'"Hw_- In.” 1. Morin-”'- u vu- -.. o ow‘."«< ‘7 I dA. “45"," Date November 10, 1978 llIllllllllllflllllllluljllllllllllljllllilwl LIBRAR Y W Staz ‘ Unimity This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Development of Socio—Economic Impact of Transportation in Tanzania, 1884—present. presented by Frank M. Chiteji ‘ - has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for History Ph.D. my" in F I‘ N. H , ”vflwr “nym’mw ' 1.1 H 5 t“ *1 A 06 3 OVERDUE FINES ARE 25¢ PER DAY PER ITEM Return to book drop to remove this checkout from your record. THE DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT OF TRANSPORTATION IN TANZANIA, 1884 - PRESENT ‘ By Frank Matthew Chiteji A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History College of Arts and Letters 1979 DEDICATION I wish to dedicate this study to the memory of my very loving father, Mzee Richard E. Chiteji, who was killed in Tanzania on January 29, 1977, while I was in the United States. I also wish to dedicate this study to the memory of my dear friend and professor, James R. Hooker, who passed away in the United States in May 1976, while I was in Tanzania doing my field work for this study. ABSTRACT THE DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT OF TRANSPORTATION IN TANZANIA, 1884 - PRESENT By Frank Matthew Chiteji Statement of the Problem This study was conducted to determine the impact of transport development in Tanzania with particular emphasis on Uluguru. The study covers the period between 1884 and the present. Since the impact over the years has varied in degree and intensity, this study was planned to identify the effect of specific transport networks on socio-economic and political development. The impact of railways and roads has been more closely studied than other modes of transport, such as the pipe- line, airline, and waterways. 9333_ Primary data were gathered through personal interviews, as well as from the Tanzania National Archives in Dar Es Salaam. Various government documents, research papers, and minutes of proceedings of the district and regional meetings have also been used. Secondary information, consisting mainly of books, articles, and unpublished works on Uluguru, was also used. In addition, the writer observed numerous activities related to transport development which Frank Matthew Chiteji are fully discussed in the study. Major Findings of the Study An analysis of the data collected reveals that transport net- works had the following important effects on the region's socio-economic and political development: they raised agricultural output and stimu- lated a progressive switch from subsistence to large-scale commercial production. There consequently developed a system of markets through- out the region, the biggest and busiest one in Morogoro. Other small periodic markets are situated in various settlements. The introduction of the railways in the 1900's undoubtedly set criteria for the economic development of the region and the country as a whole. The central railway reduced the high transport costs of por- terage traffic prevailing until then. The railway made possible the bulk transport which was the pre-condition for the creation of an ex- port-oriented agricultural production which, in turn, provided the foundation for all further economic development. This study also involved researching the impact of roads on the development of Uluguru. In terms of practical development of transpor- tation, it began slowly in the 1870's but progress accelerated after 1905, and changed the transport system that had, until then, been characterized by the existence of head-porterage. This ability of road transport to create much denser networks in the region introduced an entirely new element into the transport pattern. Roads, more than the railways, expedited the replacement of head-porterage. Roads were instrumental in the establishment of certain rural settlements, Frank Matthew Chiteji also a necessary pre-condition for the beginning of commercial agricul- ture. Roads, and in particular feeder roads, have played a significant role in the improvement of some of the settlements which were being served by poor ungraded roads. Recent Ujamaa villages also have bene- fited from roads, and many are located today along some of the major feeder roads. Roads have also contributed significantly to changes in the ways of life for thousands of people in the region. In areas where there were no schools, and no provision for other social services because of inadequate transport networks, such services are now being provided as new roads are constructed, and old ones are improved. Such roads have also resulted in greater mobility for the people and have enabled modernizing ideas to be introduced into areas where people had remained isolated from the rest of the country. Rural people are also now ca- pable of maintaining regular contact through available means of communi- cations: they visit each other often and can carry more gifts to their distant relatives, gifts which include foodstuffs which they carry along on the buses or lorries. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page. LIST OF TABLES ......................... viii LIST OF MAPS . . . . . . . . . . . ............... ix LIST OF FIGURES ........................ x ABBREVIATIONS ......................... xi INTRODUCTION .......................... 1 Review of Literature ................... 3 CHAPTER 3' I. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE ............... 5 People ........................ 8 Social/Political Systems ............... 10 Economic Structure .................. 16 II. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF TRANSPORT DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA .................... 22 Early Attempt to Establish a Modern Transport System: The German Period (1884-1918) ...... 25 The Railways ..................... 29 Roads ........................ 37 Transport Development During the British Period . . . 41 Development of Roads ................. 45 Air Transport .................... 54 CHAPTER III. IV. Historical Outline ................. Transport Development Since Independence ...... SPECIFIC TRANSPORT PROBLEMS AND REMEDIES IN MOROGORO ................... TRANSPORT CONSTRAINTS ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ULUGURU ................... Introduction .................... CONSTRAINTS ON DEVELOPMENT, GENERAL TRANSPORT PROBLEMS IN TANZANIA .............. Transportation of Agricultural Produce and Other Goods ................... Relationship of Road Development and Production Output of Some Crops .............. 'Some Classified Feeder Roads ............ THE TRANSPORT CONSTRAINT ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN MOROGORO REGION ............... Prdblems of Rural Transport ............ Transport Demand in Rural Areas .......... Supply of Rural Transport ............. Transport as a Limitation to Rural Development . . . . Improvement of Rural Accessibility ......... THE IMPACT OF TRANSPORT ON SOCIAL. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN ULUGURU ......... The Impact of the Railways ............. The Impact of the Roads .............. The Impact of Roads on "Ujamaa" Villages ...... Bus Transport ................... vi Page 54 58 61 76 76 77 85 94 97 105 106 107 112 116 116 128 CHA APP APP BIB CHAPTER Page General Evaluation of the Influence of Roads on Stimulation of Economic Activities ...... 131 VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ......................... 134 APPENDIX A ..... Morogoro: Areas of personal interviews and observations. APPENDIX B....Names of the Luguru clans. BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................... 140 vii Table II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. IX. XI. XII. XIII. EIST OF TABLES Tanzania Government Expenditure in Development (1969-1974) .................... Total Value of Chief Crops Grown in the Region (1909-1913) .................... Railway Lines Constructed Between 1925-1966 ..... Classification of the Railway Line, 1966 ....... Roads Existing in 1938 by Mileage .......... Number of Licenced Holders and of Licenced Vehicles ‘ in Morogoro in 1965 ................ Accumulated Number of People Within One to Five Miles Reach of the Major Feeder Roads in Morogoro ..................... Estimated Marketed Production in Morogoro, 1960-1966 ..................... Value of Crops Transported Over Various Segments of the Morogoro-Kisaki Road, 1962-1969 ...... Four Major Segments of Morogoro-Kisaki Road Showing Mileage, and the Average Daily Traffic Over Each Segment ................... Distance of Uluguru Farms to Motorable Roads and/or Markets .................. Hectares and Settlements Over the Four Major Segments of the Morogoro-Kisaki Road, 1929-1946 and 1964 ................ Type of Transport Used in Going to Farm by People in Four Selected Settlements, 1975 ........ viii Page 22 40 43 46 48 71 75 B7 MAP II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. IX. XI. XII. XIII. LIST OF MAPS Tanzania: Morogoro Region and the Adjacent Dar Es Salaam Region. Morogoro: Morogoro's Three Districts: Kilosa, Morogoro, and Hanga. Morogoro: Morogoro's Three Major Rivers: Hami, Great Ruaha, and Kilombero. Tanzania: Coast-Interior Trade Routes. Tanzania: Railway Construction from 1893-1914, between Tanga (on the Indian Ocean port) and Moshi (a coffee growing area). Tanzania: Railway Between Moshi and Arusha and Tabora and Mwanza Sections; extension of local feeder roads in the hinterland of the two ports, around major railway towns. Tanzania: Railroad Penetration into the Sisal Growing Area from Kingolwire to Kimamba. Tanzania: Railways Built Between 1895 and 1965 (dates show time of completion). Tanzania: First attempts by provision of trunk roads for interconnections between the main traffic axis and for opening up the southern parts of the country. Tanzania: Further expansion of interconnections between the various main axis of transport system. Tanzania: Existing airports and aerodromes. Morogoro: Major and Minor Roads. Tanzania: Movements of Agricultural Produce by Road, 1967. ix LIST OF FIGURES Figures I. Average Traffic on Morogoro Roads (Daily Bus Trips). II. Average Traffic on Morogoro Roads (Volume of Goods in 100 tons). ABBREVIATIONS B.R.A.L.U.P ..... ' .......... Bureau of Resources Assessment and Land Use Planning D.D.D .................. District Development Director B.R.B. . . . .............. Economic Research Bureau E.A.R.H ................. East African Railways and Harbours G.E.A .................. German East Africa M.S.E .................. Mtibwa Sugar Estates M.S.U ....... I ........... Michigan State University R.C ................... Roman Catholic R.D.D .................. Regional Development Director Shs ................... Shillings T.N.A .................. Tanzania National Archives T.L.A .................. Tanzania Licencing Authority T.G.A .................. Tanzania Growers Association U.D.I ................ . . Unilateral Declaration of VIndependenCe U.L.U.S ................. Uluguru Land Usage Scheme xi TANZANIA Lake Victoria 300 _| 100 2130 Kilometers 110 me de de INTRODUCTION In a number of recent studies regarding African development, eco- nomic history has been neglected, and the history of transport develop- ment has not been treated the same way other fields such as political development, African cultures and European colonialism have been treated by scholars. This study will, therefore, examine the historical develop- ment of transport in Tanzania, from the pre-colonial period until the present, with particular emphasis on the Morogoro region. The study will show that with the advent of colonialism, modern systems of trans- port, particularly roads and railways, have played a crucial role in the development of the Morogoro economy. This study of transport was undertaken for three main reasons: first, to open the field to others who might wish to do more research on this area which hitherto has received a minimal level of scholarly attention, as my review of existing literature will show; second, to examine Tanzania transport history and to determine the extent to which past transport plans have affected the country's socio-economic develop- ment. My undertaking will assist in providing a background for careful future transport planning and prevent the national government from the duplication of past mistakes. Finally, I hope to identify and evaluate the factors which have led the Morogoro region to participate in the development of the wider nation-state and to explain the impact of modern ph: de of ti po p0 of th an pr DO in 1‘9 in Of tw as 1i ta to an. dUl physical communication systems on the population. This dissertation is divided into six chapters, the first of which describes the geography and the people of the region. An understanding of the more important physical features is important because of the set- ting they provide for transport development. The people and their socio- political systems are also discussed as well as their economic structures (both pre-colonial and colonial) and the relationship of these to trans- port development. The second chapter presents an historical overview of transport development in Tanzania, and focuses on three major periods: the German colonial period, 1884-1918; the British period, 1919-1960; and the post-colonial period, 1961 to present. Also examined are the preceding pre-colonial and the Arab phases. Specific problems of trans- port development in Morogoro and their suggested solutions are studied in the third chapter. The fourth chapter investigates transport and the related problems of rural development, and chapter five focuses on the impact of transport. Chapter six provides the summary and conclusion of this study. Information for this study was collected in Tanzania during a two-and-one-halffiyear period of fieldwork. Personal interviews served as a major method of data collection and were conducted in those areas listed in Appendix A. Other materials were taken from documents con- tained in the Tanzania National Archives in Dar Es Salaam. This reposi- tory contains much material relevant to the understanding of the German and British colonial periods and those development schemes which intro- duced modern transport systems as an agent of change. Still other materials were obtained from the reports compiled by the Bureau of St th go ov ti Ca Resources Assessment and Land Use Planning (BRALUP) and the Economic Re- search Bureau (ERB) at the University of Dar Es Salaam. Most of the data obtained from bureaus consisted of transport and economic feasibility studies undertaken by foreign firms between 1960 and 1975. In addition, the writer acquired access to specific ministerial reports from various government offices in Dar Es Salaam and in Morogoro. In Morogoro, more- over, the writer was given permission to examine and draw some informa- tion from diaries preserved in the archives of the Morogoro Roman Catholic Church. Review of the Literature This author is familiar with some published works on the develop- ment of transport in Tanzania. None, however, has examined the histori- cal aspects of transport development, and its impact on people has been ignored or discussed only in general terms. What this study hopes to do, therefore, is to bring together all of these fragmented materials. Generaly speaking, there are few studies on the Uluguru, with the exception of two-anthropological works: Young and Fosbrooke's Land 1 and Politics Among the Luguru of Tanganyika and T.O. Beidelman's Ihg_ 2 Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania. In both studies, the authors concerned themselves with general societal development and change, which 3 they concluded was facilitated by the advent of European rule. In the 1Roland Young and Henry Fosbrooke, Land and Politics Amongithe Luguru of Tanganyika (London, 1960). ) 2T.O. Beidelman, Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania (London, 1967 . 3Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, p. 5. 19! Cal SU fr 1950's the British Native Authority commissioned the Catholic priest, Canuti Mzuanda, to write a local history of the Luguru. His Historia ya Waluguru relies primarily on locally obtained traditions.4 A brief survey of the geography of Uluguru is contained in E.W. Bovill's "Notes from East Africa: The Uluguru Mountains and the Rufiji Plains."5 In addition, two general works containing references to Uluguru are To the Central African Lakes and Back6 and How I Found Dr. Living: stone.7 Both provide useful descriptions of the early contacts between Europeans and the Luguru, but Thomson's interesting remarks about Ulu- guru physical features, and Stanley's praise of land and people ap- parently had the effect of attracting numerous subsequent European explorers to the region. Stanley wrote enthusiastically about the "walled city," which was the seat of the Luguru ruler: The first view of the walled city at the western foot of the Uluguru Mountains, with its full valley abundantly beautiful, watered by two rivers, and several pellucid streams of water distilled by the dew and cloud enriched heights around was one that we did not anticipate to meet in Eastern Africa. F.D. Lugard's The Rise of Our East African Empire,9 contained im- portant commentary on Uluguru and served as a guide to many European 4Reverend Canuti Mzuanda, Historia_ya Waluguru (Dar Es Salaam, 1958). 5E.W. Bovill, "Notes From East Africa: The Uluguru Mountains and the Rufiji Plains." The Geographical Journal, 50(1917):277-283. ) 6Joseph Thomson, To the Central African Lakes and Back (London, 1881 . 7Henry M. Stanley, How I Found Dr. Livingstone (London, 1899). 8Stanley, Dr. Livingstone, p. 115. 9F.D. Lugard, The Rise of Our East African Empire (Edinburgh, 1893). H l p [m I '11 Kr; (explorers because it discussed those areas which the author believed were suitable rest stations for travelers to Nyasaland and beyond. There are several other accounts containing passing references to the Luguru.10 W.O. Henderson, Studies in German Colonial History, A History of German Foreign Policy 1870-1814; and Hermann Kratschell, Carl Peters, 1856-1918 Ein Beitraggzur Publizistick des Imperialistischen Nationalismus in Deutschland, which devotes an entire section to the discussion of Peter's early treaty-signing expedition in Usagara, Uluguru and the rest of the eastern part of Tanzania. None of the works cited deals with the sub- ject matter under examination in this study. In this respect, the present work constitutes an original study. The author's claim is to move away from political history, and instead attend to issues relating to economic history. 10H.O. Henderson, Studies in German Colonial Histgry (London, 1962); Erich Brandenburg, From Bismark to the World War (Londfin, 1927); Herman Kratscheu, Carl Peters, 85 - 8 Ber n, . al‘ CHAPTER I THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE The eastern third of Uluguru lies in the rolling coastal plains, although the core-area of the region is composed of rough hills and precipitous mountains. E.W. Bovill described these Uluguru Mountains: [They] are of extraordinary beauty, and have been compared to those of Kashmir, though lacking the floral riverine of the east. Great rocks drop out on the floors of the val- 1eys as well as on the hillsides, but nowhere does this ruggedness meet the eye, for the whole landscape is clothed in dense tropical vegetation, through which only an occa- sional gaunt peak rises above the general conformation of the hills. The rising sun turns the brilliant green of the virgin forest to a wonderful medley of soft shades of pink and manre and violet; but during the heat of the day the heights are enveloped in a veil of the softest blue. To the south, where the greatest elevation is reached, the mountains rise to the 7,000 feet contour over a con- siderable area.1 The Morogoro region is situated 1628 feet above sea level at the foot of the Uluguru Mountain range, whose highest peak reaches 8,000 feet. It contains an area of 19.296 square kilometres, composed largely of vast plains and plateaus. Its proximity to the equator, in combina- tion with other factors such as elevation, rainfall and soil, results in a climate which ranges from tropical to temperate. The region's nBovill, "Notes From East Africa," p. 277-283, See also R.C. Northcote "Native Land Tenure for Morogoro" (Dar Es Salaam, 1945). II ‘0 CA. / 1 i MOROGORO AND ITS DISTRICTS .. lf..|..\ /.Il..1.1.J _ .. i e. \ .a. GROWS nNkfiwa aw... ../../..|l.ll . .1 ‘2/ I..//..i..\\. /.. “13* L [—45—0 rainy season extends normally from October to May, with heaviest rains in March, April and May. Total rainfall is approximately 35 inches, which is the minimum required for dependable cultivation. Along the hills where about 60 percent of the Luguru dwell, more rain falls than on the plains, occasionally as much as 70-80 inches. This precipita- tion falls on high quality terrain, including the fertile "black- cotton" soil scattered throughout the region. There are many rivers but only three are large enough to warrant any mention in this study. The Wami River originates in the Mkata plains in the north and flows north of Dar Es Salaam. The Ruru River, together with the small Mgeta and Ngerengere Rivers, drains from the western Uluguru Mountains and flows northeast to reach the Indian Ocean just north of the Ulanga District where it connects with the Rufiji River system. On the whole, the topography provides no major obstacle to economic growth, including transport development (see Map III).12 People The Morogoro region is inhabited largely by the Luguru people, al- though the Kami, Kutu and Doe individuals have been absorbed through marriage.13 The Luguru's place-of-origin is reportedly the Palaulanga 12This conclusion was observed by a team of economists for the International Bank for Development. See The Economic Development of Tanganyika (Baltimore, 1961) p. 77. 13An observation made in four villages of Njiapanda, Kidete, Msowero and Rudewa in the northwestern part of Morogoro. At least six to ten persons out of forty-seven interviewees traced their origins to grandparents outside of northwestern Tanzania. Personal interviews, March 17, 1975. Ul‘ ob ABSTRACT THE DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT OF TRANSPORTATION IN TANZANIA, 1884 - PRESENT By Frank Matthew Chiteji Statement of the Problem This study was conducted to determine the impact of transport development in Tanzania with particular emphasis on Uluguru. The study covers the period between 1884 and the present. Since the impact over the years has varied in degree and intensity, this study was planned to identify the effect of specific transport networks on socio-economic and political development. The impact of railways and roads has been more closely studied than other modes of transport, such as the pipe- line, airline, and waterways. «o Qgtg_ Primary data were gathered through personal interviews, as well as from the Tanzania National Archives in Dar Es Salaam. Various government documents, research papers, and minutes of proceedings of the district and regional meetings have also been used. Secondary information, consisting mainly of books, articles, and unpublished works on Uluguru, was also used. In addition, the writer observed numerous activities related to transport development which It in th We, Frank Matthew Chiteji are fully discussed in the study. Major Finding§_of the Study An analysis of the data collected reveals that transport net- works had the following important effects on the region's socio-economic and political development: they raised agricultural output and stimu- lated a progressive switch from subsistence to large-scale commercial production. There consequently developed a system of markets through- out the region, the biggest and busiest one in Morogoro. Other small periodic markets are situated in various settlements. The introduction of the railways in the 1900's undoubtedly set criteria for the economic development of the region and the country as a whole. The central railway reduced the high transport costs of por- terage traffic prevailing until then. The railway made possible the bulk transport which was the pre-condition for the creation of an ex- port-oriented agricultural production which, in turn, provided the foundation for all further economic development. This study also involved researching the impact of roads on the development of Uluguru. In terms of practical development of transpor- tation, it began slowly in the 1870's but progress accelerated after 1905, and changed the transport system that had, until then, been characterized by the existence of head-porterage. This ability of road transport to create much denser networks in the region introduced an entirely new element into the transport pattern. Roads, more than the railways, expedited the replacement of head-porterage. Roads were instrumental in the establishment of certain rural settlements, Frank Matthew Chiteji also a necessary pre-condition for the beginning of commercial agricul- ture. Roads, and in particular feeder roads, have played a significant role in the improvement of some of the settlements which were being served by poor ungraded roads. Recent Ujamaa villages also have bene- fited from roads, and many are located today along some of the major feeder roads. Roads have also contributed significantly to changes in the ways of life for thousands of people in the region. In areas where there were no schools, and no provision for other social services because of inadequate transport networks, such services are now being provided as new roads are constructed, and old ones are improved. Such roads have also resulted in greater mobility for the people and have enabled modernizing ideas to be introduced into areas where people had remained isolated from the rest of the country. Rural people are also now ca- pable of maintaining regular contact through available means of communi- cations: they visit each other often and can carry more gifts to their distant relatives, gifts which include foodstuffs which they carry along on the buses or lorries. III uni-1w 8T Ti” 18 tC SL ar me bu 1a Cu' to a v 510 Eh: V15 Se: 83 10 areas of southwestern Tanzania, a claim supported by local tradition.14 They came to their present homes as a result of Ngoni raids after the 1830's. Since settling their present homelands, the Luguru have kept to the mountain areas to protect themselves against the Ngoni and, subsequently, against slave raiders.15 Still later, these inaccessible mountain areas were used to avoid governmental control, both colonial and post-colonial.16 During the last ten years, the national govern- ment has been able to persuade some Luguru to descend into the valleys, but not before encountering strong resistance.17 (This will be discussed later.) SociallPolitical Systems Luguru society is matrilineal with a strong lineage organization. Culturally, it merges with the Zaramo society to the east and the Zigua to the north. Linguistically, the differences between the Luguru and adjacent societies are only in dialect, since the languages are mutually understandable. The Luguru are divided into over fifty exogamous clans (lukolo), with histories and traditions which associate them with certain 14Reverend Mzuanda, personal interview, Morogoro, September 8, 1975. Much of this is also discussed in his book Historia_ya Waluguru, p. 81. 15From stories, it appears that the Ngoni raiders gave the Luguru a very bad time, leaving most of them homeless. Memories of this incur- sion were recorded in great detail by the representatives of the Holy Ghost Mission in Morogoro. Reverend Mzuanda, Morogoro, personal inter- view, September 8, 1975. 16Reverend Mzuanda, Morogoro, personal interview, September 8, 1975. 17C.R. Ingle, "From Colonialism to Ujamaa: Case Studies in Tanzania's Search for Independence," Dar Es Salaam, Bralup. University of Dar Es Salaam, 1971 (unpublished research paper). c1 Si au sw un it ta to P05 vi‘ tic a c col Ram in sen Prg( \ 11 general areas, although they are not land-owning units.18 Some of the clans are linked with one another, but members may not intermarry. Since the clan is Luguru's strongest unit, the direct form of formalized authority was not accepted during the colonial rule, and the only an- "19 Since the family swer was to impose a system of "indirect rule. unit was the basis of organization, the colonial administration found it convenient to transform the family head into the village chief when “indirect rule“ was introduced.20 The Luguru enjoy living in compact villages where people of several lineages reside together. The great majority of villages today con- tain people living side by side who, when they came together, had been total strangers. There is no reason, however, to think that these com- posite villages are twentieth-century innovations. Within traditional villages, and stretching beyond them, are networks of marriage connec- tions, relations through women and links through blood which overlap in a complex way to produce tightly woven communities rather than loose collections of separate lineages. Young and Forsbrooke estimate that 18J. Lewis Barnes, "A Digest of Uluguru Customary Law" (unpublished manuscript), (Morogoro, n. d. ) p. 20. 19Ibid. For a discussion of some of the problems encountered in establishing African local government, see Lucy P. Mair, "Repre- sentative Local Government As A Problem in Social Change, "Human Problems in British Central Africa, XXI (March, 1957), pp. 1- 17. 20Barnes, "A Digest of Uluguru Customary Law," p. 22. ir an to V9 12 2] each of which there are approximately eight hundred such lineages, possesses its own insigniae such as a stall (mkunga), an axe (mambasa), a hat (fia), a hatband (kilemba), a wristbangle (mhande), staff (tenge) 22 Lineage heads are usually men of the female line; only and a drum. under unusual and temporary circumstances are women or sons of men of the lineage chosen as heads. The lineage leader is in charge of arrang- ing the important rites for propitiating ancestors for fertility, rain, and relief from misfortune and other problems.23 In addition, lineage leaders are also in charge of land allocation and other matters of pos- sible dispute. In the past, slaves taken as captives or received as indemnities for various wrong doings, were often married and absorbed into the lineages. However, descendants of female slaves were never entirely absorbed and still have a quasi-alien status regarding rights to land and office.24 The political terms of traditional African societies vary from very small groups with simple leadership to large states with intricately 21Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics Amongithe Luguru, pp. 23- 26. At the introduction of British administration, the power of lineage heads were reduced in favor of the akidas, and the lineage heads were made to function as assistants to the akidas. Memorandum from the Governor of Tanganyika, Sir Richard Turnbull to the Provincial Commis- sioner of Morogoro, instructing him to expedite the process of power granzfer from the traditional rulers to the akidas. Document 19/5/462 .N. . 22Reverend Mzuanda, Morogoro, personal interview, October 6, 1974. 23Mzuanda, Historia_ya Waluguru, p. 46. 24J.R. Pitblado's "A Review of Agricultural Land Use and Land Tenure in Tanzania" BRALUP No. 7, (June 1970). orge inte but for. for eve be; in: sti phe an 5y VB au 11‘ nI'U-f‘ 13 organized systems of government. In West Africa, iron weaponry and international trade made the development of large states possible,25 but most of East Africa and Tanzania, in particular, falls under the fOrmer category. Prior to colonial rule, each Tanzanian matrilineage formed the core of an independent political unit. Occasionally, how- 'ever, an outstanding rain-maker or lineage leader exerted influence beyond his kin group and obtained tribute (chami, landege or sengwa) from other groups.26 Such a trend was not, apparently, completely in- stitutionalized. There was no formal unification of this highly ace- phalous society until the advent of colonial rule.27 Notwithstanding the advent of the German colonial administration and the introduction of alien political systems, the Luguru lineage system continued to play an important role in allocating land.28 Its value in modern government was restricted, however, and traditional authorities were unable to function for the German administration. Thus, the Germans resorted to the "akida" system of direct administra- tion, which had previously been used by the Arabs in areas under their political hegemony.29 These akidas were brought into Uluguru from the 25Roland Oliver and Brian M. Fagan, Africa in the Iron Age_(London, 1975), pp. 59-69. See also M. Fortes and E.E. Evans-Prichard African Political Systems (Oxford, 1940), p. 17. The later work provides dis- cussion about the rise of African states. 26Reverend Mzuanda, Historia ya Waluguru, p. 35. 27Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics Among_the Luguru, p. 15. It is a view also held by Reverend’Mzuanda'in his study of Luguru soci- ety, op. cit., p. 65. 28Pitblado, "A Review of Agricultural Land Use," op. cit., p. 13. 29The akida was the principal administrative and judicial officer for urban and rural Africans. coast ti ve sati Ulug who ln 1 wes the and per His C31 re of th na ha 1c 14 coastal towns to collect poll-taxes, procure laborers, and enforce na- tive legislations.30 In general, the Germans found their work more satisfactory than that of the heads of lineages, who were often used as assistants to the akidas. With the advent of German colonial administration, three prominent Uluguru political figures came to prominence, one of whom was Mbago, who ruled the western arid highlands. However, his prestige stood high in other areas, including the western plains and the hills of the south- west inhabited by people of different clans. In the southern area of the Uluguru Mountains, political leadership was in the hands of Hega, and in the eastern area, it was in the hands of Kingalu. During this period, one of the Kingalus moved to exert his power as rainmaker.31 His sacrifices did not supplant the efforts of other lineages, but be- cause of a run of speedy answers to his prayers, Kingalu came to be regarded as more efficacious. All the lineage heads were the recipients of a token payment called "ngoto," but Kingalu received more tribute than his counterparts because he was believed to possess greater super- natural powers responsible for bringing the rains and a successful harvest.32 7 While the names of these three leaders frequently appear in the local traditions, there was another ruler, Kisabengo, who was equally 30Document 71/122 T.N.A. 2 31Reverend Mzuanda, Morogoro, personal interview, November 21, 22. 3. 1975. 32Mzuanda, Historia ya Waluguru, p. 67. famous of his Kisabe bara ' which dancy to t1 tain: auth half 5,0E 111 m vil dah No Wi- 0C 91" 15 famous, but who figures less prominently in the local histories because of his alien origin. A few Morogoro town residents still remember Kisabengo and say that he came from Uzigua, to the north of the Usam- bara Mountains.33 This tradition is complemented by Stanley's account, which described Kisabengo as a Zigua of humble ancestry who gained ascen- dancy over fugitive slaves on the coast.34 When he failed to pay tribute to the Sultan of Zanzibar, he was forced to flee to the Uluguru Moun- tains, where he established his rule over the lowlanders. Kisabengo's authority was centered around his quadrangular "walled city," about half a mile square, with an estimated population of between 3,000 and 5,000.35 Shortly after Stanley's visit in 1879, the town was struck by high winds and hard rains, resulting in a heavy loss of life. The Luguru villages in the hills were washed away, and the fortified city badly damaged. Kisabengo reportedly fled, and his stronghold disappeared.36 No visible remnants of the walled city exist in Morogoro today, and Kisabengo is almost forgotten, although his grave and that of his first wife are located in Morogoro near the railway station. Reverend Mzuanda accompanied this writer to the grave site, which is surrounded by tall grass and completely neglected, probably because Kisabengo was an inter- loper. 33See Stanley, How I Found Dr. Livingstone, p. 211, in which Kisabengo is frequently mentioned as the most "generous African ruler we have ever encountered in East Africa." 34Stanley, How I Found Dr. Livingstone, p. 218. 35Ibid., p. 308. 351bid., p. 309. .._. in mi 16 Economic Structure Since their arrival at their present home, the Luguru have been hoe cultivators, first using wooden implements (kibode) and digging sticks (muhaya) for cereal cultivation because there was a shortage of metal.37 Cultivation was done by both sexes, with the women sowing the seeds.38 Preparation of land for cultivation is most commonly ac- complished by the so-called "slash-and-burn" technique, and other tech- niques of fertilization are not generally practiced, although the Luguru occasionally employ a system of crop rotation. In Uluguru, land is cleared shortly before the November rains, and agricultural work among the Luguru is generally done individually or by households. Group work is sometimes required for clearing bush or for housebuilding, and cultivation and weeding continue until the cessation of the rains in the month of June. Maize is the staple crop, supplemented by beans, groundnuts, bananas and cassava (a potential famine crop). Some cotton and sugarcane have also been grown for local use, but the German colonial administration converted them into cash crops. The Luguru divide arable land into three categories: malulu (house farms), for vegetables, tobacco, etc.; migunda (ordinary farms) in higher and well-watered areas for grains, beans, pumpkins; and miteme (cleared bush), good for only a few years and often poorly watered and requiring much labor to clear. Prior to the Arab period, 37Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, p. 26. 38This method is still being practiced today. few L side mark: carr the and to 1 marl 1111p: bee der nei a1 5 eve 1111 are act mai hav l7 few Luguru were commercially adept or interested in trading goods out- side the region. They were content to trade with aliens only at local markets, although some goods were sold to Zaramo or Zigua traders who carried on transactions further afield. During the German and British periods, and to some degree under the present national government, most cash crops were marketed to Asian and African merchants. Now, however, grain and oil seeds must be sold to the government. Tobacco and sugarcane, on the other hand, can be marketed locally.39 Luguru women continue to play, as they did in the past, a very important economic role.40 Their most common economic activities have been potting, beer-brewing, and basket-weaving, from which must cash is derived. Traditionally, pots, baskets and mats were sold or traded to neighbors and visitors in the front yards of women's homes. Beer was also sold there, usually in enclosed backyards. In recent years, how- ever, with the introduction of modern transportation, and especially with the opening up of the rural areas to feeder roads, most products are now displayed and sold along the roadsides. This writer did observe activities among the women of Mkata, 23 miles south of Morogoro, on the main Tanzania-Zambia highway. Eight out of eleven families interviewed have moved there since construction of the road started, most from dis- tances of five to nine miles. Before they moved, income derived from 39Reverend Mzuanda, Morogoro, personal interview, November 23, 1975. See also J. Moffet Tanganyika Review of Its Resources and Their Development (Dar Es Salaam, London, 1955), p. 22. 40This discussion of the participation of women in the economy is based on personal observation by the writer in four separate settle- ments: Mkata, Doma, Kiberege and Ifakara, December 2, 3, 4, 1975. the‘ the ber is Dar als mil thi as ti Af tr CU th Do at 11 18 their work averaged about 35.00 shs. per month, but after they relocated, their income increased three to four times, owing to the increasing num- ber of travelers on the new road, including tourists. The consumption of home brew has also increased. This beverage is popular among lorry drivers and bus passengers who travel between Dar Es Salaam and Lusaka. Buses make regular stops at beer-huts, which also sell foodstuffs. Between Morogoro and Ifakara, a distance of 130 miles, the bus makes about four major refreshment stops. There are, therefore, many women along this road who have accumulated some "wealth," as have women along the region's other roads. With regard to agriculture, the Luguru have retained their tradi- tional methods of farming, with very few changes.42 Past efforts to introduce modern farming resulted in major riots throughout Uluguru. After World War II, for instance, the British colonial administration tried to replace the unproductive agricultural systems with new agri- cultural practices aimed at improving output.43 The plan was called the Uluguru Land Usage Scheme (ULUS). A Mr. R.H. Gower, who was ap- pointed district commissioner for Morogoro in 1952, immediately initi- ated a scheme aimed at providing agricultural education to the local 42Department of Agriculture, District Data, Morogoro, 1959. 43A.H. Savile, "Soil Erosion in the Uluguru Mountains," (Dar Es Salaam, 1947), (typescript). Savile, "The Study of River Altera- tions in the Flood Regions of Three Important Flood Regions in Tanganyika," East African Agricultural Journal, XI (October, 1945). 19 population to encourage the adoption of modern farming methods.44 As anticipated, the Luguru actively resisted these new policies. In an attempt to suppress what they considered a rebellion, the local adminis- trators sent "askaris" into the distant mountain areas. In addition to suppressing the rebellion, the "askaris" were also instructed to force some of the mountain dwellers to move into the valleys below. Through this move, the administrators hoped to place the mountain people under the closer observation and control of the police. Maintaining law and order had been difficult in the mountainous areas because communica- tions were poor. A second part of the scheme involved the use of a large number of African agricultural instructors. The administrators incorrectly assumed that the Luguru would readily accept these instructors. In- stead, the latter encouraged intense resistance and were derisively 46 The reasons for referred to as "wazungu weusi" (Black Europeans). this resistance are numerous. For example, several of the agricultural instructors were men who had been discourteous to and highly critical of the local populations. A second important reason was that the British administrators underestimated the gravity of the conflict be- tween the educated outsiders and the local peasant farmers. A third 44Village headmen throughout the region were summoned to Moro- goro, where they spent four days receiving instructions on implemen- tation of the scheme. Morogoro District Book, p. 18. Reactions varied: there were those who had no choice but to comply out of fear of police action. The few who objected moved to the mountainsides where they could not be reached easily. 4soistrict Police Commander Report, July 8, 1955. Document 19/5/462 Volume II T.N.A. fa by th Th on be 10 an. p61 The 20 source of the conflict, and perhaps most important, was the Luguru's objections to the imposed system of authority and land allocation, which they viewed as threats to their way of life. The colonial administration, on the other hand, favored the scheme because of its economic implications. In their shortsightedness they chose to overlook or ignore the cultural values involved. .The primary fact, as far as the colonial administration was concerned, was that the mountain land was carrying a heavier papulation than could be sustained by the traditional system. Furthermore, the soil was eroding, and, as 'the people extended their holdings, they were destroying the forests. This process, in turn, had a harmful effect on the water supply, not only for the town of Morogoro, but also for most of the other valleys because the headwaters of several of the major rivers of Tanzania are located in the Uluguru Mountains. As a result of the continued mistrust between African officials and African peasants on the one hand, and between Africans and Euro- peans on the other, in the summer of 1955 riots broke out in Uluguru.46 The whole of the mountain area was set ablaze and thousands of good farms were destroyed, including most of those which had been earmarked for pilot programs in the scheme. Once again, the askaris were deployed to quell the disturbances.47 Four deaths were reported along with hun- dreds of injuries. By the time the riots were over, the colonial ad- ministrators scrapped the scheme, allowing the Luguru to go on with their "desturi za zamani" (old customs). 46Young and Fosbrooke, p. 47Document 19/5/462 Volume II T.N.A. ref01 with degr the nal syst then by 1 Peo; trai 90w 21 It appears that the Luguru's opposition to British agricultural reforms was precipitated mainly by their desire to refuse to comply with alien policies in the hope that they would be able to retain some degree of independence. When it became obvious that they had failed, the Luguru had no alternative but to accept a minimum level of exter- nal domination. One immediate colonial requirement was a self-supporting economy, a need which compelled the colonial civil servantsto impose a tax system. The only way the Luguru could pay their taxes was to engage themselves in cash-crop production. This was encouraged and supported by the agricultural officers who provided seeds and other materials.48 People increased their acreage to an unprecedented degree; however, transport problems have hindered the amount of production which the government would have liked in order to meet Luguru demand.49 48IBDR, The Economic Development of Tanganyika, p. 96. 49Ibid., p. 95. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF TRANSPORT DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA Developing countries of today are necessarily in the arduous busi- ness of increasing their level of economic growth. The majority of these nations have chosen to tackle this problem through planned develop- ment, based upon set priorities involving purposeful allocation of re- ] One distinctive feature of such resource allocation has been sources. the large amount Of funds being channeled into transportation. (For the Tanzanian example, see Table I below, which demonstrates how sig- nificant transport and communication are to the country and the develop- ment of all sectors of the economy). Transport expenditures, as can be Table I. Tanzania Government Expenditure in Development 1969-1974 (in T2 shillings millions) Transport and Education and Transport Industry Communication Health 99,423,300 32,142,240 817,000,000 328,161,800 Source: 2nd Five-Year Plan 1969-1974 1This was first recognized and adopted in the First-Five Year Development Plan. For details see Tanganyika: Development Plan for Tanganyika 1961/1962-1963/1964 (Dar Es Salaam, 1962). 22 23 Observed in the table, are 63% higher than for all other development sectors. This high level Of capital investment can be regarded as a direct indication of the magnitude of the transportation problem exist- ing in developing countries. As Owen has pointed out,2 criteria for this type of investment are not based upon historical evidence Of past perfOrmance, but on the role that transportation is Observed to have played in the economic growth of developed countries.3 This chapter will provide an historical overview Of transport development in Tanzania. Although concentration will center on the German and British colonial periods and the post-colonial era, the pre-colonial and Arab periods will also be examined in order to provide a complete historical picture.4 The mode of transportation first used by Africans in Tanzania was head porterage. The Nyamwezi of central Tanzania are the people best known for this system of human carriage. It was the Nyamwezi whom the Arabs eventually hired as porters throughout the period of caravan trade.5 Although there existed no systematic precision of head porter- age in Uluguru at this time, as many as 200,000 porters per year were reported to pass through this area around the turn Of the century.6 2W. Owen, Strategy for Mobility, (Washington 1965), p. 18. 3I.B.R.D. The Economic Development of Tanganyika (Baltimore, 1961) pp. 177-179. A similar discussion can be found in P.R. Gould, The De- velgpment of Transpgrgation Pattern in Ghana, Studies in Geography. No. 5 (Evanston 1960), p. 77. 4The Arab period in particular played an important role in the opening up of the country. See Richard F. Burton, The Lake Regions of Central Africa (London, 1860) II, p. 224. 5Ibid. 6Thomson, To the Central African Lakes and Back, p. 257. 24 Around November 1885, a German priest Observed over 300 Luguru porters descending from Uluguru mountains in route from Kisaki to Mikese.7 To this day, the residents of Mikese Often refer to a "barabara y Wapagazi," or porter's highway, when giving a visitor directions.8 These "highways," as the local population Often referred to them, became so popular and were so effective that they provided the initial foundation for later German efforts to "Open up" the interior.9 According to missionary records in the town of Morogoro, the por- ters were recruited from various Uluguru villages such as Mgeta, Matombo and Mkata. Notwithstanding its widespread usage and effectiveness, Lord Lugard denounced this system Of goods conveyance: it it, however, economically unsound, especially a cOuntry where labor is scarce, to employ men merely as beasts of burden...it therefore becomes the first duty Of a government to provide a better means Of transport, and it seems indefen- sible that forced labor should be used for such a purpose.... So Lugard urged the government to set an example by abandoning this archaic and wasteful form of transport.10 In addition to the Opinion 7From the reports collected by Reverend Mzuanda (personal papers now at R.C.M. in Morogoro). 8Personal observation, December 1974. In the days of exploration, various attempts were made to penetrate the interior of Tanzania by riv- ers, these met with very little success. The basic method of transport was therefore by manpower, which was organized in caravans, made up pri- marily of porters (wapagazi). E.W. Smith "An African Odyssey: The Story Odewo Porters, Mombai and Mabmki. (R.C.S.) (unpublished typescript) n. . 9Frederick L. Maitland Moir, "Eastern Route to Central Africa," The Scottish Geographical Magazine I (1885) 110-111. This area had long been a prey of Arab slavers. See Reginald Coupland, The Exploitation Of East Africa, 1856-1890; The Slave Trade and The Scramble (London 1938). 10F.D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, (London, 1926) pp. 422-423. 25 Of Lord Lugard, there was also substantial African resentment of the system.11 Carriers were discouraged by the hardships their families suffered in their absences each year during the porterage season (a period of six to twelve months). Moreover, the carriers began to rea- lize that the work lacked sufficient reward for the dangers involved.12 Such resentment contributed to the decline Of the system, and when other modes of transportation, such as ox-drawn carts, were introduced, their use increased even though the oxen suffered from tsetse fly and other animal diseases.13 Early Attempt to Establish a Modern Transport System: The German Period_(l884 - 1918) The first attempt to establish a modern transport system in Tan- ]4 and zania dates from the 1870's. In 1876, Sir William Mackinnon his associates undertook the construction of a road from Dar Es Salaam to Lake Nyasa in their attempt to Open up mainland Tanzania to modern commerce.15 The resulting road extended inland seventy miles but proved of little use because of the tsetse fly. Mackinnon, a leading nTbid., p. 474. 12Ibid., p. 478. 13E.W. Smith, "The Earliest Ox-wagons in Tanganyika: An Experi- ment Which Failed" INR_40. (September 1955), pp. 1-14. 14Sir William Mackinnon was the British shipping-line owner. His biggest ambition in establishing modern transport system was to control commerce Of the Congo basin. 15John s. Galbraith, Mackinnon and East Africa 1878-1895. A Study in the New Imperialism (Cambridge 1972) p. 68. 26 Scottish shipping magnate, later founded the British East India African Association. In 1887, the association reached an agreement with the Sultan of Zanzibar and Obtained political rights over the stretch of coast north and south of Mombasa. This was done in return for annually paying the sultan the accounts previously received in custom duties. The next year, the association was granted a royal charter and became the Imperial British East Africa Company.16 It was after this period that there appeared signs of development Of modern infrastruc- ture. The urgent and widely recognized need to introduce transport facilities was clearly emphasized at this time. Mackinnon saw trans- portation as the sine qua non of penetration Of the interior and the extension of settlement in the Great Lakes Region.17 This occurred following the Heligoland Treaty in 1890, when Tanganyika became a German colony.18 The initial development of the colony was undertaken by the German East African Company.19 The German East African Company created a dramatic change in the economic and social structure of the country. The basic change in transport conditions derived mainly from the construction of the railways. Throughout the early phase Of German control over Tanzania, the transport and communication systems were completely inadequate, and '51pid. 71 id., p. 121. 1811318., p. 124. 19Ibid., p. 74. _l IV 27 UGANDA 1 J L. V. ' RWANDA "a“ KENYA BURUNDI K \ \ \x i: ‘ "-- 9 l “7 ' A \ \ 1 a, \ \ ‘—- a ‘4— a. N‘— — ’fi - P ‘ \ I / ZAMBTA ‘3 I g / __ __ __ _ .22-!” new" MozAHBIQUE 28 UGANDA J J 1.. v‘ ' RWA NDA 'M‘ KENYA BWWMN ANSKC. ‘Tabom ‘ 9 ZAMBIA mm ’3‘0‘ MOZAMBIQUE 29 were based on the caravan routes which had been introduced by the Nyamwezi, later used extensively by the Arabs. The Germans needed to improve the country's economy and to consolidate their political hege- mony, requirements which made the creation of adequate transport arteries mandatory. German engineers were brought to Tanzania to plan and construct modern roads. The engineers worked from maps which Mackinnon had drawn in the 1870's,20 and planned the construction of a road and railway line from Dar Es Salaam to Morogoro, which was undertaken in 1887. In 1895, the colonial department Of the German Foreign Office, the Deutsche Ost Afrikanische Gesselschaft, and the Deutsche Bank formed a committee to consider a proposed central railway line which would start at Dar Es Salaam and run to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika and to Mwanza on Lake Victoria. In effect this was an extension of the line from Morogoro. Submitted to the chancellery in June 1896, the report recommended the immediate construction of a railway line from Dar Es Salaam and Baga- mayo to Morogoro, as the first section of the link to the lakes.21 The Railways Although the railway system was not very highly developed before the war, the policy initiated was progressive and far-reaching. The main Objectives of the German railway plans were to effectively occupy 2°1bid., p. 172. 21C. Gillman, "A Short History of Tanganyika Railways" INR_13, (June, 1942). See also M.F. Hill Permanent Way_Volume II The Storygof Tanganyika Railways (Nairobi, 1962)f' 30 the hinterland, and to draw the trade and mineral exports of the south- ern and eastern parts of the former Belgium Congo to an outlet on the Indian Ocean. As a result of several deliberations, the immediate railway policy evolved during the first decade of the century. This development extended the Tanga Railway to the fOot of Kilimanjaro, and pushed the central railway to Lake Tanganyika. The first railway line, from Tanga to Moshi was built by the German East African Company between 1896 and 1911. Construction had been delayed from 1891 to 1896 because of a shortage of funds, but the problem was overcome when the German imperial government finally sup- ported the project.22 The project was administered by a chartered com- pany which had founded a subsidiary company to administer yet another project: the construction Of the line from Dar Es Salaam, which was finally begun in 1900. Work on this project was almost started, when 23 with the retirement of Herr Kayser, events took an unfavorable turn the director of the colonial department of the foreign Office and a strong supporter of the central line. His successor, having different priorities, urged that the Tanga-Moshi line, instead of the central, should receive top priority.24 " 22U. Martzsch, Moderne Verkehrswege in Troprischen Negroafrika (Wurzburg, 1939) p. 124. 23Mary E. Townsend, "The Contemporary Colonial Movement in Germany" Political Science Quarterly: XLIII (March 1928) 64-68. See also H. Schnee (ed) German Colonization Past and Future: The Truth About the German Colonies (London 1926) p. 139. 24M.F. Hill, Permanent Way, p. 73. 31 Herr Kayser, it was alleged, retired, because of his frustrations over lack of support for his plans. He had strongly defended the con- struction of a central line as a means Of securing the port Of Dar Es ' Salaam and the vast potential markets in the hinterland. In the pro- cess, he became convinced that his plan would counter competitive inroads from the Nile, Congo (Zaire) and Zambezi Rivers, and hoped that Tanganyika would acquire the traffic from the central African lakes basin to Dar Es Salaam.25 Herr Kayser strongly objected to the Tanga-Moshi line on the grounds that it was uneconomic and possessed no direct benefits to the reich. Both the central and the Tanga-Moshi lines were delayed for three years due to financial troubles. Finally in October 1899, the Kolonial Rath (colonial council) resolved that the central line be built and urged that the 1900 budget include an adequate sum of money for its survey.26 Despite Opposition from the anti-colonial elements in the rath, a resolution was passed in November 1901, advocating "a railway policy fully conscious of its aim to counter the competition of the neighboring colonies,“27 and, in turn, the Reichstag enacted the neces- sary enabling legislation. In 1903, a further survey expedition, financed by a syndicate headed by the Deutsche Bank, once again studied 25Kayser's Memo to the Chancellor dated April 7, 1908, Document 97/44/20 TNA. 26Wilhelm Arning, Deutsche Ostafrika Gestern and ngte (Berlin 1942) p. 309. R.G. Eberlie, "The German Achievement in East Africa" INR_50 (September 1960) p. 48. 27Eberlie, "The German Achievement" p. 56. 32 the alighment between Dar Es Salaam and Morogoro. As a result, early in 1904, the Kolonialwitschaftliche Komite, a private group represent- ing colonial commercial, industrial and agricultural interests con- vinced the Reichstaf of the importance of the line for increased agri- cultural production, especially the production Of cash crops.28 At long last, construction was approved by the legislature on 29th June 1904, and the Ost Afrikanische Eisenbahn Gesselschaft was-founded in Berlin with a capital of 21 million German marks. The following day, it received corporation status from the imperial government, together with its concession to construct and operate a railway from Dar Es Salaam to Morogoro.29 The reich also guaranteed the company a conces- sion entitling it to choose from a zone Of one hundred kilometers wide on either side of the line for exclusive prospecting and mining pur- poses. To administer these lands, the company founded a sub-concern, the Ost-Afrikanische Gesselschaft, which was given the jurisdiction of operating a chain of hotels in the most important towns along the rail- way line.30 . The contract for the line from Dar Es Salaam to Kigoma was given to the Phillip Holzmann and Company Of Frankfurt-am-Main, a firm of 28Mary E. Townsend, "The Economic Impact of Imperial Germany: Commercial and Colonial Policies," Journal of Economic History: III (December 1943) p. 133. 291bid., p. 134. 30In Morogoro, two hotels, the Savoy and Acropol were opened and Operated under the management of the railway company. See Leonard Woolf, Empire and Commerce in Africa: A Studyyin Economic Imperialism (London, 1919) p. 218. inte the trar HOW! reb Ger was Ki ' cn wa Ch 33 international reputation, which had just completed the first part of the Baghdad railway through Asia Minor and was thus in a position to transfer its organizational skill and trained personnel to East Africa. However, before work could start, the territory experienced yet another rebellion, the "maji-maji," an indigenous uprising against ruthless German colonization efforts. This two-year uprising (1905-1907), which was led by African chiefs and medicine men, broke out in the hills near Kilwa.31 Since one of the effects of the Maji-Maji rebellion was the creation of a temporary labor shortage, progress on the railway lines was slowed down. The temporary solution, however, of recruiting some Chinese workers, who had been employed by the British Uganda Railway Company, was developed.32 The more permanent solution consisted Of the 33 recruiting of Nyamwezi workers, whose cheerful sturdiness under the influence Of good wages and an ample ration of Bombay rice, spurred the line's construction.34 Following the Maji-Maji uprising, considerable administrative reorganization took place in German East Africa. In May 1907, respon- sibility for Tanganyika policy was transferred to the new colonial 3'R.N. Bell, "Maji-Maji Rebellion in Liwali District," Dar Es Salaam INR: XXII (1950) pp. 38-57. 32Hill, Permanent Way, p. 97. 331pig,, see also Albert F. Calvert, German East Africa (New York 1917) p. 49. 34Gillman, "History of Tanganyika Railways:" p. 18; see also Andrew Roberts, "The Nyamwezi," in Tanzania Before 1900 (Nairobi, 1963) pp. 125-126. 34 VI UGANDA J J 1.. Victoria RWANDA K E N YA #9. w...“ BURUNDI ' “he 4 Nu. .— _m . r 9 D' and. h-w T %r¢s Salaam ZAMBTA '3 ’ 5 \ i MazAH BI QUE 1- Nil“: L Off 500 Dr. 561 141' ra te t1 35 Office in Berlin, under Dr. Dernburg, a well-known industrialist.35 He soon sailed to East Africa to widen his experience, arriving at Morogoro in October 1907, just as the first locomotive steamed into the town. Dr. Dernburg was accompanied by young and ambitious representatives Of German financial and industrial companies. The latter were impressed with the business potentials Of the territory, particularly along the railway lines.36 Dr. Dernburg was also responsible for plans to ex- tend the central 1ine from Tabora to Mwanza. Plans were submitted to the reich in May 1908, and approved the same year in July. The reich also appropriated over 80 million marks for the extension Of the line from Tabora to Mwanza. As a result Of increased subsidies, the rail- way company virtually became a state company Operated by the "Ost Afri- canische Eisenbahn Gesselschaft" as a public utility.37 As a result of this far-reaching financial backing, the railway company made detailed surveys on the remainder of the central line. By July 1, 1912 the railway reached Tabora, and on February 1, 1914, the line arrived at Kigoma, almost fourteen months ahead of contract 35Calvert, German East Africa pp. 15-17, Dr. Dernburg instituted a number of far-reaching reforms which were intended to transform the colonial empire into a genuine national asset, instead of a liability. For a more detailed treatment of the Dernburg colonial program see Townsend, Rise and Fall of Germany's Colonial Empire 1884-1918 (New York 1930) chapters 9 and 10. A good study of the Dernburg reforms in East Africa is badly needed. 36Dernburg encouraged the rapid economic development of the areas along the lines as sources of raw materials and food stuffs for Germany and markets for German manufactured goods. As a result, he cooperated closely with the colonial economic cotton growing program and many of its other ventures as well. 37Gillman, "A History of Tanganyika Railways," p. 12. VII 36 UGANDA 1 J L. VIM“ RWANDA K E N YA BURUNDI T. V VVV’ f vythro "RV, ’5 V ‘i’ is. V WV If? ZAMBIA E. \ 5 is MDzAHBIQUE 37 time.38 These lines, completed before the outbreak of World War I, managed to fulfill the objectives of strategic penetration into the interior and Of economic stimulation. But, from a purely financial viewpoint, they were a failure, since traffic volume did not generate enough revenue to cover interest and depreciation.39 Yet, there existed some optimism regarding the long-run prospects and the develop- ment Of the latent wealth of the colony. In the case of the central railway, there was the hope Of attracting copper from Zaire as well as business to and from Burundi and Rwanda. With the outbreak Of the war, only a few months after their coveted goal had been reached, the ' Germans were doomed to lose what fruit their perseverence might have borne, and in 1916, they set about to destroy what they had built with such effort and conspicuous success, when their retreating forces had to abandon the railway. Egag§_ As progress in the construction Of railways was realized, the Germans turned their attention to other modes of transport. They con- centrated on the caravan routes, providing bridges, ferries, and rest houses, as well as settling "askaris" on small holdings which supplied fOod to travellers. Finally, they devoted some attention to a Morogoro- Dar Es Salaam road, the first trunk road in a projected colony-wide system. 3311111, Permanent Way 11, p. 147. 39A.M. O'Connor, "Railway Construction and the Pattern of Economic Development in East Africa," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 36, 1965, p. 37. 38 The first thirty miles Of the road was surfaced with gravel, and passed through the hills to the village of Kola, where branches to Maneromango and Utete began. From this point, the road dropped through undulating country, dry and sparsely wooded, to the Ruvu Valley and River, crossed by a pontoon bridge. From the river, the road ran through comparatively flat, open bush country to the Ngerengere River, and then to the junction of the Mikese-Kisaki road in Tanzania. Apart from this one road, there were no other specific motor roads, but a whole number of ordinary roads and tracks were built which were motOr- able during the dry season. The most important was the MombO-Lushoto road, whereas most others were only local, such as those between Morogoro and Mgeta and Kisaki and Mvomero.41 These were not much more than broad, graded paths that were cleared of bush and had lateral ditches to let the water run off. Most of these roads were in the hinterland of Tanga and Morogoro, where most Europeans had settled.42 Since about 1894, most of the original footpaths and caravan routes had been gradually improved through widening, the provision of have- holes, permanent bridges, etc.43 In that way, an extensive system Of 4°N.N.s.0., German African Possessions, (New York 1920) pp. 45-47. 4Most of these roads were built in order to facilitate agricul- ture in the rural areas. A further improvement of these was recommended by the United Research Company of Boston. See "A Study of Feeder Road Development in Six Areas of Tanzania" (Boston, September 1969). 42J. Farguharson, Tanganyika Transport A Review (Dar Es Salaam, 1945) Chapter 3. 43J.P. Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika (Dar Es Salaam, 1958) p. 89. 39 routes had developed which linked all the more important centers of the colonial administration. It goes without saying that improved communications fostered the development Of the colony. The economic progress achieved by 1914, owed much to the direct colonial support and encouragement. By then, only thirty years had passed since Carl Peters had first set foot in East Africa. In that short period of time, what had once seemed to be a singularly unpromising field for colonial expansion turned into a flourishing territory44 (see Table II). Altogether, the thirty years Of the German colonial period in Tanzania were characterized by drama- tic changes in the economic and social structure Of the country. The basic change in transport conditions made a significant contribution, mainly through the construction of the railways and improved tracks, which had replaced the footpaths used by head-porters. All the measures taken in the field of transport and those that were planned were largely based on strategic and economic considera- tions.45 It is said that if the existing German economic plans had been carried out and had not been stopped by the war, then the present regional structure of the country would look quite different today, and the necessary transport infrastructure on which an accelerated economic growth could have been based already would have been in place.46 44Townsend, "The Economic Impact of Imperial Germany," pp. 125- 127. 45Lord Hailey, An African Survey (London, 1938) p. 1554. 46Woolf, Empire and Commerce, chapter 4. 40 Table II. Total Value of Chief Crops Grown in the Region (1909-1913) M 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 Source: Coffee, Cotton, Maize, and Rice Total Hectares 1201 1472 1709 20334 23632 Total Value 9,110,000 11,801,079 13,141,210 15,018,082 18,005,400 HMSO, German African Possessions (New York 1920) p. 48. 41 Transport Development During the British Period After the First World War, the main method Of road construction was to improve tracks laid during the war for the transport of war sup- plies.47 Lack of funds and the transition from German to British rule made any extensive road programs impossible during these early post-war years. From 1920 to 1929, government relied upon the railroads to meet transport needs,48 and they, therefore, received more attention than roads. The initial tasks were to alleviate post-war confusion, repair damage done to the lines and to develop plans for peacetime operations. New railway staff was recruited from India, new locomotives purchased, and workshops were expanded and modernized.49 Between 1925 and 1966 a total of 851 miles of railways were built (see Table III). Of the seven railroads, two have since been closed and the tracks removed. The Manyoni-Kinyangiri line, intended to stimu- late growth in the central regions Of Tanzania, proved economically unsound and was removed between 1944 and 1947. In part, this line was constructed in anticipation of positive agricultural development in the areas around Singida and Kinyangiri, but such expectations were not accompanied by any measures for the promotion of modern agricul- ture. Consequently, traffic volume grew at an absolutely unsatisfactory rate. 47Hill, PermanenpyWay II p. 68. See also Van Dongen, The British East Africa Transport Complex (Chicago, 1954) p. 171. 48Dongen, The British East Africa Transport Complex, p. 168. 49Hill, Permanent Way 11, p. 79. 42 VII 1' UGANDA ‘- 4 1.. Victoria RWANDA K ENYA 1928 BURUNDI 1929 1511 1:91 ISM} 13 (g 11:1;.:::': 0 '9': (A . 1.967 Rb, (.969: a, f, 1950 Issa- ZAMBIA MozAHBI QUE m 11' 43 Table III Railway Line Period of Construction ~M11eg. Mwanzaline February 1925-April 1928 236 Moshi-Arusha 1929 55 Manyoni-Mpanda 1930-1933 93 Mpanda Line 1946-1950 135 Southern Line (Associated with the Groundnut Scheme) 1948-1954 145 Ruvu-Mayusi Link 1960-1963 120 Mikumi-Kidatu Extension February 1963-June 1965 67 Total 1925-1966 851 Source: EARH Annual Reports 1963 and 1965. 44 A southern line was built simultaneously with the Mtwara port.50 After the scheme failed, the line was retained in the hope that it would stimulate local development. Between 1955 and 1960, however, it opera- ted at an overall loss Of between £210,000 and £250,000 per annum. The 1055 had to be paid by the Tanganyika government as a subsidy to the railway administration, and the line was therefore removed in 1962, along with a shorter line from the central line to Kongwa, which was replaced d.51 by a roa The opinion that railways were requisite for development reached its zenith with the establishment of the groundnut scheme.52 With its failure, the idea of the value of railways for development, a view which had prevailed since German times, lost strength. The Tanganyika Railway was organizationally and technically in disrepair on May 1, 1948, when the railways and harbors organizations of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania were merged into the East African Rail- ways and Harbours Administration under the supervision of the East African High Comission (since 1961, the East African Conmon Services Organization). In part, the Tanganyika Railways had suffered financi- ally after the groundnut scheme proved to be a complete failure. Other reasons for unification were: the loss of the Zaire copper traf- fic, which in the 1930's, had been diverted from the port of Dar Es 50For a detailed study Of the groundnut affair see A. Wood, The. Groundnut Affair, (London 1950) p. 39. 5How. 52Wood, The Groundnut Affair, chapter I. Mr. Frank Samuel, Manag- ing Director of the United Africa Company, travelled over Tanzania and wondered whether the land he saw could not grow Oil crops, to the bene- fit of the margarine ration of the British housewife and the legitimate profits of the United Africa Company. 45 Salaam to Lobito in Angola; the reduction of export and import traffic, which now moved along the Kenya-Uganda railway line; and the heavy bur- den Of the railway debt. The significance of this amalgamation in the development of Tanganyika was first to eliminate the burden Of subsi- dizing the railway facilities, and thus permit government to attend to other transport facilities, notably roads. Moreover, the government recovered £414,000 which had been loaned to the Railway Department. The total mileage of railway, including sidings at the end of 1966 was 1,831.31 miles. All of the main, principle and branch lines are still single trace. Table IV shows the classification Of the lines and the length of running lines as well as sidings. Development of Roads The use Of motor vehicles increased rapidly after the war, thus drastically changing the existing transport pattern in the country. As indicated earlier, the Germans concentrated on railways, with roads receiving only peripheral attention.53 The British undertook to de- velop road networks in order to facilitate the movement of people and goods to and from areas not served by the railway networks. These roads opened up the rural parts Of the country, especially those with agricultural potential.54 The first reliable statistics on roads were issued in 1921, when it was recorded that there were only 2650 miles 53A.M. O'Connor, An Economic Geggraphy of East Africa, (London 1971) p. 184. 54IBRD, The Economic Development of Tanganyika. See also Moffett, ed., Tanganyika Review of Its Resources (Dar Es Salaam 1955). 46 Table IV. Classification of the Railway Line 1966 Total Mileage of track, Classification Lines including sidinga, I. Mainlines Dar Es Salaam Morogoro-Kigoma 779.58 919.08 Tanga-Moshi 218.68 257.72 Mnyusi-Ruvu 177.06 119.51 II. Principal Lines Tabora-Mwanza 235.99 265.55 III. Minor Branchlines Moshi-Arusha . 53.62 59.02 Kilosa-Mikumi-Kidath (in Morogoro) 66.85 74.65 Ilalika-Mpanda 130.86 135.78 Total 1,602.54 1,831.31 Source: EARH Annual Report 1966. 47 55 These Of roads passable to light motor traffic in the dry season. roads had been built up from rough tracks, Often following the former porterage and big game paths. Others had been cut through dense bush during the 1914-1918 war in order to facilitate troop movements. Generally, therefore, they were constructed neither with an engineer- ing eye to the best alighment, not to the economic needs Of opening up productive areas. Lack Of funds during the early days Of British Mandate caused some delays in the building of the communication system. Great Britain received the mandate over Tanzania from the League of Nations in 1920. After a first phase of reorganization and reconstruction after the war, there followed a phase of rapid development between 1925 and 1929. Thereafter, due to the world depression, the increasing uncertainty about the political future of mandated territory and the effects of World War II, there followed a rather long period of near stagnation Of the economy. Despite poor road conditions, road transportation be- gan to assume importance after 1930. By 1938 long distance porterage had almost disappeared. The country had 13928 miles of road, passable for light motor vehicles during the dry season?6 (see Table V). The most important trunk road constructed in Tanzania was the "Great North 55E. Taaffe, at al,, "Transport Expansion in Underdeveloped Countries, a Comparative Analysis" The Geographical Review, 53, 1963, p. 506. 56Some Of the important roads which had been constructed by this time included the Great North Road and several minor roads providing access to gold mining areas in Mpanda, Musoma, Geita and Chunya. See Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika p. 195. Table V. Road Existing in 1938 (miles). Township Roads 213 District Headquarters Roads 97 Main Roads 2,784 District Roads, Grade A 1,478 District Roads, Grade B _9_,§§6_ 13,928 Source: Economy Survey Of the Colonial Empire, 1936. 48 49 Road" from the Kenyan border near Namanga via Arusha, Dodoma, Iringa and Mbeya to the Zambia border at Tunduma, which was implicitly part of any Cape to Cairo route.57 The road served as the main transport route for the movement of troops to and from South Africa and Rhodesia in connection with the defense Of East Africa and the Abyssinian cam- paign.58 Between 1921 and 1946, the total mileage of all main roads in Tanzania increased by 26%, from 2159 to 2956. The main road systems are shown in map 5 below, in which the isolated character of the in- dividual road sections are clearly visible. During the same period, there occurred an increase not only in traffic, but also in the weight of vehicles. In the pre-war days, a three-ton lorry was a rarity; but during the late 1930's and early 1940's, five-ton and even heavier ve- hicles were moving all over the country. In order to cope with the increase in the quality and weight Of vehicles, and in anticipation of increased traffic, a special committee was formed to recommend ways 59 and means of overcoming future problems in the field of transportation. Its suggestions were incorporated in the ten-year development and 57One Of the ambitions of the imperialist Cecil Rhodes was to build a road from the Cape to Cairo and place the entire corridor un- der British control. F.J. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (London 1926) pp. 473-476. 58Ibid. 59Director, Public Works Department Report 1956, Document 19/5/ 1350. IX 50 UGANDA RWA NDA MOzAHBIQUE Miles: on; a. 1".“3'1“? 51 welfare plan of 1946, in effect the first colonial development plan.60 The plan allocated £3,335,600 for road construction and £800,000 for road maintenance, and when revised in 1950, £8.5 million for road projects for the 1950-1956 period, making the program one of the most ambitious in the entire colonial empire. In terms of this study, per- haps the most important element in the plan was its specific reference to an arterial road from Morogoro town. The significance of the Dar Es Salaam-Morogoro road to other parts of the country was clearly un- derstood. In 1956, the Director of the Public Works Department ordered the expansion of P.W.D.'s workshops in Morogoro in anticipation of 6] A new road building more trunk roads from Morogoro to other towns. built between Morogoro and Mikumi, the first step to a road to Iringa, was intended to provide direct access to the Southern Highlands and beyond to Zambia. The direct access to the Southern Highlands acquired an added significance when the Colonial Development Corporation con- . ceived a plan to encourage African production in Njombe of wattle 60A definite policy for road development came into force with the adoption of the First Colonial Development Plan. Two important factors contributed to this: the failure of the Manyoni-Kinyangiri railway led to the belief that road construction offered a less ex- pensive method of opening up new areas for development. Secondly, the responsibility for constructing, running and maintaining the railways was transferred to the East African High Commission in 1948. For a detailed explanation of the policy, see Government Ministerial Circular: “Road Development Policy:" Document 575/16 TNA. GISeveral members of the King's African Rifles were mobilized to help in the construction of trunk roads: Department of Transpor- tation, "Transport Position" Document 688/4/1/1. 52 bark essential for the manufacture of tanning extract.62 Another road was built from Morogoro to Korogwa via Dakawa and Kwa Dhihombo. This road was later extended to Tanga, an Indian Ocean port to the north. The area between Morogoro and Tanga later became important for sisal, then grown on 76 estates. Morogoro was also impor- tant because of the region's ability to produce year-round fresh pro- duce. The task of road building was difficult not only because of tech- nical problems but also because of opposition from railway officials who felt that any increase in the construction of roads would, in the end, jeopardize the success of the,rai1ways.63 These individuals ar- gued that the railway's excess capacity did not justify the building of long-distance roads parallel to the existing railway lines. The argument reached the sympathetic ears of Officials of the Transport Licensing Authority, who announced a plan by which motor vehicles were to be regarded only as feeders to the railways.64 According to this policy, the railways were to remain the basis of transport and were to be protected against competition from the road system. 62Based on the report of a study team of the East African Road Federation on the commercial advantages of a north-south road link through Tanganyika (Nairobi, June 1959). 63Mr. Ronald Miller, the General Manager of the Railway Company, wrote the governor a memo of protest. Document 61/44/11 TNA. 64The Transport Commissioner's office directed this and licenses not so issued to transporters using roads running parallel to the rail- way lines. Document 688/4/1/1, 1943-1945 TNA. 53 X UGANDA ‘- J L. Victoria RWANDA KENYA BURUNDI '3 . 1::; :: - z I I l A 7’s 4? ZAMBIA E, 1 i MOZAMBIQUE 54 Air Transport Tanzania is a particularly difficult area for the development of surface communications, as we have seen in Chapter one, because of the enormous tracts of sparsely populated bush and woodland country lying between the rural and urban centers. Air transport is, therefore, a useful alternative, even if it suffers alOng with other modes of trans- port, the one-way-only traffic which is an inevitable accompaniment of new enterprises. At first men, machinery and materials move towards the new project, but after a few months, perhaps years, traffic is almost entirely outwards, as is the case between Dar Es Salaam and Dodoma, the proposed new national capital. While construction con- tinues, there have been numerous air, road and rail movements to Dodoma, delivering capital development personnel, materials, etc. A similar situation was Observed during the construction of Kilimanjaro Inter- national Airport in the northern province of the country. The number Of such movements to Kilimanjaro decreased by over 50% following com- pletion of the project. From this evidence, one can correctly forecast the same might become the case of Dodoma. Historical Outline Apart from a single German aircraft, which was imported for an exhibition to be held in Dar Es Salaam in August 1914 and which crashed at the oOtbreak of war, the first flying done in Tanganyika was by the Royal Naval Air Service in 1914 and 1915, assisting in the destruction of the German cruiser Konigsberg, which had taken refuge in the Rufiji 55 XI 1 Lake 31-62-60 / ’ J ARA & ' Xi \ I a: .r. E. \‘l-II-oi J ”9.3 " .150.) o" 1 / )2}: “3!. 2’ ‘x l 1" J\.-’ r . 1 1 H ’ N Y )j j. Li"! .rv~.\./, P A R) 5 H A lKlLlMANJAR K16 DNA. or" '1 (1.. (- ‘ \Q/ ' .2 o \/ VI. <"\\ f \ 7" £1 "" 9 E 1 .J O ( 4° ' ° ‘\ at A N e C \ TABORA )0 70° ’0‘?» q o .4’ 3 .10 O ,4 3‘ 9 ’ «L. 1 00‘) \ {-"\. 0 f \ at. ’ \ "(- ‘x (,0 ‘6? _-\. Y 2 O ,{O ‘9 (Q- ./ o b“ o.../\ (V '5 I a: Q" \ ‘1 ‘ 2 I "1. rs, / MTW A R 1;“ /_) " r b 0 -\ 5 O '\ O 9 '90 29° 390 “a RUVUMA 1 moments \— 56 Delta from the pursuit of British warships.65 After the first world war, several flights were made between Europe and South Africa. These passed through Tanzania, but few purely East African flights were made until the later 1920's. After World War I, in 1919 the Royal Air Force started trial flights with flying-boats between Cairo, Kisumu, Abercorn and Cape Town.66 By 1931 Imperial Airways inaugurated a regular civilian air ser- vice from London to Cairo and Kisumu, later extended to Moshi in northern Tanzania and Dodoma in central Tanzania. In 1937 an agreement was con- cluded between the British government and Imperial Airways for an "Em- pire Air Mail Scheme" whereby, in return for a subsidy, the company operated scheduled mail and passenger services to all parts of the em- pire, including Tanzania.67 Services were interrupted by the Second World War, but by the end of 1946 British Overseas Airways Corporation had again established flying-boat services twice weekly in each direc- tion between England and South Africa, landing at Dar Es Salaam and Lindi (in southern part of Tanzania). Dar Es Salaam is the country's main airport, built to international standards. Internal airports are well distributed over the country and served by scheduled services. There are a number of launching strips, which are used primarily by government and private planes. These 65B. Hoyle, The Seaports of East Africa (Nairobi 1967) pp. 47-51. 65J.P. Moffett, op. cit., p. 133. 67Ioid. 57 provide air access to otherwise inaccessible and remote rural centers of activities. By and large, the present needs of the country are ade- quately served. The Dar Es Salaam airport is modern, well planned, though on a small scale, and well equipped, calculated to handle comfortably one aircraft arrival and one departure at a time. The air services inside Tanganyika and with neighboring countries were until recently (1977) operated by the East African Airways Corpor- ation, which also operated international services. The introduction of internal air transport was of a great advan- tage to commercial and later national administrators who could travel to distant areas where other modes of transport such as roads and rail- ways were unimproved. The airplane has yet another advantage: it is not affected by seasonal climatic conditions in the way that roads and to some degree railways are. Air transport in Tanzania helps to alleviate the country's short- age of ground transport. Internal air service is provided to a number of Tanzanian cities by the Tanzanian Airways Corporation. There are presently 123 civil airports and airstrips in the country (see map XI), but only Dar Es Salaam and Kilimanjaro airports are equipped for the landing of international air traffic. The latter airport was inaugurated in 1971.68 68This airport is destined to facilitate entry of international air traffic to the nearby.world-renowned Sevengeti Game Park and the Ngorongoro Crater Conservation area, as well as other tourist spots. 58 Transport Development Since Independence Systematic development of the country, full exploitation of the given potential and improvement in the standard of living of the popu- lation, have been the center of all government endeavors since the achievement of independence in 1961. During the early years, total expenditures of the public development budget increased slowly com- pared to the previous period, but then rose rapidly after the start of the First Five-Year Plan in 1964. This rise has been particularly rapid since 196669 (see Table 11, Chapter 11). Until 1970 there were no significant new developments in the transport network. The two railway lines continued to be the backbone of the entire transport system. The Old plans for the construction of a railway into the Southern Highlands were, however, achieved in con- nection with the transport problems of Zambia after the Rhodesian Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UOI) in November 1965.70 After about two years of survey and design work for this project, the construction of the Tanzania-Zambia railway officially commenced in October 1970 and was completed in 1975.71 In respect to the road sector, real progress was also made. Expenditures for the expansion of the road network were continuously 690eve1opment plan for 1961/1962 - 1963/1964 Dar Es Salaam, 1961. See also Second Five-Year Plan for Economic and Social Develop- ment. 7OSecond Five-Year Plan, op. cit., p. 118. 71This project was financed by a massive loan from the Peoples Republic of China after the west had rejected a request for aid from Tanzania. 59 increased and an important contribution to the better integration of the country was made. In the Three Year Development Plan 1961-1964, the basic concept of road policy, still valid today, was clearly outlined. The policy's aim was and remains one of providing a system of "low- cost roads" for the whole country.72 These low-cost roads were, how- ever, designed, constructed and maintained to allow for construction in stages when traffic required and as economic conditions permitted them. In principle the concept of a trunk road network as first developed in the 1950's by the colonial administration continued to be used as the basis for long-range planning of the main road system. Therefore, the trunk road concept included the main artery from Dar Es Salaam to Moro- goro and other towns to the south and north of it. A special feeder road program was also implemented after independence. With the help of Anglo-American aid programs, main culverts and bridges were provided for a large number of minor roads. All in all, after independence, the network of genuine all-weather roads were considerably expanded, which contributed to a better inte- gration of the country. East-west connection, even when parallel to the railway, received much more attention than in the past, since it still corresponded to the main direction of internal commodity flow.73 As a result of the general improvement of many important trunk and feeder roads, the road transport industry, both in respect to passengers 72Development Plan for 1950-60 had spelled out what were the "low cost roads" to mean. See IBRD The Economic Development of Tanganyika, p. 247. 73IBRD The Economic Development of Tanganyika, p. 238. 60 and goods traffic, was in a position greatly to expand its activities and increasingly to become a more serious competition for the railway. CHAPTER III SPECIFIC TRANSPORT PROBLEMS AND REMEDIES IN MOROGORO The Morogoro Region, like most of Tanzania, is striving to ac- celerate its economic growth through a program of planned development based on set priorities and defined allocation of resources. The re- cord of results over the past decade or so reveals significant accomp- lishments, as well as some failures, with transport having played a role in both. Transportation, as has been recognized by Morogoro Regional planners, plays a many-faceted role in the pursuit of develop- ment objectives.1 Its function as a factor-input is obvious, permitting the inter-and intra-transfer of goods and passengers between production and consumption centers. Since in the case of the Morogoro region much of this movement is between Morogoro town (the urban center) and the outlying rural areas, transport has supplied an essential ingredient fOr extending the money economy to the agricultural sector and also in raising its productivity. Improvement of the rural sector may help to retard the growth which Morogoro town is experiencing.2 1These objectives are reinforced in the 2nd Five-Year Plan 1969-1974. 2The problem of rural-urban migration is discussed at length by President Julius K. Nyerere in his Freedom and Socialism (London 1968), pp. 242-244. Nyerere, realizing the seriousness of this problem, em- phasized the significance of agriculture as the basis of development, and the only place where this is possible is in the rural areas. 61 62 Transport also shifts production-possibility functions through the alteration of relative factor costs. Improved transport serves to reduce travel time, resulting in savings of man-hours spent in transit, and permits reduction in inventory, capital, interest and absolute costs.3 Transport, therefore, can be expected to create internal eco- nomies for many sectors, thereby fostering external economies for all sectors. This chapter will, therefore, examine the specific problems of transport development in Morogoro. It will evaluate the extent to which transport has successfully provided the essential support for the eco- nomic, social and political development of the region. The first impression one has of Morogoro is that the principal occupation of the Luguru is in moving themselves and their goods from one place to another.4 Streets and paths to and from the major towns and villages teem with masses of headloading pedestrians, bicyclists and lorries struggling to get their goods through mud and dust to and from the market. It is thus difficult to avoid the conclusion that the mobility of people and freight plays a vital role in nearly every aspect of Luguru daily life and that its inadequacy places a heavy burden on development.5 Lack of good transport has hastened poverty and isolation 3United Nations, Economic Commission for Africa: Trans ort Problems in Relations to Economic Development in Eastern Africa (Addis Ababa 19625. 4Visiting relatives on a regular basis is very common practice among the Luguru, so one is likely to be amazed by the frequency of people in buses, lorries, on foot, and bicycles, usually carrying gifts along with them. 5Jan Lundquist attributes transport to speedy recovery of Moro- goro's economic decline of the mid-1960's. See Lundquise, The Economic Structure of Morogoro Town (Uppsala, 1973) p. 45. 63 of villages which are situated far from the few existing roads, making virtually impossible regular distribution of essential services such as mobile literary campaigns, health services, etc., to the rural dwel- lers.(see map XIII).6 Poor road transport has also been responsible.for a low degree of reliable farm to market access. For example, the resi- dents of several major produce growing communities, such as Mgeta, Kibuku, Turiani and Ilonga, lost £47,000 in produce sales during the 1965-1966 harvest season because bf their failure to transport their 7 In part this inability was goods to markets at Kilosa and Morogoro. caused by the roads of the area, which were in such poor condition that the local lorry transporters were reluctant to put their vehicles on them.8 In addition to the farmers, the government itself was a victim of the poor road system, experiencing problems in its efforts to distri- bute technical supplies to those sites which had been selected for pilot programs in agricultural improvement.9 Access to this area in the past has been impaired by the heavy rains which at times washed away bridges on feeder roads.10 61bid., p. 25. 7Tanganyika, First Five-Year Plan, Volume 1. 8Based on interviews with Messrs. Idris Juma, and Hadji Kinongwe, private owners and operators of light-duty trucks. They often grounded their lorries upon learning the routes they usually travel are impas- sable due to long rains. 9Detailed discussion on the Kilombero agricultural potential is contained in a study by N.V. Rounce, quoted by Hans Rutherberg, Agricul- tural Development in Tanganyika (Berlin 1964) p. 57. 10J.P. Moffett, Tanganyika, Review of Its Resources and The Develop- ment, p. 210, see also Hill, Permanent Way II, p. 69. XII 64' \ I'kumi \ Kisaki : -0. j r”\\m-. . "iill'! / { .m/ , / #4 Major Roads Minor Roads 65 In spite of the problems created by lack of a developed transport network, there are also signs of accomplishments. In Morogoro town the emergence of a manufacturing sector can be observed. Small scale in- dustries and development corporations emerged which could not have suc- ceeded without a minimal degree of transport to facilitate movement of II raw materials and machinery. As it now exists, the transport system is not sufficient for the modernization which the region strives to achieve. Poor transport is a major factor not only with regard to retard- ing the modernization process, but also in terms of the food shortages 12 which the region experienced in the late 1960's. The high cost of moving farm products and the long delays and consequent damage and loss of perishables have been powerful deterrents to increasing food sup- l3 plies. Produce rots on the ground because transport is unavailable, and beans and other foods remain on the farms turning into fertilizer 14 because of lack of adequate transport. Commercial fertilizer sup- plies manufactured in Tanga sometimes do not arrive in the region 11A.W.M. Darja "The Tanzanian Pattern of Rural Development: Some Administrative Problems," Building7Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania, ed. J. H. Proctor (Dar Es Salaam, 1971) pp. 48-54. 12Some official government documents revealed that part of the problem was not really shortage of food but bad distribution owing to poor transport, inadequate roads (especially during the rainy seasons) and bad transport management, which led to the liquidation of the Tan- sania's National Haulage Corporation in 1977. 13Personal observation in Morogoro. January-May 1976. 14Several farmers in Kibuku area were observed to practice this on a regular basis. 66 until after the growing season is half over.15 Much of the region's resources therefore remain untouched or under- exploited because of their inaccessibility, such as the mica in the Ulu- guru Mountains at Chanzema and at Mahenge,16 where mining operations were impaired by poor access routes. The same is true of uranium which has been said to be located in some parts of Uluguru mountains. A major proportion of land suitable for cultivation remains idle, such as the inaccessible area south of the great Ruaha River. Much of the wealth of forest resources that could help in the struggle against poverty makes no contribution because forest areas are inaccessible, and it is impossible to move timber out.17 The agricultural sector suffers from more than merely the inacces- sibility of land and the failure to move what is produced. Farmers have no incentive to grow surplus when they know that they cannot market their produce. In a spot check, this writer was able to verify this situation among cotton growers at Kisaki and paddy farmers at Turiani. In both cases, the farmers responded to the transport shortage by not increasing their crops in spite of the government's pleas to do so, and 18 in spite of higher prices promised for their produce. In some of these cases, it was a question of communities remaining ignorant of 15Personal observations, 1975. 16Moffett, Tanganyika, Review of Its Resources, p. 64. 171919, 18H.L. Luttrel, "Villagization Cooperative Production and Rural Cadves: Strategies and Tactics in Tanzania Socialist Rural Develop- ment." ERB Research Paper 71, ll (Dar Es Salaam 1969). 67 market opportunities or of new ideas and new techniques. Information, like everything else, travels slowly on mud roads and unimproved trails. Communication between the region's rural settlements and Morogoro town can come to a complete halt during the wet seasons, and even in the dry weather when roads are dusty but passable. Under such conditions the time and cost of travel preclude regular contacts. Small scale industrial activities are also severely curtailed by the lack of a suitable transport system. In 1974, a feasibility study was completed for establishment of a cooking-oil processing plant in Morogoro town. The company depends on oil seeds from various parts of the region, but poor access roads caused some delay in the actual opera- tion. It is hoped that with the improvement of some of the major roads, the company will start full operation in 1979. Timber and sugar mills at Mtibwa and a cotton ginnery at Mikese rely on continuing supplies of fuel, raw materials and spare parts, and on a secure means of marketing finished products. In the past, access roads to Mtibwa and Mikese were so poorly maintained that it forced TGA to threaten Dar Es Salaam with reduced production unless the Department of Public Works undertook re- 19 In some areas, pairs and the construction of new and stable bridges. such as Ifakara and Mahenge, poor and unreliable road transport has caused excessive inventories to pile up at a high cost to compensate for uncertain deliveries. 19For instance, in 1947, a TGA delegation petitioned the govern- ment to take immediate action on improving the roadways. Document 634/ 7768 TNA. 68 In May through July of 1975 and April through June of 1976 there were regular shortages of sugar in rural areas of the region.20 This writer travelled to Mtibwa, where one of the two sugar estates is lo- cated, and discovered an excessive inventory, which according to an official of the MSE, they were unable to distribute to their depots in Morogoro and Kilosa not only because of the deteriorating conditions of the roads,21 but also due to a lack of reliable means of transporta- tion.22 Contracts to transport sugar from Mtibwa have always been awarded to the National Transport Company which operates a fleet of heavy-duty lorries,23 but their frequent breakdowns compelled the National Sugar Corporation to award contracts to private operators who can carry only a limited tonnage, since they have small and unreliable vehicles. In 1975 these private operators complained that poor road 20In part, this was caused by efforts of the Asian and Arab re- tailers to hoard essential foodstuffs, but it was also because there was not enough supply from the mills to the redistribution centers. For a detailed study of shortages during this period, see C.R. Ingle, Political Enterpreneurs in the Village: The Key to Local Support for National Development, Dar Es Silaam, University of Dar Es Salaam, May 5, 1972. 2IBased on the reports compiled by traffic office of the Morogoro Branch of the National Haulage Company, December 1975 - February 1976. The report also discusses the problems of maintaining regular truck dispatches to Mtibwa sugar estate. 22The official report of the Regional Trading Corporation August 6, 1974 in Morogoro stated that the regional office of the NHC was frequently compelled to hire private haulers, an act viewed suspici- ously by the local politicians, who preferred that all public contracts be awarded to public corporations. 23Ibid. 69 conditions were causing their vehicles to break down.24 At one point, trucks were forced to use an alternative and longer route via Mvomero-- a 95 mile journey instead of the usual 68 miles. The same MSE was shut down briefly in 1969 but reopened at a fraction of plant capacity be- cause of fuel and material shortages caused by transport problems. The ability to sell in markets, whether in Morogoro region or outside, is often limited by difficulties of overland transport. The problem is not always the complete absence of transport, but rather its unreliability, high cost, erratic schedules and poor management. These obstacles to mobility restrict the market, increase the cost of produc- tion, and raise prices beyond the reach of rural people of limited in- come. Transport difficulties have their political and social, as well as economic, impact. For years during the German and British colonial periods the most distant rural dwellers were left unaffected by any changes taking place in other areas of the country.25 In Uluguru, rural residents were often the last recipients of any developmental benefits. Consequently, the post-colonial government had to deal with a lack of national integration and trust on the part of many rural residents who have always viewed government as a suspect and threatening 24Mr. Mshendwa, a local transporter in Morogoro, complains about the maintainance costs of his four five-ton lorries which far exceeds the income he makes. Similar views were expressed by Mr. A.K. Nanji, an Asian transporter for over 15 years. Personal interviews, July 9, l, 1974. 25This is a conclusion reached by R. Millard, "Road Planning in Developing Countries," in Road International No. 66 (1967), pp. 12-18. 70 to their “desturi" (customs).26 The hand-hoe technology has proved incapable of satisfying the Luguru's needs of food and export earnings, and so in 1962 President Nyerere launched the Village Settlement Scheme. This effort was re- newed in 1967, with the Arusha Declaration's new policy of ujamaa vijijini In the village settlements, the government could group people and imple- ment restricted and expensive development programs. In Ujamaa vijijini one sees the return to the self-improvement idea in a collective form, but with the government providing initiatives and enforcing the new op- tions on the peasantry. Luguru who objected to the national policy of resettlement have fled to areas beyond the reach of landrovers.27 The extent of transport inadequacy in the Morogoro region can be shown by a comparison with transport resources in the rest of the coun- try. Morogoro possesses most of the country's population but only 12% of its improved roads, 4% of its rail freight and 6% of its truck and bus service. Among the more than 56 villages, only three out of ten are served by the few existing good standard roads. There were fewer vehicles registered in Morogoro in 1965, than in some of the smaller regions with less population (see Table VI). 26Broad scepticism has been expressed in the relationship between the government officials and the traditional elements among the Luguru. It has also caused deceleration of government efforts to develop some of the rural areas. This aspect is fully discussed by President Nyerere in his Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism (Oxford 1968). 27Ibid. See also Helge Kjekshus, The Tanzania Villagization Policy: Implementational Lessons and Ecological Dimensions. Canadian Journal of African Studies, XI, 2 (1977) p. 274. 71 Table VI. Number of Licenced Holders and of Licenced Vehicles in Morogoro in 1965. Road Service Public Carrier Private Carrier Licences Licences Licences Total Morogoro 29 44 118 191 Bukoba 28 55 136 219 Lindi 72 112 98 282 Dodoma 37 55 153 245 Note: This table shows that Morogoro Region, in spite of its size in Source: comparison to the other three, has fewer licenced holders and vehicles, partly due to poor road conditions, but also owing to. the fact that few people in the region can afford to purchase a vehicle because of poor output in their agricultural production, hence no stable income. There has been an increase of agricul- tural products in the region requiring steady hauling, a task which has thus far been poorly performed by the public carriers; it has become necessary therefore to increase the number of private carrier licence holders. As for the reasons why Lindi has more Public Carrier Licences, the major factor is that the national government would like to ensure that the southern sec- tion of the country is fully served by road transport service since there are no railway lines serving the south. TLA Annual Report 1965. 72 The evidence suggests an imbalance in the transport distribution everywhere in the region. Attention at the national level has been focused primarily on inter-city movements, ignoring the problems of agriculture, rural development, consumer needs and rural retail trade. This imbalance goes a long way toward explaining the inadequate level of the region's agricultural production. There is no doubt that the inaccessibility of most of the region's farmland and the lost oppor- tunities for rural economic development are all a result of a failure to overcome the barriers imposed by distance. Nevertheless, an indication of what transport modernization can do for development can be observed in nearly all the towns in Morogoro region and along the major inter-rural routes. A visitor to Morogoro will no doubt be impressed by the number of automobiles on the roads between major towns. Within Morogoro on the feeder roads, head por- terage, the bicycle and other outmoded means of transportation are giving way to the truck and the bus. Fresh vegetables now reach the consumer in Morogoro and Dar Es Salaam quicker than they did a few years ago. Perishable products can now be moved to Morogoro in refri- gerated vans operated by a newly formed corporation.28 Finally, during the 1976-parliamentary elections, most, if not all, of the candidates used four-wheel drive landrovers to reach the remote areas of the region in the campaigns, whereas previously the electorate had to come to them. 28The newly formed Cold Food Chain Corporation was granted the licence to buy at wholesale from the farmers and to retail produce to consumers throughout the country. The corporation has failed to oper- ate effectively due to many breakdowns of its limited number of vehicles. 73 These improvements indicate that the transport picture in the re- gion is by no means completely dismal, for in some important respects, transport has played a major role in providing the essential support for development of the region's economy.29 The greater mobility provided has extended the benefits of education to the people of Uluguru. In 1965, there were a total of 254 primary schools with an average of 44,263 pupils, whereas there were only 42 schools and less than 8,000 pupils in 1958. A number of health centers, primary markets and "beer huts" have become commonplace along the roads. The problem of socio- economic isolation which the Luguru have experienced are gradually being overcome, as new ideas and thoughts, as well as economic opportunities, are introduced to the people on a large scale. The role of roads in this endeavor cannot, of course, be overstated. The greater mobility also facilitates the travel of technical personnel from Dar Es Salaam and Morogoro to rural schools, farms, dispensaries, etc., enabling them to cover more territory in less time. Even modest improvements in transport change the life and atti- tudes of the people in many of the affected areas. Earth roads built in these areas to connect populated centers with hitherto inaccessible land have altered the outlook of whole rural communities. For instance, the road which was built between Mvuha to Magogoni has had the effect of persuading thousands of people to move from the impoverished soil 29Oleen Hess, Tanzania, Ujamaa and Development (New York, 1976). 74 eight to 17 miles away from the road and settle along the new road (see Table VII).3o These achievements, when viewed in the aggregate, provide impres- sive evidence of progress. 30Based on the report by the District Development Director to Regional Planning Committee, February 6, 1975. In the report, the official also urges the government to invest more funds in feeder roads construction. 75 we ommmmp ommop omuo— oommm ommmp oomep ommm ommmm .muoc mo Logan: op mzpvgouu< Em cc onus—F mu¢op . ommOF omwem amoe— mpmop cope oppme Em em comma oemm meow Npmom ecmmp. mmmm omwm mmemm .ogomogoz cw memo; genome cones ms» 46 some; mmpws m>w$ op mco cpcuwz apnoea mo conga: umumP=E:uu< mm mmmcm mmwn mmms wmmop mmnmp mmom oowm mommm Em HH> m—amh mm mnemm osam cmcm mmomp Nnmm ommm ovmp eemmm EN mp momme mmee Npmv wnmm ommc mmmm omw mummy Ep .ONmplummp com “Locum mowmwo acmsaopm>mo chowmmm ”mugaom .uuvggmwo ogooogoz cw co_um—:aoa Fags; page» on» mo a .mumog on» >5 um>gwm mpaoma Pugs; mo Conan: Pouch ogomogozumgmmcmgmmz woo; Emmpmm mm Lao Emmpum mm coauocomogoz .Ex om— chucmz-pcmwgah ogmso>zuocomosoz .5. om szceam-aummz-_Papz .5; cm _E=x*z-ogomosoz .Ex m upocvxuwczxsxz .5; amp pompxuogomosoz coax CHAPTER IV TRANSPORT CONSTRAINTS ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ULUGURU Introduction While there are visible signs of increasing affluence and physi- cal improvements in Morogoro, the visitor is struck by the region's rural nature. These areas, deprived of social and other amenities which could have enhanced their productivity and present output, de- serve better quality transport networks and services than are now provided. Thousands of school-dropouts in the rural areas are unlikely to choose to remain there if living conditions are not improved. Meas- ures for creating rural employment can succeed if the rural environ- ment is rid of its debasing hardships and indignities. Inadequate transport services are one of these debilitating hardships which pre- vent rural dwellers from transporting themselves, their products or consumption in order to enhance their productivity and standard of living. This chapter is therefore concerned with an examination of trans- port constraints on rural development. It is divided into two sections: one discussing the general transport problems in Tanzania, and the 76 77 second discussing the specific transport constraints on rural develop- ment of the Morogoro region. I. Constraints on Development, General Transport Problems in Tanzania Tanzania's population is predominantly rural. In the country- side, the direct connection between man and the physical environment remains obvious in marked contrast to the many indirect linkages that characterize urban life. Because most Tanzanian agricultural systems are subsistence oriented, tradition is particularly important. Life depends on the success of the crops or, in some areas, on the survival of the livestock. Therefore, change in rural areas is frequently and, perhaps wisely, slow and tentative. In Uluguru, development also de- pends upon tradition and technologies which include transport networks. C.A. Knight describes the nature of traditional African agricul- tural systems, exploring some of their recent dynamics. Weighing the current patterns of agricultural productivity in Africa, Knight sug- gests probable transitions in the early twenty-first century.2 Such changes include government efforts at drawing people as far as possible into the international economy--to induce them to produce more than the foodstuffs required for family subsistence. Berry details the dynamics and process of rural change in Africa, citing many specific examples. Population stress and economic opportunity are seen as the 1IBRD The Economic Development of Tanganyika, p. 89. 2C.A. Knight, Ecolggy and Change: Rura1_Modernization in an African Community (New York, 1974) pp. 271-272. 78 major dimensions of rural growth, to be manifested in space, agricultural systems, and individual migration.3 In Morogoro, much of the initial evolution of agricultural pro- duction and development of market economics in Uluguru occurred in areas of relatively high population density. Trade focused on these areas, and along with the greater relative concentration of non-agricul- tural craft activities, modernization was given an early impetus. Low- density rural areas have remained relatively isolated, bypassed by transportation routes and other allocations of development facilities. How does government facilitate agricultural change? Dar Es Salaam has reported to local initiatives as well as to national imper- atives for increasing agricultural production. Crops, water supply, animal husbandry, marketing, communications, information services, education and agricultural village schemes are some of the dimensions of induced change leading to development and modernization.4 Among the most radical approaches to rural development in Tan- zania is the process of instituting agricultural settlement schemes. Mwalimu Nyerere suggests that such settlements may result from many circumstances, for example, the need for food and more self-sufficiency, but with the common ultimate goal of agricultural development.5 3B.J.K. Berry, "City Size Distribution and Economic Development," Economic Development and Cultural Change IX (July 1961) p. 576. 4This is well spelled out in the 2nd Five-Year Development 1969- 1974 (Dar Es Salaam, 1969), p. 3. 5J.K. Nyerere, Rural Development. 09. 4-9. 79 Tanzania's rural development policies originate from the historical analysis given in President Nyerere's paper, Socialism and Rural De- velopment.6 In essence, Nyerere points out that colonial policies left most of rural Tanzania isolated because only those areas with obvious developmental potential received attention.7 In this paper and subse- quent writings and speeches, President Nyerere argues that the colonial period brought about very important economic and social changes. "Our society, our economy and the dominant ambitions of our people are very different now from what they used to be before the colonial era."8 According to the president's analysis, the movement was from a rela- tively equal and undifferentiated society to one with greater social 9 This shift was caused primarily by the differentiation and inequality. effects of European institutions on Tanzanian society and the general acceptance of individualistic and other alien values. The basic dif- ference stems from the widespread introduction of cash crops. The alien elements, however, did not alter two fundamental features of the pre-colonial economy, basic poverty and the low level of technology.10 6Nyerere, Socialism, p. 8. 71bid., p. 4, see also Hill and Moffett (eds.), Tan an ika: A :ev1:g.5f_its Resources and Their Development (Dar Es SaTgfifi¥—T9SST: 8Nyerere, Socialism, pp. 4-9. 91919., pp. 4-5. 10Guy Hunter, Modernizing Peasant Societies (London, 1969), p. 26. 80 Thus, according to President Nyerere, the main process taking place in Tanzanian agriculture during the colonial period was change through regional and social differentiation owing to the impact of western institutions, but not associated with any major technological change. Following this analysis, therefore, the present chapter will discuss agricultural development and the effects of transport upon it; and then examine both transport and agricultural changes and their im- pact on rural development. The latter part will deal in detail with transport constraints 6n rural development. Although the coastal areas of Tanzania had been affected by alien influences for centuries, commercial agriculture was almost non-exist- ent before the advent of German colonialism, except for Zanzibar and some coastal areas, where a number of food plants and cloves had been introduced by the Persians, Arabs and Portuguese. Their cultivation had spread inland along the slave routes, but the local people lived at a basic subsistence level, and foreign agricultural enterprise con- tinued to be Arab-owned plantations at the coast. P.J. Greenway attri- butes the introduction of such plants as cassava, sweet potatoes, new world beans, groundnuts and maize to the Portuguese; sugar cane to the Persians; and rice and oranges to the Arabs.H These crops are still widely grown in Uluguru, and according to local traditions, they were introduced by Nyamwezi and Arab traders who made frequent stops in Uluguru on their travels to and from the coast.12 11P.J. Greenway, "Origins of Some East African Food Plants," East African Agricultural Journal, Volume X, XI (1944-1945). lezuanda, Historia ya Waluguru, p. 47. 81 Agricultural development started, however, with the advent of the Germans. From 1891, when Berlin took over from the German East Africa Company, the main effort was concentrated on economic development through plantation agriculture. Between 1895 and the outbreak of the First World War, some 3,115 square miles of land, including areas in the Eastern region, nor Morogoro, were alienated to German companies and individuals. Little attention was given to African agriculture, but cotton was ex- tensively adopted as a source of family income.13 During the last decade of German colonization in Tanganyika the Germans began to take enormous pride in their success as “scientific colonizers." This claim was made perhaps because of their own efforts at introducing a variety of crops. In Tanganyika, after a great deal of experimentation, the Germans brought in the sisal plant from Florida and built a new industry.14 Although German experiments with coffee were less successful, Africans, working with lower overhead costs than planters, took up the cultivation of this crop and developed it into a valuable export commodity. The Germans paid special attention to the cultivation of cotton, as experts feared that the textile industries of the Reich might have to face severe price fluctuations, or even a world-wide scarcity of this vital raw material. 13Document 64/164/II B. 14M. Attems, "Permanent Crapping in the Usambara Mountains," in H. Rutherberg (ed.) Smallholder Farming and Smallholder Development in Tanzania (Munich, 1968). 82 Coffee plantations were also developed chiefly in the Usambara Mountains, on Kilimanjaro and Mount Meru. The Germans experimented with this crop in Uluguru but with no great success. Coffee fared better in the northern regions, where Robusta and Arabica coffee thrived. Cotton remained a minor household crop, but German efforts largely provided the basis for later British exploitation.15 The greatest "achievement" during the German period was the com- pletion of extensive transport system, which was also an important factor in terms of agricultural development. Above all, Germans began to build railways at a furious pace. These railways were supplemented by a network of feeder roads. It is worth noting that the building of roads suitable for motor traffic had hardly started prior to World War I, but received some impetus during hostilities and played a role in the development of agriculture. Following the war, the British initiated agricultural develop- ment throughout the territory. Moffett divides the years between 1920- 1945 into four main periods, each of which was directly affected by world events.16 Following Great Britain's acceptance of the mandate in 1920, there was an optimistic period of land development. In 1929 the economic depression hit the world, and during 1930-1934 Tanzania suffered catastrophic falls in the value of its primary products and consequently of funds for further development. The price of sisal, the chief export crop, fell from 37 shs, to 11 shs. per ton. From 15Provincial Agricultural Officer's Annual Report, Morogoro Pro- vince 1928, 1947, Document 244/214/8 TNA. 16Moffett, Tanganyika,gReview of Its Resources, p. 69. 83 1935 to 1939, while commodity prices rose, the country suffered from political uncertainty about its future,17 which seriously discouraged the introduction of new British capital for development. From 1939 to 1945 the whole country concentrated on assisting the war effort to the greatest extent possible, though development was largely at a stand- still, and the production of some cash crops gave way to the greater production of food. In the 1920's, British officials devoted themselves to studying ‘8 It was clear indigenous agriculture, the soils, and existing crops. to the British administration that the development of the country's rural areas depended on agriculture, and that every effort had to be made to encourage the production of crops for export and for domestic needs. The government was hampered by communications problems, inade- quate storage capacity, and in some cases lack of transport, the last being the greatest hindrance to agricultural growth in the rural areas. There was a steady development of road communications between 1920 and 1931, vital to a growing agricultural economy.' In 1920 there were 2,650 miles of roads passable to light motor traffic in the dry season.19 By 1938 there were nearly 12,000 miles of motorable roads, 17Ibid., p. 61. 18The provincial agricultural officer in Morogoro emphasized the need for field officers to familiarize themselves with indigenous agri- culture before making any recommendations. Report of 1928 Document 244/214/8. TNA. 19J. Mkama, Transport Planning in Tanzania: An Assessment (Dar Es Salaam, 1969) p. 8. See also the discussion by Farguharson, Tanganyika Transport, p. 45. 84 including some 4,000 miles badly maintained by impoverished native ad- ministration authorities. Still, the cost of moving agricultural pro- duce from distant areas to the railways was high, reducing the prices that could be paid to producers and their incentive to grow more.20 The first 25 years of British administration may not have pro- duced spectacular advances in agricultural techniques or in the stan- dard of living of the majority of the people. Great Britain received the mandate over Tanganyika from the League of Nations in February 1920. After a first phase of reorganization and reconstruction after the war, there were efforts devoted to a limited expansion of transportation, with particular attention paid to the railways. Their expansion, fol- lowed by the roads, was, therefore, a very decisive and necessary pre- requisite for the economic development of many parts of the country. The most visible effect of transport was in the area of agriculture. There was a noticeable increase in agricultural production and conse- quently a higher traffic volume. The most important impact of rural transport has been to make possible the cultivation of cash crops for export. These are discussed below. The introduction of cash crops re- quired that people cultivate large fields if they were to benefit from their labor and to produce more so that the extra cash could be avail- able to buy food after their taxes were paid. The switch from subsis- tence to cash-farming improved ways of life for the rural populations. 2013120, The Economic Development of Tanganyika, 1961, p. 87. 85 Transportation of Agricultural Produce and Other Goods Produce was and still is based on the two main railway lines, Dar Es Salaam to Kogoma on Lake Tanganyika and Mwanza on Lake Victoris; and Tanga to Moshi and Arusha, fed by numerous roads and tracks. While the two main railways are obviously of major importance in moving agricul- tural products in bulk to the coast and distributing surpluses of staple crops to points of major demand, only through the development of an adequate system of feeder roads could increased agricultural produc- 21 Motor transport played a dominant part in crop tion be sustained. delivery, particularly in Uluguru, where settlements are widely scat- tered and can only be reached by roads. Since 1945, the expansion of regular internal air services has been of some importance to agricul- ture. This type of transport has assisted the movement of perishable produce to Dar Es Salaam and other consuming centers, and it has also. speeded up the delivery of vital spare parts for implements used by farmers on sisal plantations and estates.22 With the exception of sisal, cashew nuts and some coffee, tea and cotton, a very considerable part of agricultural produce must en- dure extremely long hauls to the coast for export, even though the Tanzanian government has instituted several transport corporations to 2libid.. pp. 61-62. 22Air services in Tanzania are used largely by government offi- cials. Morogoro town which is intersected by the Tanzania-Zambia Railway, Central Railway, Tanzania-Zambia Highway and main routes to the northwest regions is not serviced by air, but there is a landing strip on the grounds of Kingolwira prisons, used only for the light planes which bring government and party officials to the region. 86 keep freight moving. In Morogoro, at the time of this research, there were ten heavy lorries belonging to the National Road Haulage which car- ried cotton to Dar Es Salaam, while the region's sisal was transported by rail. So far, the above discussion has concentrated on the production. and transportation of cash export crops. The Uluguru is also famous for the cultivation of food crops, almost all of which have a ready market in Dar Es Salaam, the country's largest consumer of food crops. Table VIII shows crops grown and sold between 1960 and 1966. It should be noted, however, that the figures represent only a small portion of total pro- duction, since much is consumed on the farm, and many sales are not properly recorded. While the figures should be regarded only as appro- ximations, they do, nevertheless, reveal that the region is an important source of vital foodstuffs as well as export crops. With only a few exceptions, it can be seen that crop production trends in Uluguru are neither static nor highly erratic. This consis- tency reflects the traditional farming practice of cultivating a broad range of food and cash crops, often eight or more on a single farm. The practice of growing cash crops which can be consumed when staple crops fail, contributes to sizeable annual market fluctuations. The high degree of crop diversification practiced in the region guarantees the farmer a cash return from at least some of his crops, regardless of the vagaries of price and weather fluctuations. However, the low static income of agricultural small-holders in the region and the shortage of food staples attending the exceptionally adverse rain- fall conditions in 1966 and 1967, led to a recognition of the disadvantages 87 .mmmpioomp .mugoamm szcc< «gaupzuvcm< we agumpcpz ”mugaom P m ope epp om pep meg m mp on —N op e «P e N e mm in cm opp c mp mN n m_ mp m N m mm mm m o c m mp s owe .<.z mam eme.p om PP m e in in in mm m ¢m NNN cop mop pup mm mp nu mm cc mm mm Now emc mum mmp coo emu mmm NNN mam mep mmm cop in in .<.z 0mm was nae opm cum omm «mu one map Mme ooc in in mew mew mmp mmp cup mpp mm mom mpm sue eme «me Pmm «pm pmm FNN .<.z omN.p mop mom mmm.~ Nmm.P mpm._ ooo.~ ooo.~ own Foo pom ooo.~ pmm mam.~ com cop Nam «pm mmm.~ omm.m pmm.m om~.m ooo.~ cup.¢ u¢~.~ m~¢.m moo.m oom.e mmm.m oo~.p coo.p swm.~ mmm.mm mmm.mm ooo.m¢p in .<.z in in comp mmap comp mmm— Nomp pomp comp Azguv mcoom mama commwm mowm poms: anew Ezgmcom 3mgmmu mama zoo mpxom—a:m_< Loummo Amuwamg xoqu oNsz Amm_unv :ouuou mcmcam Aumuo: mews: pamuxm .mcohv mmiommp zomhosoomm omhmxm upon» 88 of overdiversification.23 It is clear that the practice of dividing effort among many crops requiring simultaneous attention severely limits both the amount of any crop that may be grown and the standards of hus- bandry which can be achieved. Agricultural officers in the district have concluded that the production levels of most crops are likely to remain static until some improvements are made, particularly in tech- nical services which are hard to deliver to the remote rural areas due to inadequate transport networks.24 In Chapter Three the point was made that a large percentage of Tanzanians dwell in the rural areas which have been neglected for many years.25 Ignored during the German and British periods, rural popula- tions were forgotten, left without essential social services such as hospitals, schools, well organized markets, post offices, court sys- tems, etc. In order to compensate, the government, following the 1961- 1964 development plans, embarked upon a series of programs aimed at expanding output based on a system of crop priorities and the improve- ment of productivity through modern agricultural techniques. Transport development in the rural areas also received renewed emphasis, while efforts were made by the government to relocate people in rural areas, in compact settlements named "Ujamaa Villages." 231 id. 24District Development Director, Morogoro, personal interviews, March 18, 21, 1975. 25An introduction to 2nd Five-Year Plan states that the rural sec- tor will be given top priority in the national development along with improving the standard of living of the people. 89 Before discussing Ujamaa villages, it is necessary to discuss various resettlement schemes conceived during the colonial period. In order to facilitate administration and control of the population, ad- ministrators devised what was known as "compact villages." The idea was tried first by the Germans, who after enormous African resistance, believed that the best control was to place Africans where they could be easily administered.26 When the British undertook the Tanganyika Mandate, the same policy was maintained, but radical changes were made insofar as the functions of the compact villages were concerned. While they were convenient for administering the African population, they were also intended to play a critical role in stimulating the commer- cialization of agriculture. In Morogoro, for instance, cash crop production was promoted by supplying seeds or planting materials; by providing agronomic and other advice to farmers; by articulating a marketing and transportation network; and, in a rather passive way, by fostering the rural commerce that supplied small-holders with inputs and consumer goods. Farmers were encouraged to plant cash crops for sale to the urban dweller, even at the expense of their own food needs. Along with ef- forts at stimulating small-holder cash-crop production, colonial offi- cials undertook a few larger, more capital intensive projects to 26Following the Maji-Maji Rebellion, the German colonial adminis- tration tightened up security by placing all African settlements under surveillance. For a detailed discussion of the aftermath of the rebel- lion, see G.C.K. Gwassa and John Iliffe (eds.), Records of the Maji- Maji Rising, I (Nairobi, 1968). 9O mechanize commercial agriculture in areas of new settlements. The famous Tanganyika Groundnut Scheme was the largest of these projects. A few years after its inception, it proved to be a financial disaster, and yet it also proved to be a model for rural development in the 1960's.27 Britain's postwar attempt at the economic redemption of the country, the Groundnut Scheme, was a source of disillusionment. The scheme to grow peanuts on a large scale for world markets, met with failure, partly because of poor planning and partly because of a lack of sensitivity to the attitudes of the indigenous people. From the start, the scheme was imposed on unwilling people who saw no immediate need for peanuts. This lesson was learned by the post-colonial govern- ment. After independence, when the concept of rural development was introduced, the government made efforts to influence as many people as possible to leave their homelands and go into the rural areas. This policy was accomplished by demonstrating the advantages of cooperative living and the production of surplus cash crops (see map XIII). In 1967, Tanzania declared a policy of "ujamaa and self-reliance." Tanzania never had been a profitable colonial possession for either Germany or Britain, and after the disastrous Groundnut Scheme, with the accompanying loss of investment, Britain was in general not sorry to relinquish its responsibilities there. 27For a discussion of the groundnut project, see Alan Wood, The Groundnut Affair (London, 1950). See also Report on a plan for the Mechanized Production of Groundnuts in East and Central Africa, 1946 (CMD 7030) (London, 1947) p. 47. XIII 91 UGANDA 1 J RWANDA K E N YA ZAMBIA MOZAMBIQUE Movements a ' f A 5 ”6&de Comm 045th: J 36,000 Tons and over L J Between 39,000 Tons - 26/000 _. _ _ .. .. Under 2Q) 000 70215 , o no ”.1“; L1 0.6 ‘1. '1. at? cent I the \_< rese‘ Pres be : DEE 92 After independence in 1961, Nyerere increasingly stressed a con- cept of cooperative living, "ujamaa," similar to the Israeli concept of the kibbutz. Declared an official policy in 1967, it emphasized the resettling of people in rural areas. Following the "Arusha Declaration," President Nyerere wrote that the basis of Tanzanian development would be agriculture. In Socialism and Rural Development, he explained the need for farming to be done in "ujamaa" villages rather than on indi- vidual farms. "Individual farmers,“ the president wrote, "cannot really hope to grow enough by themselves and to better their living standard above the subsistence level. By living together in ujamaa villages, the people, with technical and financial help from the govern- ment, would be able to increase their output and there will be enough justification for building new feeder roads into their villages."29 Implementation of a palicy of ujamaa villages has required that people move from their traditional homesteads to areas selected by the government for soil quality, land quantity and potential for develop- ment. Usually volunteers began moving to designated areas. President Nyerere initially chose this path to national development according to his own moral principles. Give the people authority to formulate and enforce their own decisions because "people cannot be developed, they can only develop themselves."30 It would appear, however, that the turn of events relative to Villagization during 1974 and 1975 con- tradicted this policy. 29Nyerere, Rural Development, p. 9. 3°Ibid. 93 In later 1973 directives were issued that all the rural population must be members of, and living in Ujamaa villages by 1976. This order was met by stiff resistence. In Morogoro, campaigns were initiated to induce mountain-dwelling Luguru to move into the valleys. Notwith- standing the fact that the mountain areas seem to have been overcrowded, and there was an apparent land shortage, the Luguru consistently re- sisted pressure designed to make them come down to the valleys, where they were told there was plenty of good land. In a very definite reversal of voluntary ujamaaization, the government-owned Daily News published several articles, editorials and speeches during mid- to late-1974 to the effect that unless the people voluntarily moved into ujamaa villages, the government would use force. The institution of ujamaa villages among the Luguru has not been an easy affair; some informants saw the settlements as instruments of political indoctrination and viewed the new social amenities as bribes. They, therefore, viewed the resettlement scheme with the same skepticism they had viewed the compact village programs of the colonialists. In some areas where this writer visited, people have already returned to their traditional lands and others have moved on to establish new homes in inaccessible areas. Notwithstanding the fact that there apparently has been a negative response to ujamaa principles, the policy has played a significant role in the development of the agricultural economics of Uluguru. Since 1967, Uluguru has begun a major struggle against its own past in an attempt to break away from the pattern of change which has been taking place throughout the country. Ujamaa has, through its methods of establishing cooperative responsibilities, been instrumental p. in cm makin to “E thl Fr 51' WE 94 in convincing s9me_people to modify their production techniques and in making others desire intensification of their labor. Relationship of Road Development and Production Output of Some Crops Road construction and improvement have contributed significantly to the production of some basic cash and food crops in the Morogoro region, but owing to the lack of statistics before 1945 and after 1960, the following analysis will be limited to the period between 1945-1960. From 1939 to 1945 the whole country's efforts were concentrated on as- sisting the war effort to the greatest extent possible. Development was largely at a standstill, and the production of some cash crops had to give way to the greater production of food. Although there was an increase in the production and movement of agricultural products, the collection of data was not a major concern for the government. Several ministries and other public corporations did, however, maintain their own statistical information. The period's significance lies in the fact that it fostered a great surge forward in 3] This agricultural agriculture, as compared with the previous years. development continued to gain momentum after the war. One of the most important cash crops is cotton, grown largely in the Kasaki area by small-holders who belong to the local growers' union through which they market their crop. The cotton is collected from various primary societies in the area and then transported in small 31N.V. Rounce, Agricultural Development in Tanganyika (Berlin 1965) p. 50. 95 trucks to ginneries at Dutumi and Mikese and thence by road to Dar Es Salaam.32 Improvement of old roads from Kisaki to Mikese and Dutumi between 1953 and 1963 contributed significantly to cotton production, especially as compared to the previous period.33 Several roads and bridges were washed out during the heavy rains of 1946 and 1952, and there were no serious efforts taken to build better roads and bridges, until the local cotton growers union decided to decrease cotton production because pro- duce was rotting away in the storage huts owing to the lack of transport to Dar Es Salaam. Since cotton was still in great demand in Europe, particularly in Great Britain, and since it was one of the sources of revenue for citizens who were required to pay their head and poll-taxes, the department of public works undertook to improve old roads and build new ones in areas where they were deemed necessary. Other important crops include coffee, largely grown in the higher altitudes of Matombo and Bwakira Juu divisions, which are also served by the same Kisaki-Morogor road. The Morogoro region is also famous for its production of sesame, an oil seed which is grown in the Dyangoya 32Up to 1968 the Tanzania Cotton Company contributed funds towards road improvements and construction through local offices of the Public Works Department. Now an indirect way of contributing is in effect: the government allows the company to operate its own hauling trucks, but encourages it to use the services of the Road Haulage Company. 33Deterioration of cotton production during the first four months of 1953 was attributed to poor road conditions and lack of regular haulers of the crop from the farm to market. Document 64/164/II. TNA. 96 d.34 The minis- subdivision served by the Mvomero-Mtibwa penetration roa try of agriculture estimates that sesame production can increase at the rate of 2% per year, if good roads are available. Sesame is harvested between Marcy and May, the peak period for the long rains. The crop must be moved on time to avoid spoiling, since there are insufficient storage facilities. Castor is also widely grown in the region, like sesame, primarily for export to the United Kingdom, West Germany and Japan where it is used as a jet engine lubricant and in the manufacturing of synthetic fibers. In 1967 the ministry of agriculture reported that the growth rates of these crops is constrained by poor transport, since they are cultivated in isolated places, to which there are no adequate and suitable roads at present. Sugarcane grows in the Kilombero Valley and at Mtibwa, and is planted and harvested all-year-round. There is a mill in each of the two sugarcane-growing areas, and since most cane is produced within a ten mile radius of the mills, there is no real transportation problem. The National Sugar Board buys the entire output and transports it to Dar Es Salaam and other distribution centers. There was poor sugar production in 1958 and 1968, due to bad conditions on the Mvomero- Mtibwa road. However, at the end of 1968, funds were made available, and when the road was improved, sugarcane production also increased. 34The Mvomero-Mtibwa penetration road was constructed in 1909; its main aim then was simply to enter remote areas which had been impossible to reach. The road has never been in good condition, es- pecially during the rains, even if it has been very useful in trans- porting agricultural products from farms to markets. 97 As far as food crops are concerned, two of the most important food crops in the region are paddy and corn, cultivated on over 67,000 acres in low-lying areas of well-watered, dark alluvial soils. About 75% of this production is consumed on the farm, while the rest finds its way to Dar Es Salaam and other urban areas. In Map l the movements of the more important agricultural inputs and outputs are presented for specific road sections (see also Table VIII). This identification cannot be more than a rough approximation of the actual commodity movements over the road system. The figure for some of the products destined for the interval market are based only on rough estimates. Cement, petroleum products and fertilizer are the most prominent, as far as road transport is concerned. Generally, the movement of these bulk commodities is undertaken by ship and rail- way, but roads piay the vital role in redistribution. Some Classified Feeder Roads One of the most important routes is the Mvomero-Mtibwa Road which links Dar Es Salaam, Morogoro and points west and south with Korogwe, Tanga and Moshi. However, with the opening of the new trunk road to the north, the Mvomero-Mtibwa Road no longer carries a significant volume of through traffic, and its condition has deteriorated. The road continues to be important, however, since it links the Nguru Moun- 35 tains and the adjacent plains with the important Morogoro market. The principle commodities transported over the road are sugar from the 35For instance, the Mvuha-Kisaki road is one of the most impor- tant roads because of the volume of traffic and goods carried each day. See figure 98 Mtibwa Sugar Estate (MSE), timber from the Mtibwa Saw Mills and some foodcrops, including rice from the Turiani area. The road could assume greater importance if cash crops, such as cotton, cocoa, and coffee were further encouraged by the government, but it appears that, owing to a lack of incentive and technical assistance, these crops are not widely regarded as essential, and thus the farmers usually plant them in small plots for local use. The Mvomero-Mtibwa Road is classified as an earth-surfaced, local main feeder road. It passes between the base of the Nguru Mountains and Wami River Plains and through the newly established ujamaa villages of Kwa Dhiyombo, Chazi and Turiani before reaching Morogoro town. The villagers are primarily peasant farmers and depend on the road to go to Morogoro, Dar Es Salaam and simply to travel from one village to another.36 Another important classified road is the 78-mile Morogoro-Kisaki road which serves a population of approximately 23,000 and an area of over 1,100 square miles. The sole link between Morogoro town and the Eastern Uluguru Mountains and adjacent lowlands, it transverses an area characterized by diverse climatic and terrain conditions and cul- tivation patterns. At higher elevations, coffee is the principal cash crop, although owing to a lack of general technical assistance, the 37 crop in recent years has not been taken seriously. While overpopulation 36Based on daily manifest of passengers who travelled on Morogoro Region Transport Company buses to and from Morogoro between February 1976 and June 1977. 37Hans H. Adler, "Economic Evaluation of Transport Project" Transport Investment and Economic Development (Gary Fromm (ed.), (Washington 1965) p. 89. 99 and over-farming in the arable mountain areas has caused land shortages, the best lowlands could be opened up to settlement, if the road were improved and provisions were made for permanent water supplies. Since, however, traffic levels, the volume and value of production, and improve- ment costs vary considerably from one portion of the road to another, the relationship of benefits to costs varies accordingly. For the purposes of analysis, it is useful to divide the second road into segments on the basis of such differences (see Table IX), so that it can be determined whether the improvement of the individual por- tions can be economically justified even if general development is not. The estimated present average daily traffic (ADT) over the entire length of the road is 73 vehicles (see Table X). Table VIII shows the esti- mated annual income and value of marketed commodities presently pro- duced in the area and transported over segments of the road. In recent years this road has been a subject of government interest due to the agricultural potential of the areas through which it passes. Several new settlements have been established, where only ten years ago there were miles of uninhabited, and uncultivated lands. The third classified artery is the Morogoro-Mgeta-Kibuku road, whose origin can be traced to German missionary activities in the region. The Roman Catholic Church wanted to establish themselves in the south- eastern part of Uluguru and opened up a mission-station at Mgeta in 1886 and a connecting earth road to Morogoro in 1898. It was used by headporters until cars were introduced after 1903, and it became impor- tant because of the area's production of vegetables and fruits, which 1OO .mmimomp nouoo mgmzogu ocoaogoz mugoamm szcc< oo.ooop e? mme__.,em "muczom Ne_F mos. 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