IILJ!lllllllflzlflflllilfllljflljllljllzl!NW ' um V University THESDS This is to certify that the thesis entitled EFFECTS OF WILDERNESS STRESS 0N ADOLESCENT SELF-CONCEPT AND SEX-ROLE ATTRIBUTES presented by Janiece L. Pompa has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. degree in Psychology 5.2%, flémé Major professor / / Date (9054/64 f], /q77 0-7639 OVERDUE. FINES ARE 25¢ PER DAY PER KEEN. '1 t. n to buck drop to Z’L'Lufi: 'ris checkout: from your recur; = = W a... mm-‘wn ‘11": an.“ w. EFFECTS OF WILDERNESS STRESS 0N ADOLESCENT SELF-CONCEPT AND SEX-ROLE ATTRIBUTES By Janiece L. Pompa A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Psychology l979 ABSTRACT EFFECTS OF WILDERNESS STRESS ON ADOLESCENT SELF-CONCEPT AND SEX-ROLE ATTRIBUTES By Janiece L. Pompa This study measured changes in self-concept, locus of con- trol, and sex-role characteristics in adolescent participants in a five-day wilderness stress experience. The experimental group con- sisted of 32 males and 32 females versus 25 male and 46 female con- trol group members. All ranged between 14 and l8 years. Relative to the control group, the experimental group showed significantly greater positive changes on many variables, including physical identity, physical satisfaction, physical be- havior, moral-ethical identity, moral-ethical behavior, personal identity, personal behavior, family identity, and family behavior. Additionally, experimental males increased while experimental females decreased in self-criticism. Sex-role attribute changes included gains in warmth for the experimental males and decreases on susceptibility to external influence, for the entire experimental group. The experimental group also showed significant positive change in their perceptions of present self level of maturity and competence, together with future self sociability. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my thanks to Dr. John Hurley for the hours of work spent in the revision of this manuscript, as well as for his patient support and confidence in my ability as a re- searcher. In addition, Dr; Eileen Thompson offered invaluable assistance in setting up the experimental design and computer analysis. I also thank Dr. Dozier Thornton and Dr. Paul Risk for their time and effort as committee members. I am extremely grateful to Doug Cloward, Wilderness Trek coordinator and former instructor in the Department of Youth Leadership, Brigham Young University, for his cooperation and per- mission to test the experimental group. The participation of the following as research assistants is gratefully acknowledged: Georgia J. Beletsos, Elaine Clark, Miguela Rivera, and Connie Sherwood. Thanks to Geri Apel for allowing the use of the Utah State Hospital facilities for clerical purposes. Finally, I would like to thank my friends and classmates who listened and empathized through the difficult years in which I was working on this project. Their encouragement and moral support eased the completion of this arduous task. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ...................... LIST OF FIGURES ..................... INTRODUCTION ....................... Stress ........................ Self-Concept and Self-Ideal ............. Locus of Control ................... Sex Roles and Androgyny ............... REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................... Rationale ...................... Self-Concept and Wilderness Stress Groups ...... Locus of Control and Wilderness Stress Groups STATEMENT OF PROBLEM ................... METHOD .......................... Subjects ....................... Experimental Treatment ................ Instructor Training ................. Measures ....................... Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ........... Tennessee Self-Concept Scale .......... Semantic Differential Self-Evaluation Measures Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale ..... Bem Sex Role Inventory ............. Hypotheses ...................... RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .................. Derivation of the Scale Scores ............ Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ........... Tennessee Self-Concept Scale .......... Semantic Differential Self-Evaluation Measures Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale . . . . : Bem Sex Role Inventory ............. Findings from the Analysis of Variance . . . ..... Page vi comm—I Tests of Hypotheses and Relationships among Variables . . Hypothesis l .................... Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale .......... Tennessee Self-Concept Scale .......... Hypothesis 2 .................... Hypothesis 3 ..... - ............... Hypothesis 4 .................... Hypotheses 5 and 6 ................. CONCLUSIONS ......................... Self-Concept ...................... Sex Roles ........................ Semantic Differential Self-Evaluation Measures ..... Limitations ....................... Recommendations for Further Research . . ........ REFERENCES ......................... A Wilderness Trek - Course Description ........ B A Comparison of Wilderness Research Using l0 Sub- Scales of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale C Questionnaire Format . ............... iv Page 63 63 63 64 70 71 72 73 74 78 9] 95 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 List of Measures and Variables ........... 48 2 Summary of Significant Main and Interaction Effects ..................... 53 A A Comparison of Wilderness Research Using 10 Sub-Scales of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale ...................... 95 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page l Cluster Analysis: Global Variables of the TSCS ...................... 65 2 Cluster Analysis: Specific Variables of the TSCS, BSRI Variables, Semantic Differential Variables ................... 68 vi INTRODUCTION - This study was designed to measure changes in self-concept, locus of control, and sex-role characteristics in adolescents participating in a wilderness stress experience. Accordingly, a general review of the literature and introduction to the concepts of stress, self-concept and self-ideal, locus of control, and sex role devel0pment in adolescentsis here presented, prior to dis- cussing the literature on wilderness stress groups themselves. ms: The physiological and psychological benefits experienced by participants in wilderness survival programs are largely depen- dent upon the individual's willingness and ability to adapt to stress. The concept of adaptation to stress was first introduced into the biological and behavioral sciences by Selye in l956. He felt that systematic stress manifested itself in a General Adaptation Syndrome (GAS), the first stage of which was termed an alarm reaction, where the organism's resistance was lowered in an initial shock phase. A counter-shock phase immediately followed, in which organismic defense mechanisms were mobilized and implemented. The second stage 9f_resistance was the period in which maximum adaptation of the organism to the stressful event occurred. However, if defense mechanisms proved ineffective or the stressor persisted long enough, I a stage of exhaustion would be reached, in which the adaptive mechanisms would fail completely. As Appley and Trumbull (1967) note, the term stress may be used in a stimulus sense to describe situations that are novel, in- tense, rapidly fluctuating, persistent, fatigue-producing and/or boredom-inducing. At the same time, stimulus deficit, stimuli lead- ing to cognitive misperception, hallucinations, or conflicting responses may also be stressful. In terms of behavioral response, any behavior which deviates momentarily or over time from the individual's normal behavior, or that of an appropriate reference group, has been used after the fact to define the existence of stress. This includes responses with a motor component, such as tremors, stuttering, loss of Sphincter control, or performance changes such as increased reaction time, increased number of errors, erratic performance, poor coordination, and fatigue. Finally, the existence of a stress state within the organism has been inferred from physiological indices correlated with anxiety, such as heart rate, galvanic skin response, change in blood eosinophils, and so on. Thus, stress is probably best defined as a "state of the organism under extenuating circumstances rather than an event in the environment" (Appley & Trumbull, p. ll), which may be produced by a variety of environmental conditions, realizing that individuals dif- fer in their perceptions of the enviornment and in their perception of events as threatening and, therefore, stressful. Torrance (l965) offers a behaviorally-oriented definition of a stressful stimulus as "any threat to a fundamental need...any stimulus or force that changes an organism in some significant way for better or for worse" (p. l9). Selye's research indicated that although stress always depletes our reserves of "deep adaptation energy" through irreversible chemical changes, its psychological effects are not always negative. Stress may be therapeutic or curative, as in the case of shock therapy or occupational therapy, in which the biochemical reactions precipitated by the stressful event can help ameliorate the psychological disorder. In the same vein, Torrance (l965) noted that stress may prompt individuals to rise to new heights of performance or achievement, with creativity and inventive powers that have been stimulated through the process of coping with stress. Furthermore, the success of problem-solving endeavors in stressful situations may give the individual new energy for continued adaptation. The duration and intensity of the stress also seems to be a determinant of its effect upon the individual. A number of studies (Harris et al., l956; Miller, l953) indicate that mild stress tends to result in improved performante, increased activity, and more learning, while extremely intense stress results in deterioration of performance and breakdown. Self-Concept and Self-Ideal The self-concept is a hypothetical construct consisting of the values, attitudes, and beliefs a person holds about himself on several dimensions (McDowell, 1976). Three major components of the self-concept, all of which are affected by heredity, maturation and interaction with the environment and others, are the self as seen by self, the self as thought to be seen by others, and the self as one would like to be, or the ideal self. The self-concept of the individual takes form in early childhood, as soon as the child is old enough to realize that his actions are liable to judgment by significant others as "good" and worthy of praise, or "bad" and worthy of blame. The child, having no innate value system and being unable to observe himself objec- tively and compare himself with his peers, must rely on the reactions of others to him in order to evaluate his own worth. As the child grows older, the nature of his interactions with others may change as a function of maturation, as well as his own and others' evaluation of his performance in life situations. How- ever, by adolescence the self-concept of the individual has stabilized into "a relatively consistent and enduring framework of self-regarding attitudes" (Bourne & Ekstrand, l976, p. 435). Engel (l959), in her study of 107 male and female adolescents, found relative stability of self-concept over a two-year period, though those who showed negative self-concepts on the first testing showed significantly less stable self-concept than adolescents who tested positively on self-concept at the first testing. Carlson (l965), in her study of 49 adolescents over a six-year period, confirmed Engel's results, despite the differences in methodology. By all indications, self-concept can be changed through learning and inter- personal interaction, but is a relatively stable dimension of per- sonality by adolescence, regardless of sex. Although there do not appear to be sex differences in the stability of the self-concept during adolescence, evidence has sug- gested that there are differences in the quality of the self-concept of the adolescent girl as compared to the adolescent boy. Rosenberg and Simmons (1975), in their empirical study of almost two thousand children and adolescents in grades 3 through 12, found that adolescent girls were considerably more self-conscious than boys, lower in self- esteem, more vulnerable to criticism, and more concerned with pro- moting interpersonal harmony. It appeared that adolescent boys stressed achievement and competence more than girls, who were con- siderably more "people—oriented". The experimenters hypothesized that sex differences in the quality of the adolescent self-concept reflected his/her conformity to societal definitions of sex role, which seems likely in view of the fact that most adolescents are locked into a struggle for identity. In fact, it has been suggested that the major task of the adolescent is to forge his own identity, which necessitates a turn- ing inward to assess himself and his weaknesses, strengths, needs, and role,in society (Hansen & Maynard, 1973). According to Rosenberg (1965), the adolescent experiences heightened awareness of himself for three reasons. First, adolescence is a time of decision- making, especially with regard to selecting a career or occupation. Second, rapid and drastic bodily changes occur with the onset of puberty. Third, the adolescent experiences much status ambiguity, in that he is sometimes expected to act like a child, and sometimes like an adult. Rosenberg (1965) states, "the adolescent is expected to act as an adult but is not afforded any adult privileges" (p. 34). As the adolescent assesses those perceptions, beliefs, feelings, and values which he holds about himself, he evaluates him- self, in part, by comparing them to those qualities which define the person he would like to be, or his ideal self. In studying the growth of the ideal self through childhood and adolescence, Havinghurst (1946) and his colleagues fOund a developmental trend in the formation of the ideal self for both girls and boys. In early childhood, the child identifies with parents or parental figures, esteeming their qualities as desirable and introjecting them as ideals. About the age of eight, parents begin to fade as important models for the child, and during middle childhood and early adolescence "glamorous" people, such as movie stars, rock musicians and sports figures become the child's ideals, as well as young adults they know personally and/or imaginary individuals. The difference between one's perceived self and one's ideal self is also important in studies of self-esteem. The larger the discrepancy, the more dissatisfied and critical the person is of himself. As might be expected, existing research shows that highly self-critical children and adults are more anxious, insecure, and possibly more cynical and depressed than self-accepting persons (McCandless, 1961). Locus of Control According to social learning theory, behavior is determined by expectancy, reinforcement value, and the psychological situation. A person who believes that environmental reinforcers are determined by his own behavior rather than luck, fate, or the actions of powerful others, is said to show internal locus of control. Studies by Lefcourt (1966) and Phares (1973) suggest that individuals manifest- ing high internal locus of control appear to take more initiative and responsibility in performance situations, seek and use informa- tion more efficiently, are more aware of their environments, and may even be more active and successful in school than those manifesting external locus of control. It has also been suggested that individuals who have been able to alter their environment in a desired direction through instrumental task performance develop feelings of competence and mastery over their environment. These suppositions are consistent with social learning theory, which states that performance accomplish- ments are the most dependable method by which to heighten efficacy expectations, or the belief that one can accomplish a behavior re- quired to produce a desired outcome. It is known that high per- ceived self-efficacy, or high internal locus of control in a particular area, tends to generalize to related areas, helping to reduce fears and defensive behavior, stimulate coping behavior, and encourage persistence in overcoming obstacles. Recent research on locus of control as a function of per- ceived efficacy through successful task results have supported theoretical formulations. Levens (1968) found that welfare mothers could decrease their sense of powerlessness by participating in an organization that encouraged political activism. Gottesfeld and Dozier (1966), in their study of individuals of low socio-economic status in a New York City ghetto, found that those who were trained as community organizers or "stimulators" became more internal on Rotter's locus of control scale, with those who had had the most experience showing the most change. With regard to this study, Lefcourt (1976) commented, "People change in their customary causal attributions if they encounter experiences that meaningfully alter the contingencies between their acts and perceived outcomes"(p. 126). Sex Roles and Androgygy Research has suggested that from the age of two, boys and girls show striking differences in their interests and attitudes. Whether innate or learned, these differences are strengthened by parents and society through a system of subtle rewards and punish- ments. The young female child is encouraged to imitate the mother as a role model, and the boy is encouraged to imitate the father as his role model (Goodstein & Sargent, 1977). Besides the influence of family and significant others on the child's sex role development, the American educational system promotes differential socialization of the sexes through textbooks, curriculum, guidance counseling, personnel policies, and extracurricular activities which heavily reinforce societal sex role demands for girls and boys (Levy, 1972). Briefly, boys are expected to be independent, intellectually com- petent, aggressive, and "tough", or emotionally non-expressive, while girls are expected to be passive, docile, dependent, and con- forming. Such pressure to behave in accordance with one's sex role may be damaging to both sexes. High femininity in females has con- sistently been correlated with high anxiety, low self-esteem, and low social acceptance (Cosentine & Heilbrun, 1964; Gall, 1969; Gray, 1957; Sears, 1970; Webb, 1963). It may be that females in general suffer lower self-esteem than males, even in childhood. Smith (1939) conducted a study in which 100 boys and 100 girls from 8 to 15 years of age were asked to rate their own and the opposite sex on an array of both desirable and undesirable traits. He found that as boys increased in age, they had a progressively poorer relative opinion of the girls and the girls had a progressively better relative opinion of the boys. Conversely, as they grew older boys had a progressively better opinion of themselves and girls had a progressively poorer opinion of themselves. Furthermore, al- though boys and girls thought better of their own sex than of the other, by the age of 14 girls had come to think almost as well of the boys as they thought of themselves. Accordingly, Sears (1970) noted that femininity in either sex was clearly associated with poor self- concept, aggression anxiety, high self-aggression, high prosocial and low antisocial aggression. In his opinion, "these relations are probably based on a common element of fearfulness and insecurity" (p. 278). In adolescence, although high masculinity in males has been correlated with better psychological adjustment (Mussen, 1961), in adulthood it has been correlated with high anxiety, high neuroticism, and low self-acceptance (Harford, Willis & Deabler, 1967; Mussen, 1962). It has also been found that men high in masculinity were "aloof, tough, practical, unpretentious, and suspicious...emotiona11y dissatisfied, prone to guilt and anxiety..." (Harford, Willis & Deabler, 1967). 10 Consistent correlations have also been found between greater intellectual development and cross-sex typing, or masculinity in girls and femininity in boys. More sex-typed boys and girls have been found to have lower overall intelligence, less spatial ability, and less creativity (Maccoby, 1966). The problem of sex-role identification is of special con- cern to the adolestent. The bodily changes that herald the arrival of puberty and sexual maturity force the adolescent to new efforts to fill his/her expected sex role on penalty of social ostracism. As Forisha (1978) notes, the emphasis on boys' achievement continues into adolescence, with added emphasis on success in athletics and sexual experience, while girls begin to be pressured to become "feminine". Consequently, the framework of teen-age society becomes fairly rigid and follows typical sex-role stereotypes: the boy must ask the girl for a date, although perhaps she has flirted, begged, and otherwise inveigled him into it. As Rodgers (1967) observes, "it is in the teens that the polarity of sex roles reaches its zenith" (p. 337). In discussing the attributes of masculinity and femininity, Parsons and Bales (1955) observed that masculinity has been associated with an "instrumental" orientation, or a cognitive focus on accomplish- ing an assigned task, while femininity has been associated with an "expressive" orientation, or an affective concern with the well- being of others and the harmony of the group. Similarly, Bakan (1966) suggested that masculinity is associated with an "agentic" orienta- tion, or an individual concern for oneself, while femininity is 11 associated with a "communal" orientation, or a concern with the relationship of the self to others. Bem (1975) hypothesized that the integration of masculine and feminine traits within the individual person, or psychological androgyny, may be more socially desirable than the polarization of sex-role identification. In contrast to masculinity and femininity, androgyny does not require total conformity to the characteristics of the male or female sex role. Wesley and Wesley (1977) state that "both sexes maintain their typical traits, but incorporate also the traits of the opposite sex into their behavior repertoires" (p. 24). Thus, according to the situation, the androgynous individual is free to respond with either an instrumental, masculine response, or a feminine, expressive response. Some recent studies have found that persons with a more androgynous view of themselves show greater maturity in their moral judgments (Block, 1973) and a higher level of self-esteem (Spence et al., 1975). In her review of the literature, Forisha (1978) noted that in groups of persons termed "androgynous", both well-ad- justed and maladjusted individuals were found, and concluded that "androgyny is necessary for fully human living but is not sufficient in itself" (p. 97). REVIEW OF LITERATURE Rationale There are numerous types of ”wilderness survival" or "wilderness adventure" programs, most of which have several elements in common: a wilderness setting, a written or implied philosophy emphasizing the desirability of understanding one's weaknesses and strengths and one's relationship to nature, and the use of con- trolled stress situations to promote positive changes in the in- dividual and his social functioning. The latter is accomplished by the setting of mentally challenging and/or physically strenuous tasks, the confrontation of fear, the completion of the "seemingly impossible" task, and the positive psychological changes generated within the individual who completes the task successfully (Noll 8 Wilpers, 1974). To facilitate improved social functioning, in- cluding the development of cooperative efforts, group decision- making abilities, and inter-dependence, small groups are often employed as the primary social units. Programs meeting the above criteria will hereafter be referred to as "wilderness stressl programs. The Therapeutic Recreation Journal (1974), in an editorial article describing wilderness stress programs, extolled the posi- tive potential of wilderness training in remedial and preventive mental health. In fact, it has been postulated that wilderness 12 l3 challenge tends to evoke healthier coping behavior, rather than more psychopathological defensive behavior. Lazarus (1966) states that defensive behavior is most demanded in settings where social environment is dominant over physical environment, and threat can be dealt with through defense mechanisms such as repression, denial, and so on. However, since wilderness challenges usually involve difficult but possible tasks of a concrete nature, coping behavior is stimulated, since withdrawal and retreat are usually not feasible. Unless the defensive process is successful in eliminating the threat, the physiological stress reaction will persist, creating cognitive dissonance. With regard to c0ping behavior, Lazarus (1966) stated, "one deals directly with a threatening or stressful stimulus...the source of the threat is readily identifiable" (p. 174). The presentation of conditioned aversive stimuli in intense forms without negative consequences, or "flooding", may account for the elimination of much defensive behavior and the acquisition of c0ping skills in the wilderness stress situation, especially since the opportunity for escape is minimal. Peer pressure and instructor support for the individual rappelling down a 90-foot cliff for the first time make it difficult to avoid the task, and coping behavior, of the performance of the task, is elicited. As defenses break down and challenges are met rather than avoided, the individual who con- quers his/her fear and overcomes mental or physical obstacles through the help of fellow participants and through his/her own determination experiences a surge of self-confidence and positive feelings about the self. As Bernstein (1972) notes, “the ultimate positive rein- forcement is mastery or control over one's environment" (p. 161). 14 Most wilderness stress programs are administered through private or educational institutions, and are generally geared to the physically able adolescent or young adult. The half-dozen Outward Bound schools around the U.S. are perhaps the best well- known. The McLean Hospital of Belmont, Massachusetts sponsors Project INSITE (In Nature, Self-Improvement through Effort), utilizing a combination of backpacking, cross-country skiing, and rock climbing to encourage change through successful outdoor achievement. The Oregon State Hospital offers a program of rock climbing, white-water boating and survival-ecology activities fer selected in-patients. There is evidence that wilderness stress programs may be especially effective with adolescent and young adult participants. The wilderness stress experience lifts the adolescent individual from his/her everyday social milieu, and places him/her in a wilder- ness setting where he or she can test his/her own newly learned adaptive and cOping skills against nature. The student learns that he or she can make decisions, exert personal power and determination, and enjoy the support of the other adolescents within the small groups who are facing the same challenges. Self-Concept and Wilderness Stress Grogps Although informal follow-up studies and verbal feedback regarding participants in wilderness stress programs indicate a considerable improvement in many areas of functioning among participants, especially self-concept and self-confidence, few empirical studies have measured the psychological effects of 15 wilderness stress programs. Inasmuch as self-concept is an integral part of psychological functioning, with implications as a pre- requisite for self-initiated behavior change and movement in therapy, such studies can help determine the usefulness of wilderness stress groups as a therapeutic modality. The great majority of empirical studies of self-concept changes in wilderness stress group participants have been performed on Outward Bound groups in the United States and Great Britain. Outward Bound students perform rigorous outdoor activities designed to push them to their physical and psychological limits of endurance. It is believed that by meeting and overcoming challenges, the in« dividual student will develop self-respect and self-confidence. Perhaps the earliest well-known study is that of Clifford and Clifford (1967), who studied 36 boys aged 16 to 21 who had attended an Outward Bound school in Colorado for one month during the summer, during which the students had rappelled, learned rock climbing, mountain rescue, lived alone for several days, and ran a marathon of several miles. From diverse ethnic backgrounds, socio- economic groups, and educational levels, these boys rated them- selves on four measures of self-concept: the Self-Rating, Self- Description, and Ideal Description Scales (based on Dickey, 1958, 1961), and the Word Meaning Test (based on Osgood, 1957 and Clifford, 1965). The Self-Rating Scale consists of 15 self-descriptive statements rated on a 7-point scale in terms of how frequently they apply to the respondent. The Self-Description Scale is comprised of 34 adjectives or phrases, each rated on a 7-point scale as to 16 whether or not they describe the respondent. The Ideal Description Scale is similar to the Self-Description, but is rated in terms of the respondent's ideal self. The Word Meaning Test is a semantic differential consisting of 15 concepts rated on a 9-point scale from which three factor scores were obtained: an evaluative dimension, potency, and activity. In addition, a Counselor Rating scale, or a Self-Description scale on which the counselors rated the boys, was utilized. Control for age and predisposition of boys was achieved by dividing the groUp into two levels at the median age and two levels above and below the median score of their initial self-ratings, thus forming a group of "younger" and "older" boys and a group of those who had scored "poorer" or "better" on the self-ratings. After the performance of "appropriate statistical tests", several findings (p_< .01) were noted: 1) Boys with "poorer" initial self-ratings made greater gains than boys with "better" initial self-ratings, though both groups scored significantly higher from the pre- to post-test on all measures except Ideal Description. The two groups also maintained the same relative ratings across all measures from pre- to post-test. 2) No significant differences between the "older" and "younger" groups were found relative to pre-post-test changes, though both groups made statistically significant positive changes across all tests except Ideal Description. 3) The counselors' ratings of the boys' behavior were con- sistent with their self-reports across all measures, and showed a significant difference between "poorer" and "better" self-rating groups. 17 4) There was little change in the boys' ideal self-ratings over time; their pre- and post—test ideal self profiles were very similar and correlated with each other at the .77 level. At the same Outward Bound school, using a different popula- tion, Koepke (1973) studied 11 female and 33 male participants (median CA = 19) and found significant positive, socially desirable pre- to post-test changes on 16 of 23 scales of the Gough Adjective Check List. Fletcher (1970), in a follow-up of Outward Bound schools in Great Britain involving 3000 students, found that 86% of those who completed Outward Bound training felt themselves to be more self- confident than before, with 67% feeling that these changes would last forever. These students also mentioned tolerance, maturity, and patience as qualities acquired or strengthened as a result of their experience. Parents, relatives, friends or employers rated these students as "more self-confident, showEing] more initiative, less selfish, and more tolerant of others" (p. 15). In 1969, Wetmore studied 291 boys between the ages of 15 and 19 who participated in an Outward Bound sea school off the coast of Maine to examine any changes in self-concept that might have occurred. The school was, in essence, a highly structured survival experience, involving 26 days of rock climbing, swimming, first aid, rescue, ecology, and sailing. The subjects were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) on the first and last days of the experience, as well as six months afterwards. The instructors also completed a Behavior Rating Scale for each participant. 0n the 18 TSCS, Wetmore found that the students showed positive, statistically significant (p_< .05) changes from pre- to post-test on 9 of the 10 subscales. The scales identity, behavior, physical self, moral- ethical self, personal self, family self, social self, total posi- tive score, and self-criticism all showed increases, with self- satisfaction the only scale not showing a significant positive change. At follow—up six months later, significant increases from the post-test to follow-up were noted on three scales: moral-ethical self, personal self, and self-satisfaction. Furthermore, significant correspondence between the boys' scores on the TSCS and their ratings by the instructors on the Behavior Rating Scale was also found. A statistically significant, positive relationship between the boys' scores on the Behavior Rating Scale and 7 of the 10 self-concept categories on the TSCS was also noted. 124 of 272 students (45%) completed critiques re- garding the influence of the Outward Bound experience in their lives, and 95% of these re5pondents reported favorable effects, with the other 5% reporting unfavorable effects. Pre- to post-test changes were investigated in terms of their possible relationship to secondary variables such as race, age, socio-economic status, and educational level were assessed, but no statistically significant relationships involving these variables were found. These results suggested that the survival experience alone seemed to be reSponsible for self-concept gains, which were maintained six months later at follow-up. 19 Nye (1975) also used the TSCS to measure self-concept change in students participating in a 24-day course at the North Carolina Outward Bound school in Morgantown, in the summer of 1974. The activities were typical of the Outward Bound curriculum - initiative tests, a ropes course, climbing, rappelling, white-water canoeing, expeditioning, and a three-day solo experience. Eighty- four students (38 males, 46 females) between the ages of 16 and 23 were pre-tested on the day of their arrival at the school, 82 students (38 males, 44 females) were post-tested the day before leaving, and 58 students (23 males, 35 females) returned the follow- up questionnaires sent to them three months after the termination of the experience. A control group consisting of Pennsylvania high school students attending elective summer school was also tested. Seventy-eight students were pre-tested (50 males, 28 females), 72 students were post-tested (44 males, 28 females) and 50 students (30 males, 20 females) returned the follow-up questionnaires, ad- ministered within a similar time period as that allotted to the experimental group. An analysis of covariance was performed on 10 of the sub- scales of the TSCS, removing the initial differences between the two groups on the pre-test, then contrasting the scores between the groups on the post-test. It was found that experimental group members as a whole scored significantly higher (g_< .05) from pre- test to post-test on nine scales: identity, self-satisfaction, behavior, physical self, moral-ethical self, personal self, family self, social self, and total positive score. Male experimental 20 group members showed significant growth on all the aforementioned scales, while female experimental group members scored significantly higher from pre-test to post-test on all the above scales except physical self. On the follow-up three months later, the group as a whole still showed significantly higher scores (as compared to pre-test) on all of the nine scales listed above. However, when the results were broken down by sex, a trend counter to that shown on the post- test was noted: females scored significantly higher at follow-up than pre-test on all nine scales, while males scored significantly higher on only six scales: identity, behavior, family self, social self, moral-ethical self, and physical self. Though Outward Bound students show consistent personality changes in a positive direction following their experiences, wilder- ness stress programs in other settings also show similar results. Stimpson and Pedersen (1970) studied eight underachieving male high school students on a three-week survival trip involving hiking endurance, rappelling, mountain rescue, a solo experience, and a marathon race. The Self and Others Rating Scale (Pedersen, 1969), a semantic differential composed of 25 bipolar adjectives separated by an 8-point scale measuring changes along the dimensions of actual self, ideal self, other people in general, own mother, own father, best male friend, and best female friend, was used to test the students two weeks before and immediately after the trip. Scale scores on all seven variables moved in a more favorable direction from pre- to post-test, with statistically significant changes on 21 the variables "actual self", "own mother", and "own father", in- dicating higher self-evaluation and evaluation of parents. Brigham Young University's Department of Youth Leadership sponsors a 28-day wilderness survival program in the desert and mountain environment of southern Utah, the objectives of which in- clude "a) the development of self-confidence, b) strengthening of interpersonal relationships, c) character development, d) develop- ment of a workable system of personal values, e) spiritual develop- ment, and f) development of outdoor survival skills...by providing difficult physical and mental challenges which can be met success- fully without failure" (Thorstenson, 1972, p. 1). As a part of their survival research program, the TSCS was administered to approximately 100 students before and after these survival trips. These students represented five different trips held during the years 1971-73. Although no control groups were employed, statis- tically significant positive gains were consistently found on eight scales of the TSCS: identity, self-satisfaction, behavior, physical self, moral-ethical self, social self, family self, and total positive. One scale, self-criticism,consistently yielded decrements, although these losses were not statistically significant. In a one- year follow-up of one of these groups, Heaps and Thorstenson (1974) found the aforementioned gains to be even more pronounced, except on the social self and self-criticism scales. They concluded that the program tested yielded immediate and long-term social Egg psychological benefits. 22 One group of participants in this 29-day survival program was designated a "traditional" wilderness stress group and was con- trasted with a "pilot" wilderness group in Nielsen's (1975) study in which she compared the two types of programs with regard to the participants' level of self-actualization, as measured by the Personal Orientation Inventory (POI) and the TSCS. The pilot pro- gram involved a one-month wilderness survival/interpersonal lab in which interpersonal skills and sociological concepts were learned, which was followed by a one-month exercise in developing these skills through sociological field experiences in the broader com- munity. Using the paired t-test method, Nielsen found that the 27 subjects in the traditional group (10 males, 17 females) made significant (p_< .05) gains in the areas of self-satisfaction, behavior, physical self, moral-ethical self, personal self, family self, social self, and total positive score. The distribution score, which changed significantly in a positive direction, in- dicated that they were more certain in their perception of them- selves. The 28 subjects in the pilot group (12 males, 16 females) showed all of the above changes, with the exception of social self. In addition, they showed significant gains on the identity scale. In commenting on both groups, Nielsen stated, "While growth in terms of perception of behavior of level of functioning was significant, it was not as pronounced [in the pilot group] as in the [traditional] group" (p. 64). 23 The influence of sex as a moderator variable was also assessed, and it was found that females over both groups showed significant changes in a positive direction on 12 scales of the Tennessee, while males showed significant changes on the self- satisfaction and personal self dimensions only. Pilot group males showed no statistically significant changes, while pilot group -females showed statistically significant, positive changes on all scales but self-criticism. Traditional group males changed significantly in a positive direction on self-satisfaction, behavior, moral-ethical self, personal self, and social self, while traditional group females changed positively and significantly on all TSCS scales. Thus, females in both groups seemed to show greater per- sonal growth as a result of their wilderness experience, as com- pared to the males. More recently, Risk (1976) conducted an experimental wilderness survival experience on an island off the coast of western Michigan, during which six male and five female participants were required to obtain all food, water, and shelter from the land for a period of twelve days. Students were permitted to bring only basic outdoor clothing and a small survival kit. Two separate sets of pre-tests and post-tests, including the TSCS, were administered at various times preceding and following the experience, with signifi- cant pre-post-test changes defined as those exhibiting a two-tailed probability of .05 or less. Risk found that the total positive, self-satisfaction, physical self, moral-ethical self, defensive positive, and general maladjustment scales changed significantly in the direction of greater mental health. 24 \ Not all such studies have yielded statistically significant positive findings. For example, Kaplan (1974) reported a study of an Outdoor Challenge Program in Marquette, Michigan, in which 10 boys aged 15 to 17 spent two weeks learning survival skills in Michigan's Upper Peninsula. A control group of 25 boys was matched to the experimental group for age, sex, and geographical location, and both groups were administered the Rosenberg scale of self- esteem. The Outdoor Challenge group was found to have scored significantly higher than the control group (p_< .02) on the pre-test self-esteem measure, but statistically reliable self-esteem changes were not found to result from the wilderness experience. It was hypothesized that the high initial self-esteem level recorded by the Outdoor Challenge group left them little room to change, and such a "ceiling effect" was also observed in members of the control group who scored quite high on the pre-test measure of self-esteem. How- ever, in the experimenters' opinion, the students gained "a greater concern for people, more realistic outlook of one's strengths and weaknesses, greater self-sufficiency in the use of one's time and talents, and a rather positive view of oneself" (Kaplan, 1974, p. 114). Locus of Control and Wilderness Stress Groups The effects of wilderness experience on internal locus of control was assessed by Nowicki & Barnes (1975). Though not pro- perly a wilderness stress group, changes in internal locus of con- trol in 261 male inner-city children and adolescents attending a structured camp were examined. The modal age of the group was 13, 25 and nearly all (95%) of the participants were Black. The campers attended one of seven weekly sessions, with a small group of selected campers (N_= 27) being invited back for an additional week-long session. Campcraft, fishing, swimming, arts and crafts, canoeing, conservation classes, and nature study were the campers' main activities, with the objective of the program to have the partici- pants work together in a highly structured environment to achieve mutual goals. Contingent reinfOrcement for good and poor perfor- mance was offered as an incentive. The Nowicki-Strickland (1971) Internal-External Locus of Control Scale, 40 yes-no questions yielding a measure of generalized expectancy of reinforcement, was administered to the campers at the beginning and end of each week. All groups except one showed in— creased internality from pre- to post-test, with 5 of the 8 groups showing a statistically significant increase. As Lefcourt (1972) notes, this experiment contained eight separate replications of the basic experiment, producing an overall difference of t_= 5.93, gf_= 260, p_< .005. In addition, children who returned for a second week of camp showed even greater change towards internality. These partici- pants showed a beginning mean of 16.23 on the Nowicki-Strickland scale, which decreased to 14.07 at the end of the first week and 12.65 at the end of the second week, with decreasing scores in- dicating increased internality. These overall changes produced a highly significant effect (E_= 21.56, gf_= 3.75, p_< .001). 26 Eastman (1973) also conducted a pilot program in "wilder- ness living" at Guilderland Central School, New York, to measure changes in locus of control in boys who were taught to administer to their own needs in an outdoor environment. The experimenters postulated that the powerful influence of American society inhibits children's efforts to establish a personal identity and to exert control over their own lives and destiny. By removing children from their social setting and requiring them to make and live by personal decisions regarding their own needs and wants, it was hoped that these children would change towards greater internal locus of con- trol. Forty-three boys attending Guilderland who volunteered for "an extended wilderness living experience" were randomly divided into four equal groups. Group 1 served as a no-treatment control group; Group 2 received two weeks of classroom instruction in out- door living skills; and Group 3 received two weeks of classroom in- struction followed by two weeks of daily outdoor excursions, such as fishing, hiking, biking, and so on. Group 4, the main experi- mental group, received two weeks of classroom instruction in wilder- ness survival skills, fellowed by two weeks of wilderness living, including hiking 120 miles, swimming, fishing, and reading. In- structors required that the students choose and purchase their own equipment and food, as well as learn first aid and orienteering with minimal support from others. Decisions affecting the group as a whole were usually discussed and decided by the students as a body. All participants were required to keep a daily journal of 27 observations, impressions, and feelings as part of the course re- quirements. Rotter's Internal-External Locus of Control Scale was administered to all four groups before and after their experiences, then analyzed through a one-way analysis of variance. No signifi- cant changes in any group in either direction at the .05 level were found. However, an analysis of the journals of the Group 4 students showing the most internality "revealed six critical requirements for internal locus of control orientation", and the experimenters concluded that "the students did gain a feeling of control over events in their experience" (p. 3). STATEMENT OF PROBLEM This study was conducted in an attempt to refine and expand the body of knowledge about the psychological effects of wilderness stress groups on adolescents in the areas of self-concept, locus of control, and sex-role characteristics. There have been a limited number of prior studies in this field (chiefly in the area of self- esteem), which have yielded inconsistent results. Thus, a primary purpose of this study was to clarify previous reported results through the use of a control group more closely matched to the experimental group on several important demographic features and the use of measures tapping more specific components of self-esteem. Often, control groups are not employed in the study of wilderness stress groups, or are poorly matched to the experimental group in terms of age, socio-economic background, racial or religious com- position, ubran or rural living situation, education, and other variables. The present study employed a control group aged 16 to 18, closely matched in age to the experimental group, aged 14 to 18. Most of the students in both groups were 15 to 17 years of age, and all were high school students. In addition, all students in both groups were Caucasian, and most were members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS). The majority of the students in both grOUps were of middle-class background, residing in a small city near a large private university of approximately 25,000 students. 28 29 Like most of the research in this field, the present study used the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) to measure self-esteem changes after wilderness living. However, instead of computing eight global scales by totaling the items in the three rows (identity, self-satisfaction, behavior) and five columns (physical self, moral-ethical self, personal self, family self, social self) in the 3 x 5 matrix upon which this measure is based, each of the scores on the items in the 15 cells were added to create 15 new variables yielding more specific information on the nature of self- concept changes in the experimental group. For example, the same six items used to compute both the moral (column variable) and be- havior (row variable) scales would be summed to create a new dimen- sion, "moral behavior", thus breaking down each of the three row variables into five components and each of the five column variables into three components. An additional short global measure of self- esteem, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, was employed in order to validate expected self-concept changes on the TSCS. This study also attempted to measure changes in adolescents as a result of wilderness stress in the areas of locus of control, perception of present, future and ideal self, and sex-role char- acteristics. Although studies measuring changes in locus of control as a result of wilderness living do exist, these usually measure changes in internality or externality in general. The present study employed the Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale, which defines externality in two dimensions; control by powerful others and control by luck or chance. It was h0ped that if subjects showed changes in 30 externality, that it could be determined whether these changes occurred chiefly in their perceptions of the amount of control ex- erted over them by powerful others, luck and chance, or both. Inasmuch as adolescence is a time of identity formation and sex-role polarization, it was felt that it might be useful to examine whether wilderness stress affected certain perceived sex- role characteristics in adolescents; namely, masculinity, femininity, warmth, power, and susceptibility to external influence, all of which were derived from the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). In addi- tion, possible changes in students' perceptions of their present, future, and ideal selves on the factors of activity/potency, maturity/competence, and sociability were also studied, as measured by semantic differentials constructed by the experimenter. No prior research exists in these areas with regard to wilderness stress groups. Finally, it seems that most of the wilderness stress groups reported in the literature have as their primary objective the ex- posure of the student to stress, in hopes that the discomfort, fear, and anxiety evoked would precipitate renewed self-evaluation and positive psychological change. The group presented in this study was expressly designed to promote greater spirituality and improved personal and interpersonal functioning through the use of a wide variety of experiential objectives and training of instructors in the use of techniques to facilitate psychological change. The effectiveness of this program in reaching this goal could then be contrasted with other, less goal-directed, programs to observe 31 whether the magnitude of change from pres to post-test on the per- sonality inventories differed between programs. METHOD~ Subjects The control group consisted of students enrolled in psychology classes at Orem High School, Orem, Utah. After obtain- ing consent from the superintendent of the Alpine School District, the principal of the high school, and the teacher of these classes, the measures were administered on May 1, 1978 to 99 students (37 males, 62 females) by a person with little knowledge of the purpose of the research (to control for experimenter effects). Approxi- mately 20 students in five classes were tested on the same day. Five days later, the same person re-administered the measures to the same classes. Due to student absences, failure of students to properly identify themselves on their test protocols, and failure to complete at least three of the five measures, usable data over both administrations was obtained for only 71 students (25 males, 46 females) aged 16 to 18. The overall attrition rate was 28.3%, 32.4% for males and 25.8% for females. The experimental group consisted of adolescents 14 to 19 years of age residing in the Oak Hills Stake (ecclesiastical unit), Provo, Utah, of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS), who had volunteered or had involuntarily been enrolled by their parents to participate in "Wilderness Trek“, a five-day wilder- ness stress program sponsored by the Youth Leadership Department of 32 33 Brigham Young University. Approximately 10 adults, either BYU stu- dents or parents of adolescent Wilderness students, also participated, but the research involved only the adolescent population. The personality measures were administered on June 1, 1978 to 100 participants (48 males, 52 females) by the experimenter, who also worked as an instructor on this trip. The students were herded into a large gymnasium on the BYU campus, where the tests and pen- cils were circulated and a general announcement was made stating that completion of these tests was a mandatory part of the course requirements. After the end of the wilderness experience, post-testing was achieved by dropping off a test at each subject's house, allow- ing her/him five days to fill it out, then returning to collect it. The latter procedure took three days to complete, as many students neglected to fill out the tests by the required date or were not at home at the scheduled pick-up time, both of which necessitated a return trip. Thus, not all post-tests were completed on the same day, but all were finished within eight days after the termination of the experience. Due to students' failure to fill out at least three of the five measures or failure to return the post-test to the experimenter, usable data over both administrations.was obtained on only 67 students (32 males, 35 females). The overall attrition rate was 33%, 33.3% for males and 32.7% for females. It should be noted that the experimental group seemed enthusiastic about participating in the wilderness experience, and appeared very reluctant to complete paper-and-pencil, school-type 34 before their adventure. In the pre-testing session, they laughed and joked noisily, collaborated on answers, wrote negative, smart- aleck comments on the papers, and wasted time by talking to each other. As a result, many did not finish their tests or return them to the experimenter. After the trip, however, many of the same persons had become personally acquainted with the experimenter and most made every effort to fill out and return the tests. Both the experimental and control groups were approximately the same age, though the control group was slightly older, on the average. Most of the subjects in both groups were Caucasian members of the LDS Church. The experimental group was probably higher in socio-economic level than the control group, since the latter were children of residents of a middle-class community, while the former were largely children of BYU professors or professionals, residing in an upper-class neighborhood. Experimental Treatment With regard to wilderness stress programs at BYU, Cloward (1978) has stated, The Department of Youth Leadership has long been the advocate of natural experience provided from a non-contrived situation being the most effective facilitator of behavioral change. We have also held that any form of psychological manipulation through professional "coaching techniques" and grouping, confrontation groups, etc.i are a less effective behavioral change mode . He also delineates three types of objectives that are the foundation of the Wilderness Trek program: 1) experiential objectives, the aim of which is to develop "cognitive understanding of principles or 35 truths involved with or associated to the subject or program goal", 2) attitudinal objectives, in which the student who has been exposed to and developed an understanding of certain principles "will set in motion changes of feeling, whether they be reversal or inten- sification of previous attitudes", and 3) behavioral objectives, which are assumed to be a by-product of revised attitudes. Once attitudes are changed by exposure to certain aspects of the wilder- ness experience, behavior will change to fit these new attitudes. These objects may be attained through the use of the "challenge chain" concept, in which a challenge, or a projected goal with obstacles between the individual and the objective, is presented to the student. Presentation of the challenge leads to anxiety, viewed as an agent for positive change. Anxiety leads to stress, or physiological or psychic tension based on uncertainty, which in turn may lead to fgpp. At this point, the successful completion of the challenge may lead to enhanced self-concept, while failure may lead to humiliation or loss of self-esteem. Participants in Wilderness Trek experience four main types of activities as delineated by Berube (1974): fear- and life-stress- producing tasks, outdoor survival skills, and environmental manipula- tion problems. Fear-stress, or stress occurring when the individual must face a challenge which he fears, is experienced by the Wilderness student when he must walk or crawl blindfolded fer several hours through the forest, watch a sheep being killed, climb a tree and fall backwards 15 feet into a net, hold a snake, or rappel down an 36 85-foot cliff. Life-stress, or the student's awareness that his life or physical safety is at risk, occurs as he edges along a narrow trail above a roaring river in the middle of the night, or is felt through the physiological depletion occurring when he hikes 27 miles without sleep or food, and is deprived from sufficient rest and food for a week's time. Outdoor survival skills are taught on the trail by the instructors, who point out edible and poisonous plants and berries, show the students how to carve a spoon from wood and how to prepare sausage, stomach bread, mutton and the hide of the sheep, as well as various other techniques of wilderness living. Finally, the participation of the whole group in solving problems such as how to maneuver all group members over a shoulder-high rope within 15 minutes, how to retrieve a box of oranges without stepping within a 10-foot radius of it, and other situations requiring group initiative and cooperation comprise the environmental manipulation problems or initiative tests. All of these activities are intended to help develop the participant's feelings of competence, self- sufficiency, and skill at interpersonal relationships, which can lead to increased levels of mastery and greater self-esteem. Furthermore, formal and informal "processing" or "valuing" sessions designed to help the student internalize positive values to produce attitudinal and behavioral change are held several times during the experience. With instructors as facilitators and discussion leaders, each student is encouraged to share an insight acquired during a particular activity, which is then discussed by the group. Students are asked to record these insights in a personal journal kept for that purpose. 37 Instructor Trainipg Approximately 60 Wilderness instructors, male and female, were personally selected by the director of the program from several hundred applicants, all BYU students. Those students who, in the director's opinion, demonstrated the highest moral and ethical standards, personal religious commitment, enthusiasm, sin- cere desire to work with youth and the ability to motivate and inspire them to change in a positive way, were selected. Age, physical condition and previous outdoor experience were of rela- tively minor importance. The instructors selected spent the first two weeks of May in the classroom, learning the usual outdoor skills such as the area's flora and fauna, elementary geology, weather, how to secure and prepare food in the wilderness, first aid, and so on. However,the emphasis in instructor training was the develop- ment of enthusiasm for working with youth, and channeling this energy into effective leadership designed to facilitate attitudinal and behavioral change in the students. Instructors were trained in the use of techniques to develop trust and rapport with their students, such as looking into a student's eyes to convey sincerity of feeling; the importance of physical contact; taking the time to privately counsel individual students about their concerns; monitoring the physical and emotional state of each student, and so on. In addition, psychological concepts such as self-esteem, motivation, rapport and trust were defined and discussed. Stress was introduced as a useful tool by which students would be forced to re-evaluate and re-examine their lives and their 38 positive and negative qualities as human beings. As instructors read the mood of the group and regulated the level of stress accordingly (for example, a physically strong group could be made to hike at a faster pace), students would experience a moderate level of physical and/or emotional distress, which would act as a motivator for positive attitudinal and behavioral change. Thus, the role of the Wilderness instructor was to 1) be an example to her/his students in her/his own personal life, and 2) to act as a facilitator for positive psychological change through her/his own enthusiasm and interaction with the individual student, the creation and regulation of stress in the group, and the use of elementary psychological techniques. Measures Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Rosenberg (1965) developed a lO-item Guttman scale in an effort to achieve a unidimensional measure of global self-esteem. These ten items consist of positive or negative evaluations of various aspects of the self, scored as to how well they pertain to the respondent (l = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree). He reports a coefficient of reproducibility for his scale as .94 in a population of 5,024 high school juniors and seniors from ten high schools in New York state, with .90 reproducibility as an arbitrary minimum for the inference that one is dealing with a satisfactorily reliable, unidimensional scale. Silber and Tippert (1965) obtained a two-week test-retest reliability coefficient of .85 for 28 college subjects, and also found high convergent validities between the 39 Rosenberg and other measures of self-esteem, as well as low Rosenberg scores associated with depressive affect, anxiety, and psychosomatic symptoms, interpersonal insecurity, and parental dis- interest. High Rosenberg scores were correlated with participation in extracurricular activities, leadership, and participation in the "Upward Bound" program. Silber and Tippett concluded by stating, "it is impressive that such high reliability is attainable with only 10 items and that such a short scale has yielded relationships supporting its construct validity" (p. 189). Tennessee Self-Concept Scale The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (Fitts, 1965) is com- prised of 100 self-descriptive statements which the subject marks on a 5-step scale ranging from "completely true" to "completely false". The statements were drawn from three other self-concept measures, plus "written self-descriptions of psychiatric patients and non-patients" (Fitts, p. l); and are equally divided between positive and negative items. Ninety of the 100 statements comprise nine scales: a total self-regard score measuring the individual's overall level of self-esteem (Total Positive), plus eight other scales measuring various aspects of the self-concept. These are arranged in a two- dimensional, 3 x 5 scheme with three rows and five columns. The variables in rows are labeled: (1) identity, or "what I am"; (2) self-satisfaction, or "how I accept myself"; and (3) behavior, or "how I act“. Column variables are entitled: (A) physical self, or the individual's view of his body, his health, physical 4O appearance, skills, and sexuality; (8) moral-ethical self, or one's feeling of moral worth, being a "good" or "bad" person, relationship to God, and satisfaction with one's religion or lack of religion; (C) personal self, or the individual's sense of personal worth, felt adequacy as a person, and self-evaluation of his personality, apart from his body and interpersonal relationships; (0) family self, or one's feeling of adequacy, worth, and value as a family member, or with reference to his closest constellation of associates; and (E) social self, or the individual's sense of adequacy and worth in social interaction with others in general. The remaining 10 items comprise a self-criticism scale, or a measure of the individual's level of defensiveness, and consists of mildly self-derogatory statements that most people would acknowledge as being true of them. The test manual (Fitts, 1965) states that the standardiza- tion group for this measure consisted of 626 persons ranging from 12 to 68 years of age of various racial, social, economic, intellectual, and educational levels. Fitts affirms that "the effects of such demographic variables as sex, age, race, education, and intelligence on the scores of the scale are quite negligible" (p. 13). Data and references also suggest that the test dis- criminates between psychiatric patients and non-patients, as well as between patients with different types of psychiatric disorders. Two-week test-retest reliability coefficients are reported as .92 for the total self-regard score, with rows ranging from .88 to .91 and columns from .85 to .90. However, evidence that the measure is sensitive to self-concept changes due to significant 41 positive or negative life experiences has also been presented. For example, Gividen (1959) evaluated the effects of stress and failure in army paratroop trainees. Those who passed and failed showed significant score decreases, with the failing group showing significantly greater decreases on certain scales. Ashcraft and Fitts (1964), in their study of patients who had been in therapy and those who had not, found that the therapy group changed signifi- cantly in the expected direction on 18 of the 22 variables studied. Semantic Differential Self-Evaluation Measures This instrument presented the subject with three concepts to be rated on a set of semantic differential scales (see Osgood, Suci and Tannenbaum, 1957). The three concepts were "myself as I am now" (Present Self), "myself as I will be in the future, 5 to 10 years from now" (Future Self), and "myself as I would like to be" (Ideal Self). Each concept was rated on 28 7-point bipolar scales. The scale anchors were chosen to include trait adjectives relating to activity/potency, maturity/competence, and sociability (for a complete list, see Appendix C). Positive and negative items are equally distributed on both sides of the continuum to minimize the influence of response sets. Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale Levenson (1974), in an effort to assess diverse agents of control in a person's life, devised three scales to measure the degree of internality or externality of locus of control as per- ceived by an individual. With regard to externality, she postulated 42 a belief in chance or luck as separate from a belief that positive others control one's life. Her hypothesis was that of those in- dividuals scoring high on externality, those who believe that en- vironmental events are random and due to luck or chance differ in behavior and cognition from persons who believe that environmental events occur in an orderly fashion, but are controlled by powerful others. Furthermore, she believed that those who feel their lives are largely ruled by chance or luck will be cognitively and be- haviorally different from those who feel that they themselves are not in control, scoring low on internality. The scales themselves are labeled Internal (1), Powerful Others (P), and Chance (C) and each consists of eight items in a Likert six-point scale, rendering each scale statistically indepen- dent of each other. Statements reflecting internal, powerful other, and chance orientations are presented alternately in the form of a 24-item attitude scale. The items consist of statements adapted from Rotter's Internal-External Locus of Control Scale (1966), plus several statements written specifically for the three scales. They are phrased to pertain to the subject personally, rather than , "people in general", and make no mention of the individual's ability or inability to modify the situations presented. Thus, the confounding factors of personal vs. ideological control and modi- fiability of social systems or institutions were avoided. Though Levenson reports estimates of internal consistency of this measure as only "moderately high", they compare favorably with those obtained for Rotter's scale. She also reports Kuder- 43 Richardson reliabilities as .E = .64 for the I scale, .77 for the P scale, and .79 for the C scale. Spearman-Brown split-half reliabilities were .62 for the C scale, with test-retest reliabilities for a one-week period as .64, .74 and .78, respectively, and means for the second administration of the scale were not significantly different than the first. Finally, correlations between the Marlow- Crowne Social Desirability Scale (1964) and each of the items was near 0.00, the highest being .19. Bem Sex Role Inventory Bem (1974) developed a measure to assess an individual's identification with certain traits ascribed by American society to correspond to a masculine or feminine sex role. The Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) contains a masculinity scale, a femininity scale, and an undifferentiated (low on masculinity and femininity) scale, each of which are comprised of 20 words describing personality characteristics rated on a 7-point scale (60 words total). It offers a fourfold classification scheme by which subjects may be scored as either masculine (high masculinity-low femininity), feminine (high femininity-low masculinity), androgynous (high masculinity-high femininity), or undifferentiated (low masculinity- low femininity). Each item qualified as masculine if it was judged by two independent samples of undergraduates (Ns = 723 and 194) to be more desirable in American society for a man than for a woman (i.e., assertive, analytical), or qualified as feminine if judged to be more desirable in American society for a woman than for a man (i.e., 44 childlike, shy, warm). The testee indicates on the 7-point scale how well each of these masculine and feminine personality char- acteristics describes her/himself, ranging from 1 (never or almost never true of me) to 7 (always or almost always true of me). An androgyny score, defined as Student's t-ratio of the difference between the subject's endorsement of masculinity and femininity standardized with respect to the standard deviations of his or her masculinity and femininity scores, may also be computed. Bem states that psychometric analyses have revealed that the masculinity and femininity scales are empirically and logically independent (avg. §_= -.03), with the androgyny score internally consistent (avg. a = .86). Test-retest reliabilities over a four-week inter- val were .90 for the masculinity scale, .90 for the femininity scale and .93 for the androgyny score. Also, the average correlation for each item and a social desirability measure was -.06. At this point, the reader is referred to Appendix C for an example of the questionnaire format, including a Michigan State University Departmental Research Consent Form; sheet of general instructions and blanks for subject identifying information; semantic differential measures constructed by the experimenter (for descriptions of other measures used, consult references cited for each); and two open-ended questions, the first of which was administered at pre-test and the second, at post-test. Hypotheses The following hypotheses were tested: 45 1. That experimental subjects' scores on two measures of self-esteem (Rosenberg and Tennessee Self-Concept Scale) would in- crease significantly (p_< .05) in a positive direction from pre- test to post-test as a result of the experimental treatment, while the scores of the control group on the same measures would not change significantly. 2. That experimental subjects' scores on the Internal scale of the Multidimensional Locus of Control measure would in- crease significantly (p_< .05) from pre-test to post-test as a result of the experimental treatment, while the scores of the control group on the same scale would not change significantly. 3. That male experimental subjects' scores on the Bem Sex Role Inventory would move significantly (p.< .05) in the direction of warmth and/or femininity from pre-test to post-test, while fe- males' scores would more significantly in the direction of masculinity and/or power. However, male ppg_female experimental subjects were expected to decrease significantly in susceptibility to external influence. Control group subjects were expected to show no significant change on any of these variables. 4. That experimental subjects' scores on the semantic differential Present Self scale would shift significantly (p_< .05) in the direction of self-evaluation of greater activity/potency, maturity/competence, and sociability from pre-test to post-test, while the scores of the control group would not change significantly. 5. That experimental and control group subjects' scores on the semantic differential scales Future Self and Ideal Self would 46 not change significantly (p_< .05) in the areas of activity/potency, maturity/competence, and/or sociability from pre-test to post-test. 6. That the difference between the experimental subjects' scores on the Present Self and Ideal Self scales on the factors activity/potency, maturity/competence, and sociability would be significantly (p_< .05) smaller than that of the control group from pre-test to post-test. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Derivation of the Scale Scores The data were analyzed on 53 different variables obtained from the five experimental measures. These are listed in Table l, and the means of main or interaction effects reaching significance are listed in Table 2. Insert Table 1 about here The variables were derived as follows: Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Each person's score on each of the 10 items was added to obtain a total score, which served as a global measure of self- esteem. Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Besides obtaining scores for the three row (identity, be- havior, self-satisfaction) and five column (physical, moral- ethical, personal, family, and social selves), the variables of this 3 x 5 scheme were also crossed to obtain 15 hew variables (physical identity, physical satisfaction, etc.). By crossing the original, more-inclusive variables, it was hoped that more specific information could be gained as to the nature of possible changes in the experimental group. Thus, discussion of changes measured by the TSCS will focus on the more specific measures resulting from 47 Table l. 48 1. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Global Variables* 2. d d —J O OGCDNO‘U‘I-Dw Identity Self-satisfaction Behavior Physical self Moral-ethical self Personal self Family self Social self Total positive Self—criticism Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale 27. * Internal locus of control 14. 15. l6. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 28. 29. List of Measures and Variables Specific Variables 12. 13. Physical identity Physical satisfaction Physical behavior Moral-ethical identity Moral-ethical satisfaction Moral-ethical behavior Personal identity Personal satisfaction Personal behavior Family identity Family satisfaction Family behavior Social identity Social satisfaction Social behavior External locus of control: Powerful others* Chance or luck* 49 Table 1 (continued) Bem Sex-Role Inventgry Female-identified Male-identified 35. Sex-role * variables variables neutrality 3o. Femininity* 33. Mascul inity* 31. Warmth 34. Power 32. Susceptibility to external influence Semantic Differential Scale§_(globa1 scores over 18 items) 36. Present self 37. Future self 38. Ideal self Each of the following variables was separately assessed over three desired factors: 1) activity/potency, 2) maturity/competence, and 3) sociability. Present self (39, 40, 41) Future self (42, 43, 44) Ideal self (45, 46, 47) Difference between Present and Future self (48, 49, 50) Difference between Present and Ideal self (51,-52, 53) Note: All numbered items were variables included in the analysis. * Sub-scales derived by author of measure. 50 crossing the row and column variables, rather than attending to the more inclusive variables. Finally, scores were also obtained for each subject on the self-criticism and total positive dimensions. Thus, the TSCS yielded a total of 25 measures. Semantic Differential Self-Evaluation Measures Each person's score on each of the 28 items was added to obtain a total score for each of the three semantic differential measures (Present Self, Future Self, and Ideal Self), with high scores indicating positive self-evaluation on each measure. The Present Self scale was then factor analyzed by the varimax rotation method and three factors were obtained: 1) activity/potency (com— prised of the adjectives energetic, adventurous, assertive, leader, outgoing, active, effective, strong, and ambitious); 2)maturity/ competence (comprised of the adjectives practical, wise, mature, responsible, helpful, dependable, and competent); and 3) sociability (comprised of the adjectives considerate, understanding, and friendly). These three factors were then treated as sub-scales of all three semantic differential measures, and the differences between these sub-scales for the Present Self, Future Self, and Ideal Self measures were analyzed, yielding a total of 18 variables from this measure. Multidimensional Locus of Control Scale The three scales derived by Levenson (1974) (Internal, Powerful Others, and Chance) were included in the analysis. 51 Bem Sex Role Inventory In addition to Bem's (1974) masculine, feminine and un- differentiated scales, a factor analysis revealed three additional factors: 1) power (including the adjectives self-reliant, inde- pendent, athletic, assertive, strong personality, forceful, leader- ship abilities, makes decisions easily, self—sufficient, dominant, aggressive, acts as a leader, and competitive); 2) warmth (includ- ing the adjectives feminine, sympathetic, sensitive to needs of others, understanding, compassionate, sincere, warm, tender, friendly, and gentle); and 3) susceptibility to external influence (including the adjectives yielding, flatterable, jealous, secretive, gullible, inefficient, and childlike). Although the power factor almost replicated all the adjectives included in the masculine scale, it behaved differently in the statistical analysis, so it was in- cluded in the study. Thus, a total of six variables were obtained from this measure. All statistical analyses were performed using sex, experi- mental/control group, and pre/post-test as independent variables. The computer program BALANOVA, developed by Brian Coyle and Raymond Frankmann of Michigan State University, computed an analysis of variance for all variables, which contained unequal numbers of cases per cell. Findings from the Analysis of Variance Table 2 presents a list of the main and interaction effects possible in this study, with a list of variables that reached statistical significance for each main and interaction effect, and their means. 52 Insert Table 2 about here As can be seen, no significant main effects were found for the experimental/control variable, indicating that there were no major differences between these groups as a whole in their response to the personality variables over pre- and post-testing. A com- parison of means also shows that on the pre-test, the control group scores higher than the experimental group on approximately half the variables, and the experimental group scores were slightly higher on the other half of the variables. Irtests for those variables that yielded significant (p_< .05) experimental/control, pre/post-test (two-way) and experimental/control, pre/post-test, and sex (three- way) interactions revealed negligible differences (all pfs below .14) between experimental and control group pre-test means. Statistically significant sex differences were found in both groups on 22 variables (over pre-post testing). Table 2 shows that on the locus of control variables females rated themselves as more internally controlled and less controlled by chance events than did males. The sex role characteristics showing higher means for females were femininity, sex-role neutrality, and warmth. Females also scored higher than males on most of the self-concept variables, including moral-ethical identity, moral-ethical satis- faction, moral-ethical behavior, family identity, social identity, social satisfaction, social behavior, and also on the more inclusive variables identity, behavior, moral-ethical self, family self, and social self. 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