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HISTORIC SETTLEMENT AND RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION
IN RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS OF JASPER COUNTY,

MISSISSIPPI

by

Marvel Lang

A Dissertation

submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Geography

-1979-

HISTORIC SETTLEMENT AND RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION
IN RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS OF JASPER COUNTY,

MISSISSIPPI

by

IMarvel Lang

Abstract

This study analyses the relationship between historic
settlement patterns of blacks and whites in Jasper County,
Mississippi, and the historic patterns of local neighbor-
hood development, racial dominance and residential segre-
gation in local neighborhoods in the county. The study
is a prototype for the analysis of residential segregation
in rural areas and is intended to generate some findings

for further comparative research.

The following hypotheses are tested:

1. Local neighborhood boundaries are defined
on the basis of racial characteristics
of households rather than on the loca—
tional proximity of households.

2. .A high level of residential segregation
exists in the county between black and
white households.

Marvel Lang

3. The present level of residential segre-
gation and racial composition of the
neighborhoods are related to the patterns
of historic settlement of blacks and whites
and not due to invasion-succession pro-
cesses.

4. The high level of residential segregation
is related also to the size of neighbor-
hoods, the length of settlement, the dis-
tance and accessibility of the neighbor-
hoods to the nearest trade center.

5. Significant differences exist between
black-segregated and white-segregated
neighborhoods in their size, length of
settlement, distance and accessibility
to the trade centers in the county.

The data used to reconstruct the historic patterns
of settlement and local neighborhood develOpment consisted
of church—school records--Records of Land Grant Trans-
actions and.Manuscript Census Reports. These data were
interpolated cartographically for several periods to show
the location pattern, growth and development of local
neighborhoods by racial characteristics in the county.
The findings from these analyses indicate that histori—
cally the expansion and development of neighborhoods for
both blacks and whites occurred mainly around those areas
where they had initially settled or where their residen—
tial areas were initially established. Also, the racial
dominance characteristics of the local neighborhoods re-

mained unchanged for the most part. For these reasons

the hypothesis that historic settlement of blacks and

Marvel Lang

whites was a major factor in determining the patterns of
racial dominance and the level of residential segregation
in the county presently rather than invasion and succession

processes was accepted.

The level of residential segregation between black
and white households in the county in 1977 was 74.6 percent,
which is a high level of segregation. This level was deter—
mined by applying the Index of Segregation at the neighbor-
hood level. The level of concentration of black households

as indicated by the Gini Index was 54.5 percent.

Stepwise multiple regression analysis was used to
test the relationship between the level of residential
segregation in the neighborhoods as indicated by their
racial overrepresentation or underrepresentation of the
two racial groups, and the historical geographical vari-
ables of size of neighborhood in number of households,
length of settlement of the neighborhoods in number of
years, distance in miles from the neighborhoods to the
nearest trade center, and accessibility of the neighborhoods
to the nearest trade center in minutes of travel time.
The results showed that the size of the neighborhoods was
the only variable that had a positive significant relation—
ship with the level of residential segregation in the neigh—
borhoods, accounting for 75 percent of the variation in the

dependent variable.

l—_____7, ,

Marvel Lang

It was found that the patterns of initial settlement
of blacks and whites in the county have been significant
in determining their present patterns of residential loca-
tion and dominance in the neighborhoods of Jasper County.
This fact was proven by showing that those areas which the
two groups presently dominate are centered on areas that
were historically established as residential areas for them
respectively during the initial stages of neighborhood de—

velopment in the county.

The implications from the study are that further com—
parative research needs to be conducted in other rural areas
and that similar findings in those areas could indicate that
different processes are operative in rural areas than in
urban areas in determining the patterns of residential seg—
regation and residential location patterns for blacks and
whites. For example, most research on residential segrega-
tion in urban areas of the United States has shown that the
invasion—succession processes have been the main processes
in determining the patterns of racial residential location.
This study shows that the patterns of historic settlement
and neighborhood development have been the main processes
in determining the patterns of racial dominance and residen-
tial location for the two racial groups in this rural area.
This fact might be true for other rural areas of America,

especially the rural South.

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge and express my appreciation
to the many people who have played important roles in my
graduate education. The most important one has been my
dear wife, Mozelle, who has sacrificed, supported, en—
couraged and believed in me religiously. To the members
of my advisory committee, Dr. Joe T. Darden, Dr. Stanley
D. Brunn, Dr. Robert I. Wittick, Dr. James Zuiches and Dr. {I‘
J. Allan Beegle, thanks for doing your jobs professionally z
and sincerely; especially Dr. Darden who has been a good
friend, brother and advisor. Also, I acknowledge the help
and generosity of the many people in Jasper County, Missis-
sippi, and the various agencies of the county and state
governments who were kind and patient in helping me find

information that I may never have obtained otherwise.

ii

CHAPTER

I.

II.

III.

INTRODUCTION ..................................

The Concepts of Neighborhood and Community ....
Statement of the Problem ......................
Hypotheses ....................................

The Study Area ................................

DATA AND METHODOLOGY ..........................

Testing the Hypotheses ........................
The Cluster Method ............................
The Segregation Index and Gini Index ..........
The Stepwise Multiple Correlation Analysis ....
Organization of the Study .....................

THE CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL BACKGROUND:
THE REVIEW OF LITERATURE ......................

Empirical Research on the Delimitation,
Identification, and Recognition of

Rural Neighborhoods ......................

The Methodological Analysis of Residential

Segregation ..............................

The Empirical Analysis of Residential

Segregation in Urban Areas ...............

4

17

22

23
30
31
36

37

39

42

44

49

3.6.. ‘W .-._..

CHAPTER

IV.

The Empirical Analysis of Residential

Segregation in Rural Areas ................

Neighborhood Invasion and Succession in

Urban Areas ...............................

Black Settlement in Rural Mississippi and

Other Rural Areas .........................

Summary ........................................

HISTORIC SETTLEMENT, NEIGHBORHOOD DEVELOPMENT
AND RACIAL COMPOSITION OF RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS

IN JASPER COUNTY ...............................

Introduction ...................................

The Origin and Initial Settlement of Jasper

County ....................................

Historic Settlement of Blacks in Jasper County

Historic Aspects of Neighborhood Development ...

The Present Racial Pattern of Neighborhoods ....

The Recognition and Delineation of Local

Neighborhoods, 1977 .......................
Racial Dominance and Racial Composition of

Neighborhoods .............................
Summary ........................................

FACTORS IN THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND

RACIAL COMPOSITION OF RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS ......

iv

PAGE

59

62

67
75

77

77

78
91

CHAPTER

VI.

Residential Segregation in Rural Neighborhoods:
The Example of Jasper County ..............

Location, Length of Settlement, and Size of
Neighborhoods as Factors Related to

Residential Segregation ...................

Location, Length of Settlement and Size of
Neighborhoods as Factors Related to

Racial Composition ........................

Differences Between White-Segregated and

Black-Segregated Neighborhoods ............

Summary ........................................

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ........................

APPENDICES .....................................

Appendix A - Data on Neighborhoods in

Jasper County .....................

Appendix B - Family Survey for Verifying

Neighborhood Boundaries ...........

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................

PAGE

119

123

127

129
132

134

141

141

149

151

PAGE
1. Test of Differences Between Size of Neighborhoods
and Scattered Settlement Areas ............ 26
2. Negro Household Heads Owning Land in Jasper
County Civil Divisions, 1870 .............. 95
3. Neighborhoods by Race and Type in Jasper
County .................................... 115 5‘
4
4. Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation for i
Black—Segregated Neighborhoods ............ 125 f
5. Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation for 1
White—Segregated Neighborhoods ............ 125
6. Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation for
Total Group of Neighborhoods .............. 126
7. Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation on
Percent Black Households in Neighborhoods. 129
8. Tests of Differences Between White-Segregated
and Black-Segregated Neighborhoods on the
Selected Set of Variables ................. 131

vi

10.
11.
12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

L I S T I N G O F F I G U R E S

The Study Area: The Relative Location of
Jasper County, Mississippi ..........................

The Road Network and Towns in Jasper County ..............
The Choctaw Cession of 1830 ..............................
Small Town Origins in Jasper County, 1833—1860 ...........

Sections in Jasper County Where Land Grants
Were Issued, 1833-1860 ..............................

Small Town Origins in Jasper County, 1870-1900 ...........
Small Town Origins in Jasper County Since 1900 ...........

Sections in Jasper County Where Land Grants
Were Issued, 1833-1890 ..............................

Locations of Initial Negro Land Ownership in
Jasper County, 1868-1870 ............................

Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County, 1875 ...............
Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County, 1896 ...............
Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County, 1927 ...............

Neighborhoods by Racial Dominance in Jasper
County, 1977 ........................................

Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County,
Mississippi, 1977 ...................................

Neighborhoods by Racial Composition in Jasper
County, 1977 ........................................

Neighborhoods by Types in Jasper County, 1977 ............

PAGE

18
19
80
84

86
88

89

9O

96

100
102
104

106

111

113

116

17.

18.

Gini Index for Jasper County, 1977
(Concentration of Black Households) .......

Residential Segregation in Local Neighborhoods
Jasper County, 1977 .......................

viii

PAGE

121

122

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Residential segregation is a topic that has been a

major focus of research in American urban areas during

the past two decades. Evidence supporting this statement
consists of a number of major studies that have been pub-
lished on residential segregation in cities of America
during this period.—_' On the other hand, very little
research has focused on residential segregation in rural
America. The lack of interest in the problem of residen-
tial segregation in rural areas is not due to the fact

that the magnitude of the problem does not warrant investi-

gation. Rather, the lack of interest in rural areas may

1/

__Some examples of the studies include: Joe T.
Darden, "The Residential Segregation of Blacks in Detroit,
1960-1970," The International Journal of Comparative
Sociology, Vol. 27:1, 1976, pp. 84-91; Barrie Morgan,
”The Segregation of Socio-Economic Groups in Urban Areas:
A Comparative Analysis,” Urban Studies, Vol. 12, 1975,
pp. 47-60; Nathan Kantrowitz, Ethnic Segregation in the
New York Metropolis, (New York: Praeger Publishing Co.,
1973); Stanley Lieberson, Ethnic Patterns in American
Cities, (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963);

W. Clark Roof, ”Residential Segregation of Blacks and
Inequality in Southern Cities,” Social Problems, Vol.
19, 1972; Karl Taeuber and Alma Taeuber, Negroes in
Cities, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965); Wendell
Bell and Ernest M. Willis, ”The Segregation of Negroes
in American Cities: A Comparative Analysis,” Social

and Economic Studies, Vol. 6, 1957, pp. 59—75.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

be due to a series of events which have directed the
interests of those concerned toward the American cities.
For example, some of the events that have directed at-
tention away from rural areas include; the rapid growth
and expansion of metropolitan areas; the continuous de—
cline in the numbers of rural population due to rural—to—
urban migration; racial disturbances and riots in urban
areas during the late 1960's; and the economic deterio-

ration of the central cities in general.

A second reason for the lack of research concerning
residential segregation in rural areas is inevitably
related to the present status of the research methodology
that is used prominently in the analysis of residential
segregation. The prominent methodology for analyzing
residential segregation between population groups requires
data on the distribution of the groups which are based
on discrete spatial units, i.e. census tracts, blocks,
wards, etc. These data are used to derive an index of
segregation which indicates the overall uneveness in the
distribution of the two population groups in the area
being studied. The problem in applying such a methodo-
logy to rural areas derives from the lack of such well-
defined units. In some areas, i.e. the Midwest and
Northeast, townships are used to enumerate population

for census purposes in rural areas. In the rural South,

however, larger spatial units are used such as beats, and
other political administrative districts. The loss of
detail on the distribution of population that results from
the use of these spatial units in census enumerations
would alter the interpretation of residential segregation
if the methodology were applied straightforwardly. It
has been shown methodologically that the interpretation
of the Index of Segregation is sensitive to the size of
the spatial units on which it is derived. Duncan and
Duncan, for example, found that the smaller the spatial
units used to derive the Index of Segregation, the more
meaningful was the results in terms of interpreting the

overall uneveness in the distribution of the population

2/

groups being analyzed.——

This study overcomes this methodological problem by

applying the techniques of analysis of residential segre-
a/
gation to rural neighborhoods.—_' Such neighborhoods are defined

2/

'__See Otis D. Duncan and Beverly A. Duncan, ”A
Methodological Analysis of Segregation Indexes," American
Sociological Review, Vol. 20, 1955, pp. 210-217; and
Donald 0. and Mary S. Cowgill, ”An Index of Segregation
Based on Block Statistics," American Journal of Sociology,
Vol. 16:6, 1951, pp. 825-831.

a/

_.Rural "local neighborhoods” are discrete spatial
units. They are called ”local communities" or "locality
groups” because they are only recognized by the local
pOpulation and do not usually appear on general maps of
the areas. The concept of "rural local neighborhood"
is discussed further in the next section of this chapter
and in Chapter II.

 

 

 

and delimited on the basis of their identification and
recognition by the people within the rural area. Hence,
this study considers three aspects of rural spatial and
social organization:

1) The delineation and delimitation of rural

local neighborhoods;

2) The analysis of the historic settlement
processes and patterns of whites and
blacks_2 in one area and the relationship
of these historic processes and patterns
to the present patterns of settlements;

and,

3) The analysis of residential segregation
between blacks and whites in rural
neighborhoods, and factors related to
the spatial and historic character of

the neighborhoods.
The Concepts of Neighborhood and Community in Rural Areas

The use of the rural neighborhood as the unit of
analysis and investigation of rural residential segre-
gation can be justified by its significance in the rural

33/

Throughout this study the terms 'blacks', 'Negroes‘

and 'colored' are used interchangeably to refer to
Americans of African descent.

 

social system, both historically and presently. In rural

America, the end result of the settlement processes has

been the development of rural neighborhoods and communities.

The study of rural neighborhoods and rural communities
as sociological and spatial entities has been a prominent
theme in rural sociological research since the early

1900's.

Generally, the rural community has been defined
sociologically as a system of neighborhoods and a form
of associations and relationships within a spatial con-
text linked to the centers by a distinct set of inter—
actions and functions. Sanderson,_§ for example, speci—
fically defined the rural community as ”a rural area
within which the people have a common center of interest,
usually a village, (or town), and within which they have
a sense of common obligations and responsibilities.”

The rural neighborhood, as a subsystem and an intrinsic
unit within the rural community has been appropriately
defined by Loomis and Beegle“i as ”a distinct area within

_§/

Dwight Sanderson, Locating Rural Communities,

(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Cornell University
Extension Service, Research Bulletin 413, 1939), p. 6.

 

 

4/
__Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural

Social Systems, (New York: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1950),
p. 187.

which people visit, borrow, exchange tools and equipment,
and c00perate on an informal and interpersonal level in
various ways, either through social institutions and organi-

zations or through personal interaction."

5/
Loomis and Beegle—— further stated that the typical

rural neighborhood was frequently composed of fifteen or
twenty families tributary to an open country church, a
crossroad store, a cotton gin, a grain elevator, or a
one-room school or any combination of such agencies.

This definition does not preclude the existence of neigh-
borhoods with larger numbers of families. Spatially,
they inferred that rural neighborhoods may be separated
or distinguished by such physical geographic barriers as
valley, hollows, rivers, lakes, expanses of unsettled
land, or the discontinuation of roads where the settle-

ment pattern is intricately linked to the road network.

6/

In an extension of this definition, Kolb and deSBrunner_—
added that the rural neighborhood is composed of groups of
families whose members know each other well and who rec—
ognize each other by their first names. These authors
indicate that the neighborhood is the first group larger

_§/
Ibid.

6/
__John H. Kolb and Edmund deSBrunner, A Study of
Rural Society, (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1952), p. 159.

 

 

 

 

than the family which has some social significance and

which has some sense of local unity.

The rural neighborhood and rural community differ
in several aspects. The rural community is relatively
self—sufficient. That is, the rural community provides
people with many of their basic needs. The rural neigh—
borhood, on the other hand, may be totally dependent on
a larger entity for its goods and services. The rural
community is a prototype of the total society in that
it is the smallest locality unit in which the character-
istics of the total society are found. The rural com-
munity consists of a set of functional, economic and
social relationships and interactions among its com—
ponent population groups. The rural neighborhood may
consist of and be defined by a set of primary social
relationships. Both the rural neighborhood and rural
community possess the characteristic of territoriality
which gives the geographer a perspective from which to
base his study of them as spatial units and as units
in the spatial organization of the larger rural social

_7/

system.

From these definitions two ideas become eminent in

7/
'__Paul R. Hanna, et a1., Geography in the Teaching
of Social Studies, (Boston: Houghton—Mifflin Co., 1966),
pp. 80-91.

 

 

 

the recognition and identification of rural neighborhoods
as social and spatial entities. First, there is a pro—
minence of informal interpersonal interactions and re—
lationships. Second, there is a distinct area or locality.
Thus, rural neighborhoods are generally considered as
small areas which are socially linked by highly developed
primary level relationships among the families which

they contain. Hence, it is from these definitions that
the particular aspects of rural neighborhoods are derived
which make them ideal as the spatial units on which to
base an analysis of rural residential segregation. These
definitions form the criteria for defining and delimiting

the rural neighborhoods in this study.

Statement of the Problem

 

Residential segregation has been studied primarily
as an urban phenomenon. As a result, the problems and
disparities between racial groups that are related to
residential segregation have also been portrayed mainly
as urban geographic and urban social problems. Never-
theless, segregation is a social and geographic problem
that has distinct and measureable attributes in rural
areas also, particularly in the rural South. Two historic
reasons may be accountable for these attributes, which are:
1) the patterns and problems associated with residential

segregation in the rural South have persisted for a

j— A ( _. Mk ..

 

longer period there than elsewhere in the United States
without change; and 2) the processes and institutions
that caused these patterns and resulted in their re-
maining unchanged are harder to alter because of their
intrinsic roots in the social, economic and political

systems of the South.

The problem of this study is to analyze several
spatial and historic aspects of rural neighborhoods in
Jasper County, Mississippi, and the ways these aspects
relate to the present pattern and level of residential
segregation between black and white households in the
county. The spatial aspects include; 1) differences in
the size of predominantly black and predominantly white
neighborhoods in the county; 2) differences in the
distance of predominantly black and predominantly white
neighborhoods in the county; and 3) the relationships
of these aspects to the levels of residential segre-
gation in the neighborhoods. The historic aspects
include; 1) the historic settlement patterns of blacks
and whites in the county from its origin in 1833 to
the present; 2) the development of rural neighborhoods
as the end result of the settlement of the county; 3)
changes in the residential location pattern of blacks
and whites in neighborhood areas in the county since its

initial settlement; and 4) differences in the number of

years of settlement of predominantly black and predom—

inantly white neighborhoods.

This study seeks to answer the following questions:
1) What has been the basis of neighborhood identifica—
tion in Jasper County historically and presently — is it
race, social interaction, or locational proximity?
2) To what extent are black and white households segre—
gated residentially in the county presently?
3) What is the relationship of the historic settle-
ment patterns of blacks and whites in Jasper County to
the present level of residential segregation and racial
composition of neighborhoods?
4) How do other features important to the historic
and geographic character of the neighborhoods such as
size, length of settlement, distance to trade centers
relate to the level of residential segregation between
black and white households in Jasper County? and
5) How do white—segregated and black—segregated

neighborhoods differ in terms of these features?

Several aspects of rural neighborhoods have been

analyzed concerning their social organization,spatial
8

and historic characteristics. For example, Kolb__ re—

cognized at least four aspects of the sociological

 

8/
__Kolb, Emerging Rural Communities, p. 57.

 

10

characteristics of rural neighborhoods that can be mea-
sured and evaluated: 1) some indication of belonging,
identification, and differentiation; 2) place reference
or locality; 3) contacts through interpersonal relations;
and 4) time reference, development stages and continuity.
In addition to these aspects, a fifth dimension that is
as important and is considered in this study is the racial
aspect and racial predominance of families identifying
themselves as belonging to distinct neighborhoods. The
four aspects of rural neighborhoods identified by Kolb
have been previously recognized by Sanderson—2 as area,

size, neighboring activities and recognition or identity.

Neighborhood social activities are a crucial aspect
of the social organization of rural neighborhoods because
they are the factors by which neighborhood bonds are rec-
ognized. Also, these activities usually provide the means
through which interpersonal relations among neighborhood
residents are conducted. In his study of Dane County,
Winconsin, Kolblg identified seven factors which determined
the primary or secondary bonds of neighborhood groups.
These factors were: religion, education, economic, social,

9/

__Dwight Sanderson, Locating Rural Communities, p. 85.

 

 

10/

__John H. Kolb, Trends of Country Neighborhoods,
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1935).

 

ll

nationality, topography and family ties in that respec-
tive order. These factors have remained the focus of
the analysis of the social organization of rural neighbor-

hoods.

The historical or continuity aspect of rural neighbor-
hoods is another aspect of considerable importance in
terms of the development and social organization of rural
areas. This aspect represents the stability, growth,
development, change and general temporal character or

rural neighborhoods and communities. In this regard,
11/
Sanderson__ outlines six general trends that are recog-

nized in American rural areas in the historic process of
rural neighborhood and community deve10pment and contin-

uity. These trends are stated as follows:

1. There is a decided tendency for neighbor-
hoods to decrease in number and activity
in older parts of the country (those areas
that were settled earliest).

2. In some sections. . .there is a tendency
for new neighborhoods to appear or old
ones to become active again, but these
are more the result of deliberate organi—
zation of certain interests or of volun-
tary associations, and are less dependent
upon old bonds of locality, tradition,
nationality, or religion.

3. Neighborhoods in the vicinity of villages

 

11/

—_Dwight Sanderson, Rural Sociology and Rural Social
Organization, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1972),
p. 243.

 

 

12

....

and towns tend to disappear first, as
their functions are absorbed in the

rural community centering in the village.
Those neighborhoods persist which are
somewhat isolated from these centers.

4. The number of hamlet neighborhoods is
increasing through the decline of vil—
lages, which have not been able to
maintain the status of community centers.

5. In the environs of cities and large
towns there is a tendency to form new
semi-urban neighborhoods mostly as the
result of the new settlement of city
workers.

6. Neighborhoods are becoming more insti-
tutional or organizational groups than
locality groups bound together by
neighboring, and membership in the local
organizations is not confined to people
in the former immediate neighborhood but
is scattered over a wider area. This is
partly due to decrease in population and
partly to better means of transportation.

The patterns and form of rural settlement, and rural
spatial organization is a theme that has been a major focus
of research by geographers and sociologists. In terms
of the size and form of rural neighborhood settlements,
SandersonlE/has stated:

Neighborhoods may be small or large geo—
graphically depending on the density of
population and the general topography.
Even in the early settlement not all farms
were included in neighborhoods, and today
increasingly a large proportion of farms
in the older parts of the country have

no neighborhood designation.

 

ig/
Ibid., p. 232.

13

 

This means that in the spatial structure and organization
of rural areas are dispersed areas which are not part of
the socially organized areas and can only be classified
as ”scattered settlement areas." In their analyses in
previous research, sociologists have included these areas

along with rural neighborhoods as spatial units.

The spatial form of rural settlement patterns has
been the focus of research by sociologists for several
years. Goldschmidt,l§ for example, identified four forms
of rural settlement in America which are still prominent.
The forms (or patterns) that he identified are: 1) iso—
lated holdings or scattered settlement; 2) crossroad set—
tlement; 3) line or linear settlement along country roads;
and 4) village or hamlet settlement (clusters in unincor—
porated places or agrarian people). Additionally,
Lindstromli stated that in terms of function and inter—
action, a functional hierarchy can be derived based on
the importance and level of social and economic interaction
that occurs within the rural region between the residents

in each of the four forms of settlement. He suggested the

 

13/

T_W. R. Goldschmidt, "Some Evidence of the Future
Patterns of Rural Settlement,” Rural Sociology, Vol. 8:4,
1943, pp. 387-395.

14/

__David E. Lindstrom, American Rural Life: A Textbook
of Sociology, (New York: The Ronald Press Co., 1948),
pp. 22—31.

 

l4

 

following hierarchical structure in ascending order of
importance: (a) isolated holdings, (b) crossroad settle-
ments, (c) linear settlements, (d) hamlet or village, (e)

the town and the regional city.

In this study, the historic or continuity aspect of
rural local neighborhoods in Jasper County, Mississippi,
is considered and analyzed in terms of the length of set—
tlement of the neighborhoods in relationship to the degree

of residential segregation between blacks and whites.

The studies cited above stress the significance of
primary relationships in the identification of rural
neighborhoods. However, change has occurred in the eco-
nomic character of rural areas during the last two or
three decades. Such changes have involved a decline in
employment in agriculture and an increase in employment
in other types of economic activities. It is reasonable
to assume that the intensity of primary relationships
between rural families has lessened due to this change.
Nevertheless, the spatial form of rural communities that
evolved during these earlier periods remains distinguishable
in the rural landscape and the proximity of families in
the areas makes it possible to define rural neighborhoods
on the basis of proximity and continuity. With careful
investigation, the spatial and sociological vestiges of

this spatial organizational structure can be revealed.

15

 

This study considers the role of primary relationships
in the identification and recognition of rural neighborhoods
in Jasper County, especially in the delineation of the
neighborhoods. Specifically, in the identification of
rural neighborhoods as the initial task of this study,
proximity of households, personal interactions and primary
relations, and membership in rural organizations are prime

factors taken into consideration.

Hypotheses

Based on the research questions to be answered and
the perspectives of rural neighborhoods discussed above
from previous research, the following hypotheses are
tested in this study relevant to the historic and social
geographic aspects of rural neighborhoods in Jasper County,
Mississippi.

1. Local neighborhood boundaries are presently
defined on the basis of racial characteristics
of households rather than on the locational
proximity of households.

2. A high level of residential segregation
exists presently in the county between
black and white households.

3. The present level of residential segre—
gation and racial composition of the
neighborhoods are related to the patterns
of historic settlement of blacks and
whites and not due to the invasion—

SUCCGSSIOD processes .

4. The high level of residential segregation

l6

is directly related also to the size of
neighborhoods, the length of settlement,
the distance and accessibility of the
neighborhoods to the nearest trade center.

5. Significant differences exist presently
between black-segregated and white—segre—
gated neighborhoods in their size,
length of settlement, distance and ac—
cessibility to the trade centers in the
county.

The Study Area

 

Figure 1 (page L§) shows the relative location of
Jasper County in the State and Figure 2 (page Lg) shows

the present pattern of roads and towns in the county.

Jasper County is approximately rectangular in shape
and contains a land area of 683 square miles or 437,120
acres. It is located 60 miles southeast of Jackson, the
State Capitol, and 131 miles north of Mobile, Alabama.
It is bordered to the south by Jones County, where Laurel,
a major trade and employment center of 25,000 for the
area is located. To the north, Jasper County is bordered
by Newton County; to the west by Smith County; and to the

east by Clarke County.

Jasper County currently consists mainly of small
rural communities. There is no place in the county with
more than 2,500 people. The largest settlement, Bay

Springs, has about 1,800 and is one of two towns which

17

 

 

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I

Figure l. The Study Area= The Relative Location
of Jasper County, Mississippi

 

 

18

 

Figure 2. The Road Network and Towns in Jasper County

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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19

 

 

 

provides services other than retail and commercial. The
other settlement is Heidelberg which has a population of
about 500. The remaining settlements have less than 500.
Due to the absence of any urban center the rural neighbor-
hoods play an important role in the social and economic

structure of the county.

In terms of its economic characteristics, the popu—
lation of Jasper County has been characterized histori—
cally by the U. S. Census as rural farming. Recently
this character has been changing as agricultural employ-
ment declines. In 1970, the U. S. Census showed appro—
ximately 3,000 people employed in non—agricultural acti-
vities in the county and slightly over 1,000 employed in
agricultural activities. Included in the non—agricultural
activities were contract construction, transportation,
communication and public utilities, wholesale and retail
trade, and government activities. During the 1960—1970
period manufacturing employment led all others in employ—
ment gains with more than a 10 percent increase. As a
result of this shift, the labor force and the population
of Jasper County can be characterized increasingly as

rural non—farm.

In 1970, the population of Jasper County was 54 per—

cent white and 46 percent black. However, the demographic

20

profile of the two groups was dissimilar. For example,

58 percent of the black population was in the age cate—
gory 0 to 24 while only 40 percent of the white population
was in this category. Forty—eight percent of the total
population was in the 0 to 24 age category. In the 25

to 44 age category were 16 percent of the black popula-
tion and 24 percent of the white population; 20 percent

of the total population was in this category. Sixteen
percent of the black population, 23 percent of the white
population, and 20 percent of the total population were
between 45 and 64. The category over 65 included 10
percent of the black population, 14 percent of the white
population, and 12 percent of the total population. These
data reveal that a larger proportion of the black popula-
tion was younger than the comparable white population.

The total population of the county in 1970 was almost

16,000.

21

CHAPTER II
DATA AND METHODOLOGY

The data on which the analyses in this study are
based were obtained from several sources and through
field research by the author. Historical data on the
origin, settlement, and development of Jasper County
were obtained from published and unpublished sources
in the county records and the State Archives of Missis-
sippi. County Records of Deeds and Land Transactions
for the period 1833 to 1932 were destroyed by fire in the
County Courthouse at Paulding. Records of Land Grants
in Jasper County were used to determine the patterns of
early settlement in the county. These records were ob—

tained from the State Archives Library in Jackson.

In order to recreate the historic patterns of pre-
dominantly black and white neighborhoods and trace their
historic development within the county, county school
records were used for several years for which they were
available — 1875, 1896 and 1927. These records were
obtained from the State Archives and the County Board of
Education in Bay Springs. They were used because the

church-schools that were developed historically were pri-

22

 

marily neighborhood—based. Schools were established only
in those areas where sufficient black and white popula-
tions were found. This was the case until rural schools
were consolidated with those in the larger settlements
during the 1900's. The service areas of these church—
schools as indicated on maps for previous years were

used as the indicator of historic neighborhood boundaries.

Data on the present number of black and white house-
holds in the neighborhoods identified in 1977 were ob—
tained by field observation, enumeration of households
by race, delineation of neighborhood boundaries and
family surveys (See Appendix 1) and interviews by the
author during the summer of 1977. Also, local historians,
county officials and neighborhood leaders were utilized

in this phase of the data collection.

Testing the Hypotheses

 

In order to test the hypotheses, the initial task
was to delineate and delimit the current and historical
local neighborhoods in the county. This was accomplished
by using the Cluster Method discussed in a later section
of this chapter as described by Loomis and Beegle.—l

The Cluster Method of neighborhood delimitation was used

 

17
TTLoomis and Beegle, op. cit.

23

to test the first hypothesis that local neighborhood
boundaries are defined mainly on the basis of race rather
than on the basis of locational proximity. The race of
the heads of households in the neighborhoods along with
the total number of households were recorded once the
neighborhoods were delimited. The hypothesis was ac—
cepted or rejected on the basis of (1) whether the major—
ity of neighborhoods in the county were defined with
households composed of one racial group, and (2) whether
respondents interviewed in the process of delineating
local neighborhoods defined neighborhood boundaries along
racial lines rather than on the basis of proximity of

households.

To test the second hypothesis, that a high level of
residential segregation exists in Jasper County, the
numbers of households by race were enumerated by field
research in the identified neighborhoods. This involved
both interviewing families and counting household. units
within the neighborhood areas. The Segregation Index
and Gini Index (defined later) were used to determine
the segregation of black and white households in the
local neighborhoods and the scattered settlement areas
where neighborhoods were not identified.—2

__2_/

Joe T. Darden and Arthur S. Tabachneck, Segindex
and Gini: Computer Programs to Calculate an Index of
SegregatIOn and Gini Index, (mimeographed), (Michigan

State University, Department of Urban and Metropolitan
Studies, 1977).

 

 

 

24

3/
It has been argued.methodologicallyT—'that the deri—

vation of the Segregation Index within an area should be
based upon one Spatial unit, i.e. census tracts, wards,
or blocks. This argument has been based on the findings
that the use of different units produces slightly different
indexes which should not be used for temporal comparisons
of the level of segregation for a city; nor should they
be used for intercity comparisons. However, it has not
been shown previously that indexes based on different
spatial units are significantly different statistically.
The main reason for basing the derivation of the index
on a single Spatial unit is because the sizes of wards,
census tracts, and blocks are different in population
and the Index of Segregation is sensitive to the size of
the spatial unit used, i.e., the larger the spatial unit

the smaller the index derived.

In this study, the derivation of the Index of Segre-
gation is based on neighborhoods and scattered settlement
areas. Such a combination of spatial units is justified
because they are not significantly different in pOpulation

size as measured by the number of households. This fact

3/

_—See, 0. D. Duncan and Beverly Duncan, ”A.Mbthodo-
logical Analysis of Segregation Indexes,” AmeriCan Journal
of Sociology, V61. 20 (April, 1955), pp. 210-217 and Karl
and.Alma Taeuber, Negroes in Cities, (Chicago: Aldine
Publishing Co., 1965).

 

 

 

 

25

has been established initially by using a t-test to deter-
mine if the means of the number of households in the 7
scattered settlement areas of Jasper County differed
significantly from the means of the 111 rural neighbor-
hoods identified. The results of the t-test are shown

in Table 1.

TABLE 1

Test of Differences Between Size of Neighborhoods

 

 

 

 

and Scattered Settlement Areas

 

 

 

 

Standard Sign. Degrees
Group Number Mean Deviation t-value t Freedom
1. Neighborhoods 111 34 3o ‘.13 .899a 3
2. Scattered
Settlement
Areas 7 36 57

 

To test the third hypothesis that the high level of
residential segregation in the county is related primarily
to the patterns of historic settlement of blacks and whites,
historic records of land grants were used to determine the
areas where blacks and whites initially settled and pur-
chased land and established neighborhoods. School records

were used to determine where church-schools were initially

_g/

No significant difference at level p= .05.

 

26

established to serve the two racial groups. Such records
served as indicators of the location patterns of the in-
itial neighborhoods in the county for the two racial groups.
These areas were mapped for 1875, 1896, 1927, and 1977 to
indicate the changes in the location patterns of blacks

and whites over time. The hypothesis was accepted or
rejected based on the changes in the residential location
that have occurred between blacks and whites in the county

as indicated by the maps.

To test the fourth hypothesis that the current high
level of residential segregation in Jasper County is re-
lated to the size of neighborhoods, length of settlement,
the distance of the neighborhoods to the nearest trade
center, and the accessibility of the neighborhoods to the
nearest trade center, a stepwise multiple regression anal—
ysis was used. The total number of households in the neigh—
borhoods as enumerated by the author was used as the measure
of the size of the neighborhoods. The length of settlement
of the neighborhoods was measured as the number of years
since the first land grant was issued as determined by
the land grant records of the county. The distance from
the neighborhoods and scattered settlement areas was
measured as the median distance of households in the areas
to nearest trade center. This was determined by choosing

a point where half the households in the neighborhoods and

27

scattered settlement areas were in the direction of and
half were in the direction away from the nearest trade
center. IMileage from these points were measured by driving
along the most direct routes of primary and secondary

roads to the corporate lhnits of the trade centers. .Ac-
cessibility or travel time to the nearest trade center

was determined in a similar manner by recording travel

time in.minutes from the median points of the neighborhoods
and scattered settlement areas to the corporate limits

of the nearest trade centers. A stepwise multiple cor-
relation analysis also was used to determine the relation-
ships of these measures to the level of residential segre-
gation in the local neighborhoods. In the correlation
analysis, the percent racial deficit (defined later) is
used as the dependent variable with distance, travel

time, the number of households and the length of settle-
ment in years as the independent variables. The data

for the distance variable were transformed by taking the
square root of each value in order to minimize the skew-
ness in the distribution of the variable and to bring the
distribution closer to normality. The distributions of
the other variables used in the multiple correlation analy—
sis were close enough to normality (as indicated by their
skewness) that no transformations were necessary.

Stepwise multiple correlation analysis was used also to

28

determine the extent to which percent black households

in the neighborhoods varies with the same set of inde-
pendent variables. For the former correlation analysis,
the neighborhoods are divided into black and white groups:
those where white households are overrepresented, or
white-segregated neighborhoods; and, those where black
households are overrepresented, or black—segregated neigh-
borhoods. The neighborhoods are then considered as one
group and a correlation analysis performed with the same
set of variables. This is done to determine how the set
of variables listed above relates to the level of resi-
dential segregation in all neighborhoods regardless of

their racial composition or segregated character.

To test the fifth hypothesis that significant dif-
ferences exist between the black-segregated and white-
segregated neighborhoods in the county on the set of
independent variables listed above, the E-test and the F-
test were used. The t-test was used to determine if
there were significant differences between the means of
the two groups of neighborhoods on the set of independent
variables and the F-test was used to determine if signi-
ficant differences exist between the variances of the
two groups of neighborhoods on the set of variables. The
means of the two groups of neighborhoods for the set of

variables may not be significantly different while the

29

variations within the two groups about the means of the
variables may in fact be significantly different. For
this reason, the F—test of differences between variances
was used because it indicates whether such differences

exist.

The Cluster Method

 

The Cluster Method of neighborhood delimitation is
used in this study both as the technique for neighborhood
delimitation and to test the hypothesis that neighborhood
boundaries are defined on the basis of race rather than
on locational proximity of households. The application
of the method allows for both tasks to be accomplished.
Using the method, the delineation of the rural neighbor—
hoods is accomplished through several steps of defining,
checking, delineating, and verifying. Firstly, the re-
searcher begins by asking various local officials, i.e.
sheriffs, county agents, county supervisors, school super-
intendents, etc., who are familiar with the area to trace
on a map the boundaries of all neighborhoods or local
communities that they are familiar with in the study area,
and to identify them by their locally recognized names.

At the same time, the names of the most prominent families
or leaders in the neighborhoods are asked to be identi-

fied. Secondly, the identified neighborhood leaders or

30

prominent families are contacted and asked to verify the
delineations of the local officials by identifying the
families by name, race-Eland location that are considered
to belong to the delineated neighborhood. Thirdly, when
all neighborhoods have been delineated, the investigator
gives Special attention to overlapping areas by inter-
viewing residents in those areas in question. The resi-
dents of those areas are asked a set of questions that
will indicate the neighborhood to which they belong. For
this study, the set of questions asked the residents in
the overlapping areas were: 1) To which of the adjacent
neighborhoods do you belong? 2) How many of the families
in the two neighborhoods do you know by name? 3) If
there are churches in the two neighborhoods, which one

do you belong or attend most frequently? 4) In which
neighborhood do you visit more frequently and have per—
sonal social relations with friends? Also, in those
areas where black and.white families had been identified
as belonging to the same neighborhood, respondents in those
areas were asked if they considered the residents of the

opposite race as belonging to their neighborhoods.

The Segregation Index and Gini Index

 

The Segregation Index has been widely used and fre—

5/
__Race was not included in the original method as
it was stated by Loomis and Beegle, op. cit.

 

31

quently discussed in social and economic research. The
index can be used to measure the overall unevenness in

the spatial distribution of two populations. When applied
to two racial groups, the measure is used to determine

the unevenness of the distributions of the two groups
within an area. The formula for computing the Segregation

Index can be stated as follows:

Where k equals the number of subunits in the population,
i.e. census tracts, blocks, or wards; Xi equals the per-
centage of the areas' black population in a given sub-
unit; Yi equals the percentage of the areas' white pOpu-
lation in the same subunit; and S equals the Index of
Segregation, or one—half the sum of the absolute dif-

ferences of the black and white population in the area.

The value of the Segregation Index ranges from "0"
indicating no segregation on the basis of race to "100"
indicating total segregation. The value obtained for
the Index may be interpreted as the minimum percentage
of either race that would have to move from the subunits
in which they are overrepresented to subunits in which
they are underrepresented in order to bring about an
even distribution or non-segregated distribution of the

two population groups.

32

The computer routine cited above that is used in
calculating the Segregation Index computes for each sub-
unit in the area one-half the difference between the
percentages of blacks and whites. The area in this study
is the county and the subunits are the delineated neigh-
borhoods and scattered settlement areas. Instead of
total numbers of population by race in each subunit, the
total number of black and white households were used as
the variable for measuring the amount of residential seg-
regation. Hence, the analysis is one of residential
segregation between black and white households in Jasper
County based on the local neighborhoods. The measure of
one-half the difference between the percentage of blacks
and whites in each subunit has been appropriately refer-
red to as the ”percent racial deficit," or the racial dif-
ference._£/ This measure was calculated for each subunit
or local neighborhood and indicates the internal variation
in the degree of residential segregation throughout the
total area. It also denotes the percentage of either
race that would have to move into or out of a subunit to

make the distribution of the two groups even.

A level of segregation over 50 percent, as indicated

by the Index, is considered a high level of segregation.

4/

__Darden and Tabachneck, op. cit.

 

33

This level is chosen because it means that at least half
the population of one group or the other would have to
change its residential location within an area to bring

about a non-segregated distribution pattern.

The Gini Index provides a means of studying the
properties of frequency distributions by analyzing the
cumulative value distribution of the data. The Index
is also based on percentage value differences rather
than absolute values. This feature facilitates compar-
ison between data in different units of measurement.
The Gini Index can be defined as the difference between
a theoretical cumulative distribution of values and the
actual distribution. If the theoretical distribution
were assumed to be one of equality for two groups, then
it could be represented graphically as a 45-degree line
on a coordinate graph. The Gini Index represents the
degree to which the actual cumulative distribution of
values is disproportionate to this theoretical distri—
bution. It may be expressed in geometric terms as a
proportion of the total area under the diagonal or
theoretical 45-degree line. The Index may also repre-
sent the degree of concentration. For example, the
greater the area under the curve, the more highly con-
centrated the phenomenon, or the more unequal the dis-

5/

tribution.—_

5/

——Darden and Tabachneck, 0p. cit.

 

34

The value of the Gini Index, like the Segregation
Index, has a range from ”0” to ”100" representing the two
extremes of total equality to total inequality in the dis-
tributions respectively. The Gini Index is computed by

the formula:
k k
zéx._ £Y.-x-Y-_1
Gi 1:11-11:11 11

Where k is the number of subunits in the area, X1 is the
cumulated percentage distribution of a particular group
(blacks) over the spatial units of the area, and Yi is
the cumulated percentage distribution of the remainder

of the population over the subunits with the units having
first been ranked from high to low on the criteria being

considered as Xi'

Although the Gini and Segregation Indexes are re-
lated, the two will not always be the same, nor will they
always be in perfect rank correlation with each other.

The Gini Index and its associated Lorenz Curve derived
from it allows for visual interpretation of the cumulative
relationship between the two variables with the overall
arithmetic mean relationship. In geographical research,
the Index of Segregation (commonly referred to as the
Dissimilarity Index) and the Gini Coefficient and the

associated Lorenz Curve have been used most widely in

35

the measurement and analysis of difference between areal
associations and areal distributions. For example, in
social geography these measures have been used to inter-
pret areal associations between different social groups.
In economic geography, their use has been to measure
locational dissimilarity in industrial location and em-
ployment, and the localization of agricultural producti-

_9/
vities in areas.

The Stepwise Multiple Correlation Analysis

 

In addition to determining the nature of relation-
ships between variables, correlation analysis allows one
to determine the strength and significance of such re-
lationships between sets of variables. Correlation anal-
ysis was used in this study to determine the nature of
the relationship between a set of independent variables
and the percent racial deficit in the neighborhoods. The
percent racial deficit was used as an indicator of the
internal variation of residential segregation among the

neighborhoods in the county.

The relationships tested by correlation analysis

were: 1) Whether linear relationships exist between the

67
'_—See Peter J. Taylor, Quantitative Methods in
Geography, (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1977), pp. 179-
185, for further explanation on the applications of these
techniques in geography research.

 

 

 

36

percent racial deficit and the set of independent variables
named earlier; and 2) How much of the variation in the
percent racial deficit is attributed to these variables.

A stepwise multiple correlation was used because it allows
variables to enter the linear regression equation based

on their significance in the relationship to the dependent
variable. It allows for an interpretation of the additi-
onal effect of a particular variable in the overall re-
lationship of the set of variables when the other vari-
ables' effects are held constant. A similar analysis is
computed using the percent of black households as the
dependent variable with the same set of independent vari-

ables.

Organization of the Study

 

The following chapter presents a discussion of the
relevant literature from which the conceptual and metho—
dological framework for this study is derived. The lite-
rature reviewed include neighborhood delineation and
rural social organization, rural settlement, the methodo-
logical and empirical analysis of residential segregation
in urban and rural areas, and black settlement in Missis-

sippi and other rural areas.

Chapter IV. emphasizes the historical development of

local neighborhoods in the county. The discussion focuses

37

particularly on the development of racially distinct
neighborhoods and the location patterns of predominantly
black and white neighborhoods in the county. The con-
cepts of neighborhood as they apply in Jasper County

are also discussed in this chapter.

Chapter V presents the analysis of residential
segregation between black and white households and the
results of the correlation and regression analyses. This
chapter presents also the analyses of the differences
between the white-segregated and black-segregated neigh-

borhoods on the set of independent variables.

Finally, Chapter VI presents a summary of the findings
and the conclusions of the study, states the Significance
of these findings to similar studies and suggests other

studies.

38

CHAPTER III

THE CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL BACKGROUND:

THE REVIEW OF LITERATURE

This study is interdisciplinary in scope, methodology,
and conceptual framework. In terms of its geographical
perspective, it follows the trend of historical-social-
settlement geography. It relies heavily upon the work of
rural sociologists for its methodological and conceptual
background. The methodological framework of the analysis
of residential segregation and historic settlement is found

in the research of both geographers and sociologists.

The literature reviewed in this chapter comes from
four research areas: 1) Methods and techniques of the
delineation, recognition, and identification of rural
neighborhoods; 2) The methodological and empirical anal-
ysis of residential segregation in urban and rural areas;
3) The conceptual and empirical analysis of invasion-suc-
cession processes in urban areas; and 4) The historic set-
tlement of blacks in rural areas in general and in Missis-

sippi particularly.

There are several reasons for reviewing literature

39

from these areas. The literature on the application of
the methods of rural neighborhood delineation, recognition,
and identification is reviewed to show the several ap-
proaches that have been used previously, the advantages
and weaknesses of these approaches, and to give some
background on the use of the method used in this study --
the Cluster Method. The literature on the methodological
analysis of residential segregation is reviewed to give
some background on the longstanding arguments for and
against the use of the Segregation Index as a measure of
residential segregation. Likewise, the review of litera-
ture on the empirical analysis of residential segregation
is presented to show the approaches that have been used
by previous researchers and, the types of analyses and
the related variables that have been used to explain the

causes and patterns of residential segregation.

The literature on the conceptual and empirical anal-
ysis of the invasion—succession processes is reviewed to
establish the conceptual framework for considering these
processes in relations to the analysis of residential
segregation in this study and to indicate the findings of
previous research on the Operation of these processes in

urban areas.

Finally, the literature on the historic settlement of

40

blacks in rural areas is presented to give an indication
of the findings of previous studies on the patterns and
processes of black settlement in rural areas and to show
how this study relates to those findings. The emphasis

in this section is on black settlement in Mississippi.

It has been mentioned in the introduction that rural
America has been a neglected area as the focus of research
in recent years. However, in the early 1900's considerable
attention was given by sociologists to rural phenomena,
especially rural social organization, rural communities,
and rural spatial structure. In fact, much of the present
research on rural social and spatial organization refers
to the works of that period for its conceptual and metho-
dological foundations. One of the earliest studies on
the structure of rural social organization was that by
C. J. Galpin_l/in 1915, who investigated the social organi-

zation of rural communities in an area in Wisconsin.

During the next three decades, several sociologists

1/
——C. J. Galpin, The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural
Community, Research Bulletin 34, (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment Station, 1915).

 

41

followed Galpin and devoted considerable effort to establi-
shing the importance of neighborhoods in the rural social
systems._— The racial factor did not receive attention

in theidentification of rural neighborhoods until Mayo and
Bobbitt—é/replicated the earlier study of Zimmerman and
Taylor in Wake County, North Carolina. Mayo and Bobbitt
found that the racially dominated neighborhoods, both
whites and blacks, that had been recognized by the pre-
vious authors in 1922 had persisted in their same relative
areas until 1948, with few changes taking place in the
residential location patterns of blacks and whites in the
county. Their findings suggested that race was a signi—
ficant factor in the identification and continuation of
rural neighborhoods.

Empirical ReSearch on the Delimitation, Identification,
and Recognition of Rural Neighborhoods

 

One of the main problems of conducting comparative

2/

_—See for examples, Charles P. Loomis, The Growth of
the Farm Family in Relation to its Activities, (Raleigh,
N.C.: North Carolina State College Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1934), and, Carl C. Zimmerman and Carl C. Taylor,
Rural Organization: A Study of Primary Groups in Wake County;
North Carolina, Technical Bulletin 245,T(Raleigh, N.C.: North
Carolina State College Agricultural Experiment Station, 1922).

.3/

——Selz C. Mayo and Robert MCD. Bobbitt, Rural Organi—
zation: A Restudy of Primary Groups in Wake County, North
Carolina, (Raleigh, N.C.: North Carolina State University
Agricultural Experiment Station, 1951).

 

 

 

 

 

42

research in rural areas has been the identification and
delineation of Spatial units that were comparable in size,
structure, and character from one area to another. Com-
munities, towns, counties, villages and neighborhoods are
all examples of units that have been used at different times
as the spatial units of rural research. Rural neighborhoods
have been used less frequently than others in this group.

It is probable that the reason for this has been that the
neighborhood has no legal definition and is defined in terms
of its occupants' perception, agreement, and recognition of

neighboring activities and social and personal interactions.

Several techniques have been devised and tested to
delimit rural neighborhoods based on the sociological
relationships that delineate spatial areas in which they
are contained. .Sanders and Ensminger_£/were among the
first researchers to devise a methodology for the delimi-

tation of rural neighborhoods. Their method, known as the

Cluster Method, has remained prominent since it was first

 

devised.

The Cluster Method has been shown comparatively to be
a superior method of neighborhood delineation for several

4/

——Irwin T. Sanders and Douglas Ensminger, ”Alabama
Rural Communities: A Study of Chilton County, Alabama,”
Alabama College Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. 33:1. 1940,
pp. 20-24.

 

 

43

reasons. For example, in their study of Chilton County,
Alabama, Sanders and Ensminger—é/found the method more
exact for identifying rural neighborhoods than several
other methods they compared. Hoffsommer—g/used the method
in Covington County, Mississippi to identify rural neighbor-
hoods. His study also indicated that the rural church

was the most prominent agent used for neighborhood identi-
fication and recognition. Kolb—Z/also used the Cluster
Method in a study of rural neighborhoods in Dane County,
Wisconsin. Kolb's main point was that proximity and pro-
pinquity do not necessarily mean close personal contact

or personal interaction in the rural areas, especially
since greater diversity of the rural economic system has

lessened the necessity for intense personal relations that

were needed in a totally agrarian system.

The Methodological Analysis of Residential Segregation

 

There has been a longstanding argument among scholars,

__s_/

Sanders and Ensminger, Ibid.

6/
__Harold Hoffsommer and Herbert Pryor, "Neighborhoods
and Communities in Covington County, Mississippi,” BAE Bul-
letin, (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Agriculture,
1941i; and, Harold Hoffsommer, ”The Relation of the Rural
Church to the other Rural Organizations," Social Forces,
Vol. 20:2, 1941, pp. 224-232.

7/
__John H. Kolb, Emerging Rural Communities: Group
Relations in Rural Society, (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1959).

 

 

 

 

44

noteably sociologists, on the use of the Segregation
Index to measure residential segregation. As a result,
several measures have been proposed, analysed, and tested
as means of measuring the degree of residential segregation.
As early as 1949, Shevky and Williams—fi/proposed an Index
of Isolation and group interaction ratio which was a pro-
bability model to estimate the probable interaction bet-
ween the members of different groups. The chief advan-
tage of this model, according to Bell,—2/was that it pro-
vided a context for the direct interpretation of scores
at all points along the continuum from ”no segregation"
to "complete segregation.” The Shevky—Williams measure
of group interaction was based on the respective numbers
of the two groups in each census tract of a city or area,
the total population of the two groups in the city, and
the probabilities of interaction between individual mem-
bers of the two groups based on their respective numbers.
However, this measure was never widely used in the re—

search on residential segregation.

8/
T—Eshref Shevky and Marilyn Williams, The Social
Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and Typology, (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1949).

9/
TTWendell Bell, "A Probability Model for the Measure-
ment of Ecological,” Social Forces, Vol. 32, 1953, pp.
357-364.

 

 

 

45

10/
Lee"* used centrographic measures to analyse the

residential segregation of black and white households in
seven cities. In using these measures, he was concerned
with determining the degree to which members of a sub-
population (blacks) were unevenly distributed through
the total population. With the centrographic measures
he was able to compare the spatial form of household
distributions for the white and black populations in the
cities. Again, this method has not been widely used in
the residential segregation research.
_1__1_/

In 1955, a contribution by the Duncans following

their review of the works of several authorle/established

the dissimilarity index (Segregation Index) as the pro-

minent measure of residential segregation. Their study

 

l0/

_—Douglass E. Lee, Analysis and Description of Resi-
dential Segregation, M.A. Thesis, (Ithaca: Cornell Univer-
sity, Division of Urban Studies, 1966).

 

 

11/
——Otis D. and Beverly A. Duncan, "A Methodological
Analysis of Segregation Indexes,” American Sociolpgical
Review, Vol. 20, 1955, pp. 210-217.

 

12/

__See for examples, Julius A. Jahn, Calvin F. Schmid,
and Clarence Schrag, ”The Measurement of Ecological Segre-
gation," American Sociological Review, Vol. 12, 1947, pp.
293-303; Julius A. Jahn, ”The Measurement of Ecological
Segregation: Derivation of an Index Based on the Criteria
of Reproducibility,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 15,
1950, pp. 100-104; Donald 0. and Mary Cowgill, "An Index
of Segregation Based on Block Statistics,” American Socio-
logical Review, Vol. 16:6, 1951, pp. 825-831; Otis D. and
Beverly A. Duncan, Contributions to the Study of Segregation
Indexes, Urban Analysis Report No. 4, (Chicago: Chicago
Community Inventory, University of Chicago, 1953).

 

 

 

 

 

46

included the proposition that the Gini Index and Lorenz
Curve could be used in conjunction with the dissimilarity
index to graphically portray the extent of residential
segregation. Since that time, the Segregation Index has
been the prominent measure used in research on residential

segregation.

The Segregation Index has been criticized as a
measure of residential segregation in several instances.

Its main criticisms and weaknesses were summarized re-
13/
cently by Cortese, Falk and Cohen.—_ Their criticisms

of the Segregation Index are listed below:

1. The expectation of evenness as the opposite
of segregation is not as useful in most cases
as the concept of randomness.

2. Dissimilarity or amount of segregation de-
rived from the index is affected by dif-
ferences in the proportion of the minority
in the population, thus preventing inter-
city comparisons.

3. Dissimilarity is affected by the size (number
of population) of the areal units of analysis.

4. The present interpretation of disimilarity
of distribution as the proportion of non-
whites who would have to change their tract
of residence to make the distribution of the
minority even throughout the city (according
to the Duncans, 1955) is misleading since it
does not include the concept of replacement
of the relocated minority.

 

13/
_—Charles F. Cortese, R. Frank Falk, and Jack K. Cohen,
"Further Considerations on the Methodological Analysis of

Segregation Indices," American Sociological Review, Vol.
41, 1976, pp. 630-637.

 

47

The problem of using different areal units within
cities to derive the Segregation Index has been analysed
recently by Roof and Van Valey.li/ They state, "indexes
calculated from blocks and tracts are not directly com-
parable. While the use of smaller areal units will un—
doubtedly increase the observable degree of racial homo-
geneity, even blocks may fail to show the maximum that
actually exists." The main point of their argument was
that the use of different spatial units will result in
slightly different indexes for the same city. Such indexes

should not be used for temporal comparison of the change

in the level of segregation.

In this study, both neighborhoods and scattered set—
tlement areas are considered as spatial units because
there is no significant difference in their population
sizes. Using these units to derive the Segregation Index

does not constitute a methodological error.

The dissimilarity index, although it has been cri-
ticized, is still the most widely used analytical techni-
que for measuring residential segregation. Concerning

the selection and use of an index to measure the degree

 

14/

__Wade Clark Roof and Thomas L. Van Valey, "Measuring
Residential Segregation in American Cities: Problems of
Intercity Comparisons," Urban Affairs Quarterly, Vol. 11:4,
1976, pp. 453-468.

 

48

15/
of segregation, Kantrowitz—_ has made the observation

that "all that can be said of the intellectual stature
of the index is that it is as good as any and better

than most."

This discussion on the methodological analysis of
residential segregation, the use of the Segregation Index,
and some of the arguments for and against its use has been
presented to indicate some of the constraints of the mea—
sure. The two main constraints of the Segregation Index
are: (1) its sensitivity to the Size of the subunits
used in its derivation, and (2) its sensitivity to the
size of the minority population in the area being studied.
In spite of these constraints and the arguments over the
'best method' of measuring residential segregation, the
Segregation Index is used in this study because it has
been shown to be an appropriate measure.

The Empirical Analysis of Residential Segregation in
UrBan Areas

 

 

In attempts to explain the causes of residential
segregation in urban areas, several approaches have been
pursued and several themes have been prominent in the
literature. For example, some authors have followed the

theme of inequality between blacks and whites and other

 

_1__s_/
Kantrowitz, op. cit., pp. 13-14.

49

ethnic groups in socioeconomic status, i.e. education, in-
come, housing values and occupation, as the causes of
residential segregation. Others have pursued the theme

of differences in assimilation rates of different groups
and the historic aspects of cities as causes of residential
segregation, i.e. age of cities and length of time the
groups have been present in the city. Others have in-
vestigated residential segregation from an ecological
perspective and have considered such factors as the size
of cities, size of the black population, and black popu-
lation growth rates as causes of residential segregation
between blacks and whites. The literature reviewed in
this section presents some of the perspectives and themes,
and the findings of empirical studies on residential seg—

regation in urban areas.

One of the earliest studies to investigate the pro-
blems of Negro residential segregation was conducted by
Woofterlé/and his associates in 1928. In that study, it
was noted that although most cities contained areas of
high Negro concentrations, few cities had areas which

were completely segregated. Northern cities had higher

levels of Negro concentration than southern cities.

 

16/
“—T. J. Woofter and Associates, Negro Problems in
Cities, (New York: Doubleday, Doran andTCo., 1928).

 

50

17/
Following Woofter, Burgess_— looked at the patterns

of Negro segregation in several American cities. Burgess'
study was concerned with the invasion-succession processes
that the Negro concentration patterns seemed to follow.

He noted that in relationship to other ethnic groups,
Negroes were usually the most recent immigrant group in
the succession process, occupying the space most recently
vacated by the preceeding most recent group. Also, the
succession of the various groups occurred along the main
arteries of the cities conforming to the pattern of radial
expansion. In most cities, Burgess observed that the
Negro and other immigrant groups occupied and settled in
the zone-in-transition as the primary areas of concentra-
tion. The zone-in—transition was that area of deteriora-
ting residences adjacent to the CBD. Burgess' study was

basically descriptive rather than analytical.

Karl and Alma Taeuber have presented the most compre-
hensive study of black residential segregation in the
United States. They recognized that three approaches to
the topic were useful.

One approach emphasizes the historical

genesis of contemporary patterns and
lingering residues of the past which

 

17/

—-E. W. Burgess, "Residential Segregation in American
Cities," Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social ScIence, Vol. 140, 1928, pp. 105-115.

 

 

51

tend, if unrecognized, to obscure the
present. A second approach considers
the social behavior that may be re-
garded as the immediate cause of resi-
dential segregation, and focuses on
the attitudes, motivations and actions
of persons involved in building trading,
and living in housing. A third ap-
proach views the social behavior of
individuals within the context of the
general sociological setting as well
as broader aspects of social organiza-
tion, such as demographic trends and
urban land use patterns.1§/

The results of the Taeubers' study pointed out several
general conclusions related to the segregated status of
Negroes in American cities: 1) A high level of residen-
tial segregation is universal in American cities regard-
less of region, or age of the cities; 2) The socioecono-
mic status of Negroes has little significance as a casual
factor in residential segregation; 3) Until 1940 there
was a continuous increase in the levels of residential
segregation in most cities, but since 1940, the rate of
increase has declined, although the levels of segregation
have remained high; 4) Between 1940 and 1950 larger in-
creases in residential segregation occurred in southern

cities. By 1960 average levels were higher in the South;

and 5) The processes of invasion—succession have been most

 

I87
__Taeuber and Taeuber, op. cit., 1965, p. 15.

52

prevalent in maintaining residential segregation in American
22/
cities.

20/
Liebersonf_'investigated the patterns and processes

of ethnic segregation in several American cities. His
concern was with the assimilation of ethnic groups as a
problem of human ecology and with segregation between and
among several ethnic groups as these related to the historic
factors of their settlement and assimilation into American
society. In this sense, he employed such variables as the
time of initial immigration and length of settlement,
literacy levels, use of English as a second language, pOpu-
lation growth rates and changes in occupational status to
explain the degree of segregation and assimilation of the
various ethnic groups in relations to the native—born

white population. Lieberson found evidence of a process
going on in the direction of assimilation of the immigrant
groups in successive rates in accordance with their length
of settlement in the cities. Except for the Negro, he
showed that as the groups' socioeconomic status rose, their
levels of segregation with the native whites declined.

Also, the longer an immigrant group had been in the city,

 

12/
Ibid.

 

39/
Lieberson, op. cit.

53

 

the more assimilated the group was. The Negro was also
an exception to this finding.

21/
Kantrowitz__ investigated segregation among ethnic

groups in New York City. His study showed that in New
York, like most cities, a high level of segregation con-
tinues to exist between ethnic groups. Of more signifi-
cance, however, was the conclusion that a change in eco-
nomic status of the group does not necessarily predict
changes in the level of segregation of the group from the
white population. He showed for blacks that by increasing
their income, does not lead to racial integration. On

the other hand, increased income for some blacks may lead
to higher levels of segregation between wealthier blacks and
poorer blacks just as wealthier whites and poorer whites
are highly segregated. Generally, the rich were residen—
tially segregated from the poor irrespective of race or
ethnicity. In particular, between blacks and whites, he
Showed that increases in income led to greater increases

in segregation. He concluded that both ethnicity and

race appear to override economic status among middle
classes of equal income; and, the growth of the pOpulationS
of the various groups had more influence on their level of
segregation with whites than did their socioeconomic dif-

ferences.

2L7
T—Kantrowitz, Op. cit.

 

54

 

The theme of differential socioeconomic status bet—
ween groups, especially between blacks and whites, has been
a prominent theme in the analysis of the causes of resi-
dential segregation in cities. Some authors have deter-
mined the extent to which residential segregation can be
related to differences in socioeconomic variables by using
several techniques. Morgan,Z£/for example, investigated
the segregation of socioeconomic groups in England and
Wales. He concluded that as the proportion of managerial
and professional workers increased in an area, the number
and size of high quality areas increased. Hence, the pro-
portion of managerial and professional workers exerts a
strong influence on the residential segregation of socio-
economic groups in urban areas. An increase in the high
status group seems to lead to greater residential segre-
gation throughout the urban residential system, in that,
skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers, also become

more differentiated from each other.

Similarly, the influence of socioeconomic variables
on the level of black residential segregation in southern
23/
cities has been analysed by Roof.-—' He approached the sub-

ject from the view point that residential segregation in

 

22/
Morgan, op. cit.
23/

_—Roof, op. cit., 1972.

55

the South should increase theoretically as the social
distance between the racial groups declined. He prOposed
that residential segregation should be positively related
to black and white inequalities in education, occupation,
and income. The correlation coefficients that were pro-
duced indicated that a low level of explanation of the
variation was accounted for. However, he did not indicate
how much of the variation in the level of segregation was
accounted for nor whether the correlations were signifi-
cant.

AS an outgrowth of the differential socioeconomic
status theme, several studiesgfl/have considered the be-
liefs by whites that black entry into all-white areas
lowered property values; and the inability of blacks to
demand housing on equal basis with whites in terms of
housing costs and rental rates. LaurentiZE/proposed and
tested some commonly held theories of race and prOperty
values that are prominent in real estate and financial

fields. His findings indicated that during the period of

his study the entry of minorities into previously all-white

247

'_—See for examples; David McEntire, Residence and
Race, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960),
Luigi Laurenti, Property Values and Race, (Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1960).

 

 

 

 

1y
Laurenti, ibid.

56

areas was more often associated with price improvement or
stability rather than price weakening. A second and pro-
bably more significant finding was that there was no uni-
form pattern of nonwhite influence on property values.
These findings were contrary to the commonly held beliefs.
Other studies have substandiated Laurenti's findings.
Boston, Rigsby and Zald,z§/for example, concluded that the
most common finding is that in integrated neighborhoods,
price equals or exceed prices in similar all-white neigh-
borhoods. In relationship to the levels of segregation
between blacks and whites, DardenEZ/has tested the relation-
ship between housing values and the levels of residential
segregation in several instances using correlation analysis.
The results of his study on Pittsburgh showed that segre-
gation on the basis of housing and rent values was much
lower than segregation on the basis of race. Thus, he
showed that if black segregation in Pittsburgh was solely
due to the distributions of low-value and high-value housing
and low-rent and high-rent housing, the levels of residen-

tial segregation between blacks and whites would have been

much lower than they actually were.

 

26/

“_John Boston, Leo C. Rigsby and Mayer Zald, "The Im-
pact of Race on Housing Markets: A Critical Review," Social
Problems, Vol. 19, 1972, pp. 383—393.

27/

_—Joe T. Darden, Afro-Americans in Pittsburgh: The
Residential Segregation of a People, (Lexington, Mass.:
D. C. Heath and Co., 1973).

 

 

57

The influence of geographical and ecological vari-
ables on residential segregation have been considered in
several studies. The main variables in this perspective
have been population density and region. Bell and Willisgfi/
approached the analysis of black residential segregation
from a regional comparative perspective. Their aim was
to determine the regional variations in the extent of black
residential segregation in American cities and the relation-
ship of these variations to particular aspects of the size,
relative proportions and changes in the absolute and re-
lative proportions of the Negro population. The results
indicated that only the proportion of the total population
represented by Negroes and the size of the Negro popula-
tion in the cities within the different regions had any
significant relationship to differentials in levels of
residential segregation in the cities. Other variables
included, size of the total population in metropolitan
rings, population density, percent of employed labor force
in manufacturing, age of the Standard Metropolitan Stat-
istical Areas, and total population growth rate from 1940

to 1950.

Considering the various themes and perspectives on

the empirical analysis of residential segregation in the

28/
__Bell and Willis, op. cit.

 

58

studies mentioned above, this study follows the historical
and geographical approaches. It tests the influence of
the differences in the length of settlement in neighbor-
hoods by blacks and whites on the levels of residential
segregation. Also, it analyses the influence of distance
and accessibility and the size of the neighborhoods on the
level of residential segregation. These are two factors
that have not been considered previously in the analysis
of residential segregation. Hence, this study hopefully
will add new evidence to the empirical analysis of resi-
dential segregation.

The Empirical Analysis of Residential Segregation in Rural
Areas

 

It was mentioned in the introduction that previous
research on residential segregation of racial and ethnic
groups in America has focused primarily on urban areas.

To date, only one major study and one minor study have
been concerned with residential segregation in rural areas.§2/
Therefore, the conceptual and methodological framework for

studying residential segregation in the study area is based

on an urban foundation.

 

29/

——Janet K. Marantz, Karl E. Case, 11, and Herman B.
Leonard, Discrimination in Rural Housing, (Lexington, Mass.:
D. C. Heath and Co., 1976); and, Howard J. Sumka and Micheal
A. Stegman, "Racial Segregation and Price Discrimination in
Non-Metropolitan Rental Housing Markets," North Carolina
Housing Market Study, Working Paper No. 14, October, 1974.

 

59

The study by Marantz et a1. deserves particular at—
tention here as it is closely related to the problem of
this study. The objective of their study was to compara-
tively analyse the effects of discrimination in the housing
market on the maintenance of residential segregation bet-
ween whites and other minorities (blacks, Mexican Americans,
and Native Americans) in six rural towns. The criterion
for selecting the towns was the population size; all of the
towns had less than 10,000 population. In order to depict
a cross-sectional view of rural America, the towns selected
were located in six states; Arkansas, Tennessee, Georgia,
New Mexico, North Carolina, and South Dakota. In the four
southern states, the authors focused on segregation of
blacks. In New Mexico, the focus was on segregation of
Mexican Americans, and in South Dakota, the focus was on
the Sioux Indians. The methodology used by Marantz et al.
is similar to the methodology proposed for this study.

The analysis of the levels of segregation was based on de-
limited local neighborhoods which were defined on the basis
of locational proximity and social interaction. The de-
lineations of the local neighborhoods were made by family
surveys and clustering of families with high levels of
interaction and proximity into neighboring groups. The
authors made two important findings:

First, segregation (in the six towns
studied) is virtually complete; there

60

is no apparent violation of establi-

shed black-white neighborhood bound—

aries. The plotted addresses revealed

not a single case of a black family

living in a white area or a white

family living in a black area.

The second finding was that only a small fraction

of the residential segregation in the rural southern towns
was explained by income differentials. This finding is
similar to findings of studies in urban areas wherein
income differentials have explained little of the variation

in levels of residential segregation between blacks and

whites.

The findings of Marantz et al. are important to this
study in terms of the hypotheses being tested. For example,
their study found that neighborhood transition was not a
process through which black or white neighborhoods expanded.
Instead, ”there had been almost no crossing of neighbor-
hood boundaries by blacks. Therefore, no such phenomenon
as transitional or grey neighborhoods has materialized.Ӥg/
In other words, neighborhood development seems to have been
a static process in terms of the racial characteristics of
the area rather than a dynamic process. It can be expected
that an area that has been occupied by one racial group

during the initial settlement stages will probably remain

such in rural areas.

 

39/
Marantz, et a1., op. cit., p. 16.

 

61

Neighborhood Invasion and Succession

 

in Urban Areas

 

The concepts of invasion and succession as processes
that determine the residential location patterns of dif-
ferent population groups have been deveIOped in conjunc—
tion with the concept of residential segregation. In de-
veloping these concepts, sociologists and planners have
devoted a large volume of literature to the conceptual and
empirical analysis of the invasion and succession processes
within the framework of human ecology and the growth of
urban areas as analysed by planners.

The processes of invasion and succession were initially
defined sociologically by McKenzie.§l/ Although the two
processes are frequently used in conjunction, they were
initially defined separately. McKenzie stated that the
structural growth of the community takes place in succes-
sional stages. Invasion implies the encroachment of an
area of segregation upon another, usually an adjoining area.
He identified two main classes of intra—community invasion;
those resulting in change in the use of land and those which

32/
introduce change in type of occupant.__

31/7

__R. D. McKenzie, "The Ecological Approach to the Study
of the Human Community," in Robert E. Park, et al., eds.,
The City, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925), pp.
74-75.

 

32/

__R. D. McKenzie, ”The Scope of Human Ecology,” in
E. W. Burgess, ed., The Urban Community, (Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1926), p. 179.

 

62

33/
Burgess—— defined the process of invasion as the pro-

cess of group displacement whereas succession is the pro-
cess characterized by a complete change in population type
between the first and last stages or a complete change in
land use. Segregation, as an ecological process and the
end result of the invasion-succession processes, was de-
fined by Burgess as the grouping together into distinct
areas of population groups, or the sorting and sifting of
the different elements of the population in the growth of
the city. He related the process of succession to the
radial population movement from the center toward the
periphery of the city which takes the form of successive
waves of invasion. Four subprocesses in the course of
succession were identified: 1) invasion - a gradual
penetration; 2) reaction — resistance of the inhabitants;

3) influx - rapid arrival and abandonment of the old-time

residents; and 4) climax - achievement of a new equilibrium
34/
of communal stability.__
3_5/
The Duncans referred to racial succession as a sub-

 

_3_§_/
E. W. Burgess, Op. cit., p. 105.

31/
Ibid., p. 108.

35/

__Otis D. and Beverly A. Duncan, The Negro Population
of Chicago: A Study of Residential Succession, (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 195777p. 108.

 

63

 

type of residential succession which takes place when one
racial group of population replaces another as residents

of an area. For example, in the succession process of
residential change from white to black, they stated that
succession begins with the penetration by blacks of an

area occupied by whites. When the number and proportion

of Negroes in the area becomes significantly large, in-
vasion has occurred. They showed that the processes were
operative in the racial change of areas of Chicago from
1940 to 1950. Empirical tests of the invasion-succession
processes on the residential character and racial change

of neighborhoods in urban areas have shown that these pro-
cesses have had significant effects in those areas. Several
approaches have been taken by researchers in testing the
effects of the invasion—succession processes. One approach
has focused on the psychological attitudes of whites toward
the invasion of their neighborhoods by blacks. Following
this approach, Grodzinség/has shown that it is the future
expectations about the racial composition of a neighborhood
and not the current proportion of black population that

37/
caused whites to succeed from a neighborhood. Also, Wolf——

 

36/
—-M. Grodzins, ”MetrOpolitan Segregation," Scientific
American, Vol. 197, 1957, pp. 33-41.

 

37/

_—E. P. Wolf, “The Tipping Point in Racially Changing
Neighborhoods," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
Vol. 29, 1963, pp. 69-85.

 

64

38/
and PryorT_'have shown empirically, that distance between

a block and the ghetto was a better predictor of the rate
of racial change in a transition neighborhood than the

percent blacks in the blocks of the neighborhood.

.A second approach has focused on the economic and
social consequences of the invasion-succession processes.
Cresseyég/has shown that community based organizations,
such as churches and voluntary associations, dwindle in
size and eventually succeed when faced with financial dis-
aster or organizational failure. Similarly, St. Clair
Drakeflg/showed that social, economic, and voluntary organi-
zations in a racially changing community of Chicago were

emerging as new black organizations instead of the adapta-

tion of the preexisting organizations to the new residents.

A third approach to the analysis of the invasion-suc-

cession processes has focused on the causes and initial

 

38/
_-F. L. Pryor, ”An Empirical Note on the Tipping
Point," Land Economics, VOl. 47, 1971, pp. 413—417.

 

39/
——P. F. Cressey, ”Population Change in Chicago,”
American Journal of Sociology, V61. 44, 1938, pp. 59-69.

 

40/

——St. Clair Drake, Churches and Voluntary Associations
in the Chicago Negro Community, (Chicago: works Projects
AdminiStration, 1940).

 

 

65

41/
conditions of neighborhood succession. Cressey_— stated

that the initial sign of succession is when the established
group no longer replaces itself as current residents.
Weaverig/suggested that the succession process begins

when the established group becomes upwardly mobile and
begins to search elsewhere for accommodations more suited

to their new status.

43/
In an earlier study, Weaver_— showed that upward mobi-

lity of the invading group, urban renewal and slum clearance
efforts, reduced the stock of housing units available, and
forced residents into the market for newly developed units
in other areas. Also, in-migration from rural areas to
cities strains the supply of housing previously available

to blacks and prompted their invasion into white areas.

Two points are clear from the literature on the in-
vasion-succession processes; 1) they are operative in most

urban areas; and 2) they have not been studied in a rural

 

context. The reasons for this latter finding may be because
3y
Cressey, op. cit.
42/

_—R. C. Weaver, ”Class, Race, and Urban Renewal,”
Land Economics, Vol. 36, 1960, pp. 235-251.

 

43/

__R. C. Weaver, ”Intergration in Public and Private
Housing," Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, Vol. 304, 1956, pp. 86-97.

 

 

66

rural areas have been traditionally losing population rather
than experiencing in-migration. Furthermore, the socio-
economic status of blacks and whites in rural areas re-
mains relatively constant for longer periods of time. This
study considers invasion—succession in Jasper County from
two perspectives: (1) the replacement of one group in

a neighborhood area by the other group historically; and

(2) as a determinant of the present location pattern of
predominantly segregated black and white neighborhoods in

the county.

Black Settlement in Rural Mississippi and

 

other Rural Areas

 

One aim of this study is to determine the influence of
the historic development of neighborhoods as a settlement
process on the present pattern of neighborhood locations
and residential segregation in Jasper County. The litera-
ture on black settlement in rural areas indicated that there
is a relationship between the historic settlement patterns
of blacks in rural areas and their residential location
patterns. Past studies have indicated that the progression
of black settlement and black population growth in most areas
in Mississippi can be categorized into four general stages:
1) slavery - prior to the Civil War when blacks lived in

areas adjacent to their masters; 2) tenancy - the period

67

after the Emancipation when blacks were mainly tenants and

Sharecroppers, from circa 1865 to 1920; 3) occupation and

 

expansion - the period following the first World War when

 

blacks began to purchase land on a large scale and form

neighborhoods; and 4) migration and decline - the period

 

following the second World War. In determining these periods,
several factors of the Negroes' social and economic status
in the South were considered.

The settlement pattern prominent in the tenancy period
has been appropriately described by E. Franklin Frazierifi/
as the ”backyard pattern" especially in reference to urban
areas of the South. This pattern accurately describes the
tenancy period in southern rural areas as well. The period
following World War I was also a period of peak black land
ownership on a large scale in the South. This impetus for
ownership was brought about by several federal programs
which gave blacks the first opportunities to purchase land,
establish residences and develop independent neighborhoods.
Frazier also depicted the impact of slavery on black pro-
gression across the South during the pre-Civil War period.
He stated that in 1803 when the United States purchased the
Louisiana Territory, and with the termination of the War

of 1812, many persons moved westward to the lower Mississippi

 

44/
—_E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States,
(Toronto: The MacMillan Co., 1957), p. 237.

 

68

Valley from the Atlantic Seabord taking with them many
Negro slaves. The migrants contributed to the westward
movement of the Cotton Belt. Subsequently, Louisiana,
Mississippi and Alabama became states in 1812, 1817, and
1819, respectively. Because the African slave trade of-
ficially ceased in 1808, the domestic slave trade became
the principal means of securing slaves in the Cotton King-
dom. It is estimated that more than 100,000 slaves were
brought into the United States between 1790 and 1808, and
250,000 to 300,000 slaves were smuggled in after 1808.

With the end of the War of 1812, and the Indian Removal

Act of 1830, the lower South grew rapidly. The total Negro
slave population increased from 894,000 in 1800 to 2 million
in 1830, and to nearly 4 million in l869.£§/

The prominence of the Negro in the growing and newly
developing South was such that in many cases the Negro
nearly equaled, if not outnumbered the whites during this
period. The first Mississippi Census in 1820 had a total

46/
pOpulation of 75,000, of which 33,000 were Negroes._—

 

_4__s_/
Ibid., p. 39.

46/

—"Richard L. Morrill and 0. Fred Donaldson, ”Geographi—
cal Perspectives on the History of Black America,” in Robert
T. Ernst and Lawrence Hugg, eds., Black America: Geographic
Perspectives, (New York: Anchor Press, 1976), pp. 8-33.

 

 

69

In 1850, Negroes constituted a majority in South Carolina,
47/
Mississippi, and Louisiana.__

48/
Johnson__ made some important observations on the as-

pects of the black settlement process in the rural South
during the height of the initial period of black land owner-
ship in the region. His observations are important for
understanding the residential patterns that evolved and
remain highly visible in the region presently. He observed
that ”wherever there are Negroes in any appreciable number,
in rural or urban areas, some form and degree of concentra—
tion of this population can be observed." The small towns
in the South, showed a definite clustering of the Negro
population. In the countryside, most often the white and
Negro families were grouped separately. In the tenant sys-
tem, it was common to find the white landowners' dwelling
surrounded by those of Negro tenants. It was no violation
of the principle of segregation if the house of the white
planter, overseer, or commissary owner was surrounded by
Negro dwellings. As Negroes became land owners instead of
tenants, the degree of segregation increased. The problem

of segregation arose only where black and white families of

 

47/
——Frederic Bancroft, Slave Trading in the Old South,
(New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1959), p. 275.

 

48/
“"Charles S. Johnson, Patterns of Negro Segregation,
(New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1943), p. 8.

 

70

approximately the same economic class were introduced.
Johnson further pointed out that practically all the Negro
neighborhoods in the small towns were located on the edge
of town. They were separated from one another by inter-
vening white neighborhoods which had paved streets, street
lights, water and sewerage connections which seldom reached
the Negro residential areas. Unlike large urban areas, how-
ever, the areas of Negro residences in rural areas were not
inherited from white residents who had.moved out to better
areas, but were originally developed as Negro residential
areas or quarters.

49/
WhartonF—'identified the major historical areas of

Negro settlement in Mississippi as follows: 1) The north-
west area on the floodplains of the Mississippi and Yazoo
Rivers; 2) The southwest area around the Port of Natchez;
and 3) The northeast prairie or Black Belt area. In ad—
dition, the significance of the historic settlement pattern
to the distribution of the black population in Mississippi
‘was recently demonstrated by Lowry.§9/He showed that those

areas mentioned by Wharton as important historically for

 

49/
'_TVernon L. Wharton, The Negro in.Mississippi, 1865-
1890, (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1965).

 

50/

'_)Mark Lowry, II, "POpulation and Race in Mississippi,
1940-1960," Annals of the Association of AmeriCan Geographers,
V01. 61:3, 1971, pp. 576-588.

71

black settlement in the state have remained so in terms

of the distribution of the black population presently. The
Yazoo Basin (Mississippi Delta area) still has the highest
density and largest number of rural Negroes in the United
States, while other areas noted by Wharton as important
historically have remained as areas of high black popula-
tion concentration. Although his level of analysis was

the state, Lowry's study has important implications for
some characteristic of the distribution of the two racial
groups at smaller scales within the state. He indicated
that there were local contrasts between urban and rural
areas; where rural areas had highest percentages of Negroes,
urban places had slightly lower percentages; where rural
percentages were lowest in particular areas, urban percen-
tages were slightly higher. Furthermore, each race was
predominant in different areas of the state. During the
1940-1960 decades, the areas of most pronounced losses in
percentages of Negroes were found around the larger urban

places.

It is clear from the work of Wharton and Lowry, as well
as others, that the settlement patterns and distribution
patterns of blacks in southeastern states, especially
Mississippi, results from the pre-Civil War period pri-
marily, and the historical impact of the planation-slavery

system. However, in some other states the impetus for

72

black settlement is attributed more to social and economic
discrimination toward blacks following the Civil War. For
examples, Authur L. Tolsonél/presented a historical account
of the settlement and origin of black towns in the state

of Oklahoma and its surrounding territories as a result of
a mass emigration of free blacks from other southeastern
states during the period immediately preceeding and fol-
lowing the Civil War. He stated that the main impetus for

this settlement was to get away from the social and econo-

mic discrimination that was rampant during this period.

The settlement pattern and processes of blacks in
rural Michigan have been viewed as an alternative to inner-
city ghettos since Negro suburbanization is more restricted
by social and economic factors. The emigration of blacks,
especially from the Chicago area, to rural southwestern
Michigan was one means of avoiding the streets of both these
factors. Using a survey of black settlements in the areas,
Wheeler and BrunnéE/sought to document the origins and

length of residence of the Negro pOpulation. It was estab-

lished that Negro settlement in the area was not a response

 

51/
——Authur L. Tolson, The Black Oklahomans: A History,
1541-1972, (New Orleans: Edward Printing Company, 1974).

 

 

52/
_—James 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, "Negro
Migration into Rural Southwestern Michigan," Geographical
Review, Vol. 58, 1968, pp. 214-230.

 

73

to better economic opportunities since job opportunities
in the rural areas were severely lacking. This situation
caused the Negro population to travel long distances for
their place of residence to places of employment. A con-
siderable portion of the Negro population in the areas
was retired and had selected the rural North as an alter-
native to retirement in the South.

By taking a more in-depth look at the situation of
Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, Wheeler and Brunnéé/
concentrated more on the historic and recent settlement
patterns of Negroes in that county from 1845 to 1968.

They described the settlement in Calvin Township as an
”agricultural ghetto." The focus of the study, however,
was on the changes in the area of Negro land ownership in
relations to the social and economic changes in the popu-
lation and in relations to the historic settlement pattern.
Using a systematic methodology based on county records and
plat maps, they were able to reconstruct the pattern of
Negro landholdings in Calvin Township from 1872 to 1968
and analyze the changes in the pattern. Their conclusions
were that the expansion and contraction of the Negro set-

tlement area in the county centered around the historic

 

53/

_TJames 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, ”An Agricul-
tural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845-1968,”
Geographical Review, Vol. 59, 1969, pp. 317-329.

 

74

node — Calvin Township. Also, racial discrimination played
a major role in determining the areal extent of the Negro

settlement areas.

Similarly, this study will determine if the historic
patterns of settlement of blacks in Jasper County have re-
mained prominent as residential areas for blacks presently;
or, to what extent their residential patterns have changed

from their initial settlement areas.

Summary

This literature review has showed that there are cer-
tain historic and geographic characteristics of rural neigh-
borhoods as well as social activities and organizations that
can be used in their identification, delineation, and anal-
ysis. It has also shown that rural neighborhoods play an
important role in the social and spatial organization of
rural areas since they are discrete and identifiable en-
tities, and are continuous and persistent. Thus, they are
ideal units for the study of residential segregation in a

rural area such as Jasper County, Mississippi.

The literature on rural settlement forms, patterns
and processes has indicated that there are distinct pro-
cesses, forms and patterns of rural settlement that can be

used to devise general principles relative to the develop-

75

 

ment of the overall character of rural areas. The rural
neighborhood and community are the ultimate results of
these forms, patterns and processes. This study from a
historical and geographical perspective considers the de-
velopment of rural neighborhoods as a historic settlement
process and attempts to show how the rural neighborhood as
a form of rural settlement can be used to analyze the spa—

tial organization of a rural area.

The literature on the empirical analysis of residen-
tial segregation in urban areas has shown that a high level
of residential segregation between blacks and whites is
common in American cities. The invasion-succession pro-
cesses have been prominent in determining the patterns of
residential location and residential segregation in the
cities. Few studies have been done on residential segre—

gation in rural areas.

The literature on black settlement in rural areas
shows that the location patterns of blacks in those areas
have remained relatively constant. That is, their present
location patterns in those areas are similar to their his-

toric settlement.

All these aspects mentioned above, from the delineation
of neighborhoods and neighborhood recognition, to the set-
tlement and continuity of the patterns of location of blacks

in rural areas, are aspects that are addressed in this study.

76

CHAPTER IV

HISTORIC SETTLEMENT, NEIGHBORHOOD
DEVELOPMENT AND RACIAL COMPOSITION OF
RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS IN JASPER COUNTY

Introduction

 

This chapter has two objectives: (1) to discuss the
historic settlement processes and patterns in Jasper County
from its origin as a legal entity in 1833 to the early
1900's; and (2) to relate the patterns of historic set-
tlement to the development of neighborhoods and the pres—
ent patterns of racial composition of neighborhoods in the
county. The objectives are aimed at testing two hypotheses.
The first hypothesis is that the invasion-succession pro-
cesses have not been the major determinant of the present
patterns of racial composition of neighborhoods in Jasper
County. Instead, the racial composition of neighborhoods
in the county is the result of the historically established,
separate black and white neighborhood areas that were de—
velOped during the settlement of the county, these neighbor-
hoods have remained intact and have eXpanded around those areas
initially settled by the two racial groups. This hypothesis

will be verified cartographically by examing the stability of

77

~.. \Ll~\o

the pattern of black and white dominated neighborhood areas

thru time.

The second hypothesis tested is that current neighbor-
hood boundaries are determined on the basis of a racial
criterion that separates whites and blacks regardless of the
locational proximity of households. This hypothesis is tested
by using the Cluster Method of neighborhood delineation and
identification, and by interviewing households. To sustain
or reject the hypothesis it was necessary to show whether the
majority of neighborhoods in the county do or do not consist
of households which are composed totally of one racial group,
and that black and white families recognize and identify only
those families of their own racial group as belonging to their

respective neighborhoods.

The Origin and Initial Settlement of Jasper County

 

The area which is presently Jasper County was origi-
nally part of the larger territory held and occupied by
the Six Town Tribe of the Choctaw Indian Nation. The ter-

ritory was ceded by the Choctaws via the Treaty of Dancing

78

a/
Rabbit Creek—T on September 27, 1830. The area ceded by

the treaty has become known historically as the Third

1/

Choctaw Cession.__ This cession officially made the area
part of the territory of the state of Mississippi. The
large territory (see Figure _3) which was yielded by the
1830 Choctaw Cession was divided into 18 counties by Legal
Act of the state's legislature on December 13, 1833._—
Jasper County was one of the counties formed by this Act.
The area ceded by the Choctaws in 1830 was the last area
to be held by the Indians east of the Mississippi River;
and, in accordance with the treaty they were removed to
the area which is now Arkansas by 1833.—§/

The earliest non—Indian settlement effort in Jasper
County was undertaken prior to the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit

Creek. In 1825, a group of Irish missionaries led by a

a/

_—Dancing Rabbit Creek is located in the area of
Noxubee County in the northeast central portion of Missis-
sippi. The Treaty was officially signed at the Choctaw
Council Grounds located between the prongs of the Creek.

See H. S. Halbert, ”The Story of the Treaty of Dancing
Rabbit," Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society,
Volume VI, 1902, pp. 373-402.

1/
——Dunbar Rowland, The History of Mississippi, Volume
II, (Chicago: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1925), p.
624.

 

 

2/
_"Rowland, Ibid., p. 624.

__i/
Ibid.

79

 

Ts

  
   

 

 

   
    
  

 

6/
. , CHICKASAW gto/
, 3’
507 ' ‘—
“”éé‘“‘figi ww- - ”Oz/r5 ’
x /
/ \ //
l \ /
cnocmw ' W“
. I \\ \
C ES S I O N ’ LONGTOWN \ \\
. ° lk /
OF (I I\
-* ’\1 / MclNTOSHVlLLE \\
1830 , pl , ° 1
_ g ' AV ‘ i
I' .
I I
I i
I oi
I 60‘?
. / .
l g/
,3/
2 -~ \I
.. {J
/ .. RI ‘
CHOCTAW
"/'1' AGENCY / ;.. I
WARREN ° 7 §
I / OJACKSON ' .- (42’
. WARRENTON / . b I ..
. ' i1
..4 l/I ' ' H
PT I ’ ' ”A"; i ’ V "
°,GBS’ON I ' /"" ~‘--—.~J "
CLAIBORNEI OPP/50 1".
__—J—-—-, CH ’~d’
GREENVIFLE I / ___ I
0/ I #4“ \
(JEFFERSON l T REE// / ’
'—————‘ fi'f’IAWRENCE ( WAYNE
’owHINGTON’IV/ F’ \COVINGTON (J
ONATCHF‘Z FRANKLIN °MONTICELLO K / \\
\Is I ‘ ______ _____ __—_' _____
VS)“ /~‘~l r———"1 _r\ I
r \' AMITE ‘ I
./ OR I I | GREENE
“Is I PIKE I MARION l
“w,“ o I LIBERTY I / I
WOODVILLEI I __j__ _____
\

 

Figure 3. The Choctaw Cession
of I830

80

gentleman named Bardwell established the Six Towns Mission
Station in Jasper County near the site where the village
of Paulding was later established. Brown—i/found evidence
that the mission station was situated in the area of Sec-
tion 15, Township 3 North, Range 12 East, which means that
its location was approximately at the same site as the
settlement presently and historically known as Missionary,
just north of Paulding. He further stated that the mis-
sionaries erected a comfortable log house, two stories high,
which was used as a dwelling. They also built a school-
house and a church, and two or three other houses for dif-
ferent purposes. However, the missionaries left the area

in the later part of 1833 or the early part of 1834 and the
5/

mission station was discontinued._—

Prior to the settlement of the Six Towns Mission
Station, French traders from New Orleans had established
trading posts along trade routes in Jasper County in Choctaw
villages in the areas where the villages of Garlandville

and Paulding were later established after the Indians ceded
6/
the territory.——

4/
__A. J. Brown, ”Choctaw Mission Station in Jasper
County," Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society,
Volume VII, I903, pp. 344-345.

_5/
Ibid.

6/
__Rowland, op. cit., p. 624.

 

 

 

81

After the removal of the Choctaws in 1833, Jasper
County began to be settled rapidly by emigrants from the
older Atlantic Seaboard states and the southern part of
Mississippi. Their initial settlement efforts focused on
those areas where Choctaw villages had been established
previously. The first permanent white settlement to be
established in the county was situated at the village of
Garlandville, which became the oldest town in the county

7/
after its origin as a white settlement in 1833.——'

The Spread of Settlement in Jasper County

 

Historically, the spread and development of pOpulation
settlement in Jasper County was accomplished by three pro-
cesses: (l) the settlement and develOpment of small vil—
lage trade centers; (2) the settlement of farmsteads on
the countryside around the villages; and (3) the develop-
ment and organization of rural neighborhoods and locality
group areas. During its early development, village trade
centers were the primary settlement process in Jasper County,
followed by farmsteads. In the development of these vil-
lages, usually a group of merchants, craftsmen and artisans
would cluster in an area which was easily accessible, build
their homes and shops, and begin to practice their trades

and businesses. These villages were initially established

 

TT/
__Ibid.

 

82

to provide the essential goods and services that were neces—
sary to the pioneering farmers who came later to establish
their farmsteads on the surrounding countryside. In most
instances, the initial village settlements were established
around some central economic function such as a grist mill,
general store, or lumber mill and stage coach depot. Com-
plimentary establishments such as hotels, taverns and
blacksmith shops were the other functions that were usually
present during the initial settlement of the villages in
the county._§/

Since village settlement preceded the settlement of
the countryside in most areas of Jasper County, the spread
of initial settlement in Jasper County can be indicated
temporally and spatially by dating and mapping the initial
settlement of villages; and by dating and mapping the spread
of farmstead settlement on the countryside surrounding the
villages. During the initial period of settlement in Jasper
County, 1833 to 1860, a series of village trade centers were
settled and developed along the French and Indian trade
routes that had been laid out prior to the official organi-
zation of the county. The dates of the settlement of these
villages and their relative location in the county are shown
in Figure _i'

__§_/
Ibid.

 

83

COUNTY)

(SMITH

'Figure 4. Small Town Origins in Jasper County, I833-l860

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(N E W T O N C O U N T Y)
{_________ _ — _EATREAITDv—IETE—‘T—__ _ T _ _ 4 — _ — _ ____:
O
: .(1833) FELLOWSHIP I
I (Masengale) I
I (1839) I:
I.
I MOSS HILL ROSE HILL I
I (1834) .(1850)
T . ’ I
I MONTROSEo I
l (1836) - SHADY GROVE TWISTWOOD ' I
. 1855
l (1860) MISSIONARY ) I;
' . (1836) I»
' 'LOUIN' '
f (1848) 1
I ’ i
I PAULDING - I
I (1833) I
I I3
I .
I LAKE COMO '
11 . (1840) '
. ..1 . If
I ALTO I
I 2(1854)' I
l . 's
I ffgggg§ CLAIBORNE‘ :
I . (1840)
l I
i I
I '3
I , I:
I MOSS I
I (1840) ,,,,,,,,, 1"
I —_ __O ***** I7IIoW R9“
L—-""———'v— ..- ...sz RHW
msw (J O N E S C O U N T Y

84

COUNTY)

(CLARKE

 

Subsequent to the settlement of these villages, the
spread of settlement was extended by the establishment of
farmsteads surrounding the villages. Land Grant Records—2]
for Jasper County were used to determine the spread of farm:
stead settlement in the county. These records indicated
the locations-h/of land grants that were issued to indivi-
dual settlers and the dates of issuance. Figure §_shows
the areas (by section) of the county where farmsteads had
been established during the period 1833 to 1860, according
to the Land Grant Records. It can.be seen from the map that

farmsteads were being settled in those areas surrounding the

villages that had been established during this period.

This process of intermixed village settlement and farm-
stead settlement continued in Jasper County until the county
was completely occupied by the end of the 1800's. For ex-
ample, there were three distinguishable periods of village
settlement in Jasper County: (1) the initial period of village
settlement from 1833 to 1860; (2) the Post-Civil war period from
1870 to 1900; and (3) the period of village settlement after 1900.

The second period was initiated.mainly by the advent of rail road

9/

-—Land Grant Records of Jasper County, (Mimeographed)
State ArChives Library, Jackson, Mississippi. This was the
only data that could be found relevant to farmstead settle-
ment in the county. Records of deeds and land transactions
were destroyed by fire in the county courthouse in 1932.

b/
-—Locations of land grants were indicated in the rec‘
ords by section, township and range only.

 

 

85

5 g 1* .
.... . I '.
"-r‘.:. ‘41'
.
. J‘
n.”

ai-If‘;-e"

 

Figure 5. Sections in Jasper County where Land Grants
were Issued, l833-l860

 

RIBW
fill/fl

E] |833-|840

I84I—I8 60

 

Source: ”Records of Iona grants for Jasper county, Mississippi , Dept. of
Archives, Jackson, Mississippi.

86

development in the county and the westward.migration of population
from the older.Atlantic Seaboard states following the War.

Most of the villages settled during this period were initially
railroad depot stops. Figure §_shows the dates and locations of
villages that were settled during this period. The

final period of village settlement in Jasper County was

after the turn of the century in the early 1900's when vil-
lages were begun mainly in conjunction with the development

of lumbering enterprises in the county. These enterprises

were enhanced by the presence of the railroads. iMost of

the villages settled during this period were initially begun

as lumber camps. Figure Z_shows the dates and locations of

villages that were settled during the period since 1900.

By the late 1800's farmstead settlement, like village
settlements had covered.most of Jasper County, as indicated
by the Land Grant Records. Figure §_shows the areas of the
county (by sections) where farmsteads had been established
by 1900. These processes of settlement in Jasper County
had important implications for the patterns of racial resi-
dential locations in the county, especially the present pat-
terns of racial dominance in the rural neighborhoods that

have persisted in the spatial organization of the county.

The social and spatial organization of Jasper County

87

 

a u c
_
.. _
.. .J
.
u. _
_ .I .
.
..
o. I.
. . ..
vl
.
.
....
.n x
.
u.
I
s I
I u. _
...v _
.- _
...
1
(I
_

 

Figur'e6. Small Town Origins in Jasper County, l870-l900

 

 

COUNTY)

 

(SMITH

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(N E W T O N C O U N T Y)
ru_nm:___r___flf___I___:%n__I__H_:___j
l
I
BAXTER° l
(1890) I:
. PENANTLY o '
JENELL'S HILL (1896) I
(1875) I
I
I
'2 Z
IF I—
GRIDLEY | z
.(1889) I a
I.
I O
HAMLET U
0(1895) I
l2
'2‘
BAY SPRINGS ACME I
.(1892) (IQESI I m
r m
MABEL BURGI <
ADDINE WEEMS V055
1880 . ..J
I I (18095) (1890). (18.82) I U
| v
VERNON . ‘STAFFORD
(1895) ”EIgggggRG SPRINGS
. (I1870)
I . I
I STRINGER HOSEY ,3
I (1880) (1890) I:
I ___ I
I flflflflflflflflflflfl new
I _________.__...—-——-—"""“';nw RioW
L.-—-R""3‘w"‘——I RIZW C O U N T Y)

88

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

COUNTY)

(SMITH

FIgure 7.

SmolITown Origins in Jasper County Since |900

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

COUNTY)

(CLARKE

 

 

 

 

(N E W T O N C O N T Y)

ru_mma_______¢:________Ln__1__”_____j

I OSUCCESS . HERO ,

I (1901) (1908) I

I Z
' JAMESBURG' :
| (1915) I

' |

I

‘ 1

' 'VERBA I
'DUSHAU (1901) I
I(1919) . BURNS I

I ' (1918) I,
I I:
I OGILCRIST RAS I

I (1919) (1294) I

; OSTEVENS McNEAL- ]

I (1904) , (1918) . FOUKE I
I TURNERVILLE (1917) I

I (1916) I;
I

, WALDRUP KELONA I
1_ .(1908) . ,(1923) I
' COOLEY-l

I (1903) I

I I

' z
I I

I I
J I

i I

I I;
I :r-
| I

' .......... I2;

I ——————— RIOw

l...- ---—-—""“" T'— 912)” RHW

RIBW (J O N E S C O U N T Y)

89

 

Figure 8. Sections in Jasper County where Land Gram‘s
were Issued, l'833-I8' 90

I833- I850

|85I - I890

 

Source: "Records of land gronIs for Jasper county, Mississippi", Dept. of
Archives, Jackson, Mississippi.

90

"O

sravimd ‘“
.Spnnqs I

 

 

into rural neighborhood areas represents the final process

of settlement development in the county. Neighborhood areas
in the county were first centered around the village settle-
ments where merchants and shopkeepers were clustered into
the small areas of the village boundaries in close proxi-
mity. On the countryside, neighborhood areas began to be
recognized when rural churches were established as the basic
social institution that brought peOple together in a formal
social organization. The initial thrust in neighborhood
organization in Jasper County came about after the Civil War
when the free Negroes in the county began to acquire land and
to establish separate residential areas. Hence, it is
necessary to examine the initial land acquisition and
settlement patterns of free blacks in the county in relation-
ship to the development of neighborhood areas in order to
describe the patterns of neighborhood development and the
patterns of racial dominance in neighborhoods that resulted

from the historic settlement processes in the county.

Historic Settlement of Blacks in Jasper County

 

10/
Blacks came to Jasper County as slaves in 1836f__

Most blacks remained slaves until after the Civil War. In

1840, there were two free blacks and in 1860, only five free

 

10/
—-W0rks Project Administration, Papers on Jasper

Count , "History of.Agriculture”, (Mimeographed), State
Archives Library, Jackson, Mississippi (undated).

 

91

 

blacks were listed in the Census of Jasper County. On
the other hand, 4,549 blacks were listed as slaves in

1_1__/
1860.

C/

Black settlement—_ did not become a significant factor
until around 1870. Prior to this time, the traditional
plantation system of residence had prevailed wherein the
slaves occupied cabins specifically built for that purpose
adjacent to the other main buildings on the farmsteads of
whites. This system of residences was extensive in Jasper
County prior to the Civil War. This is indicated by the
relatively large percentage (41%) of slaves in the total
population, and by the distribution of slaves in the white
households as indicated by the Manuscript Census for 1860.12/

After the Civil War, many of the former slaves either
migrated to other areas or stayed on at the old plantation

homesteads of their former masters to become tenants or

SharecrOppers as was the case throughout most of the South.

..11]

*_U. S. Census Office, 5th, Census of Population, 1840,
(Washington, D. C.: Department of State, 1841), and 7th,
Census of Population, 1860.

C/
_‘Settlement here is considered as initial land owner—
ship.

 

 

 

12/

'_"C0pies of the Manuscript Census of Jasper County,
1860 and 1870, were obtained on Microfilm through the Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Mormon), Genealogical
Library, East Lansing, Michigan.

92

Hence, their impact on the residential pattern went rela-
tively unnoticed as few became landowners immediately.
When blacks did become landowners, their initial purchases
were small. However, these holdings formed the core of
the black residential areas that were to develop in the

county during the late 1800's and early 1900's.

Since some form of settlement had occurred throughout
most of the county by the beginning of the Civil War,
(either village clusters or farmsteads) this meant that
when free Negroes entered the land market following the
Civil War they were restricted in terms of where they could
start settlements in two ways: (1) they were restricted
as to where they could purchase land by the social system;
and, (2) they were restricted by where land was available
to be purchased. It will be seen in the following sections
of this chapter that these restrictions relegated the Negroes'
initial settlements in the county to areas on the periphery
of white settlement areas, which predominated the villages

and the areas adjacent to the village settlements.

Several processes were involved in the Negroes' ef-
forts to obtain land and establish residential areas within
Jasper County. In some instances, the Negroes purchased
the land outright through such programs as the Federal Land

Bank or the homestead programs. In other instances, their

93

former masters and now tenant lords granted them a small
holding after several years of work in lieu of pay or as

an enticement for the Negroes to remain as workers.

By 1870 the Negroes' settlements in Jasper County
were part of the cultural landscape inasmuch as they had
acquired land, established separate residential areas
and had begun to organize social institutions, especially
churches. The Manuscript Census of 1870 recorded house-
hold by race and prOperty ownership. A check of the names
and race of household heads against the Records of Land
Grants in the State Archives revealed the Negro landowners
and their locations in the county at that time. Table 2
indicates the number of Negro landowners in each political
division of the county in 1870 as indicated by those rec-
ords. Unfortunately, because the land transactions of the
county were destroyed it is impossible to determine the

exact size of these holdings.

94

TABLE 2

Negro Household Heads Owning Land in

d/

Jasper County Civil Divisions, 1870——

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total Number Negro Households

Civil Divisions Negro Households Owning Land
Center Beat 1 19 3
Paulding Village 32 14
Northeast Beat 2 4 4
Northwest Beat 3 l 1
Southeast Beat 4 4 4
Southwest Beat 5 2 2
TOTALS: 62 28

 

The data above are not indicative of the total Negro popu—
lation residing in Jasper County in 1870 and should not be mis—
taken as such. It must be remembered that this period was
one of transition for the Negro population. It was the period
when family and household formations were just beginning

among the former Negro slaves.

Figure _2 shows the areas of the first Negro landowners'
locations. It will be seen later that these areas are core

areas of the present local black neighborhoods in the county.

d/
__Source: National Archives Microfilm Publication,
9th. Census Manuscript Report, 1870, Mississippi.

 

 

95

 

Figure9. Locations of Initial Negro Land Ownership in
Jasper County, l868-l87O

IO

Oeaxm

26 25 30

Ron HIII

Tumorvlllo

SPRINGS

3 5 Lake Como

 

RISW L I 1 1 1

96

It should be noted also, that the Negro settlement areas
(using initial land ownership as the indication of initial
settlement) were situated in those areas where the slave
plantation system had been prominent in the county. Al—
though no records exist to indicate precisely, it can be
assumed, that in these same areas, other Negroes in the
pOpulation were either tenants or sharecroppers. For cer-
tain, the Manuscript Census indicates large numbers of Negroes
in the pOpulation in 1870 who were listed among white house-
holds as sons, daughters, servants, laborers, cooks, and

by several other classifications.

Historic Aspects of Neighborhood Development

 

After the Civil War, neighborhoods were established
along racial lines as a means of establishing and maintaining
social and residential segregation between whites and blacks
in Jasper County in accordance with the social system which
required racial separation. However, most blacks were ten-
ants and sharecroppers for a long period after the war. In
those areas where the tenant-sharecrOpper system prevailed
blacks and whites generally occupied residences in the
same general areas. Nevertheless, black tenants and share-
croppers were relegated to separate areas in the farm neigh—
borhoods which were formed and termed "Negro Quarters."

These quarters were a group of tenant houses on the proper-

97

ties of the landlords which were usually separated from the
landlords' residential quarters. The same situation was
prevalent in the villages and towns after the Civil War.
When the free Negroes began to settle around the villages
and towns, special areas separate from the white residen—
tial areas were set aside as Negro residential areas in

the villages.

At the close of the Civil War when Negroes in Jasper
County began to acquire land and become farmers on their
own, local neighborhood development in the countryside
began to take place rapidly, both for whites and for the
Negroes, as both groups began to cluster in areas nearer
others of their own race. The first neighborhoods for
the Negroes were developed in those areas where there had
been considerable Negro populations during the slave period
and in those areas where the initial Negro land purchases

were made. (see Figures _2 and lg.)

By the 1890's, a distinct pattern of neighborhood de-
velopment had begun and local neighborhoods were becoming
recognizable. While there are no records available to
indicate the total population of these areas, a deter-
mination can be made of their racial character and location

13/
pattern. One such source is the county school records——

 

13/
__WPA Papers on Jasper County, ”Education”.

98

which indicate the location of schools in the county and
the racial characteristics of the populations attending
the schools. Since schools were generally located in each
neighborhood, the locations of schools historically pro-
vides the best indication of the major neighborhood areas.
Churches were usually the main social institution in the
neighborhoods and were also the first to be established
when the neighborhoods were being develOped. Hence, the
records of the church-schools are used to establish the
pattern of initial neighborhood development. School build—
ings were erected in the villages for whites prior to the
Civil War. However, after the Civil War, schooling for
Negroes was held in the local Negro churches if sizable
pOpulations were found in the towns and villages. Other—
wise, Negro children from the villages attended school in
the closest neighborhood church.l£/

Figure 10 is based on school records of the county
found in the State Archives. It shows the location of
black and white neighborhoods that had been established and
had become recognizable in 1875. This supports the propo-
sition that the schools were established in those areas
where the two population groups were dominant. Some of

the white schools and neighborhoods were established prior

 

1y
Ibid.

99

 

 

Figure 10. Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County, I875

.Garlondvim __“- —-———-———._..._._.:
. Fellowship
I (Masengalo I
I
I

     

Roi.

Hilb

Shady
Grove
0

Missionary
O

 

__.________________________ _. __._.____. _.,

 

 

 

 

. Stolford
Clalborno
I Elhoma C
O
I
I
I
I
I
__ _ __ __ _I
| Mon __ __ __ __ __ —— —— —' ————
I ———————————
L. —————————
I 0 / Z J I\
ba==l=§ uni/n Iv

 

Source1 Maps of school service areas and records of schools in Jasper county found in
State Archives, Jackson, Mississippi, W.P.A. papers on Jasper county, 'Education
in Jasper county unbound manuscripts.

100

 

to the Civil War. The first black school was established
in 1868.l§/

The pattern in Figure 10 shows the beginning of a
separate, yet dispersed location pattern of Negro neighbor—
hoods. This pattern is probably indicative of the economic
ties of the black population as tenants and sharecroppers
during this period which required their being located in
proximity to the white population, but separately located

residentially.

Similar data were found for 1896 on the location of
church-schools for the local neighborhoods. Again, this
information has been interpolated to neighborhood locations
for that year and is mapped in Figure 11. The location
pattern of white and black neighborhoods indicate that a
considerable amount of expansion had taken place between
1875 and 1896. A comparison of Figures 10 and 11_showsthat
areal expansion for both groups occurred primarily around
the areas where previous neighborhoods had been formed.
During this period 8 additional Negro neighborhoods had
been formed while 22 additional white neighborhoods were
formed. The total neighborhoods in 1896 were 15 and 37

for Negroes and whites respectively.

 

__1_§/
Ibid.

 

101

 

Figurell. Local Neighborhoods In Jasper County, |896

  

.GarlandvIlle

  
  
  

_———»——‘——-—-—1

  

‘Fellow
.(Mosen:cirla)

I
I
I

Moss Htll

    
  

 

 

 

Louln
O

 

 

 

 

 

       
  
 

.Stuflord
Springs

  

Heidelberg
O

Source Maps of school service areas and records of schools in Jasper county found in
Sta ate Archives Jackson, MiSSIsstpi, wPA. papers on Jasper caunty, Education
in Jasper county unbound manuscripts.

102

 

Although the delimited neighborhoods are shown in
Figures 19 and 11, the population was distributed in other
areas of the county also at these times. Indeed there
were scattered and isolated farmsteads outside these
areas. However, in the case of schools, these areas in-

dicate the main local neighborhoods.

Data for 1927 again show the progression of neighbor-
hood deve10pment in Jasper County as indicated by church-
schools and their service areas. The schools at this time
were essentially neighborhood schools which were centrally
located to population concentrations for Negroes and whites
as indicated by the students enrolled according to the school
records. By race and number of students at this time,
neighborhoods had become recognized throughout most of the
county. Figure 12 shows the location pattern of white and
black neighborhoods in 1927. By comparing Figures 11 and 1;,
it is indicated that areal expansion for both whites and
Negroes had occurred mainly around those areas that had been
previously occupied by the respective groups. Figure 13
also indicates that considerable black neighborhood forma-
tions and expansion had taken place in the southwestern
and northeastern sections of the county. This pattern fol-
lows the trend of settlement discussed previously wherein
the southwestern section was the latest area to be settled.

Hence, more land was available for Blacks to purchase.

103

 

 

 

Figure 12. Local Neighborhoods in Jasper County, I927

r______-_ _.. ______ _—

I
l
I

 
 
 
 

.Fellowship
(Maunpale)

  
  

Louln
0

 

   

 
   

3 Bay Springs”

 
  

.Stuttord
Springs

 
   

  
   

Heidelberg
O

 

Source: Maps of school service areas and records of schools in Jasper caunty found in
State Archives, Jackson, Mississippi, W.P.A. papers on Jasper county, "Education
. ll .
In‘ Jasper county unbound manuscrIpts.

104

 

Closer observation and comparison of the maps further

show that little change occurred in residential location
patterns between the two groups. For the most part, whites
continued to occupy those areas where they had previously
been predominant, and the same was true for blacks. Again,
this is indicated by the church-school records. Three ex-
ceptions to this fact are found in the areas east of
Garlandville, the area east of Baxter, and the Ethoma

area. In each case, blacks succeeded whites in the areas.

The Present Racial Pattern of Neighborhoods

 

This section describes the present neighborhood location
pattern for blacks and whites to determine if residential
locations for the two racial groups have remained stable; or,

if neighborhood succession has occurred since 1927.

Figure l§_shows (by racial dominance) black and white
neighborhoods in Jasper County in 1977. By comparison with
Figure 132 which shows the neighborhoods by racial dominance
in 1927, it can be seen that the pattern of racial residen—
tial location as indicated by racial dominance in neighbor-
hood areas has remained stable for the period between 1927-
1977. It is apparent that blacks and whites have remained
dominant in those areas where they were previously dominant

and where their initial settlement and neighborhood develop-

105

1. ill! 4.11.. H . .
1‘ 111131;. 49.13. .

a ......

. a

 

 

 

Figure 13. Neighborhoods by Racial Dominance in

Fellowship
(Musengale)

\

 

 

 

.StaItordl

 

INTERSTATE
STATE

Source: Determined by author using cluster method and family interviews: summer, I977

106

  

ment, and expansion took place. What this figure shows is
that neighborhood invasion and succession have not been
prevalent in the county. Instead, the pattern of residen-
tial location for both groups has remained relatively stable
with expansion for both groups taking place around those

areas where they had initially located.

The hypothesis tested is that the invasion-succession
processes have not been the major determinant of the racial
composition of rural neighborhoods; instead, the racial
composition of present neighborhoods in the county is found
to be the result of historically established separate neigh-
borhoods for blacks and whites. In other words, the present
pattern of black and white neighborhoods continue to reflect

patterns of historic settlement in the county.
The Recognition and Delineation of Local Neighborhoods, 1977

The concept of neighborhood is still considered a
viable concept in Jasper County. Although most local resi-
dents refer to their neighborhoods as local communities,
this is due to custom and tradition rather than technical
definition. Certainly these areas fit the definition and
criteria for neighborhoods. The Cluster Method combined
with extensive interviewing was used to test the hypothesis
that neighborhood boundaries are determined on the basis of

racial criterion that separates blacks from whites regard-

107

 

less of the locational proximity. In applying the Cluster
Method, several persons—E/were contacted initially who had
been identified as local historians and local officials
knowledgeable of the county's areas. With their help, the
author was able to identify pOpulation clusters and deli—
neate the readily recognized neighborhoods. Other neighbor-
hoods which were not readily recognized as such were identi—

fied by more extensive investigation and surveying following

the Cluster Method.

The second step in the process was to verify the exist—
ence of neighborhoods that had been identified and to identify
those areas in the county that fit the criteria of neighbor—
hoods but were not identified. This phase was carried out
by interviewing peOple in those areas where neighborhood
boundaries had not been identified or where overlapping
areas were identified by the local officials and local
historians who were initially contacted. .According to

the respondents interviewed and the local officials

e/

__Four of the peOple who were helpful in the initial
stages of this research were: Mr. W1 G. Horn, Town Clerk
in the City Hall at Bay Springs; Mr. James Caves, County
Extension Agent; Mr. W. C. Walker, Director of the Farmers
Home Administration Office in Bay Springs; Mr. Willie Green,
Principal at Heidelberg High School; and the author's father,
Mr. Otha Lang, Sr., who was a building contractor for many
years and has built houses in just about every area of the
county. He was also very helpful in accompanying me on
observations and pointing out areas that I may never have
found alone.

 

108

questioned, race has been found to have little significance
in the recognition of local neighborhood boundaries. A

total of ninety-five residents were interviewed in the fol-
lowing areas where overlapping boundaries occurred in the
initial delineations: North Heidelberg~Heidelberg (25 re-
spondents - 15 whites and 10 blacks); West Lake Como-East
Lake Como (15 respondents - 10 whites and 5 blacks); Vernon
Blue Ridge-Lower Blue Ridge (18 respondents - 10 whites and

8 blacks); VOssburg-St. Peters (8 respondents - 4 whites

and 4 blacks); Rose Hill-South Rose Hill (14 respondents

- all whites); Stevens—Phalti (15 respondents - 10 whites

and 5 blacks). Of these ninety-five reSpondents interviewed,
only 10 whites failed to identify black families as belonging
to their neighborhoods where the blacks in the same area

had stated that they considered themselves as belonging to
the neighborhood. Eight of the black respondents were un-
certain about their neighborhood in terms of social inter—
actions, but could identify the neighborhood name and families.
Nevertheless, it is clear that local neighborhoods are identi-
fied primarily on the basis of locational proximity rather
than race. In most cases little social interaction takes
place on an informal level between the two racial groups.
Nevertheless, this does not deter their identifying

with each other in locality groupings. The hypothesis

that race rather than locational proximity is the main

determinant of neighborhood boundaries is rejected.

109

 

 

‘k

 

In some areas of the county, the southwestern section
in particular, present neighborhoods could not be identified.
Although there was evidence that neighborhoods had previously
existed based on earlier records of church-school locations.
They were no longer recognized as such because the pOpula-
tion concentrations in these areas had declined. These

areas have been referred to as scattered settlement areas.

Figure 14_shows the neighborhoods by name that were
recognized in Jasper County during the Summer of 1977, as
indicated by those persons interviewed in different areas
of the county as well as the local officials and historians.
It should be noted that the boundaries have been adjusted
geometricallyTE/for clarity but include the areas where
households were identified as belonging to distinct neigh—
borhoods. Scattered settlement areas where no recognized
neighborhoods were found are also indicated on the map as
such. Seven such areas were found in the county. One

hundred eleven neighborhoods were identified and delbnited

in the county during the Summer of 1977.

f/

__ln.mapping the delineated neighborhoods, boundaries
were drawn to enclose the total areas of households identi-
fied as belonging to the same neighborhood. In doing so,
boundaries were adjusted to follow section lines, roads or
straight-line boundaries where possible to delimit the neigh-
borhood areas without overlapping and distorting the size
of neighborhoods.

 

110

 

 

Figure14. Local Neighborhoods in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

      
 

 

 

Jasper County Mississippi, I977

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   
 
  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

     
  
 
        

 

(— --------- “'"- ——————————————————————————— “I
: Success Garlandville Fellowship- I
Masengale
I Hidden I
W Cottage Valley I
Randall Hill Camp \I
I HI" Baxter I
I Scattered Beason West
I Settlement Ridge $007319" 3:17;: Enterprise :
Area 4 es ey
I CM") Pleasant
: NM; Grove \‘II
e o
I . R0 H‘ll
I'" Pales- Moss H'” w ' East Gallilee I
Montrose tine Verba Tatum r‘“ ) .._--
I Scat LI
I Set. M South TWIstwood I
Area I. Rose I
i 6 Zion Missionary HIII I
I f l
_L I
I L . Orange I
I cum Monastery New I
Community
Homer
: TEd Center RO‘ I
\\
| A t' h Grldley fi:
n we
| __._.__—
I Jerusalem Chapel Hill :
Lowin .
I Turnervllla Memo, F P°“'d”‘° Phalti I
I (Steve Sims) 0"" Lakes \I
S t.
IPhaI tl Hamlet scea' I
Area Spring I
N Day 7 Gallllee Walter's HIII Counter I
I Pilgrim S. I Chapel Rocky Line I
pr nqs Old Mount
I Latte Como Reedy I
INew * on I
In“ W-Bay 53°)! Hlohwov E Scattered I
I nub“. Sprlnas 523 W La“ E.LOIle anon Settlement I
I OH ' Area I
Coma COMO Falrvlew KeToha .
ngy. Waldrup I
I . Kilns
I Smith Halders- I
I R It Pine Acme i
| HI)? Nazareth John Devlne Grove St. Pfle's |
BOatI Vossburg
I McBay MurphyI. 0"” Philadel- Jerusalem
t—_—‘ Store . phta
Cook 3 Union Kinngm Stafford
Good Hope Vernon Setlmt. North Springs
ICarlIsle 3'09 Hetdelber Hall
I Newell Ridge Plsgan I
Ir” Shelby Ebenezer Heidelberg I
I Baseline Claibome Shadey Grove |
IEtahoma Stringer
Lower Umon I
Blue 59m”)- . Scattered
I ‘ Ridge ary Wesley Pm" Grove SettlementI
I Chapel Area 2
Corinth
I Scattered C00)“ Poplar Victory
I Settlement Ridg .
I Area 3 pper Beaver Meadow
ISumerland Moss
I Shawn I ________
I Moss ——‘_d _________ _—
L-—— —"—“

flBay Springs Quarters

Unlabeled areas are empty space!

Source: Determined by author using cluster method and family interviewsrsummer, I977

111

w

 

 

Racial Dominance and Racial Composition of Rural Neighborhoods
Forty-one (41) of the neighborhoods identified in
Jasper County are predominantly black and seventy (70) are
predominantly white. (See Figure 12.) Forty—nine (49)
are completely segregated racially; seventeen (17) are
totally black and thirty-two (32) are totally white. The
forty-nine completely segregated neighborhoods constitute
45 percent of the total. Sixty-two neighborhoods are
racially mixed (55 percent). Of these 62, forty-two have
white majorities, eighteen have a 30 to 70 percent black/
white ratio; eighteen have 11 to 89 percent black/white
ratio; and, 13 have 10 to 90 percent black/white ratio
in the number of households. Twenty of the sixty-two
racially mixed neighborhoods have Black majorities. Of
these 20, all but one are more than 70 percent black.
Figure lg shows those neighborhoods in Jasper County that
are totally segregated racially, and indicates the racial

groups occupying the areas.

Predominantly white neighborhoods tend to be slightly
larger in terms of the number of households than predomi—
nantly black neighborhoods. The average size of white
neighborhoods is 33 households and the average size of
the black neighborhoods is 31 households. This difference
in size for white and black segregated neighborhoods will

be tested for significance in the following chapter.

112

 

Figure 15 . Neighborhoods by Racial Composition in Jasper

County, 1977

 

 
   
  
 
  
  
    
   
   
    
    
 

Garlandvllle Fella-ship-

uaunqale

Success

____J

  
   
 

Scattered
Settlement
Area

 

a nut
u... HIII °“ tut aumm I

 

 

Twist-nod

 

Ovanee

Mona-tary

Cowman”)
Center

 

 

 

': Chapel Hill
Pautdlnq

 

  
 
  
  
  
  
  
  

 

   
 

 

New
Iron Scattered
~ mg Settlement
And I
Waldrul
. _ . Kan-I
.3?ch
:m. Nalateth John Devine 6'0" St. P..." I
I
Stattard I
Spnngl I

   

Union

i
I
I Scattered vi '0' Corlntn
I Settlement‘ c 1
I Area 3
ISaneriar-i
I ____1_ _———
I _---
l__.._— --

'Bay Sponge Quarters Unlabeled areas are empty space:

Source: Determined by author using cluster method and family interviews: summer, I977

all! White

Black

 

113

CI Racially Mixed, Scattered Settlements

and unorganized areas

Types of Neighborhoods in Jasper County

 

Local neighborhoods in Jasper County can be categorized

into three types: 1) Church centered neighborhoods - those

 

which are centered around a rural country church which might
also have served as a school before the schools were conso—

lidated and relocated to the towns; 2) Relic town neighbor-

 

hoods - those which are situated in areas where small towns
or Villages once were formed but no longer exist, although
a small country story may or may not be present in the

area; and 3) Small town neighborhoods - those that are

 

located in the small towns in the county. Since the small
towns are not large enough to be considered as urban areas,
they are included in the definition and delineation of
rural neighborhoods. Table 3 shows the number of neighbor—
hoods by type and racial dominance according to the three
categories named above. Figure lg shows the neighborhoods

by type in Jasper County according to these categories.

114

TABLE 3

__g_/
Neighborhoods by Race

 

and Type in Jasper County

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number Number
Predominantly Predominantly
Type Black _ White
Church-centered 36 20
Relic town 2 24
Small town 2 15
;2/
Others 1 11
TOTALS: 41 70
Summary

This chapter has shown that historically human settle-
ment, the spatial organization and develOpment of Jasper
County have been brought about by three main processes:

(1) village trade center settlement and develOpment; (2)

farmstead settlement on the countryside surrounding these

Villages; and (3) by the social organization of the papu—
8/

-Over 50 percent households of one race determines
the racial dominance.

 

h/
——Others include crossroads, recreation, country store,
and extended families. Figure shows the neighborhoods

by types in Jasper County for the three main types and also
indicates those that are of other types.

115

 

 

Figure 16. Neighborhoods by Types in Jasper County, 1977

 

IIIIIIII
IIIIIII

' III-13".. 21:23:“

I ll“
HIIIIIIII'I'II' (:22 4I i

 

Small Town
116 Relic Town

Church—Centered

Others

 

lation into identifiable locality groups and neighborhood

areas .

It has been shown that invasion-succession processes
have not been the major determinant of the racial composi-
tion of rural neighborhoods in Jasper County. Although ex-
pansion has occurred, both blacks and whites have continued
to be dominant in those areas where they initially settled
and formed neighborhoods. Thus, historic settlement and
not invasion and succession accounts for the racial composi-
tion of neighborhoods and the residential location patterns

of blacks and whites in the county.

It has been shown also that race has been and continues
to be a significant factor in the processes of social inter-
action in the county, but it is not the most important fac-
tor in the recognition and delineation of neighborhood
boundaries. Locational proximity of households is the most
important factor in the recognition of neighborhoods and
the delineation of neighborhood boundaries. Local neighbor-
hoods are important in the spatial and social organization
of the county since they have been the basis for the establish-
ment of the main social institutions such as the churches

and schools.

The entry of blacks into the land acquisition arena

in Jasper County was an important factor in determining

ll7

 

 

the patterns of racial dominance in the rural neighborhoods,
and the patterns of residential location for the two racial
groups in the county. The foregoing discussion showed that
black dominated neighborhoods have developed mainly around
those areas where blacks initially purchased land after the
Civil War. White dominated neighborhoods have dominated

the small towns and villages since they were mainly res-
ponsible for their initial settlement and develOpment.
Therefore, a considerably large proportion of the white
dominated neighborhoods in the county are of the relic

town and small town types.

Three main categories of neighborhoods were found in
the county: Church-centered neighborhoods in the country-
side; Relic town neighborhoods; and, small town neighbor—
hoods. In addition, a considerable number of predominantly
white neighborhoods were found which were centered around
recreational facilities, crossroads, and country stores.
Black neighborhoods are mainly church-centered while a
considerable number of white neighborhoods are of the relic
town type. This finding indicates that whites were dominant

in the areas most accessible to the small towns historically.

118

CHAPTER'V

FACTORS IN THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND

RACIAL COMPOSITION OF RURAL NEIGHBORHOODS

The objectives of this chapter are: l) to determine
the level of current residential segregation between black
and white households in Jasper County; 2) to determine
whether significant differences exist between black—segre-
gated and white-segregated neighborhoods in their distance
and accessibility to the nearest trade center, size, and
length of settlement; and, 3) to determine whether internal
residential segregation by neighborhoods vary with distance,
accessibility to the nearest trade center, size and length of
settlement.

Residential Segregation in Rural Neighborhoods: The Example
ofJasper County

 

 

A total of 3,613 households were enumerated in the
neighborhoods and unorganized areas of the County by the
author in 1977. Of this total, 1,364 were black and 2,249
were white. The U. S. Census listed 3,993 families living
in the County in 1970. The level of residential segregation
in Jasper County in 1977 was 74.6 percent based on a segrega-

tion index using neighborhoods as the unit of analysis. Thus,

119

 

 

it can be concluded that a high level (greater than 50
percent) of residential segregation exists between black
and white households in the neighborhoods in the county.
This figure is based on the distribution of black and white
households among the 111 neighborhoods and 7 scattered set-
tlement areas. .According to their residential segregation
characteristics, two types of neighborhoods were found:

1) black-segregated neighborhoods - those wherein black

 

households are overrepresented and 2) white-segregated

 

neighborhoods - those wherein white households are over-

 

represented with respect to their representation in the
entire county. There are 48 neighborhoods of the former
type and 63 of the latter type. The degree of black con-
centration is 54.5 percent as indicated by the Gini Index
(Figure 16). It is apparent that the distribution pattern
of black-segregated and white-segregated neighborhoods are
different (Figure 17). The areas in and around the small
towns are predominated by white—segregated neighborhoods.
Also, these neighborhoods have higher percent racial de-
ficits than the average for all neighborhoods. It appears
that the small towns on the average are more segregated
than the rural neighborhoods and that the level of segre—
gation increases directly with the size of the neighbor-
hoods. However, this relationship will be tested statisti-

cally in a later section.

120

 

PERCENT WHITE HOUSEHOLDS

IOO

 

80—

60-

4o—

20—

 

GINI ? 54.498

 

 

I T l I

20 4O 60 80
PERCENT BLACK HOUSHOLDS

Figure 17‘. Gini Index for Jasper County, l977
(concentrations of black households)

121

I00

 

 

Figure 18. Residential Segregation in Local Neighborhoods
Jasper County, |977

 

 

 

3
“3:2 miles

Black Segregated

 

Location, Length of Settlement, and Size

 

of Neighborhoods as Factors Related to

 

Residential Segregation

 

It was hypothesized earlier in this study, that the
level of residential segregation in the rural neighborhoods
is directly related to the distance and accessibility of
the neighborhoods to the nearest trade center. The level
of segregation is also related to the size and length of
settlement of the neighborhoods. The assumption underlying
this hypothesis was that black families entered the land
market historically later than whites. It would be expected
that black segregated neighborhoods would be located further
than white neighborhoods from the trade centers and would be

younger and smaller than the whites neighborhoods.

To test the relationship of these variables to the
level of residential segregation, the neighborhoods were
first divided into groups, i.e. white—segregated and black-
segregated neighborhoods. A multiple correlation analysis
was performed on both groups with the percent racial deficit
for each neighborhood as the dependent variable. Second,
a multiple regression analysis was performed on the total
neighborhoods. By dividing the neighborhoods into two groups
by racial representation allows an assessment of how these
variables affect the level of segregation among each racial

grOUp.

123

The regression model used was stepwise in each case,
and was designed so that variables entered into the re-
gression equation in succeeding steps depending on the
added amount of variation in the dependent variable that
was explained. The results of the stepwise multiple re-
gression analyses for the black-segregated and white-seg-
regated neighborhoods are shown in Tables 4 and 5 (pages
IESandigé). .A comparison of the two tables indicates that
for both groups of neighborhoods, the size of the neighbor-
hoods is the only variable that correlates significantly
(p = .001 level) with the percent racial deficit. Also,
this is the only variable that has a positive relationship
with the percent racial deficits in the two groups of neigh—
borhoods. The other three variables have negative relation-
ships and add no significant explanation to the variation
in the percent racial deficits. Thus, for both white-seg-
regated and black-segregated neighborhoods, the larger the
neighborhood becomes in terms of the total number of house-
holds, the more segregated the neighborhood becomes. Such
a pattern coincides with the traditional social system of
racial separation in the South. This has been the trend

historically.

Another interesting result from the statistical anal-
ysis is the amount of total variation explained by the set

of variables for the two groups of neighborhoods. For the

124

 

 

TABLE 4

Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation for

 

Black-Segregated Neighborhoods

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Multiple R2 R2 Sig.a Sig.a
Variable Step r R Change r R
Sizeb 1 .86 . 86 .74 . 74 .0001 .0001
Years 1
SettledC 2 -.18 .861 .74 .007 .264 .000
. d _ 1
Tratime 3 .16 .862 .74 .001 .704 .000
Distancee 4 -.16 .872 .76 .018 .067 .0001
TABLE 5
Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation for
White—Segregated Neighborhoods
. 2 2 , a , a
Multiple R R Sig. Sig.
Variable Step r R Change r R
Size 1 .95 . 95 .908 .908 .0001 .0001
Distance 2 -.24 .953 .909 .001 .391 .0001
Years
Settled 3 '.06 .954 .910 .001 .446 .0001

 

aSignificance level for r and R.

aTotal number of households in neighborhood.

Number of years since initial settlement.

CTravel time from neighborhood to nearest trade center
(median).

Distance of neighborhood to nearest trade center (median).

Significant at the .001 level of confidence.

125

black-segregated neighborhoods, 76 percent of the total
variation in the percent racial deficit is explained by

the set of variables. For the white~segregated neighbor-
hoods, 91 percent of the variation in the percent racial
deficit is explained. In both cases, the greater portion
of the explained variation is accounted for by the total
number of households in the neighborhood. This is the only
variable which significantly correlates with the percent

racial deficit.

For purposes of comparison, the results of a stepwise
multiple correlation analysis for all neighborhoods are pre-

sented in Table 6.

TABLE 6

Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation

 

for Total Group of Neighborhoods

 

 

 

 

2

Multiple R2 R Sig. Sig.
Variable Step r R Change r r
Size 1 .866 .866 . 75 . 75 .0001 .0001
Years 1
Settled 2 ‘.100 .868 .753 .003 .181 .000
Distance 3 -.207 .868 .754 .001 .764 .0001

 

1/

__Significant at the .001 level of confidence.

126

 

 

For all neighborhoods, the total number of households
is the only variable that correlated positively and signi-
ficantly. This one variable explained 75 percent of the
variation in the percent racial deficits among neighbor-
hoods. Age or length of settlement and the distance to
the nearest trade center added no significant explanation
and were negatively correlated. Travel time to the nearest
trade center was not entered into the regression equation
because it contributed so little to the explanation in
the variation in the percent racial deficit for the entire

group of neighborhoods.

This analysis disproves the hypothesis that the level
of residential segregation in the neighborhoods is directly
related to the distance and travel time of the neighbor-
hoods to the nearest trade center and the age or length of
settlement of the neighborhoods. However, the size of the
neighborhoods in terms of the total number of households is
directly related to the percent racial deficit or the un—
evenness of the distribution of black and white households
among the neighborhoods in the county.

Location, Length of Settlement and Size of Neighborhoods
as Factors Relatedito Racial Composition

 

 

The effect of the same set of independent variables

on the racial composition of neighborhoods is assessed in

127

 

this section. It is assumed that black settlement occurred
later than white settlement. If this were the case, then

it would be expected that black households would be located
on the average at greater distances from the trade centers
than white households since the small town settlement pre-
ceeded local neighborhood development. Indeed black land
ownership as pointed out above began after the Civil War
which was considerably later than the earliest land owner-
ship in the county. Following this assumption, it would

be expected that the percentage of black households in the
neighborhoods would increase as the distance of the neighbor-
hood to the nearest trade center increased. To test this
assumption a stepwise multiple correlation analysis was com-
puted with the percent black households in the neighborhoods
as the dependent variable; and distance, accessibility to
the nearest trade center, total number of households and

the number of years the neighborhood had been settled as

the independent variables. Table 7 gives a summary of the

results of the analysis.

128

 

TABLE 7

Summary of Stepwise Multiple Correlation on

 

Percent Black Households in Neighborhoods

 

 

 

 

. 2 .
Multiple R2 R Sig. Sig.

Variable Step r R Change r R
Distance 1 .058 .058 .003 .003 .531 .531
Size 2 '.057 .070 .004 .001 .670 .751
Settled 3 ’.O43 .081 .006 .002 .664 .859

 

From the above analysis it can be seen that there is
little relationship between the racial composition of neigh-
borhoods and the independent variables. There is no signi-
ficant relationship between the distance of the neighbor-
hoods from the nearest trade center and the percent black
households in the neighborhoods. Nor is there a relation-
ship between the percent black households in the neighbor-
hood and size or age of the neighborhood. The hypothesis
is rejected.

Differences Between White—Segregated and Black-Segregated
NeIghborhoods

 

 

Correlation analysis has indicated that the factors
related to the variations in the level of segregation within
white-segregated neighborhoods do not differ from the factors

related to the variation in the level of segregation in the

129

 

black-segregated neighborhoods. How different, then, are
the two groups of neighborhoods? To test this final hypo-
thesis that there are significant differences between white—

segregated and black-segregated neighborhoods, a Eftest and
2/

Fftest were used to determine if significant differences
exist between the means and the variances of the two sample
groups for the set of variables in Table 8 which shows the

results of the two tests.

It is determined from the tests on differences between
the means and variances for the two groups that the only
significant differences occur between the variances of the
two groups on the total number of households (size) in the
neighborhoods and the variances on the number of years the
neighborhoods have been settled. What this infers is that
although the average number of years the neighborhoods have
been settled and the average number of households in the
neighborhoods do not differ significantly, the deviations
from these averages within the two groups differ signifi—
cantly. On this basis, it can be inferred that there is

little difference between the groups of white-segregated

2/

'_7Dr. Eileen Thompson in the Department of Psychology,
jMichigan State University, is indebted for her assistance,
and for pointing out that the Fftest could be used in lieu
of the Analysis of variance for this analysis since the
results for only two groups are the same for the F—ratios
produced by both analyses.

 

130

H 'JHII'J

 

§

 

TABLE 8

 

Tests of Differences Between White-

Segregated and Black—Segregated Neighborhoods

 

on the Selected Set of Variables

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sig. t Sig.

Variable Group Cases Mean St. Dev.a F-value F value t D.F

Size whites 67 36 38.3 3.65 .001 .80 .423 116
blacks 51 31 20.1

Travel whites 67 5.7c 3.76 .04 .894 '.78 .438 116
time blacks 51 6.2 3.69

Distance whites 67 3.9d 2.69 29 .348 -.02 .981 116
blacks 51 3.9 2.37

Years whites 67 94 28 .64 .001 .48 .630 116

settled blacks 51 92 17
*7

__Significant at the

a/

——Standard Deviation.

b/

__Degrees of freedom.

C/

Travel time in.mhunes.

d/

Distance in miles.

131

.001 level.

 

 

and black-segregated neighborhoods on these spatial and
historic characteristics. Thus, the hypothesis is rejec-

ted.

Summary

The analysis in this chapter has shown that a high
level of residential segregation exists between white and
black households in the neighborhoods in Jasper County.
Also, the Gini Index of concentration indicated a high

level of concentration of black households in the county.

Further, it was found that the level of racial de-
ficit was higher in the neighborhoods in and around the
small towns in the county. The racial deficit tended to
vary directly and significantly with the total number of
households in the neighborhoods. Using the total number
of households in the neighborhoods as a measure of the size
of the neighborhoods, it can be inferred that the degree of
racial deficit varies directly with the size of the neigh-
borhoods. The length of settlement of the neighborhoods,
distance and travel time (accessibility) of the neighbor-
hoods to the nearest trade center were not statistically
related to the percent racial deficit in the neighborhoods.
A similar analysis on the racial composition of the neigh—
borhoods showed that none of these variables are related

to the racial composition of the neighborhoods. Again, it

132

 

 

 

must be inferred that the historic settlement patterns of

the two racial groups accounts for the racial composition

of the neighborhoods presently.

It was also demonstrated that there are no signifi-
cant differences between black-segregated and white—segre-
gated neighborhoods in terms of their distance and acces-
sibility to the nearest trade centers, size, and length of
settlement. However, it was found that significant dif-
ferences do occur between the variances of the two groups
on the total number of households and the length of settle-

ment.

133

 

 

CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The objectives of this study were to determine: (1)
the significance of race and locational proximity on neigh-
borhood identification and delineation; (2) the extent that
black and white households were segregated residentially
in the neighborhoods of Jasper County, Mississippi; (3) the
process responsible for the racial composition of neighbor-
hoods in JaSper County; (4) the influence of the length of
settlement, size of neighborhoods, distance and travel time
of the neighborhoods to the nearest trade centers on the
extent of residential segregation; and (5) if significant
differences exist between black-segregated and white-segre-

gated neighborhoods on these factors.

The following hypotheses were tested:

1. Local neighborhood boundaries are defined
on the basis of racial characteristics
of households rather than on the loca-
tional proximity of households.

2. A high level of residential segregation
exists in the county between black and
white households.

3. The present level of residential segre-
gation and racial composition of the
neighborhoods are related to the patterns
of historic settlement of blacks and whites

134

and not due to the invasion—succes—
sion processes.

4. The high level of residential segre—
gation is related also to the size
of neighborhoods, the length of set-
tlement, the distance and accessibility
of the neighborhoods to the nearest
trade centers.

5. Significant differences exist between
black-segregated and white-segregated
neighborhoods in their size, length
of settlement, distance and acces-
sibility to the trade centers in the
county.

Contrary to the stated hypothesis, it was found that

locational proximity rather than racial characteristics
of households was the main factor in the recognition of
neighborhoods in the county. This finding substantiates
the hypothesis that the historic settlement patterns of
the two races in the county have a definite relationship
to their present residential location patterns. This

1/
finding parallels that by Mayo and Bobbitt—— on rural
counties of North Carolina, which showed that blacks and
whites tended to maintain their relative locations and
residential patterns once they has been established. This
finding may lead to the inference that residential location
patterns and spatial mobility processes are less dynamic in
rural areas than they are in urban areas for both blacks

and whites. There is more residential stability of racial

groups in rural areas than in urban areas.

1/
'_—Mayo and Bobbitt, Rural Organization, pp. 21.

 

 

135

 

The local neighborhoods in Jasper County play an
important role in the county's social and spatial organi-
zation. This was indicated by the recognition and delinea-

tion of the local neighborhoods by the county's residents.

The local neighborhoods in Jasper County were found
to be of three main types: 1) Church-centered neighbor-
hoods; 2) Relic Town neighborhoods; and 3) Small Town
neighborhoods. Most of the neighborhoods in the county
can be classified as belonging to these three categories.
However, a few neighborhoods were found which could be

called recreational and extended family neighborhoods.

A high level of residential segregation was found to
exist between white and black households in the county.
Using the Index of Segregation and the Gini Index, the
level of segregation derived was 74.6 and 54.5 percent

respectively.

Historic settlement of the county was traced from
its beginning in 1833 to the present by using historic
records and published and unpublished accounts of the
history of the county. The settlement processes and pat-
terns of blacks and whites were documented and analyzed.
This analysis showed that the residential location pat-
terns of blacks and whites have remained relatively stable

over the years. That is, white neighborhoods and black

136

neighborhoods have remained located in those areas where
the two groups initially settled and began develOping their
neighborhoods. The expansion of neighborhoods and the
development of new neighborhoods historically have con-
tinued to occur around those areas that have been identi-
fied as either predominantly black or predominantly white.
This finding is consistent with that of Wheeler and Brunn_£/
in southwest Michigan. This study in Mississippi shows
that black settlement in the rural areas was concentrated
around those areas where their initial settlement took
place; and that historically they remained in those areas.
This might be the case wherever blacks are found in rural

areas of the United States, especially in the South. How-

ever, further comparative research is needed on this tOpic.

Early settlement in Jasper County was mainly in small
village clusters. Hence, the develOpment of small towns
was an important phase of the settlement process in the
county. From these small towns, peripheral settlement
took place in the form of farmstead settlement and develOp-
ment. Local neighborhood development took place once a
clustering of farmsteads had been developed outside the

small towns.

The percent racial deficit, or the percent of under-

2/

__Wheeler and Brunn, 0p. cit.

 

137

 

 

representation of a racial group in the neighborhoods was
used as a measure of the internal variation of the degree
of residential segregation in the county. This measure

is represented by the difference between the percent of
black households in the neighborhoods as a percent of the
total black households in the county and the percent of
white households in the neighborhoods as a percent of the
total white households in the county divided by two. It
was found that the highest internal segregation was found
in the small town neighborhoods which were white-segregated

in most cases. These were also the larger neighborhoods.

A stepwise multiple correlation analysis was used to
measure the influence of four historical-geographical
variables on the degree of internal variation in the level
of residential segregation in the black—segregated neighbor-
hoods, the white-segregated neighborhoods, and black and
white neighborhoods combined. These historical geographical
variables were: 1) size; 2) length of settlement; 3) dis-
tance to nearest trade center; and 4) accessibility to
nearest trade center. From these analyses, it was found
that the only variable that has a significant positive
relationship with the degree of internal residential seg-
regation between black and white households is the total
number of households (size) in the local neighborhoods.

This indicates that the larger the neighborhoods, the

138

 

higher the racial deficits. Because of the historical
social system that has traditionally fostered segregation
between the races in the South, this finding indicates that
as long as the population is small, whites and blacks are
more tolerable of living in the same areas. But, as the
population increases, there has been more of a tendency to

segregate residentially.

The other variables in the stepwise multiple regression
all had negative correlations with the degree of residen-
tial segregation and were not significant. The size of the
neighborhoods explained 74 percent of the variation in the
percent racial deficit in the black-segregated neighborhoods,
90 percent in the white-segregated neighborhoods, and 75
percent in the total group of neighborhoods. In a similar
analysis it was shown that the same set of variables had
no influence on the percent of black households in the

neighborhoods.

A E test and F test were used to test for differences
between the means and variances of the white-segregated
neighborhoods and the black-segregated neighborhoods on
the set of variables named above. The results of these
tests indicated that there was no significant differences

between the means of the two groups on the variables.

The findings of this study are consistent with those

139

 

3/

of Zimmerman and Taylor__ in terms of the patterns of the
spatial arrangement of the neighborhoods in Jasper County.
Zimmerman and Taylor showed that there was no distinctly
recognizable pattern in the spatial arrangement of neighbor-
hoods by race in terms of their proximity to the trade
center in Wake County, North Carolina. Instead, they

found an intermixed pattern of black and white neighborhoods
in the county. This study has shown that in Jasper County,
white and black neighborhoods are clustered in those areas
where initial settlement and neighborhood development began
for the two racial groups respectively. Also it was shown
statistically that there are not significant differences

in the location of the black and white neighborhoods in

terms of their proximity to the trade centers.

 

3/

__Zimmerman and Taylor, Rural Organization,gp,.cit.

 

140

 

 

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APPEND I X B

 

APPENDIX B

Family Survey for Verifying

 

 

Neighborhood Boundaries

 

This survey is aimed at determining which of the fol-
lowing two neighborhoods you belong to or have the greatest

interactions with. Please answer all questions correctly.

Neighborhoods in question: 1. 2.

 

 

1. To which of these two neighborhoods do you consider

your households belongs?

 

2. How many families do you know by name in each of the
neighborhoods?

1. 2.

 

 

3. How many families can you identify as living in each
of these neighborhoods?

1. 2.

 

 

4. How often do you visit or associate with persons or
families in each of the neighborhoods?

1. Z.

 

 

EXAMPLES: once a week, twice a week, etc.

5. If you and your family belong to a church, in which of

149

 

 

these neighborhoods is that church located?

1. 2.

 

 

How long have you lived at this residence?

years

 

How many members are there in your household?

 

If any members of your family belong to any social
clubs or neighborhood organizations, in which of
these neighborhoods is that club or organization based?

1. Z.

 

 

Please identify the boundaries of your neighborhood

by describing its location.

 

 

 

 

 

150

 

 

B 1 BL IOGRAPHY

 

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Articles

Bell, Wendell, ”A Probability Model for the Measurement
of Ecological Segregation," Social Forces, Vol. 32:4,
1954, pp. 357-364.

 

Bell, Wendell and Willis, Ernest M., ”The Segregation of
Negroes in American Cities: A Comparative Analysis,"
Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 6:1, 1957, pp. 59-75.

 

Boston, John, 33 al., ”The Impact of Race on Housing Markets:
A Critical Review,” Social Problems, Vol. 19:3, 1972,
pp. 382-393.

 

Burgess, E. W., "Residential Segregation in American Cities,"
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science, Vol. 140:1, 1928, pp. 105-115.

 

Cortese, Charles F., 35 31., "Further Considerations on the
Methodological Analysis of Segregation Indices,"
American Sociological Review, Vol. 41:4, 1976, pp. 630-
637.

 

Cowgill, Donald 0. and Mary S., ”An Index of Segregation Based
on Block Statistics," American Journal of Sociology,
Vol. 16:6, 1951, pp. 825-831.

 

Cressey, P. F., "Population Change in Chicago," American
Journal of Sociology, Vol. 44:1, 1938, pp. 59-69.

 

Darden, Joe T., "The Residential Segregation of Blacks in
Detroit, 1960-1970," The International Journal of Com-
parative Sociology, Vol. 27:1, 1976, pp. 84-91.

 

 

Duncan, Otis D. and Beverly A., ”A Methodological Analysis
of Segregation Indexes,” American Sociological Review,
Vol. 20:2, 1955, pp. 210-217.

 

Goldschmidt, W. R., ”Some Evidence of the Future Patterns
of Rural Settlement," Rural Sociology, Vol. 8:4, 1943,
pp. 387-395.

 

151

 

Grodzins, M., "Metropolitan Segregation," Scientific
American, Vol. 197:4, 1957, pp. 33-41.

 

Hoffsommer, Harold, "The Relation of the Rural Church to
the Other Rural Organizations,” Social Forces, Vol.
20:2, 1941, pp. 224-232.

 

Hoffsommer, Harold and Pryor, Herbert, ”Neighborhoods and
Communities in Covington County, Mississippi," BAE
Bulletin, 1941, pp. 14—21.

Jahn, Julius A., 33 a1., ”The Measurement of Ecological
Segregation,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 12:1,
1947, pp. 293—303.

 

Jahn, Julius A., "The Measurement of Ecological Segregation:
Derivation of an Index Based on the Criteria of Repro-
ducibility," American Sociological Review, Vol. 15:1,
1950, pp. 1005105.

 

Lowry, Mark, 11, ”Population and Race in Mississippi, 1940—

1960,“ Annals of the Association of American Geographers,
Vol. 61:3, 1971, pp. 576-588.

 

Morgan, Barrie, ”The Segregation of Socio-Economic Groups
in Urban Areas: A Comparative Analysis," Urban Studies,
Vol. 12:1, 1975, pp. 47-60.

 

PTYOT, F- L., ”An Empirical Note on the Tipping Point,"
Land Economics, Vol. 47:3, 1971, pp. 413—417,

 

Roof, W. Clark, "Residential Segregation of Blacks and
Inequality in Southern Cities," Social Problems,
Vol. 19:3, 1972, pp. 393-407.

 

Sanders, Irwin T. and Ensminger, Douglas, ”Alabama Rural
Communities: A Study of Chilton County, Alabama,"
Alabama College Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. 33:1, 1940,
pp. 20-24.

 

Taeuber, Karl and Alma, "A Practitioner's Perspective on
the Index of Dissimilarity,” American Sociological
Review, Vol. 41:5, 1976, pp. 884-889.

 

Van Valey, Thomas L. and Roof, Wade Clark, "Measuring Residen-
tial Segregation in American Cities: Problems of
Intercity Comparisons,” Urban Affairs Quarterly,

Vol. 11:4, 1976, pp. 453-468.

 

Weaver, R. C., ”Class, Race, and Urban Renewal," Land

152

Economics, Vol. 36:2, 1960, pp. 235-251.

 

Weaver, R. C., "Integration in Public and Private Housing,"
Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, Vol. 304:1, pp. 86-97.

 

 

Wheeler, James O. and Brunn, Stanley D., "Negro Migration
into Rural Southwest Michigan," Geographical Review,
Vol. 58:2, 1968, pp. 214-230.

 

Wheeler, James O. and Brunn, Stanley D., "An Agricultural
Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845-1968,"
Geographical Review, Vol. 59:3, 1969, pp. 317-329.

 

Wolf, E. P., “The Tipping Point in Racially Changing
Neighborhoods,” Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, Vol. 29:1, 1963, pp. 69—85.

 

Books

 

Bancroft, Frederic. Slave Trading in the Old South. New
York: Fredericak Ungar Publishing Company, 1959.

 

Burgess, E. W. (ed). The Urban Community. Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago, Press, 1926.

 

Burgess, E. W., 33 31., (eds). The Citv. Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1925.

Darden, Joe T. Afro—Americans in Pittsburgh: The Residen—
tial Segregation offA People. Lexington, Mass.: D. C.
Heath Company, 1973.

 

 

Duncan, Otis D. and Beverly A. The Negro Population of
Chicago. University of Chicago Press, 1957.

 

 

 

Ernst, Robert T. and Hugg, Lawrence (eds). Black America:
Geographic Perspectives. New York: AnCHOr Press/Double-
day, 1976.

Frazier, E. Franklin. The Negro in the United States.
Toronto: The MacMillan Company, 1957.

 

Hanna, Paul R., 33 31. Geography in the Teaching of Social
Studies. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Company, 1966.

 

Johnson, Charles S. Patterns of Negro Segregation. New
York: Prentice-Hall, Incorporated, 1943.

 

153

Kantrowitz, Nathan. Ethnic Segregation in the New York
Metr0polis. New York: Praeger Publishing Company,
1973.

 

 

Kolb, John H. and deSBrunner, Edmund. A Study of Rural
Society. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Company, 1973.

 

Kolb, John H. Emerging Rural Communities: Group Relations
in Rural Society. Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1959.

 

 

Laurenti, Luigi. Property Values and Race. Berkeley: Uni-
versity of Califbrnia Press, 1960.

 

Lee, Douglass E. Analysis and Description of Residential
Segregation. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966.

 

 

Lieberson, Stanley. Ethnic Patterns in American Cities.
New York: The Press Press of Glencoe, 1963.

 

Lindstrom, David E. American Rural Life: A Textbook of
Sociology. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1948.

 

 

Loomis, Charles P. and Beegle, J. Allan. Rural Social
Systems. New York: Prentice—Hall, Incorporated, 1950.

 

Marantz, Janet, g£_§1. Discrimination in Rural Housing.
Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath Company, 1976.

 

McEntire, David. Residence and Race. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1960.

 

McLemore, Richard. A History of Mississippi, Vol. 1.
Hattiesburg: University and College Press of Mississippi,
1973.

 

 

Sanderson, Dwight. Rural Sociology and Rural Social Organi~
zation. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Incorporated,
1942.

Shevky, Eshref and Williams, Marilyn. The Social Areas of
Los Angeles: Analysis and Typology. Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1949.

 

 

Taeuber, Karl and Alma. Negroes in Cities. Chicago: Al-
dine Publishing Company, 1965.

 

Taylor, Peter J. Quantitative Methods in Geography.
Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Company, 1977.

 

154

Tolson, Authur L. The Black Oklahomans: A History, 1541-
1972. New Orleans: EdWards Printing Company, 1974.

 

Wharton, Vernon L. The Negro in Mississippi, 1865—1890.
New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1965.

 

Woofter, T. J. and Associates. Negro Problems in Cities.
New York: Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1928.

 

Monographs and Reports

 

Bowman, Isiah. The Pioneer Fringe. New York: American
Geographical Society, 1931.

 

Darden, Joe T. and Tabachneck, Arthur S. Segindex and
Gini: Computer Programs to Calculate the Index of
Segregation and the Gini Index. (MimeographedI
Department of Urban and Metropolitan Studies, Michigan
State University, 1977.

 

 

Drake, St. Clair. Churches and-Voluntary Association in
the Chicago Negro Community. Chicago: Works Project
Administration, 1940.

 

Duncan, Otis D. and Beverly A. Contributions to the Study
of Segregation Indexes. Chicago: Chicago Community
Inventory, University of Chicago Press, 1953.

 

 

Galpin, C. J. The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Com-
munity. Research Bulletin 34. Madison: University
of Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment Station, 1915.

 

Jasper County Rural Areas Development Association. Jasper
County Development Plan (OEDP). Bay Springs, Missis-
sippi, 1967.

 

Kolb, John H. Trends of Country Neighborhoods. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment
Station, 1935.

 

Loomis, Charles P. The Growth of the Farm Family in Re—

 

 

lations to its Activities. Raleigh, N. C.: North
Carolina State College Agricultural Experiment Station,
1934.

Mayo, Selz C. and Bobbitt, Robert. Rural Opganization:
A Restudy of Primary Groups in Wake County, North
Carolina. Raleigh, N. C.: NorthTCarolina Agricul-

 

155

ture Experiment Station, 1934.

Sanderson, Dwight. Locating Rural Communities. Ithaca:
Cornell University Extension Service, 1939.

 

Sumka, Howard J. and Stegmen, Micheal A. Racial Segregation
and Price Discrimination in Non-Metropolitan Rental
Housing Markets. North Carolina Housing Market Study,
Working Paper, 1974.

 

 

 

U. S. National Archives Microfilm Publication, 9th. Census
Manuscript Report, 1870, Mississippi. Washington, D.
C.: National Archives.

 

 

U. S. Census Office, 5th. Census of Population, 1840,
Washington, D. C.: Department of State, 1841.

 

U. S. Census Office, 7th. Census of Population, 1860,
Washington, D. C.: Department of State, 1861.

 

Zimmerman, Carl C. and Taylor, Carl C. Rural Organization:
A Study of Primary Groups in Wake County; North Carolina.
Raleigh, N. C.: North Carolina State College Agricul-
tural Experiment Station, 1922.

 

 

Interviews

 

Mr. James Caves, County Extension Agent, Bay Springs, Missis-
sippi, at his office, July 6, 1977.

Mr. Willie Green, Principal, Heidelberg High School, Heidelberg,
Mississippi, at his office, July 12, 1977.

Mr. W. G. Horn, Town Clerk, Bay Springs City Hall, at his of-
fice, July 1, 1977.

Mr. W. C. Walker, Director, Farmers Home Administration, Bay
Springs, Mississippi, at his office, July 8, 1977.

Other Sources

 

Works Project Administration, Papers on Jasper County.
(Mimeographed) State Department of Archives Library,
Jackson, Mississippi, undated.

Jasper County Superintendent of Education Office, Jasper

156

County Schools Records, Bay Springs, Mississippi.

Theses

Lee, Douglas E. Analysis and Description of Residential

 

Segregation. M.A. thesis. Cornell University,
Division of Urban Studies, Ithaca, New York, 1966.

 

157

 

 

 

”IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII