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g LIBRARY "
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Planning for Energy Sustainable
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presented by
Anabel Dwyer
has been accepted towards fulfillment
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Master in Urban Planning
j 444/24” J; 9244/“...
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MAY212005
#3313 {)3
PLANNING FOR ENERGY SUSTAINABLE FUTURES
By
Anabel Dwyer
A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING
School or Urban Planning and
Landscape Architecture
1979
ABSTRACT
PLANNING FOR ENERGY SUSTAINABLE FUTURES
By
Anabel Dwyer
Futures are the business of professional planners. Although
energy planning has not been a traditional part of the planners'
work, the central fact of the future in the United States is the
‘ sharp decline in the availability of cheap fossil fuels. Planners
face profound new choices and complexities as they deal with the
realities of the energy crisis.
Approaches to solving the energy crisis which rely on
combinations of appropriate technologies, locally based and renew-
able, have the best chance of leading this culture toward futures
which are sustainable in the long term. This thesis presentsa i
set of reasoning and planning processes which can facilitate the i
use of appropriate technologies. I I W \
The Introduction sets forth the basic argument of the thesis.
In Chapter II, the theoretical assumptions of future energy alterna-
tives are discussed in the context of a model of culture. Enumera-
tion of some relevant existing energy projects follows in Chapter
III.
Anabel Dwyer
Chapter IV, a case study of Urban Options, an East Lansing
group advocating appropriate technologies, reveals that energy
conversions to these technologies will require political action.
In Chapter V, new processes and data, which planners will
need to use in conversion to locally scaled energy technologies,
are discussed.
In Chapter VI, an area of downtown East Lansing is used as
an example showing planning and implementation of technical and
economic conversion to appropriate technologies.
Chapter VII pursues the socio-political level of conversion
to locally based technologies and summarizes changes in decision-
making and implementation portions of professional planning practice.
The Conclusion finds that the depth and severity of the
energy crisis and approaches reasonable and possible for long term
solutions require that the planning profession alter the substance
and form of its commonly practiced methodology.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My thanks for encouragement and support within the School
of Urban Planning go, in particular, to Professors Sanford Farness,
John Mullin, Keith Honey and Carl Goldschmidt. In addition a few
students pointed the way toward realization of changes advocated
here. I want to thank Ron Oster for his decency and conversation.
The combination of ideas put together in this thesis came
primarily from five years of discussion and organizing with David
Dwyer, Linda Easley and Charles Ipcar. This is my expression of
what we have done together.
That much of our academic thought is coming to fuition at
Urban Options is less due to this kind of abstract work than it is
to the hard, practical work of the Urban Options Staff and Board.
My faith in the basic intelligence and creativity of people, their
ability to deal constructively with a crisis as enormous as the
energy crisis, is supported by the work of Urban Options and the
enthusiasm it has generated.
In the hope of carving a possible, even an exciting future
for our children, Daphne and Anthony, I have put together this
thesis. And I thank David, Daphne and Anthony for their immeasur-
able help.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES .
Chapter
I.
II.
III.
IV.
INTRODUCTION
THE ENERGY CRISIS .
Projections .
Complexity
Culture .
Cultural Change .
United States Futures--Cultural Choices
The Hard Path
The Soft Path
CONVERSION ALONG THE SOFT PATH: EXAMPLES .
Levels of Cultural Impact and Concern
City Projects
Paper Studies . .
Neighborhood Projects .
Single House Projects .
URBAN OPTIONS
Urban Options Chronology
Opposition . .
Meaning for Soft Path Solutions to the Energy
Crisis . . . . . . .
TRANSITION IN PLANNING METHODS: PRESENT METHODS TO
SOFT PATH METHODS . . . . . . . . .
Existing Data . .
Modifications in Data Collection and .Presentation
Sequence of Planning Considerations .
Page
vi
62
64
73
75
Chapter
VI.
VII.
VIII.
PLANNING CONSIDERATIONS IN CONVERSION TO
APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGIES IN DOWNTOWN EAST LANSING,
MICHIGAN .
Data Base . .
End Use Energy Needs .
Summary for Relevant Existing Planning Data .
General Demographic Data
Transportation Data .
Buildings Data
Weather Data
Modification of Existing Data
Collection of Additional Data
Technological Change . .
Step 1: A Transportation Plan
Step 2: A Buildings Plan .
Step 3: Electricity . .
Step 4: Integrating Suggested Technologies .
THE SOCIO- POLITICAL LEVEL OF CONVERSION STRATEGIES
FOR CHANGE ALONG THE SOFT PATH . .
Decentralization
Decentralization as a Technical Necessity
Decentralization as a Cultural Necessity .
Two Approaches to Change . . .
Decentralization as a Logical Direction: Lessons
From Political Reform Movements . .
Grass Roots Change Through Decentralized Energy
Systems . . . . . . .
Urban Options Experience
Structural Change
Role of the Professional Planner
A New Planning Process .
A New Planner .
CONCLUSIONS
APPENDICES .
A.
B.
C.
CENSUS TRACTS CITY OF EAST LANSING
EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS
EAST LANSING ZONING
iv
Page
110
110
111
111
113
114
125
128
129
131
132
134
138
139
141
143
APPENDICES Page
D. STUDY AREA: RENTAL LICENSE . . . . . . . . . 145
E. STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE PLAN 1980 . . . . . . 147
F. SOLAR ENERGY THAT CAN BE COLLECTED . . . . . . 149
G. AUTOMOBILE TERRITORY: ~EAST LANSING . . . . . . 151
H. ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH GAS HEAT . . . . . . . 153
I. ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT WITH ELECTRIC HEAT . . .‘ . . 155
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Figure
OkOCDVO‘UT-wa
N —‘
.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
LIST OF FIGURES
Crude Oil Resources of the United States .
The 1976 Energy Budget .
A Model of Culture
Present U.S. Culture and Possible Futures
Village Homes Land Allocation
Cerro Gordo Base Plan
Winona Neighborhood Change: Existing and Phase 1 .
Winona Neighborhood Change: Phases 2 and 3 .
West Garfield Park
Energy Consumption Flow Chart: Michigan,l975
Energy Consumption by Sector: Michigan, 1975
End Use Energy Consumption by Percentage of Sectors:
Michigan 1975 . . . . . . . . . . .
End Uses in the U.S. by Quality .
End Uses in the U.S. by Sector and Work
Michigan End Uses and Possible Reductions in Use
Matrix Proposed by A.I.P.
Human End Use Needs and Supply Alternatives .
Present End Uses Transitional and Future Alternatives.
Michigan End Uses by Percentage .
Study Area East Lansing
vi
Page
10
13
19
34
39
43
44
47
65
66
68
69
7O
72
74
75
76
79
84
Figure
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
Study Area Base Map
Study Area Block Analysis
Major Arteries: East Lansing Area
Daily Car Trips Within Zones
Daily Car Trips from CEO to Neighboring Zones .
Appropriate Transportation Plan: Downtown East
Lansing .
Existing Street Map
Proposed Narrower Streest
Downtown East Lansing Using Appropriate
Technologies . . . . . . .
Transition Process to Appropriate Technologies
Funds Available for Appropriate Technologies
Conversions . . . . .
Levels of Decision Making
Systems of Organization: Solar Decisions
vii
Page
85
87
89
91
92
94
96
97
105
106
108
127
130
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Major changes in the way of life in the United States will
inevitably result from predicted sharp decline in availability of
cheap fossil fuels. United States culture, heavily dependent on
these cheap fuels, continues to increase demand for fossil fuels
and precipitates the sharp decline in their availability and rise
in cost. In speculated upon methods of dealing with this crisis,
two alternatives have been articulated.
One alternative concentrates capital expenditures in large
centralized technologies, facilities and bureaucracies. These take
increasing amounts of capital simply to sustain themselves rather
than producing products or results which address human needs. This
is the path that Amory Lovins designates "hard" (Lovins, 1977:26).
Its name includes the connotation "difficult" because it reaches a
dead end in the long term (20 years or so) as it becomes caught in
a "capital trap" (Lovins, 1977:60).
The other alternative, which Lovins calls the “soft" path
allocates increasing amounts of capital to localized and renewable
energy supply techniques with a basis in and emphasis on conserva-
tion. Techniques for supplying energy are scaled to the uses for
which they are intended such as food, warmth, lighting and transpor-
tation.
In the short run (10 or 15 years), the "hard" path may give
the illusion of normality in the United States. Beyond that, if
not before then, shortages of basic fuels are bound to occur.
Catastrophes, freezing, starvation are the inevitable kinds of
results. These have already occurred in many parts of the third
world and were narrowly escaped at Three Mile Island.
Conversion along the soft path is now possible on the
technical and economic levels. Locally applicable, renewable energy
technologies are available for conservation and supply of energy.
If it is planned now, with sufficient lead time, conversion along
this soft path could be orderly and creative.
The problem with conversion to soft technologies lies in
the socio-political level of present U.S. culture. The soft path
necessitates basic changes in the hierarchial decision-making
structures that now exist in the United States. As such it
represents a direct threat to those whose lives and livelihoods
depend upon such structures.
Long term, planned solutions to the energy crisis then
become difficult because many planners and policy makers view
decision-making unilinearally and primarily in terms of their
positions in the decision-making structures. Because planners are
frequently locked into support of the present socio-political
system, they'upy' abrogate their responsibilities as professionals
whose business is a liveable future. And except in cases where
exceptionally foresighted individuals have emerged, local efforts
at long term planning with decentralization and participation as
essential features, are being squashed or made unnecessarily
difficult by the planners themselves.
In now common planning methodology, planners have based
alternative choices on implicit assumptions about the nature of
culture and social systems. In earlier times, these hidden assump-
tions may have been commonly agreed to. But in dealing with the
energy crisis, it becomes essential for planners to refine their
processes and articulate basic and varying premises. Different
premises will result in different kinds of data and radically
different methods of implementation.
Time and money exist now for the planning profession to
take an active role in working toward sustainable futures. These
choices are essentially political and, paradoxically, may lessen
the planners own role in broad decision-making power and broaden
the base of pe0ple from which decisions are made. Planners do
have responsibilities for the future. Even de facto planning for
oblivion is not supportable professionally. I
Many locally based groups are making significant progress
toward long lasting solutions to the energy crisis. But many
planners and policy makers confound such soft path solutions. When
attempts at basic change are counteracted, the kinds of structural
changes that need to occur in the culture become more obvious. The
methods at arriving at alternatives, kinds of data and ways of
implementing change in decision-making structures, are probably
only speculated upon as the need to change the system arises.
Soft path solutions to the energy crisis tie together
radical political advocacy of the kinds exhibited in the poor
peoples, anti-war and neighborhood movements, with appropriately
scaled and reliable technologies. The energy crisis deepens as it
becomes a crisis, not merely of technology, but of our basic
societal structure and of our ability to adapt to a different
future.
Transitions, even involving major cultural change can be
staged and planned. Whether they are or not in the next 20 years
in the United States, depends to some degree on the vision, depth
of understanding and methodology of planners themselves. It is the
purpose of this thesis, by way of the line or argument outlined in
this chapter, to refine the vision and techniques of planners as
they begin to seek solutions to the energy crisis.
CHAPTER II
THE ENERGY CRISIS
The energy crisis became a planning problem only as a result
of the oil crisis of 1973, the long gas lines and the sudden rise in
prices. It was this that pressed upon the consciousnesses of
Americans above the poverty line, that a fragile and transient
symbiosis existed between our gluttonous way of life and the easy,
cheap flow of fossil fuels.
People began to realize that an ever-increasing demand for
fossil fuels cannot be met by a decreasing supply of these same
fuels. Questions began to be raised: How much oil do we have left?
What are we going to do after it is gone?
Projections
Projections, warning of a sudden decrease in oil supplies
had been made before the crisis of 1973, particularly by M. King
.Hubbert (1971,1973). Projections of the remaining crude oil in the
United States,for example, are based upon rates of recovery. There
are basically two ways of calculating those projections. Commoner
summarizes those ways as follows:
Hubbert plots the amount of oil discovered per year for
successive years, Zapp plots the amount of oil discovered
per foot of exploratory well drilled for successive cumula-
tive lengths of well drilled. In this way, Zapp's method,
unlike Hubbert's measures the amount of oil found for a
given amount of exploratory effort (Commoner, 1976:51).
In other words, as Commoner explains, the Zapp method
eliminates the economic factor, the cost of drilling and calculates
on purely physical grounds the amount of oil remaining. The problem
becomes one of determining how much oil, for instance there actually
is under ground versus how much oil might be feasibly or economically
extracted. Using these different methods, Hubbert projects a
remaining 64 billion barrels from 1974 (Commoner, 1976:49) and Zapp
projects 400 to 600 billion barrels of remaining oil (Commoner, 1976:
50).
In 1975, the United States Geological Survey (USGS)
(Circular 725, 1979) combined these two types of projections in
the following way. The USGS called "reserves" 112 billion barrels
which are "identified resources known to be recoverable with current
technology under present economic conditions" (USGS:1975:2). The
total number of barrels of crude oil remaining in the United States
is projected at 440 billion barrels (Figure l). The lower figure,
with the economic constraint defined as part of it, is comparable
to the Hubbert projections. The higher figure reflecting total
amounts of oil existing, whether economical to extract or not, is
comparable to the Zapp figure.
Different kinds of projections are voiced in many places.
Koenig (1977:1603 Stoudt and Myers, 1977) gives those of Hubbert
exclusively. Projections used by Dix (1977:63ff.) are based on
Hubbert and the USGS:725 study portion called "Reserves."
CRUDE OIL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES
(BILLION BARRELS)
lDENTlFlED |
Demonstrated ! UNDlSCOVERED
Measured indicated Inferred
RESERVES Learnsaxfig
ecouomc34.250 4.636 23.1 |.s:ss:zsi50-127§§§§§§§
SLE-
ECONOMIC
ttfimfimrfimfincfleamaficknfliN-W A
Total U.S. Cumulative Oil Production 106 Billion Barrels
12/31/74
(uses: 725.1975 21 )
FIGURE 1.--Crude Oil Resources of the United States
Hayes, (1979:233ff.) summaries these and other studies and concludes
similarly that United States "resources of conventional oil will be
seriously depleted by the year 2000" (Hayes, 1979:234).
When Hubbert, Koenig and Dix assert projections, they assume
that a given and present economic situation will "permit" the extrac-
tion of only the lower amount of oil. When Zapp and Commoner
endeavor to eliminate a static economic factor in projections, they
assume that there is a necessary distinction to be made between the
amount of oil remaining and how difficult or expensive it may be to
extract it. Drilling for oil, from now on will become more expensive,
but this is an economic question and not a physical or natural fact
and should be expressed as such (Commoner, 1976:57; Hayes, 1979:233).
Complexity
The confusion in these projection figures results from a
lack of explicitness on the part of all those projecting about their
own concepts of the whole of culture. What do these projections
mean? Where does economics and technology fit into a concept of the
whole? Hidden assumptions are often revealed in discussions of
projections. For example, Dix says the following:
The environmentalists have joined forces with the ultra-
conservatives in blocking legislation and stopping progress
in the planning and building of energy productions systems
by the petroleum and electric utility corporations. A
leader of the environmental movement, Barry Commoner, is
engaged in totally unscientific and indefinsible claims as
to the size and availability of the United States petroleum
resource (Dix, 1977z7).
This kind of outrage relies on hidden assumptions. One
assumption is that the energy crisis is one of supply, that is, the
problem is that the supply is limited not that the demand is
unrealistically high. (Solutions to the crisis using the Dix
assumption need to center on increasing the energy supplies, not on
reducing the demand (Mobil, 1977). Another assumption, hidden in
the Dix statement is that natural fact, technology and economics
are all inseparable and that their present relationship as it
exists in the United States today is immutable and cannot be
changed. This assumption fails to distinguish cultural from
natural fact.
Dix proceeds in his own discussion to quote the USGS:725
study as a reliable source of projection figures, carefully avoiding
the full chart of their own projections as reproduced in Figure 1.
Clearly it is not the physical projections Dix doesn't like about
Commoner. What is it?
Often these arguments become hot and the content obscured.
The fact that we have from 112-440 billion barrels of crude oil
remaining in the United States and use about 6 billion barrels
of oil equivalent per year (Figure 2) does not result in the simple
conclusion that we have from 18 to 73 years left before we cease
to exist.
The meaning of these figures, whether we plan it or choose
it or not, is that people in the United States will have to make
basic changes in their culture in the next 20 years because of the
10
THE I976 ENERGY BUDGET
Total: 37 Million Barrels of Oil Per Day
(MBD)
Domestic-
Petroleum
Production
Petroleu:
Imports
4211C)9%3
I0.0 MBD
Coal Natural Gas
4n1°t3
1.5'rAB$> 2L17SMD
Renewable [-0 MBD
Hydro-Electric Nuclear
Geo-Thermal'”
(Commoner,1977:4)
FIGURE 2.--The 1976 Energy Budget
11
fact that so much of our present cultural system depends upon
present quantities of cheap extraction of abundant fossil fuels.
Our present cultural system,including current economic expectations
of rates or profit return,is structured so that corporations will
remove only between 84 and 112 billion barrels of oil. At 1976
rates of consumption (Figure 2) and not including any increase in
rate of consumption, that will last for about 18 years.
If more barrels of oil are extracted, they will become more
expensive and at some point prohibitively expensive. But because
it is possible to predict that our present consumptive way of life
will change fairly soon and probably dramatically, does not mean
that planning and discussion should cease while we wait for "dooms-
day." What it does mean is that people in general and planners in
particular need to understand something about human cultures and
how they operate. Then we can explore the ways in which this
culture might change and the alternatives open to us.
Culture
Culture is a concept used by anthropologists to describe
the system by which human beings organize their activities-and
relationships. As defined by Marshall Sahlins, culture is:
a system of things, social relations and ideas, a com-
plex mechanism by which people exist and persist . . .
organized not merely to order relations but to sustain
human existence (Kaplan and Manners, 1972:4).
Culture is a particularly human system of adaptation. Many
different cultures exist and can be distinguished and described.
\.
12
These cultures operate within the constraints of the natural
system but they are entities which can be distinguished from nature
in that they are learned, transmitted and changed by human beings.
Cultures in general have some common characteristics. They
have structures within which people operate, these are frameworks or
rules of the game. As people pursue their activities they can and
do modify those structures. AnthrOpologists agree that all cultures
consist of three general components, sometimes divided into five,
the ideological, the socio-political, and the techno-economic.
Definitions of these levels or components of culture are as
follows:
Ideological: The ideological sybsystems of a culture consist
of all its beliefs and values which related to
the organization, objects and activities of the
culture. In this model (Figure 3) we have found
it useful to draw a distinction between ideal
(structural) and real (practical) ideologies,
those Spoken and those practiced
Socio-political: The term social structure is used to describe
the more-or-less enduring relationships among
people and organizations of people in a culture.
The political mode is concerned with the workings
of power and authority in the process of decision
making.
Techno-economic: The term techno-economics describes those
structures and activities directly involved in
the production, distribution and consumption of
goods, energy and services. The structural
aspect of this component (the means of production)
includes tools, machinery of production as well
as the techniques and practical knowledge (i.e.,
science) of production, while the mode of produc-
tion refers to the actual activities of produc-
tion (Dwyer, et al., 1979:13).
13
C U LTLJ R E
STRUCTURE - ACTIVITY”
FRAMEWORK BEHAVIOR
l I I I
l I l
C t C S
IDEOLOGICAL I 331193255 I I REWSIaII'Iiil-ons I
| Values (IT—F" |
' Ethics \\l I/, I
l \AA/I I
—'- 1'— SOCIAL STRUCTURE —I‘>/ \I7 POLITICS 7
SOC IO" 1 gektionships /I\ II [Alec'i‘sions l
0 es ut orit
POI. ITICAL I Rules {4.3; I..\?Power y I
I Regulations \I [\I / 1
I 1( \V 1
______i. _______ JV _____ ._fi
: TECHNOLOGY /'/ \l\ ECONOMICS l
TECHNO" ' Prattical Knowledge, M Producgion :
o s Distri tion
ECONOMIC I Mgchinery L '— —l ConsumpIIion |
I I I (of energy,goods,I
' I 1 services 8 food)
_____ _.L________.__J__ l_ ..___ ._.___|
FIGURE 3.--A Model of Culture
(Dwyer, et al., 1979:15)
14
These components have been put together in the form of a
model in Figure 3. This model is one way of synthesizing, for
discussion, the various theories and contentions involved in studies
of culture. The distinction, made in the model, between structure
and activity has been traditionally drawn on the techno-economic
and socio-political levels. The same kind of dichotomy is drawn
in this model on the ideological level because it helps explain an
ideological split that exists in present culture in the United
States.1
Such a model is a way of clarifying areas of theoretical
discussion and dispute in studies of culture. Debates in anthro-
pological theory center around two major questions: The first is
which, if any, component, or feature within a component is central
in influence and importance to a given culture or to cultures in
general? The second debate is whether the structure or the
activity of cultures or culture is primary.
In regard to the first question, there are examples in
studies of cultures where a particular component or feature within
a component seems to be central to change or to the maintenance
of the status quo. In the United States, on the technological
1Theoretical generalizations should not, of course be made
on the basis of one example but this distinction may well be a
valid one on the ideological level as well as on the techno-economic
and socio-political levels. In general, as Richard Adams notes:
"One would think that the anthropologist with his cliam to the
holistic study of man, would long since have accepted that this
wholeness lies in a world that is at once symbolic and energetic"
(Adams, 1978:28). It is assumed here that this dichotomy exists
in present U.S. culture on the ideological level.
15
level, some argue the introduction of the automobile seems to have
been central to the develOpment of the present configuration of
culture in the United States. Others will argue, that though the
car seems central it is merely a technology which supports a deeper
production and decision-making system more fundamentally character-
istic of U.S. culture (Commoner, 1976:188-90; Baldwin, 1979:12).
The secong question, the debate between the dominance of
structure or activity in culture has to do with the importance of
the status quo versus the importance of change in cultures and
studies of cultures. Some students say, on the one hand that much
of human behavior can be explained by the structure of a culture,
that human activity is for the most part defined by these formal
parameters, the structure.
Other anthropologists argue that human manipulation of
change is the basic characteristic of culture. These students say
that it is the study of change having to do with ongoing, explain-
able human activity which constitutes the importance of studies of
culture (Hannerz, 1970:129-32).
For the purposes of this thesis, however, it is less
important to argue about which theory may be more accurate, than
it is to understand that aspects or components of cultures do not
exist in vacuums. Components and features within components are
interwoven in various ways with each other so that cultures can
be described as wholes with various explanatory relationships
existing among parts.
16
Because this culture, for instance has a plethora of
material goods, does not mean that is consists solely of technology.
Because there is a strong sense of the individual in U.S. culture
does not mean that this society does not have structure. And
because this society has huge and often unmanageable structures
such as bureaucracies does not mean that it will not change.
In addition, there is whether implicit or explicit a con-
cept of the whole upon which judgments about what is possible,
future course of culture, and even energy projections are made
(Harvey, 1973:288-96). The definition of culture and the model
. explained above are offered as a means of making explicit,for
discussion,concepts of the whole.
Cultural Change
It is both observable and documented that cultures change
through time. Some observers consider the essence of that change
to be cyclical. H. T. Odum, for instance, describes processes by
which cultures have accumulated and squandered energy only to over-
step the bounds and tolerance of nature.
During times when energy flows have been tapped and
there are no new sources, Lotka's principle requires
that those systems win that do not attempt fruitless
growth but instead use all available energies in long-
staying, high diversity steady-state works (Odum, l976:8).
Odum's discussion could be interpreted as suggesting
recurring loops of change through time. But cultural evolution
has not been merely cyclical. It may involve cycles, but cultural
17
evolution is, as Margaret Mead has said, "directional change"
(Kaplan and Manners, 1972:49).
The rapid depletion of cheap fossil fuels will change many
facets of culture in the United States. Because of the basic
nature of this crisis, culture in the United States is probably
not headed for a no growth end of a recurring loop. Some
structural changes as well as some behavioral modifications will
be required in dealing with this crisis (Rappaport, 1977:9).
In the four million or so years of human cultural evolution,
major changes have occurred in "adaptive strategies" from hunting
and gathering, horticulture and pastoral nomadism, agriculture and
industrialism (Vivelo, 1978:212-13). With these have come various
forms of economic, political and social organizations and ideologies.
From some knowledge of the range of possibilities human cultures
have employed in their history, we can postulate changes which
might occur in the United States as this culture enters a post-
industrial era.
Studies of cultural evolution raise two major questions:
(1) By what mechanisms do cultures evolve? and (2) Why do some
cultures adapt and change in order to improve their chances for
survival and others become "dead ends?? Leslie White's original
thesis concerning cultural evolution described cultures moving
toward increasing concentrations of power and source of energy.
Leslie White, however, changed his mind (White, 1975:176) in the
kinds of ways Rappaport discusses:
18
If cultural evolutionary process is necessarily linked to
increase in energy flux, this suggests that a contradic-
tion may inhere in the very process of cultural evolution
itself. At the very least, its future trajectory remains
very much in question (Rappaport, l977:3).
Rappaport suggests a different principal mechanism of cultural
evolution, cultures are adaptive if they maintain what he calls,
"their long-term flexibility" (Rappaport, 1977:9).
Culture change comes about because of pressures from
within a culture, from other cultures or from nature. These pres-
sures can be stated in the form of "contradictions" which will
resolve themselves or need resolution. In Figure 4, following,
contradictions in present United States culture are stated in terms
of the model shown in Figure 3. I
On the techno-economic level, there is a contradiction
between dependence upon fossil fuels and the rapid escalation in
prices of those fuels. On the socio-political level, low-level
specific decisions such as how to travel around town, which have
need for flexibility especially in view of rising fuel costs, are
made at high structural levels. The almost required use of the
car for local travel where the car is most inappropriate, has been
mandated and sustained at very high levels through such mechanisms
as the highway subsidies. On the ideological level the contradic-
tion is between justification for fulfilling the needs of corpora-
tions versus fulfilling human needs.
How we, in the United States choose to resolve these kinds
of contradictions in our present cultural system, is our choice.
19
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20
Whatever kinds of changes we make, the fact remains, that cultures
do change, they do not remain static and they do not become exact
replicas of other cultures. All cultures in the world are not
becoming like the United States anymore than the present would
revert to the 19th century were we to use energy more frugally.
Certain aspects of a culture may be similar to previous aspects of
that culture or imitate or emulate aspects of other cultures as
they change.
United States Futures--Cultural Choices
In 1976, Amory Lovins described the two fundamental choices
Open now to the United States as it seeks to resolve the contradic-
tions inherent in the present cultural system. Lovins calls these
choices the "hard" and the "soft" paths and defines them as follows:
The hard path relies on the rapid expansion of centralized
high technologies to increase supplies of energy, especially
in the form of electricity. The soft path combines a
prompt and serious commitment to efficient use of energy,
rapid develOpment of renewable energy sources matched in
scale and in energy quality to end use needs and special
transitional fossil fuel technologies (Lovins, l976:4).
In Figure 4, above, the cultural characteristics of the
hard and soft paths are outlined using the same model of culture
as shown in Figure 3. These characteristics are drawn from various
sources explained in more detail below.
The Hard Path
The outline in Figure 4 may be sufficient to reject the
hard path as a desirable or possible alternative. The characteris-
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48
This project arose from need as defined by a neighborhood
group. A parallel example exists in New York City.
519 11th Street.--519 11th Street in lower Manhattan was,
in 1975, just another abandoned 100 year old tenament. A group of
residents as a "last resorts received a $177,000 mortgage from the
city which they pay back by "sweat equity." At an hourly rate
they gutted, insulated, added storm windows and rehabilitated the
apartment building. They saved 60% of the heating bill and now own
the building (Energy Task Force, 1977).
Solar collectors on the roof supply 85% of the hot water
and save 20% of the heat. A windmill provides some of the electri-
city and on a good day runs the Consolidated Edison meter backwards.
All this was accomplished by a group of people who own
the apartment building cooperatively and are now teaching the
skills and the process to other neighborhood residents. A WNET
interview with the participants yielded the following quotes:
The important thing is that for the first time low income
peOple have gotten ownership to these properties. And
they gain ownership by putting in their sweat. . . .
We're dealing with a new technology in our society and
we're dealing with a social change issue . . . an
appropriate blend of technology happening between com-
munity groups and the new survival tools of the future . . .
(WNET, 1977:5).
The important thing to remember is that we are in
essence creating a local economy in a neighborhood
which has traditionally been a dependent economy (Ibid.,8).
In the whole history of urban renewal and Model Cities the
government programs have done nothing to stop the deterior-
ation. What was missing was bringing the people into
it Showing them how to do it, giving them an opportunity
to accomplish what government money could not (Skurka and
Naar, 1976:195).
49
Critical elements in these examples of change in urban
neighborhoods include local control and ingenuity. But if conver-
sion and savings are to occur in sufficient numbers of American
neighborhoods, it would behoOve those of us who use the most to act
on these examples before the need is as great. Misery is obscured
by success in these cases.
Single House Prqjects
Agge§§,--Like the Farallones Institute in Berkeley,
California, The Access house is a neighborhood conversion demonstra-
tion project being carried out in Milwaukee by the University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee School of Architecture and Urban Planning.
Here a typical old frame inner city house has been converted for
living and demonstration purposes to apprOpriate a soft technology
(Schade, 1977).
It serves as a center and display of various systems.
Various types of collectors are mounted on the south wall and
roof for water and space heating. Shutters have been constructed
and installed along with a general weatherization. A clivus
multrum serves as a toilet. The garage has been converted into
a greenhouse. Andra sauna is made entirely of recycled materials.
Except that the house is open their relationship to the surrounding
neighborhood is minimal.
50
The Arks: Woods Hole, Massachusettsijrince Edward Island.--
The Arks at Woods Hole and Prince Edward Island are the experimental
living systems of the New Alchemy Institute. They are based on
ideological principles:
People once again had to be given control over those neces-
sities upon which their lives depend--access to food,
shelter and to an environment not poisoned by industrial
wastes (Tood, l977:x).
The Arks demonstrate with a high degree of technical
SOphistication, two self- sustaining bio-shelters. Principles of
self-sufficiency have been substantiated by specific integrated
experiments in vegetable and protein growing as well as biological
controls of pests, self-sufficient Shelter and self-sustaining
agriculture (Baldwin, 1978; Todd, 1977).
Based on general principles of appropriate technologies as
described by Schumaker (1973) and Lovins (1976,77) the New
Alchemists developed Specific integrated systems. For fish farming,
for instance, they linked a series of ponds. In an upper pool
water is filtered through crushed quahog shells, an earth filter of
oxygenating plants and algae culture. The water then flows to a
middle pool which continas algae, aquatic plants, and live bearing
fishes or invertebrates such as Daphnia. The purified water
finally goes to a lower pool where the edible fish, such as Tilapia
and plants are grown under shelter of, and heated by a greenhouse.
The water is recirculated for purification up to the upper pool by
a windmill. This example of an apprOpriate, self contained and
technologically SOphisticated protein growing system, is indicative
of the work of the New Alchemists (Todd, 1977:90-93).
51
The seeds of a cultural conversion along the soft path are
present in the combination of all the projects outlined above as
well as other summarized in Brunner (1978), (Citizens Energy
Project (1979), and Ridgeway (1979). Technological and economic,
social political and ideological problems, positions and on-going
experiments have been discussed. In varying degrees parts of a
soft path culture,then,have been adapted in various localities.
Change is being approached from all possible cultural tacks
as these examples also illustrate. But whole culture change has not
yet occurred in the United States in response to the energy crisis.
The vast majority of policies, programs, structure, allocations of
resources and modes of decision-making have not responded to the
leadership exemplified in these examples and proceed along the hard
path.
The process of culture change, then, a major part of the
business of planners is more difficult, profound and interesting
then a summation of existing examples. While those projects
Operate in appropriate directions they have not been adapted by
the society as a whole. A more detailed examination of a specific
local project will begin to illustrate the complexity of what is
involved and the degree of opposition to necessary kinds of change.
CHAPTER IV
URBAN OPTIONS
In December, 1977, a small group of East Lansing, Michigan
residents met to plan ways to consciously emulate some of the
experimentation outlined in Chapter III. Starting from an appro-
priate techologies or soft path premise, the group began discussing
plans for projects and programs in East Lansing.
East Lansing was chosen as an initial place of focus
because it had elected a liberal City Council, it is a University
town, and the School District had received a Humanities grant
which in part brought the Mayor and one of the Councilmen from
Davis, California for discussions of the Davis programs. Turning
East Lansing into the Davis of the Midwest seemed a logical and
relatively simple undertaking.
The initial Urban Options group consisted of local
designers, architects, builders, University teachers and students
and concerned individuals. The group formed itself into a non-
profit corporation and met as the Board of Directors of that cor-
poration once per week.
In order to effect apprOpriate technologies research and
solutions to the energy crisis, Urban Options formulated two pro-
grams. One project was the Energy House, envisioned as an
52
53
on-going drop-in demonstration center where the process of weatheri-
zation and solar retrofit could be accomplished in workshops on a
typical inner city older frame structure.
Appropriate technology task forces were the second major
purpose defined by Urban Options members. The task forces were to
study appropriate technologies solutions to energy problems related
to housing, water and waste management, transportation and urban
agriculture. Their focus was to be on the city as a whole, or in
blocks and neighborhoods and they were designed to make larger than
single house level recommendations to the city, county and university.
Urban Options Chronology
A chronology of the activities of Urban Options is presented
here to give the reader a sense of the development of the project.
1977
December: Initial Discussions
1978
January - Organization met regularly, expanded, incorporated,
March: and defined Energy House and Task Forces as suit-
able projects. Began search for the most usable
city-owned house.
March: Formal request for presentation to and work session
with City Council.
March 30: City Manager's report denied the need for Urban
Options (Coffman, 1978).
April 15: Urban Options responded to City Manager's report.
June 9: Urban Options objected to the content of the East
Lansing/MSU Energy proposal to Argonne Laboratory
(East Lansing, May, 1978).
June 20:
July -
September:
October 12:
November
November 18:
December 2:
December 9:
November -
December:
1979
January:
February:
February 17:
February 23:
54
City Council passed resolution which agreed to pro-
vide Urban Options with a city-owned house for its
Energy demonstration projects and to pay for the
utilities on the condition that all materials needed
in the retrofitting process come from some other
source or were donated (East Lansing, June, 1978).
Comprehensive Education Training Act (CETA) applica-
tion submitted for four full time Urban Options
staff peOple. Handicapper accessibility green-
house design teams met frequently to draw plans for
the Energy House.
Task Force work clarified and National Center for
Appropriate Technology (NCAT) Grant submitted.
Report on material donations submitted to Council
as basis for use of the house. Donations totalled
$1,330 mostly in retorfitting equipment supplies
from local hardware and lumber stores.
Department of Energy Greenhouse grant submitted
Meetings take place in the Energy House
Caulking and Weatherstripping Workshop
Storm Windows and Shutter WorkshOp
Wall Insulation Workshop
Contract meetings with the City result in no
contract.
CETA Grant comes through to hire 4 full time staff
people. An Energy House Coordinator, two Task
Force Coordinators and a.Communications Coordinator.
Hiring Committee formed from the Board.
Four CETA staff peOple hired and begin official
work. The Energy House is open 6 days per week
9-5.
Home Weatherization Workshop
Benefit at Edgewood Church
February 24:
February -
March:
March 10:
March 17:
March 31:
March:
March -
April -
May:
April -
May:
April 28:
April:
May 20:
May
May 26:
June:
55
Home Insulation Workshop
Task Forces formed and began to meet.
Home Energy Conservation WorkshOp
Solar Window Box Heater for the Drug Education
Center
Solar Window Box Heater for Urban Options
Work Session with City Council
Interior Design Classes work on designs for
Urban Options as a walk-in education center
Cartography interns begin work with the Transporta-
tion and Buildings Task Forces
Task Forces submit comments to City Master Plan
Committees.
Westherization Team began outlining the concept
of a trained team which could support itself with-
out.relying on grants.
Handicapper accessibility workshop, modified the
Energy House so that it is accessible.
Senators and Congressmen and Utilities representa-
tives visit Urban Options as an alternative to their
tour of the Midland nuclear plant.
Visitors and lectures from: Village Homes, Davis;
Farallones Institute, Berkeley; Sunstructures,
Ann Arbor.
Benefit in the Rathskeller with the Michigan Solar
Energy Association.
Urban Options receives a DOE Greenhouse Grant,
Total: $10,000 (Urban Options, October, 1978).
Urban Gardening Workshop
Task Force mid-year
Solar Cooker Workshop
Reapplication for CETA staff continuation
Reformulation of design team and large Board
meeting
56
July and Solar Greenhouse Design and Construction Workshops.
August: A course for Participants.
July Urban Options receives a Community Development
Grant to conduct weatherization workshops in the
downtown East Lansing Community Development area.
A half time staff person is hired to complete that
work. Total: $11,000 (Urban Options, May, 1979).
August: Horticulturalist is hired, half time, to monitor
the greenhouse as part of the DOE Grant.
CETA Grant extended through July 1980
City submits energy education elect grant to the
Michigan Energy Administration. Urban Options is
not consulted (East Lansing, August, 1979).
Urban Options receives grant from Governor's Energy
Awareness Committee to construct and diSplay a
portable solar greenhouse. Total: $1,400
Opposition
Urban Options projects were designed to broaden the kinds
and quality of energy decisions made by residents and local govern-
ments. The focus of the intense activity chronicled above was to
bring into the Energy House and the policy planning process as many
people as possible and work with them developing skills necessary in
an appropriate technologies world.
As can be seen from the history outlined above, the City of
East Lansing has cooperated only minimally with Urban Options and
has at various points opposed Urban Options work. It is instructive
to look more closely at the nature of that opposition.
As a group of people outside the existing machinery of city
government, Urban Options peOple trained and established themselves
as experts in the increasingly important field of energy conservation
57
and appropriate technologies. PeOple inside the "accepted" network
for decision making reacted in the ways summarized below.
In March 1978, shortly after the idea of an Urban Options
project was first presented publically, the City Manager (Coffman,
1978) directed considerable staff time and money to convince Council
that the Urban Options projects were unnecessary and unworkable.
The arguments presented by the City Manager were dispelled and
City Council designated a house for Urban Options use.
In April, 1978 some Michigan State University Urban Planning
school faculty and graduate students found an Argonne Laboratory
Request for Proposal which asked for analysis of city wide energy
use patterns in a proscribed system that Argonne Laboratory was
interested in testing. Part of the proposal was designated to
request citizen input into the analysis.
In response to this section of the proposal, the City staff
and the MSU School of Urban Planning set up a task force made up
primarily of utilities representatives (East Lansing, May, 1978).
Because these utilities peOple were avowedly opposed to any
genuine conservation or appropriate technologies programs, this
feature of the proposal resulted in active opposition at City
Council meetings. The grant bid to Argonne labs was unsuccessful.
In anticipation of the Argonne grant and for the purpose
of rewriting the Master Plan, the city allocated funds for a
number of task forces, among them an energy task force. This task
force began to be an official reason why Urban Options should
58
receive little financial support and no recognition by City official-
dom.
By November 1978, when Urban Options requested contract
negotiations with the city, the City Manager began a new directive,
to design a parking ramp so that the Urban Options Energy House
would be razed. By May, 1979 when it became obvious that the
particular design eliminating the Energy House, was unreasonable and
would not be accepted by Council, a group called the Urban Obervatory
was suddenly formed in City Hall to advocate parking ramps. Urban
Options was referred to by a City Council candidate and the chair-
person of the Planning Commission as just another "energy club."
These official attempts by City Staff at discrediting and/
or eliminating Urban Options were temporarily silenced when the
Department of Energy awarded a grant to Urban Options to build a
solar greenhouse (Urban Options, October, 1978). A proposal sub-
mitted by the City in the same grant cycle was denied.
The City Manager responded by declaring that construction
of the greenhouse couldn't be approved by the City because it was
designed to be built over the sidewalk. He had mistaken the rail-
road ties which enclosed the raised bed urban gardens for a
foundation for the greenhouse.
At the same time, the City staff and the MSU School of
Urban Planning were again writing a proposal designed to undermine
Urban Options. This time the State Energy Administration issued a
Irequest to city governments to initiate Community Energy Education
Project. This is exactly what Urban Options had done, both
59
knowledgably and effectively. But Urban Options was neither con-
sulted in the proposal writing not included in the advisory com-
mittee (East Lansing, August, 1979).
The Energy Consciousness Coordinator hired to carry out the
proposal was an expert in the media, not energy because, in the
words of one City planner on the hiring committee, "There's lots
of inmeation on energy these days. Anyone can read about it."
People involved in energy organizing with Urban Options were not
considered for the job. As a result another opportunity for for-
ging constructive links between local energy experts and the city
machinery was lost.
In general the opposition to Urban Options by the East
Lansing City Government lies in two categories: personal and
structural. Urban Options poses a personal threat to the individual
power and professional knowledge of the City Manager and Several
other City staff members as Urban Options deals with authority on
the crucial question of energy. This problem is compounded by the
power the City Manager is used to having in swaying Council members.
The City of East Lansing has a City Manager form of govern-
ment where the City Manager and staff receive salaries to carry out
City Council policy. City Council members are paid very little, must
hold another job in order to live and can spend relatively little
time on city policy and issues. The involvement of Council is,
per force, marginal.
The City Manager, in conjunction with some of the staff,
has developed a system of decision making which plays Council
60
members off against each other, as part of a means of keeping con-
trol of those decisions. The nature of solutions to the energy
crisis being proposed and implemented by Urban Options requires a
far more open, participatory system of decision making than the
City Manager had grown accustomed to.
Urban Options is accomplishing visible and useful alterna-
tives and responses to the energy crisis for people in the East
Lansing area and it is doing so outside the presently established
hierarchy for decision making. Similar structural opposition to
changes in the direction of wider public participation has been
noticed elsewhere (Wetmore and Dwyer, 1976; Shrobe, 1978:4).
Chapter VII contains further discussion of the socio-political
problems in soft path conversions.
Meaning for Soft Path Solutions
to the Energy_Crisis
From the kinds and intensity of opposition to Urban
Options and other projects that emphasize and achieve a high level
of participation, it is possible to look more clearly at the kinds
of changes which will need to accompany wide conversion to appropri-
ate technologies in the United States. Details of an alternative
system of planning emerge as programs are implemented in opposition
to a standard system of planning.
Success stories, such as those recounted in Chapter III
may be more the exception than the rule. In Davis, success
followed extraordinary persistence by Mike and Judy Corbett in
61
their development of Village Homes (Fridgen, 1979). This project
was in turn supported by a long involvement of Davis in the ecology
movement. The University of California Davis, permits no cars on
campus and has for a long time emphasized biological controls in
its agriculture programs and education. This history led eventually
to an imaginative and open program stemming in part from the City
Government itself.
In the case of Seattle, a publically and hotly debated
referendum, deciding in favor of a soft path approach was followed by
the hiring of Peter Henault. Seattle City Light took seriously
public responsibility as a city owned utility, and encouraged the
extraordinary and open leadership of Henault (Henault, 1978;
Ridgeway, 1979:20). Within an atmosphere of encouragement from
the top, conservation and solar programs are flourishing.
Careful details and strategies in the conversion process
to appropriate technologies may need to be developed only if the
opposition to them is strong. The process that people in Urban
Options have identified as a result of active opposition follows
in Chapter V and VI.
CHAPTER V
TRANSITION IN PLANNING METHODS: PRESENT
METHODS TO SOFT PATH METHODS
Energy has not been a traditional part of the professional
planners preserve. Energy planning in an era of unlimited and
cheap fossil fuel supply has been accomplished primarily by utility
companies and the automobile industry. The utility companies
planned electrical use and carved out territories among themselves
for natural gas and oil delivery for space heating, water heating,
cooking and industrial uses. The automobile companies have planned
the transportation system in the United States using professional
planners to assist them in that task.
In this era of limited and expensive energy supplies, plan-
ning practice must include active energy planning. In order to
arrive at any practical and conceivable future this planning must
be accomplished from a premise of conservation with plans for
matching the work that needs to be done with the cheapest, safest
and most energy efficient way of doing it.
Such conversion is best accomplished locally where there is
knowledge of local needs, materials and skills, at single house,
neighborhood and city levels. Local planners can look at energy
planning as a new and basic part of their obligations. Instead of
reacting to the automobile industry by constructing roads, parking
62
63
ramps and land use patterns to accommodate that industry, planners
are mandated by the energy crisis to look at transportation needs of
their constituents and match those needs with the most appropriate
means of accomplishing them.
Instead of writing codes and regulations to facilitate the
use of electricity or minimize the blight of power lines, planners
need to look into the appropriate uses of electricity and more
energy efficient ways of delivering it. Instead of relying on
old codes which waste gas and oil in buildings, planners will need
to facilitate the best use of local renewable fuels in well
weatherized buildings.
Planners must delve into new areas of decision-making and
new areas of knowledge because of the energy crisis. One new area
of knowledge and understanding is the data base from which planning
proceeds. In order to determine and advocate suggested programs
and priorities, end-use data must be analyzed in sufficient detail
for the area under transformation or study. Analysis of end use
data here is for the specific purpose of developing programs which
will meet human needs, conserve energy and supply increasing
amounts of needed energy through appropriate technologies. The first
necessary step is for planners to argue and explain explicit assump-
tions, as in Chapter II. The second step is development of a data
base that facilitates those aims.
64
Existing Data
The data sources that energy planning are based upon,
become central to the kinds of programs which these planners
propose. Energy data can quickly become bewildering, a maze of
British Thermal Units (BTUS, see Appendix I).
In a thorough discussion of the energy data base some paths
through this maze can be charted. Energy end-use data purports
to Show the amount of energy consumed at the point at which it is
used. Varying definitions of the end point result in various kinds
of data presentations.
The data sequence presented below is relevant to the
specific study area under discussion, East Lansing, Michigan. The
data illustrate one method to understand, criticize, and arrange
data so that it can be useful in making recommendations that will
facilitate the use of appropriate technologies.
Part of the information that is useful for appropriate
technologies planning is presented in Figure 10 below. It indicates
the mismatch between what we use and how we use it. Michigan
imports 95% of the energy it uses and wastes more than 50% of that
energy.
Usually only the total BTU figures as presented in Figure 11
are considered relevant. But this level of data broken down only
by sector and total BTUS and kinds of fuels can only suggest pro-
grams which emphasize the need for increasing supply. Programs
which match kinds of supplies with the kinds of work that need
65
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66
MiCHIGAN= 1975
Units: Trilliqns of BTQS
COdL
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FIGURE
. j £LCCYR1C
AGRlcuL. 1NDUST. TRANSP. 3:510. GENtRfiIION TOTAL
0.0 247.9 0.0 0.0 409.4 737.3
0.0 32.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 32.7
0.0 200.6 0.0 0.0 409.4 710.0
0.0 “CT 30.4 PC? 0.0 TC[ 0.0 PC! 43.‘ PC? 2’.‘ ft?
10.7 23.3 554.3 0.0 0.0 500.3
0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 0.0 1.7
0.0 0.0 10.9 0.0 0.0 10.9
0.0 0.0 0.0 9.1 0.0 9.1
7.9 21.0 05.6 159.4 20.0 214.0
0.0 29.1 2. 0.0 64.2 95.?
0.0 20.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.1
.5 25.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 25.6
1.0 107 12.2 PCT 61.7 FCY 14.2 *0! 0.1 P0? 40.0 [cf
2.: 2.: ... 2... ... 25.:
.4 207.0 11.2 5.5 39.0 24.2
0.0 1.5 0.0 0.0 2.4 1.9
-.J 291.0 3’02 406.1 .30: 7.620:
0’ 1'0! 3.07 11;! 30: "C! “.0 ‘CI 5.5 0'01 :00, 11:1
00° 0.0 00° 0.0 5.2 4.:
0.0 PC? 0.0 PC! 0.0 '01 0.0 TC! 100.0 FBI .2 PC!
‘ ... 0.. ..o 0.. 3.. 3..
0.0 PC? 0.0 107 0.0 P01 0.0 PCT 100.0 PC! .1 PC!
3.: ,‘0‘ 0: 72.3 '209.7 .J9.:5
0.0 71.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 71.0
0.0 PC? 100.0 '0! 0.0 P01 0.0 90' 0.0 FCT 2.0 PC!
22.7 046.5 054.3 ‘44., 414.3 2404.9
.9 '07 33.3 PCT 25.1 PCT 24.. FCY 15.9 70!
11:--Energy Consumption by Sector:Michigan,1975
(U.S. Department of Energy. 1975)
100.0 PC!
67
to be accomplished can only be approached when data are analyzed
further. In Figure 12, percentage of total in each sector is
divided into particular kinds of uses to which people put the
energy supply.
It is interesting to note that figures, as presented in
Figure l2 do not include electricity generation as an end use.
Rather the uses are defined in terms of the kinds of specific work
to which they are now put.
End uses can also be described in terms of the kinds or
quality of energy that are needed for the work. Lovins (1976)
does this as summarized in Chapter II (p.23 ). A pie showing
this data (Figure l3) for the United States as a whole can be
shown together with a chart of the end uses by sector and work as
in Figure 14. Taken together a match can be made between the
kinds of work that need to be done and apporpriate ways of doing
that work.
If one looks at the data with an eye to appropriate
technologies, the primary consideration is the match of the job
that needs doing with the way the job is done. One instance, the
match between energy used for the generation of electricity and
the end uses which need electricity, stands out. Sixteen percent
of all energy is used to generate electricity, yet only 8% of the
end uses need electricity. Two problems are inherent in this mis-
match. One problem is that the methods of generating electricity
are not appropriate and the other is that electricity is often
used inappropriately.
68
MICHIGAN 1975
RESIDENTIAL
Water Heating . 12.7%
/ Lighting and Appliances 3.3%
Cooking 3.5%
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87
ANALYSIS
ES
g a
:< E“
'— —G
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. 2% 2'53 £33.: =5;
0 °e. as: s; ”:2“ g:
s :33 :8: e: 5:35 g;
: ::v as: as egg: 2:
l F19.250 All 8 P. 3.000 36
5 1,406 G 14.800
2 S 7,400 All H 18 P 7,200 --84 -
6.27.000
3 5 4.500 H 12 H 16 P 32.000 73
G All G 7 G 45.000
4 5 2.000 H 8 H 15 G 52.000 75
G 10
5 S 3.400 H 8 H 17 G 20.000 77
G 15
6 5 4.300 H 19 H 26 G 24.000 118
G 14
7 S 2.600 All H 13 G 20.000 42
G 12
8 Off S None H 14 G 10.000
2.100 C 7
9 F14,800 Hone H 8 G 15.000 36
G 1
10 F31.800 H 3 P 39.000 13
C S G 5.600
11 F 2,400 H 8 H 15 G 40,500 104
G 6
12 F 4,000 H 6 H 14 G 30.000 107 F: Flat Roof
A 1 5: South Facing or
Sloped Roof
13 S 150 H.12 2 I; G 15.000 ‘54 H: House
a G: Garage
14 5 1.500 None H 19 G 40.000 47 P: Parking
G 9 G: Green Space
C: Commercial
15 5 2,000 All 2 I; G 15.000 38 A: Apartment
16 S 150 All H 16 G 16.000 75 Persons Per Dwelling Unit
G 8 ST, . 44.,
ingle Family
17 5 2,700 All H 12 6 10.000 38 Owner Occupied 3.13
G 3 Rental 4.46
18 5 1,000 All’ H 12 ‘6 151000 41 Duplex 3.33
G 5 Apartment 2.86
19 s 150 m u 16 a 22.500 49 5"“ 3°
G 9 —
20 S 150 H 2 H 2 P 30.000 9
21 F 5,000 H 6 H 10 G 15.000 70
S 800 ' C 1
22 F 7,000 H 14 H 14 G 25.000 73
S 400 A 2' ‘
23 5 2.100 H 3 H 17 G 30.000 77
24 5 2.100 H 6 g 1: G 30.000 76
25 5 4.000 H 6 H 16 G 25.000 73
AG 10. j
25 ’r 72.000 cc 5 c 16 P 40.000 120
A 56
27 FSC.OOO C 5 C B P 30.000 0
28 F3S.‘OO C 7 C88 P 20.000 4
H l
29 F24.000 C 7 C 7 P 21.000 56
5 2,000 H 10
a 21? H 351 P230.000 17015
TOTALS 310.756 CC 25 G591.600
FIGURE 22:--Study Area Block Analysis
88
assumed that local passenger travel is a very major transportation
factor in East Lansing. In part this assumption comes from local
demographic data which indicate that 75% of the workforce (U.S.
Census, 1970), who live in the City of East Lansing work within its
borders. Most of their daily passenger trips then are within a
2 mile radius which encompasses all of the University and the City
of East Lansing (see Figure 23). In addition, 70% of people in
census tract 41 and 46% of the people in tract 39.02 are in schools
within a 2 mile radius of their homes.
Most of the trips to the City of East Lansing are made to
the University or downtown East Lansing. Many of the trips through
town are to specific places or at specific times. Easterly trips
through town are primarily for shopping at the major shopping
center east of town. Westerly trips through town are made to the
Capitol or one of the large industrial plants from settlements to
the East. '
As Figure 23 shows major arteries exist for all these pas-
senger trips. Figure 23 also indicates the throughway which accom-
modates most intercity passenger and freight traffic.
Planners have in recent years sought solutions for all
categories of trips in road going motorized vehicles that consume
large amounts of cheap petroleum: But petroleum is no longer cheap
nor unlimited in its availability. And in terms of capital expendi-
ture, the car is the most expensive form of transportation
(Mitchell, 1979; Living Systems, 1977:51; Clark, 1975:154).
89
MA JOR APTEBJES EAST LANSING AREA
M: mu» M
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FIGURE 23:--Major Arteries: East Lansing Area
90
In Lansing area planning agencies, transportation is defined
exclusively as a problem of roads and automobiles. Solutions to
perceived traffic problems are confined to further road or parking
ramp construction. These are based on one kind of data, vehicle
counts, projected by various methods.
In planning appropriate transportation systems, one that
match the job that needs doing with the most appropriate means of
doing it, a more subtle approach is necessary. Vehicle counts
alone are not a sufficient basis for planning this more subtle
transportation system.
More refined transporation data.--The first step taken at
Urban Options in the Transportation Task Force, was to analyze the
existing origin and destination data available at Tri-County
Regional Planning. This had never been done because it is time
consuming. Several results of the analysis compiled by John
Mitchell and Peter Guins are illustrated in Figure 24 and 25. They
indicate that at least 2400 round trips per day are made within a
2 mile radius of the CBD.
A half-mile is thought even by the most conservative plan-
ners to be an appropriate distance for walking, (Spreiregen, 1965:
166). Two miles is a simple distance for bicycling (Living Systems,
1977:50-60). Yet the proposed solution to the downtown parking
problem is to build another parking ramp for $2.4 million to house
428 cars. Alternative plans will be proposed here for encouraging
people to walk in the Central Business District by making it safe,
pleasant and convenient (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1979).
91
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107
taking advantage of the tax credit acts and the kinds of financing
offered in weatherization programs could readily afford such systems
(Ingham County Energy Office, 1979).
Similar arguments are true of solar greenhouses. While the
cost and solar access will vary, a very large greenhouse such as the
one being added to the Urban Options House for a mterials cost of
$2,000 is a worthwhile investment both in terms of direct gain for
space heat and growing space for a year round food supply (Todd,
1977).
Families with an average income of above $13,000, such as is
the norm in the study area, invest and saves annually $1,770
(U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics in Morrison, 1977:20). Such an
amount available on an annual basis could completely weatherize a
house, build a solar greenhouse and a solar hot water heater in
under 4 years.
Figure 31 below indicates the amount of monies now spent or
anticipated using non-renewable energy sources. While some public
investments in the form of bonds would be necessary to construct
such parts of the plan (Figure 29) as the overground-underground
or a large bus station, these are certainly genuine alternatives
to the proposed $2.4 million parking ramp and the $35 million cross
campus highway.
The problems in the process of conversion to appropriate
technologies and hence the planning methods which need to be
employed to facilitate them, are not centered in either the
108
LOCAL PRIVATE AND PUBLIC FUNDS
..... ..3» Conventional A ro riate
Expenditures lechnologies
Expenditures
PRIVATE FUNDS : Study Area
(Study Area Population:1, 709)
Automobiles 1978 )
1. 035 x 350, 000 x 28¢/mile) $1,251,950
Investments, Insurance 3
Savin s 1978) Z.
111. 8; x 546 x $15, 000) 966,420
Housin (1978)
4. 3 x 546 x $15,000) 2,022,930
Weatherization of 351 Houses
in Study Area (351 x $2,000) S 702,000
Solar Greenhouses for 219 Houses
in Study Are5’(219 x 52000) 438.000
TOTALS $4,241,300 3 1.140.,000
PUBLIC FUNDS: East Lansing
ty 0 ast Lansing 1978-79 Budget)
Trans ortation
Police $1,248,551
Parking Enforcement 27,431
Sidewalk Construction 30,000
Street Tree Plantin 43,000
Street Maintenance (Major) 104,807
General Major Street Expense 50,000
Traffic Control (Major) 71,450
Street Maintenance (Local) 192.310
General Local Street Expense 52,130
Traffic Control (Local) 23,420
Parking System Operating 291, 755
Additional Parking 97 745
52'231,5§9
Housing and Buildings
’Bddeing Maintenance 123,371
Building and Zoning 115,928
Housing Rehabilitation 125, 000
Neighborhood Strategy Area 103 000
S 467, 349
Education/Outreach
Planning, Housing and 0.0. 214,196
Public Service 1,061,951
Planning/Management Development 65,000
Provision for Public Service 40 350
3 1,531,391
Bond Re uests
[at 9 Ramp ‘SZ,400,000
Cross Campus Route . 35,000,000
CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT
lfififififififlfiTfiET_——
kCBD Report, PTEn 2)
Trees and Landscaping 90,000
Concrete Planters and Wooden Benches 27,200
Street Lighting 60,000
‘aPaued Brick Pedestrian Area (MAC) 285,000
Overground MAC to Campus 1 000 000
Tmms : 4 4 44 {IZEZEET
J
FIGURE 31:--Funds Available for Appropriate Technology Conversions
109
technology or the economics of present United States culture (Solar
Lobby, 1979). Technologically and economically a high level of
energy efficiency approaching self-sufficiency could be achieved
within a relatively short time using appropriate technologies in
ways outlined above.
These technologies are rested in fundamental principles of
conservation, respect for the eco-system and self-reliance. They
will result not only in a different complex of data and technology
and allocation of money but also in a fundamentally different
social system. Attempts to plug them into an existing social
system will demonstrate their supposed failure not facilitate
their use.
Many solar advocates including Denis Hayes and Amory Lovins
claim that reductions on the order of 40 ot 50% in our overall
energy use can be achieved "without altering our lives" (Frank,
1978). The more detailed planning processes shown here demonstrate
to the contrary. Acceptance of appropriate technologies will
involve partly an admission that lives in the United States will
change. It is partly for this reason that these changes are in
some places such as East Lansing, not occurring easily.
CHAPTER VII
THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LEVEL OF CONVERSION
STRATEGIES FOR CHANGE ALONG THE
SOFT PATH
Technical and economic changes postulated in Chapter VI can-
not occur in a vacuum. Parallel changes in the decision-making
processes and social structure will emerge in this society. This
chapter explores some details of the kinds of socio-political
changes essential in the process of adoption of appropriate
technologies.
Appropriate or soft technologies will not simply be imposed,
nor will they magically appear. The necessary changes, particularly
socio-political changes, are being met with resistance. Reasons
for this resistance can lead to a more refined discussion of
strategies for change.
Decentralization
Callsfor decentralization in social structure and decision-
making processes as a necessary component of a culture based on
appropriate technolgies are frequent. Some of these stem from
technological necessity or end-use efficiency, others consider
the solar technology a useful addition to an already urgent cry for
the distribution of wealth and power in the United States.
110
111
Decentralization as a Technical
Necessity
Some solar advocates use social decentralization as an
offshoot of the technology. Often their definition is merely
technological:
Unlike conventional fuels, solar energy is inherently
decentralized. Consequently in many situations it is
most appropriate to utilize on-site facilities for the
collection and storage and use of the sun's energy
(Solar Lobby, 1978:212).
Other recent reports extend recommendations somewhat further:
To provide the kind of stimulus solar needs, the
federal bureaucracy itself needs to decentralize its
planning and thinking. It needs to be more conscious
of the role that local and state governments must
play in developing a national solar policy (Citizen's
Energy Project, l978:9).
Some discussions of decentralization in piecemeal recommendations
or in technological terms are meant to make the idea of solar
energy more palatable. Technology is usually considered an accept-
able topic of debate, discussions of ranges in wealth and power
distribution are considered radical and taboo.
But recent failures in adoption of these technologies and
future frustrations among those who see their obvious benefits but
cannot get them implemented point to deeper analyses.
Decentralization as a Cultural
Necessity
Commoner (1976:2) and Lovins (1976:55ff) give hints at a
necessary package, including a total reorganization of society,
with emphasis on neighborhoods and old-fashioned values. These
112
are not new assertions but reminiscent of most of the social-reform
movements of this century.
In one sense the appropriate technologies movement is the
technological arm of the civil rights, human rights and neighborhood
movements to mention a few. In attempting to implement small scale,
decentralized solar technologies, groups will run into problems and
mistakes similar to those encountered by these poor peoples movements.
Soft Path advocates need to heed the failures of the black power
movement or neighborhood movement and coordinate with their successes
otherwise they will miss the depth of the culture changes that need
to occur in order to deal with the energy crisis in the long run.
Solar advocates seek as did black power movements to
"involve people in their own destiny with greater competence,
skills and resources" (Riesmann and Gartner, 1970:53). In order
to accomplish these ideas and policies and specific technologies
emerge from groups working to implement these changes.
As Ced Currin, Chairperson of the Michigan Solar Resource
Advisory Panel (1979) said, "Solar technologies are simply the
kind of thing that originate from the bottom." A propos of the
Iblack power movements Riesman and Gartner concur: "The new ethos
is suggesting that generating new techniques, new administrative
practices, curricula from the bottom up would be more productive
than the traditional "trickle down" approach (Riesman and Gartner,
1970:53).
113
In an article on community control and the neighborhood
movement the effects of the present appropriate technologies move-
ment are reflected as they challenge:
the preogatives of the centralized bureaucracies to make
basic policy determinations affecting local areas and
represent a step in an on-going struggle to wrest power
from bureaucratic and hierarchical institutions of govern-
ment and industry. It attempts to redefine the democratic
process by rejecting the efficacy of representative insti-
tutions such as the national and local legislative bodies
to reflect popular aspirations. . . . This analysis
implies the need for a generalized concept of popular
control of all public institutions and the economy which
can appeal not only to black and poor but also to working
class and middle class people--to all who are deprived of
a significant voice in the institutions which determine
our lives (Arnowitz, 1970:48-51).
Two Approaches to Change
A more specific discussion of strategies possible or
relevant to implementation of appropriate technologies can be
approached from two directions. One is academic and to some
degree abstract. It draws experience from the political reform
movements, the poor peoples movements. Lessons from such an
approach have to do with a basic understanding of the social
forces at work in this country, a set of generalizations and
admonitions.
The other approach to a discussion of strategy has to do
with the practical, the lessons of on the job experience such as
that garnered by Urban Options and with Specific step by step plans
of action tailored to a specific place and time.
114
Decentralization as a Logical
Direction: Lessons From
Political Reform
Movements
In the process of challenges and debates, lessons of other
decentralization movements should be learned. Power cannot be
defined narrowly, objectives should not be limited to the techno-
logical sector alone, nor to garnering a larger piece of the pie,
nor to developing a group of skilled conversion experts.
As pe0ple organize around appropriate technologies they
need to understand a broad view and at the same time keep an eye to
particulars. Inherent dangers in moves for decentralization are
summarized by Riesman and Gartner as follows:
1. While community control is seen as a major lever
for changing, redesigning and improving the human services,
unfreezing the system by its demands for accountability to
to the consumer and increased relevance of the service, the
danger is that accountability may be achieved with no
increase, or even a decrease in productivity or efficiency.
2. While community control is seen as a way of involv-
ing people in their own destiny, giving them greater
resources and competency, the danger is that involvement
may become socio-therapy--participation in participation
or participation for its own sake . . .
3. There is a danger for localism and infighting among
local cliques and competitive groups for some "piece of
the action" and control of part of the "turf.“I The attend-
ant danger is participation for its own sake, that is,
participation without power and without economic redistri-
bution.
4. While community control is seen as an important
innovation in public administration, particularly through
its concern with decentralization, the danger is that the
groups involved in decentralization may have no influence
on central power where the decisions on funds, resources and
basic policy continue to be made . . . (Riesman and Gartner,
1970:54).
115
Such lessons need to be understood because, by the time the
energy crisis becomes severe enough to involve the middle class,
long term organizing will need to be well understood and short-
cutted. Many incremental changes will need to have already occurred.
Americans, in general, must be eased away from their life of
dependence--a measure of self-reliance needs to be established very
soon. The wrenching nature of such a major transition can be
softened with adequate lead time.
Alinsky's (1972) theory of change involving only confronta-
tion has reached its limitations in effecting broad scale change
in the United States. AS Pliven and Cloward document in their
account of the Poor Peoples Movements of this century in the
United States, disruption and protest when taken as the only strategies
has always resulted in restructuring of protestors. Those involved
are:
rooted in some institutional context, who are in regular
relationships with others in similar straits who are best
able to redefine their travails as the fault of their
rulers and not of themselves and join together in collec-
tive protest (Piven and Cloward, 1977, 19).
Unfortunately the definition of the protest has not been
broad enough and protestors have been worked back into the system,
without substantial change in the systemic problems which caused
the protest.
Government makes efforts to reintegrate disaffected
groups and to guide them into less politically disturb-
ing forms of behavior. It also moves to isolate them
from potential supporters and by doing so diminishes
the morale of the movement (Piven and Cloward, 1977, 36).
116
Changes in the socio-political system concomitant with
appropriate technologies will include some combination of the
small group, the neighborhood and the task group.
Small groups.--Kotler, Benello and Roussopoulus approach
participation from the individual as he/she forms into small groups.
They consider the psychology of group participation to be important,
the well being of the person can be the beginning point in restruc-
turing.
Significant relationships are built most naturally on
joint involvement in significant common purposes; to the
extent that local associations no longer have this power
the relationships they engender are trivial . . .
For the self to develop fully out of the dialectic of
the individual and the social order the possibility of
reconciling individual need with social purpose must
exist... . . The value of a face-to-face group lies
in its ability to nurture and integrate individual needs
rather than, as in the case of bureaucratic schools and
factories, reshaping the individual to meet the needs of
the institution (Benello and Roussopoulus, 1971:40).
In the case of appropriate technologies conversion this
becomes very important. If we are to reach beyond the depletion
of fossil fuels, the participation of the individual in the conver-
sion processes becomes essential.
If however, the decisions about kinds and combinations of
conversions are made at a level well above the individual that
person cannot be expected to participate in the process nor under-
stand its workings or its meaning. Kotler explains this point in
terms of the structure of neighborhood politics:
117
If a man shares in the deliberative authority of public
life, he will commit his own power to defend the corporate
body, even though he may be in the minority on many
decisions. He will defend the corporation for the sake
of his own deliberative right, but he is not apt to defend
it if all decisions is left to one executive or to an
elected council (Kotler, 1960:85).
The two functions of groups, "prudent decisions and force-
ful actions" (Kotler, 1968:87) become legislative and executive
functions. The questions of how these groups would be interlocked
at higher levels in order to make broad scale decisions is answered
by Benello and Roussopoulus:
If groups were represented at a system of national and
regional assemblies such representatives would be really
delegates inasmuch as their mandate would clearly be
determined by the groups they represented. Rather than
pursuing politics as a system of trade-offs with each
other, they would be forced to report to their respec-
tive group constituents. This follows from the fact
that the locus of decisions would be in the groups
themselves and not in their delegates (Benello and
Roussopoulus, 1971:50).
In present energy discussions the necessity for conservation
by concensus emerges as a top priority. Conservation is imperative,
but processes are not established to make conservation attempts
significant in terms of energy saved. People know that turning off
lights or turning down the thermostat in themselves make no signifi-
cant difference. At present, we have no means to establish more
effective particular recommendations and people see no reason to
comply with those with little or no effect.
Significant savings on energy can occur with active,
individual and block level efforts as explained in Chapters IV and
VI. While small groups can effectively and democraticatly operate,
118
many parts of logical significant programs such as cooperative use
of interior blocks or redone city wide transportation systems
require cooperation between groups.
In order to maintain local control and control in a series
of deliverative bodies effective checks on delegated power need to
exist in the kinds and importance of the decisions made by the
deliberative bodies themselves.
Kotler expands on this as follows:
Only two principles can contain the natural tendency of
unified executive power to become tyrannical through
manipulation of administration: first, the equality
of the people themselves and their power to make law;
and second, the division of executive power in an
elected council (Kotler,'l968:86).
The use of appropriate technologies, with the Focus on
single house and block level applications reinforces the importance
of the small group.
Groups on a higher level than the block develop around
essentially two different modes. One is territory, or the neighbor-
hood, the other is the task group. In this case both are postulated
to exist with appropriate technologies, the neighborhood becoming
a central decision-making body, the task groups more informational
and goods and service delivery oriented.
Neighborhoods.--A neighborhood is defined by Perry as:
a self-contained area embracing all the public facilities
and conditions required by the average family for its
comfort and proper development within the vicinity of
the dwelling (Schmandt, 1972:574).
119
In light of the discussion above, it is instructive to
look at Schmandt's arguments for neighborhoods. He divides them
into four categories: administrative, psychological, sociological
and political:
The first regards the device as a means of improving the
delivery of services; the second stresses the psychic bene-
fits which flow to the clients or consumers from its use;
the third emphasizes its value in adapting policies and
practices to locality differences in life styles, prefer-
ences and priorities; and the last views it as a mechanism
for mobilizing power (Schmandt, 1972:576).
Since the energy efficiency of systems close to the point
of delivery is now well demonstrated, the impetus toward develop-
ment of neighborhood systems is given technological: imperatives.
Only psychological, social and political imperatives have up until
now been the basis for neighborhood advocacy. ”
The neighborhood finally, becomes the forum for discussion
of "local public issues" such as housing and job discrimination
welfare rights. For this reason too a decision-making body organized
in territorial terms becomes important.
In a few cases, cited in Chapter III, neighborhood organiz-
ing has related to energy concerns. West Garfield,the greenhouse
project,developed from work of the Health Action Committee. The
Committee formed only one active element in the Christian Action
Ministry.
In lower Manhattan, another poor inner city neighborhood,
neighborhood organizing resulted from occupation and conversion
of 517 11th Street. "No Heat! No Rent!" was the song of success.
120
Ownership through sweat equity of a delapidated apartment building
provided organizing momentum (Energy Task Force, 1977).
Eastown, another example, a"transitiona1" Grand Rapids
neighborhood, formed the Eastown Community Association (E.C.S.)
in 1974. Only now are they considering energy-related projects.
Four years of political growth and organization have resulted in a
strong long-lasting example of neighborhood organization in the
United States.
The essentials of a participatory organization emerged from
growth through trial and error, through argument and action. Linda
Easley summarizes Specifics of the structure reached to this point:
1. Specific authority should be delegated to Specific
individuals for Specific tasks by democratic procedures.
All those to whom authority has been delegated should
be accountable to those who selected them.
Distribution of authority among as many people as
possible.
Rotation of tasks among individuals.
Ability, interest and responsibility Should be major
concerns for selection of people for tasks.
Diffusion of information to everyone as frequently as
possible.
Equal access to resources needed by the group.
Formalized structure to resolve internal conflict has
been created with development of a Planning Committee.
It serves as a forum for any ideas, conflicts and dissen-
tion which may be occurring.
9. The majority of people on the staff are those who have
spent many hours in volunteer work for the Association
and who live in Eastown and have a long term commitment
to improving the quality of life in the area.
10. The Eastown Community Association develOps reciprocal
relationships with residents. In exchange for services
such as repair work on a resident's house, the resident
volunteers a given number of hours in Association work
(Easley, 1978:70-71).
(Du Ch 01-h 0.) N
121
The development of these principles and their use in day
to day operations of the Eastown Community Association has been a
major factor in keeping the ECA a grass roots, participatory and
politically effective organization.
Rising energy prices, increasing unemployment may in the
near future product more neighborhood movements in middle class
neighborhoods. The Bailey Neighborhood Association, the neighbor-
hood where the study area is located has a newsletter but no pressing
concerns. Primarily groups in such neighborhoods are organized
around the workplace or task. These task groups Operate by concen-
sus as in Urban Options or through hierarchies in City, University
or other institution bureaucracy.
Frequently task groups are thought to be unworkable or
inefficient if run through assembly and participation. Since such
participatory systems will develop concurrently with apprOpriate
technologies, it is important to understand how these task groups
can be organized.
Task grogps.--While a portion of the time of pe0ple in an
apprOpriate technologies society will be Spent in meaningful
neighborhood activity, another portion of the time will be spent
in task groups. Worker owner and controlled factories and work
places in the United States are generally a solution to plant
closedowns and abandonments. They are illustrative of task group
organizations that fit with a participatory system with grass
roots control.
122
In Puget Sound Washington Plywood Inc., a $25 million 1
operation,
workers elect a nine-person board of directors from among
fellow workers in the plant. The board in turn, hires a
general manager, who is not a Shareholder in the co-op, to
run the business from day to day (Zwerdling, 1978:22).
The workers, not the general manager make crucial policy
decisions. Paycuts, for instance, are preferable to layoffs if
times are bad. With worker control decisions that benefit the
workers as well as the owners will be made.
In the Salinas Valley, the Cooperative Central ranch is
now a co-op owned by its farm laborers once poorly paid migrants.
The ranch, bought by
Federally funded community organizers with a Bank of
America loan . . . is a thriving model of worker
democracy. The farmworkers e1 ectaboard of directors
from among the membership. But most of the really
important decisions are made by all the members of
the co-0p at their monthly meetings (Zwerdling, 1978:23).
The decisions include those about where to put their profits and
how to prioritize the needs of the members.
Another example, the Consumers United Group, an insurance
company with 400 workers in Washington, D.C. where
an elaborate system of autonomous worker teams and
committees of worker elected representatives . .
formulate corporate policies and make the fundamental
decisions at every level (Zwerdling, 1978: 21).
These decisions include those on wage levels, profit shares,
workload, hiring and severance pay. The committee of executives
does make decisions about marketing insurance packages and corporate
investments and these people are hired by the corporate board.
123
Half the corporate board is elected by the workers and their control
though not total is growing.
People learn to participate and prefer the process of work-
ing in a place where they have some say. This is illustrated by
the examples of corporations bought by local elites when national
or multinational corporations have abandoned them.
In Vermont, the South Bend Lathe, workers are part owners
of a factory where Shares were sold to save the factory's existence.
But workers have no more say in the running of the factory than
they did in the old system. The workers however, expected a change
with the change in ownership and are now demanding it.
The National Center for Economic Alternatives is doing a
study funded by HUD for the Lykes Corporation of Youngstown. They
are recommending a worker ownership and control of a factory of
5000 employees, "not to advance socialism, but to save jobs"
(Zwerdling, 1978:24).
The practicalities of survival in economic terms are linked
with the energy survival issues. And the experience in worker
takeovers will be invaluable to the alternative energies movement.
Other examples, with documented details of worker controlled task
groups exist in places such as Yugoslavia (Pateman, 1970:95ff).
National restructuring.--Chile, an example of attempted
reform at the national level, provides many lessons for possible
national solutions to the energy crisis in the United States.
124
In discussions of distributions of solar systems in the United
States, the experience of Chile is revealing.
The main problem in redistribution of land and organization
of peasant cooperatives in Chile was that:
they tried to carry out a capitalist transformation
and modernization of traditional farming society with
some vaguely socialist elements, without altering
fundamentally the structure of the society (Chanchol,
1976:357).
The solarization of United States society as it is now
proceeding has similar problems. Appropriate technologies as
described above in Chapter II and VI are essentially distributive
and equalizing and lend themselves to participatory systems. The
nature of the crisis where capital and materials are running out,
lends itself to long-lasting high quality products, distributed
across the board. Slogans of "Buy Solar! and Commercialize Solar"
(Munson, 1979:12) reflect lack of perception about the changes that
need to occur.
As utilities dream up schemes to sell people who have money
short-lived hot water collectors, and make a profit besides the
solar conversion business backfires: Short-lived systems cannot
be replaced once capital and fuels and materials are depleted
sufficiently (Lovins, 1979:60). Restructuring national priorities
and reallignment of regional or national governments with people in
general rather than with corporations, will require imaginative inter-
linkages between small groups, neighborhoods and task groups. These
linkages rest their meaning and strength in the grass roots.
\
125
The sort of conversion to appropriate technologies postulated
in Chapter V1 is based on grass roots action, crucial decision-making
on a local neighborhood level, and distribution of useful information
and capital at higher levels.
Grass Roots Change Through
Decentralized Energy_
Systems
Downtown East Lansing study area socio-political changes.--
A look at the map of downtown East Lansing as shown in Figure 29
(p. 105) reveals quite a different technological system than the
map of the existing system (Figure 21). Such technological changes
occur only with changes in other aspects of the culture.
By drawing these maps and speculating upon those drawn for
Winons (Figures 8 and 9) and by reading the statements of the other
experiments such as Cerro Gordo or the New Alchemy, one is led to a
kind of archeology of the future. The determination of what kinds
of socio-political changes need to take place is a partly specula-
tive process based, as in "new archeology“ on knowledge of the
present system and knowledge of the physical layout.
It is apparent that much of the subsistence of the people
who would live in a place such as that illustrated in Figure 29,
would be supplied with their own labor very near to their own
residences. These include "any of the food products and much of
the energy supply needed for warmth and lighting.
This means that many people who now Spend their time away
from their homes or neighborhoods earning money to purchase
126
fruits, vegetables, protein, heating fuel and cars, would spend at
least a very much larger portion of their time than at the present
tending gardens, greenhouses, fish farms, fruit trees, and walking
or bicycling to nearby destinations. They would also have technical
knowledge of the construction and maintenance of the weatherization
process and solar systems, such as greenhouses and hot water heaters,
which are part of the decentralized technology.
While some of this would be accomplished in family groups or
single house groups, much of the work and organization and education
would occur at a block and neighborhood level. In fact determination
of the pedistrian, bike and motorized vehicle pattern and the use of
the interior block space would have to be made in deliberative bodies
such as those described by Kotler (1978:85).
These groups would have to be concensus oriented, cooperative
in nature as the level of physical participation required in the
technological systems will be much greater than exists today. In
these senses, the decentralized political decision-making system
takes on special and crucial importance in the implementation of
these technologies.
Referring to a chart devised by William Bunge (1973),
additions can now be made to those decisions described based on
local control of transportation, food and heat and light supply
systems. The kinds of organizing that needs to occur can be
illustrated in the energy additions to Figure 32. The places
Bailey Primary School,Baily Community Center and Urban Options
127
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128
already exist for the kind of education and distribution centers
that might be necessary as well as for neighborhood level delibera-
tion.
A step by step planning process begins to take shape in ways
outlined in Figure 30 (p. 106). It must be carefully coupled with
the political deliberative considerations implied in the expanded
Bunge chart in order to be successful. The skills needed in group
political decision-making and successful interpersonal group
activity are just as real and important as the technical skills
which give the more tangible rationale.
Urbanngtions Experience
While Specific paper plans as outlined above are important
to keep in mind, they often remain far removed from the day to day
workings of a group seeking to implement change. In part the
analysis presented here encompasses as much as it does because of
the experiences of Urban Options.
Urban Options encountered frequent and consistent opposition
from City Government. In Davis and Seattle where the City Government
and the Utility respectively, moved easily to significant work in
the areas of conservation and appropriate technologies, the necessity
for decentralization of the decision-making and links with other
essentially decentralizing movements, is not yet central. The
Opposition encountered by Urban Options made it obvious that
strong block and neighborhood level groups offers the major chance
of success.
129
In the long run, as the experience in Village Homes in
Davis and in Seattle suggest success of conservation and appropriate
technologies movements rests on political decentralization and parti-
cipation. The appropriate technologies movement brings to the
neighborhood and political reform movements a technological leverage
and legitimacy. The energy crisis itself will produce enough
economic pressure on individuals and cities to require genuine
participation on the neighborhood level and lower. The practical
hands on nature of the apprOpriate technology movement provides
organizing opportunities which have basis in practical and reachable
experience (Hess, l979z95ff).
Opportunities for defiance are not created by analyses of
power structure. If there is a genius in organzing it is
the capacity to sense what is possible for people to do
under given conditions and then help them do it (Piven
and Cloward,1977:22).
Structural Change
Not only technological change but also structural change
is possible for pe0ple to reach. Illustrated in Figure 33 below
are two parallel decision-making structures which now exist in the
solar movements in the United States. The decision-making structure
on the right is dominant today and will lead to hard path decisions
whether in the name of nuclear power or solar satellites.
The other decision-making system illustrated on the left
represents the emerging social system and it is part of the appro-
priate technologies movements. That structure is in its beginning
stages in the energy movement and need only be deepened and linked
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to the politically oriented groups to form a basis for a new social-
structure that can deal positively with the future.
There is no doubt that such a process would be facilitated
'be a favorable climate on the tOp levels of the present structure.
PeOple in the tap layers of the present decision-making structure
are often not immediately threatened, though decentralization and
distribution are antithetical to a strict hierarchical system.
People in more middle layers of the structure such as planners and
policy makers for whom practicing planners often work are immediately
threatened. "What is engendered by large bureaucratic organizations
that permeate our social system is an inflexibility of purpose and
a vested interest in the status quo" (Benello, l97l:40). This is
one major reason for the opposition to Urban Options work in the
City Government of East Lansing.
Role of the Professional Planner
A New Planning Process
A new planning process emerges from the form suggested in
the line of argument of this thesis. The process in this thesis has
gone from explicitly argued assumptions, through study of extant
examples, to kinds of data which allow for broad thinking about
planning alternatives, to wide political participation of people
with whom planners plan. The process can occur the other way around
from the participation to explicit assumptions.
Planners from Mannhein (194) through Friedman (l978) to
Grabow and Heskin (l973) have aruged in theory for some such process
132
with political participation as a central component. But these
arguments have often been taken for irrelevant academic thinking
that is unnecessary or unrealistic to translate into specific
planning professional practices. In fact such processes as suggested
here are revealed because of the energy crisis, to be intensely
practical and consistent with the wont of professional planners
precisely because they can lead to success in the short as well as
the long term.
To be caught in a series of failures is not only debilitating
personally and‘professionally, in the case of the energy crisis, it
could well be catastrophic. Failure to deal with the depth of the
problem by accepting obsolete premises and moving along old unsuccess-
ful paths, could put professional planning in the paradoxical position
of planning for a future that is not sustainable in human terms.
A New Planner
The social and political and moral imperatives of the 605
produced only a few practicing professional planners who operated
by the Needleman (1974) school and were aware of the meaning of
Sherry Arnstein's (l969) typology.
The energy crisis and the ecological crisis add to these
others a technical and economic imperative which make possible
solutions more urgent.
In terms of planners, the most lucid present discussion of
a new planner whose major focus is participation comes from the
neighborhood movement. Rick Cohen's work is based on his study of
133
the Pennsylvania Neighborhood Preservation System (PNPS). He goes
well beyond Anthony Downs (1970), Sherry Arnstein (1975) the
Needlemans (l974) in an understanding of the politics of the
neighborhood planning process.
Cohen concludes:
Planners must now begin to see themselves not as manipula-
tors of resources to be allocated to target neighborhoods,
but architects of new political forms which match the types
of problems and neighborhoods they must face. . . . This
is a different and probably difficult challenge to the con-
ventional thinking of planners. The neighborhood unit is
no longer a physical territory or a housing market, but a
political entity. Neighborhood planning is a political
process whose decisions have physical, economic and social
implications. Planners in PNPS have been compelled to turn
their conceptual world on its head, with results that may
be significant advances over technical fixes of traditional
neighborhood projects (Cohen, 1979:361-362).
The kinds of energy problem solutions presented in this
thesis have as their foundation the neighborhood made up of strong,
responsible and trained individuals doing work in their own houses
and with their neighbors. As a consequence the conversion process
must be in part a political process. Because this process is
participatory and not directive in nature, planners who facilitate
it will need different training, a different outlook than they now
have. By using the kinds of planning processes suggested in this
thesis we can arrive at energy solutions by beginning from where
we HOW are .
CHAPTER VIII
CONCLUSIONS
Professional planning process and practice which has
devloped in the United States needs basic revamping in response to
the energy crisis. While the general sequence of that planning
process which proceeds from assumptions and background to alterna-
tives and choice, through implementation, can be argued as a logical
basic system, in practice it has become pat and reactive.
The seriousness of the energy crisis mandates planners to
think in creative terms about possible and sustainable futures.
Frequently planners have simply reacted to isolated patterns as
they unfolded. But the energy crisis reaches deeply into every
aspect of culture in the United States.
In responding to this crisis planners have two choices.
One response is characterized by Heilbroner:
The planning that will emerge from the present crisis will
be of a different nature. Its essential prupose will be
not to remedy the various failures that capitalist growth
has brought but to direct and at the bottom to protect the
very possibility of that growth as long as that can be
(Heilbroner, l978z7l).
The planning methods and processes that follow from this choice
is one way, from implicit assumptions through implementation,
initiated and carried through from the top levels of social
I34
I35
hierarchy. It has become so narrow as to preclude any discussion
of genuine alternatives.
Planners can and are responding to the energy crisis in
another way, through changes in practice and methods as discussed
in this thesis. This second choiCe involves changing the content
of the planning process as it now most frequently exists in cities
in the United States. It also involves changing the nature of the
flow of the planning process. Instead of the planning process
proceeding from often implicit assumptions, through alternatives,
to implementation, planners could as is demonstrated in this thesis
begin at any point.
In this thesis the beginning is, conventionally with
assumptions. Unconventionally, the discussion of assumptions is
explicit and reaches to the core of the present energy debate,
between the "hard" and the "soft" paths. The contention in this
thesis, is that if this debate proceeds with a view of the depth
of the energy crisis in terms of the whole culture of the United
States, the choice for solutions which planners and others will
advocate is long the "soft" path. This involves not following
directives as planners are too frequently trained to do, but
advocacy. Such aulevel of discussion raises genuine alternatives.
These alternatives can suggest tacks in implementation along the
soft path. Some of these are summarized in view of a model of
culture in Chapter III.
In Chapter IV, the conventional planning process has been
reversed. The discussion of soft path planning proceeds in
136
Chapter IV from ongoing implementation at Urban Options. The
process of implementation of appropriate technologies in the Urban
Options example demonstrated that a unilineal method of planning
will not be sufficient in finding positive solutions to the energy
crisis.
In Chapter V the inadequacy and narrowness of the commonly
used energy data base becomes very apparent as energy planning
enters the concerns of local planners. If assumptions are explicit,
then a sequence of planning considerations can be developed in
detail and can be effectively argued from any point in the planning
process.
In addition the data upon which planners and others justify
their choices, can be collected for a specific and defined purpose.
In the case of the argument for the appropriate technologies solu-
tions to the energy crisis, data must be applicable to a local level
and usable and controlled by people in whose houses and lives
adaptation will occur.
Local planners are then thrust into a new level of
responsibility and complexity. A one tiered parking ramp is no
(longer an alternative to a three tiered parking ramp. Rather the
need for parking is discussed in the context of transportation
needs of the peOple within a planner jurisdiction. If conservation
and use of appropriate, renewable resources is a basis for planning,
transporation planning becomes a complex interweaving of pedestrians,
bicyclists and people and goods traveling by motorized vehicle
137
matched in their emphasis with the needs for local and intercity
passenger travel and freight carrying.
The technological planning process which can facilitate
the use of appropriate technologies and the amount of money avail-
able for such conversion are new specific provinces for local
planners. But the technology is learnable and interesting and the
money is still available as discussed in Chapter VI.
The most difficult part of the changes required of the
planner in response to the energy crisis has to do with the socio-
political role of the planners. As discussed in Chapter VII, the
planning profession as it is practiced today puts planners squarely
in a strict hierarchical decision-making system. If planners depend,
professionally or personally, upon this strict hierarchy, they can
become impediments to the kinds of socio-political changes which
seem essential to conversion to appropriate technologies.
Nith explicit discussion of the root issues brought forth
by the energy crisis, professional planners will become not merely
querrillas in, or advocates of, an existing top down view of their
professional practice where the content is narrow and reactive.
Rather planners will be participants, organizers and facilitators
of basic localized change with at once more subtle and in many ways
more complicated data, alternatives and syntheses, and a more
flexable view of the process of their professional practice.
APPENDICES
138
APPENDIX A
CENSUS TRACTS CITY OF
EAST LANSING
139
140
CITY OF
EAST LANSING
Michigan
1977
CENSUS TRACTS
..........
J‘fi—‘H‘tdh--I O 0
.—
“age
(City of East Lansing, 1979)
o
_-. _m
APPENDIX B
EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS
141
OM‘flN-l
CHANDLER
WEST PINECREST
EAST PINECREST
WHITEHILLS
GLENCAIRN
WEST ALTON
5 i '
EAST LANSING NEIGHBORHOODS
142
EAST LANSING
Michigan
can or T—
197.?
7 EAST ALTON* 13 SOUTH CAHILL
8 WALNUT HILLS 14 WEST KENSINGTON
9 CITY CENTER 15 EAST KENSINGTON
10 WEST BAILEY 16 ROGUE
11 EAST BAILEY 17 RED CEDAR
12 NORTH CAHILL 18 SPARTAN VILLAGE
(City of East Lansing,1978)
APPENDIX C
EAST LANSING ZONING
143
144
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APPENDIX D
STUDY AREA: RENTAL LICENSE
145
146
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RENTAL LICENSES
(City of East Lansing, 1979)
APPENDIX E
STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE
PLAN 1980
147
148
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STUDY AREA: COMPREHENSIVE PLAN 1980
(City of East Lansing,1979)
APPENDIX F
I
SOLAR ENERGY THAT CAN
BE COLLECTED
T49
150
Line 7-lt takes 1 BTU’ of energy to heat 1 lb of
water PF. and a gallon of water weighs a little
over 8 lb. Therefore. the energy required to
heat the water to 140'F each day would be the
number of gallons per day times the temper-
ature difference times 8.33 lb per gal.
Line 8—The hot water energy requirement each
month is the amount of energy required per
day times the number of days in the month.
Amount of Solar Energy
That Can Be Collected (Chart 2)
Line 3—lnsolation is the amount of solar energy
that reaches a surface and is measured in
BTUs per square foot. The insolation that
strikes a solar collector depends on latitude.
time of the year, and the collector orientation.
Michigan ranges from about 40' to 48' north
latitude (Figure 2). For all practical purposes
the collector must be facing south. _____
W—mmwmnammummh
humane-e mzwwum
CHART 2
SelarEneroThatCanleCapbiradpequuareFeotolCollectorparfluth.
the Description Source Ileib Minimums) .
1 Month Jan Feb Mar April May June July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
2No.days Days 312831303130313130313031
permontli
3 Daily Seediscussion BTU per 1730 2100 2300 2300 2260 2210 2220 2250 2220 1970 1700 1530
insulation Tablel ft'
4 Hoursofusable TableZ Hour 9 9 9 11 11 11 11 11 9 9 9 8
sunshineperday
5 Hourly insulation Line3+ BTUpertt‘ 192 233 256 209 205 201 202 205 247 219 189 191
Line4 perhour
6 Desiredirater Line4 'F 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140 140
temperature Chartl
7Incomin¢waterLine5 ‘F 545454545454545454545454
temperature Chartl
8 Average collector (Une6 + 'F 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97 97
' water temperature Line 7) + 2
9 Averageoutdoor Table3 'F 25 25 34 48 59 72 75 74 64 53 39 29
temperature
10 Lossfactnr (Line8 - 'F-lf-hr . 0.38 0.31 0.25 0.23 0.19 0.12 0.11 0.11 0.13 0.20 0.31 0.36
' Line 9) + perBTlJ ‘
Line5
11 Collector Fun 6 0.42 0.48 0.52 0.54 0.58 0.62 0.63 0.63 70.62 056 0.48 0.44
ll‘ .
12 Feasible sunshine Table 3 0.36 0.44 0.49 0.52 0.64 0.68 0.71 0.69 0.60 0.55 0.31 0.30
13 Total rnonthly (U002 x 1.000 SW 8.1 124 18.2 19.4 26.0 28.0 30.8 30.3 24.8 188 7.6 6.3
h-collectable Uae3xline perlt'per
isolation per 11 x Line 12) mtli
WM ‘0' I,” a
(Stoudt and Myers, i977z6)
APPENDIX 6
AUTOMOBILE TERRITORY:
EAST LANSING
ISI
152
8: ":3 .5535
ducks: 515—52 van Jun—U 5.0—...153 Ewa— .._...ED TEE: ..0 02.3513 0.: its name:
Eu... :5: guano...”— ..::o .95. «:59.» E .059 $5....» .:uu_—_u_2 $52.3 :«m ..0 tan a E 2.5:?! £595.53 3am. 0:232 i . .6...—
vng .cnz . >w¢ .EOOwo
So... 8QO cacao. _||.|i_
08 So com o 8QO $282 I /
Z< .52: 95.0 09
a
\‘
.amfiooow
90.000
aw . m 87.35
APPENDIX H
ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT
WITH GAS HEAT
153
154
'°” 1” THE Bfiwv a: as THE CHIMNEY o...
4 CQMDUTEO fifiggqu T0 QHQLY:E
lERTdifi °¢CB=I~G THE 40mg
ranLt LIVING EDUCATION
iaueaeertwe EHTEHTIUN zachce
fICHIGHN 27ers univee3Irv
... '2T5ll.|'.k'1"4'5 ‘71”.[1 1.];QTHES'E'TDIF-DIr-{G [l.3-3;: Emit ..NIHQQ‘U
I. SQVINGEI¢RDM CRULKING D: *3 9H5 MINDQMB carve:
TDTQL INiTQCLQTIOH CGET = I re.
Par-SQCK 959105 ($75. I
I...
TUTQL INZTQLLRTIUN COST = fi 4 .
DRY-BREW QEQIQD (Y9?! = 0.6
roe STDDM MINDJM INETALLHTIDH 000
3. SQVINGE “GUM ETUWM MINDOM IszRLLQTIGN (art?)
TQTRL IHETRLLQTIDN EDIT = t 396.
PHY-BRCK bsexgn ($93) a 4,:
~00 QTTIC INEULRTIUH 0o.
4. SHVING? =90" INSULATING q UN‘INIEHED QTTIC
.
a'
.00
. sewING: coon meerwectreieetws aoaaz awn MINDGME (If?
TUTQL RODEO EDDITIGNQL INCTHLRTIDN “QTEQCK PEQUID
INCHEB INCHES 5%VIHGIIE CUZTffii YEH?E
8 a. E. 4. 3?. 13.2
10 4. '3 ?. 16'2. 306'
IE 6.0 9.‘ EZ~.V’ 14.?
14 8- '3 1'). 311. 1.590;.
~09 MHLL INSULATION 00¢
?. SQVINGZ FPUM INSULATING MéLLS ~I/Y91 = 123.
TUTHL INETJLLQTIGN COST 8 I 923.
‘ PAT-BRCK ”$9105 ($933 a 6 1
.Ngrg. -- q cguTeqcroa MILL ween TD on rat:
... CRRML seats. unnae FLDD°39 awn BeasnauT MALL:
a- sawtus: ream Inauenrlwe coaML soeca (t/vei .
. Tore; InsreLLquow COST . s 53.
PAY-BECK esexon :vvzi - 4.5
IHEULATIGH ...
to."sevInss teen INSULRTIHG eatenewr MQLLS (s/Ye) -
TDTHL INETQLLHTID” CD: 8 S 209.
fofiY-BQCK PERIOD (Y9?) I 5.1
ENERGY AUDIT WITH GAS HEAT: Urban Options
135 Linden
JD
10.
I)
BE.
‘3
APPENDIX I
ENERGY HOUSE AUDIT
WITH ELECTRIC HEAT
155
a" '
~09. I” THE ER“! 0? U9 THE CHIMNEY o...
: COMPUTEQ PPDG‘RM TD AHALTZE
EHTHEQ PC‘nC-2IH.3 TH": H:..fi_:
QMILY LIVING EDUCRTIDH
aUF'EF'FITWE EXTEHEIUH 3520162
ICHIGQN ETRTE UNIVE?:ITY
-oo CHULKING AND MEETHEPSTPIPPIHE 9909: QHB MINEJMfi 009
l. SRwIHGE $90M CRULKIHG HOSP: nun MIHDOME :1 f0? = - 31-
TDTAL INETHLLRTIDH caiT = 0 73-
pay—ERCK PERIOD chTI = 3~1
2. SEVIHgZ spam MERTHEP?TPIPDING name: any MIHECMT rexve; . 3-'
TOTE; INSTRLLHTIU“ 001T = 5 43-
FRY-BECK GEPIUD (V933 ' 0-1
'90 STDEN MINDSU IHETHLLRTIDH ...
3. SAVING: F900 STORM MINflDM IHTTH
TDTRL INSTALLRTIDN COST = 0 306.
PET—£00K PERIOD (Y9?) = 1.1
~00 ATTIC INSULRTIQH ...
4. SHVINEE FRO“ INSULETINB H UNEIHISHED HTTIC
‘STRL 90050 RDDITIDHAL waTfiLRTIDH PRYBGCK PEPGID
.NCHES INCHES SHVIHGI?) CGETfII $583?
2 2.0 193. 35. 0.3
4 4.0 £33. 73. 0.3
6 6.0 252. 103. 0.a
8 8.0 . 251. 133. 0.5
10 10.0 266. ' 171. 0.5
12 12.0 26?. £04. 0.3
14 14.0 872. 23?. 0.?
'90 MHLL IHfiULRTIDH 00¢
?. $001053 FPDM INEULQTIHG HELL: (05:5: = 555.
TOTAL IHLTHLLRTIDH 003T . 5 933.
PET-£00K PEPICD (YRS) s 1.5
’HUTE’ -- R CDHTPRCTD? MILL NEED TD 03 THIS J03
-00 CRHML SPECS: UNDER FLGGPS. END 3 :EmEHT MQLLSvIHEULHTIDH ...
3. sRQInss 5:95 INSULRTING cpemL specs (01$?) . as.
TDTRL INETRLLRTIQN cost . s 53.
PHY‘BfiCK PERIOD (YES) 3 1.2
.0. SEVIHGS FPO" INSULRTINE EESEMENT MFLLS (S/YP) I 125.
3
rTDTRL INSTRLLHTIDN COST 1 303.
thfiYfBRCV PEPIUD (YES) 3 1.6
ENERGY AUDIT' WITH ELECTRIC HEAT: Urban Options
135 Linden
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157
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