DENMARK AND THE 3ALTIC CRQSADE,
1150=1227

Thesis for the Begree of PM).
MECHIGAN STATE UNWERSSTY
Peep Peter Rebane

€969

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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled
DENMARK AND THE BALTIC CBUSADE

1150-1227

presented by

Peep Peter Rebane

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. History

degree in

// Major professor

Date

 

0-169

ABSTRACT

DENMARK AND THE BALTIC CRUSADE,
1150-1227

BY

Peep Peter Rebane

It is generally acknowledged that the crusading
movement of the twelfth century signified a mental and
physical outpouring of the civilization of Western Europe.
While much attention has been lavished on the Eastern Cru-
sades, much less space has been devoted to an equally
important extension of European culture, namely, the con-
version of the Baltic and Finnish natives of northeastern
Europe. While the Latin expeditions to the Near East may
have been more spectacular, they produced on the whole
little or no lasting effect among the conquered. The

German and Scandinavian drang nach Osten, on the other

 

hand, although slow and arduous, permanently brought the
lands around the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea into the
fold of Western European civilization.

By the late twelfth century, the Danes as well as
the nobles and traders of North Germany had begun to eye
the Baltic lands as possible areas of economic and politi-
cal exploitation. As the natives of these areas were
’pagans, a further impetus for conquest came from the Roman
Catholic Church, which desired the conversion of all the

heathens of Europe. As early as 1164 the Danes thus

Peep Peter Rebane
supported an abortive mission by Fulco, the first bishop
of Estonia, to convert the natives of that country.

While the Danish mission failed, Germans from the
Hamburg-Bremen area were more successful. In 1184 they
established a missionary church at fixkfill on the Dfina
River. Despite some early setbacks, the German colony
grew, especially after 1198 when Albert von Buxhovden was
named bishop of fixkfill. With the help of a newly estab-
lished crusading order, the Knights of the Sword, the
Germans pushed north into Estonia. Now, however, quarrels
broke out over the spoils between the episcopal party and
the Order. Thus weakened by dissension and faced with a
determined native counterattack supported from Russia, the
Germans were forced to turn to Denmark for aid.

The Danish nation had since 1170 experienced a
period of great vitality caused by a combination of out-
standing leadership of Church and State and their mutual
cooperation. Led by King Valdemar II and Archbishop
Anders Sunesen of Lund, Denmark became during the two
first decades of the thirteenth century the leading power
in northern Europe. The Danish successes were viewed with
favor by the Roman papacy, which desired to make Denmark
its secular arm in northern European politics. Thus when
called on by the Germans to aid the Christian cause in
Livonia, the Danes, encouraged by the papacy, responded
in 1219 by invading Estonia.

The erstwhile Christian allies soon fell out over

Peep Peter Rebane
a division of the spoils, with Denmark gaining the lion's
share. By 1222 it appeared that Denmark would become the
ruler of the whole Baltic region. Suddenly, however,
disaster struck--Valdemar II was captured and imprisoned
by his German adversaries. Deprived of its leadership,
Denmark could offer little resistance when its enemies in
Germany and Estonia despoiled the country of its posses-
sions. The papacy, which had supported the Danish claims,
tried to salvage part of the Danish colony by establishing
a papal state in Estonia. In the end, however, even the
papal rule collapsed and all of the lands of the Eastern
Baltic became German colonies.

'In retrospect, Denmark‘s attempt to spread its
power and influence in the Eastern Baltic reveals not only
the manner of Danish politics but also the general atti-
tude with which Europe viewed its relations with its
borderlands and their inhabitants. While Denmark itself
gained little in the way of territory, its involvement in
Baltic affairs during a critical era aided considerably in
the establishment of a westward-looking, Roman Catholic

civilization in this part of Europe.

DENMARK AND THE BALTIC CRUSADE,

1150-1227

BY

Peep Peter Rebane

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History

1969

5a 771/
//—2 7/70

ACKN OWLE DGMENT

The author would like to express his gratitude to
Professor Richard E. Sullivan, Chairman of the Department
of History at Michigan State University, for his assis-
tance in the preparation of this dissertation. Dr. Sul-
livan's unswerving interest in the progress of this study
and his invaluable suggestions and criticisms made the
dissertation possible. I would also like to thank my wife
who patiently proofread and typed much of this work while
undoubtedly often wondering if it would ever reach a suc-

cessful conclusion.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABBREVIATIONS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 iv
INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C 1

Chapter

I. THE BALTIC AND THE DANISH MISSION IN THE
TWELFTH CENTURY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

II. IMPERIAL POLITICS AND THE GERMANS IN
LIVONIA O O O O O I O O C O I O O O C C O O 32

III. THE GROWTH OF DANISH POWER AND THE KNIGHTS
OF THE SWORD . O O O C O O O O C C O O C O 7 0

IV. THE ESTONIAN WARS AND THE COMING OF THE
DANES I O O O O O O O C O O C O O I O O C O 101

v. THE YEARS or DANISH PREEMINENCE . . . . . . . 126

VI. THE COLLAPSE OF DANISH IMPERIALISM . . . . . 144

CONCLUSION O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O I O O O 18 5
BIBLIOGMPHICAL ESSAY I O O I O C O O O O O O O O O O 188
BIBLIOGMPHY O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O 206

MAPS O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O I O O I O O O I O O 226

iii

AD

Alberich von
Trois

Albert zu Stade
Arnold

212

Beitrage

DRB

Henry

Livonica

 

Mitt.

Potthast

 

R.Chr.

SB G.E.G.

ABBREVIATIONS

Annales Danici medii aevi. Edited by
E. Jfirgensen. K6benhavn, 1920.

Alberich von Trois Fontaines. Chronica
Alberici monachi Trium-Fontium a
monacho Novi Monasterii Hoiensis
interpolata.

 

 

 

Annales Stadenses auctore Alberto.

 

Arnold von Lfibeck. Slavekr5nike.

Bullarium Danicum.

 

Beitrage zur Kunde Est-, Liv- und Kur-
1ands. Edited by Estlandische Literar-
1scHe Gessellschaft. Reval, 1873-
1938.

Danmarks Riges Breve.

 

 

Heinrich von Lettland. Livlandische
Chronik.
Hildebrand, H., ed. Livonica.

 

Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der
Geschichte Liv-, Ehst- und KurIands.
Edited By Gesellschaft ffir Geschichte
und Altertumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen
Russlands. Riga, 1840-92. After Vol.
XV (1892), the title is Mitteilungen
aus der livlandischen GesEhiEhte.
Riga, 1892-1933.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Re esta pontificum Romanorum ab anno
1I88 ad annumEI353. Edited by
A. PottHast.

Livlandische Rheimchronik.

§itzungsberichte der Gelehrnten
Estnischen GeselIEChaft. Tartu.

 

 

iv

ABBREVIATIONS (continued)

SB Riga Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft ffir
Geschichte ungAltertumskunde der Ost-
seeprovinzen Russlands.

 

 

 

g§_ Liv-, Est- und Kurlandisches Urkunden-
buch.

yerhandlungen Verhandlungen der Gelehrten Estnischen

G.E.G. Gesellschaft. Tartu.

 

INTRODUCT ION

It is generally acknowledged that the crusading
movement of the twelfth century signified a mental and
physical outpouring of the civilization of Western Europe.
While much attention has been lavished on the various
Eastern Crusades, much less space has been devoted to an
equally important, if less spectacular, extension of Euro-
pean culture, namely, the conquest and conversion of the
Baltic, Finnish, and Slavic natives of northeastern EurOpe.
While the Latin victories and defeats in the Near East may
have been more spectacular, they were on the whole of
short duration and produced little or no lasting effect
among the conquered. The German and Scandinavian 95232
nach Osten, on the other hand, slow, arduous, and exceed-
ingly painful as it was, permanently brought the lands
around the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea into the fold
of Western European civilization and the Roman Catholic
Church.

Although economic and military contacts between
the Baltic and Finnish peoples and Western Europe had
existed since early Roman days, it was not before the late
twelfth century that Denmark and Germany, the major powers

of northern Europe, were able to make a concerted effort

2
to gain a permanent foothold in the Eastern Baltic. By
this time the political situation in Denmark had been
stabilized by the conclusion of a series of civil wars
which had brought a line of capable and aggressive rulers
to the Danish throne. These rulers now began to look for
aggrandizement abroad. Although in Germany a royal pro-
gram of expansion was lacking, by the middle of the
twelfth century lesser North German nobles and the traders
of several semi-independent German cities began to search
for new areas of economic and political exploitation.

To the profit motive was also added the pious
desire to convert the pagan natives in the borderlands of
Europe. Beginning as isolated missionary ventures, the
conversion movement gathered momentum until by the year
1200 it had become a full-fledged crusade with all its
implications of conversion by force and acquisition of
lands. In the process there was to develop in the Baltic
a keen competition between the Danes and the Germans for
land and spiritual influence, a struggle which received
further impetus from the interest shown in these matters
by the papacy and the German emperors.

This study will examine the Danish attempts to
establish control over Estonia and Livonia and discuss the
reasons why this venture failed even though Denmark rather
than the competing German powers received the backing of
the Roman Curia whenever a dispute arose between them.

The Danish empire which resulted from this burst of

3
activity was, however, short-lived, lasting less than ten
years. Still, by 1227, when the Danish power in Estonia
was broken by the Germans, the Catholic forces of Western
Europe had gained a firm foothold in the lands of the
Baltic, bringing them and their peoples into the Western

European cultural, political, and religious community.

CHAPTER I

THE BALTIC AND THE DANISH MISSION

IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY

The lands on the eastern shore of the Baltic Sea
and around the Gulf of Finland were inhabited in the
twelfth century by peoples of two basic linguistic groups,
the Balts and the Finns. The Balts, being quite distinct
from the Slavs, consisted of the Prussians who occupied
the Baltic coast from the Vistula River to the Niemen, the
Lithuanians on the upper and lower Niemen and its tribu-
taries, and the Letts. The latter were divided between
the Lettgals, north of the Dfina River, and the Selones,
between the Dfina and the Lithuanians. Other lesser tribes
such as the Semgalls also inhabited this same general area.

The Finnish peoples and their linguistic cousins
inhabited an enormous area of land on the Volga and in
northern Russia. On the Baltic, the Finnish tribes were
composed of the Kurs, northwest of the Lettgalls, and the
Live, for whom the area is named Livonia or Livland.

North of the Livs and the Lettgalls resided the Estonians
and north of the Gulf of Finland, the Finns proper.

All of the above-mentioned peoples were pagan and

had little civilization as we construe it. Politically

4

5

they were organized on a tribal basis with officials known
as elders, probably larger landholders, exercising some
vague leadership over the members of the tribe. The pop-
ulation consisted mostly of free peasants who owned their
own lands and owed few if any obligations, either economic
or political, to anybody. When the various tribes were
not raiding each other, they carried out expeditions
against the surrounding countries. Occasionally outside
military pressure forced one of the tribes to pay a more
or less permanent tribute to a foreign overlord. This,
for instance, was the case with the Tholowa Letts, who
owed loyalty to the Russian princes of Pleskau (Pskov).l

Economic intercourse had existed between the
peoples of the Baltic and continental Europe since
early Roman days. By the twelfth century, the European
demand for amber, furs, and wax had led to the estab-

lishment of permanent trade relations between the two

1For a more comprehensive discussion of the Bal-

tic and Finnish tribes, consult the following works and
their bibliographies: Leonid Arbusow, Frfih eschichte Lett-
lands (Riga, 1933); Albert Bauer, "SemgaIlen und Upmale in
Fruhgeschichtlicher Zeit," in Baltische Lande, ed. by
Albert Brackmann g£_31., I (Leipzig, I939), 307-29; Paul
Johansen, "Kurlands Bewohner zu Anfang der historischen
Zeit," in Baltische Lande, ed. by Albert Brackmann 25 31.,
I (Leipzig, I939), 263-307; Friedrich C. H. Kruse, Ur es-
ghichte des estnischen Volkstammes (Leipzig, 1846); Hein-
rich Laakmann, ItEstland und LiVland in frfihgeschichtlicher
Zeit," in Baltische Lande, ed. by Albert Brackmann et 31.,
I (Leipzig, 1939), 307-30; Edgar V. Saks, Aestii (MSHtreal
and Heidelberg, 1960); Phillip Schwartz, Kurland im 13.
Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1875); A. H. Snellmann, "Die Ostsee-
innen zur Zeit ihrer Unabhangigheit," Suomen Muinaismuis-
Epyhdistyshen Aikakauskirja, XVI (1896), l-163.

 

 

 

 

6

areas.2 One is especially struck by the numerous refer-

ences, both in written records and artifacts, to the

activities of the various Scandinavian peoples in the
Baltic. It is not the purpose of this study to repeat the
names of all the Vikings who according to the runes and
sagas either had traveled "eastward" to trade or to seek

booty. It often becomes hard to tell the merchants from

the freebooters as the two occupations tended to merge

into one.3

2Additional and more extensive information deal-
ing with early trading and military activities in the
Baltic are discussed in the following works: Ture A. J.
Arne, "La Suede et Orient," Archives d'études orientales,
VIII (Uppsala, 1914), assim; Birger Nerman, Die Verbin-
dungen zwischen SkandinaV1en und dem Ostbaltikum in
i_ngeren Eisenze1t (Stockholm, 1929); ArnoIds Spekke, The
Ancient Amber Route and the Geographical Discoveryiof the
Eastern Baltic (Stockholm, 1957). Lauritz Weibull, 4“St.
Ifirut 1 sterle ," Scandia, XVIII (1946), 84- 101, is espe-
Cidally valuable for early trade treaties between Scandi-

navia and Russia.

3Runic inscriptions dealing with Scandinavians in
tiles Baltic are discussed in Oscar Montelius, "Svenska Run-
s1leenar am farden Osterut," Fornvannen, IX (1914), 81- 114.
Pertinent excerpts from Nordic and Islandic sagas are col-
leacted in Fontes Historiae Latviae Medii_Aevii, ed. by
1A«- Svabe and A. Attementes, I (Riga, 1937- -40), Nos. 2- 18.
Trade in the Baltic is reconstructed with the help of
n\JJnismatics by N. Bauer, "Die Russischen Funde abend-
ltéandischer Munzen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts," Zeit-
Schrift fur Numismatik, xxxx (1929), 1-187, and XL' "(1930),
:I:i§ 7-223; A. M. TaIIgren, "Zur Archeologie Eestis. II. Von
5 00 bis etwa 1250 n. Cr.," Acta et Commentationes. Uni-
Versitatis Dorpatenis. B. Human1ora, VIII (1925), assim;
OScar Montelius, Sveriges fifbindelser med andra Lander i
\::<:thistorisk Tid (Stockholm, 1898); Fr1edr1ch Braun, "Das
Jistorische Russland im nordischen Schrifttum des X—XIV
éihrhundert," in Festschrift fur Eugen Mogk (Halle, 1924),
ZEDI§>. 150- 96. Theories have been advanced that actual
lgrations from Scandinavia to the Baltic countries,
especially the islands off the Estonian coast, took place:
Otto von Friesen, "Forntida Utvandlingar fré’tn Sverige,"

 

 

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7
Combining the talents of the explorer, the mer-
chant, and the pirate, the Scandinavians pushed eastward.
Occasionally our sources indicate some attempts to conquer
and rule permanently the Baltic lands. Thus, sometime
between 1018 and 1035, King Knut (Canute) the Great is
reputed to have conquered Estonia, while in 1095, King
Erik Eijegood of Denmark styled himself Duke of Estonia.4
In short, by 1100 the lands and peoples on the eastern
shore of the Baltic were well known to the Scandinavians.
By the middle of the twelfth century, the Germans
also had become active in the Baltic. At this time, an
organized merchant class appeared in many North German
towns which directed its trade toward Russia and the sur-
rounding areas. These burghers found support for their
activities not from among the Holy Roman emperors, whose
interests lay in Italy, but from among the dukes of

Saxony. Of these rulers, the one most often credited

Wit:h laying the foundation for the subsequent German

‘

€223Lands Fornminnesf5renings Tidskrift, Bd.6, Heft 35
11-5.).

4Annales Danici Medii Aevii, ed. by Ellen Jorgen-

sen (K6benHavn, I920), p. 69 (hereafter cited as A_D_);
'§EEEE;iptores Rerum Danicarum Medii Aevii, ed. by J. Lange-
ieek et _a_]_._. (K5benhavn, 17—72-1834), I, 159, and II, 388,
E2 ? (HEreafter cited as SRD) . The information about King
It‘lk may be found in Petr-i—Olai, Gesta Danorum, in _S_R_D_,
K! 119. Hans Oldekop, Die Anféinge der kathdlischen
Fifihgsgche bei den Ostseefinnen (Reval, 1912), pp. 34-36;
<13L~c=hael von Taube, "Russische und Litauische Ffirsten an
kafiélrr Dfina zur Zeit der deutschen Eroberung Livlands,“ Jahr-

L1<=her fiir Kultur und Geschichte der Slaven, N.F. XI

935) , 379.

8
successes in the Baltic was Duke Henry the Lion. The duke
cultivated the friendship of the growing merchant class by
facilitating trade in his own territories and by securing
trading privileges for German merchants in the Baltic.5
Most noteworthy in this connection was Duke Henry's
re-chartering of the town of Lfibeck in 1159 and his suc-
cess in 1161 in obtaining equal rights for traders of
German origin in Wisby, the greatest trading center of

northern Europe.6 Thanks to Duke Henry and other North

 

5Helmoldus, The Chronicle of the Slavs, trans. by
F. J. Tschau (New York, 1935), LXXXVI (hereafter cited as
Helmoldus). Friedrich Koch, "Livland und das Reich bis
zum Jahre 1225," Quellen und Forschungen zur Baltische
Geschichte, Heft 4 (Posen, 1943), 6, and Fritz R6rig,
Reichssymbolik auf Gotland," Hansische Geschichtsblétter,
LXIV (1940), l-67, both argue that Duke Henry was actually
acting as an agent of the empire and not for personal
gain. Yet Helmoldus, LXXXVIII, states that his activities
were motivated by the desire for financial gain rather
than a desire to spread Christianity. Of course the two
mOtives are not mutually exclusive. Cf. N. G. Heine,
'Tksters¢¢problemer omkring 1200," Humanistiske Studier,
II (1942), ll.

 

“ 6Fritz R6rig, "Heinrich der L6we und die Grfindung
Ifllkaecks," Deutsche Archiv ffir Geschichte des Mittelalters,
I (1937), 408-56; R6rig, "Reichssymbolik auf Gotland,"
1“67. The treaty granting rights of private jurisdiction,
OVVrI police force, etc., is printed in Hansische Urkunden-
§§y ed. by K. H6hlbaum and K. Kunze (LefiJzig, 1876-
239), II, No. 15. Also see Friedrich Benninghoven, Egg
SEEisaggwder Schwertbrfider (K61n, 1965), p. 18; Paul Johan-
‘36311, Die Bedeutung der Hanse ffir Livland," Hansische
;§%E§§§chichtsbl§tter, LXV-LXVI (1940-41), 3-4; Koch, p. 5.
ea importance of Lubeck and its traders to the economic
WEE=l1.fare of Germany and the Baltic trade cannot be under-
:EEB‘tzimated. The Hohenstaufen emperor Fredrick I gave the
Down vast privileges despite the fact that it had been
he of the staunchest supporters of Duke Henry the Lion
End the Welfs; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, ed. by J. M. ‘
rne‘fiEbpenberg (Hamburg, 1842), I, No. 33. Fredrick I also
I;§}<1e his own chaplain the bishop of Lfibeck; Arnold von
t113eck, Slavekanike, ed. and trans. by P. Kirkegaard

9
German nobles, the towns and traders of North Germany flour-
ished and became ubiquitous in the Baltic sea region.7
Although the Scandinavian and German traders were
the first to spread European civilization into the Baltic,
the Roman Catholic Church did not lag far behind. The
Church viewed the continued existence of a large block of
pagans in Europe as a blemish on its record which it
wanted to rectify. To the Church, the merchants were the
medium by which its missionaries could reach the pagans.
To the merchants, the conversion of the pagans of the
Baltic implied the imposition of Western spiritual and
P01 itical rule, acts which would facilitate orderly and
Peaceful trade. As a result, we soon find the two groups
Working together to extract military support for their

Plans from the secular rulers of Western Europe.

K

(KESbenhavn, 1885), III:4-6, 30 (hereafter cited as

W).

7L-K. Goetz, Deutsche-Russische Handelsgeschichte
Mtelalters (Liibeck, 1927), pp. 143-455; Paul Johan-
sen : Die Bedeutung der Hanse fiir Livland," Hansische
Michtsblatter, va-vax (1940-41), 3-5; Wilhelm Koppe,
D-‘Le Anfange der Hanse, Gotland und das Reich," Jomsburg,
( 1940) , 173-75. For various treaties between Germans,
SWedes, and Russians of Novgorod, see Hansische Urkunden-
uch, I, Nos. 48, 50. Later German historians were to
claim that the Baltic and its peoples were "discovered"
by the German traders. For criticisms of this theory, see
Ai‘bert M. Ammann, "Kirchenpolitische Wandlungen im Ostbal-
tlkum bis zum Tode Alexander Newskis," Qgentalia Christi-
Ena\Analecta, CV (Rome, 1936), 101; Paul Johansen, "Die
Legenden von der Aufseglung Livlands durch Bremer Kauf-
eute," in Eur0pe und Ubersee, ed. by Otto Brunner (Ham-
burg, 1961), passim; WeiBull, "St. Knut i Osterled,"
P: 85; Hugo er1ng, "Till fragan om Tyskarna p8 Gotland
under llOO—talet," Svensk Historisk Tidskrift, LXXIV
(1954), 411-21.

 

 

 

 

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10
Since the Holy Roman emperors during the twelfth
century preferred to turn the thrust of their attention
toward Italy and Sicily, the lead of the eastern crusade
was taken over by the monarchs of the Scandinavian coun-
tries and the lesser nobility and traders of North Ger-
many.8 The first organized attempt to convert the pagans
of Eastern Europe was the crusade against the Wends
preached by St. Bernard of Clairvaux at the imperial
Beichst_ag_ of March, 1147. The expedition was joined by
several German princes and bishops as well as contingents
of Danes and Poles. Despite papal precautions to maintain
Control of the venture, its direction was soon taken over
by the secular nobility and the spiritual mission of con-
Version was cOnverted into a secular mission of conquest.
Aitihough the expedition as a whole was a failure, it had
greatpsychological significance, as the idea of'a north-
ern crusade, preached by the Church and carried out by

the secular powers, had been planted in the minds of the

 

 

. 8Friedrich Baethgen, "Die Kuria und der Osten im
Mlttielalter," Deutsche Ostforschung, I (1942), 310-11;
T eC>dor Mayan-"Des Kaisertum und der Osten im Mittelal-
ter’ " Deutsche Ostforschung, I (1942), 291-309. For a
general discussion of German eastward expansion, see
He’E‘mann Aubin, "Die Ostgréinze des alten deutschen
Relc=hes," Historische Vierteljahresschrift, XXVIII (1934),
2?S""*'72; ClaraiRedlich,erationale Frage und Ostkolonisa-
tlon im Mittelalter," Ri aer Volkstheoretische Abhand-
%' Heft 2 (Berlin, I933). THe question whether the
GeT-‘n'tans should have been more interested in eastward
rather than southward expansion is discussed by Gerhard
Sappok, "Die Deutsche Ostpolitik im Rahmen der Reichs-
Eolitik," Jomsburq, IV (1940), 141-73; Konrad Schiinemann,

Ostpolitik und Kriegsfiihrung im friihen MitteJalter,"
wische Jahrbiichern, xvn (1937), 31-55.

 

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Germans and the Scandinavians, especially the Danes.9

During the years following the crusade to Wenden,
the movement to Christianize the pagans of the Eastern
Baltic found its most active proponents among the Scandi—
navian peoples. Although Christianity had come relatively
late to Scandinavia, by 1150 it was not only firmly
entrenched, but the Church hierarchy exercised a large
degree of influence on the political structure of the

Scandinavian countries. The latter half of the twelfth
and the first half of the thirteenth centuries produced
eSpecially in Denmark a remarkable degree of Church-State

COOPeration that was lacking in Europe in general and in

Germany in particular. The Danish Church had also become

ilnbued with a strong French spiritual influence, espe-

Ci ally as expounded by St. Bernard of Clairvaux and the

. 9The crusading bull of April 11, 1147, is printed
111 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, ed. by G. Lisch
(Schwerin, 1863), I, No. 43; the crusade itself is best
deScribed in Helmoldus, LXII-LXVII. Saxo Grammaticus,
i353 Grammatici Gesta Danorum, ed. and trans. by J. Olrik
and A. Raeder (K6benhavn, 1925), XIV, ascribes political
m.otives to the participating Danes and Poles. The best
d35-Sczussion of the Wendish crusade and its future implica-
tions is found in Margret Bunding-Naujoks, "Das Im erium
chElfistianum und die deutschen Ostkriege vom zehnten Bis
zum zwolftem Jahrundert," in Heidenmissionfund Kreuzzugs-
edanke, ed. by H. Beumann (Damstidt, 1963i: pp. 65-120,
esE>ec1ally pp. 96-120. Also see Benno Abers, "Zur Pap-
stlichen Missionspolitik in Lettland und Estland zur Zeit
InrLozenz III," Commentationes Balticae, IV-V (1956-57) , 4.
The psychologicaf reasons be‘riind the crusading ideal as
applied in the Baltic are explored in Helmut Beumann,
IFreuzzugsgedanke und Ostpolitik in h6hen Mittelalter,"
Iii-gouache Jahrbiicher, LXXII (1953), 112-32. For pos-
S¥ble participation by Russians in this crusade, see
Ml-chael von Taube, "Russische und Litauische Fiirsten

O . 'II p. 379.

12
Cistercians. An integral part of St. Bernard's brand of
Christianity was his advocacy of crusades and the founding
cm’monasteries in pagan lands.10 The Danish-French cul-
tural ties found an expression in the political field in
1192 by the marriage of Philip Augustus and Ingeborg.11
It was largely due to the harmonious relations between the
Danish Church and State that the Danes were able to carry
(H: a strong missionary effort in the Baltic and it was for
this same reason that the papacy in its quest for a secu-
lar power to aid it in the spread of Christianity turned
tC> 'this Scandinavian power.12
In Denmark the relationship between the Church and
otllee: State was decided by internal political circumstances

and by Denmark's relations with the various political

g

. 10Benninghoven, pp. 4-16; W. Schmidt, "Die Zister-
zlenser im Baltikum und in Finland," Finsk Kyrkohistoriska
Simfundets Arsskrift, XXIX-XXX (1939-40), 8-17.

llMatts Dreijer, "Kristendomens genombrott i Nor-

den," Alandsk Odli_ng_, XX (1959) , 41. For a good survey of
the role oTthe Cistercians in Scandinavia see W. Schmidt,
EFaSsim; and Franz Winter, Die Cistercienser im nordost-

‘1<3 en Deutschland, 3 vols. TGotha,‘1868-7IT. Benning-

°Ven, Der Orden der Schwertbriider, stresses the role of
the Cistercians in the founding of the Knights of the
S‘fi'erd but also gives much information concerning Cister-
clen activities in general.

 

12Fritz Blanke, "Die Entscheidungsjahre der

Pr:elnssenmission," Zeitschriftffir Kirchengeschichte,
XJE'VII (1928), 34-40; Dreijer, p. 70; Albert Hauck,
KeL-Zr—‘chengeschichte Deutschlands (9th ed.; Berlin, 1958),
I o 627; Sigvard Skov, "Aerkebisp Anders Sunesen og
1383‘7estolen," Scandia, XIX (1948), II, 171; Niels Skyum-
lelsen, "Aerkekonge og Aerkebiskop," Scandia, XXIII
(1955-56), 15-17. ' " "”—

13
powers of Germany. Within Denmark, the monarchy was hard
at work trying to centralize its rule, a task which
involved the suppression of the free peasantry. In the
process, the Danish kings were forced to delegate author-
ity and power to their local representatives. Since the
feudal nobility was small in number, the kings had to turn
to the Danish Church for advisors and officials. Hence,
as royal power grew in Denmark, so did the power of the
Danish Church, especially that of the archbishops of Lund.
In short, a strong centralized Danish state was beneficial
to both the Crown and the Church, and cooperation between
the two powers came naturally.l3
In foreign policy the two institutions also had a
Conunon goal, namely, independence from German domination.
Since the late eleventh century, Denmark had been consid-
area as a more or less permanent fief of the Holy Roman
Empire, and in 1131 one of the contestants for the Danish
throne had in return for imperial aid become a vassal of

the German emperor. This homage was renewed in 1152.14
\

13For the growth of royal power, see Heine,
pp- 9-12; Arnold N. Hammar, "Om kyrkan i Skane under
Katl‘Iolicismen," .3223 Universitatis Lundensis, IV (1867) ,
9,‘94. Regarding Church-State cooperation in the suppres-
filon of the free peasantry, see Hammar, p. 93; Hal Koch,
Da~11marks Konger, 1042-1340," in Danmarkstonger, ed. by
L11: Fabricius (K5benhavn, 1944), pp. 49-53; Hans T.
°¥rik, Absalon- (K5benhavn, 1908), 1, 11-13; Niels Skyum-
ule:Lsen, Ki rkekampen i Denmark 1241-1290 (Kebenhavn,
1963), p. 15.

l4Hal Koch, "Danmarks Konger, 1042-1340," pp. 60,

643 Halvdan Koht, "The Scandinavian Kingdoms until the End

14
When Valdemar I became king of Denmark in 1157, he at
first appeared to remain loyal to his overlord, Emperor
Fredrick I, even to the point of supporting the imperial
anti-pope Victor III against Pope Alexander III. This
temporarily cost Valdemar I the support of the fervently
Gregorian archbishop of Lund, Eskil, who went into exile
in France. Yet by 1167 the king and the archbishop had
resolved their differences, undoubtedly to prevent a
renewed civil war in Denmark. The reconciliation was
Syntbolically sealed in 1170 at Ringsted when Eskil crowned
Valdemar's son, the future Knut VI.ls This event, the
first time that a Danish monarch was anointed by a church-
man, signalled the beginning of seventy years of collabo-
ration between the two powers. When Valdemar I died in
1182, Knut VI refused to do homage to Fredrick I and was

s1153ported in his decision by the Danish Church hierar-

chy. 16

x

of the Thirteenth Century," in Cambridge Medieval Higgory,
ed. by J. B. Bury gt _a_]_._. (Cambridge, 1957), VI, 386-87.

lSJ. Oskar Andersen, "Aerkebispevalget i Lund
3:177," Scandia, XXIII (1955-56), 102; Hammar, p. 18; Koch,
anmarks Konger," pp. 70-71; Hans Patze, "Die Frieden von
Clzlristburg vom Jahre 1249," Jahrbuch ffir Geschichte
Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands, VII (I959), ZIB, BeIi eves

at Alexander III's friendly disposition toward Eskil was
cansed by the fact that the latter had been the Pope's

aunchest and most consistent supporter in his fight
aQ’ainst the anti-pope Victor III. Patze believes this is

e reason why Alexander III a few years later was to sup-
p<>th the Danish missionary efforts in the Baltic.

16Andersen, p. 102; Heine, p. 49; Koch, "Danmarks
Konger, 1042-1340," pp. 70-71.

"0" W.“
' :.l "\-

 

 

.
“Iv-4.

l>.u..
o

n. y
I .~
'ovn‘

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"‘v-i
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III

p l

15

The position taken by the Danish clergy was, how-

ever, not completely unselfish. Although Lund had been

made an independent archbishopric in 1104, pressure from
fine strongly pro-imperial archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen had
forced the weak Innocent II in 1133 to place Lund under
the metropolitan rule of the German archbishop.l7 This
orxier was really never carried out and in 1137 an indepen-
derrt archbishopric was resurrected in Lund under Eskil.18

Despite this setback, Hamburg-Bremen constantly strove to

reassert its leadership in Scandinavia and over the mis-

Sionary effort that was carried out by the Nordic
Church.19 Archbishop Eskil in turn set out to make Lund

the leading center of Christianity in Northern Europe, and

as a result a conflict of interest became unavoidable. In

1164 the stature of Lund was greatly increased by the cre-

at ion of an archbishopric at Upsala, Sweden, under the

Spiritual rule of Eskil.20 These events then provided

\
17The documents making Lund an archbishopric are

E>I‘inted in §R_l_)_, V, No. 623; documents concerning the brief

eturn of Lund to the metropolitanship of Bremen can be
2Eeund in Hambur isches Urkundenbggh, I, Nos. 144-148.
Also see comments by Dreijer, p. 45.

18Dreijer, p. 45.

19Georg C. Dehio, Geschichte des Erzbistums
.Eiéamburg-Bremen bis zum Aus an der MiSsion (BerIin, 1877),
3EZE, 50-110; Dreijer, p. 41; Gunter Glaeske, Die Erzbis-
EEfltyfife von Hamburg-Bremen als Reichsffirsten 937-I258 (Hi1-
clees—heim, 1962), passim. 'Fer the demands of Bremen to Lund,
S3Gee Lauritz Weibull, Nordisk Historia (Stockholm, 1948),

I I , 34-35.

20Upsala became an archbishopric on August 5,

1164. Diplomatarium Suecanum, ed. by J. G. Liljegren

.
oi“,

glv ‘

 

any.

in. v
0

O-vi

vvuv

r
a."

wile

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‘ ‘

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-

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‘0

 

 

16
the basis for the continued hostility between Lund and
Bremen that was to culminate in a contest as to which

archbishopric was to convert and rule the pagans of the

Eastern Baltic. With Bremen taking a pro-imperial stand

in German politics, the Danish kings lost no time in sup-

porting the efforts of Lund. As far as the Danes were

concerned, spiritual and political independence from

Germany went hand in hand.”-

The missionary activities of the Danish Church
received an additional stimulus from its intellectual and

Spiritual contacts with France and the Cistercian reform

movement there. Numerous Danes studied in Paris, and as

early as 1147 there were enough of them in that city to

form a distinct Danish colony.22 At the same time, the

\
(Stockholm, 1829), I, No. 70; Regesta Pontificium Romano-
flab condita Ecclesia ad annum 1304, ed. by P. Jaffe
liEBer1in, 1851), II, No. 11048 (hereafter cited as Jaffe);
I1gvar Andersson, "Upsala Arkestifts tillkomst," Svensk ‘

Iiistorisk Tidskrift, LXXXIV (1961), 389-410; Dreijer,

22>. 47, 59-31:; PauI Johansen, Nordische Mission, Revals

l\l‘findung und die SchwedensiedlunLin Estland (StockhoIm,
951), p. 90.

21In 1158, Emperor Fredrick I made the archbishop

QZE Hamburg-Bremen the metropolitan of all of Northern
E‘L:u:ope; Diplomatarium Suecanum, I, No. 40. The anti-pope
ictor III also made similar pronouncements which was an

aCided reason for the anti-imperial stand taken by the.
{Danish Church. The classical treatment of Hamburg-Bremen
in North European politics is the work by Dehio. Also see
Bernhard Schmeidler, Hamburg-Bremen und Nord-Ost Europa
Von 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert (Lfibeck, 1918), as well as many

Q the woflts dealing with the history of Livonia. Primary
sources may be found in Regesten der Erzbischéife von Bre-

Ié'l\er_}_,.ed. by O. H. May (Hannover-Bremen, 1937), Vol. I; and
£em1sglles Urkundenbuch, ed. by W. von Bippen g5 £11. (3
Vols.; Bremen, 1873-1880) .

22Arnold, III:5, tells that the Danes excelled in
t-he humanities, theology: and law.

l7

Cistercian brand of monasticism was rapidly spreading

through Denmark and Sweden. Archbishop Eskil himself was

educated in France and kept up especially good relations

with the monastery of Clairvaux. When he finally retired,

he became a monk at Clairvaux and was eventually buried

in the cloister vault.23 It may also be-noted that the

first archbishop of Upsala was the Cistercian Stephen whom

Eskil consecrated at Sens in the presence of Pope Alexan-

der 111.24
After Eskil, the next two archbishops of Lund were

also bound to France by cultural and spiritual ties.

AbEialon (1177—1201) had been a student in Paris and if

Eskil had been a personal friend of St. Bernard himself,

Absalon became a close friend of Abbot William of St.

Geh-evieve. William was later to become abbot of the Dan-

J-sh monasteries of EskilséS and Aebelholdt, ending up his
ca‘3l1‘eer as a diplomat in the service of King Knut V1.25

inally. Archbishop Anders Sunesen (1201-22) was probably
\

23For a general discussion of Archbishop Eskil,
P. F. K6ningsfeldt, "De katholske erkebiskopper

see J.
89 biskoper 1 Denmark," in Historiske Aarsboger, ed. by
‘ Molbech (Kabenhavn, 1951), III, 4-5; Andersen, p. 102;

Valdemar Ammundsen, "Anders Sunesen," Kirkehistoriska

sisaflElligggg, R.5, Bd.3 (1907), p. 651.
omatarium Suecanum, I, No. 70; Ingvar

24 -
Dipl
I\rICiersson, Det Lundensiska Primatet ever Sverige,"
risk Tidskrift, LXXXV (1965), 324-28;

S\‘regsk Histo
uldersson, "Upsala Arkestifts tillkomst," pp. 389-410.

1 25Olrik, Absalon, I, 19-50, discusses the French
(“fluence Laurents P. Fabricius, Denmarks Kirkehistoria
Kebenhavn, 1934), 1, 180-88.

 

18

the most educated of the three prelates and enjoyed a
distinguished teaching career in France.26 By 1200, the

spirit of the Cistercians, with their dual stress of holi-

ness and aggressive expansion of Christianity, was firmly

established in Denmark. The country had acquired the

necessary spiritual stimulus and the political-spiritual

organization needed to be able to extend its influence

outside Denmark. We shall see that there existed consid-

erable precedence that this expansion would be directed

toward the countries of the Eastern Baltic and that the

movement would have religious overtones.
As early as 1069 or 1070, Sven Estridsson, king

of Denmark, is reputed to have built a church in Kur-

land.27 During this time Finland seems to have held the

main attention of the Scandinavian missionaries, espe-

cially the Swedes.28 We are told of a crusade in 1130

\

7 26For the life of Anders Sunesen, see below, pp.

( 0‘75. Note that his older brother, Peder Sunesen

Vd .. 1214), bish0p of Roskilde and Chancellor of King
a~Zl.demar II, also was educated in France; Kc'Sningsfeldt,

P - 21.-

27Concerning Sven Estridson, see Adam von Bremen,
ammaburgensis ecclesie Pontificum, ed. and trans.

Ge

\stefi ,

k33? F. J. TschauITNew York, 1959), IV:16 (hereafter cited
See also Ilmar Arens, "Zur Frage der

$8 Adam von Bremen).

P testen Beruhriingen. mit Christentum," Estonia Christifina.

7329153 oftthe Estonian Theological SOCiety in Exile, XV
1965), 28-29; Johansen, Nordische Mfssion, pp. 88-89.

28Ammann, p. 99, states that when the archbishop-

J3510:: of Uppsala was established in 1164, there occurred a

efinite division of the prospective missionary areas
The latter reserved

<3.
getween the Danes and the Swedes.

I33.-1‘11and for themselves. Ammann bases his belief-on
\J-Elomatarium Suecanum, I, No. 87, which is a papal bull

 

\

 
 

19

to southern Finland and a similar venture in 1142, the lat-

ter possibly led by Archbishop Eskil. St. Erik, king of

Sweden, in 1155 took his troops on a crusade to the land
of the Finns and in 1158 the town of Abo was founded by
These expeditions elicited a vigorous reaction

Swedes . 2

from the local pagans. Saxo tells us that in 1170 there

was a great raid by Estonian pirates to the island of
Oland from where the attackers were barely dislodged.
Somewhat later, in 1187, the ancient Swedish capital and
Spiritual center, Sigtuna, was destroyed and the bish0p
30

Of Link6ping killed by some Finnish or Karelian raiders.

Some historians have made the claim that the

 

that directs the Swedes to build castles in Finland for
he protection of the Christians there. Although Ammann

does not state it outright, he suggests that the moving

15°Jz‘ce behind this missionary work was the papacy.

29For the crusade of 1130, see Saxo, XIV, with
comments by Dreijer, p. 60. For the confrontation with
file Russians in 1142, see The Chronicle of Novgorod, 1016-
N, trans. by R. Mitchell ILondon, T914), p. I7, for
: D. 1142; Dreijer, p. 58. The crusade of 1155 is men-
t~11:>ned in the Chronicle of Novgorod, p. 24, for A.D. 1155;

Sven Tunberg, "Erik den Helige, Sveriges Helgokonung,"
The whole problem of

Fornvannen, XXXVI (1941), 257-76.
Elle earIy missions in Finland is treated in Lauritz Wei-
ull, "Néir och hur Finland blev Svenskt," Scandia, XIII

(1940), 1—21; Oldekop, pp. 38-39, 45. —_

30For the Estonian raid to Oland, see Saxo, XVI.

The destruction of Sigtuna in 1187 is discussed by I. P.

Seskoljskij, "Sigtunskij pochod 1187," Istoriceskije
135-63, who maintains the raiders

2e iski, XXIX (1949).
Seme from a combined Russian-Finnish fleet. Adolf Schiick,
S:I'.gtunas fESrharjning, 1187," Fornvannen, XLVIII (1953),
2:LS-l9, maintains that there were actually two separate

a“htacks, one in 1187, the other in 1188. Both were
Qe.:l:ried out by Finnish tribes. Arens, p. 27, however,
I“eintains that the raiders were Estonians.

 

 

_-'_- __'

20

Scandinavian missionary activities must have been quite
successful, since the Greek Orthodox Church in 1165 cre-

ated an archbishopric in Novgorod, a step otherwise
unheard of in the Orthodox Church.31 Presumably this
new official would lead a countermission to the pagans,

since the Russians had been notoriously lax in spreading

the Christian faith to their neighbors.32 In short, it

is clear that by 1170 the Scandinavians had begun to

extend their political and spiritual rule to the Eastern

Baltic. As of yet, these activities had been sporadic

and uncoordinated, backed neither by sufficient military

Support nor official Church sanctions. To acquire these

ingredients, however, only time was needed and in 1170 the

first organized Danish mission in the Baltic, backed by

the papacy, took place. It is known as the mission of

F‘~Illco.33
\
31In 1164, a Swedish fleet of 55 ships raided

1illssia and tried to take Novgorod. They were defeated
aaster a great battle on Lake Ladoga. This Swedish raid
ey well have been the immediate cause for the establish-

1“ent of the archbishopric of Novgorod. Chronicle of Nov-
erod, p. 24, for A.D. 1164; Oldekop, pp. 38-39 and p. 38

n- 450
32The establishment of the archbishopric of Nov-
S3<>rod is documented in Finlands Medeltidsurkunder, ed. by
- T. Hausen (Helsingfors, 1910), No. 23 Thereafter cited
as FMU); Dreijer, pp. 49-51.

33There are indications that the papacy was quite
{sétmiliar with both the religious and political situations
“~11 Scandinavia. Kjell Kumelin, "Sveriges kristnande i
Slutskedet," Svensk Historisk Tidskrift, LXXXII (1962) ,
‘49-97; Jarl Ga en, Kring det s.k} Florensdokumentet
Iran omkring gr 1120," Historisk Tidskrift f6r Finland,

 

21

The mission of Fulco remains surrounded by a haze

of mystery primarily due to the lack of documents and
inaccurate or unknown dating of those that have survived.
What does remain clear, however, is that this was the
first time the papacy actively backed and helped organize

a Danish crusade, calling for the forceful conversion of

the Baltic pagans. The venture began sometime between

1161 and 1167 while Archbishop Eskil was in France and

became friends with Abbot Peter of Celle, a Cistercian

monastery near Troyes.34 Sometime during this period,

Probably in 1167, we hear that one Fulco, a monk from

Celle, was ordained Estonum Episcopus, supposedly at the

request of Archbishop Eskil.35

-___,
XLIII (1958), 1-26.

For an extended discussion of the early Scandi-
nEivian missionary effort, the following may be consulted:
letens, pp. 30-34, 40-41; Benninghoven, p. 16, especially
1). 16 n. 14, and the material referred to therein. See
Ellso the persuasive arguments advanced in Johansen, Nor-
Sagische Mission, pp. 72-94, for an early and purposeffii—

Qandinavian mission in the Baltic.

34Lauritz Weibull, "Paven Alexander III's Septem-

berbrev till Norden," Scandia, XIII (1940), 90-98; Lau-
JTents P. Fabricius, "Sagnet om Danebroge og de aeldste

férbindelser med Estland," Kirkehistoriska Samlin ar,
.6, Bd.l (1935), 499-500. Peter of CelIe (1115-1183)
ecame abbot of St. Remi in 1162 and in 1181 was ordained
ishop of Chartres; Lexicon fiir Theologie und Kirche

(Freiburg, 1963), VIII, 355.

35Liv-, Est- und Curlfindische Urkundenbuch, ed. by

F. G. Bunge 23 a1. (Reval and Riga, 1893), I, No. 5, and
VII, No. 2713 (hereafter cited as 92). There is some
ciebate over the year in which Fulco was ordained. Johan-
een, Nordische Mission, p. 90, and Benninghoven, p. 16,
hold out for 1167, while Arens, p. 35, and Oldekop,

P. 51 n. 3, favor 1164/65. One is inclined to accept
the later date, since in 1164/65 Archbishop Eskil was

 

22

The sequence of events now becomes uncertain. It

seems that Fulco in 1169 appeared in Rome to secure offi-
cial papal permission to preach a crusade, a request with-

out whichany such endeavor would surely fail to attract

enough support to succeed. For some undetermined reason

he first failed to receive the permission to preach but,
after a personal appeal by Abbot Peter, Pope Alexander III
reversed his decision and confirmed Fulco's ordination as

bishop of Estonia.36 Fulco himself had in the meantime
gone to Denmark to see Eskil.37 The next time we hear

about the missionary bishop is in a series of papal bulls

dated September 9, 11, and 17 of either 1171 or 1172. The

main document is the bull of September 11, in which Alex-
ander III, in order to aid Fulco's task, calls on all

kiIlr‘tgs, lords, and Christians in Denmark, Norway, and

\

gnVolved with the establishment of the archbishopric of
Ppsala and since an ordination in 1164 would leave six

l’ears between that date and when the Pope was petitioned

Qr confirmation. I_J_l_3_, VI, No. 2713.

36The first petition is printed in Diplomatarium

SIlecanum, I, No. 43; U2, III, Reg. la. The second suc-
gessful petition is in Igplomatarium Suecanum, I, No. 44;
B I, No. 2. For varying interpretations concerning the

I
“‘1 ssion of Fulco, the following works may be consulted:

grens, pp. 34-43; Abers, pp. 3-5; Ammann, pp. 99-100;
1weloricius, "Sagnet om Danebroge," pp. 499:503; Johansen,
erdische Mission, pp. 90-93; Weibull, "Paven Alexander

I\IITs Septemberbrev," pp. 90-98.

37Fulco appears to have been present with the
lDaxtish forces when they captured Riigen in 1169, as he is
aJ‘uong those who sign a letter from Eskil to Alexander III
e~escribing the capture. Bullarium Danicum (1198-1316) ,
efii. by Alf Krarup (K6benhavn, 1931), No. 239 (hereafter
QJuted as B2); Fabricius, "Sagnet om Danebroge," p. 500.

23
Sweden to grasp their arms and combat the Estonians and
other pagans of the Baltic. Those who heeded the call

would receive the same indulgences as those who visited

the holy graves in Rome. Anyone who might fall in battle

with the pagans was granted total absolution from his

sins. For the first time, the battle against the pagans

of Northern Europe had been put on an equal basis with the
fight against the infidel in the Holy Land and Spain.38

Additional bulls indicate that the mission was
well planned. On September 9, the pope asked the arch-
bishop of Trondheim and the bishop of Stavanger to send a
monk named Nicolaus, "by birth an Estonian," to aid Fulco,
and on September 17, a general appeal was made to all
Christians to help the bishop of Estonia with monetary

contributions as he apparently had run out of funds.39
\

J * 38UB, I, No. 5; Diplomatarium Suecanum, ’I, No. 55;
affe, No.12117.

8 39Bull of September 9: 213, I, No. 4; Diplomatarium
Tuecanum, I, No. 60; that of September 17: pg, I, No. 6.
1'1ere are also two undated letters from Abbot Peter, prob-
:{Dly from 1170, the first of which asks the lords and
ZLshops of Sweden to aid Fulco; UB, I, No. 2. The second
a~<1vises the archbishop of Lund that Fulco would, as soon
as the time of year (weatherwise) was right, appear in his
q5.ocese; UB, I, No. 3. There has been considerable argu-
It'lent over—Elie nationalities of Fulco and Nicolaus, some of
which has been based on dubious linguistic and legendary
e‘ridence. Arens, pp. 36-39, 40-43, and especially p. 41
. 106; Johansen, Nordische Mission, pp. 87-93. Jalmari
éiakkola, "Suomen esimmainen piispa," Turun Historiallinen
Arkisto, XI (1951) , 83-111, has attempted to equate FuIco
leH Folquinus, a semi-mythical bishop of Finland who came
Erom Sweden. Others have erroneously made him a Frenchman:
ohansen, Ngrdische Mission, p. 93; Gottlieb Ney, "Valde-
I“ar Sejrs Falttag tilI Estland 1219," Svio-Estonica, XV
( 1960), 85 n. 10. The correct explanation is probably

24

An additional undated bull permitted Fulco to consecrate
churches and to ordainclergy.40 In 1172 Fulco again was
in Denmark but from this time on his activities are almost
impossible to trace. Some have held that there actually
was a crusade to Estonia and perhaps to Finland, but reli-
able and direct sources concerning this are lacking. At
the latest in 1178 Fulco was back in France, and in 1180
his old superior, Abbot Peter, describes him as being
alive and well. Apparently the first Danish-papal ven-

ture into the Baltic lands left no lasting or visible

results . 41

that Fulco is a latinization of the old Danish-Swedish
name Folke; Arens, p. 37. Fulco was probably a Danish
national who had entered the monastery at Celle at the
urging of Eskil between the years 1161-67'. At this time
Eskil was in exile in France and visited Celle, and Fulco
thus could have been one of the Danish clergymen who
accompanied the archbishop in his flight. There need

be no arguments concerning the fact that Nicolaus was an
Estonian by birth, yet there is some question as to how
he came to end up as a monk in a Norwegian monastery.
Arens, p. 41, assumes he went freely with a group of
G<.>1'-hland traders since he desired to learn about Chris-
tianity. Paul Johansen, Die Estlandlister des "Liber
Census Daniae" (Kobenhavn and Reval, 1933), I, 87, states
that Nicolaus was a prisoner of war. One more possible
exPléll'lation seems, however, also to be possible. Since
St- Nicolaus was the traditional guardian saint of seamen,
”.19 monk Nicolaus might well have been a shipwrecked Esto-
nian Sailor, saved somewhere in Scandinavia, who had
assumed , or was given, the name of the saint who had

saved his life.
4093, III, Reg. 6a.

41Fulco's presence in Denmark in 1172 can be
(19‘1“ch from a letter from Archbishop Eskil to the pope:
wrium Diplomaticum Regni Danici Medieaevalis, ed. by
K: vErSlev et a1. Wenhavn, 1894), I, No. 36 (hereafter
Cited as R75.§-.'D.M.) .- In 1178 Fulco was back in France,

as Abbot Peter at Fulco's behest wishes good luck to the

25

There are several pertinent questions with regard
to the mission of Fulco that have not been satisfactorily
answered. First, did Fulco ever go to Estonia or, for
that matter, Finland? Secondly, if he did go, what if
anything did he accomplish, and if the mission failed,
what were the reasons for the failure? The historians
who have claimed that Fulco did in fact actively preach
in Estonia or Finland claim that he "must" have gone there
since "the preparations for the mission were so extensive
that they could not have been left unexploited.”2 Those
who claim that the mission never got off the ground have
dismissed Fulco as a weak, unstable character, a puppet
of Abbot Peter, who would not have succeeded even if he
would have shown up in Estonia/1’3 Most of the scholars
who argue that there was a crusade buttress their argu-
ments by referring to questionable sixteenth- and
Seventeenth-century folklore and place-names which sug-
gest the presence of priests and monks in Estonia and
Finland. These linguistic evidences could of course fit

any Priest or missionary, and there is no way of fixing

 

new archbishop, Absalon. The tone of the letter, while
frlendly, also hints that Abbot Peter feels that Absalon
could have done more to aid Fulco; UB, I, No. 7. In 1180,
Abbot Peter once again thanks Absalon for his kindness to

Fulco. 9.9.! I, No. 8.

_ . 42Arens, pp. 38-39, 43; Benninghoven, p. 17; Fab-
r1c1us, "Sagnet om Danebroge," p. 503. Jaakkola, pp. 83-
111: believes Fulco went to Finland.

43Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 93.

26
the exact dates involved. Obviously it is hard to arrive
at any definite conclusions without additional informa-
tion.

Not to attempt an answer to these problems is,
however, also unacceptable. It must be admitted that it
seems rather unlikely that after all the elaborate prep-
arations and the strong papal backing provided for the
mission it never left Denmark. The case for an actual
mission having taken place is reinforced by the content
«of a1: undated letter from Abbot Peter to Archbishop Eskil,
informing the latter that Fulco would go to his diocese
as soon as the "season of the year" was right.44 In addi-
tion, the bull of September 17, 1171 or 1172, asking for
Inonetary’support for Fulco, indicates that some funds and
efforts had been expended on the mission.45 Abbot Peter
also relates that Fulco had complained about the wildness
Of the countryside and the ferociousness of the natives,
indicating that Fulco must have been in touch with pagans
in sonue uncivilized country.46 Finally, there exists a
severIteenth-century Swedish transcript of a now lost
twe15th-century letter in which one Folquinus Svecus is
mentioned as a bishop in (_s_i_g) Finland, that is, visiting

Finland . 47
‘\

4493, I, No. 3. 45213, I, No. 6.
45213, I, No. 3.

S 47FMU, I, No. 36. Also see Arens, pp. 38-39. On
eptember 9, 1171, the pope wrote to the archbishop of

27

Perhaps the event known as the mission of Fulco
may be reconstructed in the following manner. Fulco, a
monk of Danish origin, now in the monastery at Celle, was
at the suggestion of Abbot Peter given papal support to
work through the Danish Church for the conversion of the
Estonian and Finnish tribes in the Baltic. This area was
well known to the Scandinavians who would thus be in the
best position to make the venture successful. Apparently
the mission was to be a peaceful one, that is, conversion
was to be brought about through preaching.48 Fulco was to
reach his destination with the help of the Gothland trad-
ers, who plied the Baltic, hence the reference to the
" right season."49 Some of these traders probably often
wintered in the various Baltic lands and hence held
Christian services, and perhaps even built small chapels
near, their residences.50 A Christian per se was in all
likelihood not an uncommon sight in this area of the

Baltic .

g

Uppsala and Guthrom Jarl, one of the great Swedish nobles,
telling them to aid the Christians in Finland who have
been taken in by the pagans that had accepted Christianity
only in order to reap material benefits, e.g., food, weap-
238' etc.; flag, I, No. 24; Diplomatarium Suecanum, I, No.

48There is no reason to assume, as Benninghoven
does, that this was to be a warlike expedition; Benning-
hoven, P. 160

. 49See Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 76, for a
113*— Of various examples of peaceful coexistence between

1329 Gothland traders and the Estonians and Finns; LLBJ I:

50Johansen, Nordische Mission, pp. 76-94.

28

Assuming thus that Fulco traveled to Estonia
and/or Finland, what were the effects of his mission?
One may conjecture that he arrived in Estonia in the com-
pany of the traders and began to preach. But while the
Estonians, who benefited economically from the presence
of the traders, had been willing to permit them to worship
as they pleased, the pagans would not tolerate active
proselytizing. The only way in which the missionary could
gain the ear of the native was apparently by offering him
some form of material reward, most often the construction
of a stone castle or better weapons. Even this, however,
would not guarantee that the neophytes would remain true
to the new faith.51

Failing to achieve the desired results, Fulco now
left for Finland with a group of traders, but had no more
success in that country than he had had in Estonia. Of
course there may have been a few converts in both coun-
tries but not enough to warrant the establishment of a
more permanent church organization. It is probably the
general failure of the mission that accounts for the
paucity of sources concerning the venture. If there had
been even the smallest measure of success, this would

undoubtedly have been reported either by Fulco or some
\

. . 51Note the similarities in the difficulty of
93131119 converts in Estonia and Finland and, a few years
later, in Livonia. {M2, I, No. 24; gplomatarium Sueca-
m: I. No. 59; EB, I, No. 6; Benninghoven, p. 19. Also

see below, pp. 34, 41.

29
of his backers.

It has been variously claimed that the guiding
hand behind the mission of Fulco was Abbot Peter of Celle
or the archbishop of Lund or even the Danish king.52 All
these theories, however, lack firm documentary proof.
Abbot Peter's role was probably that of a middleman, Fulco
being a monk in his monastery. The abbot could hardly
have benefited from a venture so far from France. On the
other hand, if Fulco was sponsored by Eskil of Lund for
the yourpose of enlarging his archdiocese or by Valdemar I
to enlarge his political domain, one is at a loss to
explain why there is no evidence that either of these
Inen gave any support whatsoever to the bishop of Estonia.

It has been suggested that Archbishop Eskil was
ill at the time and thus could not help his protégé. How-
ever, Eskil found enough strength during these years to
travel. to Flanders and France. In any case, the very
Vigorcnls and militant Absalon became archbishop of Lund
in 1177 and he also failed to help the missionary
tfi5h°E>.53 On the other hand, Valdemar I, a king powerful
enougtl to conquer Rfigen and to fight Lfibeck and the Wends,
could certainly have provided aid for Fulco's mission had

he 30 desired. Valdemar I knew well who the Estonians
\

 

p 20 52Benninghoven, P- 153 Dreijer, p. 50; Schmidt,

53Fabricius, "Sagnet om Danebroge," pp. 502~503;
RE: I. Nos. 7-8.

30
were and where they lived, as witnessed by a raid in 1184
to Estonia by the Danish army.54 The instigator of the
mission has to be sought elsewhere, probably in Rome. It
is rust farfetched to suggest that Pope Alexander III, hav-
ing won his fight against the anti-pope and desiring to
glorify his pontificate, saw in a successful eastern cru-
sade a way to enlarge papal rule and increase papal pres-
tige. Since the Danish Church had been his most consis-
tent: supporter, Alexander III believed he could work
thrtnagh that institution. Apparently Archbishop Eskil
originally agreed to guide the mission of Fulco, but when
the cost of supporting such a venture dawned on the Danish
leaders, they quietly tried to forget their past promises.
Both Eskil and Valdemar I were more interested in the
tangible rewards to be found in North Germany than in a
highly questionable and costly venture in an unknown land,
and they quietly extricated themselves from an uncomfort-
able agreement.

The Curia must have also been disappointed in the
fail-111:'e of Fulco's mission, yet a precedent had been set
for a :future effort to convert the Baltic pagans with the
help CNE the Danes. The fact that both the papacy and the
Danisr‘ state were politically opposed to the German
emperCXr and any extension of his power served to tie

the two parties closer together. If the lands of the
-\

 

54Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 93.

31
Eastern Baltic were to be conquered or converted, Rome
would rather see the establishment of a Danish sphere of
influence in this area than the growth of a pro-imperial
poweru This problem became acute in the latter half of
the twelfth century, as the Germans once-again had become

active in Baltic trade and colonization.

CHAPTER II

IMPERIAL POLITICS AND THE GERMANS

IN LIVONIA

During the years immediately following the mission
of Fulco, the Danes turned their attention once again to
imperial politics, trying to free themselves from imperial
control and to extend their lands in Northalbingia and
Wenden. As a result, the lead in Baltic colonization was
picked up by the traders and missionaries of North Germany

whose interests came to focus especially on the area

around the Diina River known as Livonia.l

Merchants from various nations, including Germans,
had for a long time been dealing with the natives of the
Baltic and with the Russians. They operated mostly from

the City of Wisby in Gothland or from Liibeck.2 Although

g

. lFor Denmark‘s war against the Wends, the follow-
ing {Articles are unsurpassed: Oskar Eggert, "Danish-
Wendische Kéimpfe in Pommern und Mecklenburg," Baltische
“Studien, N.F. XXX (1928), 1-74; and "Die Wendenzifge Wal-
demars ‘I und Knuts VI von Déinemark," Baltische Studien,
N°F- XXIX (1927). 1-157.

2For the eastern trade, see the following works
and their bibliographies: Francis Balodis, "Handelswege
nachfiem Osten und die Wikinger in Russland," Antikvariska
W, va (1948), 317-65; Leopold-Karl Goetz, Deutsch-
RUSSi ' n u -—--—--—
Sche Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters (Lubeck,

, f Arthur Winckler, Die DeutsEhe Hanse in Russland

(Berlin, 1886).

32

33

this intercourse had so far been limited to an exchange of
goods, the merchants were Christians and this inevitably
led to attempts to pass on the blessings of the true faith
to the native pagans. As we shall see, the results of the
conversion attempts were to vary.3

In 1180, when one group of German traders returned
in the spring to one of their annual trading places at
kafill on the Dfina River, there was among them an Augus-
tinian canon from Segeberg, one Meinhardt, whose duty it

was to administer to the spiritual needs of the mer-

chants.4 Apparently this man decided that the Livonian

 

3Johansen, Nordische Mission, pp. 76-94.

4Arnold, V:30; Heinrich von Lettland, Livlan-
dische Chronik, ed. by Leonid Arbusow and A. Bauer ZHan-
nover, 1955T, I:2 (hereafter cited as Henry). The chron-
icle is also available in an English translation: The
Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, trans. by J. A. Brundage
(MadiSon, Wis., 1961). Henry's chronicle is the single
most important source for the history of the Baltic lands
during this era. The best critical edition is the one
edited by Arbusow and Bauer. For other editions, however,
see L. Arbusow and A. Bauer, ed., Livlandische Chronik
by Heinrich von Lettland (Hannover, 1955), pp. xliv-li.
Henry was a German priest, probably from Magdeburg, who
wrote his history of Livonia as a tribute to the Christian
Church of his adopted homeland. For a brief summary of
various historical problems connected with Henry's work,
see the introduction to Arbusow's and Bauer's edition.
A recent and complete survey of works dealing with Henry
is Leonid Arbusow, "Die Forschungen fiber das Chronicon
Livoniae Heinrichs von Lettland, 1920-1930," Latvi'as
ggiversitates Raksti. Philo. Ser., I (1931), , -90.
Also see PauI Johansen, “Die Chronik als Biographie.
Henrich von Lettlands Lebensgang und Weltanschauung,"
Jahrbficher ffir Geschichte Osteurogas, N.F.I (1953): 1'24-
T e» e ate over Henry s nationa ity as been particularly
bitter. For representative points of View, see Leonid
Arbusow, "Die 'Umvolkung' des deutschen Chronisten Hein-
rich von Lettland," Jomsburg, III (1939), 223-27; Vilis
Bilkins, "Problemet om Henricus de Lettis' nationalitet,"

 

34

soil was fertile for the planting of a new Christian crop,
and after receiving permission from the prince of Polozk,
the Greek Orthodox overlord of the Livs, Meinhardt built
a church at kafill and began to preach.5 He had some
success in winning converts, yet it is interesting to note
that the inhabitants had to be bribed by the promise of
the construction of a stone and mortar fort before they
would accept baptism.6 Meinhardt now returned to Germany,
went to Bremen, appeared before the archbishop, Hartwig
, II, and outlined his plan for a mission among the Livs.
The idea was accepted by the archbishop, and Meinhardt was
named bishop of kafill.7 In 1188 his status was confirmed
by Pope Clement III and, at the request of Hartwig II, the
new bishopric was placed under the metropolitanship of
Bremen.8

The subordination of Bishop Meinhardt to the arch-

bishop of Hamburg-Bremen raises the problem of deciding

 

Svensk Historisk Tidskrift, LXXXII (1962), 35-49. Con-
cerning Henryrs literary skills, note Leonid Arbusow, "Das
entlehnte Sprachgut in Heinrichs Chronicon Livoniae,"
Deutsches Archiv ffir Erforschung des Mittelalters, VIII
(1950), 100-53.

SHenry, I:4-5; Haralds Biezais, "Das friedliche
Zeitabschnitt der katolischen Mission in Lettland bis zum
Jahre 1196," gyrkohistorisk Arsskrift, LVI (1956), 15.
About the first convert see Henry, 1:4, 10; Johansen, "Die
Bedeutung," p. 5 n. 3.

6Henry, I:4-5 and I:7; Benninghoven, p. 19.
7Arnold, V:30; Henry, I:8.

822' I, No. 9-10; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I,
No. 247.

35
where the initiative for the Livonian mission originated.
Some historians have claimed that this initiative came
from the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen and hence Bishop
Meinhardt and his successors were simply tools of the

9 "The impulse of Mein-

expansionistic policies of Bremen.
hardt was part of Bremen's desire to recoup the lost
leadership in the North. . . ."10 Others have disagreed
with this interpretation and maintained that the Livonian
mission was started by the "holy desire" of one pious
monk, Meinhardt. His early success, however, convinced
his superior, Archbishop Hartwig II, that the Eastern
Baltic was a perfect area in which to expand the power
and prestige of the archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen.11
There seems to be little doubt that the idea of a mission
among the Livs can be credited to Meinhardt but that he
realized that he needed both psychological and material
backing to make his project a success. For this support

he turned to the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, long expe-

rienced in missionary activities.12 Hartwig II and his

 

9Dehio, II, 164; H. Grfiner, "Missionsmethode und
Erfolg bei der Christianisierung Livlands," Allgemeine
Missionszeitschrift, XLI (1914), 158.

10Albert Bauer, "Der Livlandkreuzzug," in Bal-

tische Kirchengeschichte, ed. by R. Wittram (G6ttingen,
I II '

llGisela Gnegel-Waitschies, Bischof Albert von
Riga (Hamburg, 1958), pp. 41-44. Note alSo that the next
two bishops of kafill were both consecrated by Hartwig II;
Henry, II:l, II:6.

 

12Ammann, pp. 103-04; Bauer, "Der Livlandkreuzzug,"
points out how the methods used by Meinhardt to gain

36
advisors, on the other hand, having been deprived of their
supremacy over the Scandinavian Church and with it the
missions that emanated from these churches, must have
realized that a flourishing mission in Livonia would
increase their own prestige. Due to subsequent disorders
in Bremen, the banishment of Hartwig II, and the confused
political situation in the empire, no substantial aid was
ever given the Livonian mission and Bremen's control over
the Livonian Church remained tenuous at best.13 Since
Denmark at this time was not active in Estonia, German
expansion into Livonia proceeded undisturbed for several
years to come, but it was inevitable that a conflict
between the two powers would develop as soon as the Danes

became aware that their traditional political and

 

converts, e.g., the use of gifts, pledges, hostages, are
very much like the means commonly employed by Bremen in
its mission work; Hauck, IV, 654-55. Manfred Hellman,
Das Lettenland im Mittelalter (Munster and K61n, 1954),
p. I15, feels, however, that it was the papacy who was
the moving force behind Meinhardt.

l3Hartwig's early career and election are
described in Annales Stadenses auctore Alberto, in MG SS,
ed. by J. M. Lappenberg (Hannover, 1859), XVI, p. 3
(hereafter cited as Albert zu Stade); Arnold, III:13;
Bremisches UrkundenbuchT 1, Nos. 48-53; Mecklenburgisches
Urkundenbuch, I, No. 65; Dehio, I1, 104. His involvement
inIGerman politics is detailed in Arnold, III:13, III:22,
V:1, V:3, 21-22; May, pp. 623, 643, 649; Dehio, II, 91-98.
Hartwig's quarrels with his subjects and his banishments
are described in the following: Hambur isches Urkunden-
buch, I, No. 273; Arnold, V:30, V:II, V:2I. Flight to
EngIand in 1192: May, p. 655; Dehio, II, 149. As an exam-
ple of the confu81on of Bremen politics, we may note the
treaty signed in 1194 at Hildesheim between Archbishop
Hartwig II and his own cathedral chapter in which Hartwig
promised not to use the monies of the diocese without the
chapter's permission; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No.

301.

 

 

37

spiritual interests in the Baltic were being threatened
by the same forces that opposed them in North Germany.
One must now look at the development of the German colony
on the Dfina River in order to understand the future his-
tory of this region.14 I

When Bishop Meinhardt returned to Livonia in 1187,
he brought with him as his main advisor and helper a Cis-
tercian monk named Theoderic, a man who later was to play
an extremely important role in Livonian history.15 The
two men worked hard at converting the native pagans and,
while achieving some success, found the Livs on the whole
hostile, even to the point of threatening to kill the mis-
sionaries.16 Ultimately their position became so des-
perate that in 1193 an envoy of Meinhardt, probably
Theoderic, traveled to Rome and received from the Curia
the permission to recruit monks from various monasteries

for missionary work in Livonia.17 The events in that

country must, however, have taken a turn for the worse,

 

14As the papacy was mainly interested in the
spread of Christianity, regardless of what power was
involved, and as the future hostilities between Bremen and
Denmark had not come to a head, there was nothing incon-
gruous about the papal support for the Livonian mission.

15Hen , 1:10. Concerning Theoderic, see more
fully pp. 6 -66.

16While Pope Clement III speaks only of successes
in Livonia, Henry clearly indicates otherwise; QB, I, No.
10 from October 1, 1188, and EB, I, No. 11 from April 27,
1193; Henry, 1:10-13.

1729, I, No. 11; Benninghoven, p. 23 and p. 23
n. 13.

38

since in 1195 or 1196 Bishop Meinhardt made provisions to
flee Livonia together with the other Christians. Somehow
he was convinced by the Livs to stay, but on the whole the
future of the colony remained in serious jeopardy.18

In 1196, probably on August 14 or October 11,
Bishop Meinhardt died in Livonia.19 Meanwhile several
important developments occurred outside the colony. In
1195 or 1196, Theoderic once again went to Rome where he
received a crusading bull from the pope. Apparently
Theoderic next traveled to Sweden and preached a crusade
there, since in 1196 an army led by Theoderic and the
Swedish jarl, Birger Brosa, and consisting of some Goth-
landers and Germans set out for Kurland. Blown off course

by a storm, the crusaders landed instead in the Estonian

province of Viru. Here, to the great disappointment of

 

18Henry, 1:11-13. There is an interesting notice
in Henry, I:10-ll, where he states that the Livs asked
Meinhardt to stay because they feared the invasion of a
Christian army. Henry further states that some Germans,
Danes, and Norwegians had promised the bishop armed sup-
port if he needed it. Apparently the local pagans had
had some previous experience with crusading forces, since
by all indications Meinhardt's own mission had been peace-
ful. At the same time it is obvious that besides the
Germans, there were also Scandinavians present in this
area, exactly where is not known. Johansen, Nordische
Mission, pp. 97-98, may be correct when he assumes that
Theoderic during his journey to Estonia had talked to
traders present there about possible armed assistance.
In this case, Meinhardt's decision to flee to Germany via
Estonia and Gothland was a sound one and would also indi-
cate that Scandinavians lived in Estonia on a semi-‘
permanent basis.

lgflgggy, 1:14; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 7 n. 9; Ben-
ninghoven, p. 26. ’

39

the Germans, the jarl was satisfied to collect tribute
from the natives, upon which he sailed back home.20
Despite the failure of the expedition, Theoderic got to
know the Scandinavian leaders, an experience which he was
later to draw upon. 0

While this interlude was taking place in Estonia,
some of the Christian Livonians had sent word to the arch-
bishop of Bremen, asking the latter to provide them with
a qualified successor to Meinhardt. In 1197, with the
help of Theoderic, a candidate for bishop of kafill was
chosen and consecrated.21 The new bishop, Berthold,
abbot of Loccum, initially objected to his own nomina-
tion, an understandable reaction considering that he had
worked in Livonia as a missionary under Meinhardt. He
finally was convinced to accept the post and left for his

22

new see to continue the work of his predecessor._ To his

 

20Henry, 1:12. While the bull itself is lost, its
general content is reported by Henry, 1:13. Note also Ag,
pp. 92-93, 130, and 134, where a Danish crusade in 1196
or 1197 to Estonia is mentioned. Henry is disdainful of
the Swedes for being satisfied with tribute rather than
conversion, a fault which he also blames the Russians for;
Henry, I:13, XVI:2, XXVIII:4.

21For the correct data; see Arbusow and Bauer, p. 7
n. 9.

22Henry, II:l-2. Berthold is mentioned as the
abbot of Loccum on November 2, 1187; Jaffe, No. 16030.
It is possible that Berthold may have Been a missionary
in Livonia under Meinhardt: Arnold, V:30; Livlandische
Rheimchronik, ed. by Leo Meyer (Paderborn, 1876), v. 491-
95 (Hereafter cited as R.Chr). Concerning his election,
consult Leonid Arbusow Sr., "Livlands Geistlichkeit vom
Ende des 12. bis ins l6. Jahrhundert," Jahrbficher ffig
Genealogie, Heraldik und Sphragistik (1911-13), p. 18;

 

40
chagrin, he found that the Livs proved less than receptive
to his preaching and actively plotted to do away with him.
Getting wind of the plan, Bishop Berthold fled to Germany.
From there he proceeded to Rome, where he received a new
crusading bull from the pope. Berthold now took what has
been considered a crucial and fateful step. He gathered
an army of crusaders from Saxony, Frisia, and Westphalia
and invaded Livonia in force.23 In one of the ensuing
battles at the fort of Holm on the Dfina River, Bishop
Berthold was, on July 24, 1198, killed and torn limb from

24

limb by the infuriated Livs. Despite the loss of their

leader, the German knights won the day. Many of the Livs

Fritz Sch6nebohm, Die Besetzun der livlfindischen Bistfimer
bis zum Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts (Giessen, 1909),

pp. 363-304. For the earlier life of Berthold, see Ben-
'ninghoven, p. 22 and p. 22 n. 10. Henr , II:2 tells that
the Livs accused Bishop Berthold of coming to Livonia
because he was poor. Did this mean that the natives had
had experiences with greedy Christian missionaries or
perhaps with Christian armies that collected tribute in
the name of the faith? That not all came to preach was

of course certain.

 

 

23Henry, II:3-4; Arnold, V:30. We do not have
the bull Henry refers to. The army was probably collected
in Lubeck. For an estimation of the strength of the cru-
saders, see Benninghoven, Excurse I, pp. 388-405. The
decision to use force in Livonia had a great impact on
the whole missionary concept in eastern Europe: Beumann,
"Kreuzzugsgedanke," pp. 112-32; Fritz Blanke, "Die
Nfissionsmethode des Bischofs Christian von Preussen,"
Altpreussische Forschungen, IV (1927), 20-42; Hermann
D6rries,flwFragen der Schwertmission," in Baltische
Kirchen eschichte, ed. by R. Wittram (GBttIfigen, 1956),
pp. I7-gS; Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehungdes Kreuzzugsge-
dankens (Stuttgart, 1935).

 

2411522515, II:6; Arnold, V:30. The date is from
:51bert zu Stade, p. 353; Schonebohm, p. 304.

 

 

3.

.\

J

41

were converted by the crusaders and their clergy; indeed,
several monks remained in Livonia when the main force left
for Germany. The majority of the Livs immediately
recanted, washed off their baptism in the waters of the
Dfina, and by 1199 had forced almost all of the remaining
Christians to flee to Saxony.25 The one positive result
of BishOp Berthold's attempt to convert the natives was
the decision that from that time on, the pagans were to
be converted by the sword rather than by preaching.26

In 1199 it seemed as if the whole German effort
in Livonia had been lost. Most of the missionaries had
fled, most of the Livs had recanted, and the few Chris-
tian merchants who had remained bought their security by
bribing the natives. Yet at this very bleak moment, the
future of the colony was placed in the hands of a man
whose personality and abilities were to alter permanently
the future history of the whole Eastern Baltic. On
March 28, 1199, Albert von Buxh6vden, canon of the Bremen
cathedral chapter and a nephew of the archbishop, Hartwig

II, was consecrated as the third bishop of kafill.27

 

25Henry, II:7-10. The leader of the crusading
army may have een the famous German warrior and later
nwnk and bishop, Bernhard zu Lippe: Benninghoven, pp. 29-
34, especially p. 31 n. 46; g§,'VI, Reg. 13a.

26See above, n. 23.

27The best biography of Bishop Albert is undoubt-
edly the work by Gisela Gnegel-Waitschies, Bischof Albert
von Riga. While the main source for Albert 8 e 3
Henry, see also other contemporary sources listed by
Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 11-17. For the election of Albert,

42
Before his death, Bishop Albert was to create in the
Eastern Baltic a powerful western, Roman Catholic, German
colony. Indeed, he should rank as one of the greatest
diplomats, administrators, and statebuilders of the thir-
teenth century. Albert's attempt to establish his per-
sonal rule in Livonia permanently decided the political
as well as the psychological future of the Baltic
states.28

When he was consecrated, Bishop Albert‘s chances

of even getting to occupy his see looked bleak. To

 

see Henry, III:1; Albert zu Stade, pp. 354-55; R.Chr.,
v. 590. Most scholars have accepted the date March 28,
1199, for Albert's election, mainly based on the argu-
ments presented by Robert Holtzmann, "Studien zur Hein-
rich von Lettland," Neues Archiv, XLIII (1920), 187-90.
Arbusow and Bauer, p. xxix n. 1, place the event in the
beginning of March. Albert was probably consecrated by
Hartwig II personally, but of. Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 43
and p. 43 n. 212.

28Bishop Albert's personality and his conception
of the Livonian mission have been interpreted in several
opposing ways. Ammann, p. 126, believes that while
Albert's basic philosophy was to convert by preaching,
he became the "victim of tragic circumstances," e.g.,
resistance on the part of the natives, and had to use
more forceful means. Other historians insist that Albert
was always more of a secular prince than a missionary, a
practical politician who used all means available to reach
his goal, the establishment of a personal theocracy:
Hauck, IV, 631; Hellmann, p. 121. Gnegel-Waitschies,
,p. 48, neatly summarizes this position. She considers
Bishop Albert to have gone to Livonia with a premeditated
plan to set up a personal colony and would not permit any-
thing or anyone to stand in his way. Albert Bauer,
pp. 27, 29, and 306 nn. 10-13, offers the most damaging
indictment of the whole German missionary effort. He
claims that in every German expansion program, the clergy
automatically subscribed to the idea of acquisition of
territory by force and that Albert saw to it that the
natives were converted "per bella plurima."

 

43

succeed, he needed aid in the form of men and material,
and these he could raise only with the help of official
papal sanction. In addition, the support or at least the
friendly neutrality of Denmark was essential in light of
the fact that the Danes exerted considerable influence in
Lower Saxony, an area from which Albert hoped to recruit
most of his pilgrims. Denmark also controlled Lubeck, the
only port from which men and materials in any quantity
could be shipped to Livonia. In 1199, however, Albert's
plans were endangered, not by the Danes but by political
developments in Germany which threatened to end the mis-
sion before it even got started.29

In 1198 there occurred the double election of Otto
IV, younger son of Henry the Lion, and Philip of Swabia,
brother of the deceased emperor, Henry VI, to the imperial

throne.30 Of the two men, Philip was the more attractive

personality and he received the support of a majority of

 

29For Albert's relations with the archbishopric
of Bremen, see Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 29-31, 34-36, 41-42.
Still Gnegel-Waitschies does not feel that Albert was an
agent of Bremen: Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 40 n. 180. For
Albert's relations with Denmark, see Dehio, I, 197-98, II,
24; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 51.

30The most inclusive books on the German politi-
cal turmoil are Eduard Winkelmann, Kénig Phillip_von
Schwaben (Leipzig, 1873) and Konig Otto IV von Braun-
schwig (Leipzig, 1878); Arthur DietriChs, Staufen und
Welfen (3rd ed.; Jena, 1938); Karl Hampe, Deutsche
§§schlchte in der_Zeit der Salier und Staufer (9th ed.;
Leipzig, 1945). The most convenient and scholarly summary
is Austin L. Poole, "Philip of Swabia and Otto IV," in

Cambrid e Medieval Histor , ed. by J. B. Bury et a1. (Cam-
Erldge, I957), VI, 44-'7§.

i‘:

1

0
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I.
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“VII

5..

n‘.

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44

the German nobles, among them the princes of Franconia,
Saxony, and Swabia, as well as those of Bavaria and
Thuringia.31 On March 8, 1198, Philip was elected
emperor at Mfihlhausen near Erfurt by a large and rep-
resentative gathering of nobles.32

The anti-Hohenstaufen elements were not prepared
to give up the struggle so easily. Led by Adolf, the
archbishop of K61n, they met in February of 1198 and,
pressured by the English ambassador, nominated Otto as
their candidate. After his formal election on June 9,
the Welf forces marched on Aix-la-Chapelle where Otto was
crowned emperor on July 12, 1198.33 Despite the Welfish
countermove, it was Philip who during 1198 emerged as the
militarily stronger of the two claimants.34 As the German
princes who had been in Spain on a crusade began returning
home, they were immediately faced with the decision of
choosing sides.

Archbishop Hartwig II and Duke Adolf of Holstein

 

31Arnold, VI:l-2; Diederichs, p. 21.
32Poole, p. 46.

33Johannes Haller, "Innocent III und Otto IV,"
in Pabstum und Kaisertum, ed. by Albert Brackmann (Mfin-

chen, 1926), p. 478; Winkelmann, KBni Philli , pp. 206,
210; Poole, pp. 47-49, especially p. 97 n. 2, p. 49 n. l.
34The contested election also had aspects of
international politics, as Otto IV was supported by
England and Philip hastened to revive the Hohenstaufen-
Capetian alliance on June 29, 1198. Poole, p. 49; Diede-
richs, pp. 21, 24; Haller, "Innocent III und Otto IV,"
Po 484. -

0-:

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45

joined the forces of Philip, primarily due to their fear
of Denmark, which was leaning toward the Ottonian camp.3s
Otto suffered setback after setback, and by early 1199
Philip was the undisputed leader of Germany. It was at
this stage that outside forces, specifically Denmark and
the papacy, entered German politics on Otto's side, and
this intervention was to keep Germany in turmoil for an
additional two decades and in the process affect the
developments in the Baltic.36

It was noted earlier that Denmark had been unable
to follow up on its early missionary and colonization
efforts in the Baltic due to its involvement in North
German politics, and yet it was exactly this involvement
that ultimately was to direct the attention of the Danish
State and Church once again to Estonia and Livonia. A
brief review of German-Danish relations during the last
half of the twelfth century will serve to clarify the
positions the various parties took by the year 1199.

Denmark had always contested with both the emperor
and the dukes of Saxony over the territories of Northal-
bingia, Wenden, and Schleswig-Holstein, and usually found
.itself on the losing end of the struggle. The fall of

Duke Henry the Lion in 1180 removed the most able of

—__.

35Koch, p. 11; Winkelmann, K5nig Phillip, pp. 148-

 

SO.

36Haller, "Innocent III und Otto IV," p. 485;
Koch, p. 11; Winkelmann, Konig Phillip, pp. 148-49.

46

Denmark's political opponents in North Germany. The pre-
dominantly Italian-oriented foreign policy of the Hohen-
staufen emperors permitted the Danish kings to reassert
their independence of the Empire and even to expand south-
ward into Germany. Fearing each other less than a power-
ful new dynasty in Saxony, Valdemar I and Emperor Fredrick
I had even cooperated in the capture of Lfibeck, the city
crucial to the Baltic trade.37

Soon, however, the two erstwhile allies fell out.
Fredrick I sought to force Denmark to renew its pledge of
homage to the Empire by inciting Duke Bogislav of Pome-
rania to rebel against Valdemar I, but without success.38
The new Danish king, Knut VI, who succeeded to the throne
in May, 1182, refused to do homage to Fredrick, and a
Danish army, led by ArchbiShop Absalon of Lund, crushed
Duke Bogislav's rebellion in 1185.39 By 1187 the counts
of Mecklenburg and Holstein had pledged homage to Knut VI,

who now adopted the title "King of Danes and Slavs."

Archbishop Absalon, in turn, was hailed as a national

 

37Arnold, II. 21; Helmoldus, 1:85; Johansen, "Die
Bedeutung der Hanse," pp. 1- -55; Paul Kallmerten, Lubische
Bundnis-politik von der Schlacht bei Bornhoved bis zur
danischen Invasion unter Erich Menved (Kiel, 1932),
p. 57; Koch, p. 18.

38Saxo, XV:5; Heine, p. 49.

39Saxo, XV: 5: Duke Bogislav did homage in 1185;
Arnold, III: 7; Valdemar Sejr, ed. by Adolf J5rgensen
(KoEenhavn, 1879). p. 4; SRD, III, 260; Heine, p. 49.

,n

N.

‘0
I.

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47

hero.40

The continuing success of Danish arms was espe-
cially disturbing to the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen.
Not only had he lost the spiritual control of Scandinavia
to the archbishop of Lund, but it now looked as if the
Danes were going to curtail seriously the political influ-
ence of Hamburg-Bremen in North Germany. In addition to
these points of friction, internal developments in Ham-
burg-Bremen during the 1190's and the role that the arch-
bishopric was going to play in the German expansion into
the Baltic were to draw that power into direct conflict
with Denmark.41

In 1185, one Hartwig of Uthleden was rewarded for
his services as the notary of Duke Henry the Lion by being
elected as the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen.42 Hartwig
II's rule was to be less than peaceful. Constantly quar-
reling with the burghers of Bremen, Hartwig was twice

driven out of the city and in 1192 was forced to seek

refuge in England.43 At this juncture, the Bremen

 

4°Arnold, 111:7, 111:5. Knut VI now took the
title "King of Danes and Slavs": J6rgensen, Valdemar Sejr,
pp. 3-4; Heine, p. 49.

41The classic treatment of Hamburg-Bremen is the
work by Dehio. See also the book by Schmeidler and most
secondary work about Livonia; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 34-
41; Glaeske, p. 189.

42Arnold, III:13; Bremisches Urkundenbuch, I, Nos.
48-53; Dehio, II, 104.

43§£221QJ V:11, V:21, V:30; Hambur isches Urkun-
W, I, No. 273; May, p. 655; Dehio, II, 149.

48

cathedral chapter, over the protests of the burghers,
elected as archbishop the Danish bishop of Schleswig, one
Valdemar. The choice could not have been a worse one as
far as Danish-Bremen relations were concerned.44

Bishop Valdemar of Schleswig was an illegitimate
son of King Knut V of Denmark and hence a cousin of King
Knut VI. In 1180, Valdemar had been made bishop of
Schleswig and regent of South Jutland by King Valdemar I,
but the bishop was not satisfied with his position and set
out to obtain the Danish throne by intrigue and armed
invasion. Bishop Valdemar sought aid for his project
among Denmark's enemies, particularly from the Hohen-
staufens. To Emperor Henry VI, aiding Bishop Valdemar
appeared to be an excellent way of undercutting a resur-
gent Danish-Welf alliance and, if the bishop would be
successful in obtaining the Danish throne with his help,
Denmark might yet be made a permanent part of the Empire.
To King Knut VI and the Danes, the election of Bishop Val-
demar as the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen thus appeared
as a direct threat to the ruling house of Denmark. The
archbishop of Lund, on the other hand, viewed a hostile
and.pro-imperial Hamburg-Bremen as a menace to his spiri-

tual supremacy in Scandinavia.45

—_

44Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab annp 1198 ad
annum 1304, ed. by August Potthast (2 vols.; Berlin,
1874-75), No. 2034 (hereafter cited as Potthast).

45For Bishop Valdemar's ancestry and early schemes
‘UD obtain the Danish throne see Arnold, III:22, J6rgensen,

49

The reaction of Knut VI was direct and dramatic.
Learning of the bishop-elect's plans, the king in 1193
captured Bishop Valdemar and imprisoned him for the next
thirteen years in a Danish castle.46 When the bishop was
finally freed in 1206 through the intervention of the
Danish Queen Dagmar, he was to lose no time in picking
up his previous policy of trying to gain the Danish
throne.47 Meanwhile, with their candidate imprisoned
and fearful of the growing power of the disenchanted bur-
ghers, the cathedral chapter of Hamburg-Bremen in July
1194 recalled Hartwig II, but retained the effective rule

of the diocese in their own hands.48

One of the chapter
members who for the next five years actually governed
Hamburg-Bremen was Albert, the future bishop of fixkfill

and Riga, who undoubtedly gained great experience in

 

Valdemar Sejr, p. 8. Most Danish historians hold a very
unfavorable opinion of Valdemar. Dehio, II, 109-11,
believes him to be a self-seeking and power-hungry polit-
ical adventurer. Olrik, Absalon, II, 82-85, is represen-
tative of most historians when he treats the bishop as a
power-hungry schemer and traitor. Rudolf A. Usinger,
Deutsch-Danische Geschichte (Berlin, 1863), p. 63, sees
him as a weakling used by others for their own purposes.
Valdemar might have seen his election to the archbishopric
of Bremen as the first step toward the Danish throne:
Glaeske, p. 198.

 

45Arnold, V:21, v:17: Albert zu Stade, p. 352.

47J5rgensen, yaldemar Sejr, p. 8. The papacy
made several requests of the Danish king to have Valdemar
freed: BD, No. 36; Danmarks Riges Breve, ed. by Frantz
Blatt ggfal. (Kohenhavn, 1958), Raékke 1, Bd.4, No. 83
(hereafter cited as _DR_B_) .

48Arnold, V:21-22; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I,

NOS. 301-3070

PF

51

‘

tn

1‘

(A)! an

50

politics during this period.49

During the 1190's Denmark and Hamburg-Bremen also
became involved in the power struggle between Otto IV and
Philip of Swabia. We have noted how Hartwig II, after
fighting several years on the side of the Welfs, decided
in 1198 to join Philip and the Hohenstaufens. The arch-
bishop had reached the conclusion that since Philip
appeared to be the stronger of the two contestants and
the Welfs were moving toward an alliance with the Danes,
he could best help himself and his diocese by opting for
Philip.50

Knut VI was meanwhile moving toward an alliance
with the Welf camp, since his main enemies in North Ger-
many, Duke Adolf of Holstein and Archbishop Hartwig II,

51 War soon broke out

were supporting the Hohenstaufens.
between Denmark and Duke Adolf and, after some indecisive
fighting during 1199 and 1200, in 1201 the duke made a
last concerted attempt to expel the Danes from his terri-
tories. Failing to receive the expected aid from the

Hohenstaufen forces, Adolf was decisively defeated in

September, 1201, at Stellau by Duke Valdemar of Schleswig,

 

49Leonid Arbusow, "Die deutsche Einwanderung im
13. Jahrhundert," in Baltische Lande, ed. by A. Brackmann
g; 31. (Leipzig, 1939), I, 359; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 34-

50Dehio, II, 117; Glaeske, p. 24; Gnegel-
Waitschies, p. 36.

51A1hert zu Stade, p. 354.~

 

51

brother of Knut VI and the future Valdemar II. This vic-
tory permitted Knut VI to take over all of Northalbingia,
including the town of Hamburg.52 Early in 1202, the
Welfs, represented by Henry, the Count Palatinate, and
the new Danish king, Valdemar II, concluded an agreement
whereby in exchange for Stade, Otto IV would recognize the
Danish holdings in Northalbingia. The Danes were now
firmly in the Welf camp.53

It was amidst this confused political situation
that Bishop Albert had to prepare for the future of his
colony in Livonia. The recruitment of an adequate number
of pilgrims and crusaders and their transportation to
Livonia depended on political stability in Saxony and the
neutrality of the Danes. While the latter had not, during
the years immediately following the mission of Fulco, made
any concerted effort to colonize or convert the Baltic
natives, they had kept up their traditional trading and

military activities in this area.54 While their main

 

52Arnold, 111:12-14, 22, VI:l4, v1:17: Albert zu
Stade for 1201; Dehio, II, 105; Usinger, p. 61; Winkel-
mann, K6nig Phillip. PP. 241-43. Cf. Redlich, p. 46, who
states t at t e aggressor was Valdemar. Note that one of
the reasons Duke Adolf failed to receive the expected aid
from the Hohenstaufens was that he had made futile over-
tures to the Welfs: Koch, p. 18; Usinger, p. 95.

 

 

53Glaeske, p. 204; Dehio, 11, 117-19; Winkelmann,
K6nig Phillip, pp. 246, 276.

54Expeditions were made to Wenden (1182), Wolgast
(1184), and Sclavia (Wenden) (1189): A2, pp. 92-93.
.Also see both articles by Eggert and Heine, pp. 35 and 49.
The Scandinavians and the pagans often cooperated with
each other even though other Christians were fighting with

 

52
object of interest was still North Germany, the Danes in
1184, the same year that Meinhardt established his church

55

in kafill, raided Estonia. In 1186 the Norwegian crown-

prince, Erik, led a fleet of five ships to the Estonian

province of Wiek.56

In 1191 the Danes were busy invading
Finland and a few years later, probably in 1196, Knut VI
himself led an expedition to Estonia. Although one cannot
call these raids for tribute and booty a part of a grand
imperial design, they most certainly kept the Baltic lands

57 In addition, the

in the focus of Scandinavian politics.
Danes in 1202 secured control of Lfibeck, the southern ter-
minus of the Baltic trade and missionary route, an event

which had great significance for both the Danes and the

 

the same pagans: Henr , VII:1 (1203), XIV:1 (1210), XIV:3
(1215), XXX:1 (1226).

55The raid was undertaken by men from the province
of Scania. Saxo, XVI:4, claims it was led by Archbishop;
Absalon, but this is questionable since Absalon the same'
year led the army in Germany that defeated Bogislav:
Arnold, III:7.

56Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 93.

 

57For the raid to Finland in 1191, see A2, pp. 92-
93. An extended discussion of this and other Danish expe-
ditions to Finland may be found in G. Kerkonen, "De Danska
k3rst§gens hamnar i Finland," Svenska Litteratfirsallska-
pets Skrifter (1952), pp. 219-58; Johan Wilhelm Ruuth,
"Nfigra ord om de aldsta Danska medeltidsannaler som inne-
h311a uppgifter om taget till Finland 1191 och 1202,"
§krifter Ut ivna_aySvenska Litteratfirsfillskapet i Fin-
land, C (19 1 , 227-38. Concerning the expedition in 1196
to Estonia, see A_Q, pp. 92-93. The date for this expedi-
tion varies in some chronicles: Heine, p. 49. Koch,
1p. 10, believes that the only reason Knut VI did not con-
tzinue his "imperialistic schemes" in Estonia was that he
fkrught in Pomerania. There is nothing to substantiate
this contention.

 

53

Germans.58

Significantly enough, the Danes at this time
thought of resurrecting the independence of the old bish-
opric of Hamburg and-separating it from Bremen. Such a
move, if approved by the papacy, would enable Denmark to
revive the old claims of Hamburg to missionary areas in
northeast Germany. If Bremen's work would now be pre-
empted by Hamburg, would this not also mean that any east-
ern missionary venture emanating from Bremen, such as the
Livonian colony, also would be automatically under the
spiritual overlordship of Hamburg and its Danish backers?
Bishop Albert, being a suffragan of Bremen, would thus
find himself under the metropolitanship of the archbishop
of Lund, an event which he would like even less than being
controlled by Bremen.59

There is no reason to believe that Albert was not
aware of the Scandinavian, especially the Danish, activi-
ties in Estonia and Finland, as well as the implications
of the Danish control of Lfibeck and Hamburg. As a result,
one of Albert's first acts upon becoming bishop in 1199

was to travel to Gothland, where he signed up 500

 

58Arnold, VI:l3; Urkundenbpoh der Stadt Lfibeck,
ed. by F. Aschenfeldt (Lfibeck, 1843-1905), I, No. 14, ll,
12. Koch claims that as early as 1190 there was a pro-
Danish party in Lubeck but that the pro-German forces won
out: Koch, p. 11 n. 81; Usinger, p. 47; Johansen, "Die
Bedeutung," pp. 1-55; R6rig, "Reichssymbolik auf Gotland,"
p. 270

59Dehio, II, 125; Glaeske, pp. 207-208. For the
:szalit between Hamburg and Bremen, see Heine, pp. 36-42.

 

54

crusaders, and then to hasten to see King Knut VI, Duke
Valdemar, and Archbishop Absalon.60 He was cordially
received by the Danish leaders, but beyond this we know
nothing about the proceedings of this meeting. Despite
attempts by scholars to make this into a conference where
the Baltic lands were divided up among Albert and the
Danes, it appears to have been more in the nature of a
courtesy call by a relatively unknown German bishop on the
leaders of the most powerful Baltic power. Bishop Albert
of course could have been hoping that the meeting would
have permitted him an opportunity to sign up a few more
crusaders or receive material and moral support from the
Danish secular and spiritual leaders.61

While Bishop Albert had 500 men ready to follow

him to Livonia, he still needed a papal bull sanctioning

his undertaking and officially permitting him to preach a

 

Goggggy, III:3; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 49-50;
Koch, pp. 9-11.

61Several historians maintain that Bishop Albert
as early as 1199 recognized Denmark's "rights" to Estonia:
Benninghoven, p. 37; Koch, pp. 10-11; Gnegel-Waitschies,
pp. 52-55. The very lack of any information regarding the
meeting between Albert and the Danes, especially in the
Danish annals, indicates its relative lack of importance.
Anyway, it seems ludicrous that the Danish king should
have needed to ask a minor German Church official for per-
mission to trade in an area where they had been active for
years. Koch's contention that ". . . as of yet Archbishop
Absalon and Bishop Albert had the same aims, . . ." i.e.,
to spread Christianity, might well be true. However, to
claim that Absalon welcomed the mission of Albert since
he himself had no way of expanding the power of Lund seems
absurd in light of continuing Danish victories and Absa-
lon's leadership in Germany.

55

crusade. This type of bull, granting absolution of sins
to the Livonian crusaders similar to the indulgences
granted those who went to the Holy Land, would insure
enough participation to make his mission a success. After
having himself appeared in Rome, Bishop Albert on Octo-
ber 5, 1199, received from Innocent III exactly the type
of document he had asked for.62

Innocent III threw himself fully into the task
of converting the pagans of Northern Europe. The pope
believed that by extending the spiritual rule of the
papacy in this area he could strengthen his hand in the
struggle to free the Roman Church from the Hohenstauf-
_ ens.63 The time was right for a concerted effort in this
direction, especially since the dual election of 1198 gave
Innocent III a chance to make his influence felt in German

politics. The pope chose to support Otto IV, and the

papacy and Denmark remained for a long time the only

 

62For the role of the Gothland traders, see
Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 49-50. The crusading bulls were
directed to various German counties:g§, I, No. 12; Pott-
hast, No. 842; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 32I.
Two other bulls were directed to MeCklenhurg and the Elbe
region, respectively: Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, ed.
by G. Lisch (Schwerin, 1863), Nos.161, 164; Leonid Arbu-
sow, R5mischer Arbeitsbericht I. Acta Universitatis
LatvienSIS, XVII (Riga, 1928), p. 321 n. l (hereafter
cited as Arbusow, RA). For the role of Albert, see also
Benninghoven, pp. 37-38 and p. 38 n. 2.

 

 

63Innocent III continued the policies of his
predecessor: UB, III, No. 10a; Henr , 1:11-12, II:3;
Brundage, ed.7—Chronicle of Livonia, p. 29 n. 18. Per-
haps Innocent III wanted to supervise personally the
Livonian mission.

56
outstanding supporters of the Welf candidate.64 Since
the German mission in Livonia, however, did not appear to
be directly involved in imperial politics, Innocent saw
nothing politically inconsistent in his support of Bishop
Albert.

Albert, on the other hand, felt that the more
powers he could get to back his venture, the better chance
of success he would have, even if some of the backers were
bitter enemies among themselves. As a result, on Decem-
ber 25, 1199, we find BishOp Albert in Magdeburg in the
company of Philip of Swabia.65 Undoubtedly his decision
to seek help from the Hohenstaufens was influenced by his
uncle, Hartwig 11.66

In addition to preaching a crusading sermon in
the Magdeburg cathedral, Albert showed Innocent III's bull
to Emperor Philip, who now took the lands of all prospec-
tive Livonian crusaders into his imperial protection,

undoubtedly a great boon to Albert's recruitment prob-

1ems.67 Philip could make this promise easily since he

 

64The papacy attempted to secure Danish aid for
Otto in December, 1203: B2, Nos. 38, 41.

65Henry, III:4; K. H. von Busse, "Bischof Albert
von Riga un er deutsche K6nig Phillip der Hohenstaufen,"
Mitt., VIII (1855), I, 87-89; Amman, p. 109; Winkelmann,

Konls Phillie, pp. 149-500
66Arnold, V:21; Glaeske, p. 194; Koch, pp. 11-12
and p. 12 n. II.

67Henr , III:4; Albert zu Stade, p. 355; Amman,
p. 110; Koc , pp. 11-12 and p. 12 n. 41.

57
appeared at this time the sure winner in the struggle for
the German throne and to have the friendship of one addi-
tional prelate could only help him. Whether Albert saw
the emperor again early in 1200 at Hildesheim and/or Gos-
lar is uncertain, but early that same year he arrived for
the first time in Livonia together with twenty-three ships
loaded with pilgrims and traders. The German expansion
into the Eastern Baltic had started.68 While this paper
will not attempt to go into detail about the day-to-day
life of the Livonian colony, several events occurred
between 1200 and 1206 which merit closer examination as

they bear directly or indirectly on future Danish and

papal involvement in the Baltic.69

The appearance of the crusaders' fleet on the Dfina
River led to several skirmishes with the native Livs but

through the use of diplomacy, generously mixed with
treachery, Bishop Albert captured the native leaders and
forced them to give up their sons as hostages. These
young boys were sent to Germany to be educated as clergy-

men.7° Before the bishop left in the fall of 1200 for his

R

68Winkelmann, K6nig Phillip, p. 152. Albert's
arrival in Livonia is in Henr , IV:1; Astaf von Transehe-
.Roseneck, "Die Ritterlichen Livlandsfahrer des 13. Jahr-

Jhunderts," Mitt., XXI (1928), V, 297-338.

69The main source for this period is Henry, IV-x.

CPhe best survey is Leonid Arbusow, Sr., Grundriss der
Geschichte Liv- Esth- und Kurlands (3rd ed.; Riga, I908).

chnsult also fienninghoven, pp. 39-91; Gnegel-Waitschies,
PE). 56-81; Koch, pp. 13-20.

7oHenry, IV:4. This was a regular German custom:
Johansen, "Die Chronik als Biographie," p. 11. In 1226 a

58
customary winter tour of Germany, during which he raised
pilgrims for the coming year, he received from the Livs
the site of the future city of Riga, which was to become
the center of all German activities in years to come.71
At the same time that the bishop left for Germany, Theo-

deric was sent to Rome to secure from the pope additional

authorization to preach a crusade and once again the

request was granted by the Curia.72

After the ice on the Baltic had melted in the
spring of 1201, Bishop Albert returned to Livonia. During

the twelve months that he remained in the country, several

 

school for the specific purpose of educating sons of
pagans was established in Wisby by Cardinal Wilhelm of

Modena: QB, III, No. 73a.

71The life of the Livonian colony was closely tied
to two dates, the arrival of the pilgrim fleets in the
spring when the ice melted and the departure of the non-
residents and merchants in the fall before the ice formed.
Hence the regularity of arrivals and departures. Henry's
chronology is based on the arrival of the spring fleets.
For the founding of Riga see Henry, IV:5, V:l; Albert zu
Stade, p. 283; Alberich von Trois Fontaines, Chronica
AIberici monachi Trium-Fontium a monacho Novi Monasterii
Hoiensis interpolate, ed.’by P. Scheerr-Boichorst, in
MG SS (Hannover, 1874), XXIII, 674-75 (hereafter cited as
AIberich von Trois); Heinrich Laakmann, "Zu Grfindungs-
geséhichte Rigas," in Baltische Lande, ed. by A. Brackmann

et a1. (Leipzig, 1939), pp. 350-60.

 

72Henry, IV:6-7. This bull has not survived.
The bull to Albert of April 19, 1201, is probably also a
result of Theoderic's second visit to Rome: UB, I, No. 13;
,Egtthast, No. 1323. The importance to the chlony of the
Inerchants is mirrored in a lost bull, which forbade all
(Christian) merchants from using the "old" trading posts
it: Semgallia and directed them to deal with the "new"
Ones, i.e., those in Livonia: Henry, IV:7. Those who
defied this papally sanctioned monopoly were severely
Eulznished: Henr , IV:7; Johansen, "Die Bedeutung der
Haznse," p. I0; R6rig, "Reichssymbolik," p. 27.

 

59
important steps were taken to insure the future of the
colony. In-1201, the city of Riga was founded on the Dfina
and fast became the center of both German spiritual and
economic activities. The seat of the bishopric was trans-
ferred from kafill to Riga. To insure his personal posi-
tion, Albert began a policy of enfeofment of the surround-
ing territory, awarding two important local castles to his
personal followers. His purpose was to lay the foundation
for a permanent power structure, tied to the bishop

through feudal ties.73

At the same time that he was establishing a power
base for future expansion, Bishop Albert kept up his
search for ways to attract yearly pilgrims to Livonia,
people without whom the colony was in constant peril.

We have already noted how papal bulls and imperial bless-
ings were acquired to facilitate the recruitment of new
crusaders. Albert now hit upon a psychologically attrac-
tive way to lure volunteers eastward.74 When the new

cathedral of Riga was built, he dedicated it and all of

 

73Henry, V:1-2; Alberich von Trois, p. 674; Albert
zu Stade, p. 283; BB, I, Nos. 21, 67; Rorig, "Reichssym-
bolik," p. 52. Gnegel-Waitschies contends that the trad-
ers picked the site for Riga and that the development of
a city was crucial to Albert since all bishops needed a
city'as their residence: Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 57 and
p. 57 n. 279. Also see Benninghoven, p. 52.

74In April, 1200, Innocent ordered the Cister-
cians, the most experienced colonizers and missionaries
of :Europe, to aid Bishop Albert: Arbusow, RA, I, p. 321;
Schmidt, p. 23. Concerning the spread of the Cistercians
jJHZ<D Northern Europe at this time, see also Winter, Die
Cis tercienser, passim; and Schmidt, pp. 14- -16, 22.

60

Christian Livonia to St. Mary.75 Since the worship of
St. Mary was at this time strong among the German clergy
and nobility, Albert succeeded in attracting additional
forces to his colony.76 The dedication of Livonia to
St. Mary also placed the colony under the direct protec-
tion of the papacy, although to maintain that the pope
now "owned" the colony seems rather farfetched.77

The most momentous decision affecting the future
of Livonia was, however, made in 1202 while Bishop Albert
was in Germany. In that year an organization, the Fratres
Milicie Christi de Livonia, better known as the Knights of
the Sword or Swordbrothers, was founded.78 The dispute
over the origin and the founder of this order has waxed
hot and heavy for several hundred years, since various
primary sources have assigned the honor of founding the
Swordbrothers to either Bishop Albert or Theoderic. The
fact that the Knights of the Sword later were to become

the foremost rivals of the bishop of Riga, working to

 

75%, VI:3; also Henry, 1x:7, xxv:2.

76Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 64; Johansen, "Die Chronik
als Biographie," pp. 19-20.

77Koch, p. 14.

78The order was first called Knights of the Sword
in the Rheimchronik, v. 721, 2033. The chronicle was
written around 1290. For various other names for the
order, see Benninghoven, pp. 62-63;4especially p. 62 n. l;
Friedrich G. von Bunge, Baltische Geschichtsstudien II:
Der Orden der Schwertbrfider (Leipzig, 1875), pp. 13:18;
TheodorVGrentrup, "Der Zizterzienser Dietrich in der
altlivlandischen Missions," Zeitschrift ffir Missionswissen-
gchaft und Religionswissenscha t, XL , .

 

 

61
further their own material interests, has further confused
the debate over the reason for their establishment.

The most recent work dealing with these problems
has, however, apparently solved the inherent contradic-
tions. In short, the precedents for the Knights of the
Sword can be found among the early German crusading orders
in Spain and the Holy Land, from where the idea was picked
up and promoted by the Cistercians. Hence the logical
founder of the order was Theoderic of Treiden. He had
been in close contact with continental Cistercians and
had friends among the German crusaders who had returned
from the East. Albert appears to have accepted a £21;
accompli upon his return to Livonia in 1203, and in the
beginning voiced no objections since the problem of how
to secure a permanent military force for Livonia appeared
to have been solved. That the Swordbrothers were shortly
to begin to pursue a policy of conquest independent of and
often hostile to the bishop of Riga was a development
which neither its founder nor its titular overlord, Bishop

Albert, could have foreseen.79

 

79The definitive work about the Knights of the
Sword is undoubtedly F. Benninghoven's Der Order der
Schwertbrfider. See Benninghoven, pp. 39344, 52, IS? an
excellent discussion of the primary sources and other
works concerned with the problem of the founding of the
Knights of the Sword. For the relationship between the
order and Bishop Albert, see Benninghoven, p. 52 n. 60,
and pp. 53-54. Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 66, claims that the
proof that Albert founded the Knights is to be found in
their subordination to the bishop of Riga. Benninghoven,
however, has indicated that this oath of obedience is
questionable. Also, if Theoderic had hopes of becoming

 

62

For the purpose of this study, a few important
particulars concerning the Swordbrothers and the circum-
stances surrounding their organization bear further scru-
tiny. Since the Knights of the Sword adopted a modified
version of the rule of the Knights Templars, they stood
in a special direct relationship to the papacy, indepen-
dent from the intermediary Church hierarchy, including
Bishop Albert. The oath of obedience which they took to
the bishop was more or less a voluntary agreement between
two equal powers and, as time was to show, entailed in no
way a lord-vassal relationship. Ultimately the legal
relationship between the bishops of Riga and their sup-
porters and the Swordbrothers would become very compli-
cated and a source of outright hostilities.80

The role of Theoderic of Treiden, not only as the
founder of the order but as administrator, diplomat, and
liaison man with the Roman Curia, also becomes extremely
crucial. Theoderic was a Cistercian monk from the mona-
stery of Loccum from which he had been recruited by Bishop

Meinhardt, with whom he left for Livonia.81 Here

 

bishop, he himself might have written the provision of
loyalty into the rule of the Swordbrothers.

80Benninghoven, p. 53, is convinced that the only
legal arbiter between the two powers was the Roman Curia.
He also contends that before 1207, the Knights did not pay
homage to Albert: Benninghoven, pp. 79-80 and p. 79 n. 15.

81The main source for Theoderic's life is Henr ,
assim; there is no biography of him. See also Johansen,
Nordische Mission, pp. 94-104; Greentrup, passim; Benning-

hoven, pp. 20-27, 39-55. Juhan Luiga, "Lati Hendriku

63

Theoderic worked among the Livs on the lower Aa River,
having considerable success converting the natives. He
also made a missionary journey into Estonia, but the cir-
cumstances surrounding his journey are unclear.82 His
talents as a diplomat were soon recognized by his supe-
riors and he was assigned to make several trips to Rome,
notably in 1193 and 1195/96, where he secured the pope's
aid for the Livonian mission.83 It might be interesting
to speculate if Theoderic, while in Rome in 1195, met
Anders Sunesen, the future archbishop of Lund, who also
was at the Curia that same year. If this assumption is

true, it would serve to explain the subsequent close

relationship between Theoderic and the Danish Church.84

 

Kroonika Kriitika," Eesti KirjandUS. XX (1926). 496.
claims Theoderic was in Livonia between 1170 and 1184
but does not offer any proof to substantiate his claim.

82Henry, 1:10.

83For the 1193 journey. see 22. I. NO- 11; Benning-
hoven, p. 23. For Theoderic's travels in 1195/96, see
Henr , I:13; Benninghoven, p. 26 and p. 26 nn. 22-23.
Johansen, Nordische Mission, pp. 98-99, combines the trips
of 1193 and II95, but Benninghoven's claim that there were
two separate journeys is more convincing: Benninghoven,
p. 26 n. 22. I also believe that the Danish expedition
mentioned in AD, pp. 92-93, 130, and 134, and assigned to
1196 was not the same as the Swedish-German-Danish venture
mentioned in Henry. This must be so, since Henry specifi-
cally names as the leader of the 1197 crusade a Swedish
duke, while the Danish annals state that the 1196 crusade
was led by King Knut VI. This should be a point where no
error could have been made. Johansen's claim that the
king's name is a later interpolation has no real basis in
fact, as it seems hard to believe that every one of the
Danish chroniclers would have made the same interpolation.

84Ammundsen, pp. 652-53; Frederik Hammerich, En
Skolastiker og_en Bibeltheolog fra Norden (K5benhavn,
1865T! ppo H-ag.

64

Both the Danish expedition of 1196 to Estonia, led by
Knut VI, and the meeting of 1199 between BishOp Albert
and the Danish leaders may well have been results of
Theoderic's persuasiveness.

We know little of Theoderic's activities between
1197 and 1200 but he probably remained in Scandinavia,
possibly in Denmark. Perhaps he was in Rome in 1198/99
and was responsible for obtaining a bull which directed
the Cistercians in Europe to go and aid the bishop of
Riga in Livonia.85 We next find him in Rome at the behest
of Bishop Albert, where he obtained the above-mentioned
crusading bull of April 19, 1201.86 In 1202 Theoderic was
back in Livonia where he founded the Knights of the Sword,
an act which proved of questionable value to Bishop
Albert, although beneficial to the German expansion as
a whole. The next year Theoderic was named abbot of the
proposed new Cistercian monastery at Dfinamunde. It is
interesting to speculate whether this appointment was a

reward for Theoderic's activities on behalf of the colony

 

85The three bulls from Innocent III in April,
1200: Arbusow, RA, 1, pp. 321-22; Benninghoven, pp. 41-42;
Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 59. There were additional direc-
tives from the pope to the Cistercians at this time: Arbu-
sow, 3.5, I, p. 336 n. 9, p. 322 n. 2, and _R_A, IV, p. 312.

862B, I, No. 13; Arbusow, RA, I, p. 323 n. 4;
Benninghoven, p. 44, claims TheodeEIc made two trips to
Rome in 1200: Henry, V:6, where the papal prohibitions
against the trade with Semgallia are listed. Johansen,
Nordische Mission, p. 95, claims that Theoderic was a
loBbyIst fbr Ehe Gothland traders and worked in their
interest. Also see n. 72 above.

65

or whether Bishop Albert saw this appointment as a way of
removing a potential rival. Theoderic had apparently pre-
sumed that after the deaths of Meinhardt and Berthold he
was next in line for bishop of kafill and Albert's elec-
tion must have been a keen disappointment to him. How-
ever, if Theoderic's appointment was meant to remove him
from the political scene, we will see that it had little
effect on the industrious monk.87

Immediately after his nomination, the new abbot
left for Rome together with Caupo, the neophyte elder of
the Livonians.88 Once again his travels bore fruit as a
papal bull in 1204, addressed to Hartwig II, confirmed the
founding of the Knights of the Sword and granted Albert

89

additional privileges. At this time we also notice a

distinct change in Bishop Albert's relations with Bremen,

 

87Henry is confused about the chronology involved
in the founding of Dfinamunde. Henry, VI:3, claims that
Theoderic was named abbot in 1202, but Albert was in Ger-
many that year. Since the mother cloister and the general
chapter of the Cistercian order had to elect formally the
abbot or at least consent to the nomination, and Henry
does not refer to Theoderic as "Abbot" before 1206, his
nomination could not have occurred before 1204. The
construction of the monastery was begun in 1205 and the
first monks moved in in 1208: Henry, IX:7, XII:5. Ben-
ninghoven, pp. 43-45, 53-54, 94, and especially p. 43
n. 20, p. 53 n. 61. Benninghoven also believes that the
idea of a monastery was conceived by Theoderic. Grentrup,
p. 270.

aefigggy, VII:5-6; R.Chr., v. 304-406.

89Henr , IX:6; UB, 1, No. 14; Potthast, No. 2299,
dated Octo er 2, 1204.——Also Caesarius von Heisterbach,
Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. by J. Strange (K61n, 1851),
VIII:13 (hereafter cited as Caesarius, QM).

 

66
as Theoderic apparently had been instructed to ask the
papacy to make Albert an archbishop, thereby freeing him
from the metropolitanship of Bremen. For the time being,

however, this request was refused.90

Still, other impor-
tant privileges were granted the Livonian mission. For
the poor and ailing, a pilgrimage to Livonia was now
equated, as far as absolution of sins was concerned, with
a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.91
Despite all papal aid, the four years following

the founding of the Knights of the Sword found the future
of Livonia still uncertain. The number of German inhabi-
tants was small, Riga having a permanent population of
about one thousand people, and the Swordbrothers numbering
perhaps fifty to one hundred men.92 The natives, includ-
ing Livs, Letts, Estonians, Semgalls, Kurs, and Lithu-
anians, were much more numerous and remained for the most
part hostile. To this should be added the constant threat
of Russian intervention, especially by the princes of

Polozk, Gercike, and Kukenhusen. The latter became

increasingly suspicious as they began to grasp that what

 

90H. Bruiningk, "Livlfindische aus den Fragmenten
der Librii VIII Miraculorum des Caesarius von Heisterbach,"
SB RIGA (1904), pp. 226-28; Ammann, p. 115.

912B, I, No. 14; Koch, pp. 12, 17. Concerning the
visit see also a letter from Innocent III to the bishop
of Constantinople from January 21, 1204: Potthast, No.
2382. ——————-

92For a statistical reconstruction of the popula-
tion, see Benninghoven, Excurs I, pp. 44-55, 383-411.

67
had originally started out as a missionary outpost was
acquiring all the earmarks of a spreading and grasping
German colony.93 The natives, while politically less
sophisticated and at war with each other, also began to
sense that the newcomers had arrived to stay and expand.
As a result, even the local tribes began to form alli-
ances with each other and the Russians to stop the German
advance.

The raids and counter-raids between the Germans
and their enemies are far too numerous to be discussed in
detail, but a few examples might be noted. In 1203 there
occurred a united attack by the princes of Polozk, Gercike,
and the Semgalls on fixkfill and the fort of Holm. The
expedition was caused by the loss of tribute paid by the
Livs at Holm to the Russians, a tribute which now was paid
to Riga.94 Although the attack failed, Theoderic was sent

to Rome to secure more aid. Albert spent 1204 in Germany

 

93Meinhardt had by asking permission to preach
recognized the overlordship of the prince of Polozk.
Albert did the same: Henr , I:3, VII:7. For the ques-
tion of tribute and t e egal and political implications
involved, see F. Keusslar, "Zur Frage der Beziehungen
der russischen Ffirsten zu den Eingebornen der gegen-
wartigen Osteeprovinzen im XII und XIII Jahrhunderts,"
SB Riga (1891), pp. 116-19; F. Keussler, Der Ausgang der
ersten russischen Herrschaft in der ge enwdrti en Ostee-
provinzen (St. Petersburg, 1897), p. 39 n. I; HeIImann,
p. 55; Taube, "Russische und Litauische Ffirsten,"

passim.

 

94Henry, VI:7, VII:7-8; Gnegel-Waitschies,
pp. 69-70; F. Keussler, "Die Tributpflichtigkeit der
Landschaft Tolowa an die Pleskauer," Mitt., XIV (1886),
pp. 81-110.

68
gathering crusaders.95 The bishop's endeavors met with
success, as a large number of pilgrims, including his
brother Rothmar, accompanied him when he returned to Riga
in the spring of 1205. That same year also saw an attack
by the Germans on a Lithuanian force, which was returning
from a raid in Estonia, and the start of the construction
of the monastery of Diinamunde.96 The Livs along the Dfina
were converted and the Liv forts of kafill and Lennewarde
were secured. The Russian princeling Vjacko of Kukenhusen
was so impressed that he made peace with the Germans, who
now could claim to have secured their hold on the lower

Diina.97

 

95Henry, VII:5-6, VIII:1-3. It is during this
trip that Caupo is presented to the pope: Potthast,
No. 2382; Patrologiae cursus completus, ed. by J. P.
Migne (Paris, I844-64), 215 Sp. 513C (hereafter cited as
Migne); Amman, p. 116. The bull recognizing the Knights
of the Sword and granting absolution is in UB, I, No. 14.
Albert was permitted to recruit monks from Ehropean monas-
teries for work in Livonia: Henry, IX:6; Arnold, V:30.

96Henry, IX:l-5. The leader of the Germans was
probably the provost.of the cathedral chapter of Riga,
Engelbert, a half-brother of Bishop Albert who had been
in Livonia since 1200-01: Henry, VI:3. Another leader of
the Christians was another brother of Albert's, Theoderic,
who came to Livonia in 1203 and eventually married the
daughter of the prince of Pleskau: Henry, VII:1; Transehe-
Roseneck, pp. 310-14; Arbusow, "Livlands Geitstlichkeit"
(1900). p. 59. A third brother of Albert, Rothmar,
arrived in 1208 and in 1224 became the provost of the
cathedral chapter of the bishopric of Tartu: Henry, IX:6,
XXVIII:8. It would appear that a "family policy" of
ruling Livonia was at least contemplated if not imple-
mented.

97Henry, IX:9-10; Benninghoven, p. 70, believes
that at this time a shift from "defensive" to "offensive"
warfare took place. It is difficult to see the differ-
ence between the two.

69

Bishop Albert also felt that it was necessary for
him to secure the goodwill of Prince Vladimir of Polozk
and therefore sent Theoderic on a diplomatic mission to
Vladimir's court. The expected peace treaty did not
materialize but instead the abbot learned of a Russian-
Liv-Lithuanian plot to destroy the Germans.98 Forewarned,
the Germans beat back this and a subsequent attack by the
Russians and a simultaneous Liv rebellion. When Albert
left for Germany in 1206, a third attack on the German
possessions was carried out but was lifted when the
Russians received word that a fleet of ships had been
sighted in the Dfina estuary. Once again Riga had been
saved, however this time not by a German convoy but rather
by a Danish fleet under the leadership of the archbishop
of Lund.99 The Danes had once more become active in Bal-

tic politics.

 

98Henry, X:l, X:5-9. The Russians generally did
not demand conversion to Christianity. It is interesting
to note that the Russian envoy to Riga was one Stephen, a
Greek-Orthodox deacon: Henry, X:3. Albert's refusal to
deal with a mere envoy suggests that he now refused to
pay tribute and so considered himself an equal among the
princes: Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 76. Hellmann, p. 122,
argues that the attempt to secure the friendship of the
Russians was prompted by Albert's recognition of a Danish
threat to Livonia as early as 1203. There is no proof for
this theory: Henry, VII:7-8, IX:10.

99Henry, X:12.

CHAPTER III

THE GROWTH OF DANISH POWER AND

THE KNIGHTS OF THE SWORD

The reappearance of the Danes in force in the
Baltic in 1206 was prompted by several factors, the most
important of which were the emergence of new energetic
leaders in Denmark and the decision of the papacy to seek
a closer allegiance with that country in order to use it
as the secular arm of Rome in Northern Europe.

In 1202, Valdemar II Sejr (the Victorious) was
crowned king of Denmark. Born in 1169, he was the younger
brother of Knut IV and had since 1187 been the duke of
Schleswig. During the Danish wars in Wenden and Pommera-
nia, the young duke, together with Archbishop Absalon, had
been the actual leader of the Danish armies and adminis-
tered the conquered territories.1 Hence, when he was
crowned king on Christmas Day of 1202 by the new arch-

bishop of Lund, Anders Sunesen, he had already had

 

1There is no biography of this great medieval
Danish king. For a history of Valdemar II's life composed
of contemporary sources, see Adolf D. J6rgensen, Valdemar
Sejr; Hal Koch, "Danmarks Konger, 1042-1340," pp. 8I-86.
For Valdemar's activities in Germany, See Jorgensen, 231-
demar Sejg, p. 3; Heine, p. 26; Winkelmann, K5ninghillip,
p. 241.

 

70

71

considerable military and administrative experience.2
Valdemar II continued the conquest of North Germany where
he secured Wagrien, Holstein, and Ratzeburg. These lands
were given as royal fiefs to the king's nephew, Albert of
Orlamfinde, who became one of Valdemar's most trusted and
loyal supporters.3

King Valdemar II's career was to coincide almost
exactly with that of another outstanding Danish leader,
Anders Sunesen, the man who succeeded Absalon as the arch-
bishop of Lund. Anders' life forms in a sense a microcosm
of Danish cultural history, its ties with the continent,
and the relationship of Church and State in Denmark.
Anders was one of eight children born to Sune Ebbesen,
one of Valdemar I's great nobles in Sjalland. Sune had
been intimately involved in Danish politics, having been
one of the regents during the minority of Knut VI and a

military hero in the campaigns against the Wends.4 The

Ebbesen family was also closely connected with the Danish

 

2gp, pp. 94—95: Arnold, VI:l3-16.

3Albert zu Stade for 1201. Duke Albert was also
a nephew of the anti-Danish Duke Bernhard of Saxony.
While Duke Albert held his lands as fief from King Val-
demar, they were under the spiritual overlordship of the
archbishop of Bremen: Koch, pp. 18-19; Usinger, pp. 119-
21; Winkelmann, K6nig Phillip, pp. 273-75.

4Ammundsen, p. 651. For a listing of the primary
sources on the life of Archbishop Anders, see Ammundsen,
p. 650. Also see works by Frederik Hammerich, p. 7; Hal

Koch, "Anders Sunesen," in Dansk Bio rafisk Lexicon, ed.
by P. Engelstoft (K6benhavn, I942), XXIII, I42-46; Skov,

passim.

72

Church hierarchy, Archbishop Absalon being an uncle of
Sune Ebbesen and Anders' older brother, Peter, having in
1191 become bishop of Roskilde.5

Anders Sunesen was born around 1167 and appears
to have at a very early age elected to become a priest.
His earliest education is not known, but the strong French
influence in Denmark led him to continue his studies in
Paris. Here he attended the University of Paris, begin-
ning about 1182, and later taught at the same institution.
Anders appears to have continued his studies at Bologna
and in England before returning once again to Paris to
teach at the university there.6 Sometime around 1192 he
returned to Denmark and became the provost of the cathe-

dral chapter of Roskilde and the chancellor to Knut VI.7

 

5For Peder Sunesen, consult Hammerich, pp. 8, 51;
Koch, "Anders Sunesen," p. 81; KBningsfeldt, p. 21. Peder
was active not only as a priest but also as a statesman.
He had been the chancellor of Knut VI and, as bishop of
Roskilde, in 1198 led an army against Otto of Brandenburg.
The army was defeated and Peder was wounded and captured.
In 1198 he was freed and returned to Denmark. Later, in
1208, he partook in an expedition to Sweden and was the
only one of the Sunesen brothers to escape with his life.
He died on October 29, 1214: AD, p. 93; Arnold, VI:9.
One should also note that an older brother of Anders,
Thorbjarn, who died in the battle mentioned above, was
the keeper of the castle where Bishop Valdemar of
Schleswig was interred.

6Concerning the travels and studies of Anders,
see Saxo, X; Arnold, V:18; Ammundsen, p. 652; Hammerich,
pp. I6, 33-38. Perhaps while at Bologne, Anders met the
future Innocent III, since both men attended the Univer-
sity of Bologne at about the same time. This personal
contact may account for the excellent personal relations
between the pope and the archbishop.

7Ammundsen, p. 652; Koch, "Anders Sunesen,"
p. 142.

73

In his capacity as chancellor, Anders undertook
between 1193 and 1196 a mission of peculiar and important
nature. In 1192 Knut VI's sister, Ingeborg, had been
married to King Philip Augustus of France, who within a
year had set her aside for Agnes of Moran.8 Queen Inge-
borg appealed to the pope and, to strengthen her position,
Knut VI sometime in 1193 sent Anders Sunesen to Rome to
persuade the Curia to intervene in the queen's behalf.
Together with Abbot Wilhelm of Eskilsa, Anders appeared
before Celestine III in 1194 and presented his case. The
Danish envoys had little success with the pope, a tired
old man who was under pressure from Emperor Henry VI.
The Danish representatives were apparently afraid of
violence which was threatened against them, and in the
spring.of 1195 slipped out of Rome.9 Traveling via Ostia
and Pisa, the Danes reached France where they were
promptly arrested by the duke of Burgundy, but the abbots
of Citeaux and Clairvaux forced their release after seven
days in captivity. Finally, in 1196 the envoys reached

Denmark.10

8Hammar, p. 41.

9Ammundsen, pp. 652-53; Hammerich, pp. 41-49.
This is the time at which Anders perhaps met Theoderic,
who was also at the Curia during 1194-95. The Danish
expedition to Estonia in 1196 may well have been a result
of Theoderic's and the Curia's persuasiveness and the 1199
visit by Bishop Albert to Denmark an outgrowth of this
early contact between the future bishops of Lund and
Estonia. See above, pp. 37, 53-54 and notes.

losan, VI, 52—53, 59-60, 69-70.

74

On his return, Anders Sunesen busied himself with
day-to-day activities and writing. In his position as
chancellor he was probably present at the meeting between
Knut IV, Absalon, and Bishop Albert in 1199.11 When
Absalon died in March, 1201, his testament named Anders
Sunesen as his successor. After a canonical election had
reached the same conclusion, the pope confirmed the pro-
ceedings, and on November 23, 1201, Anders Sunesen was
consecrated archbishop of Lund.12 'The following year saw
the new prelate accompany his two brothers on an expedi-
tion to Finland and on Christmas Day, 1202, he crowned

Valdemar II as the new king of Denmark.13 Both the Danish

 

llHenry, III:2; Hammerich, p. 3. While this paper
will discuss Anders Sunesen primarily in light of his
involvement in Danish and international politics, it must
be pointed out that the archbishop was also an avid
preacher, educator, and church reformer. He also was
the author of two major religious works, the Hexaemeron
and De Septem Sacramentis, as well as some poetry dedi-
cated to St. Mary: Arnold, V:18; Ammundsen, pp. 661-63;
Hammerich, pp. 52-54. Like most Scandinavian bishops, he
faced major difficulties in his diocese over the collec-
tion of the tithe and the enforcement of clerical celi-
bacy. Attempts to correct these abuses were met with open
rebellions on the part of the peasantry: Ammundsen,
pp. 659-60; Hammerich, pp. 61, 63-64. Archbishop Anders
has also been credited with the formulation of a new law
code for the province of Scania, but the most recent
scholarship on the subject denies him any originality in
this endeavor: Stig qul, "Anders Sunesen som lovgiver og
juridisk f6rfattare," Svensk JuriSttidning, XXXIII (1948),
I, 10-11.

12333, R.1, Bd.4, Nos. 36, 33: Arnold, v:17.
Absalon's testament is printed in DRB, R.1, Bd.4, No. 32.
and SRD, V, 424.

13The expedition of 1202 is only mentioned in the
Danish language version of the Ryd-Yearbook: Gammeldanske
Kr5niker, ed. by Marcus Lorenzen (K6benhavn, 1897-I9I9),

75

State and Church had now acquired outstanding and expe-
rienced leaders who trusted each other and were to con-
tribute greatly to the growing power and influence of
Denmark in international politics.

The endeavors of King Valdemar II and Archbishop
Anders to expand Danish power were greatly aided by their
friendly and close relations with the papacy, especially
that of Innocent III. The latter attempted to secure
Danish support for Otto IV and in return granted favors
to the Danish State and Church. Having first remained
neutral in the struggle between Otto IV and Philip of
Swabia, Innocent III decided in 1201 to declare for Otto

14 As

since the latter had foresworn any claims on Italy.
Otto's position in Germany was almost untenable, the pope
had to find powerful supporters for him and his choice
fell on Denmark. Despite some early friction over Hol-
stein, Valdemar II decided he had less to fear from Otto
than the Hohenstaufens and as a result a formal treaty was
signed in 1203 between the Welfs and Denmark. In it Otto
recognized Valdemar's conquests in Northalbingia while the

Danes promised him men and material help.15

 

p. 113. For a debate concerning the authenticity of this
entry, see Heine, p. 50 and p. 74 n. 8. The coronation is
mentioned in Ag, pp. 95-95; Arnold, VI:l6.

14Haller, "Innocent III und Otto IV," pp. 475-507;
cf. Koch, p. 19, who feels Innocent supported Otto because
he believed Philip to be the weaker of the two contenders.

15Heine, p. 35; Koch, p. 19. The friction arose
when Valdemar gave Holstein to Duke Albert of Orlamfinde
instead of his brother-in-law, Wilhelm of Saxony: Usinger,

76

Innocent III showed his appreciation of the Danish
action in 1207 when Bishop Valdemar was once again elected
as the archbishop of Bremen upon the death of Hartwig II.
Backed by Hohenstaufen arms and with the emperor's
approval, Bishop Valdemar made a triumphal entry into
Bremen despite Danish protests.16 It should be noted that
both Bishop Albert and his cousin, Bishop Dietrich of
Lfibeck, supported the election of Bishop Valdemar.17 When
indirect pressure on Philip and Bishop Valdemar failed to
remove the latter, Innocent III excommunicated Valdemar
and permitted the Danes to set up a pro-Danish bishop to

a separate archbishopric of Hamburg.18

 

pp. 119-21; Winkelmann, K6nig Phillip, pp. 273-75. Inno-
cent's request for aid in g2, No. 38, and the friendship
treaty in BD, No. 41: Heine, p. 37; Helene Tillman, Papst
Innozenz III (Bonn, 1954), p. 123.

16Albert zu Stade for 1203: Arnold, VII:10; £13111-
burgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 365. Philip asked the
pope to confirm the election: BD, No. 62, 232' R.1, Bd.4,
No. 127. For the date see DehIE, II, p. 129 n. 6; Hauck,
IV, 745. The Danes sent a delegation to Rome to protest
the election: 25g, R.1, Bd.4, No. 133; Glaeske, p. 209.

 

l7 -
Hambur lsches Urkundenbuch, 1, Nos. 378 379;
Dehio, II, I26-29 '

18Innocent III first tried peacefully to get
Philip to drop his support of Bishop Valdemar: 22,
No. 65; Potthast, No. 3300. When this did not succeed
he was excommunicated: 22, No. 63; Potthast, No. 2399;
Glaeske, p. 209. The new archbishop of Hamburg was one
Burchardt of Stumpenhausen, a canon from Bremen: 52,
pp. 96-97; Albert zu Stade, p. 354; Arnold, VII:10-ll;
Glaeske, pp. 2ll-I2. King Valdemar II invested the new
bishop. Ammann, p. 122, believes that Denmark's interest
in Bremen was motivated by the desires of Valdemar II and
Anders Sunesen to use the trading facilities of the city
to subjugate Livonia.

77
While the papacy was busy trying to strengthen
the political ties between itself and the Danish monarchy,
it also increased the power of the archbishop of Lund. A
series of papal bulls from 1204 gave Archbishop Anders
virtually all the powers of a papal legate.19 Finally
in 1206, Anders was also given the right "to confirm a
bishop . . . in any town which would be cleansed from
. . . paganism” (" . . . in civitate, quam ad cultum fidei
catholicae redegerit, catholicum possit ordinaire episco-
pgmf).20‘ This grant was not unusual in light of Danish
and Swedish activities in Finland, but it would assume a
much greater significance in light of the events of 1206
which were to follow.
As Henry of Livonia tells it:

At the same time [1206], the Danish king, with a great

army that he had been collecting now for three years

came to Oesel. With him came Archbishop Anders of

'Lund. . . . '
The Danes landed on Oesel and built a fort, but since no
one dared to remain in the face of possible attack by the
natives, the fort was burned and the king and the army
returned to Denmark. The archbishop of Lund and Bishop
Nicholas of Schleswig, who was the king's chancellor, and
their retinue went, however, to Riga where they remained

, during the winter of 1206/07. According to Henry, the

 

19gp, Nos. 43, 45, 46, 51. They are all dated
November, 1204. Hammerich, p. 57; Skov, pp. 169-70.

2°22, No. 49; gag, R.1, Bd.4, No. 109,

78

season was spent in "divine contemplation" and in April,
1207, the Danish prelates returned home via Gothland.21

It has in general been suggested that the 1206
expedition was the first step of a larger Danish plan to
make the Baltic Sea a mare nostra and to place the lands
surrounding it under Danish political and spiritual rule.
No real proof has been offered for these claims except
vague statements such as "it was in line with Danish
interests in Estonia“ or the presumption that the pagans
mentioned in the bull from 1206, referred to above, were
Estonians.22 These assumptions are weak in several
respects. Henry's statement that the Danes spent three
years preparing for this expedition has been explained by
claiming that the crusade was in response to a raid by
Oeselian pirates on the Danish province of Lyster in
1203.23 It seems, however, unlikely that Valdemar II,
who in 1204 invaded Norway and in 1205 and 1206 success-
fully fought in Wenden, would have needed three years to
prepare for a raid on a single, albeit a powerful, pirates'
nest.24 In addition, Henry's information that Valdemar II

Zlggggyé X:13; Richard Hausmann, Das Rin en der
Deutschen un Danen um den Besitz Estlands (Leipzig,
I879): p. 2.

22Benninghoven, pp. 76-77; Hausmann, p. 2; Johan-
sen, Nordische Mission, p. 100; Koch, pp. 19, 21; Skov,
p. 171.

 

23Henry, VII:1-5; Arens, p. 29 n. 26; Benning-
hoven, p. 75; Koch, p. 21.

24JESrgensen, Valdemar Sejp, p. 4; Ag, pp. 96-98;
Frederik Hammerich, Danmark i Valdemarernas Tid (K6ben-

79
personally led the Danish crusaders appears incorrect,
since none of the Danish annals mention his involvement
and the same year finds the royal armies fighting in
Germany.25 If Valdemar would indeed have taken three
years to prepare this expedition and led it himself, it
also seems difficult to explain why the Danes had so few
men and supplies that they could not hold one single
fort.26 In short, it is hard to see how the crusade of
1206 could have been part of a grand imperial design of
the Danish monarchy.

We may, however, obtain a better perspective of
this expedition by considering the role of Archbishop
Anders and examining his actions following his return to
Denmark in 1207. It should be recalled that Anders' pre-
decessor, Absalon, had become a national hero and increased
the prestige of the Danish Church by leading armies
against the pagan Wends. Archbishop Anders, who was by
nature more devoted to the pen than the sword, might well'
have seen a combination crusade-retaliatory raid as an

excellent way to strengthen his popularity at home and to

 

25Ammundsen, p. 657, and Hausmann, p. 2, believe
Valdemar II led the army. If this was the case, it should
have been noted in the royal chronicle. Instead we find
the Danish royal armies in Saxony fighting Duke Bernhard:
Skov, p. 173 and p. 173 n. 4; Hammerich, Danmark, p. 123;
Usinger, p. 193; Heine, p. 50.

26Henry, X:13. Henry's description of the great
reputation of the Oeselians may be correct, but one should
also remember that Henry was anti-Danish and wrote his
chronicle with the purpose of extolling the German
achievements in Livonia.

80

eXpand the power of Lund.27 To claim that Anders Sunesen
conscientiously revived a Danish "Eastern Policy" finds no
basis in fact. Rather, the new archbishop tried to pursue
the traditional aggressive policies of a Scandinavian
"frontier" bishop as exemplified by Absalon.28

A further insight into the motives for Anders'
activities on Oesel and in Riga may be gathered by examin-
ing actions he undertook there and upon his return home.
While in Riga, the archbishop ordered the provost, Engel-
bert, to send out baptizing priests and accepted hostages
from the Livs, Woten, and Letts.29 Upon his return to
Denmark in 1207, Anders wrote a letter to Innocent III in
which he claimed that all of Livonia had been converted
and that he, Anders, archbishop of Lund, acting as legate,

had directed this conversion.30 This has been interpreted

 

27The sources stress the non-violent character
and bookwormishness of Archbishop Anders: Arnold, V:18,
and call him ascetic, humble, peaceful, honest, learned,
etc.: Hammerich, pp. 38, 51, 59, 85. Especially sharp is
the contrast with the former archbishop, Absalon: Hans T.
Olrik, Kon e o raestestand i den Danska Middelaldern
(K5benhavn, I892-95), I, 105. Others have stressed the
militancy of Anders, i.e., Heine, p. 50.

 

28Hausmann, pp. 2-4; Skov, p. 171. Henry's state-
ment that the winter was spent in theological discussions
has been scoffed at by many scholars, but given Anders'
training there might be considerable truth in this claim.

29Henry, X:13-14.

30Henry, XI:l. The letter is printed by Leonid
Arbusow, "Ein verschollener Bericht des Erzbischofs
Andreas von Lund a.d. Jahr 1207 fiber die Bekehrung Liv-
lands," SB Riga (1910): PP. 4-6; "Interea (1207) venit ad
ipsum (papam) ex pgrte Lundensis archieplscgpigguem lpgg-
tum direxerat ad convertendos paganos quod tota Livonia

 

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81
by German historians as an unwarranted intrusion by Anders
on the spiritual domain of Bishop Albert and proof of the
fact that the subsequent Danish invasion of Estonia in
1219 was only the climax of Danish imperial designs.31
A careful examination of the sources, however,

suggests another, more plausible answer. In discussing

Anders' stay in Livonia, Raynaldi, in the Annales ecclesi-

 

astici for the year 1207, already calls the archbishop a
legate.32 Taking into account the extensive powers Anders
had received in 1204, the bull of 1206 regarding the con-
version of the pagans, and the fact that Bishop Albert
pursued a pro-Hohenstaufen policy, it is entirely probable
that Innocent III already in 1206 considered Archbishop
Anders his legate in the Baltic.33 The 1206 crusade to
Oesel now represents a combination of papal policy to
convert the pagans through a trusted ally and the tra-

ditional missionary activities of Lund.34

 

gpgt ad fidem Christi conversa. . . ." Livonia was in
fact almost completely converted by this time: Henr ,
XI:5; Caesarius von Heisterbach, Dialogus Miracqurum,
III, 98-99; Bruiningk, "Livléndische aus—den Fragmenten,"
pp. 229-30.

 

 

31Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 78 and p. 78 n. 418;
Hellman, p. 216.

32Raynaldi, Tome 13, a. 1207 @4: ". . . Quem in
Livoniam ad traducendos ad Christum ethnicos legatum
miserat,"citedby Hausmann, p. 2, and Heine, p. 51.

33The appropriate bulls from 1204 are in EE, Nos.
43, 45, 46. Also see DRB, R.1, Bd.4, No. 109; Potthast,
No. 2652; DRB, R.1, Bd.4, No. 110; B2, No. 51.

34Before Anders Sunesen went to Oesel, he held a
church synod in Odense on May 2-3, 1206: A2, p. 96;

82

One may also speculate that the papacy was aware
of the Danish plans for a crusade in 1206 and that the
bull giving Archbishop Anders the right to place a bishop
in newly converted lands was granted by Rome with this
particular eXpedition in mind. If so, it is entirely pos-
sible that the outstanding candidate for the position was
Abbot Theoderic, and another aim of the crusade could have
been an attempt to secure Oesel as a bishopric for him.
Theoderic's relations with Denmark were good and he of
course eventually did become bishop of Estonia and used
Danish help to claim his diocese.35 The Scandinavian
interest in the Baltic had once again taken the form of
active political intervention.

During the time that Archbishop Anders Sunesen was
in Livonia, King Valdemar II continued his wars in Germany
and remained loyal to his ally, Otto IV. The latter's
ineptitude and personal stubbornness, however, eventually
alienated even Innocent III, who in early 1208 declared
for Philip of Swabia and offered him the imperial crown.36
At this point the totally unforeseen death of Philip
occurred at the hands of a personal enemy. To prevent

a renewal of civil war, all interested parties including

 

J6rgensen, Valdemar Se'r, p. 4. Fabricius, "Sagnet om
Danebroge," p. 599, helieves that the Danish expedition

was actually a semi-private army raised by the archbishop
and his friends: Skov, pp. 173-74.
35See below, pp. 122-23.

36J5rgensen, Valdemar Sejr, p. 5; Poole, p. 71.

83
the papacy declared their support of Otto IV, who, on
November 11, 1208, was unanimously elected king.37 Upon
renouncing all spiritual claims in the Empire and granting
the pope all his territorial claims in Italy, Otto IV
received in late 1209 the imperial crown from the hands

of Innocent III in Rome.38

Soon, however, Otto began to
renege on his promises to the pope and this led to his
excommunication in November, 1210, and the public procla-
mation of the ban on March 20, 1211.39 Innocent III now
put forth as his candidate to the imperial throne the
young Fredrick of Sicily, who by late 1212 had achieved
control of most of Germany. After Fredrick was crowned
on December 9, 1212, by Archbishop Siegfried of Mainz, all
Germany, except the extreme northeast, joined his party.40
All of these events in imperial politics were to have
repercussions in Denmark and Livonia.

Although Otto's victory in 1208 should at first
glance have been welcomed by the Danes, indications soon,
appeared that Otto's loyalty to previous agreements was

shortlived. The Danish defection to the side of Fredrick

II a few years later almost became a matter of necessity.

 

37Diederichs, PP. 21-23; Poole, p. 71.
38Poole, pp. 72-74.

39For a general discussion of German politics in
this era, see Winkelmann,.KBnig Otto IV, pp. 248-309.

4ODiederichs, pp. 21-24; Winkelmann, Kdnig Otto
{1, pp. 249-55.

84
For instance, Otto began negotiations with the archbishop
of Magdeburg, who was interested in replacing both Bremen
and Lund as the spiritual leader of Northern Europe. In
return for aid, Otto IV secretly promised Count Adolf of
Schauenburg, a friend of the archbishop of Magdeburg and
an old Hohenstaufen supporter, that he, Otto, would help
the count to get his lands back from the Danes, with the
help of force if necessary.41 For the time being, the
treaty was kept a secret and the Danes felt secure enough
to try to extend their influence northward into Sweden and
southward into Prussia.

The Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish royal houses
were all in one way or another related to each other, and
throne struggles thus became Soandinavian rather than
internal affairs. In Sweden a quarrel broke out between
the Sverker family and the followers of one Erik Knutsson,
with King Sverker the Younger receiving the backing of the
Danes and the archbishop of Uppsala. In 1207, King Sver-
ker and Archbishop Valerius were forced to flee to Denmark
and seek refuge at the court of Valdemar II. Archbishop
Anders was especially interested in this affair since
Valerius was his suffragan bishop and Sverker was married
to one of his nieces.42

As a result of a combination of Danish royal and

 

4193p, R.1, Bd.4, No. 142; Koch, p. 31; Usinger,
p. 147 n. 1; Winkelmann, K6nig Otto IV, p. 105.

42Skov, pp. 181-84.

85

Sunesen family interests, a Danish army led by Bishop
Peder Sunesen and his brothers, Ebbe, Jakob, and Lars,
invaded Sweden in early 1208. They were, however,
severely defeated at Lena in late January, 1208, and
Ebbe and Lars Sunesen were killed. Despite the defeat
of this semi-private army, Innocent III wrote a letter on
November 13, 1208, to the Swedish bishops of Vasterman-
land, Link6ping, and Skara, telling them to excommunicate
Erik Knutsson if he did not relinquish the Swedish crown.
The appeal was in vain and King Sverker the Younger died
in 1210 while making an abortive effort to reconquer
Sweden. Erik Knutsson solved his problems by marrying
Rikissa, a daughter of Valdemar II, reconciling himself
with Archbishop Valerius, and having the latter crown
him.43

This solution to the struggle for the Swedish
throne pleased all parties, including Innocent III, who
appears to have begun to look more and more to the Scan-
dinavian countries as the centers of missionary activity
among the Baltic pagans. A papal bull from 1209 granted
Anders Sunesen his request to consecrate "a good man" with

previous preaching experience in Finland as the bishop of

 

43B_D_, No. 69; DRB, R.1 Bd.4, No. 146. The bat-
tle of Lena is described—inggg, R.1 Bd.4, No. 150. The
death of Sverker and the marriage of Rikissa are mentioned
in AD, pp. 98-99. Also see Johan W. Ruuth, "Paavi Inn-
cenEIo III: en Extharum Kirjeesta 30 p:lta lohak 1209,"
Historiallinen Arkisto, XXII (1911), I, 1-15; Skov,
pp. 184-85;_Thhberg,“Erik den Helige," pp. 276-77.

86

Finland. The same document also stated that Finland was
converted and that there had been several bishops in that
country.44

While Danish spiritual rule was growing in North-
ern Scandinavia, Valdemar II set his sights once again on
Germany. Although an attack on Bremen by the king's ally,
Bishop Burckhardt of Hamburg, failed, Innocent III in 1209
once again excommunicated the bishop-elect Valdemar, who
now was driven out from Bremen.4S The time was right for
further expansion south as far as Valdemar II was con-
cerned and he found support for his plans in Rome. A
series of papal bulls from 1209 and 1210 urged the king
to go onla crusade, told all Christians in Denmark to
support him, and placed Valdemar II and Denmark under
papal protection.46 Mindful of the fact that the North
German princes had on several previous occasions taken
advantage of the absence of the Danish king to attack his
possessions, Valdemar II also got Innocent III to issue
bulls directing Otto IV and his vassals to refrain

from attacking Denmark while the king was on this

 

44§Q, No. 72; 23B, R.1 Bd.4, No. 161; Fabricius,
"Sagnet om Danebroge," pp. 492-94.

45Potthast, Nos. 3760-3761; Mecklenburgisches
Urkundenbuch, I, N . 202; Koch, p. 32; JSrgensen, Valdemar

Sejr, p. 5.

46The crusading bull is dated October 31, 1209:
BD, No. 73; DRB, R.1 Bd.4, No. 164. The other bulls are
dated January—30 and May 7, 1210: pp, Nos. 76-77; Egg, R.1
Bd.4, Nos. 163, 173.

 

87

crusade.47

The result of all these preparations was a rather
abortive expedition to Samland in Prussia. Although as a
result of the crusade Duke Mestwin of Pommern recognized
Valdemar II as his overlord, the Danes gained no terri-
tory. The claim that Valdemar's interest in this area was
caused by his desire to control the trade routes from the
Weichel and Pregel areas to the interior of Russia seems
very reasonable, although the suggestion that he was
actively cooperating with the Lithuanians in this endeavor

48 It is more important, however, to

is open to question.
explain the extraordinary concern that the papacy showed
in protecting and aiding the Danish monarchy. The reason
was probably that Otto IV, despite previous promises, was
beginning an aggressive Italian policy and that the pope
sought to tie Valdemar II closer to himself, especially

since he was planning to set up young Fredrick II as the

papal candidate to the German throne.49 All of these

 

47319, No. 74; 931;, R.1 Bd.4, No. 164--dated
October 31, 1209. Ed, No. 76; 2591: No. l72--dated Jan-
uary 30, 1210. The-Danish lands had been attacked in 1196
while Knut VI was in Estonia and in 1205 when Valdemar II
fought in Wenden: A2, p. 96; Usinger, pp. 82, 152-53.

48Usinger, p. 215, claims the expedition is due
to dynastic policies; Michael von Taube, "Internationale
und Kirchenpolitische Wandlungen im Ostbaltikum und Russ-
land zur Zeit der deutschen Eroberung Livlands," Jahr-
bficher ffir Geschichte Osteuropas, III (1938), 15-20;
Jargensen, Valdemar Sejp, p. 5; A2, pp. 98-99.

49See above, pp. 82-83 and notes.

88
developments, especially the growing power of Denmark and
her friendly relationship with the papacy, were closely
watched by Bishop Albert of Riga, who by this time was
experiencing difficulties of his own.

The predicaments which were to threaten Bishop
Albert's work in Livonia were connected with his involve-
ment in German politics and his relations with the Knights
of the Sword. During the winter of 1206-07, while Arch-
bishop Anders Sunesen sojourned in Riga, BishOp Albert
was traveling in Germany, preaching and gathering pilgrims
and crusaders. While his reaction to the Danish crusade
of 1206 is not known, Albert on February 2, 1207, placed
himself firmly in the Hohenstaufen camp by having himself

enfeofed as a Reichsffirst by Philip of Swabia.50 Whether

 

this decision was prompted by fear of Danish intervention
in Livonia or the growing power of the Knights of the
Sword, or perhaps both, is not clear. In any event, a
direct relationship to the German king and his promise of
monetary and material aid would greatly strengthen the

position of Bishop Albert.51 Perhaps his fear of the

 

50Henr , X:16. For the date and location of this
event, see HoItzmann, pp. 209-11; Benninghoven, p. 74;
Hausmann, p. 5 n. 3. Others have preferred April 8 at
Sinzig: Eduard Winkelmann, "K6nig Phillip von Deutschland
und Bischof Albert von Livland," Mitt., XI (1865), II-III,
312; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 47 n. 4. For a thorough dis-
cussion of the terms of the ceremony and the wording of
the agreement, see Koch, pp. 21-26.

51Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 80, and Koch, pp. 22-23,
believe Albert was motivated by his fear of the Danes,
although Koch also feels that the rising fortunes of

89
growing power of Denmark in North Germany also prompted
Albert in 1207 to support the candidacy of Bishop Valdemar
for the position of archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen.52 The
anti-Danish and anti-papal actions of Albert were later
to cost him dearly.

The growing ambition of the Knights of the Sword
to become an independent political power in Livonia also
got Bishop Albert involved in Danish and papal politics.
The Knights, in their attempts to free themselves from the
burdensome control of the bishop, made overtures to the
Danes, the Welfs, and the papacy. As we shall see, the
Order was eventually successful in becoming independent
of any outside power, but its quarrels with Bishop Albert
weakened Livonia internally and opened up the possibility
of outside intervention.

The first discord between the bishop and the Order
surfaced in June of 1207 when Albert returned to Riga.

The Knights of the Sword demanded one-third of Livonia
and, in a rather prophetic request, the same proportion

of "the other lands or tribes roundabout, not yet

 

Philip in German politics influenced the bishop's deci-
sion: Ammann, p. 121; cf. Benninghoven, pp. 76-77, who
claims it was intended to forestall cooperation between
the Knights of the Sword and the Danes.

52Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, Nos. 328-329.
Gnegel-WaitSChies, pp. 79, 81, is of the opinion that
Albert's support of Bishop Valdemar marked the end of his
policy of cooperation with Denmark. This seems question-
able in light of the lack of any prior Danish support for
Albert: Amman, pp. 121-22; Hellmann, p. 120.

90
converted . . . [but who] . . . might be subjected to
Christianity in the future."53 Although Albert opposed
this strengthening of an order whose ultimate loyalty was
questionable, he had little choice since the Knights were
still the only permanent military force in the colony.
Hence the lands along the Dfina were divided up according
to the Order's demands while the status of the unconquered
lands was left undecided.54 The Knights remained subor-
dinated to the bishop, but only in a spiritual sense, and
the exact relationship between the two powers remained
hazy.

In any case, the Knights of the Sword had now
become a legally recognized political power with a defi-
nite geographical base.55 This base they constantly
strove to enlarge, an effort which led them into a war
with the Estonian tribes to the north of Livonia, and
this, plus their attempts to find a more lenient overlord
than Bishop Albert, involved the Order in Danish-German-
papal politics. The question of the place of the Knights

of the Sword in the Baltic power structure was far from

 

53Henry, XI:3; Arnold, V:30.

54For details concerning the division, consult
Benninghoven, pp. 78-80; Koch, pp. 27-28; Arbusow and
Bauer, p. 49 n. 6.

55Concerning the legal relations between the two
parties, see Benninghoven, pp. 78-80 and p. 79 n. 15,
p. 80 n. 17; cf. Koch, p. 28; Georg Rathlef, Das Verhfilt-
nis des livldndischen Ordens zu den Landesbiscthen und
zur Stadt Riga (Dorpat, 1875): PP. 4-7.

91

settled, especially in the light of their constant aggres-
sion north and east.56

The remainder of the years 1207 and 1208 was taken
up with the buttressing and enlargement of the Livonian
colony. The prince of Kukenhusen submitted to Bishop
Albert in 1207 and a Lithuanian attack on Treiden was
beaten back that same year.57 The following year saw the
beginning of the wars with the Estonians. Apparently
Albert did not want to get involved in this area, but pre-
ferred to expand along the Dfina River to the east and
south. Pursuant to this aim, the forts of Seeleburg and
Kukenhusen were attacked by the bishop and his men and the
lands divided up among Albert's followers.58 During 1209,
Albert secured a further ally when Wsevolod of Gercike was
forced to become a vassal of the bishop. All in all,

Albert had by early 1210 secured considerable land and

allies in Livonia and his position appeared secure were

 

56Henry, XI:3. Albert cleverly, or realistically,
stated that Slnce he could not give what he did not
have," he denied their claims. The matter was not set-
tled before 1210: EA, I, Nos. 16, 17.

57ESQEX; XI:2; Hellmann, p. 126; Arbusow, "Die
deutsche Einwanderung," p. 358.

58Henry; XI:5-6; x:3-9, x11:1, XIII:1. The land
division is explained in Arbusow and Bauer, p. 66 n. 5.
For the reluctance of Albert to get involved in Estonia,
see Benninghoven, p. 98; Hellmann, pp. 128-30; Koch,
p. 29. It is possible that the German merchants who
desired trade along the Dfina rather than an uncertain war
in Estonia influenced Albert in his policies: Benninghoven,
pp. 52-53; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 84-86; Hellmann, pp. 129-
31; Heinrich Laakmann, "Zur Geschichte Heinrichs von Lett-
land und seiner Zeit," Beitrdge, XVIII (1933), II, 57-59.

92

it not for the fact that two years earlier, in 1208, the
Knights of the Sword had started a war in Estonia, a war
which was eventually to involve outside powers.59

The Estonian tribes had since ancient times warred
with the Letts and Livs and in the process had in 1200
robbed a German merchant caravan traveling through the
Estonian province of Ugandi. At the insistence of the
German traders, Bishop Albert had finally in 1208 sent one-
of his priests to the Estonians with the purpose of nego-
tiating the return of the stolen goods, but this was
refused.60 The traders and the Letts, who over the years
had suffered most from the Estonian raids, appealed to the
Knights of the Sword for help in punishing the Ugandians.
This was an undertaking which suited the plans of the
Swordbrothers to acquire territory free from the overlord-
ship of the bishop of Riga.61

The subsequent raid by a combined German-Lett
force to Ugandi and the burning of the fort at Otepai led
to an Estonian counterattack in which natives from the

provinces of Sakala and Ugandi joined. These events were

 

59Henr , XIII:4, EA, I, No. 15. For the legal
relationshlps etween Albert and the Russian prince, see
Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 88-89 and p. 89 n. 479; Ammann,
p. 118; Hellmann, pp. 131-33; Taube, "Russische und
Litauische Ffirsten," pp. 391, 434-36; Liylgndische
Gfiterurkunden, ed. by H. Bruiningk and N. BusCh (Riga,
1907), No. 2.

60Henry, XI:7.

61Henry, XII:6, describes the wars of 1208.

93
so disturbing to Hermann, the bishop's bailiff at Treiden,
that he worked out a year-long truce between the Esto-
nians and the Letts and Livs.62 While this may have been
in accordance with Albert's wishes, it did not please the
Knights of the Sword.
The return of Albert in 1209 with a large number

of pilgrims did nothing to alleviate the growing friction

between himself and the Order.63

In fact, the antagonism
became stronger during 1209 when the old Master of the
Knights of the Sword, Wenno, was murdered and a much more

64 The

aggressive member, Volquin, was made Master.
Knights and their allies among the Letts invaded Ugandi,
a move opposed by Albert and the Livs. The outcome was
that the bishop sent his priest Alabrand to make peace
with the Estonians. Alabrand achieved his goal, but the
Knights of the Sword and their allies refused to accept

it and prepared for a continuation of hostilities.65

 

62Henr , XII:6; Benninghoven, pp. 94-96. The
first open c ash between the policies of Bishop Albert
and the Knights occurs at this time: Hellmann, pp. 128,
134-35; cf. Koch, p. 30. Once again the influence of the
merchants was important as they pressured both Albert and
the Swordbrothers into action against the Estonians:
Johansen, "Die Bedeutung," p. 11.

63Henry, XIII:1. For the origins and names of
the pilgrims, see Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 86-87, esp. p. 87
n. 465.

64Henry, XIII:2; R.Chr., vv. 687-716. The reasons
for this murder are far from clear. For a discussion of
possible motives and for the background of Volquin, see.
Benninghoven, pp. 98-104, pp. 96-97; Gnegel-Waitschies,
pp. 92-93.

65Henry, x111:5.

94

Before Albert left for Germany during Easter of
1210, he scored a diplomatic triumph which he hoped would
help him contain the Knights and secure the country from
other enemies. He secured the marriage of his brother,
Theoderic von Buxh5vden, to the daughter of Prince Vladi-
mir Mstislavié of Pleskau, a maneuver which secured the
line of the Diina.66 Another result of the alliance was
an attack by the duke of Novgorod, MstislaviE Udaloj, and
Vladimir of Pleskau on the Ugandian fort of Otepdd. The
fort was taken and the Russians made at this time an
attempt to baptize the Estonians into the Greek-Orthodox
faith, but without much success.67

After Albert's departure, the Knights of the Sword
continued their wars against the Estonians. After beating
back a Kur attack on Riga and a Lithuanian raid on Kuken-
husen, the Germans once again marched into Ugandi and
burned Otepaa in July of 1210. An Estonian counterattack

inflicted a severe defeat on the Swordbrothers, Livs, and

 

66The exact date is not known but may be approxi-
mated from Henry, XIV:2, 10, XV:13. Prince Vladimir later
paid dearly for his associations with the Germans, as he
was driven from Pleskau by its citizens: Henry, XV:13;
Arbusow and Bauer, p. 100 n. 8.

67Henry, XIV:2, 10, XV:13. The sequence of the
Russian invasion is unclear since the Russian sources tell
of two separate expeditions: The Chronicle of Nov orod
1016-1471, trans. by R. MitcheII (London, 19I4), pp. I9,
52. For possible explanations, see Arbusow and Bauer,
p. 73 n. 5; Benninghoven, p. 105 n. 4; Taube, "Russische
und Litauische Ffirsten," p. 456. The Russians from Ples-
kau attempted to baptize the Letts in 1208: Henry, XI:7;
Ammann, pp. 129-30; cf. Hellmann, p. 137.

95

Letts, and forced the Germans to sign a peace treaty with
the prince of Polozk in order to secure their rear.68

Having acquired a new ally, the Germans pursued
the war against the Estonians even more vigorously during
1211. The town of Viljandi (Fellin) was besieged and
taken and the defeated Estonians promised to keep the
peace and accept baptism.69 The settlement did not last
long, as six separate Estonian armies ravaged Livonia in
April, 1211.70 In June, Bishop Albert returned to Riga
with a large number of pilgrims, including the bishops of
Ratzeburg, Wenden, and Paderborn, and shortly thereafter
a great battle was fought with the Estonians near Treiden
which resulted in a victory for the Germans and brought

71 For Bishop Albert, however,

peace to the countryside.
the peace only meant that he now had to confront the grow-
ing power of the Knights of the Sword, which at this time
was manifest in a political settlement decided by Innocent
III in Rome.

The Knights of the Sword had not been pleased with
the land settlement of 1207 and turned for help in this

matter to the pope. When Bishop Albert sailed for Germany

 

Gaflgggy, XIV:5, 7-9; Benninghoven, pp. 106-108;
Hellmann, p. 128; Koch, p. 30.

69Benninghoven, pp. 104-13 with notes and maps;

70Henry, XIV:12.

71Henry, XV:1-2; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 98-99.

96
in April, 1210, he was accompanied by Volquin, the Master
of the Knights.'72 They brought their disagreements to the
attention of Innocent III, who in October 1210 settled
the quarrel in favor of the Order. They were to receive
one-third of the Livonian and Latvian territories and have
no other obligations toward the bishop except to help pro-
tect him against his enemies. In any area to be conquered
by the Knights of the Sword in the future, they were to be
totally independent from the bishop.73 This decision per-
mitted the Swordbrothers a free hand in their conquest of
Estonia and recognized them as a legally constituted power
in Livonia.74 The reason behind the papal decree was
probably a desire to keep the various powers in Livonia
divided and not to let any one of them become too power-
ful.75 Perhaps the papacy was even preparing the ground
for the eventual rule of this area directly by Rome.-76
In addition to a desire for more papal control over the
mission, Bishop Albert's pro-Hohenstaufen policies, his

relations with Philip of Swabia, and his support of the

 

”Liam. XIV:1. xv:2; Arnold, V:30.
7322, I. Nos. 16; 17; Koch, p. 35.

74Benninghoven, pp. 113-14; Laakman, "Zur
Geschichte Heinrichs," pp. 67-69.

75Aubin, pp. 132-33.

76Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 95; Koch, p. 35. Benning-
hoven makes the interesting observation that Innocent
III's difficulties with the Templars made him suspicious
of the motives of the Knights of the Sword: Benninghoven,
pp. 114-15.

97

anti-Danish Bishop Valdemar made Innocent III less favor-
able to the bishop's claims.77

Albert was, however, not completely defeated, nor
did Innocent III intend to let the Knights of the Sword
gain complete domination in Livonia._ As a result, Albert
was given the right to consecrate a bishop for the areas
which might be won by the Swordbrothers. The man Albert
chose in 1211 to become the bishop of Estonia was Abbot
Theoderic of Diinamunde.78 Whether Albert assumed that
Theoderic would form a counterweight to the Knights of
the Sword remains unclear, but there is no doubt that
there was no man better suited to handle this difficult
task.79

The actual division of the lands was carried out

in May, 1211, under the supervision of the bishops of

 

77Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 94-95; Hellmann, p. 135.

78Henry, XV:4; EA, 1, No. 35. The bull itself is
lost. I agree with Benninghoven, p. 117 n. 40, that Theo-
deric's diocese was to include all, not only part, of
Estonia: Arbusow and Bauer, p. 92 n. 1; cf. Koch, p. 36
n. 170, who believes that only the eastern part of Estonia
was under Theoderic, the seat of the bishopric being
located in Leal. Theoderic's replacement as abbot of
Dfinamunde was Berhard zu Lippe, a famous German warrior
and a crusader in Livonia in 1197: Arbusow and Bauer,
p. 88 n. 2, and the sources referred to therein. Con-
cerning the problem of Theoderic's diocese and title,
consult also the following: Grentrup, p. 273; Johansen,
Nordische Mission, p. 101.

79Bish0p Albert also granted the Riga merchants
extensive rights, hoping in this manner to assure their
loyalty: Hansische Urkundenbuch, ed. bva. H6hlbaum and
K. Kunze (Leipzig, 1876-1939), I, 88; Gnegel-Waitschies,
p. 101.

 

98
Riga, Paderborn, Verden, and Ratzeburg.80 Since this
partition involved only the Livonian territory, a second
division was made later that same year which disposed of
Gercike.81 The decision as to what to do with the Esto-
nian provinces of Sakala and Ugandi, now in the process
of being conquered by the Knights of the Sword, proved
more difficult. Two Livonian and four Latvian expeditions
had brought about the surrender of Sakala and, in the pro-
cess, the province was devastated. As-if the horrors of
war were not gruesome enough, a pestilence of unknown
origin, followed by a severe famine, engulfed Livonia and
Estonia. Despite this, in late 1211 and early 1212, one
Russian and two Liv armies invaded northern Estonia while
an Estonian expedition raided Pleskau.82 The combination
of war and natural disasters so exhausted all parties
involved that in May of 1212, after the return of Bishop
Albert from Germany, a general peace was signed between
the Estonians and the Germans and their native allies.
It was to last for three years.83 The province of Sakala

was, however, divided up between the bishop and the

 

392p, I, No. 18.

312g, 1, No. 23; Benninghoven, pp. 117-18; Nicolai
Busch, "Ueber eine bisher unbeachtete Ausfertigung der
Urkunde fiber die Theilung Lettland vom Jahr 1211," SB Riga
(1397). pp. 79-30.

82Henry, XV:7-10; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 98 n. 4,
p. 99 n. 2.

33Henry, XV:11, xv1:1, XVIII:S, 7.

99

Swordbrothers.84

The Knights of the Sword were now caught in a
dilemma. Having freed themselves from the overlordship
of Albert, they found themselves and their newly won ter-
ritories in danger of becoming subservient to Bishop Theo-
deric of Estonia. The latter had in 1211 and 1212 actively
fought against the Estonians, attempting to take posses-
sion of his diocese.85 To counter this development, the
Knights petitioned Innocent III for a bishop of their own
choosing, but on January 25, 1212, the pope turned down
their request.86

Having been rebuffed in Rome, the Knights turned
to Emperor Otto IV. Although he could not give them
direct aid, the emperor on January 27, 1212, confirmed
all of the holdings of the Swordbrothers and granted them
all lands which they might conquer in the future.87 This
did not satisfy the Order, as they sought out the emperor
at Helmstadt and, on July 7, 1212, prevailed upon him to
issue a new document which specifically confirmed the

Swordbrothers' holdings in Sakala and Ugandi and endorsed

 

84Henry, XV:11, XVI:l; pg, I, No. 25.

asflgggx, XV:7; 22. I, No. 19; Johansen, Nordische
Mission, p. 101.

BGUA, I, No. 24; Arbusow, RA III, p. 80; Benning-
hoven, p. 120.

87QA, I, No. 19; Bfihmer, No. 462. For the exact
date see 2;, VI, Reg. p. 3 n. 24 and p. 138 n. 24. There
has been some debate over the genuineness of this docu-
ment: Koch, p. 37 n. 178.

100

the papal land-division hull of 1210.88 The practical
effect of all this maneuvering was to remove all the lands
held by the Order from the control of the bishops of Riga
and Estonia.89 Since Otto IV, however, had been excom-
municated in March, 1211, his association with the Knights
of the Sword made the latter suspect in the eyes of the
papacy. As we shall see, Innocent III was shortly to take
steps to lessen the power of the Order in Livonia.

Meanwhile, Bishop Albert was happy that peace had
been made with the Estonians. During the summer of 1212,
he and Prince Vladimir of Polozk settled their differences
over tribute moneys and trading rights.90 A Liv and Lett
rebellion, caused by the mistreatment of the natives by
some of the brothers of the Knights of the Sword, was put
down, and Albert strengthened his prestige by serving as
the arbiter of the quarrel.91 By the end of the year
1212, Bishop Albert could indeed feel that, despite the
advances made by the Knights of the Sword, he was still
the ruler of Livonia. Little did he know that the
Knights, by their never-ending attempts to carve out
an independent territory for themselves in Estonia, were
to draw the German colony once again into Danish and

Roman politics.

 

33gg, I, No. 25; Koch, p. 39 n. 186.
89Benninghoven, p. 128; Koch, p. 40.

goggggy, XVI:2; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 109-10.
glflgggy, XVI:3-5.

CHAPTER IV

THE ESTONIAN WARS AND THE COMING

OF THE DANES

While Bishop Albert of Riga had hoped that the
peace with the Estonians and the papal rejection of a
separate bishopric for Sakala and Ugandi would mean that
the expansion of the Knights of the Sword had been halted,
events were soon to prove him wrong. While Livonia
enjoyed relative peace from external attacks between 1212
and 1215, internal conflicts between the bishop and the
Order continued and eventually led to the intervention by
outside powers.l

Early in 1213 the bishop and the Swordbrothers
carried out a new division of the lands along the Dfina by
which the Knights of the Sword were shut out from any pos-
sible expansion southward into Lithuania. Hence the Order
was forced to concentrate its activities in a northerly
direction, toward Estonia.2 We have noticed, however,

that the Order had received the provinces of Sakala and

 

1A series of abortive Lithuanian attacks took
place in 1213: Henry, XVI:8, XVII:2, 5.

2Henry, XVI:7; EA, 1, No. 38; Gnegel-Waitschies,
p. 112; Hellmann, p. 141; Koch, p. 41; cf. Benninghoven,
pp. 129-30, especially p. 130 n. 14.

101

102
Ugandi from the hands of Otto IV. As the latter was under
the Church's ban, the Knights of the Sword must have been
concerned over what effect Otto's status had on the legal-
ity of their title to the two Estonian provinces. Neither
could the Order expect any material help from Otto, who
himself was fighting a losing battle in Germany against
Fredrick II. Hence the Order was obliged to look around
for new and better protectors for their conquests. Some-
time during the summer of 1213, envoys of the Knights of
the Sword appeared once again in Rome with a petition for
the pope asking for a separate and independent bishopric
for the territories of Sakala and Ugandi. The envoys
presented a list of grievances against Bishop Albert and
probably foreswore their past allegiances to the now dis-
graced Otto IV. The result was two papal bulls directing
Abbot Bernhard zu Lippe to make sure that the bishop of
Riga did not overstep his rights and privileges.3 More
important, however, were two other bulls issued at the
same time, the first confirming the territorial claims of
the Knights of the Sword to Sakala and Ugandi, the second
directing Archbishop Anders Sunesen of Lund to consecrate
a bishop for the above-mentioned areas.4 The Knights of

the Sword acquiesced in the decision.

 

399, 1, Nos. 27-23, both dated October 11, 1213.
The political situation in Germany is summarized in
Winkelmann, Kfinig Otto IV, pp. 248-309.

43_D_, Nos. 91, 93; pp, 1, Nos. 29, 3o.

103

The motives of the parties involved in these pro-
ceedings are far from clear. On April 4, 1212, Anders
Sunesen had been made papal legate with broad jurisdiction
in Northern Europe, presumably including the Baltic area.5
It is possible that the Knights of the Sword, having been
denied their own bishop and laboring under the handicap
of their past association with the discredited Welfs,
found an alliance with the Danish archbishop a perfect
way to increase their standing in the eyes of Rome.6
According to existing Scandinavian custom, an archbishop
had only the rights of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and
collection of the tithe in the territories of the subor-
dinate bishops but no territorial claims over them.'7 This
circumstance suited the Order perfectly. However, the
suggestion that the relationship between Anders Sunesen
and the Order dated back to the archbishop's stay in Riga
in 1206-07, and that he saw here a possibility to renew
"the traditional Danish mission in Estonia," seems to have

no firm basis in fact.8 More likely Innocent III pursued

 

5132, No. 32; DRB, R.1 3.5, No. 13; Arbusow, BA,

6Benninghoven, p. 131; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 113.
7Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 102.

8Amman, p. 149, suggests that already the Danish
expedition of 1206 was instigated by the papacy: Koch,
p. 42. Gnegel-Waitschies' statement that the Knights of
the Sword consulted Anders Sunesen before they peti-
tioned the pope is questionable: Gnegel-Waitschies,
pp 113.

104
a policy of preventing any one German faction from gaining
absolute power in Livonia. rBy giving Archbishop Anders,
an affirmed ally of the papacy, the power to appoint
ecclesiastical officials in Estonia, the Curia assured
itself of a voice in Baltic affairs.9‘

The fortunes of one other individual were pro-
foundly touched by the proceedings at Rome. As originally
construed, the diocese of Bishop Theoderic was to include
all of Estonia. The appointment of one or more bishops
for the provinces of Sakala and Ugandi would naturally
lessen the power of Theoderic, and so he decided to seek
redress for his grievances at the Curia. A few weeks
after the Knights of the Sword had obtained their grants,
Theoderic appeared in Rome and convinced the pope that the
latter had been deceived into believing that Sakala and
Ugandi were land areas outside Estonia proper. As the
bishop's relations with the Curia were old and close, he
received at least partial compensation.lo While Innocent
III permitted the directives to Anders Sunesen and the
Order to stand, he confirmed Theoderic's election and
directed a series of bulls to various bishops in Germany

telling them to support the missionary efforts of the

 

9Koch, p. 42. Perhaps Abbot Bernhard zu Lippe
was to be the candidate of the Knights of the Sword for
the new bishopric.

10Benninghoven, p. 132; Johansen, Nordische
Mission, p. 102.

105
bishop of Estonia.11 In addition, Theoderic's bishopric
was declared independent from any metropolitan, including
Bremen, thus by implication placing the lands of the
bishop of Estonia directly under the papacy, or its
legate, in this case probably Archbishop Anders Sunesen.12
Five months later, a representative of Bishop Albert, or
perhaps he himself, appeared in Rome where he also was
granted exemption from the rule of Bremen.13 One gets the
distinct feeling that Innocent III once again tried to
limit the strength of the various Livonian powers and keep
the way open for more direct papal intervention.

Early in 1214, Bishop Albert, BishOp Theoderic,
and the representatives of the Knights of the Sword all
returned to Riga together, a journey which must have been
interesting to say the least.14 Albert was to remain in
Livonia a very short time and was not to return until
1216. The person in charge of the colony was Bishop
Philip of Ratzeburg, under whose leadership a new land
division was carried out and the Tholowa Letts brought

over to Roman Catholicism.15 Peace had now reigned in the

 

11213, 1, Nos. 32-35, 37.
1293, 1, No. 37.

139;, 1, No. 26; Arbusow, AA, 111, p. 295, AA, IV,
p. 83. .

14Henry, XVIII:1; Benninghoven, p. 133 n. 30.

15Henr , XVIII:1-3; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 119-21;
Laakmann, Zur Geschichte Heinrichs," pp. 82-84.

106

country for three years but war was about to erupt again,
this time on a more violent level than ever before.

As the peace with the Estonians expired early in
1215, fighting was soon resumed and a_German army ravaged
the province of Wiek.16 In March, an expedition to Sakala
captured Leola, the fort of the foremost Estonian elder,
Lembitu.17 A three-pronged Estonian counteroffensive
failed due to the arrival of a pilgrim fleet led by Count
Burchard of Oldenburg and during the summer of 1215 the
people of Sakala and Ugandi were baptized a second time.18
Hard pressed, the Estonians sought aid from the Russian
prince, Vladimir of Polozk.19 Only the sudden death of
the prince prevented a combined Estonian-Russian attack
and, on the return of the Bishops Albert and Theoderic in
1216, the Germans carried their raids to the provinces of
Harju and Reval.20 With the subjugation of new territory,
a land division again became necessary by which Albert,

Theoderic, and the Knights of the Sword each received

 

15m, XVIII:5.
17m, xv111:7.
13H_en_ry, XIX:l-4.
19Koch, p. 47.

20Henry, XIX:10. His successor, the Lithuanian
prince Boris, had difficulties claiming the throne:
E. Bonnell, Russisch-Livlfindische Chrono ra hie von der
Mitte des neunten Jahrhunderts bis 1410 (SE. Petersburg,
1862), p. 32; Taube, "Russische und Litauische Ffirsten,"
pp. 400-401; Hellmann, pm» 145-48. .Albert and Theoderic
arrived in Riga in May or June: Benninghoven, p. 139
n. 55; Henry, XX:2.

 

107
one-third of the spoils. This closing of the ranks by
these erstwhile enemies can be explained by the appearance
of a new enemy from Russia.21 Before discussing the Rus-
sian invasion which contributed to Danish intervention in
Livonia, a brief summary of the activities of Bishops
Albert and Theoderic in the years 1214 through 1216 would
be relevant to later events.

Between November 11 and 30, 1215, a great Church
council was held at the Lateran in Rome, which both Bishop
Albert and Bishop Theoderic attended.22 Here they won
several great boons for themselves and the Livonian Church.
Both bishops were made independent from any metropolitan,
Livonia was officially declared the land of St. Mary, and
permission to preach a crusade was extended.23 By these
decrees, Innocent III strengthened the independent posi-
tions of Bishops Albert and Theoderic and insured the
potential growth of the Livonian colony under their
leadership.24

Before returning to Livonia, Bishop Albert also

 

21Henr , XX:2-4; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 137 n. l;
Gnegel-Waitsch1es, p. 122.

ZZEEBEXI XVIII:1; XIX:7; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 127
n. 3.

23Hengy, XIX:7; Hermann Krabbo, "Die deutschen
Bischfife auf dem Vierten Laterankonzil 1215," Qpellen und
Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken,
X (I997), 275-300; Jakob Werner,I‘Die Theilnéhmerliste
des Laterankonzils von J. 1215," Neues Archiv, XXXI
(1905), 575-95.

24Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 117; Koch, p. 42.

108
sought out the new emperor, Fredrick II, at Hagenau.25
The purpose of his visit was to renew the old ties between
the Hohenstaufens and Bishop Albert, which dated back to
1207. Albert may also have believed that he could secure
the support of Fredrick II against the Knights of the
Sword who, as mentioned before, had been supporters of
Otto IV.26 Fredrick gave verbal encouragement to the
bishop of Riga and Albert returned to Livonia in early
1216 in time to meet the threat of the Russian attack.27
The Russians had been involved in Livonian affairs
since the beginning of the colony, but they had on the
whole ignored the presence of the Germans. In 1208, the
people from Pleskau had tried to convert some of the Lat-
vians, and in 1210 Mstislav of Novgorod and Vladimir of
Pleskau raided the province of Harju and the area around
the fort of Otepfiéi.28 Some of the tension between the
Roman Catholics and the Greek Orthodox surfaced in 1212,
when Vladimir of Polozk summoned Bishop Albert to appear
before him. At the subsequent meeting, the prince
demanded that the Germans stop baptizing the Livonians,

whom he considered to be Russian subjects. Although a

peace between Albert and Vladimir was eventually agreed

 

25Henry, XX:1; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 135 n. 1.
262A, I, Nos. 19, 25; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 117.
27§gA£y, XX:1; Benninghoven, p. 139 n. 55.

zaggggy, XI:7. Hellmann, p. 137, believes this
to be a calculated anti-German move: Henry, XIV:2.

109

to, it was clear that the Russians viewed the activities
of the Germans with deepening suspicion. While the prince
and the bishop parlayed, the Novgoroders renewed their
raids in northern Estonia.29 An interesting role in this
period was played by Prince Vladimir of Pleskau, the man
who was the father-in-law of Theoderic, the brother of
Bishop Albert. After having been ousted from Pleskau by
his subjects in February, 1212, allegedly because of his
pro-German sentiments, Vladimir sought refuge with his
son-in-law and was appointed bailiff in Idumfie.30 He man-
aged to make himself unpopular in Livonia, went back to
Pleskau but was driven out a second time, and again fled
to Livonia. By 1214 he had, however, once again returned
to Russia.31

Vladimir, once again the prince of Pleskau, now
became the outstanding anti-German leader among the Rus-
sian princes. In late 1216, he and Mstislav of Novgorod,
angered by the German missionary work in Ugandi, gathered
together a great army and despoiled the land around the
fort at Otepfifi.' The Germans decided that war with the

Russians was inevitable and resolved to put up a united

front against the danger. The first step was a division

 

29Hen , XVI:2, 8, XV:8; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 98
n. 4, p. 99 n. 2; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 109-10.

30§2A£y, XV:13, XVI:7; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 100
n. 8.

Blfisflgx, XV1134; 6, XVIII:2; Koch, p. 48.

110

of the conquered Estonian provinces and the income from
them into thirds by BishOp Albert, Bishop Theoderic, and
the Order.32 Next the Germans built a strong fort at
Otepfifi near the Russian border, garrisoning it with
troops. In addition, the Knights of the Sword, the fol-
lowers of Albert, and the Ugandians in January, 1217,
raided the territory around Novgorod, reaping a rich
harvest of booty. The Germans and their Lett and Liv
allies also undertook an expedition into the Estonian
provinces of Jfirva and Viru, where they killed and plun-
dered until the natives sued for peace.33‘

The German activities led to the mobilization
of a great army by the prince of Novgorod, who was joined
by Vladimir of Pleskau and his men. Calling for Estonian
support, which materialized in great numbers, the combined
force besieged the German garrison in Otepfifi. A German
relief force was severely beaten and the garrison was

34 Although a peace treaty was signed

forced to surrender.
between Bishop Albert and the Russians, the Estonians in
the German occupied territories rebelled and together

with the Russians plotted the destruction of the German

 

32Hen5y, XX:3-4.
33Henry, xx:7-8.

34H Henry, XX: 4- 5, 8; I. Novgorodskaja pervaja
letopis' starsego i m1adsegp_1zvodo, ed. (by A. N. Nasonov
and’M. N. T1chomirov (Moscow and Leningrad, 1950), for
year 6725 (hereafter cited as Novgorod I).

lll

colony.35 The situation appeared so desperate that Bishop
Albert early in 1217 left Riga and hurried to Germany to
try to recruit pilgrims. Among those who heeded the call
was Count Albert of Orlamfinde, the right-hand man of King
Valdemar II. In many ways, his arrival in Livonia marked
the beginning of the Danish attempt to carve out a perma-
nent foothold in the Eastern Baltic.36

The Danes had, after their semi-successful crusade
to Prussia in 1210, concentrated their attention on Lower
Saxony. Here they were faced with the problem of what to
do about the resurgent power of Bishop Valdemar in Bremen
and the growing hostility of Otto IV. The latter had
decided to terminate his alliance with Denmark and as
early as 1210 he began to conspire secretly with the anti-
Danish nobles of North Germany. When Bishop Valdemar in
1212 reoccupied Bremen with the aid of Duke Bernhard of
Saxony, Otto IV supported their plans.37 Sometime in
August or September of that same year, Otto IV also made
an alliance with Margrave Albert II of Brandenburg in
which the emperor promised to help the margrave against

Valdemar II in return for help against Fredrick 11.38

 

35Henr , XXIzl.

36Henry, xx1:1.

372§§r R.1 B.5, No. 11; Albert zu Stade, p. 357;
Jorgensen, Valdemar Sejr, p. 13; Amman, p. 1357'Koch,
p. 43.

38DRB, R.1 Bd.5, No. 17.

112

In 1214 open warfare broke out between Otto's
supporters and Valdemar II, with the Danes getting the
better of the fight.39 The Battle of Bouvines on July
23, 1214, resulted in the defeat of Otto's forces and the
collapse of the Welf party in Germany, although the
emperor and a few followers carried on the struggle for
a few more years.40 Otto tried in 1215 to invade Holstein
but was forced to retreat by Valdemar II and his forces.41
The following year Valdemar II invaded and harried the
lands of Otto's brother, the Count Palatinate Henry, until
the inhabitants bought him off with money and hostages.42
The ultimate result of this anti-Welf activity by the
Danes was a treaty signed in late 1214 at Metz between
Fredrick II and Valdemar II in which the Hohenstaufen gave
the title to all the German lands north of the Elbe and

Elde Rivers to the Danish monarch. Although the agreement

 

39Jorgensen, Valdemar Sejr, p. 6. Also see Meck-
lenburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 218.

4°Poole, "Philip of Swabia and Otto IV," 77-79.
In 1214 Valdemar II married Berengaria, the daughter of
the king of Portugal. Since she was also the sister of
Ferrand, count of Flanders, some have felt that this was
a political marriage designed to tie the Danes closer
to the Welfs. This seems unlikely in light of the worsen-
ing relations between Otto IV and Valdemar II: Heine,
p. 45; Usinger, p. 157. Cf., however, Christian Bruun,
Beren aria af Portu a1 (Kjobenhavn, 1893), especially
p. 23, where persona attraction is claimed as the reason
for the marriage.

 

41DRB, R.1 Bd.5, No. 42; Jorgensen, Valdemar Seir,
pp. 6, 8; 52, pp. 100-106.

42Jorgensen, Valdemar Sejr, pp. 6-8.

113
did not add anything to what Valdemar II already pos-
sessed, it gave official imperial sanction to the Danish
occupation of a large area of North Germany.43 The treaty
was later confirmed by both Pope Innocent III and Honorius
III.44 Denmark found itself once again on the side of the
winning candidate in the German throne struggle. Equally
important, however, was the Danish success in dislodging
Bishop Valdemar from Bremen.

Although Innocent III had in 1210 appointed Ger-
hard of Osnabrfick to the position of archbishop of Bremen
and told the Bremen cathedral chapter to accept him, Ger-
hard had found it impossible to overcome the resistance

of Bishop Valdemar and his supporters.45

Finally, after
the battle of Bouvines and Danish attacks on the terri-
tories under Bremen, the latter being carried out at the
request of the pope, Archbishop Gerhard was able to claim
his diocese.46 The victory of Gerhard is important in
that the Danes now no longer had to worry about the machi-

nations of Bishop Valdemar. By the end of 1216, then,

Denmark was in secure possession of its German territories

 

432§§J R.1 Bd-S, No. 48; Mecklenburgisches Urkun-
QSBEEEE; I, No. 218; Heine, p. 45.

44By Innocent III on May 14, 1216: DRB, R.1 Bd.5,
No. 83. By Honorius III on January 31, 1217: DRB, R.1
Bd.5, No. 106.

45DRB, R.1 Bd.4, No. 176; Jorgensen, Valdemar
Sejr, p. 13; Albert zu Stade, p. 356; Glaeske, pp. 212-13.

 

46Glaeske, pp. 220-23. Bishop Valdemar fled to
Frisia: Albert zu Stade, p. 356; Koch, pp. 46-47.

114
and ready to use its power in some other enterprise.47

Foremost among the men who had helped to bring
Denmark to its prominent position in North European poli-
tics was Count Albert of Orlamfinde, a nephew of King
Valdemar II and his most loyal and capable vassal.48
Sometime during 1215, the count had taken the cross, per-
haps to journey to the Holy Land, perhaps to crusade
against pagans in Northern Europe. The second alternative
had several advantages from Count Albert's point of view.
Prussia and Livonia were closer to home and a speedy
return was possible in case any of the count's enemies
decided to take advantage of his absence to attack Den-
mark. In addition, the prospects for land and glory were
greater in the Baltic region, especially since the pope
had officially called upon the Danes to help in the effort
to convert Livonia.49 Hence, when Bishop Albert appeared
in Germany in 1217 searching for crusaders, Count Albert
was ready to answer the call.

In the spring of 1217, the count arrived in Riga

together with Abbot Bernhard zu Lippe. It is probable

that Count Albert was actually recruited by Abbot Bernhard

 

47Usinger, pp. 164-74, summarizes political devel-
opments in North Germany during this era.

48Arbusow and Bauer, p. 141 n. 3.

49On December 29, 1215, the pope permitted Count
Albert and ten of his men to exchange their crusading vows
for an expedition to Livonia: DRB, R. 1 Bd. 5, No. 61; UB,
No. 39. Call for aid is in DRB, R. 1 Bd. 5, No. 101.

115
since the count had been planning an expedition to Livonia
as early as 1216 while Bishop Albert was still in Livo-
nia.50 Abbot Bernhard appears at this time to have been
interested in obtaining a bishopric located in the Esto-
nian province of Leal and he may have had hopes of direct-
ing the activities of Count Albert toward this particular
region.51 In any case, a crusade suited all of the mem-
bers of the expedition.

When the pilgrims arrived in Riga, the military
situation in Estonia was critical. While waiting for the
expected Russian reinforcements, the Estonians during the
summer of 1217 gathered together the largest army the
country had seen so far. Led by the Sakalian elder Lem-
bitu, the Estonian army marched toward the fort of Vil-
jandi expecting to effect a juncture with the Russian
forces. The promised aid, however, failed to materialize,
partly because Prince Mstislav Mstislavic of Novgorod had
begun a war with the king of Hungary and his successor in
Novgorod, Svjatoslav Mstislavic-Borisovic of Smolensk, did
not arrive in that city before August 1, 1217.52 The Ger-

mans and their allies marched out against the Estonians

 

502B, I, No. 39; BD, No. 115; Benninghoven,
p. 144; cf. Heine, p. 53. For Count Albert, see also
Transehe-Roseneck, pp. 322-23.

51Benninghoven, p. 144 and p. 144 n. 5. Bishop
Albert had on September 21, 1217, received the right to
put in additional bishops in his territory: QB, I, No. 40.

52m. XXI:2; Novgorod I, pp. 58-60.

116

and on September 21 and 22, 1217, a great battle was
fought on the Paala River near Viljandi. The Christian
forces, led by Count Albert and Master Volquin, won a
decisive victory over the united Estonian armies. Among
those who fell on the battlefield were the Estonian elder
Lembitu and the Livonian leader Caupo.53

The battle of Paala River broke the back of the
united Estonian resistance, especially since Lembitu
appears to have been the only leader able to unite the
various Estonian provinces. Following Paala, both the
Sakalians and the Jarvians sent tribute to Riga and asked
for peace.54 While it is true that the Oeselians made
counter-raids to Livonia in 1217 and 1218, they were
unable to reverse the previous losses. The Russian army
of 16,000 men which finally arrived in 1218 met with
equally meager success. After a fourteen-day campaign in
Ugandi, including an unsuccessful siege of the fort of
Wenden, the Russian forces hurried home upon learning of
a Lithuanian attack on the city of Pleskau.55

One additional incident connected with Count
Albert's stay in Livonia should be mentioned. After the

defeat of the Estonians at Paala, the count built a large

 

53Hgggy, XXI:2-4; R.Chr., vv. 1384-87; Benning-
hoven, pp. 147-49.

54Henry, XXI:5-6.
55Henry, xx1:5, 6, XXII:8-9. For the Russian

invasion, see Henry, XXII:2-6; Novgorod I, pp. 59-60, for
the year 6727.

 

117

war engine and several times called on the Germans and
their allies to follow him on an expedition to Oesel.
Although Henry of Livonia claims that nothing came of the
expedition because rains melted the ice between Oesel and
the mainland, it should also be noted that Count Albert
made several requests for aid, indicating that the Germans
were less than eager to go to Oesel.56 One may speculate
that the primary objective of Count Albert's crusade had
always been Oesel and that he almost accidentally became
involved in the mainland wars. This would agree well with
the traditional Danish attempts to subdue the feared
pirates that inhabited this island. In any case, both
Count Albert and Abbot Bernhard returned to Denmark in
May, 1218, before the arrival of the Russian army. The
defense of Livonia was left to the Knights of the Sword
and a small army of pilgrims, led by Count Henry Borewin,
which had arrived earlier that same year.57

One of the first things that Count Albert did
after his return to Denmark was to seek out Valdemar II
and inform him about the political and military situations
in Livonia and Estonia. Whether the king himself now
decided to intervene actively in the affairs of the East-
ern Baltic, or whether other interested parties suggested

an expedition to Estonia, remains unclear. Whichever was

 

56Henry, xx1:5.

57§§g£y, XXII:1; Benninghoven, pp. 149, 153.

118
the case, Valdemar II held on July 24, 1218, an imposing
Diet in Schleswig at which his son was crowned king of
Denmark.58 Present were all the great lords of Denmark,
including Count Albert, several Danish bishops, the pro-
Danish bishops of Lfibeck, Ratzeburg, and Kamnin, as well
as Bishop Albert of Riga, Bishop Theoderic of Estonia, and
Abbot Bernhard zu Lippe.59 While Henry of Livonia explains
the presence of Bishop Albert by stating that he had come
to beg for Danish assistance and arms in the face of the
threatening Estonian-Russian alliance, the actual politi-
cal and military situation does not support this conclu-
sion. In light of the fact that Bishop Albert must have
learned of the defeat of the Estonians at Paala from
Abbot Bernhard, there would have been no need for a des-
perate plea for help from Valdemar 11.60 Bishop Albert
was astute enough politically to know that the king would
in all certainty demand some sort of remuneration, either
territory or political influence, as the price for Danish
aid. On the other hand, to conclude that Valdemar II
forced Bishop Albert to come to the Diet to rubber-stamp

a previously planned invasion of Estonia seems equally

 

._r_

53Hengy, xx11:1. For the date: see Arbusow and
Bauer, p. . 3. ‘

59A__I_D_, pp. 104-105, 140, 151; Chronica Iutensis, in
Scriptores minores Danicae medii aevi, ed. By M. C. Gertz
(Kobenhavn, 19175, I, 442; Hausmann, p. 13; Usinger,
p. 22.

60Benninghoven, p. 153.

119
faulty.61 It is hard to see how Valdemar II could have
forced the bishop of Riga to appear and it is equally hard
to imagine the powerful king having to use a complicated
subterfuge such as this to justify an attack on the lands
of pagan natives who long had had both militant and peace-
ful relations with the Danes.62 We shall see, however,
that both Albert and Valdemar had enough reason to justify
the agreements reached in Schleswig which led to the
Danish invasion of Estonia the following year.

As far as Bishop Albert was concerned there were
several reasons which may have caused him to turn to Val-
demar II for help. The bishop may have remembered the
numerous occasions when apparent military successes in
both Estonia and Livonia had melted away overnight and
that, while it was true that the Estonians had apparently
been defeated, the Russian invasion was still to come and
a reversal in fortunes was a real possibility.

In addition, Bishop Albert had his troubles with
both the archbishop of Bremen and the archbishop of Magde-
burg. The former was still intent on exerting his metro-
politan claims to Riga. One way in which Archbishop
Gerhard of Bremen tried to achieve this end was by closing

the port of Lfibeck to the pilgrims going to Livonia. Since

 

61Benninghoven, pp. 153-54.

621t is hard to believe, as Ney claims, that
BishoP Albert and Archbishop Anders "managed" to "talk
Valdemar II into going to Estonia": Ney, "Valdemar Sejrs
Falttag," p. 86.

120

the yearly pilgrim fleets were the lifeblood of the German
colony, Archbishop Gerhard probably hoped by this action
to force Bishop Albert of Riga to submit to his demands.
There are no indications that Valdemar II was involved in
this affair, although he and Bishop Gerhard had sometime
in 1218 signed a treaty of alliance.63 After a sharp
papal reprimand, Gerhard was forced to Open the port but
he kept on pressing the claims of Bremen to Riga.64

Also, the archbishop of Magdeburg, head of the
oldest German center of eastern mission activities, showed
at this time an interest in enlarging his influence in the
Baltic. In 1217 he had received a papal bull placing
Livonia under his metropolitanship, a step confirmed early

in 1219 by Emperor Fredrick 11.65 These claims were, how-

ever, never put into effect due to a lack of resources.66

 

53DRB, R.1 Bd.5, No. 146.

64On April 30, 1218, the Bremen cathedral chapter
was told not to force its rule on Riga: Livonica, ed. by
H. Hildebrand (Riga, 1887), No. 2. The reprimand was
repeated in October, 1219, and December, 1223: QB, I,
Nos. 44, 57.

65The papal bull is dated April 26, 1217: Livo-
nica, No. l. The imperial edict was issued on March 19,
1219: QB, III, No. 42a. It is not clear what the imperial
edict means by the phrase "the lands around Livonia."
Hausmann, p. 28 n. 6, and Bonnell, Chronographie, p. 121,
claim it to be an anti-Danish move on the part of Fredrick
11, while Hans Patze, "Der Frieden von Christburg vom
Jahre 1249," Jahrbuchjffir Geschichte Mittel- und Ost-
deutschlands, VII (1958), 42-43, feels the edict is part
of Fredrick II's efforts to bring all Christians under
the rule of the empire.

66See Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 124-26, for a hypo-
thetical alliance between Bishop Albert and Magdeburg. If

p.01

mrw

121
In the summer of 1218, however, the threats, spiritual,
political, and military, posed by Bremen, Magdeburg, and
the Russians must have appeared very real to Bishop
Albert. The one power strong enough to counteract this
combination was Valdemar II.

It is of course also possible, indeed probable,
that the king himself was looking for new lands to conquer
and that a formal request for aid made up his mind to take
action in Estonia. While Bishop Albert may have envi-
sioned Danish aid to be in the form of a transitory raid
or a one-year crusade, Valdemar II was planning a more
permanent settlement in the Baltic, perhaps the establish-
ment of a strongpoint to guard the trade routes to Russia.
Since we do not have any details about the actual discus-
sions carried on in Schleswig, we can only surmise what
concessions, if any, Bishop Albert made to Valdemar II in
return for the latter's assistance.67 The Danes were
later to claim all of Estonia on the basis of the nego-
tiations of 1218, but it is hard to imagine that Bishop
Albert would have agreed to such a drastic move without

consulting the Knights of the Sword or the people of

 

Albert's goal, however, was an independent archbishopric,
why should he have substituted the rule of Magdeburg for
that of Bremen and foiled his chances?

67Henry, XXIIIle, XXIV:2. Hausmann, pp. 15-16
and p. 15 n. 3, contains a good summary of various older
interpretations; Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 103;
Laakmann, "Estland und Livland,“—pp. 246-47, claims that
Estonia was already given away in 1199.

122

Riga.68

The most satisfactory deduction from the limited
information known is that Bishop Albert agreed that if
Valdemar II would invade Estonia, he could claim whatever
territory the Danish arms could conquer.69 This conclu-
sion is supported by the papal bull from October 9, 1218,
which granted Valdemar's request to place under his rule
and church all those lands which he could win with his
resources and army. Hence, the exact division of Estonia
remained to be decided in the future, something which in
the next few years would lead to armed conflict between
the Danes and the Germans.70

One more individual figured prominently at the
Diet in Schleswig. This was Bishop Theoderic of Estonia,
who at the meeting decided to join the Danes.71 It is not
hard to understand how the bishop arrived at his decision.

Having twice failed to gain his diocese with the help of

 

Gaggggy, XXIII:10, XXIV:2; Gnegel-Waitschies,
p. 128.

69Benninghoven, p. 154; Hausmann, p. 16.

702g, R.1 Bd.5, No. 145; I_J§_, III, No. 46a. The
Danish-German rivalry is discussed below in Chapter VI.
An interesting if slightly emotional and superficial
account of the competition for lands is Arthur V66bus,
"Christianization or War of Conquest," Estonia Christiana.
Pa ers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile, XV
11565), 45478.

71Henr , XXIII:2; Adolf D. Jorgensen, "Om Dane-
broges Opr1n e se," Dansk Historisk Tidskrift, R.4 Bd.5
(1875-77), p. 457, believes Bishop Theoderic to be respon-
sible for getting the papacy to grant the above-mentioned
bull to Valdemar II.

123

German forces, Theoderic hoped he would have better luck
with Danish support.72 The bishop had since early in his
career maintained good relations with the Scandinavian
Church and might have felt that the subordination to the
archbishop of Lund was preferable to rule by Riga.73
Bishop Theoderic may indeed have suggested and arranged
the meeting between Bishop Albert and Valdemar II, perhaps
with the help of Archbishop Anders Sunesen. After all,
the bishop of Estonia had in 1187, while still a monk,
talked various Swedes into going on a similar venture.74

The loss of Theoderic was to Bishop Albert more
than the loss of an old co-worker. One of the prerequi-
sites for the pallium that Albert had continually sought
was the existence of subordinate bishops. Having seen
Theoderic fall under the control of the archbishop of
Lund, Albert found a new ally in Abbot Bernhard.' On

the day following the Diet at Schleswig, Bishop Albert

 

72He had previously tried in 1212 and 1216: Henry,
W37, XX:2' 5-8.

73Johansen, Nordische Mission, pp. 99-100.

 

74Ney, "Valdemar Sejrs Falttag," p. 95, and Gott-
lieb Ney, "Revals Uppkomst ur stadtsgeographisk synpunkt,"
Svensk Geografisk Arsbok, XXX (1954), 119, maintains that
Archbishop Anders Sunesen was behind the meeting in
Schleswig. According to Ney, Skov, p. 194, and Weibull,
"St. Knut i Osterled," pp. 99—101, it was the trading
interests of the Scanian provinces, in which Lund was
located, that motivated Anders Sunesen to push for the
Danish invasion of Estonia in 1219. There is, however,
no evidence that once the Danes conquered Estonia, trade
with the east increased or that the archbishop facilitated
such trade: Johansen, Nordische Mission, p. 103.

 

124

consecrated Bernhard bishop of Selonia (Semgallia) on the
basis of a papal bull issued to him in 1217.75 Not only
did this action create the subordinate bishop that Albert
desired, but Bishop Bernhard was an experienced warrior
and politician who until his death in 1224 was to remain
Albert's staunchest supporter. One of the new bishop's
sons was also the bishop of Utrecht while a second became
in late summer, 1219, the new archbishop of Bremen.76

There was to be one more pleasant surprise for
Bishop Albert this summer. Among those pledged to come
to Livonia as pilgrims was the young duke of Saxony,
Albert of Anhalt. The duke, a loyal supporter of Otto IV,
had upon the Welf's death become one of the staunchest
supporters of Fredrick II and had by 1217 become the mar-
shall of the empire. Although a nephew of Valdemar II,
Duke Albert had remained loyal to the German side of his
family and had become definitely hostile toward the
Danes.77 If Bishop Albert had second thoughts about
having asked for help from the Danish king, the pledge
of Duke Albert must have made him rest easier.

The ultimate result of the activities of 1218 was

 

7sHenry, XXIII:4; Friedrich von Bunge, Livland die
Wiege der Deutschen Weihbischofe. Baltische Geschichts-
studien I (Leipzig,’1875), p. 26 n. 4. The papalbull is
printed in Hg, 1, No. 40.

 

76Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 130; Usinger, pp. 179-85.

77Koch, p. 52 n. 246, claims that Duke Albert is
a spokesman for the interests of Fredrick II. See also
Benninghoven, pp. 158-66.

125
a two-fold invasion of Estonia and Livonia in the follow-
ing year. Into the harbor at Riga sailed Bishop Albert,
Duke Albert, and a large number of German pilgrims, while
in the north, a large Danish fleet under the command of
King Valdemar II dropped anchor off the coast of the
province of Reval. The stage was set for the rise and

fall of the first Danish Empire in Estonia.

CHAPTER V
THE YEARS OF DANISH PREEMINENCE

When in the summer of 1219 King Valdemar II landed
in the Estonian province of Reval he was supported by one
of the greatest fleets ever assembled in the Baltic. It
consisted of more than one hundred ships, carrying perhaps
3000 men.1 In addition to Valdemar II himself, a long
list of notables accompanied the expedition, among them
Archbishop Anders Sunesen, Bishop Theoderic of Estonia,
the bishOps of Schleswig and Roskilde, and Duke Wizlaw of
Riigen.2 The invaders encamped near the old Estonian fort
of Lindanisa, which they tore down and replaced with a new

one.3 The natives of the provinces of Reval and Harju

 

1The sources for Valdemar's expedition are con-
veniently printed together in Ney, "Valdemar Sejrs F51-
tfig," p. 104. Also see 52, pp. 104-105; Henry, XXIII:2;
Petri Olai, SEQ, VIII, 459-60; Albert zu Stade, p. 357.
I tend to accept the estimates of the Danish troop
strength given by Benninghoven, pp. 156-57 and p. 156
nn. 18-19, rather than the unrealistic figures of 1,500
ships and 40,000 men proposed by Ney in his article.

2Henry, XXIII:2; 13.2, pp. 104-105. Wizlaw I
was the son 0 Duke Jaromar I of Rfigen, a Danish vassal:
C. Hamman, "Die Beziehungen Rfigens zu Danemark," Greifs-

walder Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, IV
9 3 p p I 8' 5-3 0

3Henry, XXIII:2. The question of who founded
the city of Reval and when has elicited considerable
controversy, primarily between Western and Russian

 

126

127
pretended to make peace with the Christians but three days
after the landing, on the evening of June 15, the Esto-
nians attacked the Danish camp. The forces of the king
were routed and put to flight, but a quick counterattack
by Duke Wizlaw and his Slavs saved the day for the Chris-
tians.4 The natives fled the battlefield with many cas-
ualties, but neither did the Danes escape unharmed. Among
the Christian casualties, the foremost was the loss of
Bishop Theoderic, whose tent the Estonians had mistaken
for that of the king and whose throat was slit.5 The

death of Theoderic necessitated the appointment of a

 

historians. The latter, in attempting to prove that the
Estonians have always been part of Russia, insist that
the city is of Russian origin. For a good scholarly sum-
mary of the various points of view, see Ney, "Revals Upp-
komst," assim. The Russian version can be found in I. P.
SaskoljsEij, "Fragen der altesten Geschichte Revals,"
Isvesti'a Akademii Nauk SSSR. Serija Istorii I Filosofii,
VIII (1951), IV, 382-83. The most convincing argument
about the origin of Reval (Tallinn) is stated by Johansen,
who believes that the city began as an ancient Estonian-
Swedish trading site: Johansen, Nordische Mission, Revals

Grfindun und die Schwedensiedlung in Estland} ssim. For
a debate concerning the name of the city, RevaE, which has
a bearing on the founding of the settlement, consult Gus-
tav Must, "Zur Herkunft des Stadtnames Reval," Finnische-
Qgrischen Forschungen, XXX (1951), III, 303-11; and Per

W1ese1gren,4“Namnet Reval," Meijerbergs Arkiv for Svensk
Ordforskning,‘VII (1947), 88-116.

 

 

 

4Henr , XXIII:2; Petri Olai, £132, VIII, 451. For
an analysis 0 the battle, see Johansen, Nordische Mis-
sion, pp. 38-43 and maps. There is a traditional legend
that the Danish national flag, the Dannebroge, fell from
heaven during this battle and helped the Danes win the
fight: Fabricius, "Sagnet om Danebroge," passim; J6rgen-
sen, "Om Danebroges Oprindelse," passim.

5Henry, XXIII:2.

128

successor to the bishopric of Estonia and raised the
question as to who should appoint him, the archbishop of
Lund or the archbishop of Riga. The outcome would deter-
mine whether the Danes or the Germans would become the
spiritual overlords of Estonia. The Danes quickly
replaced the deceased Theoderic with his chaplain, Wesse-
lin, but consecrated him bishop of Reval rather than
bishop of Estonia.6 By late fall, when the Danish fort
was finished, Valdemar II returned to Denmark, leaving
Archbishop Anders Sunesen in charge of the new Danish
settlement.7

No doubt Bishop Albert of Riga viewed the appoint-
ment of Wesselin with alarm, but he soon set out to estab-
lish his own influence in Estonia. In late fall or early
winter of 1219, he sent word via Samland and Prussia to
his brother, Hermann, the abbot of the monastery of St.

Paul in Bremen, appointing the latter bishop of Estonia.8

 

6Henry, XXIII:2; Alberich von Trois, p. 245.
Wesselin was probably the chaplain of Theoderic, not the
cha lain of Valdemar II: Benninghoven, p. 158 n. 24. Cf.
Schonebohm, Die Besetzung der livlandischen Bistfimer,
p. 39, who believes Wesselin to be chaplain of Valdemar
II. Wesselin was confirmed by Honorius III on March 19,
1220: QB, I, No. 49.

7Regesta Diplomatica Historiae Danicae, ed. by
Kongeliege Danske Videnskabernes Selskab (Havniae, 1847),
No. 663; Johansen, Die Estlandlister, pp. 62-67.

 

8Henry, XXIII:11; 93, I, No. 61; Albert zu Stade,
p. 357. The pope confirmed his election on AprilTIB,
1220: QB, VI, No. 2515; Potthast, No. 6227; Schonebohm,
p. 39. The land route via Prussia would have been used
if appointment came during the winter when the Baltic was

 

129

The bishop-elect traveled to Magdeburg, where he was con-
secrated by Archbishop Albrecht II. This was probably
done in order to prevent the archbishop of Bremen from
having any claims to the spiritual rule of Estonia. The
archbishop of Magdeburg was also at this time moving
toward an alliance with the Hohenstaufens, a party to
which Bishop Albert traditionally belonged.9 Bishop Her-
mann was, however, for several years unable to set foot in
his new bishopric since, as we shall see, Valdemar II pre-
vented his departure from Germany.10

While the Danes were busy in Estonia, Bishop
Albert and Duke Albert had in July, 1219, landed in Riga
with their army.1l- During late 1219 and early 1220, they
carried out a partially successful crusade in Semgallia.12
Meanwhile, the Knights of the Sword were busy invading and
despoiling the territory around Pleskau. Having reaped a
rich harvest.in Russia, the Order next turned their atten-
tion toward Estonia and despite a peace treaty attacked

the province of Jarva. The Jarvians in turn suggested

that a joint attack should be made on the province of

 

frozen or if Lfibeck was blockaded by the Danes: Arbusow
and Bauer, p. 168 n. 5.

9Hausmann, p. 28 and p. 28 n. 6; Koch, p. 53.
lOHenry, XXIII:ll.
llHenry, XXIII:1; Benninghoven, pp. 158-60.

IZEEQEX; XXIII:3-5, 8; Bauer, "Semgallen und
Upmale," pp. 308-11.

130

Viru.13 The Knights of the Sword decided it was an excel-
lent idea and called upon the episcopal forces for aid.
The result was a combined German attack on Viru which
resulted in the submission of the province and the baptism
of its leaders.14 In early 1220, a great German-Liv-Lett
army, led by Master Volquin and Duke Albert, renewed its
attack on Estonia. The province of Harju was forced to
submit and an Oeselian army on its way to raid Jarva was
soundly beaten at Kareda.15

It was during this expedition that the first con-
frontation between the Danes and the Germans in Estonia
occurred. The raid had carried the Livonian forces close
to the Danish castle at Reval and Master Volquin had sent
greetings to Archbishop Anders Sunesen. The archbishop,
while thanking the Germans for aiding in the defeat of the
native pagans, demanded that the hostages taken in Harju
be turned over to him as ". . . all Estonia belonged to
the Danish king, since it had been given to him by the
bishops of Livonia." Volquin, obviously embarrassed and
surprised, replied that he was unaware of any such bargain
and stated that all of Estonia, except Reval and Oesel,

had been conquered by the Germans. Still, he freed the

 

13Henry, XXIII:5-6.

14¥22£yJ XXIII:7. Hausmann, p. 22, suggests that
the bishop s contingent joined the expedition to secure

their own claims to this territory.

lsHenry, XXIII:9-10; Johansen, Die Estlandlister,
pp. 60-62; Benninghoven, pp. 162-65.

131

hostages ". . . as a sign of honor to the Danish king,
. . ." but hastened to add that this act should in no way
be interpreted as a renunciation of the German claims.16
It is obvious that Bishop Albert had not fully informed
the Order about the negotiations in Schleswig in 1218, a
fact which the Knights of the Sword were not to forget.17

Apparently the negotiations in Schleswig had
failed to make exact provisions for the division of
Estonia. Since it was held by the Danes and the Germans
that the conversion of a native tribe would bring that
particular tribe under the political and spiritual rule
of the country that had converted it, a race to convert
the Estonian pagans developed between the Danish and Ger-
man priests. The contest made a farce of the sacrament
of baptism, since mounted patrols moved from village to
village, handing out consecrated water to village leaders
and telling them to sprinkle it on all women and chil-
dren.18 When the German priests complained to Anders
Sunesen that their Danish counterparts were unfairly
"working German territory," the archbishop replied by
writing to Bishop Albert and telling him to keep his
priests out of Estonia since he, the bishop of Riga, him-

self had given the country to the Danes. Albert in turn

 

16Henry, XXIII:10.
l7Benninghoven, pp. 165-66.

lngggy, XXIV:l-6; R.Chr., vv. 1179-1216; Haus-
mann, pp. 5-26; V55bus, pp. 53-54.

132

replied that they, the Germans, had been there long before
the Danes.19 One may conclude from this exchange that,
while Bishop Albert recognized that the Danes had some
rights to parts of Estonia, he was not willing to concede
any territory that his forces could secure. Archbishop
Anders in turn tried to win more land by threats and diplo-
macy since he apparently did not possess the manpower
necessary to take all of the disputed territory by force.

While Anders Sunesen faced the Germans in Livonia
directly, Valdemar II also tried in various ways to cur-
tail the growth and prosperity of the Livonian colony.
Since the yearly pilgrim fleets from Germany were the
lifeblood of the German colony, the king in late 1219
closed the harbor of Lfibeck to all pilgrims headed for
Livonia. This prevented the departure of, among others,
Bishop Hermann. As a result of Valdemar II's action,
and prompted by an envoy of Bishop Albert, Honorius III
on October 29, 1219, directed a bull to the Danish ruler
asking him to cease all harassment of the pilgrims.20
Apparently Valdemar II did not pay any attention to the
papal directive, as the pontiff was forced to repeat his
admonition on April 18 of the following year. It should
be noted that both bulls were very friendly in tone,

indicating that Honorius III did not in any way want to

 

19Hen_r_y, XXIV:2.

2°_D.R_B: R-l 3.1.5, No. 159; 22. I, No. 45.

133
disturb his friendly relationship with Denmark.21

The situation in Estonia remained confused. Even
the papacy failed to follow a consistent policy in regard
to the conflicting claims. On the one hand Bishop Wesse-
lin was given the right to use Cistercians and other monks
to further the progress of his church, an act which in
fact confirmed his status as a bishop.22 On the other
hand, Bishop Albert's possessions in Estonia, Semgallia,
and Selonia were confirmed, his freedom from Bremen was
reiterated, and he was permitted to fix the borders for
a bishopric in Leal, the diocesan seat of his brother
Hermann.23‘ It would seem as if the papacy intended to
prevent any one Baltic faction from gaining the upper
hand, thus leaving the Curia with the option of interven-
ing directly in Baltic affairs. The uncertainty of the
political and religious situation in Estonia, however,
prompted Valdemar II to take personal action.

In early 1220, the Danish king appeared once again
in Reval.24 Citing the continued quarrels between the
'Danish and German priests, Valdemar summoned Bishop Albert

and the Knights of the Sword to appear before him. While

 

212113, R.1 Bd.5, No. 160; gig, I, No. 52; Henry,
XXIV:4; Hausmann, pp. 29-31; Heine, p: 55; Benninghoven,
p. 167.

22-tJ—Bn’ I! NOS. 49-500

2322: 1, Nos. 43-45, 47, 51; Livonica, No. 3.

2452, p. 105; Albert zu Stade, p. 357. Cf. Henry,
XXIV:2; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 133.

134

the Order complied with the king's request, Bishop Albert
hurriedly left the country to seek aid for his colony.25
Valdemar II meanwhile attempted to tie the Order to him-
self by negotiating a treaty with its representatives.
The Knights were to receive as their part of Estonia the
provinces of Sakala, Ugandi, and five smaller counties.26
This division would effectively eliminate the territorial
claims of both Bishop Albert and Bishop Hermann.27 Bishop
Bernhard, who acted as the regent during Albert's absence,
managed, however, to persuade the Order to drop its nego-
tiations with Valdemar II and instead reaffirm the old
1216 division of Estonia into thirds between the Order
and the bishops.28

Despite the failure of this alliance with the
Knights of the Sword, it appeared in 1220 that the Danes
would become the uncontested rulers of Estonia.- They
pacified and baptized the people of Reval and Harju.
Shortly thereafter, the Jarvians and the Vironians were
forced into accepting Danish rule.29 Archbishop Anders

Sunesen felt so secure that he consecrated one Ostrad as

 

25Henry, XXIV:2.
26Henry, XXIV:2; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 171 n. 5.

27Hggry, XXIV:2; Benninghoven, pp. 168-69; Haus-
mann, p. 33.

zgggngy, XXIV:2; the previous division: Henry,

XX:4.

Henry, XXIV:2.

135

bishop of Jarva and Viru while adding Harju to the bishop-
ric of Wesselin.3O During the year 1220, Denmark also
secured part of the coastal province of Wiek or Maritima.
This area came into their possession as the result of an
unsuccessful Swedish attempt to carve out a slice of
Estonia around Leal.

In the spring of 1220, a Swedish army led by the
Swedish king, John Sverkerson, Duke Charles of Ostergot-
land, and Bishop Charles of Linkoping landed near the fort
of Leal, the diocesan seat of Bishop Hermann. Despite
warnings from Riga that this territory belonged to the
Germans, the Swedes proceeded to baptize the people and
build churches in the area around Leal. The newcomers
apparently had the tacit support of the Danes in Reval,
as they conferred with the latter in a peaceful manner.

Lulled into a false sense of security by their
initial successes, the Swedes were unprepared for the
pagan reaction which followed. On August 8, 1220, the
Oeselians besieged the Swedish fort and set fire to it.
Despite a stiff resistance, the fort fell and most of the
garrison including Duke Charles and Bishop Charles were
killed. The survivors made their way to a nearby Danish
fort. The Danish forces now moved into Wiek but, as we
shall see, they were never fully able to subjugate the

province to their rule and it remained a bone of

 

30Alberich von Trois, p. 902--wrong1y dated at
1215; Henry, XXIV:2.

136

contention between them and the Germans.31 The Danes also
continued to harass the German priests in Jarva. It was
in search of a solution for all these problems that
Bishop Albert, after having left Livonia to avoid seeing
Valdemar II, late in 1220 arrived in Rome.32

The journey had not been easy for the Rigan prel-
ate. After having made his way from Riga to Lfibeck, he
was forced to flee secretly from the latter city as Val-
demar II's agents were ready to seize him there. When
Bishop Albert finally arrived in Rome in November of 1220,
he found that Valdemar II's envoys had preceded him at the
Curia and convinced the pOpe not to aid the bishop of
Riga.33 Nor was Albert more successful in convincing the
new emperor, Fredrick II, in aiding his cause. The
emperor, busy with preparations for his own crusade to
the Holy Land, not only denied Albert any aid but also
instructed him to make peace with the Danes and the Rus-
sians.34

Having thus failed to secure any outside assis-
tance for his cause, and finding a renewed Danish blockade

of Lfibeck effectively shutting off the flow of pilgrims to

 

31Henry, XXIV:3; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 171 n. 5.

Henry, XXIV:4.
H

32
33 enry, XXIV:4. On November 16, 1220, Honorius
III took Denmark into his protection: B2, Nos. 171, 176.

34Henry, XXIV:4; Benninghoven, p. 170.

137
Livonia, Bishop Albert must have spent a disheartening
winter together with Bishop Hermann in Westphalia.35
Finally, the two brothers decided that the only way they
could retain their diocese was by submitting themselves
to Valdemar II's rule. In March, 1221, Bishop Albert and
Bishop Hermann appeared before the Danish king and Bishop
Albert committed both Livonia and Estonia to the king's
power, provided that his subordinates in Riga, the citi-
zens of Riga, and the Livs and Letts would agree to
this.36 Apparently both Valdemar II and Albert believed
that this would only be a matter of routine.37 After hav-
ing received the submission of the two German prelates,
Valdemar II now permitted them and a few pilgrims to sail
from Lubeck to Livonia. In the summer of 1221 it looked
as if the German rule in Livonia was about to collapse and
be replaced by Danish domination of this area.38

The German cause now suddenly received a boost

from a most unlikely source. In April, 1221, the

 

35E22£11 XXIII:11; Bunge, Weihbischofe, p. 14.

 

36Henr , xx1v:4, XXIII:11; Koch, pp. 54-55;
Gnegel-Waitschles, p. 138 n. 780. Note that the Knights
of the Sword are not mentioned in the agreement.

37Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 138 and notes; she insists
that this is an example where a feudal lord has to ask the
permission of his vassals before an important decision.
Cf. Laakmann, "Estland und Livland," p. 248, who believes
the insertion of this clause to be a clever diplomatic
trick on the part of Bishop Albert, as he knew in advance
he would not get the consent of the Germans in Livonia.

38§2§£x1 XXV:1; Usinger, p. 206,

138

Oeselians, bolstered by supporting contingents from the
mainland, attacked Reval and besieged it for fourteen
days. Only the arrival of four merchant ships, which the
Estonians mistakenly believed to be part of a larger
Danish fleet, saved the city.39 The attack by the natives
convinced Archbishop Anders Sunesen, who was in charge of
the Danish forces, that he could not hold Estonia, not to
mention both Estonia and Livonia, with the Danish forces
that he had at his disposal. As a result, the archbishop
held a meeting in Reval with Bishop Albert and the Knights
of the Sword at which Anders Sunesen promised to work for
the restoration of Livonia to German rule in return for a
peace treaty and a united attack on the pagan natives and
the Russians.40 These negotiations also saw the Order
receive possession of Sakala and Ugandi but with the pro-
vision that the spiritual rights, such as the collection
of the tithe, were reserved for Bishop Albert.41

Valdemar II was apparently unaware of the nego-
tiations between Anders Sunesen and Bishop Albert and was
expecting that the latter would return to Livonia with the

message that the country now belonged to Denmark as agreed

to in the 1221 meeting in Denmark.42 The Germans in

 

39Henry, XXIV:7; 59, p. 105 (Annales Lundensis
for 1220).

40Henry, XXV:l.
41Henry, XXV:1.
42See above, pp. 136-37.

139

Livonia, as well as the Livs and Letts, however, bitterly
opposed Bishop Albert's decision and threatened to leave
the colony rather than to submit to Danish rule. Their
determination to resist Danish encroachment was of course
strengthened by the obvious weakness of the Danes, as
demonstrated by the above-mentioned attack on Reval and
the subsequent negotiations.43 The Danish king meanwhile
had sent one of his knights, Gottschalk, to Livonia where
he was to become the bailiff of Riga. Not only did the
Germans on Gothland refuse him a pilot for his ship, but
the Livonians literally drove him from the colony and,
being denied a pilot also when leaving, Gottschalk had
great difficulty making his way back to Denmark.44

Fearful of a Danish reaction, the Germans in Riga,
the merchants, Livs, and Letts now banded together in an
anti-Danish treaty. It should be noted that they also
swore to help each other against all of their other adver-
saries, a provision probably aimed against the Knights of
the Sword, with whom the burghers and merchants of Riga
were not always on the best of terms.45 The events of
1222 were, however, to prove that cooperation was ulti-

mately to prove more advantageous than dissension.

 

43Henry, XXV:1; Benninghoven, p. 171, believes
that the German traders were the leaders of the anti-
Danish sentiment in Livonia.

44Henry, XXV:2.

45Henry, xxv:3.

140

The threat to the Livonian colony in late 1221 and
early 1222 came not from Denmark but from Russia and Lith-
uania. Armies from these countries ravaged Livonia,
although without great success. The Germans united to
retaliate and in the winter of 1221-22 they plundered the
areas around Novgorod and Pleskau, despoiling especially
the Greek-Orthodox churches in the area.46 Also the
Letts, Sakalians, and Ugandians carried out raids in
Russia, the Ugandians plundering as far north as Inger-
manland. As Henry of Livonia says: "For all the harm
which the Russians had brought upon the Livonians, they
received double or triple that year."4.7 The German colony
also received an unexpected respite from the Russian
attacks as the result of the Tartar victory at Kalka in
1222. The Russian losses at this engagement seriously
curtailed the abilities of the princes of Novgorod,
Smolensk, and Polozk to fight on the western front.
Instead, these rulers renewed the peace treaty of 1212
with the Rigans.48

The one place where the political and military
picture remained unclear was in Estonia. The Knights of

the Sword had built forts in Sakala and Ugandi and were

 

46Henry, xxv:3-5.
47Henry, XXV:5.
48Henr , XXVI:1. The treaty that was renewed was

originally Slgned in 1212: Henry, XVI:2; Arbusow and
Bauer, p. 186 n. 2.

141

administering this area as agreed to in the treaty of 1221
with Anders Sunesen.49 The king, however, had not as yet
given his opinion about this treaty and he must have
learned about it not only from Gottschalk but also from
Archbishop Anders, who due to ill health returned to
Denmark in the summer of 1221.50

Valdemar II once again resorted to personal inter-
vention, and in the summer of 1222 together with Count

Albert of Orlamfinde led a Danish army to Oesel.51

Perhaps
the king reasoned that not only were the Oeselians one of
Denmark's oldest enemies, but it was they who were jeopar-
dizing the Danish holdings in Estonia, as their attack on
Reval had proven. The Danes began to erect a stone fort

on the island to serve as a permanent strongpoint in the

planned campaign to pacify the islanders.52

To the camp of Valdemar II now came Bishop Albert,

 

49Hgggy, XXV:5. Note that the Order followed the
agreements with the bishOp of Riga, and saved part of the
taxes for Albert.

5022! No. 172. Anders Sunesen retired to Iva in
Scania in 1223: DRB, R.5 Bd.l, No. 202. For debates con-
cerning what was wrong with Anders Sunesen, see Hammerich,
p. 108; Otto Rydbeck, "Tre Lundensiske ArkebiskOpar "
Kungliga Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund. Arsberat-
telse (1941), pp. 149-211; Carl M. Ffirst, flirkebiskOp Andres
Sunesson," Ymer, XXVIII (1908), 69-82. Peder Saxeson was
named to the archbishopric on January 11, 1224: Diploma-
tarium Suecanum, I, No. 220.

 

 

Slfigggy, XXVI:1-2; Albert zu Stade, p. 357; Arbusow
and Bauer, p. 187 n. 6.

52Henry, XXVI:2. For the location of the fort, see
Armin Tuulse, "Die Bfirgen in Estland und Lettland," Ver-
handlungen, G.E.G., XXXIII (1942), 58.

142

Master Volquin, and other German representatives from
Livonia, and they began to negotiate with the king in an
attempt to clarify the confused political situation in
Estonia and Livonia. Our knowledge of the negotiations
is superficial. Apparently Valdemar II in the beginning
insisted on his rights to both Estonia and Livonia, based
on his deliberations with Bishop Albert in 1221. The
Germans denied his claims, stating that they had been
instructed to reject the treaty by the people of
Livonia.53 After taking counsel with his advisors, Val-
demar II agreed to return Livonia to the undisputed rule
of Bishop Albert. The Estonian provinces of Sakala and
Ugandi were given as royal fiefs to the Knights of the
Sword with Bishop Albert retaining the spiritual rights
in these areas. Both Bishop Albert and the Order did
homage to Valdemar II for their Estonian holdings and
vowed to help the Danes against the pagans and the Rus-
sians. To seal the treaty further, a mixed Danish-German
garrison under the leadership of Bishop Albert's brother
Theoderic was left in charge of the half-finished fort on
Oesel.54

One may speculate that Valdemar II agreed to this
settlement because he had come to realize that his own

forces were neither adequate in number nor strong enough

 

53Henry, xxv1:3.

54Hgggy, XXVI:2. Note that Hermann received no
territory.

143

to rule both Estonia and Livonia effectively and at the
same time fight the dissident natives and the Russians.
Despite the concessions which Valdemar II made, he, how-
ever, still directly held the largest part of Estonia
whereas the remaining areas were held as royal fiefs by
the Knights of the Sword. In late 1222, Valdemar II had
reached the pinnacle of his power both in the Baltic and
in North Germany. Then within the span of a few months,
two events occurred which toppled not only the Danish
power in Estonia but also Denmark's rule of Lower Saxony.
These events were an all-out Estonian rebellion in late
1222 and the abduction and imprisonment in May, 1223, of

Valdemar II himself.

.ll‘ ‘ l 1 | ' l I I.n‘.' 1 Ir. l l '1‘ 4114 i

CHAPTER VI
THE COLLAPSE OF DANISH IMPERIALISM

The fleet of Valdemar II had barely departed
from Oesel before the natives of the island rebelled and
attacked the half-finished Christian fort. The Oeselians
had recourse now to a number of paterells or stone-
throwing machines which they had built after the design
of similar instruments that the Danes had given to their
Estonian subjects in Viru. The mixed Danish-German gar-
rison was unable to withstand the assault and was forced
to surrender. Bishop Albert's brother Theoderic and seven
Danes were kept as hostages by the Oeselians while the
remainder of the garrison was allowed to depart for Reval.
The victorious islanders now called on all the mainland
Estonians to join them in casting off the Christian yoke.l

Soon the inhabitants of the provinces of Harju and
Wiek joined the rebellion, as did the natives of Viru and
Jarva. The Estonians now vented their fury on their con-
querors, especially upon the bailiffs and priests. The
treatment of the Christians varied. Several Danes,

including priests, who lived in the Harrian fort of

 

1Henry, XXVI:3-4; Albert zu Stade, p. 358.

144

145

Warbola were killed by the Harrians, while the Vironians
and Jarvians were satisfied with sending their priests
back to Reval.2 In Sakala on January 29, 1223, the Esto-
nians in the fort of Viljandi seized and killed all the
brothers of the Knights of the Sword, their servants, and
the German merchants, including the bailiff Maurice. A
few of the knights were spared to be later traded for the

3 Next, the Sakalians

Estonian hostages held in Riga.
marched into Jarva where they seized the Danish bailiff,
Hebbus, and his fellow officials and brought them back to
Viljandi where they were tortured to death.4
The Estonian elders of Viljandi now sent messages
to Ugandi, especially to the two major forts of Otepaa and
Tartu (Dorpat), asking the inhabitants to join their cause
which the latter did. The members of the Knights of the
Sword were imprisoned or, as in the case of the bailiff
John, slain.5 The belongings of the Christians were
divided up among the natives. The hatred of the natives
was especially directed toward the religious policy of the

conquerors as witnessed by the killing of the priests, the

disinterment of the bodies of those who had been buried

 

2Henry, XXVI:4-5.

3Henry, XXVI:5, xxv1;9.

4Henr , XXVI. The bailiffs were probably the
most hated o the foreign officials: Henry, XI:4, XXV:2;
EB, I, No. 54. .

SHenry, XXVI:7; R.Chr., vv. 775, 1365-67.

146

in cemeteries and their subsequent cremation. Wives,
whom the natives had been forced to send away due to the
Christian insistence on monogamy, were taken back and
houses and forts were cleaned with brooms and water to
erase any trace of the sacrament of baptism. Indeed, the
Sakalians sent messengers to Riga, suggesting that peace
be established, but stating categorically that they would
never accept the Christian faith ". . . so long as a boy
a year old or a cubit high remained in the land."6

While the Danish castle of Reval now remained the
only Estonian stronghold in the hands of the Christians,
the natives realized that their own forces were not suf-
ficiently strong to drive out all the foreigners. Hence,
early in 1223 they made peace with the Russians of Nov-
gorod and Pleskau, giving them part of the captured booty
and admitting Russian forces to several of their forts.
The Estonians also proceeded to build more war engines and
fortify their strongholds in anticipation of a Christian
counterattack.7 A combined Estonian army also besieged
the castle at Reval, but the Danish garrison managed after

8

a long and hard struggle to drive off the attackers. By

the spring of 1223, however, the Christian position in

 

6Henry, XXVI:8-9.
7Hengy, XXVI:8.
8HenEy, XXVI:1l. The garrison was probably led

at this time y Bishop Tuvo of Rippen: Chronica Ecclesia
Rippensis, in SRD, VII, 192; Bonnell, Chronographie, p. 4.

147

Estonia and Livonia was precarious to say the least.

As the rebellion had occurred in Estonia, it was
the Knights of the Sword who among the Christian forces
had suffered the most. They had lost their Estonian ter-
ritories and about one-third of their membership. Although
the Order tried to recoup its territorial losses in late
spring of 1223 through an expedition to Ugandi, they were
finally forced to call upon the episcopal forces for aid.
The price for help, however, was the resurrection of the
divisions of Estonia made in 1216 and 1220, whereby Bishop
Albert and Bishop Hermann each would receive one-third of
the lands.9 The Order had no choice but to agree. Now a
German army, aided by Lett and Liv troops, marched into
Estonia and without success besieged Viljandi and another
Estonian fort. It was apparent that the Christian forces
were still too weak to wrest control of the country from
the Estonians.lo

Help, however, was on its way in the form of an
unusually large complement of pilgrims, led by Bishop
Bernhard of Semgallia, which arrived in Riga during April

of 1223.11 With the arrival of these new forces, the

fortunes of war turned in favor of the Germans. First

 

9Henry, XXVI:13. The division of 1220 is noted
in Henry, XXIV:2.

1Onenry, XXVI:13.

llHenry, XXVII:1. Bishop Bernhard was last in
Livonia in 1220. For his itinerary, see Benninghoven,
p. 184 n. 7; Henry, XXIV:2.

148

the Christian forces pursued and defeated a large Estonian
army at the Umera River.12 The victors next besieged the
fort at Viljandi and forced it to surrender after a bitter
fifteen-day struggle. While the Estonians in the fort
were permitted to leave after having promised to accept
Christianity, the Russian members of the garrison were all
hanged as a warning to their countrymen. Subsequently
several smaller native forts in Sakala and Ugandi surren-
dered without resistance and the German forces returned
to Riga victorious and with much booty.13

The Russians now made their belated entry into the
war. An army led by Jaroslav Vsevolodovic, the brother of
the grand-prince of Suzdal, and Vladimir of Pleskau and
numbering some 20,000 men from Novgorod, Pleskau, and Suz-
dal, marched into Ugandi. After reinforcing the garrisons
of Otepaa and Tartu, the Russians decided to march on Riga
but were instead persuaded by the Oeselians to attack the
Danes at Reval. The subsequent four-week siege of the
Danish castle was unsuccessful, although Estonian forces
from the mainland provinces aided in the attack and the
most modern western siege techniques and war engines were
used. Disgusted, the Russians returned home, but not

before extensively plundering the province of Reval.14

 

12Henr , XXVII:1; R.Chr., vv. 1132-34; Benning-
hoven, pp. I84-85 and p. 184 n. 8 and maps.

13Henr , XXVII:1-3. The siege took place between
August 1 and Ig: Benninghoven, pp. 185-86.

14Henr , XXVII:3; Novgorod I, p. 61 for the year
6731 (1223 ; Bonnell, Chronographie, p. 41; Hausmann, p. 54.

149
The initiative in the war now passed to the Germans.

The one strongpoint that remained in the hands of
the Estonians was the fort of Tartu in the province of
Ugandi. Not only was the fort strongly built but in the
fall of 1223, the prince of Novgorod had sent the former
ruler of Kukenhusen, Vjacko, and some two hundred men to
lead the defense of this Estonian bastion. The errand of
Vjacko was not totally altruistic, e.g., to help the Esto-
nians against the Germans, but the prince was told that he
could retain Tartu and all the lands he could subject for
himself.15

In the meantime, the Knights of the Sword were
attempting to recapture at least part of their former ter-
ritories without the aid of the episcopal forces so as to
give them-undisputed control over part of Estonia. Late
in 1223 and again shortly after Easter in 1224, the Order
tried to capture Tartu but was driven off. Their only
success came in Jarva where the province's inhabitants
sued for peace.16 Obviously the Knights of the Sword were
still too weak to re-conquer Estonia by themselves and
were forced to wait for help from Riga.

In January, 1224, the armies of Bishop Albert also
went into the field. A contemplated attack on Tartu was

initially discarded in favor of an expedition into Harju,

 

15Henry, XXVII:5.

16Henry, XXVII:4, XXVIII:1.

150
where with some Danish aid the fort of Lone was captured.
After the fall of Lone and the surrender of three lesser
forts in the area, the Germans turned the native hostages
taken in the campaign over to the Danes, thereby recogniz-
ing the latter's claim to Harju.17 The people of Jarva
and Viru now made peace with the Germans, but they were
forced to swear allegiance to Riga.18 It should be
spointed out that the lead in the reconquest of Estonia
had now been taken over by Bishop Albert and his forces
and that the power of the Knights of the Sword was being
constantly diminished. If the Order had hoped that its
overlord in Sakala and Ugandi, Valdemar II of Denmark,
would be able to help it, this dream was shattered when
in early 1224 the news arrived in Livonia that Valdemar
II had been captured and imprisoned by Count Henry of
Schwerin.

The sudden reversal of Danish fortunes in 1223
was totally unexpected, yet it was to reveal the basic.
weakness of the Danish State and to have serious reper-
cussions for Danish ambitions in Germany and Estonia.

The chain of events which led to the undoing of Denmark's
empire started in the early 1220's when Valdemar II had
forced the only daughter of Count Gunzelin of Schwerin to

marry his illegitimate son Nicholaus. Both Nicholaus and

 

l7§gg£y, XXVII:6; Benninghoven, p. 187; Hausmann,

p. 56.

lBHenry, XXVII:6.

151

his wife soon died, leaving an infant son in whose name
Valdemar claimed half of Schwerin. When Count Gunzelin
himself died in early 1221, Count Albert of Orlamfinde
seized the rest of Schwerin. Thus when Gunzelin's
brother, Count Henry of Schwerin, or Henry the Black
as he is known, returned from a crusade to the Holy Land,
he found all of Schwerin in the possession of the Danes.19

Seeking clarification of the political situation
in Schwerin, Count Henry sought out Valdemar II in May,
1223. The king happened at this time to be hunting with
the crown prince and a few bodyguards on the uninhabited
island of Lyo in the Little Belt. During the night of
May 6, after an evening of drinking together with the
king, Count Henry and his men attacked Valdemar's camp,
killed the watchmen, and after a brief struggle captured
the king and his son. First disabling the Danish ships,
the count and his party hid in the woods during the night
to avoid detection and the following morning made their
way back to the mainland. Hurrying across Danish terri-
tory, the Germans brought their royal prisoners to the

fortress oleannenberg, where they were incarcerated.20

 

19For a good background of the dispute between
Valdemar II and Count Henry: C. P. Paludan-Mfiller, "Under-
handlingerne om Kong Valdemar den Andres Fangenskab,"
Danska Viderskabernes Selskabs_§krifter, 5 R. Historiske
pg Philosofiske Afdelnin en, 4 Delen, III (1869), 96-99.

20A_D_, p. 107; Albert zu Stade, p. 358; sachsische
Weltchronik, in MG SS. Deutsche Chroniken II, ed. by
L. Weiland (Hannover, 1877 , p. 244; Usinger, pp. 295-97.

 

152
The news of the capture of the king of Denmark
spread rapidly throughout Germany. Among those who rushed
to take advantage of the temporary weakness of the Danes
were Bishop Albert and his brother Bishop Hermann, who in
July of 1223 sought out the royal prisoner at Dannen-

21 Here the two bishops obtained permission from

berg.
the helpless Valdemar II for Bishop Hermann to go to
Livonia and take possession of his diocese.22 It would
seem that Hermann's bishopric was, however, not to encom-
pass all of Estonia but rather was to be located in the
southern part of that country so as not to conflict with
the dioceses of Wesselin and Ostrad. This is probably the
reason why Hermann adopted the title of bishop of Leal-
Tartu instead of bishop of Estonia and why Henry of
Livonia states that Hermann returned to his bishopric

in (gig) Estonia.23 It was probably also at this time
that Valdemar II was informed of the Estonian rebellion
which had deprived him of all territories with the excep-
tion of Reval. Before Bishop Albert returned to Riga he
also received a new crusading bull from the pope, but his

request to become archbishop was once again denied.24

 

21Henry, XXVIII:1. The bishops saw the king about
July 15, 1223: Usinger, p. 422.

22Henry, XXVIII:1, XXIII:ll.

23Henry, XXVIII:1; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 200 n. 4;
Hausmann, p. 58 n. 2; Heine, p. 59; Ammann, p. 173. Cf.
Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 144.

24The bull is dated January 27, 1223: Livonica,
No. 9; Hamburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 467.

153

Thus greatly encouraged by the events in Germany,
Bishop Albert returned to Livonia after a two-year absence
in April of 1224. With him came his brother, Bishop Her-
mann, and a large complement of pilgrims, many of whom had
undoubtedly been retained in Lfibeck by the blockade of
Valdemar 11.25 Albert's first order of business was to
secure the gains that the episcopal party had made at the
expense of the Knights of the Sword during his stay in
Germany. The victory of the bishops was expressed in a
new division of the Estonian lands, carried out between
July 21 and 24, 1224, whereby Bishop Albert received Wiek
and Bishop Hermann was assigned Ugandi and Sakala. Her-
mann's bishopric was to be centered in the yet to be
conquered town of Tartu. The Order for its part had to
suffer the humiliation of receiving Sakala and the smaller
counties of Nurmegunde, Mocha, and half of Waiga as fiefs
from Bishop Hermann with all the restrictions that his
overlordship entailed.26 The territories around the Dfina
were also redivided at this time, with Bishop Albert
receiving the lion's share of the lands.27 It should be
noted that the provinces of Viru and Jarva were not men-

tioned in the land division, probably because there was

 

zsflgggy, XXVIII:1; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 172;
QB, I, No. 59.

26M' XXVIII:2; El I: NOS. 61'63; Gnegel_
Waitschies, PP. 146-47; Hausmann, p. 60.

27EEBEX, XXVIII=9; HE; 1. No. 70; Benninghoven,
p. 188 and p. 188 nn. 28-29.

154

still some question as to whether they belonged to the
Danes or to the Germans. Reval and Harju, on the other
hand, had long been considered Danish property.28

Although Estonia had already been divided up, the
owners were as of yet unable to feel secure in their pos-
sessions since Tartu still remained in the hands of Prince
Vjacko and his Estonian-Russian garrison. These "crimi-
nals," traitors," and "murderers" were according to Henry
of Livonia "the root of all evils" that befell the coun-
try.29 Consequently, the first order of business for
Bishop Albert was to capture Tartu. Since Bishop Bernhard
zu Lippe had died shortly after Albert's arrival in 1224,
the latter now personally took over the leadership of the
combined German armies and on August 15 besieged the
fort.30 A fierce battle ensued which lasted for several
days. After being repulsed many times, the crusaders
finally breached the walls with the help of a siege tower
and poured into the fort. A massacre followed in which
all of the defenders, including Vjacko, were killed, nor
were the women and children spared. Only one man, a vas-
sal of the grand prince of Suzdal, was left alive and sent
back to Russia to spread the word of the German victory.

A Russian relief army which arrived after Tartu had fallen

 

28Henry, XXVIII:7.

29Henry, XXVIII:3.

30Henry, XXVIII:5.

155

returned home "in violent sorrow and indignation."31
The fall of Tartu had far-reaching consequences.

The Oeselians returned Bishop Albert's brother Theoderic

and sued for peace. The mainland Estonians, the Kurs,

the Semgalls, and the Russians all made peace with the

Rigans.32 "It was the bishop's twenty-seventh year [1225]

and now the land of the Livonians reposed in the tranquil-

ity of peace."33 The Knights of the Sword took possession

of Sakala and their other lands, appointed priests, and

collected the tithe and taxes.34

Bishop Hermann entered
Tartu and designated the town as the seat of his diocese.
He also founded a monastery there, built up the fort at
Otepfifi, called in priests to convert and educate the
natives of Ugandi, and enfoefed several men with lands
in his province. The victory of the Christian forces
appeared complete.35
Several problems, however, still remained unset-
tled in the Eastern Baltic as far as Bishop Albert was
concerned. What about the Danes who still held parts of

North Estonia? Would they once again be able to dominate

Estonian affairs if Valdemar II regained his freedom?

 

31Henr , XXVIII:2-6; Novgorod I, p. 61, for the
year 6732 ).

32Henry, XXVIII:7.

33Henry, XXIX:1.

34Henry, XXVIII:9.

35Henry, XXVIII:8.

156
While the ambitions of the Knights of the Sword appeared
stymied, they might once again rise to challenge the
authority of the bishop of Riga. The only way in which
Albert could have assured his supremacy over the Chris-
tians in Estonia and Livonia would have been through his
elevation to the position of archbishop. This request
had, however, once again been denied by Rome.36 The one
solution for all of these uncertainties was the interven-
tion of a higher, outside authority. Consequently in the
fall of 1224, Bishop Albert sent the priest Maurice to
Rome with a request for a papal legate.37 On December 31,
1224, Pope Honorius III granted Bishop Albert's appeal and
named Bishop Wilhelm of Modena legate for Holstein, Goth-
land, Rfigen, Bornholm, and the Eastern Baltic from Prussia
to Estonia.38 The mission of Bishop Wilhelm was destined
to affect greatly all the parties in the Estonian-Livonian
controversy, but perhaps most of all the Danes.

While the papal legate was making his way to Riga,
negotiations for the release of Valdemar II had begun in
Germany. Surprisingly enough, the Danes were quite apa-
thetic in their attempts to free their king. Only Count

Albert of Orlamfinde and Otto of Lfineburg, Valdemar II's

 

36Livonica, Nos. 10, 11.

37Henr , XXIX:2; Arbusow, "Livlands Geistlich-
keit," (1901 , p. 66.

3822, I, No. 69; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, I,
No. 53.

157
German vassals, worked actively for his release. Perhaps
the lack of any effective leadership in Denmark itself may
have been responsible for this unexplainable lack of
activity. The king's sons were minors, Archbishop Anders
Summesen was ill and in retirement, and the chancellor,
Bzishop Peder Jakobsson of Roskilde, was on a crusade to
tJne Holy Land.39 One may speculate that Valdemar II in
1113 drive to centralize royal power had effectively elimi-
nated a lower strata of nobles that might have taken
charge when the central leadership was removed.

Although Pope Honorius III demanded the immediate
release of Valdemar II, the first negotiations did not
take place before August or September of 1223 at the court
of Emperor Frederick II's son, King Henry VII. Since the
king was a minor, the leading power at the meeting was
Archbishop Engelbert of K61n, who was assisted-by various
other German prelates and nobles. The North German princes
who had been a party to the kidnapping were also present,
led by Count Henry of Schwerin and Count Adolf IV of

Schauenburg.40 After a lengthy debate, Count Henry

 

3922, No. 172. Bishop Peder Jakobson died in
Flanders in 1225: 52, pp. 104-107, 157; Arnold, VI:13.
Heine, p. 60, also suggests that the trading interests
in the province of Scania, who presumably were interested
in expansionism, had been replaced by Jutland nobles. The
latter were interested in farming and hence opposed to
external conquests.

40Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 290;
Annales Colonlénsis 1n J6rgensen, Valdemar Sejr, p. 58;
PaIudan-Mfiller, "Underhandlingerne7“pp. 101-102.

 

 

158
offered on September 24, 1223, to free King Valdemar II
for, among other things, 52,000 marks silver, the with-
drawal of Danish troops from Schwerin, and last but not
least Danish renunciation of all lands south of the Eider

41 This last condition was especially dear to

River.
Fredrick II as it would in effect nullify the Treaty of
Metz of 1214. We shall see that the emperor was to make
sure that a provision for the return of the North German
lands to the empire was made part of any treaty freeing
Valdemar 11.42
Although an agreement had thus been reached, Count
Henry had never intended to honor the treaty, fearing the
revenge of a free Valdemar II. Hence, the count contin-
ued to hold his prisoners under guard, hoping thereby to
obtain further concessions from the Danes. Honorius III,
outraged at the delay, issued a series of bulls to various
leading individuals, including the archbishop of K51n and
the emperor, ordering them to punish the count of Schwerin.
The papal fury was of no avail. Fredrick II, not wanting
to incur the wrath of the papacy by openly siding with the
North German princes, yet very interested in breaking the

Danish hold on Northern Germany, in early 1224 sent the

Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Hermann von Salza,

 

41Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 290.

42Paludan-Miiller, "Underhandlingerne," pp. 101,
106.

159
as his personal representative to the negotiations.43
The preliminary treaty which this capable and
shrewd diplomat worked out in July, 1224, was to include
provisions designed to protect Count Henry of Schwerin
from Danish reprisals. According to the terms of the
agreement, Valdemar II promised to go on a crusade within
two years of his release. If he was unable to go because
of illness or should he die, Valdemar II was to pay the
Teutonic Order (gig) 25,000 marks silver. The lands south
of the Eider were to be returned to the empire and Valde-
mar II and Count Albert of Orlamfinde were to do homage to
the emperor for their respective lands. Hostages were to
be given to Count Henry, who could hold them for ten
years, and he was also to receive 40,000 marks silver
in ransom.44 Although Count Albert and some other Danish
nobles had in fact come with money to pay the ransom, once
they saw the rest of the German demands, they abruptly

broke off the negotiations and returned to Denmark.45

All further attempts at negotiations later in 1224 proved

 

43The bulls of Honorius III are printed in BD,
No. 178 (to Fredrick II on November 2, 1223); B2, Nos. 175-
77 (to Archbishop Engelbert of K61n, bishop of Verden, and
bishop of Lfibeck, respectively). On November 2, 1223, the
pope told Lfibeck to remain loyal to Valdemar II: BD, No.

179; J5rgensen, Valdemar Se'r, p. 58; Paludan-MfilIdr,
"Underhandlingerne," p. I08; Usinger, pp. 302-31.

44Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 305.

45Annales Coloniensis, in J6rgensen, Valdemar
Sejr, p. 58.

 

160

fruitless.46
Since diplomacy had failed to bring about the
release of Valdemar II, warfare broke out in the summer
of 1224 between Count Albert and Count Henry. Among the
North German princes who came to the aid of the count of
Schwerin were Archbishop Gerhard II of Bremen and Count
Adolf IV of Schauenburg. Both had claims to parts of Hol-
stein, Count Adolf's father having been driven out by Val-
demar II, who in turn had given the lands to Count Albert
of Orlamfinde. In December of 1224, the united armies of
the counts of Schwerin and Schauenburg and of the arch-
bishop of Bremen attacked Holstein. Count Albert of
Orlamfinde and Otto of Lfineburg, the leaders of the Dan-
ish forces, decided to wager the outcome of the war on a
single battle. This proved to be a less than brilliant
decision as Count Henry and his forces totally defeated
the Danes at the battle of M611n in January of 1225.
Count Albert of Orlamfinde himself was captured and led
47

in chains to join his royal overlord.

The defeat of Albert of Orlamfinde ended any chance

 

46Albert zu Stade, p. 358; Sachsische Weltchronik,
p. 249. Paludan-Mfiller, "Underhandlingerne,fi:p. 110,
believes that the German princes would not agree to any
treaty that would permit Count Albert of Orlamfinde to
retain his lands.

47Albert zu Stade, p. 359; Sachsische Weltchronik,
p. 244; J6rgensen, Valdemar Sejr, p. 59; Fritz Rorlg,
"Die Schlacht bei Bornhdved, Zeitschrift des Vereins
ffir Lfibeckische Geschichte und Altertumskfinde, XXIV

(I927), 286-S7.

 

161
the Danes might have had to negotiate for the release of
Valdemar II on their own terms. In Holstein people
flocked to the banner of Count Adolf IV; the city of
Lfibeck expelled its Danish garrison in May of 1225, while
Hamburg had opened its gates as early as February.48 By
the end of 1225, hardly any of Holstein remained under
Danish rule.49 There was little else that the Danes could
do but agree to the German conditions for the release of
their king. By November 17, 1225, a new treaty had been
worked out whereby Valdemar II was to pay 45,000 marks
silver as ransom, surrender the queen's jewels, deliver
to the Germans cloth and furs valued in excess of 50,000
marks, deliver armor and weapons sufficient to outfit one
hundred knights, and supply the horses for them. The king
was also to surrender three of his sons and forty sons of
Danish nobles as hostages to the count of Schwerin and
give up all claims to Schwerin itself. Finally, the
lands south of the Elbe-Eider line were to be returned
to the emperor's jurisdiction. With the delivery of the
hostages and an initial payment of 6,000 marks silver,

King Valdemar II was finally freed on December 21, 1225.50

 

48Urkundenbuch der Stadt Lfibeck, ed. by Fr.
Aschenfeldt (Lfibeck, 1843-1905), I, Nos. 29, 31, 34; Ham-
burgisches Urkundenbuch, I, p. 421.

 

 

49R6rig, "Die Schlacht," p. 287; Usinger, pp. 332-
40; Eduard Winkelmann, Kaiser Fredrich II (Leipzig, 1889-
97): pp. 441-43.

50Mecklenbur isches Urkundenbuch, I, No. 317:
Albert zu Stade, p. 59; Saschiche Wéltchronik, p. 246;
Paludan-MfiIler, "Underhandlingernefli pp. 116-33.

 

162

The long imprisonment of the king had, however, sapped
enough Danish strength to weaken considerably their colony
in Estonia. The fragility of the Danish imperialism in
the Baltic became obvious when Bishop Wilhelm of Modena
arrived in Livonia in 1225 and began to redraw the polit-
ical map of the Eastern Baltic.51

While it is probably true, as Henry of Livonia
claims, that Bishop Wilhelm came at Bishop Albert's
request to settle the internal quarrels in Livonia, the
extensive powers granted the legate suggest that he was
expected to do more than to just act as an arbitrator.52
If it is true, as some historians have suggested, that
the papacy desired to establish in the Baltic area a
church state, governed directly from Rome, it could
hardly have chosen a better man than Wilhelm to prepare
the ground.53 Experienced in diplomacy, full of vigor
and energy, yet personable and friendly, the former vice-

chancellor of the Curia made a great impact on the future

 

51The life and work of Bishop Wilhelm has been
extensively treated in recent historical literature. The
most outstanding work is Gustav A. Donner, Kardinal Wil-
helm von Sabina, Bischof von Modena, 1222-1234'(Helsig-
fors, 1929). Also valuable are diScussions concerning
the legate by Ammann, pp. 175-83, 186, 198, 251-53;
Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 155-57.

szflgggy, XXIX:2; Arbusow and Bauer, p. 208 n. 1.
Note the extensive power granted to the legate: QB, I,
No. 69.

53Ammann, pp. 179-80; Hauck, IV, 639.

163

history of Livonia.54

By the time Bishop Wilhelm arrived in Riga in July
of 1225, the papacy had indeed decided to take a more
active role in directing the spiritual life of the Baltic
lands and its future growth.55 While the true faith was
to be spread by the sword if necessary, care should also
be taken that the neophytes would be protected against
oppression by their conquerors. The Christian rulers
apparently deprived the neophyte natives of their lands
and other property and extended illegal tithes and taxes.
The charge of depriving the natives of their personal
freedom was leveled even against Bishop Albert himself.
A whole series of papal admonitions dating back to the
earliest years of the German mission clearly shows that
the natives frequently were worse off after their conver-
sion than before, an ironic contradiction to the Church's

own teachings.56 In connection with the question of

 

54For a detailed description of Bishop Wilhelm's
personal characteristics, consult Donner, Kardinal Wil-
helm, pp. 1-25.

55Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 87-88; Benning-
hoven, p. 194 and notes.

56See, e.g., Henry, XVI:3, 6, XXV:2, XXIX:2-3, 5;
UB, I, No. 97; Livonica, Nos. 20, 21. For a somewhat emo-
Elonal but interesting account of the injustices perpe-
trated on the natives, see V55bus, pp. 59-67; 0. Sild,
"Eestlaste vabaduste jdrkjdrguline kokuvarisemine keska-
jal,“ Eesti Kirjandus, XX (1926), 10-27, 78-94, 141-60;
J. Sitska, "Kuldas orjus meile tuli," Eesti Kirjandus,
XII (1917), 1-11. Even Bishop Albert's successor as the
bishop of Riga, Nicolaus, was accused of enslaving the
natives: QB, I, No. 123.

164

neophyte rights and the more active policy of the papacy,
a debate has ensued over two documents, one issued by
Emperor Fredrick II in March of 1224, the other by Pope
Honorius III on January 3, 1225. These so-called "Baltic
Manifestos" both guaranteed that conversion to Christian-
ity would in no way circumscribe the personal freedom of
the neophyte nor lower his social position. The neophyte
would only be required to be subservient to God and the
Roman Catholic Church, and in the case of the emperor's
proclamation, to the empire. If these documents were to
be put into effect, the powers of such intermediary offi-
cials as governors, bishops, crusading orders, and the
like would be seriously curtailed.57

Some scholars have subsequently argued that the
manifestos were signs that the emperor and the pope had

agreed to cooperate in a united venture to bring all the

people of Europe into a larger Christian Imperium. Others

 

have claimed that rather than being signs of unity, the
manifestos were competitive documents, the emperor and the
pope each trying to secure the allegiance of the Baltic

peoples by offering them certain priviliges and rights.58

 

57The imperial edict is printed in Preussisches
Urkundenbuch, I, No. 52, and USS I, No. 112. The papal
bfill maylbe found in Preussisdfies Urkundenbuch, I, No. 54.

 

58Gustav A. Donner, "Das Kaisermanifest an die
ostbaltische V61ker vom Martz 1224," Mitteilun en des
West reussischen Geschichtsvereins, XXVII (I928), I, 1-10;
EricE Caspar, Hermann von Salza TTfibingen, 1924), pp. 25-

28. Koch, p. 239 n. 269, gives an excellent comparison
of the positions of Donner and Caspar.

165

This writer, however, feels that both Fredrick II and
Honorius III also had more immediate reasons for issuing
their respective documents at the times that they did.
The imperial declaration was put forth at a time when King
Valdemar II was imprisoned and the emperor's right-hand
man, Grand Master Hermann von Salza, had been sent to take
charge of the negotiations for his release. As Fredrick
II was in Germany trying to reclaim all lands held by the
Danes, it would have been equally appropriate for him to
lay claim to the Danish territories in the Baltic. One
may also note that Bishop Albert and his brother Bishop
Hermann had for a long time been friends and unswerving
supporters of the Hohenstaufens and would welcome their
protection. Hence, the imperial manifesto, while undoubt-
edly reflecting the old dream of one Christian empire, was
basically a politically motivated, anti-Danish proclama-
tion.59

Honorius III, on the other hand, has been cor-
rectly credited with being the first pope to involve
tha papacy directly in the Baltic crusade. Although the
idea of conversion by force was not abandoned, the Curia
began to show increased concern for the well-being of the
neophyte natives. When Bishop Wilhelm became the first
direct representative of Rome in the Baltic lands, the

papal bull that preceded his arrival stated the aims of

 

59Ammann, pp. 179-80; Koch, p. 58 n. 269.

166

his superiors. The neophytes would maintain their polit-
ical independence, social standing, and civil liberties
under the protection of the chair of St. Peter. This was
simply another way of saying that while other powers might
seek to suppress the natives, the papacy sought to improve
their lot. The pope's hint that a spiritual allegiance to
Rome did not entail political subservience to a western
temporal power became important later when attempts were
made to bring the peoples of northwestern Russia into the
fold of the Roman Catholic Church. The papal manifesto
was in fact a Roman "position paper" on the aims of the
pope in the Baltic.60

While Bishop Albert himself had asked for the
Roman legate, he must have suspected that any papal inter-
vention in Livonia might limit his own power and influence
in the colony. Albert apparently decided to insure him-
self against any such occurrence. As~a result, at the
very moment when Bishop Wilhelm was arriving in Riga,
Bishop Hermann departed Livonia for Germany. Here the
bishop of Tartu sought imperial aid for himself and his
brother, not only against internal enemies such as the
Danes and the Knights of the Sword, but undoubtedly also

against the Curia.61 The brothers were successful, as

King Henry VII on November 6, 1225, invested Bishop

 

60See below, pp. 173-75.

61Benninghoven, p. 196 and p. 196 n. 9; Donner,
Kardinal Wilhelm, p. 139; cf. Sch5nebohm, p. 312.

167
Hermann with the bishopric of Tartu, enfeofed him with
Sakala, Ugandi, and his other lands, and made him a
Reichsffirst with all the privileges and rights which this
entailed.62 At the request of Bishop Hermann, a similar
boon was granted to Bishop Albert. The latter was also

made a Reichsffirst, and the episcopal holdings in Livonia,

 

Lettland, Leal, and Wiek were confirmed and officially
made a magk or province of the Holy Roman Empire. This
completed the process Bishop Albert had initiated in 1207
when he was enfeofed by King Philip of Swabia, and Livonia
was first taken into imperial protection.63 Any power
that now might attempt to deprive either Albert or Hermann
of their lands or privileges would in fact be attacking a
part of the empire and therefore would have to answer to
the emperor.

It was against this background of Danish and Livo-
nian affairs that Bishop Wilhelm of Modena in the fall of
1225 set out to arrange the affairs of the Eastern Baltic.
Since this study stresses Danish affairs, it will not
dwell extensively upon the various internal disputes among
different Livonian factions that the legate was called
upon to settle, especially since these have been treated

in detail in other studies.64 An indication, however, of

 

62Q§, I, Nos. 64. 68;Benninghoven, p. 196 n. 10.

63gg, I, No. 67. Koch, Excurs II, proves beyond
doubt that the document should be dated 1225.

64Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 97-140; Benning-
hoven, pp. 190-206.

168

how the legatine decisions altered the relative strength
of the Livonian powers is in order. In Riga, Bishop Wil-
helm granted the burghers various municipal privileges,
including the right to elect their own mayor and aldermen,
and confirmed the use of the Gothland trading privileges.
The result was that the influence of Bishop Albert in
municipal politics was reduced.65

The disagreements between the Knights of the Sword
and the bishop also came in for scrutiny. The legate
decreed that while each party would retain the lands which
it previously had held, all future conquests would be
divided equally among the bishop of Riga, the Order, and
the citizens of Riga. A11 crusading expeditions had to
be carried out together and no one group was to attempt
any campaigns by itself. The members of the Order did not
individually have to swear allegiance to Bishop Albert, as
this was to be done by the Master of the Order only. The
knights, vassals, priests, and natives could, however,
appeal their grievances to the bishop of Riga. Benning-
hoven concludes from these and other decisions that the
loser in these settlements was the episcopal party, as its
power remained relatively stable while both the Knights of
the Sword and the burghers of Riga acquired the potential

for future growth. In fact, Bishop Albert had been

 

5588, I, Nos. 75, 80, 82, 89; UB, III, Nos. 82,
82a; Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 90- 95; Ammann, p. 175;
Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 154-55.

 

169

reduced from a position of dominance to one of equality
with the other two factions.66

It appears also that the Order at this time began
to cooperate closely with the burghers and traders of both
Riga and the various North German towns. In Riga, members
of the Order were given seats on the city council, while
the Knights of the Sword pledged to assist the burghers
militarily. There are also signs that the Order acquired
lands in Germany and cooperated with the traders of that
country. Benninghoven points out that the similar semi-
military way of life and mutual desire for further con-
quests in the East made an alliance between the two groups
natural. It is probable that the papacy correctly assumed
that if Roman Catholicism was to be spread aggressively
eastward, the Order and the burghers-traders would form
the spearhead of any such venture and hence their inter-
ests would have to be looked after.67

Before reaching the decisions discussed above,
Bishop Wilhelm made sure that he fully comprehended the
political and religious situation in Livonia and Estonia.
He accomplished his objective through a series of three
fact-finding missions which took him from one end of the

colony to the other. His first journey in late summer of

 

6622' I, Nos. 74' 83' 84; 23., III, NOS. 73b; 74’
85a, 87a, 87b; Benninghoven, pp. 198-206; Hellmann,
pp. 155-56; Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 154-57.

67Benninghoven, pp. 206, 216; Johansen, "Die
Bedeutung," pp. 90-91; Kallmerten, p. 88.

170
1225 carried the legate through the episcopal lands along
the Dfina and around Tartu.68 At the end of this trip, the
legate visited the lands of the Knights of the Sword,
including Sakala and Viljandi. His second journey took
him to the territories of the Dfina region, where he
preached until his return to Riga in August of 1225.
Everywhere he went the legate preached to both the natives
and the Germans, constantly admonishing the former to
learn the word of God and the latter not to suppress the
neophytes.

Bishop Wilhelm's third journey was connected with
the most thorny and delicate problem in the Baltic--the
continuing conflict between the Danes and the Germans in
Estonia. It appears that in 1224 the Danes were once
again in possession of the provinces they had held before
the rebellion of 1222-23. Already during Wilhelm's jour-
ney to Viljandi in the summer of 1225 the existing ten-
sions had surfaced as Danish and Estonian representatives
from Wiek had appeared before the legate, the latter
offering to place themselves under the legate or Riga if
Bishop Wilhelm would guarantee them protection against the

Danes and the Oeselians. The legate apparently at this

 

68Gnegel-Waitschies, pp. 153-54, maintains that
Bishop Wilhelm was aware of the 1224 land divisions since
he carefully avoided the lands of the Order during his
first journey. She also believes that the tour was
arranged by Albert to convince the legate that the bishop
had enough subordinates to be named archbishop.

69Henry, XXIX:2-3, 5.

171
time took no action except to receive both delegations
and listen to their arguments.70 Soon, however, the time
of petitions came to an abrupt end.

In the fall of 1225, supposedly at the request of
the elders of the province of Viru, the vassals of Bishop
Hermann, led by one Johannes von Dolen, invaded that prov-
ince. Claiming that Viru had originally been conquered by
the Germans, they expelled the Danes and occupied the
local forts.71 Since Bishop Wilhelm was also the legate
for Viru, he was forced to intervene. By threatening
ecclesiastical censure, he forced both the Danes and the
Germans to evacuate the contested land and to transfer the
title of Viru to the papacy. Shortly thereafter, Wilhelm
also forced the Danes to hand over the provinces of Harju,
Jarva, and Wiek into papal hands. After Bishop Wesselin
had in person delivered the titles to the legate in Riga,
Wilhelm sent his own priests and pilgrims into Viru to

rule that province.72

 

703235y, XXIX:3. Hausmann, p. 64, believes that
the legate already at this time took Wiek under papal
control.

71Henry, XXIX:6. Concerning Johannes von Dolen,
see also Henr , XXVIII:8; K. H. von Busse, "Die Burg
Odenpdh und 1 re frfihere Bedeutung," Mitt., VI (1852),
326.

72Henry, XXIX:6; QB, I, Nos. 88, 117; Johansen,
Die Estlandlister, p. 702; Hausmann, pp. 64-66. Bishop
Wesselin was in Riga in December of 1225. I agree with
Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, p. 104, that only one journey
to Riga is Involved as the passage in Henry, XXIX:4, is
in the nature of a summary of events. Cf., however,

Hausmann, p. 64.

172

Early the next year, the legate, together with
various German notables from Livonia, set out to inspect
the new areas under his control.73 Bishop Wilhelm trav-
eled through Sakala and Jdrva to Viru where at the fort
of Tharwanpe he met with some Danish representatives from
Reval and arranged a peace between them and the Germans
and Estonians. In Viru itself, the legate tried to orga-
nize some kind of native local rule by appointing elders
and judges from among the local inhabitants.74 From Viru,
he proceeded to the Danish castle at Reval. Once there,
the legate demanded that the Danes surrender to him cer-
tain hostages they had taken in Viru. Since the posses-
sion of hostages signified political influence, the Danes
resisted Wilhelm's request and the latter had to resort
to an interdict before the hostages were finally delivered
to him. Now, however, the Danes somehow exerted enough
pressure on Wilhelm that he returned Harju to Danish rule
while Viru, Jarva, and Wiek were again confirmed as
belonging to the papacy.75 By late February, 1226, Bishop

Wilhelm had returned to Riga and left his chaplain, one

 

73Henry, XXIX:7. The legate was accompanied by,
among others, Bishop Lambert of Semgallia, the provost
of the Riga cathedral chapter, John, citizens of Riga,
and members of the Knights of the Sword. Bishop Lambert
was the successor of Bishop Bernhard zu Lippe, who died
in April, 1224: Arbusow, "Livlands Geistlichkeit" (1901),
p. 51.

74Henry, XXIX:7.
75§22£Xj XXIX:7; Hausmann; p. 66 and p. 67 n. l.

173

Master Johannes, in charge of the papal territories in
Estonia.76 On March 4 or 8, Bishop Wilhelm held a synod
in Riga, which was attended by all the leading ecclesias-
tics, including BishOp Wesselin of Reval, and then in late
April of 1226 prepared to leave Livonia, his task appar-
ently completed.77

One may pause here a moment to reflect on what the
first legatine mission to the Baltic had accomplished.
Some scholars have argued that Bishop Wilhelm created in
Estonia a true papal state, ruled by Rome through a vice-
1egate and some native officials. This state was to be
expanded through future conquests under papal direction.78
Others have denied any such scheme by pointing out that
according to Bishop Wilhelm's own decisions, any future
conquest would be under the rule of the German crusaders.
Hence, a papal state would have served no real purpose.79
A third theory suggests that Bishop Wilhelm actually

wanted the disputed areas of Estonia to go to the Germans

and the establishment of legatine rule was a temporary

 

76Henry, XXX:2. Master Johannes was named vice-
legate by Bishop Wilhelm: QB, 1, Nos. 117, 147, 152;
Livonica, No. 21; Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, p. 63 n. 2.

77Henry, XXIX:8, XXX:1; Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm,
pp. 119-21. There exists a dispute whether the synod took
place on March 4 or 8: Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 118-
19; Holtzmann, "Studien," p. 186 n. 5.

78Benninghoven, p. 198.

79Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 79-86, 108-14 and
notes.

174
subterfuge to hide the true motives of the legate.80

All three of these hypotheses, and this is what
they are, have some merit to them. Primarily due to the
lack of any detailed information about the thoughts of
Rome on this subject, it is hard to reach any firm con-
clusions as to the aim of the papacy. Although Bishop
Wilhelm arrived in Italy in late 1227, the Curia never
made an attempt actually to rule its lands in Estonia.
Apparently, the creation of a papally controlled buffer
zone between the Danes and the Germans was intended as an
interim solution until Bishop Wilhelm and his superiors
reached a final decision as to what to do with the land.
As we shall see, events in Estonia moved so fast that the
Curia really had no opportunity to act.

There are also indications that in addition to the
continued effort at converting the native pagans, the
papacy was considering the feasibility of extending Roman
-Catholicism to northwestern Russia. Already in 1224 Hono-
rius III had ordered the Russians to aid the Germans in
the conversion of the natives.81 In 1225, Bishop Wilhelm
met with several Russian princes in Riga, and they must
have discussed this matter further as the pope in 1227
directed a bull to the Russian princes in which he asked

the latter if they still desired a Roman legate to be sent

 

80Hausmann, p. 68 and p. 68 n. 3.

31913, I, No. 66.

175

to them as they had previously indicated to Bishop Wil-
helm.82 If indeed an attempt to bring the Russians into
the Roman Catholic fold was in the works, a united Chris-
tian front in Estonia and Livonia became an absolute
necessity and only papal intervention and mediation could
reconcile the hostilities between the various contending
factions.83

One must conclude that despite his diplomatic
ability, Bishop Wilhelm seriously misread the political
situation in the Eastern Baltic. The attempt to create a
united Christian front by placing the disputed areas under
papal rule was probably Bishop Wilhelm's own idea, but the
legate failed to realize that it was only his personal
presence that forced the Danes and the Germans to come to
terms. As we shall see, once he left the country, hostil—
ities would immediately break out again. This was not the
heartland of Europe, where ecclesiastical pressure was
sufficient to manage men who were more accustomed to set-

tling disputes with the sword rather than at a conference

 

32913, I, No. 95; Henry, xx1x:3-4.

83Ammann, pp. 176-77; Benninghoven, p. 205; Don-
ner, Kardinal Wilhelm, p. 103; Gnegel-Waitschies, p. 152.
Modern Russian scholars agree that the papacy wanted to
spread Roman Catholicism to Russia. To them, however, the
papal aims are simply a manifestation of early Western
imperialism against the "freedom-loving" Russian people:
V. T. Pasuto, "O politike papskoj kurii na Rusi (XIII
vek)," VOprosy_I§torii, V (1949), 52-76; I. P. Saskoljskij,
"Die papstliche Kurle als Hauptorganizator der Kreuzfahrer-
Aggression 1240-1242 gegen Russland," Istorideskije Zapiski,
XXXVII (1957), 169-88.

 

176
table. In this remote frontier area, the mere possession
of a disputed piece of property vindicated one's action
in obtaining it. The attempt to establish papal rule in
Estonia proved unworkable since it failed to provide for
any realistic means, such as a working administration and
military force, to sustain itself. Little wonder then
that the Danes and the Germans came to blows over the
papal territories even before the legate had left the
country.

While Bishop Wilhelm had left Riga in late April
of 1226, he had been forced to wait for almost a month for
favorable winds in the port city of Diinamunde.84 Johannes
von Dolen, the vassal of Bishop Herman who once before had
been involved in the fighting in Viru, believing the
legate to be on the high seas, attacked the lands of
Master Johannes and captured one of the Vironian forts
under papal control.85 Upon hearing of this, Bishop Wil-
helm banned Johannes, confiscated his fief and castle near
Riga, and gave them to the burghers of the city.86 The
legate next proceeded to Wisby where, angered by an
encounter with an Oeselian pirate fleet returning with

captives from Sweden, he proceeded to preach a crusade

 

84Henr , XXX:1; 92, I, No. 116; 913, III, No. 18;
Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, pp. 130-33.

 

85§22£11 XXX:2; 22, I, No. 88; Livlandische
Gfiterurkunden, No. 11.

 

862B, I, No. 88; Hausmann, p. 70 n. 2.

177

against the islanders.87

The response to the legatine call was indicative
of the political views held by the Baltic powers. Only
the German traders gathered their arms and horses and left
for Riga. The Swedes on Gothland maintained their tradi-
tional neutrality while the Danes refused to listen to the
legate, considering Oeselian affairs none of Wilhelm's
business.88 Some of these German crusaders from Gothland
were probably also among the men whom Bishop Wilhelm in
the summer of 1226 sent to aid his vice-legate Johannes
in Viru and Wiek where warfare had again broken out, this
time between Johannes and the Danes. Peace was finally
restored through the mediation of the Rigans in order that
all the Christian forces could be utilized in the impend-
ing invasion of Oesel.89

As soon as the ice between Oesel and the mainland
became strong enough to support an army, the plans for the
subjugation of the island were put into motion. On Jan-
uary 20, 1227, a Christian army of some 13,000 men gath-
ered at the mouth of the Parnu River. While Master Vol-

quin of the Knights of the Sword was the actual leader of

 

8'7Henry, XXX:1. Bishop Wilhelm was in Wisby on
July 6, 1226: Liv-, Est- undCprlandischgyUrkunden:_
Regesten, ed. by F. G. BungeCTLeipzlg, 1881), p. 258;
QB, III, No. 73a.

Beflsggx; XXX:1; QB, I, No. 94; Benninghoven,
p. 217.

89Henry, XXX:2; Johansen, Die Estlandlister;
pp. 702-705.

178

the expedition, nominal leadership was vested in the vice-
1egate Johannes, whose squire, Gandulfin, marched with a
papal banner in front of the army.90 Also Bishop Albert,
as well as Letts and mainland Estonians, partook in the
expedition.91 When the castle of Moone fell to the Chris-
tians after some bitter and bloody fighting, the Oeselians
at the main fort of Valjala decided to surrender. This
for all practical purposes ended all resistance on the
island. During the following weeks, over 20,000 people
were baptized so that by February of 1227. all Estonians
were under Christian control.92

It remains unclear if Oesel was placed under the
rule of the vice-legate of whether it was divided up among
the Knights of the Sword, Bishop Albert, and the city of
Riga according to the decision of Bishop Wilhelm in 1225.
It should be pointed out that from this point on, it
becomes much more difficult to reconstruct the events that
took place in Estonia and Livonia, since the chronicle of
Henry ends with the capture of Oesel. Hence, we know lit-

tle of when and why a new conflict between the Danes and

 

90Livonica, No. 21 @ 5.
91Henry, xxx:3.

92Henry, XXX:3-6; R.Chr., vv. 1613-62. The chron-
icle of Henry ends with the expedition to Oesel. We are
from here on deprived of our most valuable source for
Estonian-Livonian history. The events of the next few
years become extremely difficult to reconstruct as we
lack any direct knowledge of the events that occurred.

 

179

the Germans erupted in 1227. Probably the reasons for
these new hostilities were the continued weakness of
the papal territories in Estonia on the one hand and the
renewed Danish-German conflict in Germany on the other.93

After winning his freedom late in 1225, Valdemar
II had set out to recoup his losses in North Germany.
The king's task was made easier in July of 1226 when Pope
Honorius III told him that the oath he had given to uphold
the terms of his release was not binding since it was
given under duress.94 The disunity of the North German
princes enabled Valdemar II and Otto of Lfineburg to cap-
ture Hamburg and occupy Ditmarschen. Finally, a coalition
made up of the duke of Saxony, the counts of Schwerin and
Holstein, Archbishop Gerhard II of Bremen, and the city
of Lfibeck was formed to oppose Denmark.95 Now the resis-
tance to the Danish forces stiffened and, in the spring
of 1227, Valdemar II was forced to withdraw to northern
Holstein. Here, near a place called Bornh5ved, the king

turned to face his opposition.96

 

93By January 29, 1228, a new bishopric of Oesel-
Wiek had been created and the Cistercian abbot of Dfina-
munde, Godfried, had been named bishop. Bishop Godfried,
at the advice of Bishop Albert, granted the Knights of
the Sword one-third of his lands: QB, III, 99a. In the
fall of 1228, the bishopric of Oesel-Wiek was confirmed
as an imperial fief by Henry VII: QB, VI, No. 2718;
Sch6nebohm, pp. 341-42.

9452, p. 152; BD, No. 204; Usinger, pp. 348-65.

95Albert zu Stade, p. 360; Sachsische Weltchronik,
p. 248; Mecklenburglsches Urkundenbuch, I, p. 338.

96Usinger, pp. 369-71.

180

The fighting in Germany spread to Livonia and
became part of a Danish-German conflict which was fought
along the whole length of the Baltic. As the German oppo-
nents of Valdemar II in Livonia held interests similar to
those of the king's enemies in North Germany, especially
in the areas of trade, the formation of a united anti-
Danish front was a natural development. Sometime before
July, 1227, Bishop Albert, Master Volquin, and the Oese-
lians (gig) signed a treaty with the city of Lfibeck
wherein all the parties promised not to make a separate
peace with Valdemar II.97 This treaty was, however, not
the cause but rather the result of the open warfare which
had broken out in Estonia.

The papal lands, loosely held by Master Johannes
and a few pilgrims, were a tempting target for outsiders.
As the pilgrims did not constitute a permanent military
force, Johannes found that he had to start collecting the
tithe to raise money to hire troops. Slowly, the papal
provinces, especially Viru, also became settled by German
nobles, some apparently receiving their lands as fiefs
from Johannes. These Germans began to undermine the rule
of the native Estonian officials, an activity which in

Viru led to a rebellion and the deaths of several Germans.

 

97Johansen, Die Estlandlister, pp. 708-709; UB, I,
No. 98. It may be noted that, as early as January 177
1227, the German traders in Wisby asked for, and received,
a papal bull protecting them against all enemies. This
may very well have been aimed against Valdemar II: QB, I,
No. 94.

181
The Vironians called in the Knights of the Sword as rulers
and protectors, while the Danes, aware of the political
vacuum in the legatine lands, attacked the Germans. All
of this activity took place sometime between February and
June of 1227.98 The confusion and the fighting which
ensued ultimately undid the rule of the vice-legate and
he called on the Order for assistance.99 The Knights of
the Sword invaded Viru and then, at the command of Master
Johannes himself, besieged the castle at Reval.100 The
attack apparently surprised the Danish garrison, which at
this time was commanded by the Danish prince Knut, and
lacking provisions, they surrendered.101 Somewhere along
the line, a few of the Danes were killed and others later
had to be ransomed.102 The Danes handed over the castle
and the province to the vice-legate and sailed for Den-
mark. Master Johannes now proceeded to do something very
irregular. Realizing that his own rule in Estonia had in
fact if not in name come to an end, and apparently favor-
ably inclined toward the Germans, Johannes in late 1227

left for Italy. Before leaving, however, he officially

 

98Johansen, Die Estlandlister, pp. 705-708;
Livonica, No. 21 @ 12 and 20.

99212: I, No. 98.
1002B, 1, No. 147; Livonica, No. 21 @ 15.

101Moritz Brandis, Lieffldndische Geschichte (Riga,
1842), pp. 114-15; Johansen, Die Estlandlister, pp. 707-
70

 

10292, I, No. 145.

182

gave the provinces of Reval, Harju, Jarva, and Viru to the
Knights of the Sword to be ruled by them in the name of
the pope. By a similar agreement, the province of Wiek
was granted to Bishop Albert.103 All Danish territory in
Estonia was now in German hands. The faction that bene-
fited the most from the expulsion of the Danes was the
Order, which now became the biggest landholder in Estonia-
Livonia.104

Not only in Estonia but also in Germany the Danish
fortunes sank to an all-time low. On July 22, 1227, Val-
demar II fought a great battle with his German enemies at
Bornh5ved, south of Kiel. The engagement remained in
doubt until, during the battle, the king's auxiliaries
from Ditmarschen deserted to the enemy and turned on the
Danish rear. The Danes suffered some 4,000 casualties
in a losing cause. Valdemar II, wounded in one eye, was
rescued by one of his knights, but Otto of Lfineburg and
three Danish bishops were taken prisoner.105 The battle

of Bornhdved ended the Danish rule of the lands south of

the Eider River and for several years, although not

 

103gg, I, No. 146; Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm, p. 63.

104In the province of Viru, and probably also in
Harju, a special arrangement was in force as there were
in this province numerous vassals who were almost inde-
pendent from any ruler: Benninghoven, pp. 220, 239-41;
Georges Wrangell, Die Harrisch-Wierische Ritterschaft
und andere historische Ansfitze‘TReval, 1914), pp. 1-14.

 

1051343, pp. 106-07; Rarig, "Die Schlacht." pag-

183

permanently, stifled Danish imperialism. Adolf IV of
Schauenburg received Holstein, while the count of Schwerin
made himself sovereign of his ancestral territories.106

Due to these great difficulties so close to home,
Valdemar II scarcely had the time or ability to do much
about the loss of his provinces in Estonia. The Knights
of the Sword, on the other hand, rushed to obtain legal
confirmation of their acquisitions. This confirmation
would hardly be obtainable in Rome since the lands appro-
priated by the Order technically still belonged to the
papacy, and, in addition, the papacy always had tended to
side with Denmark. Therefore, the Knights of the Sword
instead turned to the Hohenstaufens for protection.107
On July 1, 1228, King Henry VII granted to the Order "by
his royal grace" the castle and province of Reval and the
provinces of Harju, Jarva, and Viru, as fiefs of the
empire with all rights and for all times.108 There are
also indications that the man whom the Order wanted as
their overlord was Duke Albert of Saxony, the old anti-
109

Danish crusader.

By 1228, an era in the history of the lands of the

 

lOGUsinger, pp. 374-78; Winkelmann, Friedrich II,
pp. 506-508.

107Benninghoven, p. 221.

10822, I, No. 100; Hausmann, p. 81; Johansen, Die
Estlandlister, pp. 710-11.

109Benninghoven, pp. 221-22, especially p. 222
nn. 59-60.

184
Eastern Baltic had come to an end. Although the Danes
were to regain parts of northern Estonia in 1238 and rule
it for several more years, they were merely its nominal
overlords. The inhabitants, with the exception of the
native peasants, were all Germans. The Danish overseas
empire that a Valdemar II or Anders Sunesen may have
dreamed of had proven to be an unworkable, unrealistic

illusion.

CONCLUSION

In retrospect, Denmark's attempt to spread its
power and influence to the pagan lands of the Eastern
Baltic reveals not only the manipulations and manners of
Danish politics but also the general attitude with which
Europe viewed its relations with its borderlands and their
inhabitants.

Although organized Christianity and political
stability had come relatively late to Denmark, between
the years 1150 and 1230 the Danish nation experienced a
period of great vitality caused by a combination of out-
standing leadership of State and Church and their mutual
cooperation. This internal harmony was unmatched in con-
temporary Western Europe and enabled Denmark to undertake
foreign ventures in search of both secular and spiritual
glory.

The Danish expansion followed a common pattern of
early raids for booty, interspersed with isolated attempts
at settlement and conversion, followed by organized wars
of conquest and conversion. If the Danes were eventually
to fail where the Germans succeeded--in the establishment
of a permanent settlement in the Baltic--it was due to

Denmark's failure to advance its political and economic

185

186
institutions to a stage where the country could support
an overseas empire. This is clearly if painfully illus-
trated by the apathy that gripped Denmark when its leading
personalities, due to imprisonment or age, were unable to
guide the nation. Underneath a veneer of political
sophistication, Denmark had essentially still remained
a nation where the personality of the king was needed to
keep the State functioning effectively.

Successful colonization would also have required
the resettlement in the new lands of a substantial number
of farmers and artisans. This never occurred in Danish
Estonia, where the population remained a mixture of native
farmers and German vassals. Even the Danish military and
spiritual leaders in Estonia were, with the exception of
the top echelon, mostly drawn from the German possessions
of Denmark. Ultimately, when Danish-German confrontations
occurred in the colony, blood proved thicker than politi-
cal allegiance.

As the inability of Denmark to sustain its leader-
ship in Baltic affairs became more and more evident, the
papacy, which had formerly worked to convert the Baltic
pagans through the friendly and capable Danish Church,
tried to assume direct rule over the newly converted ter-
ritories. This last attempt was itself doomed to failure
due to the lack of any effective means of running a papal
state a thousand miles from Rome. In all cases, the

Germans were the beneficiaries of Danish and papal labors.

187

Although the empire that the Danes established
in Estonia did not last long in terms of years, it was
founded at a time when the Christians in Livonia desper-
ately needed help against external and internal enemies.
The mixture of cooperation and competition that developed
between the Danes and the Germans served to egg on the
Christians in their attempts to convert and conquer the
native pagans.

In short, Denmark tried and failed in the early
thirteenth century to become an imperialistic power.
While the country itself gained little in the way of ter-
ritory, Denmark's involvement in Baltic affairs during
this critical era aided considerably in the establishment
of a westward-looking, Roman Catholic civilization in this

part of Europe.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

Although the study of Baltic history is a rela-
tively unknown field in America, in Europe extensive
research has been carried out for a long time in this
area. As a result, most of the primary source material
concerning Livonian and Estonian history can be found in
one or another of the great source collections published
at the end of the nineteenth century in Germany and the
Scandinavian countries. The most extensive of these is
Liv-, Est- und Kurlandisches Urkundenbuch, edited by F. G.
von Bunge et_al. (6 vols.; Reval and Riga, 1853-75). For
this study, Volume I, containing documents up to the year
1300, and Volumes III and VI, which contain corrigenda,
are the most applicable. Documents that came to light
after the publication of the Urkundenbuch can be found in
various other collections such as Livonica, edited by
H. Hildebrand (Riga, 1887), and Livlandische Gfiterurkun-
deg, edited by H. Bruiningk and N. Busch (Riga, 1907).
Materials in the Vatican archives pertaining to Livonian
history were extensively researched and later published
by Leonid Arbusow in his Romischer Arbeitsbericht I-IV in
Agta Universitatis Latviensis, XVII and XX (Riga, 1928-29)

and Acta Universitatis Latviensis. Philolggorum et

188

189

 

philosophorum ordinis serie, I:3 (Riga, 1929-31) and 11:4
(Riga, 1931-33). .

A few important documents were also printed sep-
arately in various learned journals. 'Such is the case
with Archbishop Anders Sunesen's letter to Pope Innocent
III in 1207, which Leonid Arbusow published in "Ein
verschollener Bericht des Erzbischofs Andreas von Lund
a.d. Jahr 1207 fiber die Bekehrung Livlands," SB Riga
(1910), pp. 4-6.

Probably the most important source for Baltic
history in the late twelfth and early thirteenth century

is Heinrich von Lettland, Livlandische Chronik, edited by

 

L. Arbusow and A. Bauer (Hannover, 1955). This straight-
forward and rather unbiased eyewitness account of the
first thirty years of the Christian conquest of the Baltic
provides the scholar with a keen insight into the politi-
cal and social life of Estonia and Livonia. It also pro-
vides an otherwise unobtainable glimpse of the life of the
natives of the Baltic lands. Of the various editions, the
one by L. Arbusow and A. Bauer is to be preferred, as it
contains an accurate text as well as an impressive schol-
arly apparatus with comments and cross-references to other
sources. The English translation by J. Brundage (Madison,
Wisc., 1961) suffers from bad editing and factual errors.
It also lacks the commentary provided by the German edi-
tion.

Additional information, especially about the

190
Knights of the Sword, can be obtained from the Liv-

landische Rheimchronik, edited by L. Meyer (Paderborn,

 

1876), although this late thirteenth-century chronicle has
meager and confused information about the early period of
Livonian history. Such diverse sources as Cesarius von
Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, edited by J. Strange

(Koln, 1851), and Annales Dfinamundenses, edited by

 

K. Hohlbaum, in Verhandlungen der Gelehrten Estnischen
Gesellschaft, VII (1873), pp. 55-56, also provide bits
and pieces of information, especially about the various
personalities associated with the Cistercian order.

While all the above-mentioned sources touch upon
the Danish phase of Livonian history, there exists no com-
prehensive collection of Danish documents dealing with
Baltic affairs. The great compendium of materials dealing
with the medieval period of Danish history, Scriptores

Rerum Danicarum medii aevii, edited by J. Langebeck et al.

 

(9 vols.; Kobenhavn, 1772-1834), is difficult to use and
out of date. Much more convenient for the thirteenth cen-
tury is the recent edited compilation of the main Danish
chronicles by E. Jorgensen called Annales Danici medii
agzii_(K6benhavn, 1920). For the activities of Valdemar
II, the collection of excerpts from chronicles and com-
plete documents known as Valdemar Sejr, edited by A. D.
Jorgensen (Kobenhavn, 1879), is without equal. An attempt
to re-create the life of the Danish king, Jorgensen's work

contains not only quotes from Danish year-books, but also

191
excerpts from such diverse chronicles as Albert zu Stade
and Annales Coloniensis.

Recently the Danes have begun work on what prom-
ises to become the outstanding edition of documents deal-
ing with Denmark's foreign relations in the Middle Ages.
This monumental work, as of yet incomplete, consists of
two parallel editions. The first, Diplomatarium Danicum,
edited by N. Skyum-Nielsen gt_gl. (Kobenhavn, 1957- ),
gives the various documents in their original languages
while the second, Danmarks Riges Breve, edited by F. Blatt
EE_§l° (Kobenhavn, 1957- ), provides a Danish translation
of the same materials. Both editions maintain a high
scholarly standard and contain extensive commentaries.

It should be hoped that this work, in which the volumes
dealing with the years 1200-23 have appeared, will soon

be completed. Papal bulls dealing with Denmark are con-
veniently gathered in another excellent collection, the
Bullarium Danicum (1198-1316), edited by A. Krarup (Koben-
havn, 1931).

For Danish-German relations in Germany proper, one
may in addition to the Danish sources also turn to various
German chronicles such as Adam von Bremen, History of the
Archbishops of HamburgéBremen, edited and translated by
F. J. Tschau (New York, 1959); Arnold von Lfibeck, S1313:
kronike, edited and translated by P. Kirkegaard (Koben-
havn, 1885); and especially Annales Stadenses auctore

Alberto, edited by K. Hohlbaum, in Monumenta Germaniae SS,

192
XVI (Hannover, 1859), pp. 271-365. Arnold von Lfibeck also
discusses the early settlement of Livonia, Bishop Albert,
and the Danish leaders. Further information may also be
gained from the documents printed in the various collec-
tions dealing with the histories of North German bishop-
rics and towns. One may here cite Hamburgisches Urkun-
denbuch, edited by J. M. Lappenberg (Hamburg, 1842), and
Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, edited by G. Lisch
(Schwerin, 1863).

Finally, one should not forget the Russian and
papal materials that pertain to the Baltic crusade of the
Danes and the Germans. Although the year-books of Nov-
gorod and Pleskau are brief, they provide a check on the
accuracy of the Latin sources. While most papal documents
pertaining to Danish and Livonian history can be found in
the source collections of those countries, Regesta pon-

tificum Romanorum an anno 1198 ad annum 1398, edited by

 

A. Potthast (2 vols.; Berlin, 1874-75), occasionally fills
the voids of the national collections.

There also exists an abundance of secondary mate-
rial dealing with Baltic history. Unfortunately for the
English-speaking individual, most of them are written in
German or one of the Scandinavian languages. Works dealing
with the pre-Christian period are numerous, and a few
representative eXamples will suffice to indicate the
approaches taken by various scholars. Ture A. J. Arne,

"La Suede et Orient," Archives d'études Orientales, VIII

193
(Uppsala, 1914), traces the activities of the Scandinavian
Vikings in the east, while Birger Nerman, Die Verbindungen

zwischen Skandinavien und dem Ostbaltikum inifingeren

 

Eisenzeit (Stockholm, 1929), concentrates on the cultural

 

impact of the Scandinavians on the Baltic peoples. Numis-
matics and runes are used by N. Bauer, "Die Russischen
Funde abendlandische Mfinzen des 11. und 12. Jahrunderts,"
Zeitschrift ffir Numismatik, XXIX (1929), 1-187, XL (1930),
187-223, and O. Montelius, "Svenska Runstenar om ffirden
Osterut," Fornvannen, IX (1914), 81-114, respectively, to
show the frequent intercourse between the peoples on the
opposite shores of the Baltic Sea. E. Saks, in his Aestii
(Montreal and Heidelberg, 1960), has tried to show that
the Estonians originally inhabited the whole Baltic coast
from Prussia to the Finnish Gulf.

In any discussion of the period of conversion and
conquest, one major work must be mentioned at the very
outset. Friedrich Benninghoven's Der Orden der Schwert-
brfider (Koln, 1965) promises to remain the definitive work
on the Knights of the Sword, surpassing such older studies
as F. von Bunge, Der Orden der Schwertbrfider (Leipzig,
1875). Benninghoven's monograph is not only an outstand-
ing history of the Order but also an astute political and
cultural analysis of the first fifty years of German rule
in Livonia. The book also discusses the genealogies of
all the members of the Knights of the Sword, German and

Danish politics, as well as assorted other problems.

194
Excellent maps and statistics only add to the value of
this work.
Two of the leading personalities in Livonian his-
tory are discussed in G. Gnegel-Waitschies, Bischof
Albrecht von Riga (Hamburg, 1958), and G. A. Donner,

Kardinal Wilhelm von Sabina, Bischof von Modena (Helsing-

 

fors, 1929). Before the work by Gnegel-Waitschies, no
biography existed of the leading figure of Livonian
colonization. This work incorporates the most recent
materials on the subject and portrays Albert as an ambi-
tious diplomat and empire builder. Donner, on the other
hand, deals with the life of a personality whose career
as a papal legate was not only limited to Livonia. Wil-
helm's activities in the colony are, however, discussed
in detail, especially his work as an exponent of a peace-
ful papal "eastern policy." In the same vein, the work
by Albert M. Ammann, "Kirchenpolitische Wandlungen im
Ostbaltikum bis zum Tode Alexander Newskis," Orientalia
Christiana Analecta, CV (Roma, 1936), stresses the activ-
ities of the Roman Catholic Church in Livonia and Finland
as a prelude to a papally planned extension of Latin
Christianity to Russia. The works of both Donner and
Ammann have been attacked by Soviet historians like I. P.
Saskoljskij and V. T. Pasuto, who, in their respective
articles, "Die papstliche Kurie als Hauptorganizator der
Kreuzfahrer-Aggression 1240-1242 gegen Russland," Istori-

Eeskije Zapiski, XXXVII (1957), 169-88, and "O politiker

195
papskoj kurii na Rusi (XIII vek)," Voprosy Istorii, V
(1949), 52-76, maintain that a peaceful attempt to convert
Russia never existed, only the aggressive designs of
Western feudal imperialists.

The best introduction to early Baltic history is
the collective work Baltische Lande, edited by A. Brack-
mann gt_§l. (Leipzig, 1939). The articles in Baltische
22393 are all written by acknowledged experts in their
fields, which range from a study of the Baltic languages
to the art and architecture of the churches of Estonia
and Latvia. Still unsurpassed are the contributions of
Leonid Arbusow, "Die mittelalterliche Schriftfiberlieferung
als Quelle ffir die Frfihgeschichte der ostbaltischen V61-
ker," pp. 167-203; Albert Bauer, "Semgallen und Upmale in
frfihgeschichtlicher Zeit," pp. 307-29; and Heinrich Laak-
mann, "Estland und Livland in frfihgeschichtlicher Zeit,"
pp. 204-62. One should, however, keep in mind that the
book was written during the 1930's and thus is tinged
somewhat with German nationalism.

The prolific writings of Paul Johansen deserve a
special mention. The two most important of his works are
Die Estlandlister des "Liber Census Daniae" (2 vols.;
Kobenhavn and Reval, 1933), and Nordische Mission, Revals
Grfindung und die Schwedensiedlung in Estland (Stockholm,
1951). The first book is an extremely able reconstruction
of Estonian political history and geography based on a

list of Estonian place names composed by early Danish

196
missionary monks. The second book attempts to show how
Estonian culture was greatly influenced by Swedish traders
and settlers. Johansen even believes that the city of
Tallinn originated from a wintering place for Swedish mer-
chants. In addition to these major works, Johansen has
contributed works on Henry of Livonia, "Die Chronik als
Biographie. Heinrich von Lettlands Lebensgang und

Weltanschauung," Jahrbficher ffir Geschichte Osteuropas,

 

N.F. I (1953), I:1-24, and on the role of the Hansa in
Livonian history, "Die Bedeutung der Hanse ffir Livland,"
Hansische Geschichtsblatter, LXV-LXVI (1940-41), 1-55.
Other less encompassing but equally important
studies deal with one or more aspects or personalities in
Estonian-Livonian history. Several works trace the back-
grounds and careers of the various German spiritual and
secular officials who were active in Livonia. What Fritz
Schonebohm, Die Besetzung der livlandischen Bistfimer bis
zum Anfangydes 14. Jahrhunderts (Giesen, 1909), does for
the spiritual leaders, Astaf von Transehe-Roseneck, gig

Ritterlichen Livlandsfahrer des 13. Jahrhunderts (Wfirtz-

 

burg, 1960), does for the secular crusaders. The early
towns and forts of Estonia and Livonia have been studied
by several archeologists and geographers, among them Eric
Laid, Eesti Muinaslinnad (Tartu, 1923); Armin Tuulse, "Die
Burgen in Estland und Lettland," Verhandlungen G.E.G.,
XXXIII (1942); and John Leighly, "The Towns of Medieval

Livonia," University of California Publications in

197
Geography, VI, No. 7 (1944), 235-314.
Many a page has been devoted to the relationship
between the Baltic lands and Germany. The foremost among
these is Friedrich Koch, "Livland und das Reich bis zum

Jahre 1225," Quellen und Forschungen zur Baltische

 

Geschichte, Heft 4 (Posen, 1943), which discusses a whole
spectrum of questions from the reasons behind the German

drang nach Osten through the relationship of the German

 

colony in Livonia with the Holy Roman Empire. Unfor-
tunately the work was never completed as the author was
killed in World War II. The ways in which the struggle
for the imperial throne at the turn of the thirteenth cen-
tury affected the colonization of the Baltic lands is
discussed in the three biographies by Eduard Winkelmann,
Konig Otto IV von Braunschweig (Leipzig, 1878), Kénig
Phillip_von Schwaben (Leipzig, 1873), and Kaiser Friedrich
I; (Leipzig, 1889-97). Winkelmann has also contributed
an important article, "Konig Phillip von Deutschland und
Bischof Albert von Livland," Mitt., XI (1865), II-III,
307-15, which analyzes the relationship between King
Philip and Bishop Albert. The same problem is treated
in K. H. von Busse, "Bischof Albert von Riga und der
deutsche Konig Phillip der Hohenstaufen," Mitt.,‘VIII
(1855), I, 87-94.

Several specialized works deal with the various
North German powers that became involved in Livonian

affairs. The foremost treatment of the role of

198
Hamburg-Bremen in Baltic and German politics is still
Georg C. Dehio, Geschichte des Erzbistums Hamburg-Bremen
bis zum Ausgangder Mission (2 vols.; Berlin, 1877). This
may be supplemented by a more recent study of the careers
of the individual archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, Gunter

Glaeske's Die Erzbischofe von Hamburg-Bremen als Reichs-

 

ffirsten! 937-1258 (Hildesheim, 1962). Glaeske especially
stresses the role that the archbishopric played in impe-
rial politics.

Since the Hansa was eventually to play a large
role in the Baltic economic and political picture, various
writings have attempted to trace the origins of this union
of trading cities and to show the importance of the mer-
chants to the growth and spread of German settlements.
Johansen, in the article on the Hansa mentioned above,
arrives at the conclusion that the traders Were indeed
the driving force behind the whole German eastern policy
and that their desires often dictated the policies of such
powers as Bishop Albert and the Knights of the Sword. The
role of the pre-Hanseatic traders is also discussed by

Willy Hoppe, "Die Hanse und der Osten," Hansische Volks-

 

hgftg, Heft l4 (Bremen, 1927), and, in a more scholarly
fashion, by Wilhelm Koppe, "Die Anfange der Hanse, Gotland
und das Reich," Jomsburg, IV (1940), 173-81.

Many Scandinavian scholars, however, feel that
works such as Fritz Rorig's "Reichssymbolik auf Gotland,"

Hansische Gesichtsblatter, LXIV (1940), 1-67, unduly

199
overemphasize the role of the Germans in the Baltic trade.
Both Lauritz Weibull, "St. Knut i Osterled," Scandia,
XVIII (1946), 84-101, and Hugo ering, "Till fragan om
Tyskarna p3 Gotland under 1100-ta1et," Svensk Historisk

Tidskrift, LXXIV (1954), 411-21, have pointed out that it

 

was the Scandinavian Vikings and the traders who were the
pioneers of the Russian and eastern trade.

In addition, the Swedish and Danish writers have
emphasized the early missionary activities of Scandinavian
rulers and clergy among the Baltic pagans. Thus, Matts
Dreijer, in "Kristendomens Genombrott i Norden," Alansk
Odling, XX (1959), 34-84, discusses not only the early
organization in Scandinavia itself but also how especially
the Danish Church almost immediately after its own incep-
tion began missionary work in Finland. The role of the
papacy in the direction of the missionary activities of
the Swedish rulers is stressed in Sven Tunberg's "Erik den
Helige, Sveriges Helgokonung," Fornvannen, XXXVI (1941),
275-76. While Jalmari Jaakkola, "Suomen ensimmainen
piispa," Turun Historiallinen Arkisto, XI (1951), 83-111,
attempts to prove that Fulco was the first bishop of
Finland, J. W. Ruuth, "Nagra ord om de aldsta Danska
medeltidsannalerna som innehfilla uppgifter om taget till
Finland 1191 och 1202," Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska
Litteratursfillskapet i Finland, C (1911), 227-38, dis-
cusses the various Danish crusades to Finland.

The best general discussion of Danish foreign

200
policy around the turn of the thirteenth century is N. G.
Heine, "Ostersooproblemer omkring 1200," Humanistiske
Studier, II (Aarhus, 1941), 9-85. Although Heine's claim
that Valdemar II established a modern centralized state
in Denmark is open to criticism, his analysis of the
Danish attempt to establish political supremacy over
North Germany, Norway, Sweden, and the Baltic merits close
attention. Unfortunately there is no biography of Valde-
mar II. The life of the Danish king can only be found in
collective works such as Hal Koch, "Danmarks Konger, 1042-
1340," in Danmarks Konger, edited by K. Fabricius (Koben-
havn, 1944), pp. 48-102, or Fredrick Hammerich, Danmark i
Valdemarernas Tid (Kobenhavn, 1848). To this may be added
articles dealing with certain specific incidents in Valde-
mar's life, such as C. P. Paludan-Mfiller, "Underhand-
lingerne om Kong Valdemar den Andens Fangenskab," Danske
Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter, R.5 Hist. og Philo.

Afdelningen, D.4, III (1869), 94-113, where the king's

 

imprisonment and release are analyzed, and Christian
Bruun, Berengaria af Portugal (Kjobenhavn, 1893), which
discusses the ruler's personal life.

More has been written about Anders Sunesen, yet
a complete biography is lacking. Valdemar Ammundsen's
"Anders Sunesen," Kirkehistoriska Samlingar, R.5 Bd.3
(1907), 650-64, is a general although scholarly exposi-
tion, while Frederik Hammerich, En Skolastiker og en

Bibeltheolgg fra Norden (Kobenhavn, 1865), treats the

201
archbishop as a theologian and a scholar. Although Stig
qul, "Anders Sunesen som lovgiver og juridisk forfat-
tare," Svensk Juristtidning, XXXIII (1948), I, 6-21,
minimizes Anders Sunesen's talents as a lawyer, his pious
and peaceful personality is stressed. A completely dif-
ferent picture of the archbishop is gained from Sigvard
Skov's article, "Erkebisp Anders Sunesen og pavestolen,"
Scandia, XIX (1948), II, 169-95. Here the author main-
tains the archbishop was a fighter for papal universalism
who, guided by Rome, directed Valdemar II's imperialistic
ventures in the Baltic. Although Niels Skyum-Nielsen's
book, Kirkekampen i Danmark, 1241-1290 (K5benhavn, 1963),
deals with the violent quarrels which broke out between
Valdemar II's successors and the Danish Church, it is
valuable in that it also shows the unique cooperation
between the two powers while Anders Sunesen and Valdemar
II were alive.

The Danish period of Estonian history has drawn
the attention of both Scandinavian and German scholars.
Although the titles of Laurents P. Fabricius' and A. D.
Jorgensen's articles, "Sagnet om Danebroge og de aeldste
f5rbindelser med Estland," Kirkehistoriska Samlinggg, R.6
Bd.1 (1935), 485-533, and "Om Danebroges Oprindelse,"
Dansk Historisk Tidskrift, R.4 Bd.5 (1875-77), 415-59,
suggest that they deal with the legend surrounding the
Danish national flag, which states that the flag fell from

heaven during the battle of Tallinn in 1219, they actually

202

deal with a much wider range of subjects, including the
eleventh-century activities of the Danes in the Baltic.

While the Danish invasion of Estonia in 1219 and
the subsequent conflicts with the Germans are treated in
all major works dealing with Livonian history, Richard
Hausmann's Das Ringen der Deutschen und Danen um den
Besitz Estlands (Leipzig, 1870) deals specifically with
the wars between the Danes and the Germans in Estonia
between 1219 and 1227. Gottlieb Ney, "Valdemar Sejrs
Falttag till Estland 1219," Svio-Estonica, XV (1960),
79-102, concentrates on the military aspects of the inva-
sion while a second work by the same author, "Revals upp-
komst ur stadtsgeographisk synpunkt," Svensk Geografisk
Arsbok, XXX (1954), 103-32, analyzes the definitions of
a "city" and then proceeds to discuss the founding of
Tallinn. Denmark's relations with Germany in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries are best described by Rudolf A.
Usinger, Deutsch-Danische Geschichte (Berlin, 1863), the
only work of its kind. Fritz R6rig, in his "Die Schlacht

bei Bornhoved," Zeitschrift des Vereins ffir Lfibeckische

 

Geschichte und Altertumskunde, XXIV (1927), 281-99,
describes the circumstances surrounding the crucial bat-
tle of 1227 in Holstein.

The role of the Church in the Baltic crusade has
been viewed both favorably and unfavorably. Haralds
Biezais, "Der friedliche Zeitabschnitt der katolischen

Mission in Lettland bis zum Jahre 1196," Kyrkohistorisk

203

Arsskrift, LVI (1956), 13-29, holds that the early mis-

 

sionary attempts, like that of Meinhardt, were on the
whole peaceful. Ilmar Arens, "Zur Frage der altesten
Berfihrungen mit Christentum," Estonia Christiana. Papers

of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile, XV (1965),

 

25-43, takes a similar view, while Arthur V55bus, "Chris-

tianization or War of Conquest," Estonia Christiana.

 

Papers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile, XV

 

(1965), 45-78, considers the whole crusading movement in
the Baltic simply a land-grabbing expedition. Albert
Bauer, "Der Livlandkreuzzug," Baltische Kirchengeschichte,
edited by R. Wittram (Gottingen, 1956), I, 26-34, is
especially harsh on Bishop Albert and his methods of
conversion.

The whole crusading ideal has been examined in

detail by Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsge-

 

dankens (Stuttgart, 1935). Two representative works which
deal with the crusading movement in the Baltic are Helmut
Beumann, "Kreuzzugsgedanke und Ostpolitk im hohen
Mittelalter," Historische Jahrbficher, LXXXII (1953),
112-32, and Hermann Dorries, "Fragen der Schwertmission,"
in Baltische Kirchengeschichte, edited by R. Wittram
(Gottingen, 1956), I, 17-25.

A large part of the Church's missionary effort in
the North was carried out by the regular clergy, espe-
cially the Cistercians. The main work in this field is

W. Schmidt, "Die Zisterzienser im Baltikum und in Finland,"

204
Finska Kyrkohistoriska Samfundets Arsskrift, XXIX-XXX
(1939-40), 1-286.

The crusaders also had to deal with the Russians.
We have already noted how the works by Ammann and Donner
have suggested that the papacy was interested in bringing
the Greek Orthodox peoples of Russia under Roman control.
Edward Winter, in Russland und das Papsttum (Berlin,
1960), claims that the papal mission in Livonia was the
western part of a two-pronged attempt to unite the Eastern
and Western Church. Winter considers the capture of Con-
stantinople in 1204 the other part of this plan. Soviet
historians have seen nothing peaceful or holy about the
papal pretentions, as the work by Saskoljiskij, "Die pap-
stliche Kurie als Hauptorganizator der Kreuzfahrer-
Aggression 1240-1242 gegen Russland," Istoriceskije
Zapiski, XXXVII (1957), 169-88, will attest to.

Finally, a few more works deserve to be mentioned
that do not fit into any specific category. Thus Michael
von Taube's articles, "Internationale und Kirchenpoli-
tische Wandlungen im Ostbaltikum und Russland zur Zeit
der deutschen Eroberung Livlands," Jahrbficher ffir
Geschichte Osteuropas, III (1938), 11-46, and "Russische
und Litauische Ffirsten an der Dfina zur Zeit der deutschen
Eroberung Livlands," Jahrbficher ffir Kultur und Geschichte
der Slaven, N.F. XI (1935), 367-502, are invaluable in
showing the ties between the Russian and Scandinavian

royal families. A whole series of articles are devoted

205
to various problems connected with the chronicle of Henry
of Livonia. Of these one may mention Leonid Arbusow's

"Die Forschungen fiber das Chronicon Livoniae Heinrichs

 

von Lettland, 1920-1930," Latvijas Universitates Raksti.
Philo. Ser., I (1931), 6, 373-390, an excellent summary
of past research, and the same author's study of Henry's
literary style, "Das entlehnte Sprachgut in Heinrichs

Chronicon Livoniae," Deutsche Archiv fur Erforschungpdes

Mittelalters, VIII (1950), 100-53. Robert Holtzmann,

 

"Studien zu Heinrich von Lettland," Neues Archiv, XLIII
(1920), 161-212; XLIV (1922), 365-67, is an attempt to
unravel the chronology of Henry's work.

There are of course many other works dealing with
the founding of the Christian colonies on the shores of
the Baltic. The fact that they have not been mentioned
in this bibliographical essay should not be construed to
mean that they are of little or no value. They have, on
the contrary, added to the writer's understanding of this
important era and have enabled him to write this study in

the prOper framework of medieval mentality.

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