhered to here. The task now is to isolate the major elements of such a pro- cess, expand upon the (causal) forces that lead to eventual urban assimilation, and describe the methodology used for testing the hypotheses derived from the discussion. Few researchers have moved beyond semantic haggling in attempt- ing to explain why some people are successfully absorbed into host commun- ities (and integrated into the larger society) while others are not. Two analytic paradigms will be presented. They are useful as both have proceeded furthest with coping with the number of variables found to be related to urban assimilation as well as presenting an explanation for 8 Shannon and Shannon, 22, cit., p. 53. 9 The proceedings of the conference are found in W.D. Borrie, The Cultural Integration 2; Immigrants (France, UNESCO, 1959). 10 how such a process operates. We will incorporate our refinements in with the second paradigm. Reviewing the literature in this area, Shannon and Shannon argue that in order to successfully perform the roles assigned to him (in the social order of which he is a part,10) an urban dweller must be assimi- lated in two ways. First, he must be culturally integrated into the local milieu. He must no longer be distinguishable from members of the host community or society. This entails not only the borrowing of cultural traits and behavior patterns (acculturation) but a change in behavior such that his self-concept changes; he accepts the beliefs of the host community as well as paying lip service to food habits, dress and other cultural artifacts. The second way is economic absorption in terms of full-time employment. New roles are learned, a transformation of primary group values is evident and participation is extended beyond the primary group into the main Spheres of the social system. This involves not only securing work but "becoming a part of the regularly employed labor force at a level consistent with one's capabilities and the capabilities of others at every level or position in the economic institution."11 Economic absorption is necessary but not sufficient for urban integration. Integration into the economic institution and securing 10 See Ronald Taft, "Shared Frame of Reference Concept Applied to the Assimilation of Immigrants," Human Relations, 6 (February, 1953), pp. 263-74. 11 Lyle W. Shannon, "The Economic Absorption and Cultural Inte- gration of Immigrant Workers: Characteristics of the Individual vs. The Nature of the System," (paper read at the Conference on Migration and Behavioral Deviance, San Juan, Puerto Rico, November 6-8, 1968), p. 4. ll employment are requisites for personal adjustment and essential for fuller cultural integration in that such absorption exposes the migrant to the culture patterns to which he is expected to internalize or con- form. As Borrie points out, "While economic absorption may be taken as an essential first condition of cultural integration, it does not follow that once the former is achieved, the latter will automatically follow."12 The establishment and pervasiveness of ethnic enclaves in highly urban- ized regions testifies to such an assumption. Shannons' approach is useful but neglects some of the ameliorating and mitigating factors which often influence the migrant's or urban dweller's eventual cultural integration or economic absorption. The problems the migrant faces during the transition period, the receptive- ness of the community to him, etc., all influence the extent to which the migrant will become assimilated. This approach then is incomplete and does not effectively handle the problem of conceptual overlap referred to earlier. Germani13 is cognisant of these problems and his phasing of the process reflects this. He proposes three stages or phases but the actual number would vary with cultural factors and situational effects. It is difficult to determine where Germani's proposed scheme leaves off and our refinements begin. Much of the difficulty lies in the highly abstract level of the major concepts. This is partially overcome by stating the relationships between the concepts in more rigorous fashion. Each of the concepts has multiple referents and until these referents 12 . Borrie, 22. cit., p. 102. 13 Gino Germani, "Migration and Acculturation," in Philip M. Hauser (ed.), Handbook for Social Research 13 Urban Areas (New York, UNESCO, 1965), pp. 159-78. ‘ 12 have been analyzed and their inter-relationships formulated, it is difficult to state relationships between the major concepts at anything but a crude level. Such a rigorous treatment would also promote a clearer statement of the relative strength of the independent variables. We shall now discuss Germani's concepts and elaborate upon their relevance for this research. Acculturation Acculturation is defined as ”the procedure (and degree) of acquisition and learning by the migrant of urban ways of behavior, including the necessary roles, habits, attitudes,values and knowledge."14 The migrant, during this period, learns about the statuses and roles relevant to an urban-industrial 30ciety if he was previously unfamiliar with such an environment. This assumes, of course, that he is allowed to engage in the apprOpriate activities so that he might be exposed to such roles and statuses. Different forms and degrees of acculturation take place. We would include in this category Shannons' "cultural integration" and "economic absorption,"15 as both adapting or acquiring behavior patterns and securing work in the regular labor force are necessary preconditions to integration into the larger society. Certain forms of learning (such as memorizing bus routes) are easier than others where emotional and affective components dominate (such as when to say what to whom). "...rural migrants are able to acquire with As Germani points out, relative speed new technical skills; at the same time, however, their acculturation to new types of modern industrial social relations in the l4 lhid, p. 62. 5 Shannon and Shannon, 22, cit., pp. 52-3. 1 13 factory or in the union will usually require much more time and may not 16 be achieved so completely." The case of the occupationally mobile person is an interesting one. Although they achieve economic absorption in various industrial environments, a lesser opportunity is available for complete cultural integration. The basic skills exist as evidenced by their ability to transfer through various but closely associated value systems and to gain employment in them but they lack the necessary time to participate as fully in the other phases of assimilation. Acculturation, in a societal framework of tolerated cultural pluralism, demands conformity to certain norms (for example, freedom of speech) while permitting different behavioral patterns to be dis- played on route to similarly valued goals. The term "integration" is used to refer to the incorporation of various culture groups into a singular social structure. The only restriction this places on the semantic use of the two terms is the caveat regarding the permissiveness of the society in which either attitude exists. Borrie expresses the claim thusly: To say that 'integration' is a happier and more exact term than others to describe the successful inclusion of a new group into an existing society is not idle pedantry. The older term 'assimilation,' besides its misleading biological connotation, implies a one-way street in group relations. It suggests that the newcomer is divested of his old culture completely and is virtually remoulded in everything from clothes to ideology. It denies or ignores the many gifts brought by the immigrant to his new home, and the impact of his ideas, his talents, his hopes upon the community that has admitted him. 7 16 Germani, 22. gig., p. 165. 17 - Borrie, gp. cit., p. 93. 14 It is important at this point to avoid semantic confusion. While it is generally agreed that there is a difference between a discussion of the effect of the community on the urban dweller and a discussion of the reciprocating influences of the community on its denizens and vice versa, the labels used to refer to each have been used interchangeably. For purposes of this discussion, "integration" will refer to the incor- poration of individuals into community life while the term "assimilation" will refer to the interaction between the two. We agree with Borrie's distinction (above) then, but would alter the labels used. In accepting the restrictions this places on any eventual analysis, the need to care- fully consider the forces encouraging and discouraging integration with- in various cultural milieus is recognized. 8 Mention should be made of a special case of acculturation, the ethnic enclosure. Here a network of organizations and informal rela- tionships develops which permits and encourages the members of the ethnic group to remain within the confines of the group for all of their primary relationships and some of their secondary relationships throughout all stages of the life cycle.19 Such‘a style of interaction may also apply to specialized activities. These activities tend to 18 Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole make an attempt to reduce such forces to an ordered system in Th2 Social System g§_American Ethnic Groups (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1945). 19 See Herbert J. Gans, Levittowners (New York, Pantheon Books, 1967); H. Cayton and St. C. Drake, Black Metrogolis: ,5 Study 2; Negro Life gang Northern City (New York, Harper Torchbacks, 1962); and Bennett Berger, Working Class Suburb (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1967). 15 pre-empt most or all primary group relationships, while secondary rela- tionships across ethnic group lines are carried out in community spheres of institutional life. This accounts for the pull of migrants into both occupations and geographical areas already peOpled by their cultural group. Such activity reduces the probability of total accul- turation resulting from a lack of contact with the host population in the school, church, neighborhood and other institutions20 but may assist 21 them in adjusting personally. Adjustment Germani's second concept is adjustment, the manner in which the migrant performs his roles in the various Spheres of activity in which he participates. In other words, the interest here is focused upon the way the migrant adjusts to conditions (housing, welfare, etc.) in the area of destination. One indication of a migrant's ability and willing- ness to adjust is reflected in his willingness to take poorly paid and poorly esteemed unskilled jobs - this criterion is more applicable to rural migrants, unaccustomed to mobility, who eventually become concen- trated in service-production occupations. The more adjusted urban dweller is more likely to have established a stable pattern of life, in terms of a dynamic equilibrium, and, by developing a stable set of norms applicable in most environments, his movements are not necessarily 20 Stanley Lieberson, "The Impact of Residential Segregation on Ethnic Assimilation,” Social Forces, 40 (October, 1961), pp. 52-7. 21 Russell Dynes, "Rurality, Migration and Secretarianism," Rural Sociology, 21 (March, 1956), pp. 25-8. 16 disorganizing to him. Such flexibility in the face of changing habits, attitudes and customs is another indication of the ability to adjust. Both scholarly and literary critics of urban life refer to the impact of urban life on migrants. The personal and social disorgani- zation which allegedly results has been referred to as the polar antithesis of personal, familistic, sacred and consensual life of the rural tradition-bound community.22 Mumford refers to the phenomenon as "negative symbiosis"23 and Hall speaks of the "behavioral sink"24 that results, which, in addition to the complexity of dealing with strange communication systems and uncongenial spaces, creates feelings of deprivation, conflict and/or hostility. Many variables affect the rate and extent of adjustment. Problems arising from contact with institutions and associations have elements in common but the process of adjustment is highly variable. Consequently, the adjustment required is related to attitudes as well as to associa- tional and institutional factors. Adjustment may not be a rapid process as progressive states are required whereby the migrant slowly becomes adapted to the physical and social-cultural environment. The more sophisticated he is, the more critical of the shortcomings and the living conditions in his new 22 What is considered as the classic statement may be found in Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," American Journal gf Sociology, 44 (July, 1938), pp. 1-24. Another historical review of the subject is found in Stone, 12;, gig. 23 Lewis Mumford, "Mission of the City," in S. Riemer, g£_al_(eds.), 'Metropolis: Values i3 Conflict (New York, Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1962), p. 44. 24 Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York, Doubleday, 1966), p. 157. 17 25 environment makes his integration more difficult. The urban dweller can have a sense of security and stability which will be reflected in stable behavior and will give meaning to his daily activities, thereby making it possible for him to satisfac- torily fulfill the roles required of him. A major result will be to put the migrant in a psychological state favorable to the influences of the new social environment and thereby prevent his developing an attitude of rejection with the consequences which would follow. First impressions, if profound, could influence the whole sub- sequent course of the assimilation process. If they are favorable, it will be facilitated; if unfavorable, it will be made more difficult and slower. Attitudes toward the community with respect to its pro- gressiveness, inhabitants and facilities could inhibit integration on one hand or minimize the effects of previous attachments on the other. The presence of family and strength of kinship ties may act as a brake on assimilation if the family employ constraints on essential activities. Advantages accrue, however, where the family also belongs to associations; especially where the presence of family members encouraged migration. However, strong attachments to family not present in the urban area will effectively brake assimilation and has been shown as a causal agent in forcing the migrant to return home. Any such lag in adaptation could force a return to home or community 25 A. H. Neiva and M. Diegues refer to this problem as a con- stricting influence on the eventual absorption of immigrants in Brazil. See their article in Borrie, 22, cit., pp. 181-233. 18 26 of similar level of economic development. Those who rent homes may be less well adjusted than owners.27 Unstable tenancy may reflect the migrant's unwillingness or indecision to locate permanently where he is or may be a reflection of the state of the housing market and/or prevalent social norms regarding home ownership. Such data should therefore be interpreted with caution. Adjustment to the new environment is conditioned by many factors, one of which is the migrant's original rationale for leaving the place of origin and choosing the place of destination. The "push-pull" protagonists argue that the two lie on the same continuum but they need not: hypothetically, one may leave A because he was fired and choose B because his kin reside there -- he may not have moved at all if he had not lost his job.28 A concern with economic variables has resulted in a glossing over or failure to incorporate at all such sources of variation. Important aspects of motivation then are: (1) manifest motives in terms of economic, educational and other reasons; (2) manifest intention of the migrant regarding the temporary or permanent character of the migration; and, (3) nature of the deci- sion -- the degree of deliberation from high rationality to sheer 26 This thesis is developed by Jane Moore, Cityyard Migration (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1938). 27 See Ronald Freedman, "Cityward Migration, Urban Ecology and Social Theory," in Ernest W. Burgess and Donald J. Bogue, Urban Sociology (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 100. 28 Such selective forces in migration are discussed in Calli0pe Moustuka, The Internal Migrant: A_Comparative Study ig.Urbanization (Athens, Social Service Centre, 1964. 19 impulsivity. in preparing a systematic analysis of the particular urban condi- tion under which impersonal social relations arise and those conditions under which they arise least, Bell and Boat29 analyzed the relation- ships amongst the amount of socializing with neighbors, relatives, co-workers and friends. The nature of informal contacts, source(s) of friendships and the amount of personal relations in formal associations were examined to determine if the alleged attributes of city life are equally present in every section of the city. The major conclusion they reached paralleled Axelrod's3O that the extended family may have lost its function as an economic producing unit in the city, but relatives continue to be an.important source of companionship and mutual support.31 Family interaction varied inversely with other contacts such as with friends, neighbors and co-workers. Kin were more likely to provide intimate family social contacts than neighbors or co-workers in each neighborhood. This suggests then that extra-familial contacts can to some extent replace kin to aid urban 29 Wendell Bell and Marion D. Boat, "Urban Neighborhoods and Informal Social Relations," American Journal prSociolo , 62 (January, 1957), pp. 391-8. 30 Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Participation," Amegigan §9ciologic§l_Revigg, 21 (February, 1956), p. 17. 31 The utility of kinship attachments is explored by Janet Abu- lughod, "Migrant Adjustment to City Life: The Egyptian Case," American Journal p£_Sociology, 67 (July, 1961), pp. 22-32; Leonard Blumberg and Robert Bell, "Urban Migration and Kinship Ties," Social Problems, 6 (Spring, 1959), pp. 328-33; W. T. Morrill, "Immigrants and Associations: The Ibo in 20th Century Calabar," Comparative Studies ip_Society 33g_ History, 5 (1963), pp. 424-48; and A. Pearse, "Some Characteristics of Urbanization in the City of Rio de Janeiro," in Philip M. Hauser (ed.), Urbanization ip_Latin America (New York, International Documents Service, 1961), pp. 191-205. 20 integration in terms of participation, adjustment and acculturation especially where such contacts are "close." The immense value of kin accrues to the migrant who travels to strange surroundings with no contacts other than kin. With time, kin may be replaced for this purpose by new-found friends, neighbors and co-workers. In whatever form, contacts are necessary for complete acculturation to the values and life style of the community.32 Urban residents' feelings of satisfaction are another important source for measuring adjustment. How well they perceive they are doing in the community and how alienated they are, especially if they feel any positive change as a result of the move,33 can influence their amount of community satisfaction. What is important is the specifics- tion of social experiences that make for the successful transmission of values and behavioral patterns followed by the types of social experiences that are most likely to facilitate this process in any given society, depending on its social organization and level of» economic development. Participation Where acculturation and adjustment provide the migrant with the basic social and cultural skills and the ability to perform them, parti- cipation, Germani's third phase of the assimilation process, channels such activity past the sustenance functions into the realm of inter- action in the urban milieu. Although participation may serve to link 32 See P. M. Blau, "Social Mobility and Interpersonal Relations," Amegican Sociological Review, 21 (1956), p. 291. 33 Shannon and Shannon, pp, cit., p. 67. 21 together various roles necessary to maintain the routine activities of the community (or other secondary groups) in meeting its daily needs, the extent and nature of such participation is a function of the degree of acculturation and adjustment. The order of significance of the three phases (acculturation, adjustment, and participation) may vary but the order here suggests that meaningful participation, in terms of efficiency and commitment, can only accrue once acculturation and ad- justment have occurred to some extent. Participation in the form of organizational membership and with specific reference to leadership positions (officer or member of a committee), is a function of the (status) motivation of the migrant where the Opportunity exists for such participation. At any rate, the participation will be facilitated by previous experience which would more readily accrue to the urban migrant. Time, and the concomitant advantage of experience, in the new environment will also lead to increased participation,34 and the ability to adjust to new and changing situations. Urban values, such as planning, are likely to emerge in such a transition. Participation in activities and associational life, which Eisenstadt refers to as "institutional dispersion,"35 leads to full exposure to the norms and expectations to which one is to adhere. It is only possible when such participation is not inhibited by discrimination or 34 . See Basil G. Zimmer, "Farm Background and Urban Participation," mag-911mg; Sociolggy, 61 (March, 1956), pp. 470-5. 35 Samuel N. Eisenstadt, The Absorption p£_lmmigran§s (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1954). 22 other overt attempts to restrict the flow of information and/or resources. Such activity must take place then on "a footing of equality,"36 to ensure that all are allowed to engage in the appropri- ate activities or as Broom and Kitsuke point out, "the validation of acculturation is a precondition to assimilation."37 Church membership is differentially included as membership in an organization. Since even the fact of belonging places the member sociologically in society, it should be counted whether such affiliation is token or places them in the hierarchy of the church directorship. A similar logic applies to membership in formal organizations, such as clubs and societies, as opposed to officership in such organ- izations. Although it could be argued that higher intensity involve- ment nurtures a fuller understanding of, and appreciation for, the organization, the fact of membership alone is sufficient indication that at least channels for the flow of information are available. Moustuka points out that‘the rarity of office holding in village life and its absence in the town did not restrict the flow of informa- 38 tion while membership at least existed. It is non-membership which 36 Georges Mauco, ”lflAssimilation des Estrangers en France," IfAssimilgtion Culturelle g§§_lmmigrants (Paris, Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques, 1950), p. 21. 37 Leonard Broom and John I. Kitsuke, "The Validation of Accultura- tion: A Condition to Ethnic Assimilation," American A thro olo ist, 57, (February, 1955). 38 Moustuka, 22, ci ., p. 44. 23 is important. And Komarovsky adds, "Non-membership...no doubt implies that sections of our population are cut off from channels of power, information, growth, and a sense of participation in purposive social action."39 40 Wirth's traditional view of the impact of urbanism on group membership emphasized the impersonality of relationships in the urban cxmmunity, the decline of kinship ties and the resulting importance of formal and secondary group membership. Since then, the informal group contacts spawned and necessitated by the absence of kin have been shown to have performed a replacement function of sorts, now playing a changed, more circumscribed role and now are a less pervasive force in the urban- ization of migrants.41 Hagedorn and Labovitz42 have recently offered a test of three theories of participation or lack of it in community associations. They found that workers in an occupation with a high percentage of 39 Mirra Komarovsky, "The Voluntary Associations of Urban Dwellers,‘ American Sociological Review, 11 (December, 1946), p. 698. 40 Wirth, .133. gig. 41 Research supporting this view has been carried out by Floyd Dotson, Patterns of Voluntary Association Among Urban Working Families," Americgp Sociologicgl_Review, 16 (October, 1951), pp. 687-93; Morris Janowitz, ng.Community Press ip_pp_Urban Setting (Glencoe, Illinois, The Free Press, 1952); and Robert A. Nisbet, Community gpg_Power (New York, Oxford University Press, 1962). 42 Robert Hagedorn and Sanford Labovitz, "An Analysis of Community and Professional Participation Among Occupations," Social Forces, 46 (June, 1967), pp. 483-91. 24 structural alienation may either generalize the state of alienation to all similar situations, or compensate by seeking situations where alienation is not likely, for example, where they have power or are not isolated. Individuals may compensate for perceived isolation but generalize structural powerlessness. Axelrod explains the importance and relevance of group activity in the following manner: ...The secondary groups link together the various roles necessary to maintain the routine activities of the community meeting its daily needs. Informal group association creates cohesion and common values in the population. The intimate informal group, such as the family or peer group, is a source of cohesion and access to universal norms which regulate behavior for most people and not a specialized segment, apart from specialized roles such as work relationships wherein proper role behaviors associated with various socio-economic roles are specified. He maintains further that relatives still continue to be an important source for companionship and mutual support. Both forms of social experience are necessary for the transmission of values and behavioral patterns to facilitate assimilation in any given society or integration into any given community, depending on its type of social organization and level of economic development. The analytic paradigm we shall employ is Germani's. His three phases of integration, as we have expanded them, are sufficiently broad to encompass most of the criteria found in the literature to be important to integration of persons into the urban milieu. The number of phases is also sufficiently restrictive to ensure that some theoretical closure is possible after analysis. It is now possible to discuss the general 43 Axelrod, log. cit. 25 sources of variation attributed to the selectivity in urban integration. Independent Variables There are three general sources of variation attributed to the selectivity in urban integration. The present research provides a test to determine which of the three is the most appropriate explanation and fruitful line for further research. 1 . Socio-economic 5 tags The hierarchical arrangements of peOple in society, which may not be formally delineated, tends to spawn a network of characteristic organizations and activities. People are drawn into such organizations and activities by virtue of similarity in interests and tastes, common (social) experiences, work experiences or educational background. Status generated by virtue of a person's education, occupation and income contributes to his placement in a power structure and such interaction may be the result of intentions to protect that position. The quality and quantity of social interaction then becomes a function of socio- economic status -- evaluation on this criteria does not rest solely on the economic criterion of cash returns. (a) Education. 0f the more important aspects of socialization which promotes specific behavior patterns, formal education is a crucial factor in creating certain culturally approved values. One of these is . 44 45 social and economic betterment and participation in community affairs 44 Philip G. Olson, Job Mobility and Migration 13,3.High Income Rural Community (Purdue University Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 708, November, 1960). 45 Hagedorn and Labovitz, loc. i . 26 is another. Not only does education instill the positive values then, but it also provides the knowledge for carrying them out, and the verbal and technical capacity to accomplish the task(s). Shannon and Shannon point out that the social organization of society is of importance in determining how such education is necessary.46 Insofar as education facilitates social and economic advancement, the ' educational environment of the community of socialization delimits the possible range of behavior. Zimmer47 demonstrated, for example, that college migrants who have lived in the community less than two years have a membership rate which is much higher than natives in the grade school group. 4 The quality of education also shapes one's world view, the latter having been linked to successful assimilation. Those with more educa- tion are likely to have a more independent, active world view than those with less education regardless of how appropriate that world view is. As Shannon points out: ...The world view of the educated may be inaccurate in reality, that is, active, independent world view may not square with how things really work in society, but this world view is a hypo- thesized consequence of education. Persons...may well be able to manipulate their social environment in order to maximize their gain but not everyonz who acquires an active world view is in a position to do so. 8 46 Shannon and Shannon, 12p, pip, 47 Zimmer, 122, £15, 48 Shannon, pp, 215,, p. 11. 27 Olson makes a similar point: Motives of betterment or stability are not forces in them- selves. The individual must perceive how his goals may be achieved before any force for movement or action to gratify these motives is exerted. Education provides the incentive and knowledge to perceive how goals may be realized. It in turn leads to organizational participa- tion and office holding in as such as such activity is seen as a step 50 . towards achieving the goal. This accounts for the high correlation 51 between the two and partially accounts for the migration itself. Consequently we hypothesize that: I. If: The higher the level of education, the higher the level of knowledge and opportunity. And if: The higher the level of knowledge and opportunity, the greater are the urban dwellers chances for integration. Therefore: The higher the level of education, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. (b) Income. Income (and education) is important in that its presence allows the potential migrant to express and act out his desire for movement. More importantly, the presence of income provides a stronger motive to express such desires. For example, when persons in social status systems perceive that the relationships between economic and social status exist, mobility in the form of job change 49 Olson, pp, p15,, p. 6. 50 Komarovsky, pp, pi£,, pp. 468-98 and Moustuka, lpp, pip, 51 See Freedman, pp, p;5,, pp. 92-114 and Lois R. Cohen and G. Edward Schuh, ppp_Mobility ppp_Migration ip_p_Middle Income Small Town *with Comppgisons pp_High ppphppp_lncome Congpnities (Purdue University .Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 763, May, 1963). 28 or migration may become the means whereby they attempt to achieve higher status. Those with higher incomes participate more (fully) than those of 52 53 ‘ lower income in organizational activities. Axelrod also demon- strated that income was directly related with secondary-group member- ship and level of activity therein. Consequently we hypothesize that: 11. If: The higher the income, the greater is the motive and ability to act out desires. And if: The greater is the motive and ability to act out desires, the greater are the urban dwellers chances for integration. Therefore: The higher the income, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. (c) Occupation. Where occupation can promote status, it is likely that job mobility would occur (among status seekers). It is also reasonable to assume that movement to an occupation will occur at relatively the same skill level, if for no other reason than the requirements of the new job are related to the previous training and experiences of the migrant. Again, as with income and eduCation, the implicit knowledge of skills and the ability to manipulate them render the migrant more flexible, durable and able for the assimilation process in his new job and/or environment. With advances in transportation and communication facilities, residential setting has become less important in determining the range 52 See R. D. Geshwind and V. W. Ruttan, Job Mobility and Migration ip_p.Low Income Rural Community (Purdue University Agricultural Experi- ment Station, Bulletin 730, September, 1961). 53 Axelrod, 10c. cit. 29 of social contacts than occupational situs. Differences in types of organizational participation have been demonstrated by occupation:4 working-class men predominate in occupational and fraternal groups. Those occupations with relatively high leadership skills have a larger percentage of its membership in leadership community organizations. These differences are attributed to occupational socialization, that is, the learning that occurs through interaction and verbal communica- 55 tion. Similar socialization processes inhibit the migration of 56 farmers where mobility is not expected. Consequently we hypothesize that: 111. If: The higher the occupational skills, the greater the know- ledge and ability to adjust to a new environment. And if: The greater the knowledge and ability to adjust to a new environment, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. Therefore: The higher the occupational skills, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. 2. Dugption of Residence Time functions to allow the urban dweller the opportunity to assimilate without the pressure of deadlines. The best climate for such integration, to repeat, is one of free consent with a minimum of coercion and constraint. 54 See Komarovsky, loc. cit. 55 Hagedorn and Labovitz, loc. cit. 56 Geshwind and Ruttan, pp, cit., p. 12. 30 Research tends to support the notion that aspects of integration tend to increase directly with the length of time in the community. Recent migrants, for example, have lower participation rates than natives upon entering a community but become more similar to the natives the longer they live there.57 The length of time required to become active in the community varies according to personal character- istics but high social status facilitates such participation. The argument presented by temporal theory then is that the limiting effects of migration are only temporary. There is little doubt that getting used to an (un)usua1 everyday life demands that one constantly change. He is moulded by the environment or at least he changes as a result of it. It is difficult to deny also that "adjustment is a process of growth which demands considerable time and which does not go in sudden jumps."58 What is at question here is not the absoluteness of time required but rather to investigate the forces that ameliorate or affect the period of transition during which he learns about the new statuses and roles that are found in urban-industrial society. Consequently we hypothesize that: IV. If: The longer an urban dweller has been exposed to an urban environment, the more aware he will be of Opportunities and facilities there. And if: The more aware he is of opportunities and facilities, the greater are his chances for integration. Therefore: The longer an urban dweller has been exposed to an urban environment, the more integrated he will be. 57 This is demonstrated by Howard W. Beers and Catherine Heflin, Rural People ip_the City (Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, July, 1945) and Zimmer, loc. cit. 58 N. Anderson, The Urban Community - A World Perspective (New York, Holt, 1960), p. 180. 31 3. Nativity The socialization that the urban dweller receives and the social experiences he has been exposed to prior to his move to the city are crucial to his ability to adapt. Where opportunities are available, he must perceive their existence and act on them. His place of origin influences then not only his personal adjustment but also the likeli- hood of absorption into the local economy. Research has indicated that what a migrant transfers to the city may facilitate or impede his assimilation;59 that if he has little in the way of skills or status, his chances for integration are reduced;60 and, previous training to live in an urban setting will facilitate participation in the urban 61 community. 62 Moore demonstrated that in Sweden different types of communities produce different sets of behavior patterns which persist no matter what the subsequent type of environment. To reduce this effect, migrants ventured to increasingly more divergent cities in terms of economic 63 development. Myrdal refers to such movement as "interchange 59 Charles Tilly, Migration £p_ppuAmerican City (University of Delaware, Agricultural Experiment Station and Division of Urban Affairs, April, 1965). 60 See Roscoe Griffin, "Appalachian Newcomers in Cincinnati," in Thomas E. Ford (ed.), The Southern Appalachian Region, é_Survey (Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1962), pp. 79-84. 61 Zimmer, lpp, p_£, 62 Moore, _pp, pi_. 63 Gunner Myrdal, Richard Sterner and Arnold Rose, ép_American Dilemma (New York, Harper and Row, 1944). 32 migration" -- migration between two communities of different types is "non-interchange migration." Inasmuch as socialization contributes to the perpetuation of previous behavior patterns, the degree of industrial development of the birthplace, place of socialization, is of added importance and is a constraint on the process of integration. That opportunities for social and occupational advancement are facilitated by education was discussed earlier.64 The quality of such education reflects upon the urban dweller's ability to act on such opportunities. A similar argument holds for the type of experience, opportunities for special training and higher education afforded by occupational skills gained before migrating to a city. As Moore points out, "...the type of community of birth does not limit the range of occupations which a person born in any one particular type may enter, but it increases the relative number of persons in a certain type of occupational c1ass...with reference to the degree of industrial development of the community of birth."65 Consequently, urban migrants 66 make a more rapid adjustment to urban life than other migrants, 64 Freedman, pp, p;§., p. 98 states that the process is facili- tated where the place of origin coincides more closely with the place of destination. 65 Moore, pp, p;£,, p. 96. 66 Germani, pp, pip., p. 175 points out that when the cultural distance between the place of origin and place of destination is smaller, when the place of origin is less valued than the place of destination, and the degree of integration in the former is rather low, migration will tend to be permanent and much easier. 33 ’given their ability to establish a greater range of contacts than non- urban migrants. Beijer provides some insight as to how the acculturation phase is facilitated by previous exposure to urban living, not merely urban living arrangements: ...The true countryman finds the city an inhospitable environment. He comes face to face with the 'townsman', with his 'shallowness', which may easily be a consequence of his being hardened to his fellow man. The bonds between the townsman and his fellow man are weaker than those in the old rural community, with its traditional ties. City man is reinforced in this attitude by the great mobility the city demands of him. Situations are constantly shifting, it is vital for the city dweller to be able to change quickly. This constant change, this adjustment to the new and quickly chapging situations, has become second nature to the true 'townsman'. Consequently we hypothesize that: V. If: The more similar the sending and receiving environments, the more similar will be the exposure to social influences and experiences. ' And if: The more similar the exposure to social influences and experiences, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. Therefore: The more similar the sending and receiving environments, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integration. The interchange migrant then should be more integrated than the non-interchange migrant. 67 G. Beijer, Rural Migrants ip_pp_Urban Settipg (The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1963), p. 16. A. O. Haller, "The Occupational Achievement Process of Farm-Reared Youth in Urban Industrial Society," Rural Sociology, 25 (No. 3, 1960), p. 329 suggests how rural families cling to rural traditions in spite of technological advancements. The change in social conditions resulting from a change in location is therefore more difficult for those with less experience in coping with the move. This is confirmed by O. D. Duncan, "The Theory and Conse- quences of Mobility of Farm Population" in J. J. Spengler and 0. D. Duncan (eds.), Population ppp.ippory Polipy, p. 438. 34 Level of Economic Development The social system in which urban integration takes place is moulded by the industrial system which in large part initiates and 68 69 supports it. The normative pattern generated by the system reflects a series of expectations relative to particular classes of action and to the individuals performing roles in these action systems. Such norms and expectations underlie the movement of workers in a market, the distribution of particular types of labor, the availability or non-availability of jobs for particular classes of persons, and the allocation of rewards. Consequently, the causation attached to stratification, time, and place of origin is altered or otherwise ameliorated by the level of economic development of the community. Economic forces create levels in job availability, policies of employers and government, level of business activity and the industrial structure of the labor market. In developing nations and depressed rural areas of developed countries for example, "push" factors would account for more migration than "pull" factors given the conditgons on the farm as opposed to the 7 unknown situation in the city, and motives for migration would be expressed less effectively. 68 For a discussion of the impact of industry on the community see William H. Form and Delbert C. Miller, Industry, Labor and Community (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1960). 69 A lucid description and evaluation of such normative patterns is provided in Sigmund Nosow, "Labor Distribution and the Normative System,” Socipl_Forces, 35 (October, 1956), pp. 25-33. 70 Moustuka, pp, cit., p. v. 35 Those communities that are more economically developed are more likely to provide opportunities for assimilation than less well-develop- ed communities. The more developed community will have more diversifi- cation in its industrial base and will spawn more secondary industry and therefore other opportunities for employment than less developed communities. By virtue of the comparative sizes of the industry (in value added by manufacture and number of employees) and the fact that more industries in developed communities are likely to be absentee- owned than in developing and stable communities, there will be fewer criteria for evaluation and exclusion and consequently more opportunities for integration into the more developed community. Consequently we hypothesize that: VI. If: The higher the level of economic development, the greater are the opportunities for employment, interaction and participation in an urban setting. And if: The greater are the opportunities for employment, inter- action and participation in an urban setting, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for assimilation. Therefore: The higher the level of economic development, the greater are the urban dweller's chances for integra- tion. Since the independent variables reflect each other to some extent, the task is to disentangle their influence. We would expect migrants to be more assimilated proportionately in the highly urbanized area as opposed to a developing community where both economic opportunity and organizational density are in the formative stages, with the stable community somewhere in between. Stratification factors would account for more of the variance as we proceed up the scale of economic devel- opment as the social complexity of the more highly developed community ‘would generate more norms and expectations. Rural migrants would be 36 less disadvantaged in a developing community where locality-relevant functions operate in a more fluid labor situation. The time factor, duration of residence, should account for more of the variance in the community of lowest level of economic development as knowledge of opportunities and the ability to act on them is more flexible in a community with fewer criteria for evaluation and exclusion. Now that the relationships between the independent variables and the dependent variables have been suggested, and the direction of such differences between the levels of economic development of the sample communities have been estimated, we turn to the strength of such relationships (differences in magnitude) within each community. The communities differ not only in their level of economic . 1 development but also in terms of the underlying dimension reflected by density of organizations, occupational structure and so forth. We refer here to the varying exposure to urban-industrial values and the social structure required to support an occupationally based status- assignment system.71 Less industrialized communities, therefore, would be less likely to display these concomitants and consequently their inhabitants would appear to be less assimilated based on those criteria. Further, communities do not exist in isolation and a certain diffusion of information and innovation inevitably takes place into the surrounding hinterland by virtue of the mass media and/or return 71 For a discussion of urban, industrial values, the extent to which people of unequal occupational prestige regularly interact and the relationship of the two in communities of differing levels of economic development see William A. Faunce and M. Joseph Smucker, "Industrial- ization and Community Status Structure," American Sociological Review, 31 (June, 1966), pp. 390-9. 37 migrants. Such a procedure is facilitated in more industrially advanced areas where facilities for such diffusion are more readily available. Consequently we hypothesize that: V11. If: As we proceed down the scale of economic development, communities and their hinterlands have less exposure to urban industrial values and the requisite social structure to support and transmit those values. And if: Communities and their hinterlands with less exposure to urban industrial values and the requisite social struc- ture to support and transmit those values, will display more marked differences in integration by virtue of the wide range of opportunity and knowledge afforded by high socio-economic position, longer duration of residence and more urban background. Therefore: As we proceed down the scale of economic development, urban dwellers will be more differentiated on the basis of socio-economic position, duration of residence and nativity than urban dweller's in more highly deve10ped communities. Further: V111. If: Socio-economic position is (more) salient and legitimated in communities with urban industrial values and dependent upon the existence of a supportive social structure. And if: Supportive social structures are more likely to be found in more industrialized communities. Therefore: Socio-economic position is more salient and legitimated in more industrialized communities. We expect then, that socio-economic variables will account for more of the variance in more economically developed communities. Summary In this chapter we presented two analytic paradigms utilized in previous research to conceptualize the process of urban integration. Germani's three-phase paradigm was chosen for use in this research as it provides more opportunity to study the ameliorating and mitigating forces that might influence the urban dweller's eventual integration 38 than Shannon's two-step process. A discussion of each paradigm allowed for a presentation of the elements previously held to be associated with integration into an urban milieu. Three general sources of variation were attributed to the selectivity of integration. Socio-economic status, nativity and duration of residence, the independent variables,were operationally defined and hypotheses were generated regarding their absolute and relative influence on the eventual integration of urban dwellers. It was also hypothesized that the process of integration would vary by level of economic development to reflect the different normative patterns generated in comunities of different stages of industrializa- tion. Chapter III presents the methodology utilized in this research and discusses some methodological implications of cross-cultural research. CHAPTER 1 I l METHODOLOGY Comparative research is complicated by the very nature of its intent, to compare two or more samples theoretically relevant samples, on a series of items that are value free and the meaning of which is comparable in the different research sites Concept operationalization 1 may not always lead to functionally equivalent meanings in different systems and this forces the deletion of certain questions or categories 2 of questions. Indicators of a concept which are most inter-correlated in comparative research are potentially the most fruitful and the use of open-ended questions, although more difficult to code, give more guarantee that the questions are eliciting responses regarding the concept of interest which a pre-coded question may not. Larger non- response rates to specific questions standardized in North American cultural contexts may result from forcing respondents to choose from non-applicable alternatives. Given the nature of the research at hand, two requirements should be fulfilled in this chapter. First, a discussion of the l The notion of functional equivalence is presented by H. D. J. Duijker, "Comparative Research in Social Science with Special Reference to Attitude Research," International Social Science Bulletin, 7 (No. 4, 1955), pp. 560-6. 2 A discussion of why item deletion is necessary and what can be done to obtain more closely related data is presented later in this chapter. 39 40 comparative research design to demonstrate that the research sites and the nature of the samples therefrom adequately correspond to the nature of the problem presented in Chapters I and II. Second, discussion of the questions utilized to obtain information on relevant concepts is necessary to afford the reader an opportunity to discriminate between those questions that were comparable over the sample cities and those which were not. This is crucial information especially if disparate results are obtained by their use. Research Sites Comparative research is facilitated if the appropriate data is partially or fully available in the form of existing data pools. Given the expense of survey research in general and the additional costs (and hazards) of carrying out survey research in other countries, the avail- ability of comparable data from other research settings permits more comparative analysis than would otherwise be the case. Such is the state of affairs in the present research. Although highly comparable data were available for two cities of different levels of economic development as a result of the author's own efforts, it was discovered that related data were available from a study in a develop- ing nation. These data were then included in the analysis as well. Technical problems arising from the inclusion of the data are discussed later in this chapter. The purpose here is to discuss the three research settings and provide information regarding the level of economic development in each city. This ensures that the analysis is representative of the community types with which we are interested in dealing. 41 Lansing, Michigpp Since the turn of the century, Lansing has been a major manu- facturer of automobiles and automobile parts. Oldsmobile and other automobile-related industries employ the largest proportion of the industrial labor force of Lansing and its environs. Home-owned indus- trial enterprises, especially metalworking, make up another significant proportion of the city's industrial base. The study in Lansing was carried out in the Spring of 1967 to determine aspirations, current socio-economic status, organizational participation, patterns of assimilation and perceptions of poverty. Seven census tracts in the city were chosen on the basis of their low income and education ranking as compared with the remainder of the city. The number of census tracts was reduced to three on the basis of the higher proportion of welfare caseloads, police and fire problems, poor health conditions and unsafe housing in these areas as indicated by a city housing survey. Respondents were selected from these areas by area probability sampling, using the city directory, and the sample was validated by comparison of relevant reSpondent characteristics with those reported for the population of the same areas in the 1960 census and the City of Lansing Housing Survey. Twenty-six interviewers, allstudents in a graduate poverty seminar at Michigan State University, were each given ten interviews to complete at designated households in the sample areas. A limit of three callbacks was allowed for each address, the calls being made in the afternoon or evening in order to increase the likelihood of gaining an interview with the head of household. Thirty-seven addresses were either vacant homes or else no eligible respondent was even on the 42 premises -- these interviews were substituted in a random manner. Of the 250 interviews carried out, 221 were usable.3 Since the Lansing sample was restricted to three census tracts, additional data must be made available to demonstrate that the sample, on certain criteria, adequately reflects the distribution on those criteria for the city as a whole. Moser4 presents the standard formulae required to determine the accuracy of a sample estimate. The standard error of the mean is suitable criterion of the variability of the sample estimate and if the sample size equals the population, the Istandard error of the mean becomes zero. The mean family income for the City of Lansing in 1960 was $7,196.005. This amount lies within the 99% confidence levels of the range predicted from the sample mean. Some evidence then supports the contention that the Lansing sample is representative. 3 The research director for this project was Professor Philip M. Marcus. Two.M.A. theses have been completed using these data. See Robert M. McCann, Jr., "Poverty and Participation: Voluntary Associa- tion Affiliation in a Low-Income Population" (unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1968) and Rollin M. Stoddard, "The Voluntary Organization and Poverty" (unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1968). Kathryn F. McKinney is also preparing a Master's thesis using these data. A summary of findings is available in Earle L. Snider, "Community Needs Study: Preliminary Analysis of Marginals" (East Lansing, Michigan State University, November, 1968, Mimeographed). 4 See C. A. Moser, Survey Methods ip Social Investigation (New York, Heinman, 1958), pp. 58-72. 5 _ As calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Up§, Census pf. ppp_Popplation: 1960 (Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office), Population Statistics, Lansing, Michigan. 6 3: = $6,813.00. 3? 1' 2.6 (3%) = $6,408.67 - $7,217.33. 43 Moose Jaw,,Spskatchegpp World War II seriously dislocated this city's industry and the stigma that attached to Moose Jaw as a result, has prevented it from becoming more industrialized now. The closing down, slowing down or burning down of its industry during the war years plus the attraction of closely located larger centers is also responsible for the city failing to keep the industry it attracts.7 A strong industrial develop- ment group manages to replace the industry that vacates. During the Spring of 1968, the consulting firm with which the author was engaged carried out a community needs study in the city. The instrument used was comparable with the Lansing questionnaire. 1nterviewers were selected from graduate sociology students at the University of Saskatchewan (Regina campus). A total of 267 interviews were completed on an area sample basis throughout the city. No comparison of sample and population means will be presented for Moose Jaw for two reasons. First, Moose Jaw is not tracted, there- fore, no census data are available. Second, the random sample drawn was not restricted to certain areas of the city as was the case in Lansing. §_ptiago, Chile Chile had a population in 1966 of 9,000,000 persons. Its average annual growth rate is 2.4 percent. The Central third of the country where Santiago is located holds roughly two-thirds of the 7 For a historical review of Moose Jaw's industry see "How Moose Jaw Battled Loss of Industry," The Financial Post, April 13, 1968, p. P's. 44 8 country's population which is seventy percent urban. Greater Santiago, with a population of 2,459,400 at the end of 1965 is by far the largest city in Chile and accounts for a disproportionately large share of the nationb total purchasing power. The Province of Santiago is also the leading province. The data utilized in this study from Santiago were collected in December, 1964, by students at the University of Chile who were trained at the Institute for Economic Planning at the University. The project was designed to study communication and migration in Chile. Two samples were drawn consisting of 160 migrants residing in the City of Santiago and 108 migrants residing in marginally residential areas or "callampas" of Santiago. The latter group were randomly selected from a registration of households in thirty different callampas areas, all of which are located on the periphery of Gran Santiago. In all cases, only heads of households were interviewed.10 Inclusion of the callampas around Santiago in the sample is to ensure that the sample is representative. Schnore points out in his 8 Agency for International Development, A12.Economic Data Book: Latin America (Washington, D.C., December, 1967), p. 3. 9 U.S. Department of Commerce, Oversepp_Business Reports, OBR 68-2 (washington, D.C., January, 1968), p. 3. 10 These data were collected by Dr. F. B. Waisanen and Dr. G. Briones. A published paper based on these data is "Educational Aspirations, Modernization and Urban Integration," in Paul Meadows and Ephraim H. Mizruchi, Urbanism, Urbpnizption ppp_Change: Comparative Perspectives (Reading, Mass., Addison-Wesley, 1969), pp. 252-264. I am indebted to both for their permission to utilize the data. 45 studies of Latin American cities that the growth pattern in these cities is the reverse of the socio-economic gradient (Burgess-type pattern) found in most North American cities.11 Thomlinson12 marshalls similar evidence. Berry and Rees13 provide further evidence of this trend and demonstrate variations in the pattern in scattered cities around the world. The slum area of Lansing is more centrally located. In Moose Jaw, it is not identifiable geographically as being bounded by certain streets and avenues; it is dispersed throughout one-half of the city. Physical location of slum areas varies then but it is important to be cognizant of such differences and ensure that slum-like areas in all 14 three samples are included for analysis. 11 Leo F. Schnore, "On the Spatial Structure of Cities in the Two Americas," in Philip M. Hauser and Leo F. Schnore, 1133 Study pf Urbanization (John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1965), pp. 347-398. 12 Ralph Thomlinson, Urbap Structure:' Tpp_Social ppp_Spatial Structure p£,Cities (New York, Random House, 1969), pp. 162-179. 13 Brian J. L. Berry and Philip H. Rees, "The Factoral Ecology of Calcutta," American Journal p£_Sociolo , 74, (March, 1969), pp. 445-491. 14 Longer duration of residence and higher occupational ranks are found, proportionately, in all non-slum areas for all sample cities. Eliminating the callampas would distort the pattern for the Santiago sample, hence render it non-representative. 46 The Samples Compared Table 1 presents selected economic data to support the notion that the sample cities are of different levels of economic development. The justification for use of these criteria and examples of their use are found elsewhere.15 Santiago is not included in the table primarily because immediately comparative data were not made available. The author's attempts to gain the necessary information from contacts or agencies in Santiago were of no avail. However, comparable information is available by piecing together scattered reports on economic development in Latin America. The Statistical Abstract p£.Lppip_America gives a 1965 popula- tion figure of 2,248,378 for Gran Santiago (includes the communas of Barrancas, Conchali, La Cisterna, La Florida, La Granja, Los Condes, Muipu, Nunoa, Providencia, Quilicura, Quinta Normal, Renca, San Bernardo, and San Miguel).16 During the last intercensal period 17 (1952-1960) the growth rate was 3.9 percent. 15 See Donald J. Bogue, Ipp,Structure pf ppp.Metropolitap Community: p.8tudy ipDDominance ppp.Subdominance (Ann Arbor, Univer- sity of Michigan Press, 1949); and Otis Dudley Duncan.pp.pl, Metropolis ppp Region (Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1960). 16 Latin American Center, Statistical Abstract p£.Latip America (University of California, Los Angeles, December, 1968), p. 62. 17 See Juan C. Elizaga, "A Study on Immigrations to Greater Santiago (Chile)," in Gerald Breeze (ed.), The City ;p_Newly Develpp- ing Countries (New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1969) p. 322. 47 TABLE I. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT CRITERIA FOR LANSING AND MOOSE JAW ‘QSlLSIlé Lansing? Moose Jgga* Population 107,807 (1960) 33,417 (1966)*** Population growth rate 1950-1960 Total labor force retail trade wholesale trade services manufacturing Establishments retail stores wholesale locations service locations manufacturing establishments Sales retail wholesale service manufacturing Value added by manufacture 17.0% (1950-60) 42,562 9,220 (21.7%) 3,161 ( 7.4%) 2,769 ( 6.5%) 24,007 (56.4%) 1,177 284 776 170 $270,144,000 $329,875,000 $ 29,910,000 $425,167,000 12.9% (1956-66)*** 12,110 (1961) 1,761 (14.5%) 565 ( 4.7%) 3,560 (19.1%) 1,523 (12.6%) 272 65 149 46 $50,507,100 $32,522,900 $ 6,209,900 $48,530,700 $13,368,500 *Lansing data compiled from City and County Data Book (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census), pp. 67-69. **Moose Jaw data compiled from Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Market Research Handbook - 1961 (Ottawa, The Queen's Printer, 1963). ***Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Advance Bulletin-A§_(Ottawa, The Queen's Printer, 1967), p. 6. . 48 Chile's economically active population in 1960 was 2,336,000 -- about half were engaged in agriculture and manufacturing. Table 2 shows the number of persons employed by economic sectors for Chile. While no information is available on the sales generated by the various economic sectors, Table 3 provides details on the contribution of each sector to the country's GNP. Manufacturing is Chile's leading industry. Manufacturing out- put grew by 7.5% in 1960-64 and 6.5% in 1964-66; well exceeding overall growth.18 In 1963 manufacturing industries (excluding artisan activi- ties) produced goods worth $1.1 billion of which 500 million represented value added. The most important industries include iron and steel, automotive vehicle assembly, paper and woodpulp, rubber, petroleum products and the traditional and long established textile, food- beverage, tobacco and leather goods industries. One of the principle characteristics of manufacturing industries in Chile is their concentration into relatively large firms, which account for the bulk of output and employment. Thus, twelve firms having only 25% of the capital in the manufacturing sector accounted for 20% of the total output in 1963. Furthermore, only 3% of all manufacturing firms employed 44% of the total labor force in this sector. On the other hand, small industry accounted for 67% of all manufacturing units but employed only 16% of all workers in manufactur- ing. 18 The data contained in this and the next two paragraphs sunmarizes information found in U.S. Department of Comerce, _p, cit., pp. l-ffo 49 TABLE 2. EMPLOYMENT BY ECONOMIC SECTOR IN CHILE, I960 Sector Number of Emplpyees Agriculture and related activities 701,000 (30.0%) Mining and quarrying 93,000 ( 4.0%) Manufacturing 444,000 (19.0%) Construction 140,000 ( 6.0%) Utilities . 23,000 ( 1.0%) Commerce, finance, real estate 257,000 (11.0%) Transportation and communication 117,000 ( 5.0%) Services, including government 561,000 (24.0%) TOTAL 2,336,000 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Overseas Businesp_Repoppp, OBR 68-2, Washington, D.C., January, 1968, p. 22. TABLE 3. CONTRIBUTIONS BY ECONOMIC SECTORS TO GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT OF CHILE §pctor Contribution to GNP* Agriculture and Related activities 1,902 Mining 1,909 Manufacture 4,871 Construction 976 Utilities 312 Transportation, storage, communication 836 Wholesale and retail trade 4,071 Banking, Insurance and real estate 337 Ownership of dwellings 664 Public Administration and defense 957 Services 2 04 TOTAL GNP Tait-93%.. *In millions of escudos at 1965 market prices. Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Overseas Business Reports, Washington, D.C., January, 1968, OBR 68-2, p. 6. 50 Santiago's manufacturing industries are concentrated geogra- phically. The provinces of Valparaiso, Santiago and Concepcion account for 69.7% of all manufacturing and employ 81% of all workers in manufacturing. Table 4 provides the occupational distributions for the three sample cities. There is some variation between the samples which is reasonable given the varying levels of economic-industrial develop- ment. The distributions of occupations in the Lansing sample is fairly even, weighted towards the middle in Moose Jaw, and weighted towards the bottom in Santiago. The distribution for the industrial- ized city would have been more tOp-heavy except that industry in Lansing is primarily of the manufacturing variety. The distribution of occupations then approximates the distribution of industry. Ipp_Questions The questions utilized in the three studies and the concepts they refer to are found in Appendix A. Generally speaking, the Lansing and Moose Jaw questions were comparable. In Santiago, while many of the questions are not identical, functional equivalence is obtained in many cases. Discrepancies do exist however and it is important that they be specified to avoid any unreasonable importance placed on the analysis of such items, especially since the relation- ship between those items over the three samples might be serendipidous at best. The question of functional equivalence applies most to the Santiago questions. Three categories of functional equivalence can be delineated and by providing examples of each, the reader should be in a better position to evaluate later interpretations of the data. 51 TABLE 4. OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION FOR SAMPLE CITIES Lansing p unskilled 16.7% (37) semi-skilled 20.4% (45) skilled, clerical and kindred 19.9% (44) proprietors, managers, officials, professionals 10.4% (23) unemployed, no response 32.6% (72) 100.0% 221 Moose Jaw farm operators, unskilled, service workers 16.5% (44) semi-skilled ' 8.2% (22) clerical, skilled 21.7% (58) proprietors, managers, officials, professionals 17.2% (46) unemployed, no response 36,4% (92) 100.0% 267 Santiago farm laborers, unskilled, domestic 8.6% (23) skilled, artisans 59.7% (160) clerical 8.9% (24) farmowners, businessmen, managerial, professionals 15.7% (42) unemployed, no response 7.1 (19) 100.0% 268 52 Some questions are first, naturally functionally equivalent as a result of the identical wording of the questions in the three instru- ments. The questions have the same point of reference and little or no manipulation or kneading of the codes were necessary to obtain that equivalence. Rationale for move, tenancy and employment status are examples of this type of equivalence. .It is difficult to obtain such congruence on attitudinal items where problems of cultural content ' enter. This does not infer, however, that categories which are not naturally functionally equivalent are 6f no or limited utility. A second technique for purposes of obtaining functional equiva- lence is by manipulation of the coding categories. That is, pre-coded data can be transformed to match another pool of data by deleting or combining categories. Such manipulation does not lead to contrived data -- the data are not distorted, merely the codes are shuffled to obtain congruence. The technique is especially useful where questions are similar but not identical yet identical codes applied. It is less credible when questions asked from different points of reference naturally yield different codes. For example, questions regarding the presence or absence of fruit and questions regarding the presence or absence of animals cannot meaningfully (or rationally) be interpreted to have similar points of reference and to manipulate the codes such that all respondents fall into either of two categories makes little comparative sense other than to represent the dichotomous distribution of the two analytically distinct traits. A more appropriate use of the technique applies to a situation wherein similar or identical questions are coded differently. For example, a question on the extent of interaction can be compared with 53 a question on presence or absence of such interaction by coding or recoding the former on a presence or absence basis. The opposite procedure is impossible. Similarly, a question on extent of inter- action can be compared with another question on extent of interaction if both codes are, or can be made, similar. A question coded never or rarely, sometimes, and often or very often is comparable to one coded once a week or few times a month, once a month, and few times a year or never. It should be noted that the latter code runs in the opposite direction of the former -- in the recoding the categories would be assigned numbers such that both codes run in the same direction. Such a routine procedure is applicable when the response to one question is coded positive to negative, and another question coded negative to positive. It is incumbent upon the researcher to establish some procedure which ensures he (and others who use his data) is aware which and how the coded and recoded categories have been regrouped. This procedure was most useful in the present research. With- out it, the Santiago data could not have been included in the analysis. Interaction with neighbors is an example of a concept which was regrouped to make the data in Santiago comparable with those from Lansing and Moose Jaw. The willingness to migrate concept is an example of a similar useage; here, an "agree-disagree" continuum was recoded to match the "yes-no" dichotomy utilized in Lansing and Moose Jaw. A third category in a typology of functional equivalence is best described as strained. Here, similar questions are aimed at the same concept but invoke a different point of reference. This may be acceptable or not acceptable depending on the extent of the discrepancy 54 introduced but represents some solution to the problem of using dis- parate questions and answers. It is entirely possible in the course of a nnlti-nation study that either mechanical difficulties (length of time allowed for inter- view), political interference (ccrtain questions are not permitted) or researcher's error (question is phrased incorrectly) results in missing or poorly collected data. In some cases, statistical techniques are available which allow the researcher to analyze his data but with expressed caveats. It is also possible, however, to allow a certain permissiveness in establishing conceptual congruence as longyas the distortion thereby accepted is measured_pnd admitted. In the present research, it was deemed advisable to have some measures of interaction other than integration into the community per se. A measure of occupational interest was available that reflected whether respondents preferred longer work hours for more pay or would prefer the time free for participation in other activities. While the form of the question was identical in Lansing and Moose Jaw, in Santiago a question regarding respondents' choice as to the relative importance of friends or money was included for comparison. Although the question is not identical to the one asked in Lansing and Moose Jaw, all three reflect opinion as to whether more work or other activity is preferable. The cases of educational aspirations and willingness to migrate are other examples. In Lansing and Moose Jaw the point of reference is "a boy" and the respondent respectively; whereas, in Santiago, it is H H son in both cases. Any difference of interpretation is open to discussion but in any case, the dimension for analysis is tapped. 55 More strained comparisons are involved in the level of living scores. Although the intention was to standardize scales containing standard household amenities (plumbing) and certain cultural possess- ions (magazines), the number of scale items varied over the three samples. The Lansing scale contained fourteen items, Moose Jaw twenty- three and Santiago only four. The Santiago scale scores are prejudiced then not only by the smaller number of items included but also by the 19 type of items -- no household amenities are involved. Although the percentage distribution of respondents' scale scores were placed in three groups as opposed to four groups in Lansing and Moose Jaw, extreme caution should be imposed in comparing Santiago to the other samples on this criteria. It is entirely possible that the lack of functional equivalence in this case takes level of living scale scores out of the "strained" category of functional equivalence altogether and are therefore not functionally equivalent. The two lie on different continua. Summary In this chapter the research design was presented. A discussion of each research site as well as the data-gathering technique applied in each case was followed by pertinent comparative information on each community. A description of the questionnaires applied in each com- munity demonstrated actual equivalence between the questions used in two of three cases (Lansing and Moose Jaw) and high functional equiva- lence in the questions employed in the third (Santiago). A typology of 19 See Appendix B for the percentage of people possessing the Cuttman scale score items. 56 functional equivalence was developed to aid other researchers using comparative data to establish some degree of confidence in the com- parability of the data. Chapter IV is the data analysis chapter. A discussion of the techniques utilized here as well as comments on developing comparative statistics will be presented. CHAPTER IV FINDINGS Comparative social research and analysis is a more complex task than the investigation of similar phenomena in one community. Problems of question validity and reliability and maintainance of comparability therein are compounded when the researcher's interests take him to different and varying cultures. Aside from language problems and cultural differences, the procedural matters of research can be complicated by varying behavioral orientations in different 1 research sites. Instrument development, then, inherently includes measuring concepts in a satisfactory linguistic style. Usually there are many definitions of any given concept and comparative research multiplies 2 the number of definitions and referents. Duijker notes that even simple items such as age can produce equivilence problems. Different social systems utilize different chronologies or it may be impolite in certain cultures to enquire about age. Consequently, crucial concepts 1 As an example of the problems that red tape, data "hoarding" and unwillingness to engage in cooperative research generate see Stanley Rothman, "The Lamentable side of Researching in Chile," Tpp_ Americpp.Behaviora1 Scientist, 8 (September, 1964), pp. 18-19. 2 See H. D. J. Duijker, "Comparative Research in Social Science with Special Reference to Attitude Research," International Socipl Science Bulletin, 7 (No. 4, 1955), pp. 560-66. 58 3 should not be chosen that are culture-specific. Smelser suggests, for example, the futility in employing a concept like "civil servant" in underdeveloped countries as it is too embedded in bureaucratic pro- cesses which vary from one social context to another. As an example of how the problems of comparative survey research apply to the task at hand, a discussion of the use of occupation as an independent variable should be fruitful. Although other variables in- volved are likewise subjected to the distortions of cross-cultural research, occupation is a suitable example of the theoretical problems involved and the pragmatic solutions employed to solve such problems. The purpose originally was to measure occupational status. In surveying the literature to reach a decision on which status scale to employ, discrepancies in conceptual definitions and research design were encountered which shed doubt upon the validity of the findings. Using the Inkeles and Rossi study, Tiryakian4 reported a correlation of .96 between prestige rankings in the United States and the Philippines. Inkeles and Rossi5 found high agreement for results of the application of their occupational scale in the United States, Germany, England, Japan, New Zealand and the U.S.S.R. It is unusual that studies of countries of differing levels of industrialization 3 See Neil Smelser, "The Methodology of Comparative Analysis," (paper presented at the Cross Cultural Sypposium, Indiana University, 1966), pp. 17-230 4 See Edward A. Tiryakian, "The Prestige Evaluation of Occupa- tions in an Underdeveloped Country: The Philippines," Americpp Journal ,9; Sociology, 63 (January, 1958), pp. 390-99. 5 See Alex Inkeles and Peter H. Rossi, "National Comparisons of Occupational Prestige," American Journal p£.Sociolor , 61 (January, 1956), pp. 329-39. 59 should yield similar results. However, Tiryakian studied fewer and more rural communities; therefore, with fewer occupations involved, the correlation (.96) is inflated. Equivalence problems appear also in the work of Carter and Sepulveda, who reported a correlation of .93 between prestige rankings in Chile and the United States. The finding is jeopardized by the fact that occupational definitions were not equivalent nor were the number of occupations included in the analysis similar. Similar 7 methodOIOgical difficulties apply to Hutchinson's use of Hall and Jones' study of Britain which he applied in Brazil and obtained a correlation of .92. One of the better comparative studies of occupational prestige 8 is Svalastoga's research in Denmark. Comparisons were made between the Danish data and those obtained in the 1947 NORC study. The reported correlation of .91 is valid since many basic aspects of both studies were comparable -- both studies included a relatively large number of occupations; both were based on five-point rating scales; and both studies utilized national samples of adults. The hesitation in employing any such occupational status scale derives from a lack of knowledge as to why differences exist between countries or communities as demonstrated in the literature. Inkeles 6 See Roy Carter and Orlando Sepulveda, "Occupational Prestige in Santiago, Chile,” American Behpyiorpl Scientist, 8 (September, 1964) pp. 20-24. 7 See Bertram Hutchinson, "The Social Grading of Occupations in Brazil," British Journal pf Sociology, 8 (June, 1957), p. 179. 8 See Kaare Svalastoga, Prestige, Class and Mobility, (Copenha- gen, Clydendal, 1959). 60 9 and Rossi attempted an explanation in terms of levels of industrial development but the data from other underdeveloped countries presented here do not support their contention. A later attempt in terms of relative distribution of rewards in a social system (the more complex the work, the higher the reward in terms of monetary increment and 10 prestige) is refuted by Hodge, Treiman and Rossi himself. If empirical evidence could be marshaled to indicate the sta- bility of occupational prestige ratings, with equivalent categories, over subgroups within societies, over time in a country and over a variety of social systems, we would then face problems of occupational evaluations in which the distribution of occupational prestige can change over time resulting in shifts in the amount of prestige in an occupational system and the shape of its distribution over the labor 11 force. 12 Haug and Sussman point out certain problems with the applica- tion of occupational prestige scales such as the NORC scale, North-Hatt 9 Inkeles and Rossi, App, pip, 10 See Robert W. Hodge, Donald J. Treiman, and Peter H. Rossi, "Occupational Prestige," in Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, Class, Status ppp Power, (New York, Macmillan Company, 1966,) pp. 309- 321. 11 One attempt at a model to characterize prestige systems and stratification systems in general, see Peter H. Rossi and Paul M. Siegel, "The Prestige of Occupations and Changes in Social Stratifica- tion," (a paper presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, Chicago, Illinois, September, 1965). 12 Marie R. Haug and Marvin B. Sussman, "Social Class Measure- ment ll - The Case of the Duncan SE1," (paper presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, Boston, Mass., August, 1960). 61 scale and Duncan's Socio-Economic Index. First, the entire scheme is based on calculations of the percentage of personal ratings which suggests that public idiosyncracy rather than public opinion determines the value of the criterion variable. The views of a minority of deviants rather than the majority value consensus define an occupation's rank. Secondly, the use of percentages above dichotomy point for the predictor variables "masks" necessary and important distinctions within the values of the dichotomy. And perhaps the most serious caveat, "Treating socio-economic status as a continuous variable is not always methodologically possible or advisable, and the researcher must justify 13 a procedure for stratifying his subjects into categories or classes." Given these difficulties plus the fact that in industrialized societies increasingly the class or status of a family is determined by more than the husband's occupation alone, any attempts at an occupa- tional prestige scale or a combination of income, occupation and educa- tion to devise a status scale of another sort were disbanded. Table 5 provides further justification for such (in)action -- the independent variables are not wholly independent of each other and consequently any attempt to combine them would only produce a new variable whose 14 causal interpretation would be meaningless. 13 Ibid., p. 10. 14 The low correlation between the independent variables in the Lansing sample arises because the two non-status variables, duration of residence and nativity, depress the overall correlation. Non- status, particularistic criteria are assumed to be less relevant in an industrializing community. Further, the Lansing sample just met the ndnimum criteria for consideration as a representative sample of the total city population. 62 moNue AON. owmaucmm Remus wmo. ass 6.662 ANN": noH. wafimcmq “cowumgousoo ommuo>< owmwucom 0 3mm omooz n mnemoma m Amoco Hoo.va mo.va om.na Ho.va Ho.va o~..a Hoo.va oH.va S.va Hoo.va mo.vaaoo.va soo.vaaoo.vaaoo.va esouea NmN. ONO. mmo.- «se.- OHN.- smo. «as. ~NH. mew. 66s. mma. com. me“. Nae. wNm. muaamoumm Oucmvwmmm Hoo.va o~.na oH.va Hoo.va ma.va o~.Au Hoo.va mo.va Ho.va Ho.va ow.na o~.va co sma.- umo. was. mum. mac. 6~o. msN. m~a.- swa.- «so. mNo.- «se.- aosumusa Hoo.va ma.va o~.xa Hoo.va Ho.va oN.va Hoo.va o~.xa mo.va qm~.- aoH.- moo. oom.- «se.- nec.- 6a~.- oNo. mNH.- saa>aumz Hoo.va Ho.vaaoo.va Hoo.va Ho.va Ho.va «we. «as. sea. mam. owe. mom. ecuumasuuo soo.vaaoo.vaaoo.va awn. aha. me. coaumussm o n m o n m o n m o n m o n m oocoowmom xuw>wumz coaquSooo cowuwoSpm oEoocH mo ooHumuoo m 5m «1335 Hzma zmmmaz H mmHHHU mqmzmm mom .m mqm Hoo.va ans. o~.va mmo.- Ho.va mo~.- a: coo. Hoo.va ism. Hoo.va sea. : Hoo.va smn.- o~.Aa Nob.- ma.va msa.- ma.va «se.- o~.ve sna.- o~.va «se.- a ma.va mmo.- om.na mmo. Hoo.va mom.- o~.va “se.- Ho.va mma.- o~.na mac. m ma.va moo.- Ho.va mma.a oi.va «se.- no.0a sno. Hoo.va mas. Hoo.va mNN. m mo.ua use. ma.va moo.- Hoo.va Hem. mo.va use. ma.va soc. Ho.va ems. a Hoo.va oma.- ca.va mwo.- mo.va «we. mo.va amo.- mo.va “se.- mo..a ~0a.- o o~..a “so. mo.va mHH.- mo.va mas. o~..a woo.- o~.na coo. no.0a sea. a Hoo.va soa.- oi.va qwo.- Hoo.va oos. ob.«a mao.- Ho.ua so~.- Ho.va oHH.- s om.na one. o~.na Hso.- oi.va awe. o~.va one. ca.va emo. o~.xa moo. a mo.va NOH. ma.va moo. oi.va Nwo.- o~.va wmo. o~.As H~0.- Hoo.va owe. a mo.va soH.- o~.Aa mmo. o~.Aa Hoe. Ho.va osa. om.na mmo. ea.va H60. a ma.ua coo. Ho.va caa.- Hoo.va ama.- ca.va ooH. ca.va moo. ca.va mac. a oN.va mso. om.na 6HO.- o~.xa mmo. o~.xa smo.- o~.va omo.- o~.xa qu.- e Hoo.va was. om.na moo.- o~.na smo.- o~.xa sac. Ho.va mes. o~.xa use. w mo.va Koo. mo.ua Hmo. o~.na moo. Ho.va sea. Ho.va was. ma.va «no. a o~.va mso.- oi.va Nwo.- Ho.va Nee. om.»a «so. o~.Aa aao.- Ho.va -a.- 6 Ho.va use. om.xa mac. oi.va mmo.- Hoo.va sou. Hoo.va Hem. Hoo.va smm. a Ho.na mas. mo.va mmo.- o~.Aa ouo. Hoo.va NNN. Hoo.va mom. Hoo.va mam. o o~.na was. Ho.va 06a. ma.va «no. oi.va owe. o~.ua was. Hoo.va sow. n o~..a Mao.- ob.va.aoH.- om.xa Noo.- Hoo.va «om. Ho.va Nam. Hoo.va «as. m mEOUGH hulwlxfiumz mucmflwmmm Cowumaaoo GEOUCH Gowummwm lmmanmwum> mummmouom mo cowumusa uoopcoaon moanmwum> unopcomoch oxamzau "mmamaqeas szmazmamo we mmamaaeas szmazmamnzH mom mmsaoz mo sunfisz museum someone: mocmcoH memo ow mocowsm mo oocoooum poozsooewfloz ow mooowum mo mocomoum xuwo ow mpoofium mo monasz mowu cw oo>wumamm mo oocomoum wg-H-anEcomo‘s-awu: memo ow mo>wuoaom mo Hensoz owed Lows oowuommmwoom w poocsonnwfioz sums :owuomwmwumm umouoocH Hmoowumooooo o cowummwofloumm moonuonnwwoz mo cowuomuuu< cowuouoowso smooch o Hmcowemnwcmwuo uoouxm x . muwo a oowmmouaEH o>wumwoz mofl>fia mo Ho>oq o muoonwfloz moau u coammosoEH o>wuflmom moowumuwmm< Hmcofiumooom A see: cowuomuouoH 3 o>oz sow camcoHomm mcowomufiam< now m “cowumowofluumm "ucoeumono< "cowumuouaooo< ”opoo Ho.va one. o~.Aa Hoo.- Ho.va maa. Ho.va «ea. Ho.va mmo. Hoo.va who. x om.va mmo.- o~..a 6NO.- mo.va wee. Ho.va «ma. o~.Aa oHo.- Ho.va NNH. s Ap.ucoov o mqm Hoo.xo Hos. no.0o ooo. mo.vo moo.- ma ooo. Hoo.va mom. Hoo.vo oNN. : oN.xo oNo.- oN..o mNo.- Hoo.vo NNN.- oNxa Noo.- Hoo.vo moo. Hoo.vo mom. a no.0o oNo. ma.vo Nmo.- So.vo oam.- oa.vo NNo.- Ho.vo oNo. oa.vo moo. m oN.vo ooo. Hoo.vo one.- Hoo.vo ooa.- ma.vo omo. Hoo.vo moo. Ho.vo Noe. N mo.vo ooo. Hoo.vo mos. Hoo.va oNN. mo.va moo. ma.va Nmo. ma.vo omo.- o oN.Ao Nmo.- oN.xo omo. oa.vo Noo. ma.vo Noo. oa.vo ooo.- oN.Ao moo.- o oH.vo moo. Ho.vo Hma.- oN.xo Nmo. mo.vo HNH.- oa.vo ooo.- oa.vo ooo.- o oN.Ao soo. ma.vo ooo. mo.va ooo. mo.vo HNH. oa.vo ooo.- ma.vo omo.- : mo Nmo. Ho.va oma. soo.va ooa. oNJo ooo. oN.a oNo. mo.vo moo.- a oN.va ooo.- mo.vo moo. Hoo.vo Nma. oN.a oNo. mo.vo ooo. oN.xo oao.- a oN.xu amo. oN.Ao moo. Ho.vo maa.- oN.xo mNo.- Ho.vo mNa. oH.Vo omo. x mH.Vo moo. ma.vo ooo. oN.uo omo.- oN.Ao moo. oN.no oao. oN.a Noo.- a mo.vo Nos. ON.a moo.- Ho.vo ooa.- oa.vo Noo. Hoo.vo owe. oN.a Hao. a oH.vo moo. oN.xo HNo.- oN.a oNo. oN..o NNo.- oN..o NNo. oH.vo ooo. e oa.vo ooo.- oa.vo mNo. Ho.va oNa.- oN.no oao.- aoo.vo Nma.- mo.Vo ooo.- m oN.Aa oao. mo.vo woo. oa.vo ooo.- oN.va ooo. Hoo.vo moo. oN.Vo ooo. o oNX.a moo.- Hoo.va omN. oN.a Nao. mo.vo ooo. oa.vo boo. mo.uo moo. o oN.no mNo.- ma.vo mmo.- Ho.vo MNH.- oN.no Hoo.- Hoo.vo oNa. oa.vo NNo. o oN.no woo.- oN.Ao woo. oN.Ao moo. mo.vo Noo.- oN.a mmo.- oN.no NNo.- 6 oN..o No. mo.vo moo.- ma.vo omo.- ma.va omo. oa.va Noo. Hoo.vo moo. o oa.Vo boo. oa.vo moo. oN..o omo.- ma.va mNo. Hoo.va ANN. Hoo.va oNa. m oEoocH >uw>wumz oooopwmom coaumosooo oEoocH cowumoopm moHnmflum> muwamouom mo coHomusa ucopoomoo moaomwum> uoopcoaoncH 33. mm 007.. .m mama. "mamfimflw Hzmozmmma Wm mamfimfi.’ HzmazmmmazH mom mmaofi 3.3. 67 coHumoHoHoumm HmcoflumNHomwuo ooooxm x muooemaoz now3 cofluomsoocH 3 "coflumowowuumm xomuouflq moumum ecosonmEm oumumwz ou mmoomcwaafiz momma m ummA n mo>oz mo sonaoz museum aoaaaooz zocoooy memo ow mocowum mo.oooomoum ooonuooemeoz ow mooowum mo oooomoum memo ow mocowum mo uonEoz xuao ca mo>HumHom mo oocomoum xufiu ow mo>womaom mo woosoz moonuoonwfioz sums cofiuomwmwumm noonuooemaoz mo coaoomuood zuwo u oowmmouoeH o>Humwoz memo u coflmmoumEH o>fiuflmom o>oz How mamooflumm uucoaumo o< > o u m u v a o a E H x n fl 5 w H swag :ue3 cowuommmaumm omououoH HonoNommoooo cowomucoflso museum wow>wg mo Ho>oa moOHumuHam< Hmoofiumooom mcoflumufidmd non "coNomHSuHooo< IUDU'UQI‘H Ho.va use. oN..a ooo. Hoo.va ooa.- oN.Ao oao. oo.vo oNa. oN.a ooo.- Hoo.vo oNH. oN..o oao. oN.Aa moo.- oa.vo mNo. Ao.uaooo N mamas Hoo.vo Nos. x oa.vo ooo. 3 68 mo.vo Nos. Ho.vo ooo.- no.va ooo. oN.Aa ooo. oo.vo one. on ooo. > oN.aa Nmo. oN.Ao Noo.- oa.uo ooo.- no.0o ooo. oN.a oNo. oN..o ooo. o Ho.va NAN. Hoo.va ooN.- mo.vo ooa. Noo.va NoN. Hoo.vo NoN. Noo.vo ANN. o oN..o NNo.- Ho.vo ooo.- oN.Aa ooo. oN.ka aao. oN.xo ooo. oN..a Nmo. o oN.a NNo. oN..o NNo. Hoo.vo ooo.- oa.vo ooo. oN.Ao oNo. oN..o aao. a Hoo.vo moa.- Hoo.vo Nos. Hoo.vo ooo.- oN.no ooo.- ma.vo Noo. oo.vo Noo.- o oN..o ooo.- oN..o MNo. Hoo.Va_ooH.- oN..o ooo. oN..o ooo.- oN.vo.ooo.- o I I I I I I O Hoo.va ooN. Hoo.vo ooN.- oa.uo moo. Hoo.vo oNN. Noo.vo oNa. Hoo.vo NoN. a oN.a oNo. ma.vo Noo.- oN.vo oNo. oN..o ooo.- oN..o oao. oN.a ooo. a Hoo.vo moo. So.vo oNa.- Hoo.vo oma. Hoo.vo moo. Hoo.va ooo. Hoo.eo ooo. a oa.vo ooo.- _ oa.vo oNo. oN.vo ooo.- nN.va ooo.- oN.vo ooo.- oN.a Nmo.- a oN.vo oNo.- mo.va ooo. ao.vo onN.- oa.vo ooo.- oa.vo oNo. oN.xo moo. _ oa.va Nos. Ho.va oNa.- oN.vo ooo.- oa.vo ooo. oN.vo ooo. oNio amo. N oa.vo oNo. oN.a ooo.- ma.uo Noo. oo.vo ooo. oo.vo ooo. oo.vo NNo. o ma.vo ooo.- Hoo.vo NNN. Hoo.vo ooo.- Noo.vo NNN.- mo.vo ooo.- Hoo.vo ooo.- w Hoo.vo ooo. oo.vo ooo.- oN.«o ooo. Noo.vo ooN. Noo.va ooN. Hoo.vo oNN. o ooo.vo oNN.- Hoo.vo oMN. ooo..o Noa.- Noo.vo ooo.- Noo.vo ooo.- Noo.vo on.- a Ho.vo Hoa. oo.vo ooo.- oN.vo ooo. Hoo.vo ooN. Noo.vo Nos. Hoo.vo ooN. o Hoo.vo HNn. Noo.vo ooN.- Hoo.vo oNN. Noo.vo ooo. Hoo.va omm. Noo.vo oon. 6 ooo.vo omm. Hoo.vo oNN.- Hoo.vo HNN. Noo.vo Nam. Hoo.va NNo. ooo.vo omm. o Hoo.vo oaN. ooo..o ooN.- oN.no moo. Hoo.vo HNN. Noo.vs mom. Hoo.va ooN. o mEOocH >uH>Humz Ilwoooowmwm oowumodooo oaoocH oowumoopm moaomwuo> ouwmoouom mo cowuousn ucooaomoa . moanowum> ooooco oooH Jul.“ H I 8§Hz HzmnzmmmazH mom mma<> 2.49 .w flea. 69 howsoufiq > mausom pacemonEm : oumswwz cu mmoowcfifiawz o mums» m umma u mo>oz mo Homeoz m ooooom soaasooz u hoomGoH o memo SH moooaum mo oooomosm m moonsoonwwoz aw mooowsm mo oocomoum 0 mafia cw wocoflum mo monsoz a zufio cw mo>wumaom mo oocomoum E NAuwu a“ mo>fiomaom mo nooEoz H owed nofia oowuomwmwumm m ooosuoonwwoz coma cowuoowowumm x umosoucH Henceumaoooo o cowommfiowuumm poosuonnwwoz mo cowuomuou< m coaumooofiso ouooom o Hmooflumanmmso ooooxm x xuwu u cowooouaEH o>womwoz H wow>wq mo Ho>oq o muoonwfioz mean u oowmmouoaH o>Huflmom a mcoflumuwom< Hmcosomooom A Lee: oowuomuoucH 3 o>oz How camcowuom w accoumsflamm now m “coaomaflofluumm uucoeumono< "coHumuouHooo<, ”oooo ooo..o on. So...o ooo.- Sofia 2N. ‘ 8o.va m3. 8o.Va ooo. So.vo as. x 3.3 No. oN..no ooo. 86o ooo.- oNxo :o. 8.8 NNo. 8.8 :o. a Ao.ocoov w mqmHomz cocooflmom oowumosom oaoocH cowummoooo wuwdoouom mo cowomuoo . lb mMHHde HH< mom mmHm00¢H¢U onH HzmnzmHMQZHomm>o Amomvmv mmHmmonwmamm HZ¢UHMHZUHM mo ZOHHDmHMHmHQ .m m4moz Lo usseaz Hoo.v m.msq.ss mo.u m.amm.s~ Hoo.v o.sms.o~ masmum suesaaoz --- --- mo.u o.saa.om --- --- suamaaa soo.v o.am~.aa o~.n o.ooq.wa Ho.v m.maa.mH sues as macmsLe so augmmmam nun nun In: In- Ho.v o.mwm.om .nmwoz cw mpcofium mo oocomoum mH.v o.mmo.aa Hoo.v o.~Hm.HN Hoo.v o.ssm.~H spas ca mammoth so pagans Loo.v o.Asm.HH Hoo.v o.sNa.a Hoo.v o.~os.m~ ssao as mm>sumsam to «scammsa Hoo.v m.~am.a Hoo.v o.mmm.~ Hoo.v o.oas.s suau ca mm>ssmuam so Lassaz Hoo.v m.msw.o~ Hoo.v o.maa.- mo.v m.aoH.- sooauosawsoz sues cossosumfiuam Hoo.v m.mww,a Hoo.v n.asm.oH oa.v m.¢sa.- aooauossmsmz Lo coasuasssa Ho.v n.saa.n Hoo.v m.omm.m Ho.v o.oam.a seas - scammmsaeu m>asawmz Hoo.v m.omH.m Hoo.v o.mos.a Ho.v m.aqs.ms sass - scammmases a>ssamom soo.v o.ama.as om.x m.mwo.gm soo.v o.amo.ms m>oz so“ asaaossam . uucoaumsmvm o~.A o.oa~.m~ Ho.v. m.~ma.a~ Ho.v m.asw.a~ mesa sass coasuaomasmm Hoo.v m.m~s.H~ Ho.v. o.-m.o~ o~.A m.aaa.aa smsuosau HmaoHsaaaooo Hoo.v o.mas.~N ca.v m.sms.sm Ho.v o.mmo.m~ aessmsaaaso manage Hoo.v o.saa.sm Hoo.u. o.mmm.s~ o~.A m.ass.m~ was>aa Lo Hs>sa soo.v o.saa.aa Hoo.v. o.sma.s~ o~.v o.AmM.AN macssausama Haaossaoaem Hoo.v m.sso.m Hoo.v. o.~aa.a mo.v m.mmw.oH maoasasssaa nos . "COHuMHDUHDUU< Afiwmuuocova oLMI‘ Aawmuumc0vo one Aafimuuo:0vo oum mmHoEmm mo acmfiumoEou mmfinmflum> oompommmo mmHHHU mqmz HZMQmemm mom HmmH D wmszmzuzz unaccomovcH who." a aa~.nm NNo.: a asa.ne oao.u~m aNH.u asamaoauumou aossmsouuou «Lassen: Ho.v HNn.mum o~.. aaa.aum oaana as.mue aoammmumwm Hamta>o ommwucmm 3mm omooz wowmcoa mZOHH Hzmnzmmmo mom mHmMAaumz sac. ass. who. assume as mwa. “Na. 55H. uoowuwmwuou COMDoHouuoo Hmwuuma mo.va sna.a no.Va as~.a Ho.va naa.s am va emH. AHV and. a~v mna. Axcmuv uswwo3 some oowumooooo mno. owe. mmo. meadow NM qu.s «se.: mum. ucowowwwooo cowumdouuoo Hmwuume 8.2 m3. 8.2 8m. 80.! 02.: mm Adv oeo.u Amv oqo.u AHV 5mm. Axdmuv unwwoa moon oowumosom Hoe. wwo. nod. ouoaov mm moo. nao.n mac. uamwowwwooo cowumdowwoo Hmwuwme o~.Aa Loo. o~.Aa use. oa.na see. an Amv moo. An.nv «mo.u on mmo. Axomuv uswwo3 moon mammmm moanmwum> unaccomovcH Hso.Hmm ss~.ue mao.umm ass.ue mos.n m mam.um asaaauauwmou soasmamuuoo «Hassaaz so. aHm.~ue o~.x ma~.Hua Hoo.v ma~.aus aoammauwmm Hamam>o ommauomm 3mm omooz wcflmcmq monH¢mHmw< A Hzmazmmma mom mHqu ucovcoaoocH Nun "mm aNm mm afid.u~m Nmo.mm unN.uNm aawquII mucoauawmmoo cofiumaauuoo mHeHuHsS Hoo.v ooa.oue o~.na mHa.nm Hoo.v a ~x~.~aum aoamaaumma assum>o owmwucmm 3mm omooz_ wcwmcwq UZH>HA mo qm>mq mAfl Hzmazmmmo mom mHmwA ucoocoaooCH mucowofimwooo cowumaouuoo oaaauaoz cowmmmuwom Hamuo>o osoucH mufimmouom oesopfimom mo cowumuso Nua>asaz cowquSUUO cowumosvm oBoocH .ON ”39:. ZOHH Hzmnzmmma mom mHm>Aauaz nmo. moH. mac. ouoamv NM mad. aNH. wma. ucewowwmooo GOwumaouuoo Hmwuumm mo.ua oms.m mo.va mam.a Ho.va ~s~.m as Amv mNH. Amv mmH. Amv ooN. Axdmuv unwwos moon cowummaooo Hmo. “OH. Hmo. ouoaoo mm #00. ONH.u HHH. uaowuwmmooo :owumaouuoo Hmwuuma oN.xa ooo. mo.va mom.m as.na Nma.m as on Hoo. Adv ¢HH.n Aqv «Ha. Axomuv unwwos moon coaumosvm Hmo. ooH. omo. ouoaov mm ONO. a¢H.- moa.a ucowowmuooo cowumaouuou Hmwuuma o~.Aa mop. so.Va mam.n so.na cam.o as Amv Hmo. Amv omm.u Aav Hmm.u Axcmuv unwfios moon oaoocH . moanmwum> ucmvaoaovcH Hmo.umm o-.um oma.u a sam.ne mmo.uum mm~.um muaasosuumou aossaamuuoo «Leases: mo.. mam.~ua Hoo.v moa.mus Hoo.va -.mua aoamaoumam saaum>o owmwucmm 3mm omooz wcwwcog HmmmmezH A Hzmnzmmma mom mHmWAasmz see. «so. «mo. mumHmo mm Hmo. NHo. wNH. ucoHoHummoo cOHumHmuuou HmHuumo o~.xa mHH. o~.xa mmo. ma.vs aam.m mm on mmo. Aev NHo. on oNH. Axcmuv musmHos moon cowummsuuo oHo. mmo. mmo. mumHov mm HRH. MHH.- mom. oomHunmmou :oHumHmuuoo HmHuume so.ua sam.s oi.va Amm.m ooo.Va asm.ss ma ANV HRH. Amv wHH.u AHV 0mm. Axcmuv mustos moon cowumuovm oqo. wmo. ooH. ouono mm 050. sec. mao.u oomHonmmou cowumHouuou HmHuumm 8.3 a8; 8.2 so; 8.: 8m; me AHV 55H. AHV ~¢H. 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Axsmuv mugwfimz mums mo GOHumusa “NH. mmo. mmo. mumawv mm «00. moo. 00H.- ucmwuwmwmoo coflumamuuou Hmwuuma ON.Aa moo. ON.Am OmN.H mo.va wmo.m mm AQV ¢oo. AmV ouo. ANV 00H.- Axcmuv muzwflmz mums Nua>flumz HNH. «No. Nqo. mumamv mm owo.- mmo. Nwo. ucmflofimwmoo COwumHmuuou Hmwuumm ON.va mmo.H o~.Aa com. ON.AQ ooq.H mm Aqv ~wo.- Adv moo. Amv mwo. Axcmuv munwflmz mums cofiummauuo mma. «No. mqo. mumHmv mm mmo. omo.u ooo.- ucwHuHmmmou cofiumamuuoo Hmfiuumm o~.Aa man. oN.na new. oN.Aa moo. mm Amv mqo. Amv mmo.- AOV ooo.- Axamuv muswwms mums COHumosvm HNH. mmo. mco. mumamv mm «mo. moo.u “Ho. ucmwuwwwmoo cowumamupou Hmwuuma ow.va mqw.H ON.AQ «HH.H o~.Aa moo. mm ANV mom. AHV qu.- Anv o¢o. Axcmuv munwfims Mama maoucH mmanmwump ucwvcmamUCH RNA.1 m Nmm.nm mmo.nmm moH.nm aqo.nmm Hmm.um mucmwowwmmou mowumamuuou maawuasz Hoo.v Nam.oum o~.na NHN.Hum OH.va Hmm.Hum coflmmmuwmm Hfimum>o owmflucmm 3mh mmooz wchcmq NHHU ZH mozmHmm mo mozmmmmm MAm HZszmmmm mom mHmMAflumz I _A moo. mmo. 1M mumamn mm mao.- ama. .A gamMUwamou cowumamuuoo Hmwuuma 3% m8. 82E 3: M mm Amy o~o.- Amv ooo. D Axamuv munwwms mums cowummsuuo AU N ooo. Nmo. mumamv mm , Hmo. «#0.- ucmflofluwmou coHumHmuuou Hmwuumm o~.Aa mmo. ON.na m¢o. mm Aqv mqo. AoV doc. Axcmuv muswflms mumn coHumosvm «co. Nmo. mumamv mm moo. oHo.n ucmfiuwmmmoo coflumamuuou HmHuuma o~.~a HmH.H ON.AQ ¢No. mm ANV moH. Amv mma. 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Axcmuv munmwms muwn macucH mmanmflum> ucmncmamvcH Hmo.nmm Hem.um awe." m HRH.um mmo.u m wOH.um mquHUkumou cowumflmuuoo «Hafiuasz Hoo.va mm.qum ow.A wom.fium o~.Ma mo.Hum cowmmmuwmm Hamum>o owmwucmm 3mm mmooz wcwmcmq . mDH Hzmazmmmo mom mHm>Aflumz moo. omN. wqa. mumfimu mm mHo.n mHo.u wmo.u ucmflUwamou cowumamuuoo Hmwuuma o~.Aa mmo. o~.Aa ooo. om.na «Hm. mm on oHo.- on qu.- Amv omo.- Axcmuv munmflms mama coaumasouo moo. NmN. aqfi. mumamv mm H~0.- mmH. moo. ucmfiowmwmoo cowumamuuoo Hmwuuma oN.Au NHH. mo.va mmm.¢ o~.Aa HHo. mm Amv omo.n va «NH. Amy moo. Axcmuv muswwma mama cowumosvm mmo. 0mm. mqa. mumamv m 50H. mmo. mmo.u ucmwofimwmou :oHumHmuuou Hmwuuma 89vQ cow.“ ON.Aa can. ON.AQ mHo.H mm AHV mmq. Amv Ono. a~v HmH.- Axamuv munmfimz mums «aooaH mmanmflum> ucmvcmamvcH Noo.Hmm om~.um Hmm.-~m Hom.um omH.n~m 5mm.um mucmHUmemou coflumfimuuoo mfiaguasz Ho. Nmm.~nm Hoo.va Hmm.¢Hum 89vAH N~.onm cofimmmummm Hampm>o owmwucmm 3mm mmooz mawmcmq mmoz mo mmmzaz mgm azmmzmmma mom mewqfiumz mmo. Nmo. 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Axcmuv muswwwz mums mEOUCH mmanmfluw> ucmvcmmmUcH mmo.nmm NmH.nm woo.” m Hom.nm mmo.n m NwH.um mucmHUHmmmou cowumamuuoo «Hafiuaaz mH.va Hwo.finm Ho.v mNH.mum om.A mm~.Hnm scammmummm Hamum>o ommaucmm 3mm umooz wcwmcmg MH HZmazmmmo mom mHmWA uamvcmmmvcH NON.umm mq¢.um mwo.nNm mw~.um HoH.u m Ho¢.n mucmwuwmwmoo cowumamuuoo maafluasz Hoo.va HHo.HHum Hoo.um «mm.mum Hoo.v m¢m.onm segmmmummm Hfimum>o owmwucmm 3mm mmooz wchCmA mpH04m2m mqm Hzmazmmma mom mHmMAfiumz mam. mum. qu. wumamv mm moo. qoa.- omo.u ucmwowwmmoU cowumamuuou Hmwuuma oN.Aa mac. Ho.va HON.“ om.Aa mmH. mm AOV woo. Aqv mmH.- AQV mmo.u Axcmuv munwwms mums cowwmmdooo mmo. moH. Hmc. mumamc x 5mm. mam. ofim. ucmwowwmwoo cowumamuuou Hmwuuma Soda w-.wm Hoodfi 03.3 Hooia mafimm mm AHV qu. AHV Ham. ANV omm. Axcmuv munmfima mama cofiumoavm NAN. wmm. mma. mumamv m oqo.- moH. 05H. unmwowmmmoo cowumawuuoo Hmwuuma ON.AQ maq. OH.va -m.~ Ho.v¢ on.o mm Amv Nmo.u Amv mom. AmV mwm. 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