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II‘II ‘ III'JIW‘ "II 'I‘ I!“ ‘ IHIIII'I'."II (III I“ “(”h‘ ”I! ‘ IV'I “I II II. lI-J' ..I .-.."I“ , ,_II ' ..'.I ...I . ' fiII'II'I I‘IIIIIIIIII I II'II‘III ‘ II'IIIIIIIIQI ‘I' IIIIIIIII'IIIII'. ”IIIII‘I'III‘II’IIIIII II HUII'HII H“l‘ III-IIII» h I I! 'I:l I ‘ ‘ ‘ P W III‘ 'WHH‘” " VI‘ “I .'I IIvDHIH’I".W"I'IM‘1IIII:|II| ‘HHWWWI‘III‘ " l ‘ . I I I II II III|' III III IIIIIIII I I I IIIII .I II I IIII .III IIIII'I I .“l' .l" .‘ ”'1“. .‘ ' _.... w‘i'II. I II“I"( I".‘"'.'. um .I....1‘ I'MIIIII'I 'I " MIIJ'I‘ g LIBRARY " , Michigan State ’ University ,- .J l 1|}:qu m Illl Ill mm L!" ll will! mu m JL 2: l L 1293 85 VHS-2413 This is to certify that the thesis entitled Planning for Energy Sustainable Futures presented by Anabel Dwyer has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for degree in Master in Urban Planning j 444/24” J; 9244/“... fiajor professor Date November 9, 1979 0-7639 ~'- Wig, W4" .4 HQ' OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per day per item RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS. Place in book return to remve charge from circulation records MAY212005 #3313 {)3 PLANNING FOR ENERGY SUSTAINABLE FUTURES By Anabel Dwyer A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING School or Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture 1979 ABSTRACT PLANNING FOR ENERGY SUSTAINABLE FUTURES By Anabel Dwyer Futures are the business of professional planners. Although energy planning has not been a traditional part of the planners' work, the central fact of the future in the United States is the ‘ sharp decline in the availability of cheap fossil fuels. Planners face profound new choices and complexities as they deal with the realities of the energy crisis. Approaches to solving the energy crisis which rely on combinations of appropriate technologies, locally based and renew- able, have the best chance of leading this culture toward futures which are sustainable in the long term. This thesis presentsa i set of reasoning and planning processes which can facilitate the i use of appropriate technologies. I I W \ The Introduction sets forth the basic argument of the thesis. In Chapter II, the theoretical assumptions of future energy alterna- tives are discussed in the context of a model of culture. Enumera- tion of some relevant existing energy projects follows in Chapter III. Anabel Dwyer Chapter IV, a case study of Urban Options, an East Lansing group advocating appropriate technologies, reveals that energy conversions to these technologies will require political action. In Chapter V, new processes and data, which planners will need to use in conversion to locally scaled energy technologies, are discussed. In Chapter VI, an area of downtown East Lansing is used as an example showing planning and implementation of technical and economic conversion to appropriate technologies. Chapter VII pursues the socio-political level of conversion to locally based technologies and summarizes changes in decision- making and implementation portions of professional planning practice. The Conclusion finds that the depth and severity of the energy crisis and approaches reasonable and possible for long term solutions require that the planning profession alter the substance and form of its commonly practiced methodology. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks for encouragement and support within the School of Urban Planning go, in particular, to Professors Sanford Farness, John Mullin, Keith Honey and Carl Goldschmidt. In addition a few students pointed the way toward realization of changes advocated here. I want to thank Ron Oster for his decency and conversation. The combination of ideas put together in this thesis came primarily from five years of discussion and organizing with David Dwyer, Linda Easley and Charles Ipcar. This is my expression of what we have done together. That much of our academic thought is coming to fuition at Urban Options is less due to this kind of abstract work than it is to the hard, practical work of the Urban Options Staff and Board. My faith in the basic intelligence and creativity of people, their ability to deal constructively with a crisis as enormous as the energy crisis, is supported by the work of Urban Options and the enthusiasm it has generated. In the hope of carving a possible, even an exciting future for our children, Daphne and Anthony, I have put together this thesis. And I thank David, Daphne and Anthony for their immeasur- able help. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES . Chapter I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION THE ENERGY CRISIS . Projections . Complexity Culture . Cultural Change . United States Futures--Cultural Choices The Hard Path The Soft Path CONVERSION ALONG THE SOFT PATH: EXAMPLES . Levels of Cultural Impact and Concern City Projects Paper Studies . . Neighborhood Projects . Single House Projects . URBAN OPTIONS Urban Options Chronology Opposition . . Meaning for Soft Path Solutions to the Energy Crisis . . . . . . . TRANSITION IN PLANNING METHODS: PRESENT METHODS TO SOFT PATH METHODS . . . . . . . . . Existing Data . . Modifications in Data Collection and .Presentation Sequence of Planning Considerations . Page vi 62 64 73 75 Chapter VI. VII. VIII. PLANNING CONSIDERATIONS IN CONVERSION TO APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGIES IN DOWNTOWN EAST LANSING, MICHIGAN . Data Base . . End Use Energy Needs . Summary for Relevant Existing Planning Data . General Demographic Data Transportation Data . Buildings Data Weather Data Modification of Existing Data Collection of Additional Data Technological Change . . Step 1: A Transportation Plan Step 2: A Buildings Plan . Step 3: Electricity . . Step 4: Integrating Suggested Technologies . THE SOCIO- POLITICAL LEVEL OF CONVERSION STRATEGIES FOR CHANGE ALONG THE SOFT PATH . . Decentralization Decentralization as a Technical Necessity Decentralization as a Cultural Necessity . Two Approaches to Change . . . Decentralization as a Logical Direction: Lessons From Political Reform Movements . . Grass Roots Change Through Decentralized Energy Systems . . . . . . . Urban Options Experience Structural Change Role of the Professional Planner A New Planning Process . A New Planner . CONCLUSIONS APPENDICES . A. B. C. CENSUS TRACTS CITY OF EAST LANSING EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS EAST LANSING ZONING iv Page 110 110 111 111 113 114 125 128 129 131 132 134 138 139 141 143 APPENDICES Page D. STUDY AREA: RENTAL LICENSE . . . . . . . . . 145 E. STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE PLAN 1980 . . . . . . 147 F. SOLAR ENERGY THAT CAN BE COLLECTED . . . . . . 149 G. AUTOMOBILE TERRITORY: ~EAST LANSING . . . . . . 151 H. ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH GAS HEAT . . . . . . . 153 I. ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH ELECTRIC HEAT . . .‘ . . 155 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Figure OkOCDVO‘UT-wa N —‘ . 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. LIST OF FIGURES Crude Oil Resources of the United States . The 1976 Energy Budget . A Model of Culture Present U.S. Culture and Possible Futures Village Homes Land Allocation Cerro Gordo Base Plan Winona Neighborhood Change: Existing and Phase 1 . Winona Neighborhood Change: Phases 2 and 3 . West Garfield Park Energy Consumption Flow Chart: Michigan,l975 Energy Consumption by Sector: Michigan, 1975 End Use Energy Consumption by Percentage of Sectors: Michigan 1975 . . . . . . . . . . . End Uses in the U.S. by Quality . End Uses in the U.S. by Sector and Work Michigan End Uses and Possible Reductions in Use Matrix Proposed by A.I.P. Human End Use Needs and Supply Alternatives . Present End Uses Transitional and Future Alternatives. Michigan End Uses by Percentage . Study Area East Lansing vi Page 10 13 19 34 39 43 44 47 65 66 68 69 7O 72 74 75 76 79 84 Figure 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. Study Area Base Map Study Area Block Analysis Major Arteries: East Lansing Area Daily Car Trips Within Zones Daily Car Trips from CEO to Neighboring Zones . Appropriate Transportation Plan: Downtown East Lansing . Existing Street Map Proposed Narrower Streest Downtown East Lansing Using Appropriate Technologies . . . . . . . Transition Process to Appropriate Technologies Funds Available for Appropriate Technologies Conversions . . . . . Levels of Decision Making Systems of Organization: Solar Decisions vii Page 85 87 89 91 92 94 96 97 105 106 108 127 130 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Major changes in the way of life in the United States will inevitably result from predicted sharp decline in availability of cheap fossil fuels. United States culture, heavily dependent on these cheap fuels, continues to increase demand for fossil fuels and precipitates the sharp decline in their availability and rise in cost. In speculated upon methods of dealing with this crisis, two alternatives have been articulated. One alternative concentrates capital expenditures in large centralized technologies, facilities and bureaucracies. These take increasing amounts of capital simply to sustain themselves rather than producing products or results which address human needs. This is the path that Amory Lovins designates "hard" (Lovins, 1977:26). Its name includes the connotation "difficult" because it reaches a dead end in the long term (20 years or so) as it becomes caught in a "capital trap" (Lovins, 1977:60). The other alternative, which Lovins calls the “soft" path allocates increasing amounts of capital to localized and renewable energy supply techniques with a basis in and emphasis on conserva- tion. Techniques for supplying energy are scaled to the uses for which they are intended such as food, warmth, lighting and transpor- tation. In the short run (10 or 15 years), the "hard" path may give the illusion of normality in the United States. Beyond that, if not before then, shortages of basic fuels are bound to occur. Catastrophes, freezing, starvation are the inevitable kinds of results. These have already occurred in many parts of the third world and were narrowly escaped at Three Mile Island. Conversion along the soft path is now possible on the technical and economic levels. Locally applicable, renewable energy technologies are available for conservation and supply of energy. If it is planned now, with sufficient lead time, conversion along this soft path could be orderly and creative. The problem with conversion to soft technologies lies in the socio-political level of present U.S. culture. The soft path necessitates basic changes in the hierarchial decision-making structures that now exist in the United States. As such it represents a direct threat to those whose lives and livelihoods depend upon such structures. Long term, planned solutions to the energy crisis then become difficult because many planners and policy makers view decision-making unilinearally and primarily in terms of their positions in the decision-making structures. Because planners are frequently locked into support of the present socio-political system, they'upy' abrogate their responsibilities as professionals whose business is a liveable future. And except in cases where exceptionally foresighted individuals have emerged, local efforts at long term planning with decentralization and participation as essential features, are being squashed or made unnecessarily difficult by the planners themselves. In now common planning methodology, planners have based alternative choices on implicit assumptions about the nature of culture and social systems. In earlier times, these hidden assump- tions may have been commonly agreed to. But in dealing with the energy crisis, it becomes essential for planners to refine their processes and articulate basic and varying premises. Different premises will result in different kinds of data and radically different methods of implementation. Time and money exist now for the planning profession to take an active role in working toward sustainable futures. These choices are essentially political and, paradoxically, may lessen the planners own role in broad decision-making power and broaden the base of pe0ple from which decisions are made. Planners do have responsibilities for the future. Even de facto planning for oblivion is not supportable professionally. I Many locally based groups are making significant progress toward long lasting solutions to the energy crisis. But many planners and policy makers confound such soft path solutions. When attempts at basic change are counteracted, the kinds of structural changes that need to occur in the culture become more obvious. The methods at arriving at alternatives, kinds of data and ways of implementing change in decision-making structures, are probably only speculated upon as the need to change the system arises. Soft path solutions to the energy crisis tie together radical political advocacy of the kinds exhibited in the poor peoples, anti-war and neighborhood movements, with appropriately scaled and reliable technologies. The energy crisis deepens as it becomes a crisis, not merely of technology, but of our basic societal structure and of our ability to adapt to a different future. Transitions, even involving major cultural change can be staged and planned. Whether they are or not in the next 20 years in the United States, depends to some degree on the vision, depth of understanding and methodology of planners themselves. It is the purpose of this thesis, by way of the line or argument outlined in this chapter, to refine the vision and techniques of planners as they begin to seek solutions to the energy crisis. CHAPTER II THE ENERGY CRISIS The energy crisis became a planning problem only as a result of the oil crisis of 1973, the long gas lines and the sudden rise in prices. It was this that pressed upon the consciousnesses of Americans above the poverty line, that a fragile and transient symbiosis existed between our gluttonous way of life and the easy, cheap flow of fossil fuels. People began to realize that an ever-increasing demand for fossil fuels cannot be met by a decreasing supply of these same fuels. Questions began to be raised: How much oil do we have left? What are we going to do after it is gone? Projections Projections, warning of a sudden decrease in oil supplies had been made before the crisis of 1973, particularly by M. King .Hubbert (1971,1973). Projections of the remaining crude oil in the United States,for example, are based upon rates of recovery. There are basically two ways of calculating those projections. Commoner summarizes those ways as follows: Hubbert plots the amount of oil discovered per year for successive years, Zapp plots the amount of oil discovered per foot of exploratory well drilled for successive cumula- tive lengths of well drilled. In this way, Zapp's method, unlike Hubbert's measures the amount of oil found for a given amount of exploratory effort (Commoner, 1976:51). In other words, as Commoner explains, the Zapp method eliminates the economic factor, the cost of drilling and calculates on purely physical grounds the amount of oil remaining. The problem becomes one of determining how much oil, for instance there actually is under ground versus how much oil might be feasibly or economically extracted. Using these different methods, Hubbert projects a remaining 64 billion barrels from 1974 (Commoner, 1976:49) and Zapp projects 400 to 600 billion barrels of remaining oil (Commoner, 1976: 50). In 1975, the United States Geological Survey (USGS) (Circular 725, 1979) combined these two types of projections in the following way. The USGS called "reserves" 112 billion barrels which are "identified resources known to be recoverable with current technology under present economic conditions" (USGS:1975:2). The total number of barrels of crude oil remaining in the United States is projected at 440 billion barrels (Figure l). The lower figure, with the economic constraint defined as part of it, is comparable to the Hubbert projections. The higher figure reflecting total amounts of oil existing, whether economical to extract or not, is comparable to the Zapp figure. Different kinds of projections are voiced in many places. Koenig (1977:1603 Stoudt and Myers, 1977) gives those of Hubbert exclusively. Projections used by Dix (1977:63ff.) are based on Hubbert and the USGS:725 study portion called "Reserves." CRUDE OIL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES (BILLION BARRELS) lDENTlFlED | Demonstrated ! UNDlSCOVERED Measured indicated Inferred RESERVES Learnsaxfig ecouomc34.250 4.636 23.1 |.s:ss:zsi50-127§§§§§§§ SLE- ECONOMIC ttfimfimrfimfincfleamaficknfliN-W A Total U.S. Cumulative Oil Production 106 Billion Barrels 12/31/74 (uses: 725.1975 21 ) FIGURE 1.--Crude Oil Resources of the United States Hayes, (1979:233ff.) summaries these and other studies and concludes similarly that United States "resources of conventional oil will be seriously depleted by the year 2000" (Hayes, 1979:234). When Hubbert, Koenig and Dix assert projections, they assume that a given and present economic situation will "permit" the extrac- tion of only the lower amount of oil. When Zapp and Commoner endeavor to eliminate a static economic factor in projections, they assume that there is a necessary distinction to be made between the amount of oil remaining and how difficult or expensive it may be to extract it. Drilling for oil, from now on will become more expensive, but this is an economic question and not a physical or natural fact and should be expressed as such (Commoner, 1976:57; Hayes, 1979:233). Complexity The confusion in these projection figures results from a lack of explicitness on the part of all those projecting about their own concepts of the whole of culture. What do these projections mean? Where does economics and technology fit into a concept of the whole? Hidden assumptions are often revealed in discussions of projections. For example, Dix says the following: The environmentalists have joined forces with the ultra- conservatives in blocking legislation and stopping progress in the planning and building of energy productions systems by the petroleum and electric utility corporations. A leader of the environmental movement, Barry Commoner, is engaged in totally unscientific and indefinsible claims as to the size and availability of the United States petroleum resource (Dix, 1977z7). This kind of outrage relies on hidden assumptions. One assumption is that the energy crisis is one of supply, that is, the problem is that the supply is limited not that the demand is unrealistically high. (Solutions to the crisis using the Dix assumption need to center on increasing the energy supplies, not on reducing the demand (Mobil, 1977). Another assumption, hidden in the Dix statement is that natural fact, technology and economics are all inseparable and that their present relationship as it exists in the United States today is immutable and cannot be changed. This assumption fails to distinguish cultural from natural fact. Dix proceeds in his own discussion to quote the USGS:725 study as a reliable source of projection figures, carefully avoiding the full chart of their own projections as reproduced in Figure 1. Clearly it is not the physical projections Dix doesn't like about Commoner. What is it? Often these arguments become hot and the content obscured. The fact that we have from 112-440 billion barrels of crude oil remaining in the United States and use about 6 billion barrels of oil equivalent per year (Figure 2) does not result in the simple conclusion that we have from 18 to 73 years left before we cease to exist. The meaning of these figures, whether we plan it or choose it or not, is that people in the United States will have to make basic changes in their culture in the next 20 years because of the 10 THE I976 ENERGY BUDGET Total: 37 Million Barrels of Oil Per Day (MBD) Domestic- Petroleum Production Petroleu: Imports 4211C)9%3 I0.0 MBD Coal Natural Gas 4n1°t3 1.5'rAB$> 2L17SMD Renewable [-0 MBD Hydro-Electric Nuclear Geo-Thermal'” (Commoner,1977:4) FIGURE 2.--The 1976 Energy Budget 11 fact that so much of our present cultural system depends upon present quantities of cheap extraction of abundant fossil fuels. Our present cultural system,including current economic expectations of rates or profit return,is structured so that corporations will remove only between 84 and 112 billion barrels of oil. At 1976 rates of consumption (Figure 2) and not including any increase in rate of consumption, that will last for about 18 years. If more barrels of oil are extracted, they will become more expensive and at some point prohibitively expensive. But because it is possible to predict that our present consumptive way of life will change fairly soon and probably dramatically, does not mean that planning and discussion should cease while we wait for "dooms- day." What it does mean is that people in general and planners in particular need to understand something about human cultures and how they operate. Then we can explore the ways in which this culture might change and the alternatives open to us. Culture Culture is a concept used by anthropologists to describe the system by which human beings organize their activities-and relationships. As defined by Marshall Sahlins, culture is: a system of things, social relations and ideas, a com- plex mechanism by which people exist and persist . . . organized not merely to order relations but to sustain human existence (Kaplan and Manners, 1972:4). Culture is a particularly human system of adaptation. Many different cultures exist and can be distinguished and described. \. 12 These cultures operate within the constraints of the natural system but they are entities which can be distinguished from nature in that they are learned, transmitted and changed by human beings. Cultures in general have some common characteristics. They have structures within which people operate, these are frameworks or rules of the game. As people pursue their activities they can and do modify those structures. AnthrOpologists agree that all cultures consist of three general components, sometimes divided into five, the ideological, the socio-political, and the techno-economic. Definitions of these levels or components of culture are as follows: Ideological: The ideological sybsystems of a culture consist of all its beliefs and values which related to the organization, objects and activities of the culture. In this model (Figure 3) we have found it useful to draw a distinction between ideal (structural) and real (practical) ideologies, those Spoken and those practiced Socio-political: The term social structure is used to describe the more-or-less enduring relationships among people and organizations of people in a culture. The political mode is concerned with the workings of power and authority in the process of decision making. Techno-economic: The term techno-economics describes those structures and activities directly involved in the production, distribution and consumption of goods, energy and services. The structural aspect of this component (the means of production) includes tools, machinery of production as well as the techniques and practical knowledge (i.e., science) of production, while the mode of produc- tion refers to the actual activities of produc- tion (Dwyer, et al., 1979:13). 13 C U LTLJ R E STRUCTURE - ACTIVITY” FRAMEWORK BEHAVIOR l I I I l I l C t C S IDEOLOGICAL I 331193255 I I REWSIaII'Iiil-ons I | Values (IT—F" | ' Ethics \\l I/, I l \AA/I I —'- 1'— SOCIAL STRUCTURE —I‘>/ \I7 POLITICS 7 SOC IO" 1 gektionships /I\ II [Alec'i‘sions l 0 es ut orit POI. ITICAL I Rules {4.3; I..\?Power y I I Regulations \I [\I / 1 I 1( \V 1 ______i. _______ JV _____ ._fi : TECHNOLOGY /'/ \l\ ECONOMICS l TECHNO" ' Prattical Knowledge, M Producgion : o s Distri tion ECONOMIC I Mgchinery L '— —l ConsumpIIion | I I I (of energy,goods,I ' I 1 services 8 food) _____ _.L________.__J__ l_ ..___ ._.___| FIGURE 3.--A Model of Culture (Dwyer, et al., 1979:15) 14 These components have been put together in the form of a model in Figure 3. This model is one way of synthesizing, for discussion, the various theories and contentions involved in studies of culture. The distinction, made in the model, between structure and activity has been traditionally drawn on the techno-economic and socio-political levels. The same kind of dichotomy is drawn in this model on the ideological level because it helps explain an ideological split that exists in present culture in the United States.1 Such a model is a way of clarifying areas of theoretical discussion and dispute in studies of culture. Debates in anthro- pological theory center around two major questions: The first is which, if any, component, or feature within a component is central in influence and importance to a given culture or to cultures in general? The second debate is whether the structure or the activity of cultures or culture is primary. In regard to the first question, there are examples in studies of cultures where a particular component or feature within a component seems to be central to change or to the maintenance of the status quo. In the United States, on the technological 1Theoretical generalizations should not, of course be made on the basis of one example but this distinction may well be a valid one on the ideological level as well as on the techno-economic and socio-political levels. In general, as Richard Adams notes: "One would think that the anthropologist with his cliam to the holistic study of man, would long since have accepted that this wholeness lies in a world that is at once symbolic and energetic" (Adams, 1978:28). It is assumed here that this dichotomy exists in present U.S. culture on the ideological level. 15 level, some argue the introduction of the automobile seems to have been central to the develOpment of the present configuration of culture in the United States. Others will argue, that though the car seems central it is merely a technology which supports a deeper production and decision-making system more fundamentally character- istic of U.S. culture (Commoner, 1976:188-90; Baldwin, 1979:12). The secong question, the debate between the dominance of structure or activity in culture has to do with the importance of the status quo versus the importance of change in cultures and studies of cultures. Some students say, on the one hand that much of human behavior can be explained by the structure of a culture, that human activity is for the most part defined by these formal parameters, the structure. Other anthropologists argue that human manipulation of change is the basic characteristic of culture. These students say that it is the study of change having to do with ongoing, explain- able human activity which constitutes the importance of studies of culture (Hannerz, 1970:129-32). For the purposes of this thesis, however, it is less important to argue about which theory may be more accurate, than it is to understand that aspects or components of cultures do not exist in vacuums. Components and features within components are interwoven in various ways with each other so that cultures can be described as wholes with various explanatory relationships existing among parts. 16 Because this culture, for instance has a plethora of material goods, does not mean that is consists solely of technology. Because there is a strong sense of the individual in U.S. culture does not mean that this society does not have structure. And because this society has huge and often unmanageable structures such as bureaucracies does not mean that it will not change. In addition, there is whether implicit or explicit a con- cept of the whole upon which judgments about what is possible, future course of culture, and even energy projections are made (Harvey, 1973:288-96). The definition of culture and the model . explained above are offered as a means of making explicit,for discussion,concepts of the whole. Cultural Change It is both observable and documented that cultures change through time. Some observers consider the essence of that change to be cyclical. H. T. Odum, for instance, describes processes by which cultures have accumulated and squandered energy only to over- step the bounds and tolerance of nature. During times when energy flows have been tapped and there are no new sources, Lotka's principle requires that those systems win that do not attempt fruitless growth but instead use all available energies in long- staying, high diversity steady-state works (Odum, l976:8). Odum's discussion could be interpreted as suggesting recurring loops of change through time. But cultural evolution has not been merely cyclical. It may involve cycles, but cultural 17 evolution is, as Margaret Mead has said, "directional change" (Kaplan and Manners, 1972:49). The rapid depletion of cheap fossil fuels will change many facets of culture in the United States. Because of the basic nature of this crisis, culture in the United States is probably not headed for a no growth end of a recurring loop. Some structural changes as well as some behavioral modifications will be required in dealing with this crisis (Rappaport, 1977:9). In the four million or so years of human cultural evolution, major changes have occurred in "adaptive strategies" from hunting and gathering, horticulture and pastoral nomadism, agriculture and industrialism (Vivelo, 1978:212-13). With these have come various forms of economic, political and social organizations and ideologies. From some knowledge of the range of possibilities human cultures have employed in their history, we can postulate changes which might occur in the United States as this culture enters a post- industrial era. Studies of cultural evolution raise two major questions: (1) By what mechanisms do cultures evolve? and (2) Why do some cultures adapt and change in order to improve their chances for survival and others become "dead ends?? Leslie White's original thesis concerning cultural evolution described cultures moving toward increasing concentrations of power and source of energy. Leslie White, however, changed his mind (White, 1975:176) in the kinds of ways Rappaport discusses: 18 If cultural evolutionary process is necessarily linked to increase in energy flux, this suggests that a contradic- tion may inhere in the very process of cultural evolution itself. At the very least, its future trajectory remains very much in question (Rappaport, l977:3). Rappaport suggests a different principal mechanism of cultural evolution, cultures are adaptive if they maintain what he calls, "their long-term flexibility" (Rappaport, 1977:9). Culture change comes about because of pressures from within a culture, from other cultures or from nature. These pres- sures can be stated in the form of "contradictions" which will resolve themselves or need resolution. In Figure 4, following, contradictions in present United States culture are stated in terms of the model shown in Figure 3. I On the techno-economic level, there is a contradiction between dependence upon fossil fuels and the rapid escalation in prices of those fuels. On the socio-political level, low-level specific decisions such as how to travel around town, which have need for flexibility especially in view of rising fuel costs, are made at high structural levels. The almost required use of the car for local travel where the car is most inappropriate, has been mandated and sustained at very high levels through such mechanisms as the highway subsidies. On the ideological level the contradic- tion is between justification for fulfilling the needs of corpora- tions versus fulfilling human needs. How we, in the United States choose to resolve these kinds of contradictions in our present cultural system, is our choice. 19 Amm "asap .._m um .mezov Lasuquagnaafl a» .au_aau we“ cc use: so» a ou cowuaaucum.o mu_zozouu mcounpammz po>ua so; a» gs.: co =°.u~emcu oz son a as men: mcc.m_uma _—K mu_»_4oa mucaaamz cououm xucocms ca magma cupom was: ecu Luzon opus: ma guam mowao_c=;oop um~.pacucmu o_nwmmmuumc_ >woaozzuw» mauvpm woecosw —poz guvz movuocuammcam vm~.—acucmu apucmmmmcuc_ maahuzmpm 4<_uom aucoacca Co co.uoouoca »u_pu=c puaam :c.uae:m:ou use a.eoca um: men nee—unconcou as» we mummz >wGAOuc_ =hcom tee muooo co.uo=ucca uu~,_ocucoumn mu_2920um mcvxazlco—mvuwo :— co—uaa.u—ucoa camcammuwz m_m>m4 muavcaocna< an m:o*m_omo mummcnocaan mu~h_4ca m_apmmouo< muomz om: new use msmm» o» vmuvam mu.uo—o:;uop Lo_om m_oum pmem vauocmma:_ >¢o4ozzumh co_uacvsmmm*o tea cowaanvcu Imp: .azcm Lou mammcazumz mcc.ua~.:mmco coagconcavmz acocum um~mecucmowo manhuampm 4<_uom .mmoe_aaaz co u.=mL=a «:5 egg sucmn_s .aeLS. .msaxm a. ;u_;x e. eeoa 0:» a: x=_ro 3oz moon were age. w.aoma ——m to» mmucaommz um: ma amzz mama: cuss: >ooaowc_ 2pco;oz:umh azocmcww: mgu cw mm>oz ucmzaa cue: mmmmmcocH apwcocu=< ccm .Lozoa .zuwppnwmcogmmm zupmmz ou mcwccooo< vmxcmm mpaomm mumwpmwomam xcmz gun a an mmwomcozmmczm mum: mcowmwuwo umoz umNPPmcacmu mmcmn mqufiaoa mmahuamhm 4cmmcou mpgoma Ppm com copugsamcou “wage :_ mmocsommm am: we “was am: an awn: mummz mzomumcoaeou mummz cuss: >monomo~ >hH>Hpu< umahuamhm “$5.530 .m .3 szmmma 20 Whatever kinds of changes we make, the fact remains, that cultures do change, they do not remain static and they do not become exact replicas of other cultures. All cultures in the world are not becoming like the United States anymore than the present would revert to the 19th century were we to use energy more frugally. Certain aspects of a culture may be similar to previous aspects of that culture or imitate or emulate aspects of other cultures as they change. United States Futures--Cultural Choices In 1976, Amory Lovins described the two fundamental choices Open now to the United States as it seeks to resolve the contradic- tions inherent in the present cultural system. Lovins calls these choices the "hard" and the "soft" paths and defines them as follows: The hard path relies on the rapid expansion of centralized high technologies to increase supplies of energy, especially in the form of electricity. The soft path combines a prompt and serious commitment to efficient use of energy, rapid develOpment of renewable energy sources matched in scale and in energy quality to end use needs and special transitional fossil fuel technologies (Lovins, l976:4). In Figure 4, above, the cultural characteristics of the hard and soft paths are outlined using the same model of culture as shown in Figure 3. These characteristics are drawn from various sources explained in more detail below. The Hard Path The outline in Figure 4 may be sufficient to reject the hard path as a desirable or possible alternative. The characteris- tics< - . mm4m oz< mhfiamu ocu< \mcomcma mNH co macs—pmzc mm meo< P xuopm \mmc< mamcm>< mpnaoa can mxoopm vaucmuwmmm oom.ma .c>\cmxcoz \uw< oppnsa oom.m mcmxcoz noxapaEmca ooo.oe coauapsaoa .auoc e a=Le_L=m\mSL== mmacasa ooo.o~ mm:P_—wzo "much . . mmco< NHm mecca amp; .LIIIjII . a mmco< «we umwgsouo - - . f _ . a - . 2:528”. “ENJ— . w N S EELS-=8 3:852 . .4”-.- w 4 o“ —o*ucmupmmm umcoucmn< paw A9 o a w. a om :82, IL .III+1 - — -1. 4 m mm _mmocwseou III w u com mummcpm u on m_oo;um Ihmwmmmmnu I furl m a w o“ momam :mqo _ 111.1. 2 Se is $233.35 C a m . com .xa pmwcumzucm 32 a o _ , ML .4 mm“ mmc< xcma 300.430.10.10: "van.“ nnnpflxnonrrirr... I .Jm--u..i..:s:s: mmgu< IMWdldlzfl Jae. 2&8: x a L a 3 a $3 GEES .33 .u 92 48 This project arose from need as defined by a neighborhood group. A parallel example exists in New York City. 519 11th Street.--519 11th Street in lower Manhattan was, in 1975, just another abandoned 100 year old tenament. A group of residents as a "last resorts received a $177,000 mortgage from the city which they pay back by "sweat equity." At an hourly rate they gutted, insulated, added storm windows and rehabilitated the apartment building. They saved 60% of the heating bill and now own the building (Energy Task Force, 1977). Solar collectors on the roof supply 85% of the hot water and save 20% of the heat. A windmill provides some of the electri- city and on a good day runs the Consolidated Edison meter backwards. All this was accomplished by a group of people who own the apartment building cooperatively and are now teaching the skills and the process to other neighborhood residents. A WNET interview with the participants yielded the following quotes: The important thing is that for the first time low income peOple have gotten ownership to these properties. And they gain ownership by putting in their sweat. . . . We're dealing with a new technology in our society and we're dealing with a social change issue . . . an appropriate blend of technology happening between com- munity groups and the new survival tools of the future . . . (WNET, 1977:5). The important thing to remember is that we are in essence creating a local economy in a neighborhood which has traditionally been a dependent economy (Ibid.,8). In the whole history of urban renewal and Model Cities the government programs have done nothing to stop the deterior- ation. What was missing was bringing the people into it Showing them how to do it, giving them an opportunity to accomplish what government money could not (Skurka and Naar, 1976:195). 49 Critical elements in these examples of change in urban neighborhoods include local control and ingenuity. But if conver- sion and savings are to occur in sufficient numbers of American neighborhoods, it would behoOve those of us who use the most to act on these examples before the need is as great. Misery is obscured by success in these cases. Single House Prqjects Agge§§,--Like the Farallones Institute in Berkeley, California, The Access house is a neighborhood conversion demonstra- tion project being carried out in Milwaukee by the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee School of Architecture and Urban Planning. Here a typical old frame inner city house has been converted for living and demonstration purposes to apprOpriate a soft technology (Schade, 1977). It serves as a center and display of various systems. Various types of collectors are mounted on the south wall and roof for water and space heating. Shutters have been constructed and installed along with a general weatherization. A clivus multrum serves as a toilet. The garage has been converted into a greenhouse. Andra sauna is made entirely of recycled materials. Except that the house is open their relationship to the surrounding neighborhood is minimal. 50 The Arks: Woods Hole, Massachusettsijrince Edward Island.-- The Arks at Woods Hole and Prince Edward Island are the experimental living systems of the New Alchemy Institute. They are based on ideological principles: People once again had to be given control over those neces- sities upon which their lives depend--access to food, shelter and to an environment not poisoned by industrial wastes (Tood, l977:x). The Arks demonstrate with a high degree of technical SOphistication, two self- sustaining bio-shelters. Principles of self-sufficiency have been substantiated by specific integrated experiments in vegetable and protein growing as well as biological controls of pests, self-sufficient Shelter and self-sustaining agriculture (Baldwin, 1978; Todd, 1977). Based on general principles of appropriate technologies as described by Schumaker (1973) and Lovins (1976,77) the New Alchemists developed Specific integrated systems. For fish farming, for instance, they linked a series of ponds. In an upper pool water is filtered through crushed quahog shells, an earth filter of oxygenating plants and algae culture. The water then flows to a middle pool which continas algae, aquatic plants, and live bearing fishes or invertebrates such as Daphnia. The purified water finally goes to a lower pool where the edible fish, such as Tilapia and plants are grown under shelter of, and heated by a greenhouse. The water is recirculated for purification up to the upper pool by a windmill. This example of an apprOpriate, self contained and technologically SOphisticated protein growing system, is indicative of the work of the New Alchemists (Todd, 1977:90-93). 51 The seeds of a cultural conversion along the soft path are present in the combination of all the projects outlined above as well as other summarized in Brunner (1978), (Citizens Energy Project (1979), and Ridgeway (1979). Technological and economic, social political and ideological problems, positions and on-going experiments have been discussed. In varying degrees parts of a soft path culture,then,have been adapted in various localities. Change is being approached from all possible cultural tacks as these examples also illustrate. But whole culture change has not yet occurred in the United States in response to the energy crisis. The vast majority of policies, programs, structure, allocations of resources and modes of decision-making have not responded to the leadership exemplified in these examples and proceed along the hard path. The process of culture change, then, a major part of the business of planners is more difficult, profound and interesting then a summation of existing examples. While those projects Operate in appropriate directions they have not been adapted by the society as a whole. A more detailed examination of a specific local project will begin to illustrate the complexity of what is involved and the degree of opposition to necessary kinds of change. CHAPTER IV URBAN OPTIONS In December, 1977, a small group of East Lansing, Michigan residents met to plan ways to consciously emulate some of the experimentation outlined in Chapter III. Starting from an appro- priate techologies or soft path premise, the group began discussing plans for projects and programs in East Lansing. East Lansing was chosen as an initial place of focus because it had elected a liberal City Council, it is a University town, and the School District had received a Humanities grant which in part brought the Mayor and one of the Councilmen from Davis, California for discussions of the Davis programs. Turning East Lansing into the Davis of the Midwest seemed a logical and relatively simple undertaking. The initial Urban Options group consisted of local designers, architects, builders, University teachers and students and concerned individuals. The group formed itself into a non- profit corporation and met as the Board of Directors of that cor- poration once per week. In order to effect apprOpriate technologies research and solutions to the energy crisis, Urban Options formulated two pro- grams. One project was the Energy House, envisioned as an 52 53 on-going drop-in demonstration center where the process of weatheri- zation and solar retrofit could be accomplished in workshops on a typical inner city older frame structure. Appropriate technology task forces were the second major purpose defined by Urban Options members. The task forces were to study appropriate technologies solutions to energy problems related to housing, water and waste management, transportation and urban agriculture. Their focus was to be on the city as a whole, or in blocks and neighborhoods and they were designed to make larger than single house level recommendations to the city, county and university. Urban Options Chronology A chronology of the activities of Urban Options is presented here to give the reader a sense of the development of the project. 1977 December: Initial Discussions 1978 January - Organization met regularly, expanded, incorporated, March: and defined Energy House and Task Forces as suit- able projects. Began search for the most usable city-owned house. March: Formal request for presentation to and work session with City Council. March 30: City Manager's report denied the need for Urban Options (Coffman, 1978). April 15: Urban Options responded to City Manager's report. June 9: Urban Options objected to the content of the East Lansing/MSU Energy proposal to Argonne Laboratory (East Lansing, May, 1978). June 20: July - September: October 12: November November 18: December 2: December 9: November - December: 1979 January: February: February 17: February 23: 54 City Council passed resolution which agreed to pro- vide Urban Options with a city-owned house for its Energy demonstration projects and to pay for the utilities on the condition that all materials needed in the retrofitting process come from some other source or were donated (East Lansing, June, 1978). Comprehensive Education Training Act (CETA) applica- tion submitted for four full time Urban Options staff peOple. Handicapper accessibility green- house design teams met frequently to draw plans for the Energy House. Task Force work clarified and National Center for Appropriate Technology (NCAT) Grant submitted. Report on material donations submitted to Council as basis for use of the house. Donations totalled $1,330 mostly in retorfitting equipment supplies from local hardware and lumber stores. Department of Energy Greenhouse grant submitted Meetings take place in the Energy House Caulking and Weatherstripping Workshop Storm Windows and Shutter WorkshOp Wall Insulation Workshop Contract meetings with the City result in no contract. CETA Grant comes through to hire 4 full time staff people. An Energy House Coordinator, two Task Force Coordinators and a.Communications Coordinator. Hiring Committee formed from the Board. Four CETA staff peOple hired and begin official work. The Energy House is open 6 days per week 9-5. Home Weatherization Workshop Benefit at Edgewood Church February 24: February - March: March 10: March 17: March 31: March: March - April - May: April - May: April 28: April: May 20: May May 26: June: 55 Home Insulation Workshop Task Forces formed and began to meet. Home Energy Conservation WorkshOp Solar Window Box Heater for the Drug Education Center Solar Window Box Heater for Urban Options Work Session with City Council Interior Design Classes work on designs for Urban Options as a walk-in education center Cartography interns begin work with the Transporta- tion and Buildings Task Forces Task Forces submit comments to City Master Plan Committees. Westherization Team began outlining the concept of a trained team which could support itself with- out.relying on grants. Handicapper accessibility workshop, modified the Energy House so that it is accessible. Senators and Congressmen and Utilities representa- tives visit Urban Options as an alternative to their tour of the Midland nuclear plant. Visitors and lectures from: Village Homes, Davis; Farallones Institute, Berkeley; Sunstructures, Ann Arbor. Benefit in the Rathskeller with the Michigan Solar Energy Association. Urban Options receives a DOE Greenhouse Grant, Total: $10,000 (Urban Options, October, 1978). Urban Gardening Workshop Task Force mid-year Solar Cooker Workshop Reapplication for CETA staff continuation Reformulation of design team and large Board meeting 56 July and Solar Greenhouse Design and Construction Workshops. August: A course for Participants. July Urban Options receives a Community Development Grant to conduct weatherization workshops in the downtown East Lansing Community Development area. A half time staff person is hired to complete that work. Total: $11,000 (Urban Options, May, 1979). August: Horticulturalist is hired, half time, to monitor the greenhouse as part of the DOE Grant. CETA Grant extended through July 1980 City submits energy education elect grant to the Michigan Energy Administration. Urban Options is not consulted (East Lansing, August, 1979). Urban Options receives grant from Governor's Energy Awareness Committee to construct and diSplay a portable solar greenhouse. Total: $1,400 Opposition Urban Options projects were designed to broaden the kinds and quality of energy decisions made by residents and local govern- ments. The focus of the intense activity chronicled above was to bring into the Energy House and the policy planning process as many people as possible and work with them developing skills necessary in an appropriate technologies world. As can be seen from the history outlined above, the City of East Lansing has cooperated only minimally with Urban Options and has at various points opposed Urban Options work. It is instructive to look more closely at the nature of that opposition. As a group of people outside the existing machinery of city government, Urban Options peOple trained and established themselves as experts in the increasingly important field of energy conservation 57 and appropriate technologies. PeOple inside the "accepted" network for decision making reacted in the ways summarized below. In March 1978, shortly after the idea of an Urban Options project was first presented publically, the City Manager (Coffman, 1978) directed considerable staff time and money to convince Council that the Urban Options projects were unnecessary and unworkable. The arguments presented by the City Manager were dispelled and City Council designated a house for Urban Options use. In April, 1978 some Michigan State University Urban Planning school faculty and graduate students found an Argonne Laboratory Request for Proposal which asked for analysis of city wide energy use patterns in a proscribed system that Argonne Laboratory was interested in testing. Part of the proposal was designated to request citizen input into the analysis. In response to this section of the proposal, the City staff and the MSU School of Urban Planning set up a task force made up primarily of utilities representatives (East Lansing, May, 1978). Because these utilities peOple were avowedly opposed to any genuine conservation or appropriate technologies programs, this feature of the proposal resulted in active opposition at City Council meetings. The grant bid to Argonne labs was unsuccessful. In anticipation of the Argonne grant and for the purpose of rewriting the Master Plan, the city allocated funds for a number of task forces, among them an energy task force. This task force began to be an official reason why Urban Options should 58 receive little financial support and no recognition by City official- dom. By November 1978, when Urban Options requested contract negotiations with the city, the City Manager began a new directive, to design a parking ramp so that the Urban Options Energy House would be razed. By May, 1979 when it became obvious that the particular design eliminating the Energy House, was unreasonable and would not be accepted by Council, a group called the Urban Obervatory was suddenly formed in City Hall to advocate parking ramps. Urban Options was referred to by a City Council candidate and the chair- person of the Planning Commission as just another "energy club." These official attempts by City Staff at discrediting and/ or eliminating Urban Options were temporarily silenced when the Department of Energy awarded a grant to Urban Options to build a solar greenhouse (Urban Options, October, 1978). A proposal sub- mitted by the City in the same grant cycle was denied. The City Manager responded by declaring that construction of the greenhouse couldn't be approved by the City because it was designed to be built over the sidewalk. He had mistaken the rail- road ties which enclosed the raised bed urban gardens for a foundation for the greenhouse. At the same time, the City staff and the MSU School of Urban Planning were again writing a proposal designed to undermine Urban Options. This time the State Energy Administration issued a Irequest to city governments to initiate Community Energy Education Project. This is exactly what Urban Options had done, both 59 knowledgably and effectively. But Urban Options was neither con- sulted in the proposal writing not included in the advisory com- mittee (East Lansing, August, 1979). The Energy Consciousness Coordinator hired to carry out the proposal was an expert in the media, not energy because, in the words of one City planner on the hiring committee, "There's lots of inmeation on energy these days. Anyone can read about it." People involved in energy organizing with Urban Options were not considered for the job. As a result another opportunity for for- ging constructive links between local energy experts and the city machinery was lost. In general the opposition to Urban Options by the East Lansing City Government lies in two categories: personal and structural. Urban Options poses a personal threat to the individual power and professional knowledge of the City Manager and Several other City staff members as Urban Options deals with authority on the crucial question of energy. This problem is compounded by the power the City Manager is used to having in swaying Council members. The City of East Lansing has a City Manager form of govern- ment where the City Manager and staff receive salaries to carry out City Council policy. City Council members are paid very little, must hold another job in order to live and can spend relatively little time on city policy and issues. The involvement of Council is, per force, marginal. The City Manager, in conjunction with some of the staff, has developed a system of decision making which plays Council 60 members off against each other, as part of a means of keeping con- trol of those decisions. The nature of solutions to the energy crisis being proposed and implemented by Urban Options requires a far more open, participatory system of decision making than the City Manager had grown accustomed to. Urban Options is accomplishing visible and useful alterna- tives and responses to the energy crisis for people in the East Lansing area and it is doing so outside the presently established hierarchy for decision making. Similar structural opposition to changes in the direction of wider public participation has been noticed elsewhere (Wetmore and Dwyer, 1976; Shrobe, 1978:4). Chapter VII contains further discussion of the socio-political problems in soft path conversions. Meaning for Soft Path Solutions to the Energy_Crisis From the kinds and intensity of opposition to Urban Options and other projects that emphasize and achieve a high level of participation, it is possible to look more clearly at the kinds of changes which will need to accompany wide conversion to appropri- ate technologies in the United States. Details of an alternative system of planning emerge as programs are implemented in opposition to a standard system of planning. Success stories, such as those recounted in Chapter III may be more the exception than the rule. In Davis, success followed extraordinary persistence by Mike and Judy Corbett in 61 their development of Village Homes (Fridgen, 1979). This project was in turn supported by a long involvement of Davis in the ecology movement. The University of California Davis, permits no cars on campus and has for a long time emphasized biological controls in its agriculture programs and education. This history led eventually to an imaginative and open program stemming in part from the City Government itself. In the case of Seattle, a publically and hotly debated referendum, deciding in favor of a soft path approach was followed by the hiring of Peter Henault. Seattle City Light took seriously public responsibility as a city owned utility, and encouraged the extraordinary and open leadership of Henault (Henault, 1978; Ridgeway, 1979:20). Within an atmosphere of encouragement from the top, conservation and solar programs are flourishing. Careful details and strategies in the conversion process to appropriate technologies may need to be developed only if the opposition to them is strong. The process that people in Urban Options have identified as a result of active opposition follows in Chapter V and VI. CHAPTER V TRANSITION IN PLANNING METHODS: PRESENT METHODS TO SOFT PATH METHODS Energy has not been a traditional part of the professional planners preserve. Energy planning in an era of unlimited and cheap fossil fuel supply has been accomplished primarily by utility companies and the automobile industry. The utility companies planned electrical use and carved out territories among themselves for natural gas and oil delivery for space heating, water heating, cooking and industrial uses. The automobile companies have planned the transportation system in the United States using professional planners to assist them in that task. In this era of limited and expensive energy supplies, plan- ning practice must include active energy planning. In order to arrive at any practical and conceivable future this planning must be accomplished from a premise of conservation with plans for matching the work that needs to be done with the cheapest, safest and most energy efficient way of doing it. Such conversion is best accomplished locally where there is knowledge of local needs, materials and skills, at single house, neighborhood and city levels. Local planners can look at energy planning as a new and basic part of their obligations. Instead of reacting to the automobile industry by constructing roads, parking 62 63 ramps and land use patterns to accommodate that industry, planners are mandated by the energy crisis to look at transportation needs of their constituents and match those needs with the most appropriate means of accomplishing them. Instead of writing codes and regulations to facilitate the use of electricity or minimize the blight of power lines, planners need to look into the appropriate uses of electricity and more energy efficient ways of delivering it. Instead of relying on old codes which waste gas and oil in buildings, planners will need to facilitate the best use of local renewable fuels in well weatherized buildings. Planners must delve into new areas of decision-making and new areas of knowledge because of the energy crisis. One new area of knowledge and understanding is the data base from which planning proceeds. In order to determine and advocate suggested programs and priorities, end-use data must be analyzed in sufficient detail for the area under transformation or study. Analysis of end use data here is for the specific purpose of developing programs which will meet human needs, conserve energy and supply increasing amounts of needed energy through appropriate technologies. The first necessary step is for planners to argue and explain explicit assump- tions, as in Chapter II. The second step is development of a data base that facilitates those aims. 64 Existing Data The data sources that energy planning are based upon, become central to the kinds of programs which these planners propose. Energy data can quickly become bewildering, a maze of British Thermal Units (BTUS, see Appendix I). In a thorough discussion of the energy data base some paths through this maze can be charted. Energy end-use data purports to Show the amount of energy consumed at the point at which it is used. Varying definitions of the end point result in various kinds of data presentations. The data sequence presented below is relevant to the specific study area under discussion, East Lansing, Michigan. The data illustrate one method to understand, criticize, and arrange data so that it can be useful in making recommendations that will facilitate the use of appropriate technologies. Part of the information that is useful for appropriate technologies planning is presented in Figure 10 below. It indicates the mismatch between what we use and how we use it. Michigan imports 95% of the energy it uses and wastes more than 50% of that energy. Usually only the total BTU figures as presented in Figure 11 are considered relevant. But this level of data broken down only by sector and total BTUS and kinds of fuels can only suggest pro- grams which emphasize the need for increasing supply. Programs which match kinds of supplies with the kinds of work that need 65 mam~.=amaeuaz ”ocazu gape eo.pas=meou ss.a=m--uo~ “asset Amnmfi.mpmo.chmcm mo acmEucmamo .m.:v ..oéx 35‘: uCIt-9u hots: an: . our 83.03 I‘II\ D.'paa H ”1.: IIIIhIIlII IIIIIHvIIIVI .02 05. ...0 I IllI o. 3o 1 coon}. II I n. II‘IIII‘II . I - -l . ...uoo I IIIIIITI I... .- : ..I I \ - / 20.30823... 1111 I n a to p o 3 84:03 .3 ’ n n .......nnn.nononu.o..n nonnn n..n oo.nnnononnn n n n on . ........... a...» .. . . u. ...n.... .. .. ...." .... . ..... .. ...................... ......«w. 334...... ......nmnwn... . ( .oxh .................. n .E... ------------ nononnnnooo WWWWWW o onoooo. nooonnooooooon oo.on 2.239.. ..... J . . r.I. - I. - - ... . .o fiOoO LOn“. . a .u was; 0601 I . . .53... on... o. ........ 3a .. . ...“qu ...... . 9¢ ..nnn ...... y n w .100 3032: o a ...... .Wo nnnnnnn t ..... .1. . 0.0. 9.3.» ....... u- 3‘ p a}. 3.2.30.9! n a o . Mn . o.» \ ..\ ofi‘ - K . 9 perv...“ duo. .. //H/HRWWWV/, 2633359 I o. ...... 80. .2: 9:. 6.9.2.3 . /////////////////Il/l/l/I/ 3.0.503. .03 .umq—IIIIA >2 .5 =02... «.mmmmnum2:mcou xmcmcm Pouch m.mm~ "cmozuoca xmcmcm Pouch H.mmo~ ”cmusonEH amcmcm.umz mahm mo mcoeppwc» ”mama: ooo.~m4.m neocoapzaoa mum: HZ<0_T_u:2 66 MiCHIGAN= 1975 Units: Trilliqns of BTQS COdL COLE lol-COflL HU'GIS .59 '93.! N4’OL turn ”15‘ 1.1 .311! fiSINfiL HIhC “I" '01-"1‘0 Ll-GAS Ndl'hés "In “A! Out-uaS 'RUCLIAR "1080 £136 UIMCR YOIAL FIGURE . j £LCCYR1C AGRlcuL. 1NDUST. TRANSP. 3:510. GENtRfiIION TOTAL 0.0 247.9 0.0 0.0 409.4 737.3 0.0 32.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 32.7 0.0 200.6 0.0 0.0 409.4 710.0 0.0 “CT 30.4 PC? 0.0 TC[ 0.0 PC! 43.‘ PC? 2’.‘ ft? 10.7 23.3 554.3 0.0 0.0 500.3 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 0.0 10.9 0.0 0.0 10.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 9.1 0.0 9.1 7.9 21.0 05.6 159.4 20.0 214.0 0.0 29.1 2. 0.0 64.2 95.? 0.0 20.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.1 .5 25.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 25.6 1.0 107 12.2 PCT 61.7 FCY 14.2 *0! 0.1 P0? 40.0 [cf 2.: 2.: ... 2... ... 25.: .4 207.0 11.2 5.5 39.0 24.2 0.0 1.5 0.0 0.0 2.4 1.9 -.J 291.0 3’02 406.1 .30: 7.620: 0’ 1'0! 3.07 11;! 30: "C! “.0 ‘CI 5.5 0'01 :00, 11:1 00° 0.0 00° 0.0 5.2 4.: 0.0 PC? 0.0 PC! 0.0 '01 0.0 TC! 100.0 FBI .2 PC! ‘ ... 0.. ..o 0.. 3.. 3.. 0.0 PC? 0.0 107 0.0 P01 0.0 PCT 100.0 PC! .1 PC! 3.: ,‘0‘ 0: 72.3 '209.7 .J9.:5 0.0 71.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 71.0 0.0 PC? 100.0 '0! 0.0 P01 0.0 90' 0.0 FCT 2.0 PC! 22.7 046.5 054.3 ‘44., 414.3 2404.9 .9 '07 33.3 PCT 25.1 PCT 24.. FCY 15.9 70! 11:--Energy Consumption by Sector:Michigan,1975 (U.S. Department of Energy. 1975) 100.0 PC! 67 to be accomplished can only be approached when data are analyzed further. In Figure 12, percentage of total in each sector is divided into particular kinds of uses to which people put the energy supply. It is interesting to note that figures, as presented in Figure l2 do not include electricity generation as an end use. Rather the uses are defined in terms of the kinds of specific work to which they are now put. End uses can also be described in terms of the kinds or quality of energy that are needed for the work. Lovins (1976) does this as summarized in Chapter II (p.23 ). A pie showing this data (Figure l3) for the United States as a whole can be shown together with a chart of the end uses by sector and work as in Figure 14. Taken together a match can be made between the kinds of work that need to be done and apporpriate ways of doing that work. If one looks at the data with an eye to appropriate technologies, the primary consideration is the match of the job that needs doing with the way the job is done. One instance, the match between energy used for the generation of electricity and the end uses which need electricity, stands out. Sixteen percent of all energy is used to generate electricity, yet only 8% of the end uses need electricity. Two problems are inherent in this mis- match. One problem is that the methods of generating electricity are not appropriate and the other is that electricity is often used inappropriately. 68 MICHIGAN 1975 RESIDENTIAL Water Heating . 12.7% / Lighting and Appliances 3.3% Cooking 3.5% ;mo zpw::EEou vcm mcwccm—m .mcwmzoz we ucwsucmnmo mcwmch ummmv *4 mcwmcmg “mom czcuczoo a85— >3:- mcwm:MA ammm mmc< auzumnluom mzawfiu .2 .. .l I ll... huntn .5; Our-...“ “2.2 I. II. I n35. - a Pro “”1 3318 7ND «$9.533 85 as. 3am 8: 353:": $58“. 9:23 33. :zouczoo E? 825% 1 3'21 é‘bnm meg .. ‘1. l ' 05M ammonia J m E: '13 1*“ g: h BLOCK 87 ANALYSIS ES g a :< E“ '— —G 815‘ 33.4 no: . 2% 2'53 £33.: =5; 0 °e. as: s; ”:2“ g: s :33 :8: e: 5:35 g; : ::v as: as egg: 2: l F19.250 All 8 P. 3.000 36 5 1,406 G 14.800 2 S 7,400 All H 18 P 7,200 --84 - 6.27.000 3 5 4.500 H 12 H 16 P 32.000 73 G All G 7 G 45.000 4 5 2.000 H 8 H 15 G 52.000 75 G 10 5 S 3.400 H 8 H 17 G 20.000 77 G 15 6 5 4.300 H 19 H 26 G 24.000 118 G 14 7 S 2.600 All H 13 G 20.000 42 G 12 8 Off S None H 14 G 10.000 2.100 C 7 9 F14,800 Hone H 8 G 15.000 36 G 1 10 F31.800 H 3 P 39.000 13 C S G 5.600 11 F 2,400 H 8 H 15 G 40,500 104 G 6 12 F 4,000 H 6 H 14 G 30.000 107 F: Flat Roof A 1 5: South Facing or Sloped Roof 13 S 150 H.12 2 I; G 15.000 ‘54 H: House a G: Garage 14 5 1.500 None H 19 G 40.000 47 P: Parking G 9 G: Green Space C: Commercial 15 5 2,000 All 2 I; G 15.000 38 A: Apartment 16 S 150 All H 16 G 16.000 75 Persons Per Dwelling Unit G 8 ST, . 44., ingle Family 17 5 2,700 All H 12 6 10.000 38 Owner Occupied 3.13 G 3 Rental 4.46 18 5 1,000 All’ H 12 ‘6 151000 41 Duplex 3.33 G 5 Apartment 2.86 19 s 150 m u 16 a 22.500 49 5"“ 3° G 9 — 20 S 150 H 2 H 2 P 30.000 9 21 F 5,000 H 6 H 10 G 15.000 70 S 800 ' C 1 22 F 7,000 H 14 H 14 G 25.000 73 S 400 A 2' ‘ 23 5 2.100 H 3 H 17 G 30.000 77 24 5 2.100 H 6 g 1: G 30.000 76 25 5 4.000 H 6 H 16 G 25.000 73 AG 10. j 25 ’r 72.000 cc 5 c 16 P 40.000 120 A 56 27 FSC.OOO C 5 C B P 30.000 0 28 F3S.‘OO C 7 C88 P 20.000 4 H l 29 F24.000 C 7 C 7 P 21.000 56 5 2,000 H 10 a 21? H 351 P230.000 17015 TOTALS 310.756 CC 25 G591.600 FIGURE 22:--Study Area Block Analysis 88 assumed that local passenger travel is a very major transportation factor in East Lansing. In part this assumption comes from local demographic data which indicate that 75% of the workforce (U.S. Census, 1970), who live in the City of East Lansing work within its borders. Most of their daily passenger trips then are within a 2 mile radius which encompasses all of the University and the City of East Lansing (see Figure 23). In addition, 70% of people in census tract 41 and 46% of the people in tract 39.02 are in schools within a 2 mile radius of their homes. Most of the trips to the City of East Lansing are made to the University or downtown East Lansing. Many of the trips through town are to specific places or at specific times. Easterly trips through town are primarily for shopping at the major shopping center east of town. Westerly trips through town are made to the Capitol or one of the large industrial plants from settlements to the East. ' As Figure 23 shows major arteries exist for all these pas- senger trips. Figure 23 also indicates the throughway which accom- modates most intercity passenger and freight traffic. Planners have in recent years sought solutions for all categories of trips in road going motorized vehicles that consume large amounts of cheap petroleum: But petroleum is no longer cheap nor unlimited in its availability. And in terms of capital expendi- ture, the car is the most expensive form of transportation (Mitchell, 1979; Living Systems, 1977:51; Clark, 1975:154). 89 MA JOR APTEBJES EAST LANSING AREA M: mu» M C: Mwmmfi an zmw NM“ “”5 ”0:11:qu m‘ L; wawm' 44a: . ‘ \L \ (Guins, 1979)‘ FIGURE 23:--Major Arteries: East Lansing Area 90 In Lansing area planning agencies, transportation is defined exclusively as a problem of roads and automobiles. Solutions to perceived traffic problems are confined to further road or parking ramp construction. These are based on one kind of data, vehicle counts, projected by various methods. In planning appropriate transportation systems, one that match the job that needs doing with the most appropriate means of doing it, a more subtle approach is necessary. Vehicle counts alone are not a sufficient basis for planning this more subtle transportation system. More refined transporation data.--The first step taken at Urban Options in the Transportation Task Force, was to analyze the existing origin and destination data available at Tri-County Regional Planning. This had never been done because it is time consuming. Several results of the analysis compiled by John Mitchell and Peter Guins are illustrated in Figure 24 and 25. They indicate that at least 2400 round trips per day are made within a 2 mile radius of the CBD. A half-mile is thought even by the most conservative plan- ners to be an appropriate distance for walking, (Spreiregen, 1965: 166). Two miles is a simple distance for bicycling (Living Systems, 1977:50-60). Yet the proposed solution to the downtown parking problem is to build another parking ramp for $2.4 million to house 428 cars. Alternative plans will be proposed here for encouraging people to walk in the Central Business District by making it safe, pleasant and convenient (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1979). 91 uaoov0vd Aco_mmwesou mcwccmpa chowmmm xgcaouupcpv ppmzouwz czow 2 map NAVF I mmw .Lum Nu; mmCON ewgpwz match Lao »_Peo--nem “mauHL n—p flwmm s. (IUcDO mszN oszz<4 Hm.:wum -cmaoou mmcwzcmm momnm :oseou mo mm: :oEEou xcoz mcwowuco can mcvcwmsh mocmcmpcpmz maogmxcoz cam mcwcwmch: cowuuchmcou maogmxcoz use uawcmmc» :oPHMchmcummz mcouwvzm epoch momgm coco coseou co :oHumwcu mcmxcoz we mammp mumam ammo xuopm comcmucH mm: Loxucm :o upwzm mcmucmw Hemp; mwxon soucp: .mcmumm; swam: Ho; .mmmao; -cmmcm cm—Om vppzm mmcHuHHan Hpm mwvcmgummz mmeHuHHza HHE HHu=< mcmwcammumg can mman com mumoc mNHm mszp< m>oemm mommcmw m>osom mcwcmmch mcowmmomqwcowum~mcmmco mpmwcopmz mama 2,2: * xuogm mxmmp N amHm H amHm mm: ocmH N amHm. H ampm mmeHuHHzm N amHm H amHm comumucomwcmch FmflIw. VEOZ mgazqw 107 taking advantage of the tax credit acts and the kinds of financing offered in weatherization programs could readily afford such systems (Ingham County Energy Office, 1979). Similar arguments are true of solar greenhouses. While the cost and solar access will vary, a very large greenhouse such as the one being added to the Urban Options House for a mterials cost of $2,000 is a worthwhile investment both in terms of direct gain for space heat and growing space for a year round food supply (Todd, 1977). Families with an average income of above $13,000, such as is the norm in the study area, invest and saves annually $1,770 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics in Morrison, 1977:20). Such an amount available on an annual basis could completely weatherize a house, build a solar greenhouse and a solar hot water heater in under 4 years. Figure 31 below indicates the amount of monies now spent or anticipated using non-renewable energy sources. While some public investments in the form of bonds would be necessary to construct such parts of the plan (Figure 29) as the overground-underground or a large bus station, these are certainly genuine alternatives to the proposed $2.4 million parking ramp and the $35 million cross campus highway. The problems in the process of conversion to appropriate technologies and hence the planning methods which need to be employed to facilitate them, are not centered in either the 108 LOCAL PRIVATE AND PUBLIC FUNDS ..... ..3» Conventional A ro riate Expenditures lechnologies Expenditures PRIVATE FUNDS : Study Area (Study Area Population:1, 709) Automobiles 1978 ) 1. 035 x 350, 000 x 28¢/mile) $1,251,950 Investments, Insurance 3 Savin s 1978) Z. 111. 8; x 546 x $15, 000) 966,420 Housin (1978) 4. 3 x 546 x $15,000) 2,022,930 Weatherization of 351 Houses in Study Area (351 x $2,000) S 702,000 Solar Greenhouses for 219 Houses in Study Are5’(219 x 52000) 438.000 TOTALS $4,241,300 3 1.140.,000 PUBLIC FUNDS: East Lansing ty 0 ast Lansing 1978-79 Budget) Trans ortation Police $1,248,551 Parking Enforcement 27,431 Sidewalk Construction 30,000 Street Tree Plantin 43,000 Street Maintenance (Major) 104,807 General Major Street Expense 50,000 Traffic Control (Major) 71,450 Street Maintenance (Local) 192.310 General Local Street Expense 52,130 Traffic Control (Local) 23,420 Parking System Operating 291, 755 Additional Parking 97 745 52'231,5§9 Housing and Buildings ’Bddeing Maintenance 123,371 Building and Zoning 115,928 Housing Rehabilitation 125, 000 Neighborhood Strategy Area 103 000 S 467, 349 Education/Outreach Planning, Housing and 0.0. 214,196 Public Service 1,061,951 Planning/Management Development 65,000 Provision for Public Service 40 350 3 1,531,391 Bond Re uests [at 9 Ramp ‘SZ,400,000 Cross Campus Route . 35,000,000 CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT lfififififififlfiTfiET_—— kCBD Report, PTEn 2) Trees and Landscaping 90,000 Concrete Planters and Wooden Benches 27,200 Street Lighting 60,000 ‘aPaued Brick Pedestrian Area (MAC) 285,000 Overground MAC to Campus 1 000 000 Tmms : 4 4 44 {IZEZEET J FIGURE 31:--Funds Available for Appropriate Technology Conversions 109 technology or the economics of present United States culture (Solar Lobby, 1979). Technologically and economically a high level of energy efficiency approaching self-sufficiency could be achieved within a relatively short time using appropriate technologies in ways outlined above. These technologies are rested in fundamental principles of conservation, respect for the eco-system and self-reliance. They will result not only in a different complex of data and technology and allocation of money but also in a fundamentally different social system. Attempts to plug them into an existing social system will demonstrate their supposed failure not facilitate their use. Many solar advocates including Denis Hayes and Amory Lovins claim that reductions on the order of 40 ot 50% in our overall energy use can be achieved "without altering our lives" (Frank, 1978). The more detailed planning processes shown here demonstrate to the contrary. Acceptance of appropriate technologies will involve partly an admission that lives in the United States will change. It is partly for this reason that these changes are in some places such as East Lansing, not occurring easily. CHAPTER VII THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LEVEL OF CONVERSION STRATEGIES FOR CHANGE ALONG THE SOFT PATH Technical and economic changes postulated in Chapter VI can- not occur in a vacuum. Parallel changes in the decision-making processes and social structure will emerge in this society. This chapter explores some details of the kinds of socio-political changes essential in the process of adoption of appropriate technologies. Appropriate or soft technologies will not simply be imposed, nor will they magically appear. The necessary changes, particularly socio-political changes, are being met with resistance. Reasons for this resistance can lead to a more refined discussion of strategies for change. Decentralization Callsfor decentralization in social structure and decision- making processes as a necessary component of a culture based on appropriate technolgies are frequent. Some of these stem from technological necessity or end-use efficiency, others consider the solar technology a useful addition to an already urgent cry for the distribution of wealth and power in the United States. 110 111 Decentralization as a Technical Necessity Some solar advocates use social decentralization as an offshoot of the technology. Often their definition is merely technological: Unlike conventional fuels, solar energy is inherently decentralized. Consequently in many situations it is most appropriate to utilize on-site facilities for the collection and storage and use of the sun's energy (Solar Lobby, 1978:212). Other recent reports extend recommendations somewhat further: To provide the kind of stimulus solar needs, the federal bureaucracy itself needs to decentralize its planning and thinking. It needs to be more conscious of the role that local and state governments must play in developing a national solar policy (Citizen's Energy Project, l978:9). Some discussions of decentralization in piecemeal recommendations or in technological terms are meant to make the idea of solar energy more palatable. Technology is usually considered an accept- able topic of debate, discussions of ranges in wealth and power distribution are considered radical and taboo. But recent failures in adoption of these technologies and future frustrations among those who see their obvious benefits but cannot get them implemented point to deeper analyses. Decentralization as a Cultural Necessity Commoner (1976:2) and Lovins (1976:55ff) give hints at a necessary package, including a total reorganization of society, with emphasis on neighborhoods and old-fashioned values. These 112 are not new assertions but reminiscent of most of the social-reform movements of this century. In one sense the appropriate technologies movement is the technological arm of the civil rights, human rights and neighborhood movements to mention a few. In attempting to implement small scale, decentralized solar technologies, groups will run into problems and mistakes similar to those encountered by these poor peoples movements. Soft Path advocates need to heed the failures of the black power movement or neighborhood movement and coordinate with their successes otherwise they will miss the depth of the culture changes that need to occur in order to deal with the energy crisis in the long run. Solar advocates seek as did black power movements to "involve people in their own destiny with greater competence, skills and resources" (Riesmann and Gartner, 1970:53). In order to accomplish these ideas and policies and specific technologies emerge from groups working to implement these changes. As Ced Currin, Chairperson of the Michigan Solar Resource Advisory Panel (1979) said, "Solar technologies are simply the kind of thing that originate from the bottom." A propos of the Iblack power movements Riesman and Gartner concur: "The new ethos is suggesting that generating new techniques, new administrative practices, curricula from the bottom up would be more productive than the traditional "trickle down" approach (Riesman and Gartner, 1970:53). 113 In an article on community control and the neighborhood movement the effects of the present appropriate technologies move- ment are reflected as they challenge: the preogatives of the centralized bureaucracies to make basic policy determinations affecting local areas and represent a step in an on-going struggle to wrest power from bureaucratic and hierarchical institutions of govern- ment and industry. It attempts to redefine the democratic process by rejecting the efficacy of representative insti- tutions such as the national and local legislative bodies to reflect popular aspirations. . . . This analysis implies the need for a generalized concept of popular control of all public institutions and the economy which can appeal not only to black and poor but also to working class and middle class people--to all who are deprived of a significant voice in the institutions which determine our lives (Arnowitz, 1970:48-51). Two Approaches to Change A more specific discussion of strategies possible or relevant to implementation of appropriate technologies can be approached from two directions. One is academic and to some degree abstract. It draws experience from the political reform movements, the poor peoples movements. Lessons from such an approach have to do with a basic understanding of the social forces at work in this country, a set of generalizations and admonitions. The other approach to a discussion of strategy has to do with the practical, the lessons of on the job experience such as that garnered by Urban Options and with Specific step by step plans of action tailored to a specific place and time. 114 Decentralization as a Logical Direction: Lessons From Political Reform Movements In the process of challenges and debates, lessons of other decentralization movements should be learned. Power cannot be defined narrowly, objectives should not be limited to the techno- logical sector alone, nor to garnering a larger piece of the pie, nor to developing a group of skilled conversion experts. As pe0ple organize around appropriate technologies they need to understand a broad view and at the same time keep an eye to particulars. Inherent dangers in moves for decentralization are summarized by Riesman and Gartner as follows: 1. While community control is seen as a major lever for changing, redesigning and improving the human services, unfreezing the system by its demands for accountability to to the consumer and increased relevance of the service, the danger is that accountability may be achieved with no increase, or even a decrease in productivity or efficiency. 2. While community control is seen as a way of involv- ing people in their own destiny, giving them greater resources and competency, the danger is that involvement may become socio-therapy--participation in participation or participation for its own sake . . . 3. There is a danger for localism and infighting among local cliques and competitive groups for some "piece of the action" and control of part of the "turf.“I The attend- ant danger is participation for its own sake, that is, participation without power and without economic redistri- bution. 4. While community control is seen as an important innovation in public administration, particularly through its concern with decentralization, the danger is that the groups involved in decentralization may have no influence on central power where the decisions on funds, resources and basic policy continue to be made . . . (Riesman and Gartner, 1970:54). 115 Such lessons need to be understood because, by the time the energy crisis becomes severe enough to involve the middle class, long term organizing will need to be well understood and short- cutted. Many incremental changes will need to have already occurred. Americans, in general, must be eased away from their life of dependence--a measure of self-reliance needs to be established very soon. The wrenching nature of such a major transition can be softened with adequate lead time. Alinsky's (1972) theory of change involving only confronta- tion has reached its limitations in effecting broad scale change in the United States. AS Pliven and Cloward document in their account of the Poor Peoples Movements of this century in the United States, disruption and protest when taken as the only strategies has always resulted in restructuring of protestors. Those involved are: rooted in some institutional context, who are in regular relationships with others in similar straits who are best able to redefine their travails as the fault of their rulers and not of themselves and join together in collec- tive protest (Piven and Cloward, 1977, 19). Unfortunately the definition of the protest has not been broad enough and protestors have been worked back into the system, without substantial change in the systemic problems which caused the protest. Government makes efforts to reintegrate disaffected groups and to guide them into less politically disturb- ing forms of behavior. It also moves to isolate them from potential supporters and by doing so diminishes the morale of the movement (Piven and Cloward, 1977, 36). 116 Changes in the socio-political system concomitant with appropriate technologies will include some combination of the small group, the neighborhood and the task group. Small groups.--Kotler, Benello and Roussopoulus approach participation from the individual as he/she forms into small groups. They consider the psychology of group participation to be important, the well being of the person can be the beginning point in restruc- turing. Significant relationships are built most naturally on joint involvement in significant common purposes; to the extent that local associations no longer have this power the relationships they engender are trivial . . . For the self to develop fully out of the dialectic of the individual and the social order the possibility of reconciling individual need with social purpose must exist... . . The value of a face-to-face group lies in its ability to nurture and integrate individual needs rather than, as in the case of bureaucratic schools and factories, reshaping the individual to meet the needs of the institution (Benello and Roussopoulus, 1971:40). In the case of appropriate technologies conversion this becomes very important. If we are to reach beyond the depletion of fossil fuels, the participation of the individual in the conver- sion processes becomes essential. If however, the decisions about kinds and combinations of conversions are made at a level well above the individual that person cannot be expected to participate in the process nor under- stand its workings or its meaning. Kotler explains this point in terms of the structure of neighborhood politics: 117 If a man shares in the deliberative authority of public life, he will commit his own power to defend the corporate body, even though he may be in the minority on many decisions. He will defend the corporation for the sake of his own deliberative right, but he is not apt to defend it if all decisions is left to one executive or to an elected council (Kotler, 1960:85). The two functions of groups, "prudent decisions and force- ful actions" (Kotler, 1968:87) become legislative and executive functions. The questions of how these groups would be interlocked at higher levels in order to make broad scale decisions is answered by Benello and Roussopoulus: If groups were represented at a system of national and regional assemblies such representatives would be really delegates inasmuch as their mandate would clearly be determined by the groups they represented. Rather than pursuing politics as a system of trade-offs with each other, they would be forced to report to their respec- tive group constituents. This follows from the fact that the locus of decisions would be in the groups themselves and not in their delegates (Benello and Roussopoulus, 1971:50). In present energy discussions the necessity for conservation by concensus emerges as a top priority. Conservation is imperative, but processes are not established to make conservation attempts significant in terms of energy saved. People know that turning off lights or turning down the thermostat in themselves make no signifi- cant difference. At present, we have no means to establish more effective particular recommendations and people see no reason to comply with those with little or no effect. Significant savings on energy can occur with active, individual and block level efforts as explained in Chapters IV and VI. While small groups can effectively and democraticatly operate, 118 many parts of logical significant programs such as cooperative use of interior blocks or redone city wide transportation systems require cooperation between groups. In order to maintain local control and control in a series of deliverative bodies effective checks on delegated power need to exist in the kinds and importance of the decisions made by the deliberative bodies themselves. Kotler expands on this as follows: Only two principles can contain the natural tendency of unified executive power to become tyrannical through manipulation of administration: first, the equality of the people themselves and their power to make law; and second, the division of executive power in an elected council (Kotler,'l968:86). The use of appropriate technologies, with the Focus on single house and block level applications reinforces the importance of the small group. Groups on a higher level than the block develop around essentially two different modes. One is territory, or the neighbor- hood, the other is the task group. In this case both are postulated to exist with appropriate technologies, the neighborhood becoming a central decision-making body, the task groups more informational and goods and service delivery oriented. Neighborhoods.--A neighborhood is defined by Perry as: a self-contained area embracing all the public facilities and conditions required by the average family for its comfort and proper development within the vicinity of the dwelling (Schmandt, 1972:574). 119 In light of the discussion above, it is instructive to look at Schmandt's arguments for neighborhoods. He divides them into four categories: administrative, psychological, sociological and political: The first regards the device as a means of improving the delivery of services; the second stresses the psychic bene- fits which flow to the clients or consumers from its use; the third emphasizes its value in adapting policies and practices to locality differences in life styles, prefer- ences and priorities; and the last views it as a mechanism for mobilizing power (Schmandt, 1972:576). Since the energy efficiency of systems close to the point of delivery is now well demonstrated, the impetus toward develop- ment of neighborhood systems is given technological: imperatives. Only psychological, social and political imperatives have up until now been the basis for neighborhood advocacy. ” The neighborhood finally, becomes the forum for discussion of "local public issues" such as housing and job discrimination welfare rights. For this reason too a decision-making body organized in territorial terms becomes important. In a few cases, cited in Chapter III, neighborhood organiz- ing has related to energy concerns. West Garfield,the greenhouse project,developed from work of the Health Action Committee. The Committee formed only one active element in the Christian Action Ministry. In lower Manhattan, another poor inner city neighborhood, neighborhood organizing resulted from occupation and conversion of 517 11th Street. "No Heat! No Rent!" was the song of success. 120 Ownership through sweat equity of a delapidated apartment building provided organizing momentum (Energy Task Force, 1977). Eastown, another example, a"transitiona1" Grand Rapids neighborhood, formed the Eastown Community Association (E.C.S.) in 1974. Only now are they considering energy-related projects. Four years of political growth and organization have resulted in a strong long-lasting example of neighborhood organization in the United States. The essentials of a participatory organization emerged from growth through trial and error, through argument and action. Linda Easley summarizes Specifics of the structure reached to this point: 1. Specific authority should be delegated to Specific individuals for Specific tasks by democratic procedures. All those to whom authority has been delegated should be accountable to those who selected them. Distribution of authority among as many people as possible. Rotation of tasks among individuals. Ability, interest and responsibility Should be major concerns for selection of people for tasks. Diffusion of information to everyone as frequently as possible. Equal access to resources needed by the group. Formalized structure to resolve internal conflict has been created with development of a Planning Committee. It serves as a forum for any ideas, conflicts and dissen- tion which may be occurring. 9. The majority of people on the staff are those who have spent many hours in volunteer work for the Association and who live in Eastown and have a long term commitment to improving the quality of life in the area. 10. The Eastown Community Association develOps reciprocal relationships with residents. In exchange for services such as repair work on a resident's house, the resident volunteers a given number of hours in Association work (Easley, 1978:70-71). (Du Ch 01-h 0.) N 121 The development of these principles and their use in day to day operations of the Eastown Community Association has been a major factor in keeping the ECA a grass roots, participatory and politically effective organization. Rising energy prices, increasing unemployment may in the near future product more neighborhood movements in middle class neighborhoods. The Bailey Neighborhood Association, the neighbor- hood where the study area is located has a newsletter but no pressing concerns. Primarily groups in such neighborhoods are organized around the workplace or task. These task groups Operate by concen- sus as in Urban Options or through hierarchies in City, University or other institution bureaucracy. Frequently task groups are thought to be unworkable or inefficient if run through assembly and participation. Since such participatory systems will develop concurrently with apprOpriate technologies, it is important to understand how these task groups can be organized. Task grogps.--While a portion of the time of pe0ple in an apprOpriate technologies society will be Spent in meaningful neighborhood activity, another portion of the time will be spent in task groups. Worker owner and controlled factories and work places in the United States are generally a solution to plant closedowns and abandonments. They are illustrative of task group organizations that fit with a participatory system with grass roots control. 122 In Puget Sound Washington Plywood Inc., a $25 million 1 operation, workers elect a nine-person board of directors from among fellow workers in the plant. The board in turn, hires a general manager, who is not a Shareholder in the co-op, to run the business from day to day (Zwerdling, 1978:22). The workers, not the general manager make crucial policy decisions. Paycuts, for instance, are preferable to layoffs if times are bad. With worker control decisions that benefit the workers as well as the owners will be made. In the Salinas Valley, the Cooperative Central ranch is now a co-op owned by its farm laborers once poorly paid migrants. The ranch, bought by Federally funded community organizers with a Bank of America loan . . . is a thriving model of worker democracy. The farmworkers e1 ectaboard of directors from among the membership. But most of the really important decisions are made by all the members of the co-0p at their monthly meetings (Zwerdling, 1978:23). The decisions include those about where to put their profits and how to prioritize the needs of the members. Another example, the Consumers United Group, an insurance company with 400 workers in Washington, D.C. where an elaborate system of autonomous worker teams and committees of worker elected representatives . . formulate corporate policies and make the fundamental decisions at every level (Zwerdling, 1978: 21). These decisions include those on wage levels, profit shares, workload, hiring and severance pay. The committee of executives does make decisions about marketing insurance packages and corporate investments and these people are hired by the corporate board. 123 Half the corporate board is elected by the workers and their control though not total is growing. People learn to participate and prefer the process of work- ing in a place where they have some say. This is illustrated by the examples of corporations bought by local elites when national or multinational corporations have abandoned them. In Vermont, the South Bend Lathe, workers are part owners of a factory where Shares were sold to save the factory's existence. But workers have no more say in the running of the factory than they did in the old system. The workers however, expected a change with the change in ownership and are now demanding it. The National Center for Economic Alternatives is doing a study funded by HUD for the Lykes Corporation of Youngstown. They are recommending a worker ownership and control of a factory of 5000 employees, "not to advance socialism, but to save jobs" (Zwerdling, 1978:24). The practicalities of survival in economic terms are linked with the energy survival issues. And the experience in worker takeovers will be invaluable to the alternative energies movement. Other examples, with documented details of worker controlled task groups exist in places such as Yugoslavia (Pateman, 1970:95ff). National restructuring.--Chile, an example of attempted reform at the national level, provides many lessons for possible national solutions to the energy crisis in the United States. 124 In discussions of distributions of solar systems in the United States, the experience of Chile is revealing. The main problem in redistribution of land and organization of peasant cooperatives in Chile was that: they tried to carry out a capitalist transformation and modernization of traditional farming society with some vaguely socialist elements, without altering fundamentally the structure of the society (Chanchol, 1976:357). The solarization of United States society as it is now proceeding has similar problems. Appropriate technologies as described above in Chapter II and VI are essentially distributive and equalizing and lend themselves to participatory systems. The nature of the crisis where capital and materials are running out, lends itself to long-lasting high quality products, distributed across the board. Slogans of "Buy Solar! and Commercialize Solar" (Munson, 1979:12) reflect lack of perception about the changes that need to occur. As utilities dream up schemes to sell people who have money short-lived hot water collectors, and make a profit besides the solar conversion business backfires: Short-lived systems cannot be replaced once capital and fuels and materials are depleted sufficiently (Lovins, 1979:60). Restructuring national priorities and reallignment of regional or national governments with people in general rather than with corporations, will require imaginative inter- linkages between small groups, neighborhoods and task groups. These linkages rest their meaning and strength in the grass roots. \ 125 The sort of conversion to appropriate technologies postulated in Chapter V1 is based on grass roots action, crucial decision-making on a local neighborhood level, and distribution of useful information and capital at higher levels. Grass Roots Change Through Decentralized Energy_ Systems Downtown East Lansing study area socio-political changes.-- A look at the map of downtown East Lansing as shown in Figure 29 (p. 105) reveals quite a different technological system than the map of the existing system (Figure 21). Such technological changes occur only with changes in other aspects of the culture. By drawing these maps and speculating upon those drawn for Winons (Figures 8 and 9) and by reading the statements of the other experiments such as Cerro Gordo or the New Alchemy, one is led to a kind of archeology of the future. The determination of what kinds of socio-political changes need to take place is a partly specula- tive process based, as in "new archeology“ on knowledge of the present system and knowledge of the physical layout. It is apparent that much of the subsistence of the people who would live in a place such as that illustrated in Figure 29, would be supplied with their own labor very near to their own residences. These include "any of the food products and much of the energy supply needed for warmth and lighting. This means that many people who now Spend their time away from their homes or neighborhoods earning money to purchase 126 fruits, vegetables, protein, heating fuel and cars, would spend at least a very much larger portion of their time than at the present tending gardens, greenhouses, fish farms, fruit trees, and walking or bicycling to nearby destinations. They would also have technical knowledge of the construction and maintenance of the weatherization process and solar systems, such as greenhouses and hot water heaters, which are part of the decentralized technology. While some of this would be accomplished in family groups or single house groups, much of the work and organization and education would occur at a block and neighborhood level. In fact determination of the pedistrian, bike and motorized vehicle pattern and the use of the interior block space would have to be made in deliberative bodies such as those described by Kotler (1978:85). These groups would have to be concensus oriented, cooperative in nature as the level of physical participation required in the technological systems will be much greater than exists today. In these senses, the decentralized political decision-making system takes on special and crucial importance in the implementation of these technologies. Referring to a chart devised by William Bunge (1973), additions can now be made to those decisions described based on local control of transportation, food and heat and light supply systems. The kinds of organizing that needs to occur can be illustrated in the energy additions to Figure 32. The places Bailey Primary School,Baily Community Center and Urban Options 127 88.88: 88.8.08: .8 mHm>mH-- mm H¢=8HL c232: 5388 co.u80.paa< Loxvce xpaaam we mace; muHuoHozzuuh mpHulouuue . a ...-:0 003““ 5 9:58: .8828 ..88 . .wu....u.r.fim.uufiu gammy”... .mswam>m 9.3000 ppgm SL5 333009 .3023... :09 >09 30:09.3. gooso-uoun 0:; 98425.23... nucvucn—Q ”shown: MQDOLQ Jack :.mmou vase ...-ll.- 053-05 ““Muuwmwn “dun“ xuo—m .813:— vcu «33.1.32 mos—.5 . 00 x :23 . -3ng it... ......232... .uHooa 95......- .mxc:wfim .w 3:2. “can 095ch a ..Eouu few—on 2 2. om...“ .Hfluwn ..HNHHUMHHJuuRmHME“uuucwbnnwfl coo m a: L06 1&6 u .a H H H z. u e. 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The skills needed in group political decision-making and successful interpersonal group activity are just as real and important as the technical skills which give the more tangible rationale. Urbanngtions Experience While Specific paper plans as outlined above are important to keep in mind, they often remain far removed from the day to day workings of a group seeking to implement change. In part the analysis presented here encompasses as much as it does because of the experiences of Urban Options. Urban Options encountered frequent and consistent opposition from City Government. In Davis and Seattle where the City Government and the Utility respectively, moved easily to significant work in the areas of conservation and appropriate technologies, the necessity for decentralization of the decision-making and links with other essentially decentralizing movements, is not yet central. The Opposition encountered by Urban Options made it obvious that strong block and neighborhood level groups offers the major chance of success. 129 In the long run, as the experience in Village Homes in Davis and in Seattle suggest success of conservation and appropriate technologies movements rests on political decentralization and parti- cipation. The appropriate technologies movement brings to the neighborhood and political reform movements a technological leverage and legitimacy. The energy crisis itself will produce enough economic pressure on individuals and cities to require genuine participation on the neighborhood level and lower. The practical hands on nature of the apprOpriate technology movement provides organizing opportunities which have basis in practical and reachable experience (Hess, l979z95ff). Opportunities for defiance are not created by analyses of power structure. If there is a genius in organzing it is the capacity to sense what is possible for people to do under given conditions and then help them do it (Piven and Cloward,1977:22). Structural Change Not only technological change but also structural change is possible for pe0ple to reach. Illustrated in Figure 33 below are two parallel decision-making structures which now exist in the solar movements in the United States. The decision-making structure on the right is dominant today and will lead to hard path decisions whether in the name of nuclear power or solar satellites. The other decision-making system illustrated on the left represents the emerging social system and it is part of the appro- priate technologies movements. That structure is in its beginning stages in the energy movement and need only be deepened and linked 130 mgauuagum suma=ugm2= zmhm>m hzmmmma .. L .n . ' - u Ill “mowed... 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PeOple in the tap layers of the present decision-making structure are often not immediately threatened, though decentralization and distribution are antithetical to a strict hierarchical system. People in more middle layers of the structure such as planners and policy makers for whom practicing planners often work are immediately threatened. "What is engendered by large bureaucratic organizations that permeate our social system is an inflexibility of purpose and a vested interest in the status quo" (Benello, l97l:40). This is one major reason for the opposition to Urban Options work in the City Government of East Lansing. Role of the Professional Planner A New Planning Process A new planning process emerges from the form suggested in the line of argument of this thesis. The process in this thesis has gone from explicitly argued assumptions, through study of extant examples, to kinds of data which allow for broad thinking about planning alternatives, to wide political participation of people with whom planners plan. The process can occur the other way around from the participation to explicit assumptions. Planners from Mannhein (194) through Friedman (l978) to Grabow and Heskin (l973) have aruged in theory for some such process 132 with political participation as a central component. But these arguments have often been taken for irrelevant academic thinking that is unnecessary or unrealistic to translate into specific planning professional practices. In fact such processes as suggested here are revealed because of the energy crisis, to be intensely practical and consistent with the wont of professional planners precisely because they can lead to success in the short as well as the long term. To be caught in a series of failures is not only debilitating personally and‘professionally, in the case of the energy crisis, it could well be catastrophic. Failure to deal with the depth of the problem by accepting obsolete premises and moving along old unsuccess- ful paths, could put professional planning in the paradoxical position of planning for a future that is not sustainable in human terms. A New Planner The social and political and moral imperatives of the 605 produced only a few practicing professional planners who operated by the Needleman (1974) school and were aware of the meaning of Sherry Arnstein's (l969) typology. The energy crisis and the ecological crisis add to these others a technical and economic imperative which make possible solutions more urgent. In terms of planners, the most lucid present discussion of a new planner whose major focus is participation comes from the neighborhood movement. Rick Cohen's work is based on his study of 133 the Pennsylvania Neighborhood Preservation System (PNPS). He goes well beyond Anthony Downs (1970), Sherry Arnstein (1975) the Needlemans (l974) in an understanding of the politics of the neighborhood planning process. Cohen concludes: Planners must now begin to see themselves not as manipula- tors of resources to be allocated to target neighborhoods, but architects of new political forms which match the types of problems and neighborhoods they must face. . . . This is a different and probably difficult challenge to the con- ventional thinking of planners. The neighborhood unit is no longer a physical territory or a housing market, but a political entity. Neighborhood planning is a political process whose decisions have physical, economic and social implications. Planners in PNPS have been compelled to turn their conceptual world on its head, with results that may be significant advances over technical fixes of traditional neighborhood projects (Cohen, 1979:361-362). The kinds of energy problem solutions presented in this thesis have as their foundation the neighborhood made up of strong, responsible and trained individuals doing work in their own houses and with their neighbors. As a consequence the conversion process must be in part a political process. Because this process is participatory and not directive in nature, planners who facilitate it will need different training, a different outlook than they now have. By using the kinds of planning processes suggested in this thesis we can arrive at energy solutions by beginning from where we HOW are . CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS Professional planning process and practice which has devloped in the United States needs basic revamping in response to the energy crisis. While the general sequence of that planning process which proceeds from assumptions and background to alterna- tives and choice, through implementation, can be argued as a logical basic system, in practice it has become pat and reactive. The seriousness of the energy crisis mandates planners to think in creative terms about possible and sustainable futures. Frequently planners have simply reacted to isolated patterns as they unfolded. But the energy crisis reaches deeply into every aspect of culture in the United States. In responding to this crisis planners have two choices. One response is characterized by Heilbroner: The planning that will emerge from the present crisis will be of a different nature. Its essential prupose will be not to remedy the various failures that capitalist growth has brought but to direct and at the bottom to protect the very possibility of that growth as long as that can be (Heilbroner, l978z7l). The planning methods and processes that follow from this choice is one way, from implicit assumptions through implementation, initiated and carried through from the top levels of social I34 I35 hierarchy. It has become so narrow as to preclude any discussion of genuine alternatives. Planners can and are responding to the energy crisis in another way, through changes in practice and methods as discussed in this thesis. This second choiCe involves changing the content of the planning process as it now most frequently exists in cities in the United States. It also involves changing the nature of the flow of the planning process. Instead of the planning process proceeding from often implicit assumptions, through alternatives, to implementation, planners could as is demonstrated in this thesis begin at any point. In this thesis the beginning is, conventionally with assumptions. Unconventionally, the discussion of assumptions is explicit and reaches to the core of the present energy debate, between the "hard" and the "soft" paths. The contention in this thesis, is that if this debate proceeds with a view of the depth of the energy crisis in terms of the whole culture of the United States, the choice for solutions which planners and others will advocate is long the "soft" path. This involves not following directives as planners are too frequently trained to do, but advocacy. Such aulevel of discussion raises genuine alternatives. These alternatives can suggest tacks in implementation along the soft path. Some of these are summarized in view of a model of culture in Chapter III. In Chapter IV, the conventional planning process has been reversed. The discussion of soft path planning proceeds in 136 Chapter IV from ongoing implementation at Urban Options. The process of implementation of appropriate technologies in the Urban Options example demonstrated that a unilineal method of planning will not be sufficient in finding positive solutions to the energy crisis. In Chapter V the inadequacy and narrowness of the commonly used energy data base becomes very apparent as energy planning enters the concerns of local planners. If assumptions are explicit, then a sequence of planning considerations can be developed in detail and can be effectively argued from any point in the planning process. In addition the data upon which planners and others justify their choices, can be collected for a specific and defined purpose. In the case of the argument for the appropriate technologies solu- tions to the energy crisis, data must be applicable to a local level and usable and controlled by people in whose houses and lives adaptation will occur. Local planners are then thrust into a new level of responsibility and complexity. A one tiered parking ramp is no (longer an alternative to a three tiered parking ramp. Rather the need for parking is discussed in the context of transportation needs of the peOple within a planner jurisdiction. If conservation and use of appropriate, renewable resources is a basis for planning, transporation planning becomes a complex interweaving of pedestrians, bicyclists and people and goods traveling by motorized vehicle 137 matched in their emphasis with the needs for local and intercity passenger travel and freight carrying. The technological planning process which can facilitate the use of appropriate technologies and the amount of money avail- able for such conversion are new specific provinces for local planners. But the technology is learnable and interesting and the money is still available as discussed in Chapter VI. The most difficult part of the changes required of the planner in response to the energy crisis has to do with the socio- political role of the planners. As discussed in Chapter VII, the planning profession as it is practiced today puts planners squarely in a strict hierarchical decision-making system. If planners depend, professionally or personally, upon this strict hierarchy, they can become impediments to the kinds of socio-political changes which seem essential to conversion to appropriate technologies. Nith explicit discussion of the root issues brought forth by the energy crisis, professional planners will become not merely querrillas in, or advocates of, an existing top down view of their professional practice where the content is narrow and reactive. Rather planners will be participants, organizers and facilitators of basic localized change with at once more subtle and in many ways more complicated data, alternatives and syntheses, and a more flexable view of the process of their professional practice. APPENDICES 138 APPENDIX A CENSUS TRACTS CITY OF EAST LANSING 139 140 CITY OF EAST LANSING Michigan 1977 CENSUS TRACTS .......... J‘fi—‘H‘tdh--I O 0 .— “age (City of East Lansing, 1979) o _-. _m APPENDIX B EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS 141 OM‘flN-l CHANDLER WEST PINECREST EAST PINECREST WHITEHILLS GLENCAIRN WEST ALTON 5 i ' EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS 142 EAST LANSING Michigan can or T— 197.? 7 EAST ALTON* 13 SOUTH CAHILL 8 WALNUT HILLS 14 WEST KENSINGTON 9 CITY CENTER 15 EAST KENSINGTON 10 WEST BAILEY 16 ROGUE 11 EAST BAILEY 17 RED CEDAR 12 NORTH CAHILL 18 SPARTAN VILLAGE (City of East Lansing,1978) APPENDIX C EAST LANSING ZONING 143 144 U)NII\ u u nu u l.'. _1 96.3 i m hsup a t—23E'Gr‘ov I u :— n.n .J¢uu2mw 632.com - NM m .. . . 3. .. “..., V. 1.. .— - .27.! : .— .m.m..m=.m=8. a... L0 ...U. wzHZON ILOIEVV ......a- at APPENDIX D STUDY AREA: RENTAL LICENSE 145 146 gfl‘ , I . u . 5‘ \ .L . "' 3 . ., "q: i I s ,9 ' . “‘1" / ' ‘ i 5% " I3 5‘; e-"u. h - -' ' .' . H u . a 1‘ . \ u 1 . .4 - '<~ .- v . . '3‘ | 2014., o 1 ' - - Z a in ‘4 u 6 z u! v '3 ., ”[15:37 . gny mfi'fi? Ev ’ w 3.1!? I ‘f .‘ 29': I ‘ - “uh I ' _‘3 , ‘q‘ aaaéarzaama pg .- = "T “S?” M : aaamaaaaamgaf .. a! a: Wig-.8 RENTAL LICENSES (City of East Lansing, 1979) APPENDIX E STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE PLAN 1980 147 148 ——. | a WEE?” ‘ D-JH H . I‘D/AC- _ W“? [mill—u _- «ya—anua 8a 5am N 5 5? FVSLM_4 funUWflflll — W» m mgr—m. - mm:— L E '83) » : amiEEE ‘W ‘ "rém IQ m; w .4 GI" ": Tau . W . 71' £5 1 4,4 4:: L; v: V.» m“. a" 5.;- f: I ~v.‘ .. ~‘ cur. '- - ..— . i", M’ Hiya“: ...:al Adv ‘4” 2 WE ‘"W:‘ ' 6 2:51 m : gm;§§aéflJgfifiisaaa .hgg. $319!: . [1" ~ a 9| '0 ' fa [We a . , .--. m:_-;:‘L«"'! “ . .5 ”f” I 55555::sz .- ._ 1-1,E““R;-Trj:1 %_~ ‘V w * “ “ 555:: \ - 7 , l 5 52:54:25? , '5 a: 35%,: 497% 5 EEEEMV ,iésg r __ m... 55 . é EwfififiW :5“ ligaglgffifi L l-J«-;l"( ‘ w u «1g, 27‘}; ’2"J',§ Jr K‘" ‘flgifii’ ', MPH“? . 5E E?! E? ’1. l‘ q 1 1 . STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE PLAN 1980 (City of East Lansing,1979) APPENDIX F I SOLAR ENERGY THAT CAN BE COLLECTED T49 150 Line 7-lt takes 1 BTU’ of energy to heat 1 lb of water PF. and a gallon of water weighs a little over 8 lb. Therefore. the energy required to heat the water to 140'F each day would be the number of gallons per day times the temper- ature difference times 8.33 lb per gal. Line 8—The hot water energy requirement each month is the amount of energy required per day times the number of days in the month. Amount of Solar Energy That Can Be Collected (Chart 2) Line 3—lnsolation is the amount of solar energy that reaches a surface and is measured in BTUs per square foot. The insolation that strikes a solar collector depends on latitude. time of the year, and the collector orientation. Michigan ranges from about 40' to 48' north latitude (Figure 2). For all practical purposes the collector must be facing south. _____ W—mmwmnammummh humane-e mzwwum CHART 2 SelarEneroThatCanleCapbiradpequuareFeotolCollectorparfluth. the Description Source Ileib Minimums) . 1 Month Jan Feb Mar April May June July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec 2No.days Days 312831303130313130313031 permontli 3 Daily Seediscussion BTU per 1730 2100 2300 2300 2260 2210 2220 2250 2220 1970 1700 1530 insulation Tablel ft' 4 Hoursofusable TableZ Hour 9 9 9 11 11 11 11 11 9 9 9 8 sunshineperday 5 Hourly insulation Line3+ BTUpertt‘ 192 233 256 209 205 201 202 205 247 219 189 191 Line4 perhour 6 Desiredirater Line4 'F 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 temperature Chartl 7Incomin¢waterLine5 ‘F 545454545454545454545454 temperature Chartl 8 Average collector (Une6 + 'F 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 ' water temperature Line 7) + 2 9 Averageoutdoor Table3 'F 25 25 34 48 59 72 75 74 64 53 39 29 temperature 10 Lossfactnr (Line8 - 'F-lf-hr . 0.38 0.31 0.25 0.23 0.19 0.12 0.11 0.11 0.13 0.20 0.31 0.36 ' Line 9) + perBTlJ ‘ Line5 11 Collector Fun 6 0.42 0.48 0.52 0.54 0.58 0.62 0.63 0.63 70.62 056 0.48 0.44 ll‘ . 12 Feasible sunshine Table 3 0.36 0.44 0.49 0.52 0.64 0.68 0.71 0.69 0.60 0.55 0.31 0.30 13 Total rnonthly (U002 x 1.000 SW 8.1 124 18.2 19.4 26.0 28.0 30.8 30.3 24.8 188 7.6 6.3 h-collectable Uae3xline perlt'per isolation per 11 x Line 12) mtli WM ‘0' I,” a (Stoudt and Myers, i977z6) APPENDIX 6 AUTOMOBILE TERRITORY: EAST LANSING ISI 152 8: ":3 .5535 ducks: 515—52 van Jun—U 5.0—...153 Ewa— .._...ED TEE: ..0 02.3513 0.: its name: Eu... :5: guano...”— ..::o .95. «:59.» E .059 $5....» .:uu_—_u_2 $52.3 :«m ..0 tan a E 2.5:?! £595.53 3am. 0:232 i . .6...— vng .cnz . >w¢ .EOOwo So... 8QO cacao. _||.|i_ 08 So com o 8QO $282 I / Z< .52: 95.0 09 a \‘ .amfiooow 90.000 aw . m 87.35 APPENDIX H ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH GAS HEAT 153 154 '°” 1” THE Bfiwv a: as THE CHIMNEY o... 4 CQMDUTEO fifiggqu T0 QHQLY:E lERTdifi °¢CB=I~G THE 40mg ranLt LIVING EDUCATION iaueaeertwe EHTEHTIUN zachce fICHIGHN 27ers univee3Irv ... '2T5ll.|'.k'1"4'5 ‘71”.[1 1.];QTHES'E'TDIF-DIr-{G [l.3-3;: Emit ..NIHQQ‘U I. SQVINGEI¢RDM CRULKING D: *3 9H5 MINDQMB carve: TDTQL INiTQCLQTIOH CGET = I re. Par-SQCK 959105 ($75. I I... TUTQL INZTQLLRTIUN COST = fi 4 . DRY-BREW QEQIQD (Y9?! = 0.6 roe STDDM MINDJM INETALLHTIDH 000 3. SQVINGE “GUM ETUWM MINDOM IszRLLQTIGN (art?) TQTRL IHETRLLQTIDN EDIT = t 396. PHY-BRCK bsexgn ($93) a 4,: ~00 QTTIC INEULRTIUH 0o. 4. SHVING? =90" INSULATING q UN‘INIEHED QTTIC . a' .00 . sewING: coon meerwectreieetws aoaaz awn MINDGME (If? TUTQL RODEO EDDITIGNQL INCTHLRTIDN “QTEQCK PEQUID INCHEB INCHES 5%VIHGIIE CUZTffii YEH?E 8 a. E. 4. 3?. 13.2 10 4. '3 ?. 16'2. 306' IE 6.0 9.‘ EZ~.V’ 14.? 14 8- '3 1'). 311. 1.590;. ~09 MHLL INSULATION 00¢ ?. SQVINGZ FPUM INSULATING MéLLS ~I/Y91 = 123. TUTHL INETJLLQTIGN COST 8 I 923. ‘ PAT-BRCK ”$9105 ($933 a 6 1 .Ngrg. -- q cguTeqcroa MILL ween TD on rat: ... CRRML seats. unnae FLDD°39 awn BeasnauT MALL: a- sawtus: ream Inauenrlwe coaML soeca (t/vei . . Tore; InsreLLquow COST . s 53. PAY-BECK esexon :vvzi - 4.5 IHEULATIGH ... to."sevInss teen INSULRTIHG eatenewr MQLLS (s/Ye) - TDTHL INETQLLHTID” CD: 8 S 209. fofiY-BQCK PERIOD (Y9?) I 5.1 ENERGY AUDIT WITH GAS HEAT: Urban Options 135 Linden JD 10. I) BE. ‘3 APPENDIX I ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH ELECTRIC HEAT 155 a" ' ~09. I” THE ER“! 0? U9 THE CHIMNEY o... : COMPUTEQ PPDG‘RM TD AHALTZE EHTHEQ PC‘nC-2IH.3 TH": H:..fi_: QMILY LIVING EDUCRTIDH aUF'EF'FITWE EXTEHEIUH 3520162 ICHIGQN ETRTE UNIVE?:ITY -oo CHULKING AND MEETHEPSTPIPPIHE 9909: QHB MINEJMfi 009 l. SRwIHGE $90M CRULKIHG HOSP: nun MIHDOME :1 f0? = - 31- TDTAL INETHLLRTIDH caiT = 0 73- pay—ERCK PERIOD chTI = 3~1 2. SEVIHgZ spam MERTHEP?TPIPDING name: any MIHECMT rexve; . 3-' TOTE; INSTRLLHTIU“ 001T = 5 43- FRY-BECK GEPIUD (V933 ' 0-1 '90 STDEN MINDSU IHETHLLRTIDH ... 3. SAVING: F900 STORM MINflDM IHTTH TDTRL INSTALLRTIDN COST = 0 306. PET—£00K PERIOD (Y9?) = 1.1 ~00 ATTIC INSULRTIQH ... 4. SHVINEE FRO“ INSULETINB H UNEIHISHED HTTIC ‘STRL 90050 RDDITIDHAL waTfiLRTIDH PRYBGCK PEPGID .NCHES INCHES SHVIHGI?) CGETfII $583? 2 2.0 193. 35. 0.3 4 4.0 £33. 73. 0.3 6 6.0 252. 103. 0.a 8 8.0 . 251. 133. 0.5 10 10.0 266. ' 171. 0.5 12 12.0 26?. £04. 0.3 14 14.0 872. 23?. 0.? '90 MHLL IHfiULRTIDH 00¢ ?. $001053 FPDM INEULQTIHG HELL: (05:5: = 555. TOTAL IHLTHLLRTIDH 003T . 5 933. PET-£00K PEPICD (YRS) s 1.5 ’HUTE’ -- R CDHTPRCTD? MILL NEED TD 03 THIS J03 -00 CRHML SPECS: UNDER FLGGPS. END 3 :EmEHT MQLLSvIHEULHTIDH ... 3. sRQInss 5:95 INSULRTING cpemL specs (01$?) . as. TDTRL INETRLLRTIQN cost . s 53. PHY‘BfiCK PERIOD (YES) 3 1.2 .0. SEVIHGS FPO" INSULRTINE EESEMENT MFLLS (S/YP) I 125. 3 rTDTRL INSTRLLHTIDN COST 1 303. thfiYfBRCV PEPIUD (YES) 3 1.6 ENERGY AUDIT' WITH ELECTRIC HEAT: Urban Options 135 Linden BIBLIOGRAPHY 157 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Richard. ”Man, Energy and Anthropology." American Anthropologist 80 (1978). Alinsky, Saul D. Rules For Radicals. New York: Vintage Books, 1972. 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