SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES AND
SOHO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF
URBAN NEGROES AS RELATED TO USE OF

SELECTED SOUTHERN FOODS
AND MEDICAL REMEDIES

Thests for Hm Degree of DII. D.
MECHEGRI‘? STEVE UKITEESETY
Rose Toomer Brunson

1962

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Socialization Experiences and Socio-Economic
Characteristics of Urban Negroes as Related to
Use of Selected Southern Foods and Medical Remedies

presented by

Rose Toomer Brunson

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in.“ Social Science

Q/mfl

Major professor/l

Date I /7 h '2-

L I B R AR
Michigan State
University

O~169

 

O

 

 

£32 21 2:..- 2305

MUG

 

 

 

ABSTRACT

SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES.AND SOClO—ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
OF URBAN HEROES AS RELATED TO USE OF SELECTED SOUTHERN
FOODS AND MEDICAL REMEDIES

by Rose Toomer Brunson

This study attempts to investigate a narrowly defined problem
within the general area of social change. It focuses upon the problem
of "survivals" in a rapidly changing society. Among the dramatic trans-
formations in American Society has been the Shift from a rural, folk—
oriented social order to an urban, industrialized one. One of the many
facets of this change has been the movement of the Negro from the rural
South to the industrial North. The present study seeks to explore one
aspect of change growing out of the massive change just outlined; namely,
the survival of Southern Foods and medical remedies on the part of ur-
ban Negro migrants now living in the North.

A sample of 151 Negro women were randomly selected from the total
Negro population in Lansing, Michigan. The sample consisted of married
Negro females only, those primarily reSponsible for food preparation
and health care.

TWO general hypotheses were investigated. First, the more complete
the contact with and socialization in the rural South, the higher will
be the survival of Southern food and medical practices among informants.
A corollary to this states that the more complete the contact with and
socialization in the rural South, the lower will be the generational
change in food and medical practices between the informant and her

mother. Second, the higher the socio-economic level, the lower will be

Rose Toomer Brunson
the survival of Southern food and medical practices among informants.
A corollary to this states that the higher the socio-economic level,
the higher will be the generational change in food and medical practices
between the informant and her mother.

With only minor refinements, the findings of this study support
the hypotheses in regard to the relationship between previous residence
and socialization experiences and soci-economic status and the survival
of Southern foods and medical remedies. The hypotheses bearing upon
generational change in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies
were much less frequently supported by the findings.

Numerous conclusions emerge from the present study. Several of
them will be enumerated below:

1. DeSpite conditions radically different from those in the rural
South, urban Negroes retain much of their Southern foodways and folkways
concerning medical remedies. The extent to which they survive in an ur—
ban setting is closely related to socio-economic level and to rurality
of origin. Generational decline has occurred but the remarkable finding
is that the decline has been of relatively small magnitude.

2. The findings suggest that the Southern food and medical practices
of urban Negroes will gradually disappear as Negroes rise in the socio-
economic scale. Length of exposure to urban life in itself, however,
seems to be sufficient for the disappearance of these Southern practices.

3. In view of the strong attachment of urban Negroes to Southern
foods and remedies and the accompanying dietary and medical inadequacies
it would seem urgent that migrant Negroes are made aware of the rudiments

of diet and medical care. Action agencies interested in such problems

Rose Toomer Brunson

are faced with a dilemma in providing scientific knowledge without
destroying all elements of the total cultural past. This study sug-

gests the delicacy with which any action agency must proceed if it

wishes to succeed.

SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES AND SOCIO—ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
OF URBAN NEGROES AS RELATED TO USE OF SELECTED SOUTHERN

FOODS AND MEDICAL REMEDIES

By

Rose Toomer Brunson

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF‘PHILOSOPHY
Division of Social Science

1962

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Harry H. Kimber, chairman
of my graduate committee for his advice and guidance throughout my
course of study. I am also deeply indebted to Dr. J..Allan Beegle for
his kindness and constant encouragement during the time this study was
in preparation. His wide and thorough knowledge, his scholarly ap—
proach to research, and his inSistence on accuracy have made a deep
mark on this piece of work.

Grateful acknowledgment is due Dr. Ernest B. Harper and Dr. Alfred
G. Dietze, members of my graduate committee for their interest and sug—
gestions. My appreciation goes to Dr. Esther Seiden for assistance in
the statistical analysis, and to Dr. David W. Dickson for assistance
in editing the manuscript.

There are others who have assisted me in the preparation of this
study whom I wish to thank: Mrs. Deborah Wheaton for the typing of
the dissertation, Dr. William H. Harrison, for his willingness to
allow me to tap his knowledge of health, food and medical practices;
and my employer the Family Service Agency of Lansing.

Finally, I wish to thank my family who assisted and gave me encour—
agement as well as the informants who so willingly gave the information

on which this study is based.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I.

II.

III.

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . .

The Movement of Negroes to the North . . . . .

Formulation of Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . .

Methods and Procedures . . . . . .

Establishing the Universe and Selecting the

Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Interview Situation . . . . . . . . . . . .
Determining Typical Southern Foods and Remedies.
Data Processing and Tests for Significance . . .

Order of Presentation . . . . . .

REVIEW OF LITERATURE . . . . . . .

The Racial Differential in Food Habits . . .

African Dietary Antecedents .

Slavery and Food . . . . . . . .

The Negro Dietary Pattern . .
The Racial Differential in Medical
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE NEGRO SUB-CULTURE OF LANSING .
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . .
Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Finding a Place to Live . . . . .

The World of Work . . . . . . . .

Practices

Contact with the South and other Communities

Food and Medical Practices . . . .

iii

PAGE

IO
10

ll
12

13
1h
15

20
20
2h
25
29
33
3h
3h
35

Ll

L8
53

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)

CHAPTER

IV.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF‘SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES AND

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS TO THE USE OF SOUTHERN

FOODS AND MEDICAL REMEDIES . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Measures of Previous Residence and Socialization

State in Which Mother Grew Up . . . . . . . .
Place of Origin of the Informant . . . . . . .

Informant's Place of Residence when Attending
Grade School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Informant's Place of Residence when Attending
High School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Number of Years Informant Lived in the South

Proportion of Informant’s Life Spent in the South

Number of Years in Lansing . . . . . . . . . . .

Number of Residence Changes since l9hO . . .

Measures of Socio—Economic Level . . . . . . .
Informant's Age . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Highest Grade Completed by the Informant .
Employment Status of the Informant . . . .
Husband's Occupation . . . . . . . . . . .
Highest Grade Completed by the Husband . .
Husband's Monthly Pay . . . . . . . . . .
Monthly Payments on Mortgage or for Rent .

Summary . . . . . . ..... . . . . . . . . .

THE RELATIONSHIP OF‘SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES.AND SOCIO-
ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS TO GENERATIONAL CHANGE IN

THE USE OF‘SOUTHERN FOODS AND MEDICAL REMEDIES . . .

Use of Individual Foods and Medical Remedies . .
Generational Change in Relation to Socialization
Experiences and Socio-Economic Characteristics
Socialization Measures . . . . . . . . . . .
SOClO-BCODOITII C variables a o o o o o o o o 0
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . .
BlBI—ImWI-IY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O
PPWDIX I O O O O O O 0 O O I O O O O O O O O O

APPmDIX II 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

iv

PAGE

10h
105
109
109
11h
120
125
129

1143

TABLE

II.

III.

IV.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

LIST OF TABLES

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Where the
Mother Grew Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Feeds
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Place
of Origin of the Informant . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Their Place
of Residence when Attending Grade School . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Their Place
of Residence when Attending High School . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
of Years Informant Lived in the South . . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Pro-
portion of Informant's Life in the South . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
Of Years in IanSing O O O O O O ‘ O O O O O O O C 0 O 0

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
of Residence Changes Since l9hO . . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods

and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Informant's

Age 0 O O O C O O C O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 0

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Highest
Grade Completed by the Informant . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Employ-
ment Status of the Informant . . . . . . . . . . . .

PAGE

71

73

76

78

8O

83

85

87

89

9O

92

TABLE

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XVII.

XVIII.

XXII.

LIST OF TABLES ( cont.)
PAGE

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Husband's
occupation o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 95

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Highest
Grade Completed by the Husband . . . . . . . . . . 97

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Husband's
Monthly Pay . O C . . C C O . . . . C C O C . . O 0 ~ 99

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Monthly
Payments on Mortgage or for Rent . . . . . . . . . 102

Summary of the Direction of Findings Concerning
Frequency of Use of Southern Foods and Medical
Remedi e S O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 103

Frequency of Use by Informant and Mother's Use in
Relation to the Informant of the 18 Selected Peods . 106

Frequency of Use by Informant and Mother's Use in
Relation to the Informant of the 21 Selected Medical
Remedies O C C C O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O 108

Index of Generational Change, 18 Foods and 21
Medical Remedies by Residence and Socialization
measures 0 O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 111

Index of Generational Change, 18 Foods and 21
Medical Remedies by Socio-Economic Measures . . . . 116

Summary of the Direction of Findings Concerning

Generational Change in the Use of Southern Foods
and Medical Remedies O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 119

APPENDIX II

Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Where the
mother Grew [JP 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o lull.

vi

LIST or TABLES (cont.)
TABLE PAGE

XXIII. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Place
of Origin of the Informant . . . . . . . . . . . . 1&5

XXIV. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Their Place
of Residence when Attending Grade School . . . . . 1N6

XXV. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to Their Place
of Residence when Attending High School . . . . . . 1h?

XXVI. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
of Years Informant Lived in the South . . . . . . . 1&8

XXVII. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation toihe Propor—
tion of Informant's Life in the South . . . . . . . 1&9

XXNIII. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
of Years in Lansing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15O

XXIX. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Number
of Residence Changes Since 19hO . . . . . . . . . . 151

XXX. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Infomant ' S Age 0 C C O ’. O O O O O O O O O O O O O 152

XXXI. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the Highest
Grade Completed by the Informant . . . . . . . . . 153

XXXII. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Employment Status of the Informant . . . . . . . . 15h

XXXIII. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Husband's Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

XXXIV. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Highest Grade Completed by the Husband . . . . . . 156

vii

LIST or TABLES (cont.)

TABLE PAGE

XXXV. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods
and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Husband's monthly Pay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157

XXXVI. Frequency of Use by Informant of 18 Selected Foods

and 21 Medical Remedies in Relation to the
Monthly Payments on Mortgage or for Rent . . . . . 158

viii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

This dissertation is concerned with the general problem of social
change and the forces which retard and accelerate it. More explicitly,
this study focuses upon "survivals"--those practices or beliefs which
were once adapted to previous conditions of life but have become ob—
solete under existing conditions. In any rapidly changing society, a
very large part of the culture may be expected to consist of survivals.

American society has changed rapidly from a predominantly rural,
folk oriented society to an urbanized, industrialized society. Under
conditions of such rapid change, it is expected that many rural traits
and practices will persist in urban areas. In American society, one of
the most dramatic transformations in style and condition of life has
been the instance of Southern Negroes in migrating to the industrial
North. This study is concerned with the problem of rural survivals in
an urban setting and the forces which are associated with such survivals
on the part of urban Negroes.

The focus of this dissertation is upon survival of southern foods
and southern medical remedies among northern, urban Negroes and thus does
not attempt to investigate the entire gamut of practices and beliefs.
The study attempts to measure the frequency of use of southern foods
and medical remedies as reported by Negro women as well as the frequency
of use by informants in relation to that of their mothers. In addition,
frequency of use is related to the character of socialization exper—
iences and to socio-economic attributes.

1

2

The Movement of Negroes to the North

Negro migration began when Negroes were brought to the United
States as slaves. The concentration of slaves, of course, was in the
South for the Northern states early abolished what slavery existed.

The South came to regard slavery as an essential part of its economy
and.Negroes were brought in as long as it was legally possible to do

so. Part of the frontier was then in the Southeast and Negroes were
taken along in a great southward and.westward movement of the planta-
tion economy. The restriction of slavery to the South, among many other
factors, limited the forced migration of the Negroes to this new region.1

Up to 1860 there was only a scattering of Negroes in the North
and practically none in the West.2 Of the Negroes in the United States
at this time 9h.9 percent lived in the South. Only one-tenth of one
percent lived in non-southern states west of the Mississippi River,
and the remaining 5 percent lived in Northern states.3

The first great migration of Negroes from the South started in
19154. It is estimated that hO0,000 Negroes moved.North during the
years 1916, 1917 and 1918. The movement embraced Negroes of all classes
and from every state south of Delaware and largely east of, but includ-
ing Texas. Generally dissatisfied with the conditions of the South,

Negroes were ready to abandon it for the first opening elsewhere.

 

1Gunnar Myrdal, American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Brothers
Publishing Co.), p. 182.

 

2Ibid.

3U.S. Bureau of the Census, Eighth Census of the United States 1860,
V01. 1, p. xiii, Washington, D.C. .

 

4Emmett J. Scott, Negro Migration During the War (Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, 1920), p. 5.

 

3

Foreign immigrants had always been influential in keeping Negroes out
of the northern labor market. But World War I cut off European labor
Eat a time when orders were most pressing and labor most needed. The
industries of the North were forced to turn to Negroes as the only
immediately available supply of labor. As an inducement to come north,
industrial employment offered the antithesis of many of the conditions
which made Negroes desirous of leaving the South. Of the four hundred
thousand Negroes in the first great migration who took advantage of the
opportunity to move North, the greatest number settled in the large
industrial centers of the Northeast, such as New York and Philadelphia.5

The second period of great Negro migration was induced by World
War II. The most recent trend in the movement of Negro population has
been migration to the West and Midwest, more specifically to the larger
cities. Up until l9h0 few Negroes lived in the West. In 19hO Negroes
comprised 1.2 percent of the total population of the West, but labor
demands of World War II in the West Coast industrial plants stimulated
a westward movement.6 Between l9h0 and 1950 the estimated net migration
of Negroes to the western states, primarily California, was over
300,000.7 By 1960 Los.Angeles alone had a Negro pOpulation of over

200,000.8

 

5Sadie Tanner Mossell, The Standard of Living Among One Hundred
Negro Migrant Families in Philadelphia. (Ph.D. Thesis, University of
Pennsylvania, 1921).

 

 

' 6Charles F. Marden, Minorities in.American.Society (New York:
American Book Company), 1952, p. 206.

 

7Conrad Taeuber and Irene B. Taeuber, The Changing Population of
the United States (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958), p. 110.

 

8Conrad Taeuber, Some Recent Changes in the Negro ngulation (Wash—
ington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1961),
p. 3.

 

h

In the decade 19h0-l950 the proportion of the total Negro popula-
tion living in the South dropped from 77 percent in l9h0 to 68 percent
in 19509, and by 1960 it had decreased to 60 percent.10 The Negro
population in the Northeast increased hh.2 percent during the l9h0-1950
period and in the North Central Region it increased 50.2 percent. In
the West the Negro population increased 237.h percent during this
decade.11

By 1950 about one fifth of all Negroes born in the South were liv-
ing in other parts of the country. The number of Negroes born in the
South and living elsewhere was approximately 2.6 million, but the number
living in the South, who had been born outside that region, was only
about 100,000. This outward migration of Negroes from the South has
been largely to urban areas. In 1950 the New York-Northeastern New
Jersey Standard Metropolitan Area had a larger Negro pOpulation than
any state except North Carolina and Georgia.12 By 1960 New York City
alone had a population of more than one million.Negroes, which is
larger than any other city in the world.”

According to the 1960 Census three—fourths of the Negro pOpulation
now lives in urban areas. These urban Negroes live chiefly in the larger
cities of 50,000 or over. Nearly all of the Negroes in rural areas live

in the South. In the Northern states such as Illinois, New York and

 

9Conrad Taeuber and Irene Taeuber, op. cit., p. 110.
1°Conrad Taeuber, cp. cit., p. 2.

11Charles Marden, op. cit., p. 208.

12Conrad Taeuber and Irene Taeuber, op. cit., p. 110.

13Conrad Taeuber, 0p. cit., p. 3.

 

5

Michigan less than 5 percent of the Negro population is rural.14

In the Midwest World War II migration brought many changes. Be-
tween Pearl Harbor and D-Day some 60,000 Negroes came to Chicago. In
l9hh there were 337,000 Negroes—-almost one person in every ten--living
in the midwest metropolis at that time.15 By 1960 this figure had in-
creased to 812,637.16

In 19h0 in Michigan there were 208,3h5 Negroes. In 1950 the number
had increased to hh0,335 and by 1960 it had increased to 717,581, or
more than three times the 19h0 figure. In Detroit alone the population
of Negroes increased from 169,892 in l9h0 to 300,506 in 1950 and to
h82,223 in 1960, or three times the 19to figure.17

In Lansing between l9h0 and 1950 the Negro population tripled,
increasing from 1,638 in l9h0 to 3,290 in 1950. In the decade 1950-
1960 the Negro population again doubled, totaling 6,716.18 The reason
for this migration was in the main economic. The Negroes were generally
dissatisfied with the regime of the South: low wages, failure of crops,

increase in farm machinery resulting in unemployment, tenant farming

 

”Conrad Taeuber, op. cit., p. 3.

15St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Clayton, Black Metropolis, (New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.) l9h5, p. 8.

 

16U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census Population of Illinois,
1960, 15B, Table 21, p. 107.

 

17U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1950 Michigan Census Population, P.C.
22, Table 53, p. 8, and U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1960 Michigan Census
Population, 2hB, Table 21, p. 79.

 

 

18U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1950 United States Census of Population:
yfichigan Detai1ggECharacteristics, Report P-C22, p. 22-172. Also, 1960
Michigan Census Population, 2hB, Table 21, p. 79.

 

 

6

and the sharecropping system. They were ready to abandon agriculture

for openings in the Northern labor market.19

Formulation of Hypotheses

 

The usual position adopted in general studies of social change is
that cultural traits gradually are dropped when they no longer are
adapted or integrated with the total mode of life. These studies usu-
ally show that lower status, and lower socio-economic groups drop traits
rapidly when they come into contact with higher status groups. Nonethe-
less, it is well known, as is pointed out by TOmarszo, that "survivals"
often persist along with the process of adoption of new practices and
beliefs. It is Tbmars who points out that rural survivals in American
life permeate the daily behavior of urbanized living, including our
habits of food, housing, dress, manners and our basic values of human
personality. He regards these survivals not as isolated practices and
beliefs but as covering large areas of social life.21

A group of urban Negroes residing in a Northern city represents a
sub-cultural group of relatively recent migrants from the most rural
region in the nation. Furthermore, it represents a low income group
moving into a dominantly white, middle class population of the city.

For the most part, socialization occurred in a highly rural, agricultural

environment and few of the adults Spent their early life in urban areas.

 

19Rose T. Brunson, tA Study of the Migrant Negro Population in Lansing,
Michigan, Duringrand Since World War II, (Unpublished Master's Thesis,
Michigan State College, 1955, p. 9.

 

 

2°Adolph S. Tomars,"Rura1 Survivals in American Urban Life, ” Soc—
iological Analysis, Robert K. Merton and Other, (New'York: Harcourt
Brace and Co.) 19h9, pp. 371- 378.

 

lebid.

7
It seems clear, therefore, that this group which has changed so swiftly
from a rural to an urban style of life will exhibit survivals from its
rural past.

The literature suggests that food habits as well as medical remedies
of a folk character are eSpecially resistant to change. Margaret Mead,
for instance, argues that knowledge of existing food habits of the pop-
ulation is needed since each generation of children is reared and in-
fluenced by the two preceding generations.22 While she did not mention
medical practices, it would seem that the same statement could be made.
Despite the relative persispapcy of food and medical habits and practices, (3% 3
they do change. Much literature exists, eSpecially in reference to
immigrant groups, to show that old cultural traits disappear in the pro-
cess of social advancement and especially in the first generation.

It is from this sociological background that the major interests
of this thesis emerged. Stated in explicit terms, this study examines
the following:

1) The extent to which Southern food and medical practices sur-
vive among Negroes in an urban, industrial setting;

2) The extent of change in these practices as measured against
the mother's usage. Thus the extent of change in food and medical prac-

tices attempted is in terms of a single generation.

 

22Margaret Mead, "The Problem of Changing Food Habits", National
Research Council Bulletin, National Academy of Sciences, No. 108, Oct.
19h3, p. 20, washington, D.C., P. 3. According to Mead there are two
sides to the study of the nutrition with equal standing. One deals with
the psychological and cultural pattern. Little is known of how some
nutrients function in the body and even less progress has been made in
the study of food habits. This is particularly true concerning the food
habits of some of the migratory Negroes.

8

3) The extent to which selected social and economic character-
istics are related to high and low usage of southern foods and medical
remedies.

We now turn to the problem of formulating the major hypotheses
guiding the analytical portions of the dissertation. It is assumed
that folk traits persist most effectively in a homogeneous, rural en-
vironment and that changes in this environment will bring about gradual
loss of these traits. The extent of survival of southern foods and
medical remedies among urban Negroes is expected to be clearly related
to early socialization and to socio-economic forces. Thus, two general
hypotheses may be stated: ‘

First, the more complete the contact with and socialization in the/Q‘IRLOIQ/
rural south, the higher will be the suTvival of food and medical prac-
tices among informants. As a corallary, the more complete the contact
with and socialization in the rural south, the lower will be the gener¥
ational change in food and medical practices between the informant and
her mother. Second, the higher the socio-economic level, the lower
will be the survival of southern food and medical practices among in-
'formants. As a corollary, the higher the socio-economic level, the
higher will be the generational change in food and medical practices
.between the informant and her mother.

The nature of previous residence and socialization experiences,
hypothesis 1, was measured in the following'ways:

.1) State in which mother grew up. Responses were grouped as
.follows: Deep South, Border South, and Other States.

2) State in which informant attended grade school. ReSponses

were grouped as in (1) above.

9

3) Rural-urban residence of informant when attending grade school.
ReSponses were categorized as: Farm—South, City-South, and City—Outside
South.

h) Rural—urban residence of informant when attending high School.
RBSponses were grouped as: Farm-South (same as grade school), City-South
(same as grade school), and City-Outside South (different from grade
school).

5) Number of years informant lived in South. Responses were
grouped as follows: 0 to 10 years, 11 to 19 years, 20 to 29 years,

30 or more years.

6) Proportion of informant’s life in the South. Responses were
grouped as: Less than one—half, One—half to three—fourths, Three-fourths
to all.

7) Number of years informant lived in Lansing: ReSponses were
categorized as follows: O-h years, 5-9 years, lO-lh years and 15
or more years.

8) Number of residence changes by informant since 19h0. ReSponses
were: Once, Twice, Three times, and Four or more times.

The socio-economic characteristics, second hypothesis, were measured
in the following ways:

1) Stage of life cycle or informant's age. The age groupingsused
'were: 20-2h, 25-3h, 35-hh, and NS and over.

2) Highest grade of school completed by informant. The groupings
‘were: 6th or less, 7th to 9th, 10th to 12th, and College.

3) Employment status of informant. The groupings used were as

follows: Employed, Never employed since 19110, and Not now employed.

10

h) Husband's occupation. The categories were: Professional,
Technical and Self-employed, Manual (skilled), Manual (unskilled), and
Unemployed.

5) Highest grade of school completed by husband. The categories
used were identical with number (2).

6) Husband's monthly pay. The groupings were: Up to 3300, $301
to shoo, $h01 or’more.

7) Monthly payments for rent (or on mortgage). The groups were:
$60 or less, $61 to $90, and $91 or more.

While the expected direction for each of the measures enumerated
above is implied by the general hypotheses, stated previously, an ex-

plicit statement for each will appear in Chapters IV and V when treated

in more detail.
Methods and Procedures

Establishing the Universe and Selecting the Informants.- For
reasons of accessibility and prior knowledge of the City of Lansing,
it was decided to study food and medical practices among Negroes in
Lansing, Michigan. The first problem encountered was that of estab-
lishing the numbers and location of Negro households. Hence, the first
step was to prepare a map showing all Negro households in the City.

The techniques used in systematically determining the Negro house-
luolds and sample were as follows: All of the four largest areas in
Tiansing where Negroes live were well known by the writer. If certain
streets were not known definitely, in each block where a Negro occupant
.lived_an adult was questioned as to the Negro families in the block.

Ehxfll house number and street was listed, thus providing a map of all

Negro households in Lansing. (See Appendix I) In this manner, 12199

ll

Negro households in Lansing were located. From this universe, one
hundred fifty informants were drawn at random for intensive interview-
ing. Of the 150 cases first drawn, 21 did not meet the requirements of
the sample. Fifty additional cases were then drawn to replace any which
did not meet the requirements. Of these fifty, six did not qualify.

Informants in this study were married Negro females, those who are
primarily responsible for preparing food and for taking care of the
health of their families. Women who had children and whose husbands'
were living elsewhere, or were deceased, were considered eligible as
informants. Older women who had children living in or outside their
home were eligible, but working girls who lived alone were not consid—
ered eligible. It was reasoned that those women who were rearing or
had reared children would be the most experienced and knowledgeable
concerning the preparation of food and caring for the sick of the family.
No attempt was made to interview an informant who was not a mother, nor

who had lived in Lansing prior to l9h0.

The Interview Situation.- Although a schedule interview was fol-

 

lowed, the writer tried to keep the interviews as "open—ended" as pos-
sible, leaving plenty of chance for free association of ideas. (See
Appendix I for the interview schedule). At times the whole interview
situation became informal. In this way the writer gained a wide range
and depth of material which could not have been gathered in any other
way. Chapter III is based upon this supplementary data and provides
some insight into the social and cultural milieu of the ndgrant Negro.
In the interviewing situation no Special problems were encountered.
Although the schedule was relatively long and time consuming, no in-

formant refused to be interviewed. However, it was necessary to make

12
several trips in some cases. When an interviewee was too busy, an ap-
pointment time was scheduled to suit the informant. In some cases it
was necessary to make several trips to find the informant home. In six
cases four trips were made, in eleven cases three trips were made, and
in thirty-one cases two trips were made. In all other cases the in-
formants were interviewed on the first visit.

While there was some difficulty in guiding the informant to reSpond
to the questions on the schedule, it cannot be regarded as a major prob-
lem. Success in meeting this situation depended to a large extent on
the skill of the interviewer, who through years of family counseling
generally was able to enter a stranger’s house and establish the kind
of rapport that would allow the interviewee to talk freely about the

different aspects of her life and still follow the schedule.

Determining Typical Southern Foods and Remedies.- Among the dif—
ficult problems in formulating the present study was that of selecting
typical and representative Southern.Negro foods and medical practices.
This was true because of regional variations in the South regarding
local availability of given foods and herb sources as well as differ-
ences in modes of preparation. Many foods and medical remedies are
identified with the South but are shared by whites and Negroes alike.

While the author is well acquainted with southern foods and medical
:remedies among Negroes, the problem of preparing a minimum list of
highly characteristic foods and medicines was difficult. Finally, two

dissertations written at Radcliffe23 provided the necessary empirical

 

23Margaret T. Cussler, "Cultural Sanctions of the FOOd Pattern in
The Rural Southeast" (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe College, 19h3);
NEIO’ L. DeGive, "Social Interrelations and Peod Habits in the Rural
Southeast" (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe College, l9h3).

13
verification of the author's impressions and lists were prepared. Among
the 18 Southern foods and 21 medical practices appearing on the question-
naire (See Appendix I), all were known and used by some Lansing Negro

women. These foods and medical remedies will be discussed in Chapter V.

Data Processing and Tests for Significance.- One of the early
decisions regarding the summarization of data was to total responses
or frequency of use for the 18 foods and 21 medical remedies rather
than to prepare separate tables for each food and remedy. If the latter
course had been followed for the fifteen dependent variables, Chapter IV
and V each would have contained approximately 585 tables. Furthermore,
the focus of this study is such that different frequencies of use of
the explicit southern foods and remedies was not a major concern.

The decision to summarize reSponses or frequency for all foods and
for all medical remedies means that each respondent appears eighteen
times in each of the tables and has implications for the test of sig-
nificance of differences. The Statistics Department staff was consulted
on this problem. While differences in percentage distribution for most
tables were so great that testing for significance was unnecessany, it
was decided to carry out a Chi-square test on the tables despite the
fact that the totals represent 18 and 21 times the total number of
individuals responding. It was decided that the level of significance
of the Chi-square value computed in this way would be used to support
and/hr to modify conclusions drawn from the percentage distributions
Shown.in the tables.

In addition to the Chi—square test, and "index of generational

decline" has been used in Chapter V. This index is a simple relationship

1h
expressing quantitatively the greater use of southern foods and medi-
cines by the informant's mothers. It is computed as follows: The
number of informants reporting that the mother used the selected foods
or medicines "more often" divided by the number of informants report-

ing use "often" plus "occasionally".

Order of Presentation

 

This thesis is divided into six chapters as follows:

Chapter II is devoted to a selected review of literature, relevant
to the problems of survival of traits under changed conditions and to
foods and medical practices of Southern Negroes.

Chapter III is concerned with a description of the social situa-
tion of Negroes in Lansing. It draws heavily upon the rich materials
emanating from the interviews beyond the confines of the prepared
schedule.

Chapter IV reports the extent to which Southern foods and medicines
are still used by urban Negroes. The relative frequency of reported
use is related to past residence, socialization experience, and socio-
economic levels.

Chapter V considers the problem of generational change and the
forces related to decline in usage of Southern foods and medical remedies.

Chapter VI contains a summary and the conclusions.

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Due to the vast literature in the general areas of social change
and assimilation, the scope of this review had to be severely limited.
While the decision as to where the line should be drawn was difficult,
it was decided to adopt an extremely exclusive line of separation.
Hence, this review is limited to a handful of studies which provided
the most inSpiration and explicit guidance for this study. In addition,
the present review includes a distillation from sources concerned with
African origins as well as Southern Negro foods and remedies.

In many respects, the primary impetus for this study stems from
Tbmars' paper entitled "Rural Survivals in American Urban Life."1
In addition, Mead's work entitled, "Problems of Changing Food Habits",2
Cussler's thesis entitled "Cultural Sanctions of the Food Pattern in
the Rural Southeast"3 and DeGive's thesis entitled "Social Inter-rela-
tions and Food Habits in the Rural Southeastn4, were extremely useful.

The latter two studies were combined in a book by Cussler and DeGive

 

EAdolph.S. Tbmars, "Rural Survivals in American Urban Life," Socio-
logical Analysis, Robert K. Merton and Others. (New York: Harcourt

Brace and Co., 1919) pp. 371-378.

2MargaretMead, "Problems of Changing Food Habits," National Research
Council Bulletin, No. 108, Oct. 19h3, p. 20.

3Margaret Cussler, "Cultural Sanctions of the Food Pattern in the
Phlral Southeast" (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe College, l9h3).

EMary L. DeGive, "Social Interrelations and Food Habits in the Rural
Eknltheast" (unpublished.Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe College, l9h3).

15

l6

entitled 'Twixt the Cup and the Lip5, which is a very useful reference

 

source. Each of these studies will be reviewed in the following pages.

According to Tomars, implicit in any cultural change is the reten-
tion of past cultural elements, side by side with the present culture.
It is axiomatic that there are rural folkways and mores and urban folk—
ways and mores, each responsive to rural or urban environmental condi-
tions. Any society which has shifted so rapidly from rural to urban
residence, as the American society has, must be regarded as composed of
a mixture of rural and urban practices. The persistance of older prac-
tices and beliefs in a changing society is usually studied under the
guise of "survivals", and we should expect to find rural survivals in
urban society.

Survivals are not isolated practices and beliefs; they cover large
areas of social life. In any changing society at any given time, a
very large part of the culture, perhaps the largest part, is made up of
survivals. This is a fact inherent in the nature of social change.

The study of this important body of survivals ranging through our
society is essential to any realistic understanding of the ethos of the
culture.6

Margaret Mead, in her capacity as Executive Secretary of the Com-
mittee on Food Habits (l9hl-l9h3) of the National Research Council, set
forth the following ideas concerning the changing of food habits. Food

habits are seen as a culturally standardized set of behaviors in regard

 

5Margaret Cussler and Mary L. DeGive. 'TWixt the Cup_and the Lip
(New York: Twayne Publishers, 1952).

 

6Tomars, op. cit.

17
to food demonstrated by people who have been brought up in a given
cultural tradition. These behaviors are systematically interrelated
with other standardized behaviors in the same culture. In considering
methods of change, of innovation or alteration in existing patterns,
recourse is had not only to traditional psychological pronouncements
on learning, but also to the habits of learning of Americans.

It is possible to identify various important social psychological
characteristics of the American food pattern such as: The role of
European peasant conceptions of status which have given importance to
white bread, much sugar, meat every day, etc.3 and the definite South-
eastern food pattern in which emphasis is not upon health but upon
personal taste and a personal relationship between the consumer and his
food.

In any study of food habits it is important to define the patterns
into which the available foods are arranged, such as number and form of
meals, and the cultural--as opposed to nutritional--equivalences which
can be invoked within these patterns.

The long-time task, according to Mead, is to alter American food
habits so that they are based upon tradition which embodies science and
do so in such a way that food habits are sufficiently flexible to yield
readily to new scientific findings. Further, the application of science
to improve eating habits may become meaningless if it is not accompanied
by efforts to apply science to increase the supply and the adequate
distribution of food. However, efforts to better world nutrition simply
by altered.production and distribution will fall short of their goals

unless correSponding changes are made in the patterns of consumption.7

 

7Margaret Mead, gp. cit.

18

Margaret Cussler and Mary DeGive set forth the following ideas
on the transmission of foodways in the Southeast. The transmission of
foodways is a dynamic process. Although the rate of change in food
habits varies in accordance with disaster and.prosperity, the primary
concern is how it takes place under normal conditions. Just as all
parts of any culture are in the constant process of changing, so are
food habits. Signs of the changing pattern as well as traditional
stability may be seen. Science introduces new foods and.provides means
for distributing them. These changes are adopted by various individuals,
then by groups whose contact outside their home communities have taught
them new ways of doing things. In the rural South, changes in food-
ways appear to be most quickly adopted by the whites, particularly owners
and long-term sharecroppers. Lower social classes in turn tend to look
to the white owners as bearers of the new methods and standards. Indi-
viduals tend to reflect the foodways of the groups of which they are,
or aspire to be, members, more than their own tastes in deciding whether
or not to try new foods.8

Margaret Cussler’s study centered on the questions of class and
racial deviation from the basic dietary as well as an analysis and inter-
pretation of the relations between the social structure and the food
patterns. She came to the conclusion that the food pattern is affected
much less by physiological and economic factors than has been generally
supposed and much more by the factors of social relations and cultural

values.

 

8Cussler and DeGive, 9p. cit., pp. 92-93.

19

It is probable that even within a single integrated culture, changes
in the social relations will be followed by changes in food habits.

For example: the general dietary of slavery days in the South was very
similar to that of the present. The abolition of slavery, however, and
the freer use of money by Negroes have made new food items accessible
to them.

A change in family structure which would make the Southern house-
wife the "bread-winner" would affect the character of the bread. These
interrelations between food and society appear to be more complex in the
South than in a primitive culture where food-getting activities form so
large a prOportion of all activity, and less complex than in an urban
culture where food-getting activities are subordinated to an intricate
complex of other goals. The basic dietary is a composite of home-raised
food and.purchased food so constituted that the home-raised food forms
a much larger proportion than that of an urban basic dietary but a
smaller proportion in reSpect to previous food habits.

The basic food pattern of a family,according to Cussler, is affected
by: (l) the mother, because of her activities in the care of the garden,
livestock, preparation of meals and canning, as well as her cultural
concepts about food: (2) the father, because of his decisions regarding
gardens, livestock, and cash crops, his expenditures at the store and
his food preferences supported by his patriarchal authority; (3) the
children to a smaller degree because of their introduction of learned
food habits from school activities; (A) kinfolk and neighbors, who share
in food supplies and transmit information and attitudes about food; (5)

interracial transmission of food habits by the association of Negro

20

women serving as cooks in a white household; (6) the doctor, extension
workers, and urban residents who introduce changes in the basic dietary
and affect the current ideas about food.9

Mary DeGive in her study of "Social Interrelations and Food Habits
in the Rural Southeast," asserts that because of the strong caste system
existing in this region there are many taboos imposed on the Negroes
which have implications for food habits. They have less freedom of
movement, less freedom in Spending their money, acquiring an education,
and less freedom of political participation. Among the taboos which are
significant are those preventing intermingling with the whites: Negroes
may not intermarry with whites, may not eat, drink, dance or play games
with the whites. Under these circumstances DeGive points out that food
habits as social and cultural phenomena gain an importance out of propor-
tion to the physical importance. Significance also extends to such

peripheral aspects as to the way in which the food is prepared and eaten.10

The Racial Differential in Food Habits

 

Examination of the Negro heritage should indicate whether there
are pecularities in the Negro diet that may be said to be of long stand-

ing, either in his African background or in slavery days.

.African Dietary Antecedents.- It has been established that agricul-

 

ture was independently developed by the Negroes of West.Africa approxi-

mately 5000 B.C. The assemblage of cultivated plants developed from

 

9Cussler, op. cit.
loDeGive, op. cit.

21

wild forms in Negro Africa ranks as one of the four major agricultural
complexes evolved in the entire course of human history. Among these
plants were cereal grains such as, Fonio (or hungry rice), pearl millet,
and sorghum; legumes such as cow pea, kafir potato, earth pea and geo-
carpa bean (similar to peanuts), guinea yam and yam.bean; leaf and stalk
vegetables, okra or gumbo; vine and ground fruits; tree fruits, akee ap-
ple, and tamarind; condiments and indulgents, kola (source of a major
ingredient in modern "cola" drinks), and roselle or red sorrel. There
were numerous other plants whose leaves were used like spinach and for
medicinal herbs.11

In a food and nutrition survey of Liberia, West Africa, Flemmie
Kittrell12 found that the Liberians use a wide variety of foods. However,
when the diet of individuals and small groups in the hinterlands is
examined, one finds that at times the number of foods is very limited.

The following are among the foods used in Liberia:

Fruits: Banana, Bread fruit, Guava, Lemon juice, limes, oranges,
papaya, pears (avacado), persimmon, pineapple, mango, plums, watermelon.

vegetables: String, kidney and soy beans, cabbage, cassava, celery,
collards, white and yellow corn, egg plant, endive, kale, mustard greens,
okra, green peas, green pepper, sweet potatoes, rutabaga, tomatoes,
turnips, yams .

Dry foods: Fresh coconut, cola nut, cow peas, field beans, black

eyed.peas, red beans (dried), soy beans, peanuts.

 

11George Peter Murdock, Africa. (New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co.,
Inc., 1959), pp. 6h-70.

12Flemmie P. Kittrell. WA Preliminary Food and Nutrition Survey
of Liberia, West Africa" (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Howard University,
Washington, D.C., l9h5).

22

The staple foods for Liberians in general are: Rice, cassava,
eddoes, palm oil, yams, potatoes, various vegetable greens, and occa—
sionally fish. Rice and Cassava are the two foods available to nearly
everyone.

It has been hotly debated whether the present Negro culture is
mainly African, or mainly Europe-American. Proponents of the view that
the Negro has retained much of his African culture, such as Herskovits,
point to such American.Negro characteristics as:

A common language structure similar to that of the African tribes
in spite of the difference in dialects which is discernible in present
Speech habits. The unilineal, patrilocal, polygynous social organization,
stress on secret societies, the political domination by a king or tribal
chief, the religious identity of God with nature and stress on magic,
the multiplicity of cult, and aesthetics, the stress on song, dance and
oral literature.13 In reSpect to food, Herskovits suggests that food
eccentricities among Negroes are of a totemic origin.14

The coincidences which can be cited are striking but not, it seems,
conclusive. Many of them are characteristic of the whole society in-
cluding whites as well as Negroes, and are to be found in other regions
and cultures. The social organization of wage laborer, sharecropper,
and owner seems more allied to that of the English village and rural

society of the thirteenth century.

 

13Melville J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 19h1), Chapter III.

 

14Ibid., p. 18h.

23

First hand inquiry among Negroes has brought to light a surprising
number of cases where a certain kind of meat——vea1, pork, and lamb among
others, is not eaten by a given person. Inquiry usually elicits the re-
Sponse, "It doesn't agree with me", and only in one or two instances
did the inhibition seem to extend to relatives. Yet the fact that
violation of a personal food taboo derived from the totemic animals in
West Africa and Dutch Guiana is held to bring on illness, especially
skin eruptions, strikes one immediately as at least an interesting co—
incidence and.perhaps a hint toward a survival deriving from this ele—
ment in.African social organization since it is so completely foreign
to European patterns.15

The totemic theory of food eccentricities seems particularly ques-
tionable since there are as many found among the whites as the Negroes.
Furthermore, food items disliked or preferred were not confined to one
individual; instead there were reiterated statements made expressing aver-
sion to certain general food items like sweet milk, yellow corn meal,
onions, whole wheat flour and English peas. Some of these aversions were
found in the widely separated communities of Bath, North Carolina; Dutch,
South Carolina, and.NubamrFlat Rock, South Carolina. Others, like the
aversion for English peas, while observed in only one community (Nuberg-
Flat Rock) was as general among whites as Negroes. The existence of food
eccentricties seems more consistent with the stress on individuality
seen in Southern politics, etiquette, legal procedures, and in the plan-

tation systems. In the family relations, eSpecially, we have seen how

 

15Ibid., p. 181;.

2h
frequently catering to individual food preferences and aversions is sanc-
tioned and.practiced. Such a theory, rather than the totemic interpre-
tation, would account for the frequency of preference as well as of aver-

sions, and for their trans—racial nature.l6

Slavery and Food.- There is little doubt that slavery customs set
the pattern for the present Negro dietary. The weekly issue of a peck
of meal and three pounds of salt pork formed the staplefeatures of the
diet furnished by the slave owner, as, at present, meal or flour and fat
back are staples of the type the landlords furnished. Such a diet cost
the slave owner very little; both food and clothing came to only $17.6h
for each slave annually on the Sea Islands.17

The precedent for the tenant finding his own supplement to the diet
was set by the slave owner's approving gardens, hunting, fishing and
livestock keeping as aids to self-maintenance. This sometimes resulted
in a better dietary, as a former slave testified.18

The custom of selling chickens, eggs and vegetables also was en-
couraged by slave owners, since they found slaves were more amenable
who had small sources of cash. Some owners paid slaves for providing

the ”big house" with such products, or encouraged communal gardens from

 

16Cussler, pp. cit., p. 2N3.

17Guion Griffis Johnson, A.Socia1 History of the Sea Islands (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1930), p. 88.

 

1BIn slavery days, he reminisced, "We et peas, onions, hog head,
liver, cow's milk, butter, Irish potatoes, and everything what grows in
gardens. That's why I'm.here now, I am just living on the strenk of that."
Quoted by Charles S. Johnson in Shadow of the Plantation (Chiéago:
University of Chicago Press, 193A), p. 19.

 

 

25

which some cash income could be secured.19

The Negro Dietary Pattern. DeGive20 found that the dietary pat-
tern of the Southern Negro in its basic aSpects is the same as that of
the Southern Whites. The same staples form the bulk of the diet: corn—
meal, white self-rising flour, fat back, salt pork, molasses, collards,
and cabbage and sweet potatoes. Seasonal and class differentials account
for the main departures from the basic dietary pattern, for both whites
and.Negroes.

Those items which were found to be in the diets of all classes
and both races in the summer diet in the two south-eastern communities,
Nuberg and Flat Rock, where Negroes were a part of the study, were: hot
breads at least once a day--corn bread or white biscuits; fat meat, cooked
with vegetables to season them; ham, several times a week, if there is
any left from the winter hog-killing; chicken, sometimes two or three
times a week, fried chicken nearly every Sunday; eggs; canned fish
several times a week--salmon or mackerel; buttermilk and sweet milk,
if it can be drunk before it sours; butter; rice or grits; cabbage;
English peas, beans, squash, corn, salad greens which are always eaten

cooked; turnip or wild poke; Irish potatoes; peaches and apples; ice tea

 

19James Hamilton C00per "Set apart a field for the benefit of twenty-
five picked men and allowed them half of their Saturday's labor in which
to work it. He required all to work faithfully in the common field dur-
ing the first year, and at the end of that time divided the 31500 aris—
ing from the sale of the crop equally among them." Ibid., p. lhl.

ZODeGive, gp. cit., p. 253.

26

and coffee.21 The chief way in which the majority of Negro family diet
deviates from this basic summer diet is in quantity and variety, due
mainly to the socio-economic factor.

In a study of a farm.family diet in South Carolina, Moser found
that among Negroes the average number of energy units as well as the
average number of persons per household, decreased with rising dietary
costs. The demand upon money resources and food supplies in the large
Negro families was apparently so great that the dietary standard was
lowered. Among white families the quantity of cereal foods declined
as diet costs increased. At corresponding levels the Negro families
ate more cereals than did the white families but they used less sugar.22

Anbther more recent study by Moser and others, provides informa—
tion on the characteristic food consumption patterns of families in
different areas of the South and on the nutritive quality of their diets.
It was found that in the cotton and tobacco areas the white families used
more table fats and more salad oils and dressings than did.Negro families;
and that pork fat and lard and other shortenings formed a very high pro-

portion of the total fats and oils used by both white and Negro families.23

 

21This does not mean that every family eats all of these things,
but that these items were found to have a general distribution in the
summer diets of each class and race, and not to be exclusively charac-
teristic of the diet of any one group. Relative deviations from this
general basic diet are shown.

22Ada M. Moser, "Farm Family Diets in the Lower Coastal Plains of
South Carolina", South Carolina Agri. EXper. Sta. of Clemson Agricultural
College, Bulletin 319, June, 1939, p. 22.

23Acia M. Moser, William T. Dean, Beulah Gillespie, Dorothy Dickins,
Josephine Staab, Esther F. Phipard and.R. L. Anderson, "Family Food Con-
sumption in Three Types of Farming Areas of the South, II. .An.Analysis
of Weekly Food Records, Late Winter and Early Spring, 19h8". Agricultural
Exp. Sta. of Arkansas, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia,
Southern Cooperative Series Bulletin 20, November, 1951, p. 29.

27

Since most Negro families find themselves at the lower end of the
tenant sharecropper or wage-laborer classes, they generally have poorer
gardens both in variety, number of plantings, and number of months dura—
tion per year. They also have poorer orchards, if they have any at all.
They have a more restricted diet than do whites of the same agricultural
class. There are some notable exceptions depending upon individual
initiative and the attitude of the landlord.

While the whites in general resist Negro food tastes, the Negroes
mainly accommodate to the white food tastes. At the request of his land-
lord a Negro, who would be satisfied with collards, would be willing
to raise ten varieties of vegetables. Once staple foods have been
secured, extra cash, if it is spent on food, is Spent on those foods
which he observed seem most desirable to the local landlords, or the
nationally advertised brands which acquire the prestige of association
with urban whites. There is no food item which is refused on the ground
that it is Specifically a "white man's food."

The Negro diet usually consists of the coarser foods, such as dark
flour, yellow corn meal, black molasses. But as the Negro improves
his economic position, he also tends to take on the white man's food
habits and to replace the traditional foods with white, self-rising
flour, white corn meal, and corn syrup—~none of which is good nutri-
tionally.

The Negro exploits the wild food supply-~game, fish, berries, nuts--
more than the whites. The Negro baby is often given a pacifier of fat
meat when he cries. This may entrench in him early the taste for fat
meat. Negro babies are also fed "a streak of fat and a streak of lean"

(hog-meat, a kind of bacon, but not criSped).

28

The foregoing review of the Negro dietary raised the question
whether or not there is real racial differential in food habits, as so
many people believe. Is the Negro diet essentially different in content
from the white diet? Can differences be said to be based on.physiolog—
ical differences, or on social, economic, and other cultural factors?
IeGive says: "It is true, as has been stated, that certain foods are
designated by some whites as Negro foods, but Negroes did not feel that
there were any particular foods that they should eat as distinguished
from the whites."24

It is apparent that the dietary of the Negro is not markedly dif-
ferent from the white dietary either on physiological grounds or because
of a greatly diverse cultural heritage.25 The similarities to the white
dietary are more pronounced than the differences. Those limitations of
quantity and variety which are found are consistent with the social
and economic limitations of the Negro's lower class position rather
than evidence of any basic differences. White and Negro wage laborers
eat much the same dietary and there is less difference in their dietary
than between the dietaries of Negro wage laborer and Negro landowner.

DeGive said,26 what differences there were in diet were economically
conditioned rather than racially conditioned. Cultural differences in
diet which.have come to be associated with the Negro, such as eating
the more inferior parts of the hog, or eating more greasy foods, are

results of economic circumstances of long standing. The Negro's whole

 

Z4DeGive, 9p. cit., p. 2A9.
25Ibid., p. 253.

26Ibid.

29
attitude of indifference, laziness, thriftlessness, when it is found,
is largely a reflection of the hopelessness of economic position. A
whole behavior of mind and personality is thus engendered which lasts
over for several generations, perhaps as a cultural inheritance. Swift
changes in economic circumstances cannot sweep away this cultural

heritage all at once.
The Racial Differential in Medical Practices

Whereas there have been numerous studies on the dietary practices
of the Southern people and.Negroes, there have been practically none on
the medical practices of this same group. For this reason it was nec-
essary to go a little farther afield to try to determine the origin of
some of the medical practices commonly used by them.

Folk medicine is a very ancient practice of man. Primitive man de-
pended upon nature’s stock of plants and herbs to avoid disease. Wherever
in the world man or beast was sick, the fields could supply the medi-
cines for cure, and materials for curative herbal teas and ointments.

In a study of the customs of the Malogasy tribe of Africa, Ruud
found that there are very important taboos regarding color. The colors
are highly symbolic and different colors are assigned for different days.
-Ill health may come about if a family does not carefully consider the
color of the animals it raises, such as chickens and cows. Certain
colors of animals are used in certain forms when healing people suffer-
ing from certain diseases. When a member of a family suffers from a dis-
ease called.t£pmp, the whole family walks out into the field to the

cattle herd.where they select one cow or ox. Relatives and neighbors are

30

called in in order to assist in the curing of the possessed person.
This is done by means of a great feast, the people dance and drink.
If the Sick person is cured by this, the ceremony is repeated and he
bathes in a river. A great feast of thanksgiving follows.27

In a study of the Liberian Hinterland, Schwab discovered that the
idea of preventive medicine is well established in the minds of the
people.28 His study was primarily of the Mandingo tribe. The Mandingos
were a Hamitic tribe of the western Sudan. They are distinctly not
Negroes; however, they were lumped with the true Negroes and enslaved
when the slavers were able to acquire them. They commanded a premium
in the slave market because of their strength, vigor, beauty, delicacy,
and intelligence. Only a few Mandingoes were brought to the mainland
of North America.29

The fact that the medical measures of the Mandingoes take the form
of amulets and charms does not negate the essential idea of prevention.
The following antidotes give a general understanding of some of their
practices.30

Malaria: Asafetida rubbed on the head, tobacco blown into the
mouth and aromatic herbs rubbed on the face.

For general pain of unknown character a steam bath is used. The

 

27Jorgen Ruud, Taboo, A Study of Malogasy Customs and Beliefs
(New York: Humanities Press, 1960), p. 81.

 

29George Schwab, Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 19h7), p. u03.

29Kyle Onstott, Mandin o (Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publications,
Inc., A Crest Reprint, 19581, Fly page.

3°Schwab, op. cit., pp. 387-389.

31
procedure is as follows: Take a potful of bark of a tree called poplar
by the Americo-Liberian; scrape off the outer layer and beat up the
inner part in small pieces. Boil with sufficient water to cover. Let
the patient inhale the fumes and cover patient, pot and all, with a
blanket. Let patient steam until the water has cooled.

For tired muscles and for aching bones the leaves of flila (Christ-
mas Bush) are beaten up with an equal amount of leaves from the lime
tree and mixed with Sufficient white clay to form a mass. This is dried
slowly in the shade. The clay or chalk mass is typical of many remedies
used to rub on the skin.

For a "dizzy chill", a branch of 1010 gbea (Vismia Leonensis) is
put in a pot and covered with water and boiled until the liquid turns
red. While it is still warm the fumes are inhaled and body bathed in
its entirety. This is repeated morning and evening.

For back pain, beat up the rolled buds of dua di (a Spicy plant
resembling pepper) with white clay and add four black.pepper grains,
powdered. Then rub down the back four times. This medicine may also
be used for headache or convulsions. It may be used as a poultice
applied to the forehead. Or sometimes the juice is crushed from the leaves
and smeared all over the face.

For coughs and sore throats in children or adults drink the juice
of bitter oranges with a mixture of salt. Other remedies are teas from
different plants one of which is ginger root.

Fruits such as figs and bark from fruit and spice trees are com-
monly made into teas used for diarrhea, or as pain killer, indigestion,

vomiting, nausea, and constipation.

32
Remedies for Gonorrhea include teas from cottonwood tree, lime
juice tea, rice and hen eggs tea with the leaves of flida, and African
pine teas, the resin from which is eaten in small amounts. This also
is used for rheumatic and other pains.
Cussler and DeGive found in their study of the Southeastern states
that the process of digestion was a source of anxiety.31 That a food
is said to have laxative qualities is more likely to secure acceptance
for it than if it is considered an aphrodisiac. In the rural South,
many aversions and preferences also appear to be founded upon a given
itemls possible hazard or help to the blood. This concern is similarly
found in many primitive societies. Some food items "make the blood
thick" or "thin the blood", "clear the blood" if you have "bad blood",
make your "blood go up" and give you "high blood".
The following patent medicines were found to be those most fre—
quently purchased in the area studied:
For malaria: Quinine, Grove's chill tonic, 666, Vinotone.
For colds: Vicks Vatronol, h—Way pills, Mustarole.
For indigestion: Black Draught, Feenamint, Simmon's Liver
Regulator, Bisodol, C.R.C.

For blood tonic: S.S.S., Iodized yeast, Sassaparilla compound,
Peruna.

For Pellagra: Iodized yeast, Nicotinic acid.

Other Patent medicines: Dr. W. S. Caldwell's Syrup of Pepsin,
Grover Syrup for Roundworms, Laxated King of

Herb Tbnic, Dr. DeWitt's Eclectic Remedy.

 

31Cussler and DeGive, op. cit., pp. lhh—lh9.

33
It was also found that although the county in question had an ordin-

ance requiring blood tests for cooks, it was not enforced. There was no
active county medical officer. There was no inspection for stores handl-
ing food, nor was there much public feeling that there Should be. Appar-

ently food and disease were not very closely associated in the public mind.

Summary

This brief review of literature serves to draw attention to the ex—
istence of "survivals", especially under conditions of massive migration,
from a simple rural environment to a complex urban industrial one. The
exploration of literature focusing upon the general question of the rel-
ative dominance of African versus European cultural impact upon Southern
Negro life was largely negative. That is, there is supporting evidence
for both views. Food and medical practices appear to be strikingly sim—
ilar to those practiced by some African tribes. At the same time, diet-
ary practices seem to be influenced more by socio-economic level than by
color. In fact, the dietary practices of Negroes and whites of the same
economic status were more similar than those of educated Negro landowners
and Negro sharecroppers. Thus, the existing literature suggests that
it is impossible to identify particular foods or medical remedies that
can be identified exclusively with.Negroes. At the same time, the South-
ern Negro diet, and perhaps medical remedies, became established by slave
owners who drew upon locally available foodstuffs when rations were meted
out. Even later, the low economic status of Negroes in the South meant
heavy reliance upon local foods adapted to local conditions. Low econom-
ic status combined with low educational level meant reliance upon tradi—

tional remedies of "safe" concoctions available through local druggists.

 

CHAPTER III

THE NEGRO SUB-CULTURE 0F LANSING

Introduction

 

This chapter is devoted to a description of the Negro sub-culture
of Lansing, Michigan. It attempts to report an intimate picture of the
uprooting of Southern Negroes and the process of adjustment to the urban
scene. The following pages are based upon two kinds of data. The first
and most important is personal observation, as a member of the community
and as a professional social worker.1 The second kind of observation
is derived from the 150 informants whose stories and anecdotes accom-
panied the reSponses to questions on the interview form.

The observations recorded here bring into focus the cultural set-
ting in which the study was made, including the strong emotional involve—
ment with certain food and medical habits. To the best knowledge of
the writer, there is no known recorded collection of data on such sub-
jects as food and medical practices of the migrant Negro, especially in
a northern or western urban setting. Therefore, it seemed to be a re-
Sponsibility of the writer, while exploring the problem, to record
relevant data which have been collected as a participant observer in

the community as well as during the formal interviews.

 

1Six years as a Family Social Caseworker in the Family Service
Agency, Lansing, Michigan, 1956—1962.

3h

35
Origin

The movement of the Negro to urban centers was greatly accelerated
during World war II. In l9h0 more than half of all Negroes lived in
rural areas. By 1950 the Negro population was predominantly urban, with
60 percent living in urban areas. By the end of 19h7, lb percent (1.8
million) of all Negroes born on or before April l9hO were living in a
different state from the one in which they lived in 19h0. This shift
resulted in a decline in the number and proportion of Negroes in the
population of West Virginia, Georgia, Kentucky, Alabama, Mississippi,
Arkansas, and Oklahoma. The Middle Atlantic, East, North, Central and
Pacific States had the most appreciable increases in their Negro popula-
tions and the percentage increased for Negroes far exceeded those of the
white population. Michigan’s Negro population more than doubled, whereas
its white population increased only 17 percent.2

In Lansing a swift change began in 19111.3 Hundreds of newly ar-
rived Negroes walked the streets looking for places to live. Many were
seen at the bus and train stations. Early one morning in l9h3 the
writer's telephone rang, a Negro cab driver asked if she would come to
the bus station. There I found three small children who said they had
lost their parents’ address. They had come to Chicago from.Georgia with

an aunt, changed buses there and were given an address, but the oldest,

 

RNggroes in the United States: Their Employment and Economic
~§tatus, Bulletin.No. 1119, United States Department of Labor, Bureau
of Labor Statistics, (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office,
Dec. 10, 1952), p. 5.

 

3Rose T; Brunson, "A.Study of the Migrant Negro Population in
Lansing, Michigan, During and.Since World war II," (unpublished.Master's
Thesis, Michigan State University, 1955), Table 1, p. h.

36

‘ a ten year-old, had lost it. The only information they could give me,
other than their names, was that they had lived on a big farm where lots
of other colored.people worked for a white man. They had attended a
Baptist Church in the country, had never been to a city before, and their
mother and father and lots of other people from their home worked at a
factory that made Oldsmobile cars. I immediately reached their parents
at the Oldsmobile factory and kept the three children until the parents
came home. The children were right; there were h5 people who had come
to Lansing from the same area and who had belonged to the same Baptist
Church in Georgia.

Data collected in this study show that the vast majority of Negro
migrants into Lansing were from the Southern states. The majority of
informants when asked why they came to Lansing said that they found
their chances in the South particularly bad economically. Selected
comments and anecdotes concerning life in the South follow.

One of those interviewed commented that the family had hated to
leave the South. The family had worked on sharecropper farms, about
four different ones, trying to save enough money each year to buy Sunday
clothing for themselves and their children. The five children were get-
ting to be teenagers and wanted things like the city children had. They
never could afford them; every year when they figured up the expenses
they broke even or were in debt. The husband got a letter from his
brother telling him that he had made $80.00 to $90.00 a week for four
months and that he could get the husband a job at once. If any of the
other brothers wanted to come up they could also come at once. Neither
the husband nor his three brothers, on sharecropper farms in Georgia,

could get enough money to leave. Besides they all had debts. One brother

37
gave the landlord all his growing crop of cotton, which was almost ready
to pick, and left. He had only two children and could do this, but
the respondent had five children. When they had gathered the cotton
they cleared $98.00 in cash and owed a $150.00 doctor bill. The brother-
in-law came to Georgia in a truck and moved the whole family to Lansing.
When they arrived at Macon, Georgia, there were six men standing at a
crossroad who begged the brother-in-law to bring them to Lansing. The
truck was too crowded to bring all, but two who could help drive were
brought along. The brother-in-law returned the following Saturday and
brought sixteen men, all of whom.went to work the same day they arrived
in Lansing.

Another of the reSpondents commented that when her uncle came back
home on a visit in 19h3, he announced in the country church that he could
take five men to Lansing to work in the factory. They could make from
$75.00 to $95.00 a week. They could come to his house and talk about it
with him. Twenty-one men came on a Sunday afternoon to see her uncle.
Although he could bring only five, he sent back for all the other men.

He had to lend them the money, but the uncle said that they all paid him
back. These men went right to work in the Oldsmobile, Motor Wheel, and
Fisher Body factories.

Another mother said that they came to work in Lansing when her
cousin. told them that her husband could get a job immediately and make
money. They "sharecropped" 50 acres of farm land and rented 25 acres
of land with a three-room house where they lived. They had four small
children. .According to the informant, they had to borrow money each year

until they gathered the crops; then since they had no money left, they

38
had to start each year in debt. Her husband sent her and the children
to her parents in South Carolina, gave the landlord all the crops, de-
spite the fact the cotton was in bloom and there was no other work to
be done except the picking of the cotton, and came to Lansing. They
had left their sharecrop farm without notifying the landlord. When
her husband sent for her he had a down payment on a house. She was
very excited to know that she would own her own home. At this time all
her family and her husband's family are living here. According to the
informant, they long for the South as the climate is so nice there, but
there is no money for the hard work they do.

In another case the informant's father had bought a large truck
and made two trips a week to Arkansas to bring people to work in the
plants. This woman and her three brothers worked in the Olds plant.
They gave the money to her father and he bought a large house. Her
mother cooked two meals a day for 30 to AD people. When her father
brought the people to the house, they accommodated as many as they
could and secured rooms for the others. Often, they would end up with
10 to 15 people in their house sleeping on army cots that "a man got
for them who was a boss man at the Oldsmobile factory." Her father
also bought two other houses to rent on a similar basis.

Another mother with six children had slipped away from a sharecrop-
per farm in Mississippi. When her husband had told the landlord he was
going to work in Lansing, the landlord told him that he owed about
$500.00 and he would have him put in jail. The husband had wanted to
sign papers to pay the landlord by the month but the landlord still

did not want him to leave. The tenant house was about a mile back of

39

the landlord's house. About twelve o'clock one night they walked with
their six children to meet a bus that came along about two o'clock in
the morning. They went to her father—in-law's house and got some money
that her husband's uncle had sent for the fare to Lansing. Her husband
got a job at once and sent back for the rest of the family. They then
paid the landlord the $500.00 and gave him the crop too, because they
wanted to visit home some day without the fear of being jailed.

According to another respondent, she and her husband had heard
about people making $70.00 a week and over in Lansing, and that the
women could work too. The pastor of a Baptist Church had clipped the
information out of a newspaper and read it in the church. The woman's
father had borrowed the money from the pastor to finance his own trip
and then later sent for her mother and grandmother and his five children
to come to Lansing. While they were still in the South, people had
come to their house at all hours asking for her father's address so they
could come to Lansing and find work. Her father had gone back to the
church and loaned money to other men.to come to Lansing. The noman
noted that when she had taken a trip back home in 1959 the old church
had been closed. There were not enough people left to run a church.
Those who were left had moved their membership to another church. Most
of the people from there had now moved to Lansing, she said, and belonged
to the same Baptist church in Lansing. Her father was now a deacon of
this church.

Another informant told of her husband's going to the small town
near their home where he happened to purchase the Negro newSpaper

published at Columbia, South Carolina. This newSpaper had information

110
concerning employment opportunities. They had first moved to Detroit,
but it was too big a city and she did not like it. Hearing that some
people from their home lived in Lansing and that jobs were plentiful
they came here. Lansing was more like the country to her. Since that
time, her husband had bought two acres of land on Abbott Road and built
a house. Her husband’s family and most of her relatives had also moved
to Lansing.

In another case the housewife who was from.Arkansas, told of her
father's meeting an agent in a corner store. The agent had asked him
if he could get 30 men to work at once. This man paid the woman's father
to look for men who wanted to come to Michigan. In about two months
her father had come back from Michigan for more men. He bought the tick-
ets for all of the men and their families and some friends.

The comment of another informant was that she knew as many people
who came from her home community in Lansing as she had known back home.
All of the families have moved here now.

There were a great many additional comments that have not been in-
cluded here. It appears that what actually happened to a great number
of Negroes was that they were economically unsettled. This gave impetus
to the migration of 19hO, as they could find no solution in the South.
At the same time, they heard news of openings in the North. Negroes in
the North wrote letters back home to relatives and friends. Information
was passed around in the community through labor agents, the press, and
the church. Thus, the chief motive for their migration was apparently
a desire to improve themselves economically. Interviewees brought out

Specific amounts of income per week and Specific job Opportunities which

hl

were advertised. Many had friends whom they felt had become well-to-do.

Finding_a Place to Live

 

When the migrant Negroes reached Lansing they found crowded living
conditions. Often they had to live with families and other migrant
friends, even after marriage. The temporary doubling up of families
could be readily understood at the beginning because there was little
or no housing available to them. The over-crowded conditions reached
a peak in 1955, when there were 10 to 17 persons living in a single
dwelling of seven or eight rooms.4 The Northern.Negroes who owned or
were buying their own homes did not welcome the migrant Negroes nor did
they readily rent rooms to them. In one instance, an educated Negro
man came to Lansing, bought houses, rented apartments, and made housing
available for a large number of Negro, Mexican, and.white migrants. He
did a lucrative business. He also arranged for Negroes to buy available
houses. However, in general, the migrant Negroes were forced to buy
houses at inflated prices in order to get a place to live. ReSpondents
gave indication of disliking the living situations as they found them
in Lansing and they particularly disliked the necessity of doubling up.

One mother brought out the fact that she and her seven children
had had to return home to South Carolina until her husband could make
a down payment on a house. She had lived in filthy basements with her
children until finally, she could not stand it any longer. No one would

rent a house or apartment to anyone with seven children.

 

41bid., p. 211.

112

Another informant felt that she was being mistreated when her land-
lady asked her not to use the living room to rock and sing her children
to sleep. (A cultural trait of the Southern Negro is to sing Negro
Spirituals and rock children to Sleep.)

Some of the interviewees were accustomed to beiling clothes in a
pot outdoors. One said she became angry when her landlady would not
let her boil her baby's diapers on a cooking stove. Her comment was
"White clothes are not clean unless they can be boiled with soap and
water."

One grandmother was proud that she and her husband.were among the
first Negroes to buy a house in Lansing. As a matter of fact, they
were forced to buy a house. When she arrived in Lansing to get a job
at the Olds factory her husband was sleeping on a basement floor. There
was no trouble after they got the down payment for a house. Her two
sisters and their husbands were waiting for them to get a place for them
to stay. All four of them got jobs the first day they were here. Her
husband's two brothers were staying there at the time. She and her hus-
band slept in the living room and gave the bedrooms to the others.
They helped to pay for the furniture and bought food in exchange for a
place to live. When asked about charging rent, she said that nobody
on the farms in.Nississippi ever charged anybody rent. People just came
to pick the cotton, stayed until the farm crops were gathered, and.went
home. Her parents divided the meat and other crops as pay. She further
said that it was just trading now, as all of their relatives had their
own homes, and she kept her grandchildren while her children worked in

the factory. She also took care of her mother. Her mother gave her a

113
lot of worry as she did not like living in Lansing--as a matter of fact,
she herself did not like it much either. She still liked walking across
the fields and watching the farm crops grow. She had never gotten used
to the people in Lansing. She said she meant that the Northerners
(Negroes) felt they were better than the people who came from the South.
Her neighbors had always lived in the North and she felt proud of her
home because she painted her house every two years and kept her lawn and
flowers looking good, and that was more than she could say for some of
the Northerners. .

Similarly, another commented that she had sold the first house she
had bought in Lansing because she wanted to get away from certain neigh—
bors, a Negro family who were Northerners, because she felt also that
Northerners thought that they were better than Southerners.

Still another said that she had cried to go back to her home in
Georgia because she had had to live in an apartment with a shared kitchen
for six months. She seemed to feel that she was not wanted.

One mother commented, "City life was exciting to me at first, even
when I lived in one room with my three small children. But since we
bought this house with lots of room.I still feel we would be more happy
at home in Arkansas on the farm. Money is what keeps us here." It is
evident then, that problems of not being able to adjust to city life as
well as inadequate housing were sources of distress.

The writer, for a period of twenty years, has observed the growth
of the Negro migration to Lansing, Michigan. Different areas, especially
a community on the west side have changed from all white communities to
almost completely Negro communities. Before 19hl this was virtually un-

known to Lansing; the city had long possessed.a:fifir1y small Negro population.

uh

The relatively few Negroes had always enjoyed the same social and educa-
tional facilities and received courteous treatment from the white citi-
zens. These old colored citizens of Lansing resented and stood aloof
from the incoming migrant Negroes. Negro ministers invited the new
arrivals into the church, but many of the congregation made them know
that they were not wanted. In some cases the church Split over the
matter and the migrants and their sympathizers withdrew and formed new
churches for themselves.

Of course, the Negro migrants were not absolutely blameless for the
attitude taken toward them by the white and Northern Negro public.
While crime and immorality among them never developed beyond control,
there was a definite increase in incidents of this type among the uned-

ucated migrants.

The World of Work

 

Prior to l9hO the Negroes in Lansing were mainly employed as cooks,
waiters, maids, servants, and clerical workers in the state buildings.
There were no Negro school teachers, doctors, dentists, lawyers, nor
professional social workers.

The first Negro factory workers in Lansing were hired as janitors
before World War 11.5 With the advent of World War II and the Opening
of the factories to Negro labor, the influx from the South began. Then
migrants obtained, for the most part, unskilled factory jobs at Olds-

mobile, Motor Wheel, and Fisher Body, among other places.

 

5One informant's husband was hired as a mail truck driver in 1920
at Oldsmobile factory and another informant's husband was hired as a
janitor in 1936 at the Oldsmobile.

ITS

Since that time there has been some upgrading of Negro labor in
Lansing, eSpecially during the past decade. These gains, it is believed,
resulted from the expansion of employment Opportunities for Negroes dur-
ing the years following the war.

The most dramatic shift in Negro employment, of course, had been
out of agriculture. But there also appeared to be a shift in Negro
employment from domestic service to factory work. There had been a sig-
nificant gain in Negroes as clerical and sales workers, school teachers,
doctors, dentists, professional social workers, et cetera, among Negro
migrants.

One informant was the sister of one of the men first hired as a jan-
itor at Oldsmobile. She boasted a little as she said her brother was
one of the first Negro men to work at the Olds factory. He was re—
tired now. He sent to their home in Tennessee for nine relatives to work
at the Olds factory and he brought many more. The informant felt that
Negroes got better jobs now than when her brother got his job about 25
years ago. He had started as a sweeper; but when other Negroes were
hired, her brother was made a policeman at the factory. The writer
discovered he was actually a plant policeman who arranged the car park-
ing areas at the plant--a light job for his last ten years of work.

Another disliked Lansing because she had worked in the factory
until they paid for their home. She said, "My children are married and
my husband still works; I feel lonesome. If we had bought land in the
country we could raise chickens and.pigs, and maybe a calf. Living in
a closed up house all winter does not make me happy. The high wage

people get in the North is very satisfying but when you get to be

L6
sixty-five there is nothing left." She had made up her mind, she said
"When my husband retires in four years we will go South. I have never
sold my ten acres of land there, and my husband can build us a house."

There were several comments on the importance of jobs. One woman
could not understand why some Negro women worked as domestic workers,
scrubbing floors, when they could have gone into the factory and made
good money. She was put on a machine the third.week after she started
at Oldsmobile. She still worked on it, and she had brought her aunt
north to take care of her house. She could not look up to women who
had to work for a living and make only $20.00 to $35.00 a week when
they could have made up to $80.00 and $98.00 a week. She would not go
back to the South to live, but planned to buy about five acres of land
when she and her husband retired because they wanted to raise chickens,
hogs, and turkeys, and she longed for a garden. She thought that per-
haps she could sell some of the things she raised.

Another woman emphasized the fact that she was glad when her hus-
band went to work at Oldsmobile. She had heard so much about the Olds—
mobile factory and how much money they paid from her husband’s brother.
They had waited three weeks for him to come to get them in Mississippi.
He came on a weekend and they arrived in Lansing at thO a.m. on a
Monday morning in l9h3; her husband.went to work at 8:30 a.m. the next
day and she went to work the following day. Her husband had worked at
Oldsmobile for 17 years and she herself, had.worked for nine years, but
now stayed home with her children. Her two brothers and her husband's
three brothers still worked at Oldsmobile. Because she had had no job
training she had begun sweeping the floors; but after one week the fore-

man put her to work on a small screw and bolt machine. She made about

A?
$85.00 a week plus over time and had sometimes made as much as $110.00.
She said she had never seen a hundred dollars in her life until she
came here.

Another informant told of her father borrowing money from the min-
ister to come to Lansing. He went to work, then came back with another
man to get other workers. Finally, her father sent back for the whole
family. Her father had always worked for the Fisher Body. Her two
brothers worked at the Olds Forge plant. Her husband came from South
Carolina where he had heard a broadcast over the radio to come to Lan-
sing to work in the automobile factory.

A file clerk for the state said she was a high school graduate.
Her husband made $90.00 a week in the factory, but they had to buy a
house and wanted furniture. So she had taken the file clerk examina-
tion and.passed. Many of their friends had told her she should go to
work in the factory, but, after several calls to the civil service
office, she had been called for an interview. She had gotten the job
and had worked as a file clerk for eight years. She remarked that there
were more Negroes working for the state as secretaries and file clerks
than there used to be.‘ "It is nicer work but we are not paid as well
as factory workers, but with both incomes we make out quite well."

During another interesting interview the woman stated that she had
worked in the factory for two and one-half years. She liked the money
but her mother, who baby sat for her, could not stand the cold weather
here and wanted to go back south. This woman did not see too much dif-
ference here from the South (Mississippi). "You had to always watch out

for the boss. The safety man and the plant manager snooped around at

118
times." Cogworkers told her to always do what the boss said, even if
it was wrong. "I was supposed to make friends and get along with every-
body I worked with." She further said, with some hostility, that the
situation was the same in the South, "Always watching out for some boss
man." Now she is a beauty operator with her own shop, and she doesn't
have to watch out for the boss. She apparently thought about what she
had said, and remarked, "There are state health inspectors, but they
don't give any trouble." She owned a nice beauty shop with all modern
conveniences near her home.,

The opinions expressed by one woman were quite emphatic. They had
better jobs here than they had ever had. Her husband and three sons had
plowed in the fields from 7:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. for $3.00 a day in
Mississippi. Now they-—and she--worked at the Fisher Body. "We could
hardly eat anything bought from the stores in Mississippi, but now we

have money to buy what we want."

Contact with the South and Other Communities

 

The continued contacts which the migrant Negroes kept with the
South and other communities appeared, in the majority of cases, to be
based upon kinship. Sometimes they included an interesting system of
old—fashioned barter. Visiting usually occurred during holiday seasons
and at vacation time and during these visits there was often a ceremonial
exchange of gifts. Comments follow which illustrate the development of
contacts.

The comment of one interviewee was that She had not liked it here

when she first came. When her mother had.written that the watermelon

A9
and cataloupes were ripe and the crops were very good, she said, "I
was so lonesome." The people here were cold toward her. She got sick,
her head and her whole body ached. Her husband had said he would drive
her to Arkansas over the weekend. She had taken her four children and
stayed for a month and had felt better the whole time she was there.

Since that time she had gone home each Christmas, the time She liked
back home the most. Her husband had been laid off from work in July
and had bought a truck to do light trucking. This summer he had gone
South twice and brought up loads of watermelons which he then sold from
house to house. Last Christmas he had brought back a truck load of
sweet potatoes and vegetables because people from.Arkansas, who lived
in Lansing, were eager to receive Southern farm products. She took
gifts to her cousins and friends. The woman bought gifts every few
weeks during the year to take home for her people. In return she got
molasses, sweet potatoes, ham, et cetera which she often gave to her
Lansing friends.

A cook at a girl's sorority house at Michigan State University re—
ported that she made delicious cakes. She took small fruit cakes for
Christmas gifts to Georgia, and in return she received gifts from her
friends in her home state. Another woman's husband took apples to Arkan-
sas to trade for sweet potatoes and watermelons. He was observed by
the writer selling watermelons from his porch.

One informant replied that she traveled back to Alabama every year
at the time of her church (Baptist) revival meeting. She had tried
to attend church in Lansing, but the church people were unfriendly. "You

don't feel close to God in the Northern churches. People make you feel

50
that you are not good enough, especially if there are Northern people
around." She remarked that it was lonely living in a city; her extra
money was Spent trying to get back to Alabama, "Where you know you are
wanted in church."

Of those interviewed a large number commented that they had changed
church membership from.Methodist to Baptist and to the Church of God
and Christ. Church of God and Christ churches were often casually men-
tioned in connection with the question of where they came from. They
had church dinners often, and could take the food they would eat. EX-
cept for a few women who appeared hostile toward the South, others talked
long about what it was like back home. Lansing's newly developed.Negrot
church membership was made up of a majority of recent Negro migrants.
Dinner and Sometimes breakfast were served each Sunday of the month,
and food was often served during the weekly meetings.

One 57 year old mother made a Special trip in the Fall of the year
to dig Sassafras, Horehound, Polk greens, Life Everlasting, and other
herbs for her children and grandchildren, and herself, for tea. Other
informants told of receiving packages of tea roots through the mail to
make tea.

Another told that her church in South Carolina had a campground
where, each year, they camped in tents for one week. She and her hus-
band had built a wooden tent and each year three cars full of relatives
and friends drove down for a vacation to attend the camp meeting.

In another case the informant said that her brother drove to
Tennessee to bring her parents to Lansing for Thanksgiving. Her sister

and family came from Chicago and together with about twelve other

51
relatives in Lansing, they celebrated. Her mother brought almost all
the food from her garden. The next year her brother—in-law from Chicago
would drive down for her parents and they would all go to Chicago to
celebrate.

Many of those interviewed mentioned exchanging visits with friends
and relatives in Flint, Detroit, and.Albion. These exchange visits
were often with.migrants from the same Southern state. It was often
mentioned that Northern.Negroes were unfriendly and that frequent con-
tacts were made with friends and relatives in the South.

One such incident involved a Methodist Church guild. They were to
have an Easter church breakfast to be held at the church Easter Sunday
morning. This woman suggested bacon, eggs, grits and biscuits. .A few
of the Northern women laughed about her idea of grits. They were sure
the grits would not be eaten. The woman was very angry because most
Northerners felt they were better than Southerners and they laughed at
the Southern ways of eating. Her sister was married to a Northern man,
and when they came from Battle Creek to eat dinner she said she had to'
be very careful of the food she served. She had to cook Northern foods,
buttered vegetables and roast meat. She did not enjoy her own cooking
when they visited. When they returned the visit, they tried to go at
night or after dinner. The informant's sister told her that when she
cooked chitterlings, pigs feet or grits, she ate them alone or asked a
Southern neighbor to have lunch while her husband was at work.

In another case the woman never took a dish to a church picnic where
many Northerners were comdng; she arranged to take coffee or sugar.

She would prepare food only for a Church of God in Christ, "where all

52
Southern people go and.you feel at home. There you do not hear people
talking about Southern ways of cooking."

Holt Packing Company provided an interesting situation for food
buying. TWO and three days a week hogs and cows and other animals were
butchered. It was commonly known in the community that people sought
rides to the Holt Packing Company on those days to buy meat. Some
customers had regular rides on Tuesdays and Thursdays to Holt. The
manager at the Holt Packing Company reported; "When.Negroes first began
coming to the butchering day, along with their purchased items they
were given pigs feet, chitterlings, and parts of hog heads that were
partly cleaned because they would be bruised most times." These fre-
quent visits kept up until "soupbones, pig's feet, chitterlings, crack-
lins, pig hooks, and such, were sold at low prices." One interesting
fact was brought out--that the Negro customers appeared to enjoy watch-
ing the butchering and waited.patiently for hours until the meat was
ready. This appeared strange behavior to the manager. Many informants
mentioned the Holt Slaughter House in answer to the question asking
where food.was bought.

One commented that she and her family enjoyed going to the Holt
Packing Company to buy their meat because it was very fresh, just like
back home at hog—killing time. Her parents who lived in the South,
butchered two cows a year and some hogs, enough for meat the year around.
They took their meat to the ice house near their town and then they
hickory smoked a good portion of the meat. She spent more time compar-
ing the differences in curing meat. They did not always buy fresh meat

when they drove to the Holt slaughter pens; but she liked to be there

53
when they brought the meat out. As a little girl, she said, she used
to watch her father and uncle kill hogs and her mother make sausage and
liver pudding.

From the writer's observation, it appears that there is some satis—
faction derived from identifying with deep—seated Southern values, in—
cluding those concerning food. Frequently in the area of food connected
with church picnics or public eating places, the people showed deep
emotions concerning Northern and Southern foods. This appeared to be
an inferiority expression. Frequently visits were made to the packing
company in Charlotte, Michigan, where chitterlings could be bought in
large amounts. One woman stated that in the winter time she bought
large amounts for supper parties. They invited guests who liked chit-

terlings, cornbread, and sweet potatoes.

Food and Medical Practices

 

Aside from the Specific items listed in the schedule as Southern
foods and medical remedies, the whole food and medical patterns were
observed to be associated with consumption, storage, and preparation
choices.

One corner grocery store in the Lansing area where Negroes pre-
dominated was owned by a Negro, while other stores serving Negroes were
owned by whites who had run them before there were many Negroes living
in the community. One chain store had employed some Negro help, there
was also one Negro employed at another larger grocery store in the
neighborhood. The food items in these stores were a mixture of Northern

and Southern food. In l9hO grits could seldom be purchased in a community

Sh
store, neither could hog's heads, neck bones, spare-ribs, pig hocks,
chitterlings, rutabagas,salt pork, or collard greens, and very few
Southern watermelons or sweet potatoes.

One grocery owner commented that around l9h3 he began getting so
many calls for grits and white corn meal, salt pork, and rice that he
had started ordering them in small portions. The first shipment that
came was sold out in a couple of days. Another grocery had changed its
advertising to almost entirely Southern foods on the store windows.

A druggist commented that he had added many patent medicines to
his stock: Quinine, 666, Vicks vatronol, Epsom salts, castor oil, A-
Way Cold Tablets, Musterole, Black Draught, Feenamint, senna leaf,
Unguentine, Lydia Pinkham's, S.S.S., Exlax and liniments.

Another druggist commented that it was difficult selling to Negroes.
At first he did not understand because they would come in sick, asking
him for medicine for their ailments. He would tell them to go to a
doctor, and they would not understand why he wouldn't give them medicine.
He was amazed to find that many Southern drug stores gave out many
medicines without prescriptions. Drug stores were used many times in-
stead of a physician in most Southern states for diseases which should
have been treated by a doctor.

Another druggist told of customers becoming angry when he would
not sell paregoric or potassium iodide without a prescription. There
were several mentions by informants of bringing back supplies of this
nature from the South when they went there. They often shopped for all
their neighbors and friends for such things as paregoric, spirits of

ammonia, potash, et cetera.

55

One mother from Mississippi said she and her five children had had
malaria fever. She went to the drug store and told the man that she
wanted some medicine for malaria fever. He told her that she needed a
doctor’s examination. She told him she had had the fever for three years
and knew when it started. The druggist insisted that she get a doctor's
examination. This made the woman angry because in the South all you had
to do was ask the druggist, and tell him.what the doctor told you and
he would give you medicine. She finally asked if the druggist could
sell her a bottle of 666. He could, so she bought two bottles. For
colds the majority of informants frequently used Vick's vatronol,'h-Hay
Cold Tablets, and Musterole, but one woman}!aid she used.peach leaf tea,
pine resin pills (resin is taken from the tree, rolled in white flour
on molasses and taken three times a day). Thrpentine was also taken,
five drops in a teaspoonful of sugar or water.

One informant, who had just returned from her vacation in South
Carolina, said she made the trip each year to gather herbs for teas.
She was getting her herbs sorted. She brought back pieces for relatives
and some Southern friends who could not go to get them. She showed me
sassasfras roots, long leaf pine needle, life everlasting (a straw-like
plant), elderberry roots, catnip, and horehound roots. These roots were
used for high blood pressure, flu, common colds, fever, rheumatism,
neuritis, and as a tonic during menopause. Once she could not get
enough money for her round trip ticket and the people from.South Carolina
who lived here paid her fare one way and also paid her for making teas
for them. She had been a midwife in the South and knew all about the

art of making teas for sick people.

56

Several reSpondents reported buying two to twenty-five acres of
land in the rural areas for vegetable gardening. One informant commented
that she could not get used to going to the store to buy all the food
for the family. She had six children and She and her husband liked farm—
ing. She had sent to Georgia for her widowed mother to take care of her
children while she went to work in the factory. They had bought five
acres of land outside Lansing. She no longer worked in the factory, but
produced all the vegetables the family could use. They also had chickens,
ducks, geese, and a few turkeys, and they raised two or three hogs each
year. She and her mother canned all their food for the winter except
the meat. This they stored in a freezer locker. Back home her parents
had stored their meat in an ice house.

Another housewife was churning butter while talking to the writer.
She said she bought whole milk from the dairy and let it stand until
the cream rose to the top. Sometimes she mixed half and half with
cream. She did not like store butter and she preferred to make her own.
She also made homemade butter for her married children and a friend
from.Alabama.

The wife of a Lansing school teacher said that they had twenty
acres of farm land. As a side line her husband grew vegetables to sell
during the summer months. This family stored all their vegetables for
the winter months and sold to stores and other families. Turnips, col-
lards, cabbage, tomatoes, potatoes, okra, string beans and.peppers were
grown for the home and market. The informant said that they grew mostly
Southern vegetables. Buyers came to the garden on Saturdays and Sundays,

or called on the telephone to see if her husband would be at the garden

57
Her husband had also bought a small tractor and had made it available
to other families who had garden land.

One other family had raised two calves and had them butchered for
Christmas. The family had invited fifteen people for an all-day Christ-
mas feast at which they served stewed beef, roast beef and barbequed
beef. In addition, a small package of beef was given to each of the
guests to take home. This was the kind of feast that the mother's par-
ents had.prepared in the South. Several of these people mentioned buy-
ing a deep freeze to store food for winter.

Another woman let her peas and string beans dry in the garden, then
picked and shelled them to store for cooking in the winter months along
with smoked pig hocks. In the South, they had smoked meat after hog-
killing time and boiled the ham and shoulder—-all the honey parts were
boiled with dried beans and peas and other vegetables.

Still another was soaking garden seeds, peanuts, pumpkin seeds,
and peas and beans in glass jars. She said the time to prepare for the
winter time was in the summer time. Her parents had taught her this.
Since soaking seeds before planting gave them a quick start for growth,
her garden was always earlier than many other of her friends’ gardens.

Another housewife kept going to her kitchen as she talked with the
writer. She said that she did not want her soap to cake to the pot.
She did not throw away the fat from bacon or small pieces of soap but
saved them to make her own soap in the way she had learned from her
mother in Georgia, and therefore, she did not buy soap or soap powder.

The strength of tradition in food.ways is illustrated by the in-

formant who said her husband had to have corn bread every day. She

58
would not mind if she could add eggs, sugar and fat to the mixture but
he wanted it cooked like his mother cooked it, hot water, meal and salt.
She did not mind her home friends from.Georgia, but her sister-in-law,
a Northerner, was different since she wanted white bread only. She
could change enough to eat what other people ate when she had company,
but her husband asked for cornbread at all times.

Preparing for a family church picnic, another migrant appeared to
feel quite strongly about the food which she was to bring. She said
that when people get in an old rut you cannot get them to eat anything
except what they are used to. She liked to prepare a mixture of Northern
and Southern foods to take to picnics because everything was passed and
the Northerners would pass the Southern dishes right by. She would take
food her mother and father liked; then, she would make one dish of a
Northern food and a Northern cake. As an assistant cook for a sorority
house she had learned how to cook both ways and said if she could get

her husband and mother to eat some Northern food she would be happier.

 

However, it was interesting that when this woman was sick for two weeks \ \u
,1
(”a “\X L11
she wanted her old way of eating--grits, gravy and fried‘chickenfli,»m “Q .\L;~
,9 .1 -y ” ,.g$.
L.4:{ .

Several interesting comments in the area of hotel, restaurant, and
private home contacts showed that traditional attitudes showed in cul-
tural values and had their counterparts in the food.pattern.

The different choices of food in different parts of the United
‘States was brought out when one informant said that she cooked the food
they liked because "We were reared to like it when we lived in Georgia."
She remarked if she had been born and raised in Michigan she would like
the food here. She had a friend from Oklahoma who ate entirely different-

ly--she made hot tamales out of cornmeal. The informant had worked with

59
a Michigan girl who had never made anything out of cornmeal. She said
that they got along because she ate what she wanted to eat and let
others eat what they wanted. She tried to eat the other kinds of food
but she did not really like them. Her children ate at her friend's
home and they didn't mind because when they were hungry they would eat
almost anything.

An interviewee from Arkansas remarked that there were about five
groups who had formed social clubs and served old Southern food. Some-
times the children didn't like the Southern food, eSpecially the ones
who had Northern friends. When she prepared food for her sixteen.year
old daughter's friends she had to have more Northern foods. She had
learned how to follow a few recipes butreither she nor her husband en-
joyed the "fancy" foods.

One interesting comment by one woman was that when she was a child
in the South, a friend from the city had come to visit her mother.

They had had ice cream from a country store every day the lady was there.
There were two large apple trees with apples lying on the ground--they
were tired of apple dumplings and pie. She said they would be glad to
get Southern foods now, like sweet potatoes. She liked store bought

. food too, but longed for the Southern foods right from the fields. She
said even the chickens here did not taste like the chickens at home in
Alabama, the ones they raised themselves and killed.

One interviewee was greasing her three year old son's chest with
turpentine and "tallor" ("tallor“, she said, was fried fat beef). The
butcher at Holt's slaughter house had given her some large pieces of

rat which she had asked him to save for her. She fried out the fat, let

60

it get cold, and sliced it into chunks; it was used for colds and pains.
The formula she gave me was, two tableSpoons of melted beef fat and one
teaSpoon of turpentine. Rub every night and morning; at night put a
piece of flannel material, heated, on the parts of the body where there
is pain. This was also good for rheumatism. .A large majority of those
interviewed reported searching in drugstores all over Lansing and in
other neighboring towns when they visited trying to buy patent medicine.
All the examples cannot be mentioned here. One of the women, however,
was very angry about not being able to buy potassium iodide for her
rheumatism. Her doctor back in Arkansas had told her to buy ten cents
worth of potassium iodide from a drugstore and mix it with a quart of
red wine; take three tableSpoons full three times a day for three weeks
_and then stop, she would not have to come back to him but once in two
months, or if she felt worse to come and see him. That saved her a
great deal of money. She had had her children check just about every
drugstore in and around Lansing to buy potassium iodide for her. "Drug-
gists just won't sell it," she said, "they want you to go to the doctor
for every pain and get a prescription." She could not afford it when
her sons took care of her and she could not get old age assistance be—
cause she was only sixty. The doctor's office call was five dollars.
When she was a child her mother had doctored the whole family with
medicines and teas she made. The doctor only came when someone was
really sick or when the druggist would advise that it would be better
to see a doctor.

At the time of the writer's visit, one mother was cooking pine

needles and lemon tea. She showed the writer a limb from a pine tree

61
and said that her mother had always made tea for coughs and colds.
The woman's five children had coughs and colds and her husband had
gone to a friend's farm and gotten a pine limb. She stewed the pine
needles for one hour in a covered.pot, addedlemon and then gave each
child a cup of hot tea. This was her usual treatment, she said, and
she seldom had to take her children to a doctor. They were buying their
home, a car, and paying for the furnishings. They had been in Lansing
for nine-years--with such a large family she had to use all the remedies
she knew about to save doctor bills. She felt she managed pretty well.
Her mother had raised nine children and she remembered the doctor only
coming to her father before he died. The herb medicines, teas, and
instructions from older people in the community and the druggist had
sufficed. They had not had the money to pay a doctor. ,Although she
said, "We make more money now, my husband works at Motor Wheel factory,
we still don't have money for a doctor, but we carry hospital insur—
ance. The food bill is high; we did not have a garden this year but
we plan to have one next year. I can'work it myself and the children
will help. This will help out with expenses."

One Parent Teacher’s.Association member was baking cookies for a
meeting that night. She said she was nervous trying to make cookies
by a recipe. The P.T.A. mothers were middle class women, a mixture of
Northern and.Southern whites and Negroes. She felt she could make
cookies much better by not using a recipe, but the women usually asked
about food recipes and she wanted to be able to tell them the kind of
recipe she had used. She further said many of her friends from the

South had started using recipes for cooking. Eleven years ago, down

62
South in Mississippi, she never thought she would use recipes for cook-
ing, nor did her friends. But when you had children going to school
and had to mix with other people, you had to be up to date--the children
made you. Her daughter had told her that she should be very careful
about the cookies and make them just right. She had recently visited
her home in the South and things were different for her. She would not
want to live there again. They were still making molasses in a kettle,
smoking meat in the smokehouse with hickory wood. Her three children,
teen-agers, did not want to stay two weeks. It was nine miles from any
town. Her husband came from a town in Tennessee, and he never liked
the country. Once when they visited Mississippi he got pneumonia. Her
grandmother had to give him.whisky, lemon tea, castor oil, and a mustard
plaster, and had taken care of him until the doctor could get there the
next day. They had to pay the doctor $15.00 to tell her husband that if
it had not been for her grandmother’s doctoring he would have been seri-
ously ill with pneumonia. He had given her husband one bottle of red
medicine and told him not to return to Lansing for at least one week.

Of those answering the questions in the North Lansing section, ele-
ven came to the west side to shop at the community stores that sold
chitterlings and collard greens, as well as salt pork, each day in the
week. They felt that there was a better variety of choices. One of
those interviewed commented that she had saved money for six months
to buy a deep freeze in which she could put things like chitterlings,
pig's feet, turnip greens, collard greens, okra, and sweet potatoes.

She had even frozen watermelons. The interviewee said she derived much

happiness when her friends and cousins came from Inkster, Michigan, and

63
she could cook them a whole dinner of Southern food. They enjoyed com-
ing to visit her because they could usually find some foods that they
used to have at home on the farm in Mississippi. She could not buy red
peas from the stores here in Lansing though she had shOpped in them all.
Since it was near Thanksgiving, she wanted to make "hopping John" for a
party and she also wanted to save some red peas for New Year's Day. Eat-
ing red peas on Thanksgiving and New Year's day brought good luck the
whole year. Her grantmother and mother always had had red.peas, hogs
head, and rice for Thanksgiving day and.New Year's day.

Another woman was cooking and invited the interviewer into the
kitchen. She was baking sweet potato pies and said they were going to
a church dinner on Sunday. The congregation.would be invited to stay
for a harvest dinner. There would be no charges but a donation would
be accepted and could be left on a tray. She was happy to be able to
be a part of this dinner. This was the first time she had had a chance,
in the seven years she had.been in Lansing, to be chairman of any com-
mittee. She had made a mistake by joining a church where the majority
of the people were Northerners and Negro professional people. They ran
things like they wanted you to prepare a menu for every eating affair.
A.Northerner or a professional person, like a School teacher, had to be
chairman and they told.you what to cook and how to make it. She had
always been a Methodist back in Georgia, a member of a large church too,
and most of the people had liked her foods when they had church dinners.,
The Negro Methodist church in Lansing she had joined asked her only to
furnish sugar, coffee, or a good item one did not have to cook. Many

others were treated in the same manner.

on

She finally left this church and joined a small Baptist church.
The ninety-five members of the Baptist church she had recently joined
were all Southern. At their feast occasions they brought Southern
foods, any dish they liked to cook. The pastor was also a Southerner.
This informant felt that the School teachers were trying to measure
up to the Northerners. They ate differently. They didn't associate
with the people who worked in the factories. She felt that the reason
they ate differently now was that their educational training had some-
thing to do with it.

Many comments centered around being tired of "store bought" food.
One mother remarked that canned goods were no good for her baby; she
cooked fresh vegetables and mashed them for her children.

In an interview with Dr. William Harrison5, a Negro doctor in
Lansing, he brought out that the majority of the migrant Negroes with
whom he had come in contact still followed the food and medical practices
of the rural South. Balanced diets were almost unheard of among these
people. The majority ate mostly starchy foods and fat meats, they ate
very few fresh raw vegetables or fruits. If the doctor put them on a
diet, they very rarely followed it because they were not used to the
type of food.

As to their medical practices, the same problem existed. By the
time they sought the aid of a doctor they had exhausted every patent

medicine and home remedy of which they had any knowledge. One extreme

example was a mother who brought in her small son. Upon examining the

6Dr. William.Harrison opened his office in Lansing in the Spring
of l9h6, on the West side of Lansing.

 

65
child the doctor found that she had tied a bag of herbs around his neck
to keep him from having colds and catching diseases from other peOple.
She said that her mother and gradmother had always made the children
wear them.

The doctor cited many cases centered around both food and medical
practices of these people. He repeatedly brought out that there was
great need for social education for these people. There should be more
social work practiced and more home economics education, not only among
the Negroes but also the Mexicans and.whites who had migrated from the
South. The doctor said he would gladly take time to give more informa-
tion to any educators who could make use of it to help these people.

One woman said that where she came from in rural South Carolina
there was no doctor for twenty miles. She had been the midwife for
the whole community. She was kept busy going from house to house not
only caring for pregnant women but for the whole family. Often she
would spend the night until the doctor could get to the home the next
day. One interesting experience she related concerned a family in
which the father had high blood pressure and had ploughed too hard in
the fields that week, the children had colds and the mother was about
ready to deliver her baby. The midwife put the father to bed to rest
and prescribed epsom salts and cream of tarter for cooling the blood,
bed rest and soft cooked foods—-no heavy foods. For the children she
prescribed horehound tea and 666 tonic.

This woman would sometimes live in the home for two or three days
at a time waiting for the mother to deliver her baby. She would spend

weeks in a home if she felt needed when there was serious illness. She

66
had ministered to some of the white families also. Her mother and grand-
mother had also been excellent midwives. She would normally receive
from $10.00 to 325.00 for delivering the babies but sometimes she only
got $5.00, because the poorer families could not afford any more than
that. The people always paid her $5.00 as a down payment and when they
gathered the crops they paid her in full.

Since she has been in Lansing she has been called to many homes
when peOple were ill. She usually gives them remedies for aches and
pains. Since she dislikes the drug stores in the North for not sell-
ing some of the medicines, she sends South to have them bought for her

Castor oil was another remedy frequently mentioned by the peOple
questioned. It is used as a cathartic, to soften the skin, oil the
skin of new babies, as a hair oil, and two tablespoons in corn whiskey
as a cold remedy.

Horehound tea with molasses or honey or sugar was mentioned several
times as being used for chronic headaches, stomach pain, hay fever,
sinuses and kidney trouble. One woman kept chewing and she said she
ate about a box of starch every week. She had started chewing starch
when she had indigestion or gas, now she had acquired a taste for it.
Corn whiskey and camphor tea sweetened with honey or molasses was men-
tioned frequently as being used to calm down the nerves or for arthritis.

Another sixty-one year old midwife called herself a home nurse in
the rural South. She said she served as the medical adviser in her com—
munity, and had advised hundreds of people how to make their own medi—
cine from roots from the earth, although some had to be bought from

the drug store. Quinine was one of the medicines that she kept in her

6?
nursing bag because people knocked at her door anytime of the day or
night when members of their family became ill. Many times she would
go with them, sometimes ten or twelve miles in a horse and.buggy or
wagon. In the spring of the year the majority of illnesses were malar-
ial fever and the winter time brought on colds and flu. She used qui—
nine from the druggist in large quantities. She uses five grain cap-
sules, which she refilled herself when the capsules gave out. She
would make quinine balls and roll them in white flour and a little sugar
for children and adults. The children would usually take them without
a fuss. Teas made from.wild cherry bark or heart leaf, horehound, and
pine needles are excellent for pain and fever as well as colds and flu.
"666"can be used for colds and malarial fever, but its price is much
higher than quinine. In the case of a chest cold, peach leaves were
made into a poultice along with a mixture of flax seeds, mustard and a
little corn meal. This mixture was put in a woolen cloth and used to
cover the chest. This midwife said she had advised many families since
she had been in Lansing. Although the women have their babies in the
hospitals, they often call her if they don't get along well after they
are home. She usually returns to Georgia for two or three months every
year and stays longer if she is needed. Last year the medical doctor
sent for her since nine babies were due and the doctor had been ill.
He felt that he needed a midwife on call in the rural community which
was twenty-one miles from the town. This time She stayed for six months.
She brought home a large supply of all kinds of herbs for teas. She
had been dividing them with people and keeping some for her own use.

Among the things she mentioned were: paregoric (the druggist in Lansing

68
requires a prescription from a M.D.), resin from.pine trees, horehound
roots, large quantities of quinine, elderberry wine, sassafrass and
camphor, also potash for rheumatism.

This woman spoke several times of biliousness and did say that if
dizziness in the head continued she called a doctor. Biliousness and
dizziness in the head were often mentioned by informants concerning the
use of quinine or 666.

One informant was smoking at the time of the interview. She men-
tioned she had had a toothache for the past two days. She was holding
tobacco smoke on her tooth and had put some of the tobacco into the
cavity. This is what her parents and many others had done for tooth-
aches back home (Tennessee).

Resin pills from the pine tree was another frequent cure or help
for toothache, another was an asafetida ball, a small piece of asafetida
pushed into a cavity. This woman had grown up in the hills of Tennessee
where her grandmother had been a midwife and always carried a black bag
full of all the remedies used in the hills. Some of these were herbs
for making teas, black pepper, mint, horehound for aching backs and ach—
ing muscles; epsom salts, black root for constipation; lemon and corn
whiskey for flux; baking soda for the stomach; and cream of tarter,
black molasses and honey for the blood. They could not get a doctor at
all times and never at night. Her grandmother had to Spend nights when
someone was very ill. The grandmother would put the mother on a soft
food diet for a few weeks before the baby arrived. The mothers to be
could eat hard food up until about two weeks before the baby was due if
they felt well. The soft diet consisted of milk, mush, chicken soup,

and other soft foods.

CHAPTER IV

THE RELATIONSHIP OF‘SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC
CHARACTERISTICS TO THE USE OF SOUTHERN FOODS AND MEDICAL REMEDIES
This chapter is devoted to an exploration of the relationship be-

tween the reported frequency of use of Southern foods and medical rem-
edies to past socialization experiences and to present socio-economic
characteristics. It was reasoned that the more firmly Southern cultural
traits (including foods and remedies) were internalized prior to migra-
tion, the greater would be the reported use of Southern foods and rem-
edies in the urban North. It was also reasoned that the higher the posi-
tion attained in the North, the more rapidly would Negroes be able to
drop Southern traits and to adopt the patterns of life in the city.

The two general hypotheses explored in this chapter, therefore,

are as follows:

General Hypothesis 1 -- The more complete the contact with and
socialization in the rural South, the higher will be the
survival of food and medical practices.

General Hypothesis 2 -— The higher the socio—economic level, the
lower will be the survival of Southern food and medical

practices.
Measures of Previous Residence and Socialization

1. State in which Mother Grew Up.-In keeping with the general
hypothesis, it is expected that mothers who grew up in the deep South

69

70
would impart more permanently and effectively Southern food and medical
patterns than mothers who grew up elsewhere. It was assumed that an
environment which was remote, isolated, and homogeneous racially would
be more effective than other environments in the transmission of cultur-
al patterns. Mothers who grew up in such Southern states as Alabama,
Mississippi and.Georgia were grouped and referred to as "Deep South";
those who grew up in such Southern states as Tennessee, Kentucky and
Oklahoma were grouped in "Border States"; and those who grew up in all
non-Southern states were grouped as "Other States".

The hypothesis regarding the mother's origin as related to the
informant’s use of foods and remedies may be stated as follows: The
frequency of use of Southern foods and medical remedies will be great—
est when mothers grew up in the Deep South, lesser when mothers grew up
in the Border South, and least when mothers grew up outside the South.

Table I provides the evidence relating to this hypothesis (for
original data see Appendix II). Only 2b of the informant's mothers
grew up outside the South, while 127 grew up in the South. Of the 127
mothers growing up in the South, 93 grew up in the Deep South and 3h
grew up in the Border South. The distribution shown in this table sup-
ports our hypothesis. A higher percentage of informants whose mothers
grew up in the Deep South make use of the Southern foods and medical
remedies "often" and "occasionally", and fewer never use them than did
those whose mothers came from the Border South. Those who said that
their mothers came from the Border South use the foods and medicines
more often than those whose mothers came from "Other States". Conversely

a higher percentage of the informants whose mothers came from "Other

71

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72
States" never use the Southern foods and remedies than do the informants
whose mothers came from the "Border States", and a higher percentage of
those from the Border South never use the Southern foods and remedies
than those whose mothers came from the "Deep South". The differences
between the three groups are very large, in the expected direction,

and significant at the .01 level.

2. Place of Origin of the Informant.- In keeping with the general
hypothesis, it is expected that informants who grew up in the "Deep
South" would have the Southern food and medical habits more firmly im-
' bedded than would informants who grew up elsewhere. The reasoning here
parallels that of the previous measure, namely, area in which mother
grew up.

i The hypothesis regarding the place of origin of the informant as
related to the use of Southern foods and remedies may be stated as
follows: The frequenoy of use of Southern foods and medical remedies
will be greatest among the informants who grew up in the "Deep South",
lesser when they grew up in the "Border South", and least when they
grew up in "Other States".

Table II provides the evidence relating to this hypothesis. Of
the informants 36 grew up outside the South, 27 grew up in the "Border
South" and the largest group,88, grew up in the "Deep South". The re-
sults shown in this table agree with the hypothesis. For example, the
data show that a higher percentage of informants from the "Deep South"
used Southern foods and remedies "often" than did the informants from
the "Border South"; also that a higher percentage of those from the

"Border South" used Southern foods and remedies "often" than did those

73

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7h

from the "Other States". The data in Table II also show that a higher.
percentage of informants from "Other States" never used Southern foods
and remedies than those from the "Border South". Those from the "Bor-
der South" showed a higher percentage of not using the foods and medi-
cines than those coming from the "Deep South".

The distribution shown in Table II, both food use and medical rem-
edy use, are significantly different and in the anticipated direction.
Hence, we conclude that use of Southern foods and medical remedies is

closely related to the area in which informants attended grade school.

3. Informant's Place of Residence when Attending Grade School.-
It is expected that informants who resided in the farm areas of the
South when attending Grade School would be more deeply instilled with
the use of Southern foods and medical remedies than those who resided
in the city, either in the South or elsewhere. Many of the foods and
remedies represent a reSponse to a rural rather than urban economy.
Hence it is expected that those residing in rural areas will preserve
food and medical practices in larger proportions.

The great majority of the informants resided in the Farm-South
when attending Grade School. Out of 151 informants, 130 resided in the
FarmrSouth when attending Grade School, only 9 in a city in the South,
and 12 in a city outside of the South.

The hypothesis regarding the informant's place of residence when
attending Grade School as related to the use of Southern foods and
remedies may be stated as follows: The frequency of use of Southern
foods and medical remedies will be greatest among the informants who

resided in the "Farm-South" while attending Grade School, lesser when

75
they resided in the "City—South" while attending Grade School. and least
when they resided in a "City-Outside the South" when attending Grade
School.

Table III indicates that this hypothesis is correct. The table
indicates that a higher percentage of the informants who resided in the
farm areas of the South when attending Grade School use the Southern
foods and remedies "often" than those who resided in the "City—South".
Those who resided in a city in the South, in turn, gave a higher pro-
portion of "often" reSponses to the use of Southern foods and medical
remedies than did the informants who resided in a city outside of the
South when attending Grade School.

The group of informants who attended grade school in the farm
regions of the South indicated that they made use of all the foods and
remedies mentioned as there were no "never" answers in either category.
As would be expected the group which attended grade school outside the
South had a very high "never" response rate.

Thus, since differences shown in Table III are very large, in the
anticipated dire ction, and are statistically significant, we conclude
that present use of Southern foods and remedies is related to the kind

of area in which informants attended Grade School.

h. Informant's Place of Residence when.Attendinngigh School.-
In keeping with the general hypothesis, it is expected that informants
who resided in the farm areas of the South (same as Grade School) when
attending High School would be more apt to use the Southern foods and
medical remedies than those who resided elsewhere when attending High

School. It is also expected that those who moved between Grade School

76

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77
and High School would use the Southern foods and medical remedies the
least. We assume that the influence of secondary education is weakened
when residence is a rural environment. We also assume that it is max—
imized if it occurs in the city, eSpecially if a residence move is in-
volved.

Of the 86 informants who attended High School 55 resided in the
Rural South-same as grade school—when attending High School; 18 resided
in the City-South when attending High School; and 13 resided in the
city (different from grade school) when attending High School.

The hypothesis regarding the informant's place of residence when
attending High School as related to the use of Southern foods and remedies
may be stated as follows: The frequenqy of use of Southern foods and
medical remedies will be greatest among the informants who resided in
the "Farm-South—same as Grade School" when attending High School; lesser
when they resided in the "City South-same as Grade School" when attend-
ing High School; and least when they resided in the "City-Different from
Grade School" when attending High School.

The data found in Table IV Support this hypothesis. The highest
percentage of "often" answers was given by the group which resided in
the Farm.South when attending both grade and High School; the smallest
percentage of "often" answers was given by the group which resided in
a city different from where they had attended Grade School when attend-
ing High School. In the responses for both the use of foods and medi-
cines, the group which attended both Grade and.High School in the farm
South gave no "never" responses. There were a high percentage of "never"
responses from the group which had attended High School in a city dif-

ferent from where they had attended.Grade School.

78

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79

AS can be seen from Table IV, large differences exist in the fre—
quency of use of Southern foods and remedies between the three groups.
The responses between the three groups for both foods and medical rem-
edies were significantly different at the .01 level. While the evidence
supports the hypothesis as stated, the extremely large percentage re—
porting no use of the foods and remedies in the group which had moved

between Grade and High School was not anticipated.

5. Number of Years Informant Lived in the South.- It is expected

 

that informants who had lived a greater number of years in the South
would be more highly indoctrinated with the use of Southern foods and
medicines than those who had lived a comparatively short time in the
South. The actual number of years informants lived in the South is
used in this instance.

Of the 151 informants, 39 had lived in the South for 30 years or
more, SO had lived in the South between 20 and 29 years, 39 had lived
in the South 10 to 19 years, and 5 had lived in the South 9 years or
less.

The hypothesis regarding the number of years the informant had lived
in the South as related to the frequency of use of Southern food and
medical remedies may be stated as follows: The longer the informants
had lived in the South the greater would be their use of Southern foods
and medical remedies.

Table V contains data which, in general, confirm the hypothesis as
stated. (For original uncondensed data see Appendix II.) The frequent
users of Southern foods and remedies increases with length of time in

the South, except for the group which Spent 30 years or more in the South.

80

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81

The percentage of "often" responses for the group which lived in the
South 30 years or more is substantially below that of the 20 - 29 year
group. A.possible explanation of this discrepancy could be the follow-
ing: The group which resided 30 years or more in the South would in-
clude most of the older people of the sample. Quite a few of this
older age group are suffering from disabilities such as, heart disease,
diabeties, etc., and have been placed on very strict diets and medical
prescriptions by their doctors. In these cases a great number of the
typically Southern foods and remedies would be forbidden to them.1

The differences between the groups in frequency of use of Southern
foods and remedies, when grouped by number of years respondents lived
in the South, are large and'statistically significant. The direction,
as predicted in the hypothesis, holds true except for those residing

the greatest number of years in the South.

6. Proportion of Informant‘s Life spent in the South.- This

 

measure related to the previous one, represents an attempt to control
for age. It is expected that informants who have lived a large prOpor-
tion of their lives in the South would make greater use of the Southern
foods and medical remedies than those who have lived a smaller propor-
tion of their lives in the South.

Of the 1&3 informants reSponding to this question, 38 had lived
over three—fourths of their lives in the South, 82 had lived one—half
to three—fourths of their lives in the South, and 23 had lived less than

one-half of their lives in the South.

 

1Interview'with Dr. William H. Harrison, Negro doctor in Lansing,
Michigan.

82
The hypothesis regarding the proportion of the informant's life
Spent in the South in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods
and medical remedies may be stated as follows: The greater the propor—
tion of the informant's life which was Spent in the South, the greater
will be the use of Southern foods and medical remedies.

. Table VI supports the hypothesis with reSpect to use of Southern
foods and medical remedies, and proportion of life spent in the South.
Those informants who had lived more than one-half of their lives in the
South showed a greater use of the Southern foods and remedies than
those who had lived less than one-half of their lives in the South.
Those who had lived over three-fourths of their lives in the South use
the foods and remedies more than those who had lived one-half to three-
fourths of their lives in the South.

The data from Table VI support our hypothesis that frequency of
use of Southern foods and remedies is directly related to the propor-
tion of life spent in the South. The distributions are significantly

different at the .01 level.

7. Number of Years in Lansing.— It is expected that informants
who have lived a longer time in Lansing would have grown away from the
Southern traditions and thus would make less use of the Southern foods
and medical remedies than those informants who had arrived in Lansing
more recently. It should be remembered, however, that a large majority
of Negroes have lived in Lansing a relatively Short time.

Of the 151 informants, 3h had lived in Lansing 15 years or more,
51 had lived in Lansing 10 to 1h years, h6 had lived in Lansing 5 to 9

years, and 20 had lived in Lansing h years or less.

83

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8h

The hypothesis regarding the length of time the informant had
lived in Lansing in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods
and remedies may be stated as follows: The longer the informants have
lived in Lansing the less use they will make of Southern foods and med-
ical remedies.

The data shown in Table VII substantiate our hypothesis: frequency
of use of Southern foods and remedies is inversely related to the length
of time informants resided in Lansing. While frequency of use dropped
with each successive "length of time in Lansing" groups, the greatest
difference is between those residing 10 to 1h years and 15 years or
more. Statistical tests on both parts of Table VII were significant
at the .01 level. Thus,,the differences predicted in our hypothesis

were supported.

8. Number of Residence Changes Since 19hO.— It was reasoned that

 

those informants who had experienced many residency moves would come in
contact with more outside forces and thus would tend to draw away from
the traditions of the South. Informants were placed in categories in
accord with the number of residence changes made since l9hO.

Of the 151 informants, 29 had made four or more moves since l9hO;
38 had made three moves; 70 had made two moves and 1h had made only
one move.

The hypothesis regarding the number of residence changes since
l9h0 in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods and remedies
may be stated as follows: The more changes in residence the lesser

will be the use made of the Southern foods and remedies.

85

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.0090004 :9 0900» Mo 900832 000 op

.HH> 0HQNH

86

The data bearing upon this hypothesis, shown in Table VIII (for
uncondensed data see Appendix II), lend support to the predicted in-
verse relationship between number of residence changes and use of
Southern foods and medical remedies. To state somewhat differently:
The group making only one residence change had the highest percentage
of "often" reSponses and the smallest percentage of "never" reSponses;
the group making four or more residence changes had the smallest per—
centage of "often" reSponses and the highest percentage of "never"
responses.

Statistical tests of significance indicated that the distributions
were not due to chance. Therefore. the inverse relationship predicted

in the hypothesis is supported.

Measures of Socio-Economic Level

This part of the chapter is devoted to the socio-economic variables,
those measures concerned with income level, education, and other char-
acteristics which reveal life style. The data presented in this portion
of the chapter are related to the second general hypothesis: The higher
the soico-economic level, the lower will be the survival of Southern

food and medical practices.

1. Informant's Age.- In keeping with this general hypothesis, it

 

is expected that the older the informant the more contact she will have
had with the traditional foods and medicines of the South and, there-
fore, she would more likely make use of them in her daily life. The
younger informants would be more susceptible to new ideas and change

than the older ones so would likely make lesser use of the Southern

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87

 

 

 

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88
foods and medicines.

The hypothesis regarding the informant's age in relation to the
frequency of use of Southern foods and medical remedies may be stated
as follows: The older the informant, the more use will be made of
Southern foods and medical remedies.

Table IX shows that the informants are predominantly younger adults,
doubtless a reflection of the characteristic youthfulness of migrants.
Out of 151 informants, 103 were between 25 and Ah years of age. Only
13 were between 20 and 2h and 35 were LS years old and over. Table IX
supports our hypothesis in that the age group of hS and older has a
much greater percentage of "often" answers and a lower percentage of
"never" answers than the other groups. Conversely the 20 to 2h age
group had the greatest percentage of "never” answers and the smallest

percentage of "often" answers as would be expected from the hypothesis.

2. Highest Grade Completed by the Informant.- In keeping with the
general hypothesis, it is expected that the more education the informant
possesses the more she would be open to new ideas and new trends. Thus
it would be expected that the mOre educated the infromant the less she
would use the Southern foods and medicines.

The hypothesis regarding the informant's education in relation to
the frequenqy of use of Southern foods and medical remedies may be
stated as follows: The higher the level of schooling, the smaller will
be the use made of Southern foods and medical remedies.

Table X shows that of the 151 informants, 37 had completed the 6th
grade or less, 50 had completed the 7th, 8th or 9th grade, 57 had com-

pleted the 10th, llth, or 12th grade, and only 7 had attended college.

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91

The data contained in this table support our hypothesis of an inverse
relation between educational level and use of Southern foods and rem-
edies. The percentage of "often" reSponses decreases as the amount of
education increases and the number of "never" responses increases as
the amount of education increases. The Chi-square test results on the
two distributions are significant at the .01 level. Thus it would seem
that education has a definite bearing upon the informant's use of the

Southern foods and remedies.

3. Employment Status of the Informant.- It is assumed that those

 

informants who are gainfully employed would have more contacts with
the urban ways of life through factory lunch programs and etc., than
those not employed so that they would tend to change more readily from
the traditions of Southern foods and medicines. The groupings of in-
formants include three, namely, "Employed", "Never Employed", and "Not
Now Employed".

The hypothesis regarding the employment status of the informant in
relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods and remedies may be
stated as follows: Employment is associated with low frequency of use
of Southern foods and remedies. That is, those who are now employed
will make the least use of the Southern foods and remedies, those not
now employed will make greater use; and those who have never been em-
ployed will make the greatest use.

The data in Table XI indicate that this hypothesis is correct only
in part. The data indicate that those who are now employed make the
least use of the Southern foods and remedies as evidenced by the low

percentage of "often" reSponses. The informants who were never employed,

92

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93

however, make more sue of the Southern foods and remedies than the
employed group, but lesser usage than the "Not now Employed" group.
The highest usage of the Southern foods and remedies was found in the
group of informants not now employed. 'This could be explained by the
fact that the group which is not now employed are those in the lower
wage bracket who were laid off after the war and never rehired. Those
in the group which have never been employed may consist largely of
wives of men who hold good jobs and it has not been necessary for them
to work, or their husband's held two jobs to make sufficient income so
that it was not necessary for them to work. Thus they had more time to
read, watch television, or were more highly educated in the first place
and changed more rapidly to urban ways. This shows up in that this
"Never Employed" group had a higher percentage of "never" reSponses in
regard to both foods and medicines than did the employed group.

Both distributions are statistically significant when subjected
to the Chi-square test. While the prediction of the hypothesis is sup—
ported for the employed versus non-employed, it failed to predict the

level of usage as between the "Never Employed" and the "Not now Employed".

h. Husband's Occupation.- The general hypothesis predicts an in-

 

verse relationship between occupation level and frequency of use of
Southern foods and remedies. It is expected, therefore, that those
informants whose husband's were more successfully employed.wuuld have
more contacts with other urban people, and more money to Spend in ex-
perimenting with new foods and money for regular medical care.

The hypothesis regarding the occupation of the informant's husband

in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods and medicines

9h

may be stated as follows: The higher the level of the husband's em-
ployment the less use would be made of Southern foods and remedies.

The occupational range of urban Negroes, of course, is not great.
Only seven informants reported their husbands to be in the professional,
technical and self-employed group. Eighty—five were grouped as "Manual—
skilled", and h? as "Manual-unskilled". The remainder, or 12, were
"Unemployed".

Table XII contains data which indicate that our hypothesis is cor-
rect. The highest percentage of "often" answers were from the group
in which the husbands were unemployed and the lowest percentage of
"often" answers were from the group in which the husbands were profes-
sional, technical, or self-employed. The two levels of manual occupa-
tions and the unemployed groups are relatively close in their use of
Southern foods and remedies. The big difference is between the pro-
fessional, technical and self-employed as compared with all others.

Hence, we conclude that the survival of Southern foods and remedies
is closely associated with the occupational level of the husband. This

conclusion is supported by the tests of significance.

5. Highest Grade Completed by the Husband.- It is predicted that

 

those informants whose husband's had more education would be more apt
to adjust rapidly to the urban ways and hence would make less use of
the Southern foods and remedies. Of the 13h husbands for which there
is information, 5h had 6 grades or less, 38 had 7, 8 or 9 grades, 37
had 10, 11 or 12 grades, and only 5 had some college education.

The hypothesis regarding the education of the informant's husband

in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods and remedies may

95

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96
be stated as follows: The more education acquired by the informant's
husband the less use will be made of Southern foods and remedies.

In regards to the use of Southern foods the data in Table XIII
support our hypothesis. The highest percentage of "often" answers was
given by the group whose husbands had the least education, and as the
amount of education increased the percentage of "often" respOnses de-
creased. Conversely, the highest percentage of "never" responses was
received from the group whose husband's had a College education, and
the lowest percentage of "never" answers was received from the group
whose hquand's had the least education.

An interesting inconsistency exists with respect to medical rem-
edies. The use of Southern medical remedies, percentage wise, was
greater among the group whose husbands had a College education than
among the group whose husbands had completed the 10th, llth, or 12th
grade. This could possibly be accounted for by the small number of
informants in the College level group. Another explanation could be
that although the husband is well educated the wife might not be and
she would be treating the family for illness while the husband was away
at work so that he would have little influence upon the type of treat-
ment. Also according to Dr. William Harrison, a Negro physician in
Lansing, this group uses these remedies but often consults the doctor
to see if it is all right to use them at the time. .Another factor of
importance is that this group contains some of the most recent migrants
to the North. The laboring group came to the North during the war while
the more educated group came to Lansing as school teachers etc. after
a need for them.was established in the school system, and more advanced

employment was open to Negroes.

97

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98
The distributions in both sections of Table XIII are statistically
significant and not due to chance. While the use of Southern foods in
relation to the husband's schooling was correctly predicted in the
hypothesis, the use of Southern medical remedies was not predicted as

between the High School and College group.

6. Husband's Monthly Pay.- In keeping with the general hypothesis,

 

it is expected that those informants whose husbands make little money
would tend to adhere to the traditional foods and remedies with which
they are most familiar; they cannot afford to experiment with the more
costly urban.ways. Those whose husband’s make more money would prob-
ably be among the more highly educated group and having the money
available would be more willing to experiment with new foods and would
be more apt to consult a physician in case of illness.

Considering the narrow occupational distribution reported earlier,
it is not surprising that most of the husbands fall into the $301 to
$hOO class. Only 19 received less and 13 received more.

The hypothesis regarding the amount of the informant's husband's
monthly pay in relation to the frequency of use of Southern foods and
remedies may be stated as follows: The use of Southern foods and med-
ical remedies will be inversely related to the amount of the husband'
income, or the higher the husband’s income the lesser will be the use
made of the Southern foods and remedies.

Table XIV contains data which agree with the hypothesis as stated.
The greatest percentage of "often" responses was given by the group
with the lowest income and the smallest percentage of "often" answers

was given by the group with the largest income. Also the group with

99

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100

the lowest income and the smallest percentage of "often" answers was
given by the group with the largest income. Also the group with the
highest income gave the greatest percentage of "never" answers and the
group with the lowest income gave the lowest percentage of "never"
answers. It is interesting to note that there was not too great a
percentage difference in the behavior of the two lower income groups
(0-300 and 30l-hOO). There was a large percentage drop, however, in
the "often" responses by the group making $hOl or more and a great in-
crease in the percentage of "never" reSponses.

Therefore, we conclude that the use of Southern foods and remedies
is inversely related to husband's income level. This conclusion is in
conformity with the prediction of the hypothesis and is supported by

significant Chi-square values.

7. Monthly Payments on Mortgage or for Rent.- It is expected that
those informants who pay more for housing will be higher on the socio-
economic scale, more urbanized, and less influenced by Southern culture
than the group paying less for housing. Rentals fall with an extremely
narrow range. Out of a total of 136, no reported rentals of $60 or less,
85 reported rentals of $61 to $90, and only 11 reported rentals of $91
and over.

The hypothesis regarding the amount of the monthly payments for
mortgage or rent in relation to the frequenqy of use of Southern foods
and medical remedies may be stated as follows: The use of Southern
foods and remedies will be inversely related to the amount of rent or
mortgage payments, or the higher the monthly payments the lower will be

the use of Southern foods and remedies.

101

The data in Table XV support this hypothesis. The percentage of
"often" answers was greatest for the group paying the least rent or
mortgage payments and least for those paying the most forrent or mort-
gage. Also the highest percentage of "never" answers was given by the
group having the highest rent or mortgage payments and the lowest per-
centage of "never" answers was given by the group making the lowest
payments. As in the previous table the difference in percentage between
the two lower groups was much less than between the middle group and
the group paying the most in mortgage or rental payments.

Thus, the frequency of use of Southern foods and remedies is in-
versely related to the amount paid in rent or on a mortgage. The Chi-

square values are significant for both parts of the table.

Summary

Table XVI provides a summary of the previous residence and social-
ization measures and the present socio-economic measures as related to
the frequency of use of Southern foods and medical remedies on the part
of urban Negroes. The weight of the evidence is overwhelming that past
residence and socialization are important in explaining the survival of
Southern foods and medical remedies on the part of urban.Negroes.
Similarly, the socio-economic level at present is important in eXplain-
ing the survival of Southern foods and medical remedies. Table XVI serves
to summarize the direction of findings in relation to the hypothesis
concerning each measure. Only in five instances does some minor revi-

sion of the hypotheses seem to be warranted.

102

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**mmHUoEmm Hmofipmz Hm HH¢

*oooom ma Hfla

mpcmszmm hazpcoz

 

 

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103

Table XVI. Summary of the Direction of Findings Concerning Frequenqy
of Use of Southern Foods and Medical Remedies

 

 

Direction of Findings

 

 

Foods Remedies
Measures Related to Nature of Previous
Residence and Socialization Experiences
(General Hypothesis 1)
1. State in Which Mother Grew Up As hypothesized As hypothesized
2. State in Which Informant Attended
Grade School As hypothesized .As hypothesized
3. Rural-Urban Residence of Informant
when Attending Grade School As hypothesized As hypothesized
h. Rural-Urban Residence of Informant
when.Ate nding High School As hypothesized As hypothesized
5. Number of Years Informant Lived Partly Partly
in the South as hypothesized as hypothesized
6. Proportion of Informant's Life in
the South As hypothesized As hypothesized
7. Number of years Informant Lived
in Lansing As hypothesized .As hypothesized
8. Number of Residence Changes Since
l9h0 As hypothesized .As hypothesized
Measures Related to Socio-Economic Characteristics
of Informant (General Hypothesis 2)
1. Stage of Life Cycle(Informant's age) As hypothesized .As hypothesized
2. Highest grade completed by Informant As hypothesized .As hypothesized
3. Employment Status of Informant Partly Partly
as hypothesized as hypothesized
h. Husband's Occupation As hypothesized As hypothesized
5. Highest Grade Completed by Husband As hypothesized Partly
as hypothesized
6. Husband's Monthly Pay As hypothesized As hypothesized
7. Monthly Payment for Rent or
Mortgage As hypothesized .As hypothesized

L

CHAPTER V

THE RELATIONSHIP OF‘SOCIALIZATION EXPERIENCES AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC
CHARACTERISTICS TO GENERATIONAL CHANGE DI THE USE OF SOUTHERN FOODS AND
MEDICAL REMEDIES

This chapter is devoted to an exploration of generational change
in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies. The first section
of this chapter reports the frequency of use of the 18 individual foods
and 21 individual medical remedies by the informant as well as the in-
formant's estimate of her mother's usage in relation to her own. Dif—
ferences in the use of foods and remedies, as between the two genera~
tions, will be treated in this section. The second section of this
chapter explores the forces related to generational change in the use
of Southern foods and remedies.

Consistent with the position outlined in Chapter IV, it is reasoned
that socialization experiences and socio-economic position are closely
related to the rate at which such culturally-rooted phenomena as food
and medical practices are drOpped. Two general hypotheses, stated in
Chapter I, are examined here:

General Hypothesisl - The more complete the contact with the
socialization in the rural South, the less will be the generational
change in food and medical practices between the informant and her
mother.

General hypothesis 2 - The higher the socio—economic level, the
greater will be the generational change in food and medical practices
between the informant and her mother.

th‘

105

As in Chpater IV, eight measures of previous residence and social-
ization experience are used in testing the first hypothesis; seven meas—
ures of socio-economic character are used in testing the second hypothe-
sis. A simple ratio, referred to as an "index of generational change",
was calculated. This index is the relationship between two sets of re-
sponses by the informant. The number of times mothers are reported to
use the foods and medicines "more often" than the informant is divided
by the number of times the informant reports using those foods and med-
icines "often" plus "occasionally". If the resulting index is below
1.0, it is interpreted to reflect relatively little generational change;

if above 1.0 relatively great generational change.
Use of Individual Foods and Medical Remedies

As indicated in Table XVII, each of the Southern foods is used by?
a substantial proportion of the informants. Only for five foods (pot
likker, souse, perlo, cracklings, and hopping john) did as many as 15
percent of the informants report that they never used them. For only
three foods (hoecake, pot likker, and spoon bread) did less than 50
percent of the informants report using them often. More than 80 per-
cent of the informants reported using the following foods often: grits,
sweet potatoes, blackeye peas, corn bread, biscuits and turnip greens.

There were only four foods which were reported as not being used
by a few of the informant's mothers (cracklin bread, pot likker,
cracklings, and souse), and these in very small percentages. In only
two instances were foods reported as being used less often by the
mother than by the informant (Spoon bread and souse), and in each case

there was only one response in the column. For only four foods did as

106

 

 

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108

 

 

 

 

 

 

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107
many as 15 percent of the informants say they used them as often as
their mothers (perlo, pot likker, chitterlings and souse). For all the
foods over 60 percent of the informants reported that their mothers
used them more, and there were only two foods (pot likker, and chitter—
lings) that less than 80 percent of the informants reported were used
more by their mothers. From these observations it can be seen that
in most cases there was less use of the foods by the daughters than by
their mothers.

As indicated in Table XVIII, each of the 21 medical remedies is
used by a substantial proportion of the informants. Only for five
medicines (epsom salts, whiskey and rock candy, senna leaves, wild
cherry bark, camphor and corn whiskey) did as many as 10 percent of the
informants report that they never used them. In all cases at least 60
percent of the informants reported using the remedies often.

There were 11 remedies reported as never having been used by some
of the mothers' of the informants (quinine, epsom salts, sloans' liniment,
horehound, calomel, whiskey and rock candy, sulphur and molasses, sen-
na leaves, camphor and corn whiskey, sassafras tea, and pine needle tea).
There were nine remedies which more than 15 percent of the informants
reported using about thesame as their mothers (horehound, calomel,
sulphur and molasses, senna leaves, resin pills, sassafras tea, ginger
tea, elderberry tea, and pine needle tea). For all but one of the
medical remedies (pine needle tea) more than 70 percent of the inform-
ants reported that their mother had used them more often. From these
observations it can be seen that in most cases there was less use of

the medicines by the daughters than by their mothers.

109

Generational Change in Relation to Socialization Experiences
and Socio-economic Characteristics

 

 

Socialization Measures.- In keeping with the general hypotheses,

 

the more completely rural the background of the informant, the longer
she lived in the South prior to migrating, and the less exposure to
urban life, the lesser will be the generational change in the use of
Southern foods and medicines. Thus, following the development of the
same measures as in Chapter IV, we may state the expected relationships
as follows:

1. Generational change will be least for informants whose mothers
grew up in the Deep South, greater for those whose mothers grew up in
the Border South, and greatest for those whose mothers grew up in Other
States.

2. Generational change will be least for informants who attended
Grade School in the Deep South, greater for those who attended Grade
School in the Border South, and greatest for those who attended Grade
School in Other States.

3. Generational change will be least for informants who resided
in the Farm South when attending Grade School, greater for those who
resided in the City South when attending Grade School, and greatest for
those who resided in a City Outside the South when attending Grade
School.

h. Generational change will be least for informants who resided
in the Farm South (same as Grade School) when attending High School,
greater for those who resided in the City South (same as Grade School)
when attending High School, and greatest for those who resided in a

City (different from Grade School) when attending High School.

110

5. Generational change will be least for informants who lived in
the South the greatest number of years and greatest for those who had
lived in the South the least number of years.

6. Generational change will be least for informants who lived
the greatest proportion of their lives in the South and greatest for
those who had lived the smallest proportioncfl?their lives in the South.

7. Generational change will be least for informants who had lived
the shortest period of time in Lansing and greatest for the informants
who had lived the longest period of time in Lansing.

8. Generational change will be least for the informants who had
made the least number of residence changes since 19h0 and the greatest
for those who had made the largest number of residence changes since
l9h0.

The indexes of generational change related to the eight hypotheses
listed above are summarized in Table XIX.

Upon inspecting this Table we find that there are relatively few
generational change figures which are greater than 1.0. While there
has been a change in the frequency of use as between the mothers and
daughters, by and large the changes have not been great. Of the 5h gen-
erational change indexes there are only 12 which are greater than 1.0.
Of these nine are in the use of foods and only three are in the use of
medicines. Hence, it would seem that there is a greater tendency to
retain the medical practices of the South than the fooderactices. As
would be expected from the hypotheses,all the higher generational change
figures were among the groups which had the least contact with the

South as far as residence and socialization measures were concerned.

111

Table XIX. Index of Generational Change, 18 Foods and 21 Medical
Remedies by Residence and Socialization Measures.

 

 

No. of Index of Generational
Informants Change
187Foods 21 Remedies

Measures

 

 

1. State in which Mother Grew Up

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Deep South 93 .95 .95
Border South 3h .78 .99
Other States 2h 1.1b .31
2. Place of Origin of the Informant
Deep South 88 .89 .86
Border South 27 .85 .95
Other States 36 1.3h .90
3. Informant's Place of Residence when Attending Grade School
Farm South 130 .88 .86
City South 9 1. 51 .92
City Outside South 12 7.31 2.15
b. Informant's Place of Residence when.Attending High School
Farm.South (same as grade) 55 .85 .95
City South (same as grade) 18 .86 .61
City(different from grade) 13 6.h8 1.51
5. Number of Years Informant Lived in the South
0 - 10 5 2.h1 2.7h
11 - 19 39 1.00 .8h
20 - 29 60 .86 .81
30 and over h? 1.00 1.00
6. Proportion of Informant's Life Spent in the South
Less than one-half 23 1.16 .90
One—half to three-fourths 82 .93 .83
Three-fourths to all 38 .90 .89
7. Number of Years in Lansing
O — LI 20 .99 .91I
5 - 9 1I6 .89 .87
10 - 1h 51 .91 .88
15 and over 3k 1.16 _ .87
8. Number of Residence Changes since l9h0
One 1h .87 .98
mo 70 .92 .85
three 38 .95 .86

Four or more 29 1.12 .97

 

112
In the food practices the high changes were recorded for those who grew
up in Other States, for those who attended Grade School in Other States,
those who lived in the city while attending Grade School, those who
attended High School in a city different from Grade School, those who
lived in the South 0—10 years, those who lived less than one-half of
their life in the South, those who had lived in Lansing 15 or more
years, and those who had made four or more residence changes since l9h0.
In respect to the 21 medical remedies the largest changes were found in
the groups which attended Grade School in a city outside the South,
those who lived in the South 0-10 years, and those who attended High
School in a city different from where they attended Grade School.

Only in part do the indexes of generational change coincide with
the expected direction of the hypotheses. The change indexes for med-
ical remedies frequently do not move in the same direction as those for
the foods. In general, it may be said that the change indexes for the
Southern foods conform to the anticipated direction better than those
for medicines. .

0f the eight measures of past residence and socialization experience
found in Table XIX, the hypotheses moderately successfully predicted
the rate of change for the Southern foods. (For original uncondensed
data see Appendix II). In four of the measures, residence when attend-
ing Grade School, residence when attending High School, proportion of
life lived in the South, and number of residence changes, the hypotheses
‘predicted the change index of all categories for foods. In the four
instances mentioned, generational change increased from the group at-

tending Grade School in the Farm South, to those attending in the City

113

South, to those attending in City Outside South. A similar increase in
generational change occurred for the residence groups when attending
High School. As hypothesized, the index of change was greatest for
those spending the smallest proportion of their life in the South and
least for those spending the largest proportion of their life in the
South. Finally, the index of generational change increased with an
increasing number of residence changes. In the remaining four measures,
the indexes conformed with the general expectation of the hypotheses
but not with the detail. The group whose mothers' grew up in the Border
South and informants who attended Grade School in the Border South, for
example, had lower indexes of change than comparable groups from the
Deep South. Both Southern groups, however, had lower indexes of gener-
ational change than the groups from Other States. The same general
condition applies for indexes computed for number of years informant
lived in the South as well as the number of years informant lived in
Lansing.

0f the eight measures of past residence and socialization experi-
ences, the hypotheses predicted change in use of medical remedies in
only one instance and the general direction in only two more. Change
in the use of medical remedies, as predicted, was lowest for the group
residing in the Farm.South when attending Grade School, higher for those
residing in the City South, and highest for those residing in a City
Outside the South. The general direction of change was predicted for
groups classified as to residence when attending High School and for
groups classified by number of years lived in the South. The indexes

of change for the remaining measures were either contrary to the

11h
hypothesized direction, as in the case of the State in which Mother
grew up, or indeterminate. The latter situation applies to the follow—
ing: state in which informant attended Grade School, proportion of
informant's life in the South, number of years in Lansing, and residence

changes since l9h0.

Socio-Economic Variables.- The relationships for the socio-economic

 

variables may be stated as follows:

1. Generational change will be least for the oldest informants
and most for the youngest informants.

2. Generational change will be least for the informants with the
least education, greater for those who had an intermediate education,
and greatest for those who had attended College.

3. Generational change will be least for those informants who
are not now employed, greater for those who had never been employed,
and greatest for those now employed.

h. Generational change will be least for those whose husband's
are unemployed, greater for those whose husbands are manual laborers,
and greatest for those whose husbands are professional or technical or
self-employed workers.

5. Generational change will be least for those whose husband's
had the least education, greater for those whose husband’s had an inter—
mediate education and greatest for those whose husbands had a College
education.

6. Generational change will be least for those whose husbands
monthly pay is the lowest, and greatest for those whose husband's month-

ly pay is the greatest.

115

7. Generational change will be least for those who pay the least
for rent or mortgage payments and greatest for those who pay the most
for rent or mortgage payments.

In keeping with the general hypothesis the greatest generational
change would take place among the group highest on the socio—economic
scale.

Upon inspection of Table XX we find that here again there are rela-
tively few generational change figures which are greater than 1.0. (For
original uncondensed data see Appendix II.) 0f the 50 change figures
in this section only ten are greater than one. Of this number, six
were for the foods and four were for the medical remedies. The greatest
changes were, as expected, among the groups highest in socio-economic
level. The largest changes in the use of foods were: those informants
who had attended High School or College, those whose husband’s are pro-
fessional, technical or self-employed, those whose husband’s had attended
College, those whose husband's monthly pay was over $h01, and those
whose rent or mortgage payments were over $90. In the use of medical
remedies the largest generational changes were found among those inform-
ants who were between 20-2h years of age, those informants who had at-
tended College, those whose husbands were professional, technical, or
self—employed, and those whose husband's monthly pay was over 3h01.

Only in part do the indexes of generational change coincide with
the expected direction of the hypotheses as related to socio-economic
measures. The change indexes for medical remedies frequently do not
move in the same direction as those for the foods. In general it may
be said that the change indexes for the Southern.foods conform to the

anticipated direction better than those for medicines.

116

Table XX. Index of Generational Change, 18 Foods and 21 Medical
Remedies by Socio-Economic Measures

 

 

Index of Generational

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

No. of Change

Measures Informants 18 Foods 21 Remedies
l. Informant’s.Age

20 - 2h 13 .98 1.06

25 _ 31‘» L17 092 .814

35 ' M 56 097 .87

h5 and over 35 .97 ~92
2. Highest Grade Completed by Informant

6th or less 37 .93 1.00

7th, 8th, and 9th 50 .86 .86

10th, llth, and 12th 57 1.02 .80

College 7 2.06 2.25
3. Employment Status of Informants

Employed 57 .95 .86

Never employed (since l9h0) 18 1.00 .89 —

Not now employed 76 .95 .90
h. Husband's Occupation

Professional, Technical or

Self-employed 7 1.90 1.78

Manual (skilled) 85 .92 .79

Manual (unskilled) A7 .96 .99

Unemployed 12 .98 .89
5. Highest Grade Completed by Husband

6th or less Sh .95 .91

7th, 8th, and 9th 38 .91 .88

10th, llth, and 12th 37 .97 .83

College 5 1.77 .38
6. Husband's Monthly Pay

0 - 300 19 .92 .8h

301 - hoo 107 .92 .85

h01 and over 13 1.6h 1.51
7. Monthly payment for Mortgage or Rent

60 or under hO .90 .95

61 " 9O 85 o o
91 and over 11 1.75 .6h

 

117

Of the seven measures of socio—economic level found in Table XX,
the hypotheses are partly successful in predicting the amount of change
in the use of the Southern foods. In only one instance, monthly payment
for mortgage or rent, did the hypotheses predict the change index of all
categories for foods. In the instance mentioned, generational change
increased from the group paying under 360 per month, to those paying
361 to $90 per month to those paying 391 and over. In four of the
measures, highest grade completed by informant, husband's occupation,
highest grade completed by husband and husband's monthly pay the gener-
ational change agreed in general with the hypotheses but not in detail.
In the other two measures, informant's age and informant's employment
status, the data was indeterminant, that is, there was not sufficient
difference between the indexes to be significant.

Of the seven measures of socio—economic level, the hypotheses pre-
dicted change in the use of medical remedies with precision in only one
instance, and the general direction in only two more. Change in the
use of medical remedies, as predicted, was lowest for the group whose
husband's monthly pay was the lowest, higher for the group whose hus-
bands’ pay was intermediate and greatest for the group whose husbands'
pay was the highest. The general direction of change was predicted for
groups classified as to highest grade completed by the informant, and
husband's occupation, The indexes of change for the remaining measures
were either contrary to the hypothesized direction, as in the case of
highest grade completed by husband and monthly payment for mortgage or
rent, or indeterminate. The latter applies to the following: informant's

age, and informant's employment status.

118
A summary of the direction of findings concerning generational

change is contained in Table XXI.

Table XXI.

119

Summary of the Direction of Findings Concerning Generational

Change in the Use of Southern Foods and Medical Remedies.

 

 

 

 

Direction of Findings
Foods Remedies
Measures Related to Nature of Previous Residence and
Socialization Experiences (General Hypothesis 1)
1. State in Which Mother Grew Up Partly Reverse
as hypothesized of hypothesis
2. State in Which Informant Attended Partly I determinat
Grade School as hypothesized n e
3. Rural-urban Residence of Informant Partly
when Attending Grade School AS hypothesized as hypothesized
h. Rural-urban Residence of Informant
when.Attending High School As hypothesized. As hypothesized
5. Number of Years Informant Lived Partly Partly
in the South as hypothesized as hypothesized
6. Proportion of Informant's Life

in the South

7. Number of Years Informant Lived

8. Number of Residence Changes Since

in Lansing

l9h0

As hypothesized

Partly
as hypothesized

As hypothesized

Measures Related to Socio-Economic Characteristics

of Informant (General Hypothesis 2).

1.

Stage of Life Cycle(informant's age)lndeterminate

Highest Grade Completed by Informant Partly

Employment Status of Informant

Husband's Occupation

Highest Grade Completed by
Husband

Husband’s Monthly Pay

Monthly Payment for Rent or
Mortgage

as hypothesized
Indeterminate

Partly
as hypothesized

Partly
as hypothesized

Partly
as hypothesized

As hypothesized

Indeterminate

Indeterminate

Indeterminate

Indeterminate

' Partly
as hypothesized

Indeterminate

Partly
as hypothesized

Reverse
as hypothesized

As hypothesized

Reverse
of hypothesis

 

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY.AND CONCLUSIONS

This study attempts to investigate a narrowly defined problem
within ghe general area of social change. It focuses upon the problem
of "survivals" in a rapidly changing society. Among the dramatic trans-
formations in American Society has been the shift from a rural, folk—
oriented social order to an urban, industrialized one. Among the many
facets of this change has been the movement of the Negro from the rural
South to the industrial North. The present study seeks to eXplore one
aSpect of change growing out of the massive change just outlined:
namely, the survival of Southern foods and medical remedies on the part
of urban Negroes now living in the North who migrated from the rural
South.

A sample of 151 Negro women residing in Lansing, Michigan was
interviewed. Informants for this study'were Selected randomly from
the total Negro p0pulation and consisted of married Negro females only,
those primarily responsible for food preparation and health care.

Two general hypotheses were investigated. First, the more complete
the contact with and socialization in the rural South, the higher will
be the survival of Southern food and.medical practices among informants.
A corollary to this states that the more complete the contact with and
socialization in the rural South, the lower will be the generational
change in food and medical practices between the informant and her

mother. Second, the higher the socio—economic level, the lower will be

121
the survival of Southern food and medical practices among informants.
A corollary to this states that the higher the socio-economic level,
the higher will be the generational change in food and medical practices
between the informant and her mother. Eight measures of previous res-
idence and socialization experiences and seven measures of current socio-
\economic status of informants were used to relate to present use and to
generational change in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies.

With only minor refinements, the findings of this study support
the hypotheses in regard to the relationship between previous residence
and socialization experiences and socio-economic status and the survival
of Southern foods and medical remedies. The hypotheses bearing upon
generational change in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies
were much less frequently supported by the findings.

The findings of this study show that the frequency of the use of
Southern foods and medical remedies by Negro women in Lansing is directly
related to rurality of background, exposure to the South, level of
schooling and various income measures. Significantly different use
patterns were obtained when informants were grouped as follows:

1. By state in which mother grew up. That is, Deep South, Border
South, and Other States.

2. By state in which informant attended Grade School. That is,
Deep South, Border South, and Other States.

3. By rural—urban residence of informant when attending Grade
School. That is, FarmrSouth, City-South, and City-Outside the South.

h. By rural-urban residence of informant when attending High

School. That is, Farm—South (same as Grade School), City—South (same

122

as Grade School), and City-Outside the South (different from Grade
School).

5. By number of years informant lived in the South. That is, O
to 10 years 11 to 19 years, 20 to 29 years, and 30 or more years.

6. By proportion of informant's life Spent in the South. That is,
less than one—half, one-half to three—fourths, and three-fourths to all.

7. By number of years informant lived in Lansing. That is, 0 - h
years, 5 - 9 years, 10 - 1h years, and 15 or more years.

8. By number of residence changes by informant Since l9hO. That
is

one two, three, and four or more times.

3 3

9. By stage of life cycle or informant's age. That is, 20 - 2h,
25 - 3h, 35 - hh, and h5 and over.

10. By highest grade of school completed by informant. That is,
6th or less, 7th to 9th, 10th to 12th, and College.

11. By employment status of informant. That is, employed, never
employed since l9h0, and not now employed.

12. By husband's occupation. That is, professional, technical and
self-employed; manual (Skilled); manual (unskilled); and unemployed.

13. By highest grade of school completed by husband. That is,
6th or less, 7th to 9th, 10 to 12th, and College.

1h. By husband's monthly pay. That is, up to $300, $301 to $h00,
and $h01 or more.

15. By monthly payments for rent (or on mortgage). That is, 860
of less, 361 to $90, and $91 or more.

The findings in regard to generational change in relatiOn to the

same background and socio-economic factors are generally inconclusive.

123
Generational decline in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies
is supported by the findings. Furthermore, the findings support the
general proposition that the same set of influences do not work equally
with respect to the survival of foods and medicines. While the extent
of generational change, as measured by the index, was found to be as
hypothesized (or in the anticipated direction) in all except one of the
fifteen groupings offbods, and the same was true of only six of the
fifteen groupings for medical remedies.

For both foods and medical remedies, generational decline is much
greater for those who resided in a City Outside the South when attend—
ing Grade School than for those residing in the City South or Farm
South. The same difference applied for Similar groupings when attend—
ing High School. With minor exceptions, the smaller the number of years
informants lived in the South, the greater the index of generational
change in the use of Southern foods and medical remedies. Furthermore,
indexes of generational decline in the use of Southern foods and remedies
increase with increasing education of the informant, increasing rank of
husband's occupation, and with increasing monthly pay of the hquand.

Some of the unanticipated results with respect to generational
change in the use of Southern foods and remedies may be due to several
factors. First, it is possible that the index of change is insuffici-
ently sensitive and that measurement monaexplicit than relative frequen-
cy of use by the two generations is required. Second, it is possible
and even probable, that proper medical care cannot compete with daily
necessities such as food and clothing for the limited dollars in the

family budget. If this is true, it is not surprising that many of the

1211
families resort to traditional herbs, teas, and patent medicines known
in the South.

Numerous conclusions emerge from the present study. Several of
them will be enumerated below:

1. DeSpite conditions radically different from those in the rural
South, urban Negroes retain much of their Southern foodways and folkways
concerning medical remedies. The extent to which they survive in an
urban setting is closely related to socio—economic level and to rurality
of origin. Generational decline has occurred but the remarkable find-
ing is that the decline has been of relatively small magnitude.

2. The findings suggest that the Southern food and medical prac-
tices of urban Negroes will gradually disappear as Negroes rise in the
socio-economic scale. Length of exposure to urban life in itself,
however, appears to be sufficient for the disappearance of these South-
ern practices.

3. In view of the strong attachment of urban Negroes to Southern
foods and remedies and the accompanying dietary and medical inadequacies
it would seem urgent that migrant Negroes are made aware of the rudiments
of diet and medical care. Action agencies interested in such problems
are faced with a dilemma in providing scientific knowledge without des-
troying all elements of the total cultural past. This study Suggests
the delicacy with which any action agency must proceed if it wishes to

succeed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Atwater, W. O. and C. D. Woods, "Dietary Studies with Reference to Food
of the Negro in.Alabama in 1895 and 1896." U.S. Dept. of
Agr., Off. of Exp. Sta., Bull. 38, 1897.

Brunson, Rose T., "A.Study of the Migrant Negro Population in Lansing,
Michigan, During and Since World War II," unpublished Master's
Thesis, Michigan State University, 1955.

Carr, L. G., "Survival Foods of the.American Aborigines," J. Am. Diete—
tic Assoc., 19:8h5-8h7, 19h3.

 

Conrad, A., "The Attitude Toward Food," Am. J. Orthopsychiat., 7:360-367,
1937.

 

Cummings, R. 0., The American and His Food, Univ. of Chicago Press,
l9hl, 291 pp.

Cussler, Margaret T., "Cultural Sanctions of the Food Pattern in the
Rural Southeast," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe Col—
lege, 19h3.

Cussler, Margaret T. and Mary L. DeGive, "Interrelations Between the
Cultural Pattern and.Nutrition," U.S. Dept. of Agr., Est.
Serv. Circ. 366, August l9hl.

Cussler, Margaret T. and Mary L. DeGive, "The Effect of Human Relations
on Food Habits in the Rural Southeast," Applied.Anthrop.,
1:13-18, 19h2.

 

Cussler, Margaret T. and Mary L. DeGive, "Foods and Nutrition in Our
Rural Southeast," J. Home Econ., 35:280-282, 19h3.

 

Cussler, Margaret T. and Mary L. DeGive, 'Twixt the Cup and the Lip,
New York: Twayne Publishers, 1952. 262 pp.

DeGive, Mary L., "Social Interrelations and Food Habits in the Rural
Southeast," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Radcliffe College,
19h3.

Dickins, D., "A Study of F00d Habits of Pe0ple in Two Contrasting Areas
of Mississippi," Miss. Agr. Exp. Sta. Bull. 2&5, 1927. 52 pp.

Drake, P. and M. w. lamb, "Study of the Dietary and Food Practices of
63 Families in Lubbock, Texas," J. Am. Dietetic Assoc., 20:
528-529, 191L140

Drake, St. Clair and Horace R. Clayton, Black Metropolis, New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Co., 19h5.

 

 

125

126
Firth, R., "Sociological Study of Native Diet,".Africa, 7:hOl-h1h, 193b.

Hall, I. S. and C. S. Hall, "A Study of Disliked and Unfamiliar Foods,"
J. Ami Dietetic Assoc., 15:5hO-5h8, 1939.

 

Herskovits, Melville H., The Myth of the Negro Past, New York: Harper
and Brothers, 19hl.

 

Joffe, N. F., "Food Habits of Selected Subcultures in the United States,"
In The Problem of Changing F00d.HabitS, p. 97—103.

Joffe, N. F. and T. T. Walker, "Some Food Patterns of Negroes in the
United States of America and Their Relationship to Wartime
Problems of Food and.Nutrition," Comm. on Food Habits,_Nat.
Res. Council, April l9hh, 50 pp. mimeographed.

 

Johnson, Guion Griffis, A Social Histogy of the Sea Islands, Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1930.

Kittrell, Flemmie P., "A.Preliminary Food and.Nutrition.Survey of
Liberia, West Africa," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Howard
University, Washington, D.C., l9h7.

Lewin, K., "F0rces Behind Food Habits and Methods of Change," in The
Problem of Changing Food.Habits, p. 35-65.

Marden, Charles F., Minorities in American Society, New York: American
Book Company, 1952.

Mathews, S. J., "Food Habits of Georgia Rural People," Ga. Agr. Exp.
Sta. Bull., 159, 1929. 31 pp.

Mead, Margaret, "Changing F00d Habits," in The Nutrition Front, Report
of the N.Y. State Joint Legislative Comm. on Nutrition,
pp. 27-h3, 19h3.

Mead, Margaret, "Dietary Patterns and Food Habits," J. Am. Dietetic
Assoc., 19:1-5, 1983.

Mead, Margaret, "The Problem of Changing Food Habits," National Research
Council Bulletin, National Academy of Sciences, No. 108, Oct.

1953, p. 20.

Mead, Margaret, "Report of Committee on Food Habits," Psych. Bull., 20:
290-293, 19t3.

 

Mead, Margaret, "Factor of Food Habits," Ann. Am. Acad. Polit. Soc.
Sgi., 225:136-1h1, 19h3.

Medlock, W., "A Study of the Diet of the Southern Negro in Charlotte,
North Carolina," unpublished M.S. Thesis, North Carolina
Teachers' College, 1927.

127

Meier, Richard L., New Patterns of Living, Science and Economic Develop—
ment, New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1956.

 

Maser, Ada M., "Food Consumption and Use of Time for Food Work Among
Farm Families in the South Carolina Piedmont," S. C. Agri.
Exp. Sta. Bull. 300, 1935, 80 pp.

Moser, Ada M., "Farm Family Diets in the Lower Coastal Plains of South
Carolina," S. C. Agr. Exp. Sta. Bull. 319, 1939, 80 pp.

Moser, Ada M., William T. Dean, Beulah GillaSpie, Dorothy Dickins,
Josephine Staab, Esther F. Phipard and R. L. Anderson, "Family
Food Consumption in Three Types of Farming Areas of the
South, II. An Analysis of Weekly Food.Records, Late Winter
and Early Spring, 19h8," Agr. Exp. Sta. of Arkansas, Mississippi,
South Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia. Southern C00perative
Series Bulletin 20, November, 1951.

Mossell, Sadie T., "The Standard of Living Among One Hundred Negro
Migrant Families in Philadelphis," Ph.D. Thesis, University
of Pennsylvania, 1921. '

Murdock, George Peter, Africa, New Y0rk: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc.,
1959.

Myrdal, G., R. M. Sterner and A. Rose, The American Dilemma, New York:
Harper and Brothers Publishing Co., l9hh.

Onstott, Kyle, Mandingo, Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publications, Inc.,
A Crest Reprint, 1958.

Orr, J. B., "Problems of African Native Diet," Foreword, Africa, 9:

lh5-lh6, 1936.

Passin, H. and J. W. Bennett, "Changing Agricultural Magic in South-
ern Illinois: A Systematic Analysis of FolkéUrban Transi-
tion," Social Forces, 22:98-106, 19h3.

 

Puckett, Newbell Niles, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro, Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1926.

Remington, R. E., "The Social Origins of Dietary Habits," Sci. Monthly,
h33193-208, 1936-

Renner, H. D., Origin of Food Habits, London: Feber and Feber, l9hh.
261 pp.

 

Ruud, Jorgen, Taboo, A Study of Malogasy Customs and Beliefs, New York:
Humanities Press, 1960.

Schwab, George, Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland, Cambridge, Mass.:
19147 .

128

Scott, Emmett J., Negro Migration During_the War, Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, 1920.

 

Slotkin, James Sydney, From Field to Factory, Glencoe, Illinois: The
Free Press, 1960. 156 pp.

 

Sweeny, M., "Changing Food Habits," J. Home Econ., 3h:h57-h62, l9h2.

 

Taeuber, Conrad, "Some Recent Changes in the Negro P0pu1ation,"
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of
the Census, 1961.

Taeuber, Conrad and Irene B. Taeuber, The Changing Population of the
United States, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958.

 

Tomars, Adolph 8., "Rural Survivals in American Urban Life," Sociolog-
ical Analysis, by Robert K. Merton and Others, New York:
Harcourt Brace and Co., 19h9.

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Eighth Census of the United States 1860,
V01. 1, p. xiii, Washington, D.C.

 

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1950 Michigan Census Population, Washington,
D.C., P.C. 22, Table 53, p. 8.

 

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1950 United.States Census of Population:
Michigan Detailed Characteristics, Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1952, p. 22-172.

 

 

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1960 Michigan Census Population, Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961, 2hB, Table 21,
p. 79.

U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census Population for Illinois, 1960,
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961,
158, Table 21, p. 107. ‘

 

 

Vaughan, W. T., "Why We Eat What We Eat," Sci. Monthly, 50:1h8-15h, l9hO.

 

Wiehl, D. G., "Diets of Low-Income Families in Cleveland, Detroit, and
Syracuse," Milbank Mem. Fund Quart., 12:35-h6, 193h.

 

Zimmerman, Carle C., The Changing Community, New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1938.

 

APPENDIX I

MAPS AND INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

129

130

  

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131
PERCENT OF POPULATION IN LANSING WHO ARE NEGROES, BY CENSUS TRACTS: 1960

t

 

 

 

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Red = Less than 0.2% Negro population. Blue = 9.0% and more Negro population.

White = 0.2 to 8.9% Negro Population. (a) White without percent, are census
tracts laying partially in the City of Lansing and partially in Lansing
Township and not considered here. Census tract 17 also lies in both
the City of Lansing and Lansing Township but was considered.

A STUDY OF THE

MIGRATION AND CHANGES IN FOOD AND REMEDY PRACTICES

OF NEGROES IN LANSING
by
Rose Bronson
In cooperation with
J. Allan Beegle, Department of Sociology
Michigan State University

and

The Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station

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c) What foods do you think are bad for infants? ‘Why?

 

in ‘What is your idea of a nice meal for company dinner?

 

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b) If born in South, what did you customarily have for Christmas dinner?

 

 

5. 'What remedies (medicines) do you usually or customarily use for the following:

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b) To purify blood
c) Constipation

d) Spring tonic

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u u
.r . .

IN....

.0... ...

q. cum 0% Hmsmdwmm dmvwomw ow amawomp pwmoawomm

macaw moswsmfls zomuomm. Anondwubmnv

 

m gm

_zrmu coma wwwmmm. wooed

_zwo: m.%o¢bm «Haw. nun.wocu soasou cum Ha

 

no: owwmn do won :mfllllw Hm omdmu ca 000:
mmwosmeww same
no we; saw Md zSHm ou¢ms Homo omdmv
owwoa 000mm: zo<mu Honw dwms_wo¢ «so: Von
MoanHw me‘ no:

 

¢oworocbn «om

mgm

bvoca
are

uwds.d
sum
Ha

 

 

 

 

till.-- ...!

Awwnmmu flow

 

 

wwamwdmudkzwmm

 

 

wwnm ammdpm do»

 

:fiafia .8.»

 

 

.ugmmw

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

0.6.1.}

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... o.

IQ.I7 I

7....

I, I
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I n .I

.0 ‘vi.

- 9 -
IV

SOCIO ECONOMIC STATUS
14 Do you own or rent your home: Own Rent Don't know

If paying on mortgage or renting, how much do you pay per month?

 

2. Number of rooms? .
3. How many family members worked last month for pay?

‘Would you please estimate how much each received last month?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

From wages: a. (husb.) 3 per mo.
b. (wife) 3 per mo.
c. 3 per mo.
d. $3 per m0.

From.Social

Security: e. $ per mo.

 

 

From other

 

 

 

 

"Welfare": f. $ per mo.
From rent: g. $ per mo.
TOTAL FAMILY INCOME $ per mo.

 

h. Considering your (and husband's) whole life, about how many years have you
lived in the following places:

 

 

Informant Husband
Rural South
Urban South
Rural North

Urban North
Rural other places
Urban other places

Total (Age)

5. ‘Where was your Mother (whoever "raised" you) born?

 

‘Where did she grow up?

 

 

a..-...».. .. «V

 

- -‘~.t..- . - . -—. - .. .--. .
Q 0
. u . .,.- . ,. 4 . u .I . . .-. _ . ..u .
. U
_V. -----:... .. . -.. .. .0. .. , .

 

- . -_ -‘~-I-I' -

 

...-n— -....- . .... - . ......—

. .- . A... _ I ......_. -.....‘g. ....

-... ...

 

 

 

 

 

. .
... -...-...., A . .7 -.... , I I . I -.., Iflo-
O .
:. .4 .- . .7 .... -— ..a..< -:
. . .
v . D . ‘ '
I. o I "
, ...‘ -. .... -.-~ -
a... ... v . ...- ~MCQ~D
I . V.‘ -. .n ...-
. ., -~- 7 .
, . ‘-. . I.
..- - . _ . .
rm . .
- . ...-.. . .‘ .
l
, ‘. . 4 I
. .. . .
ma. , ' . : .,' - A. » i .x
». -V ...n .a:_. -.. . ...... . ......7 . .
. .
.. o.» . . . ,.:-..—.—.-.—~.--.... u....... ,. .c. ... . ,.-. ......” .,_-...‘____..-._._,_,, .........-«..~ —-

9.

- 10 _

IV
(cont.)

Considering the total Negro Community in Lansing, make three appraisals of the
home: External condition, internal condition, and furnishings, including TV,
refrigerator, furniture, etc.
Above Below
Check Average Average Average;

External condition:

 

Internal condition:

 

Furnishings:

 

Do you have a garden? Yes No

 

If yes, what do you usually grow?

 

 

Do you do any canning, drying or preserving of food? Yes No

If yes, what do you usually do?

 

 

‘Where do you do most of your grocery shopping?

 

 

~. “‘ ...

_ — w-V“ -

Iv.’

APPENDIX II

ORIGINAL DATA TABLES FOR CHAPTERS IV AND V

1L6

lhh

ON JJN ems :NNN HNNm oH NoN mam mama NNNN Nmfi Hence scape

 

 

 

N mma wNm HN 40m N HmN mwN ma Nm: NN «spasm oweso
- NH 44 NN oNN - m mm ON mod 0 Nxospcsx
- - mo mam No: N - so mNm 0mm NN mmmcmxaq
m HN NN NNJ mNm - - om co: om: mN Hddammdmmaz
- - Ho mNN 0mm H - am OMN mmN ma meaaoumo .m
N Na NH Hmfi and - w mm NON Nod m mcdfioumo .z
- - on omN omm N - Nm qu NNN 0N mamposo
H OH NH ma mofl - a an we om m Naoemfixo
N NN mm oNN :mN N NH 4N mofl NmN NH mmmmmacwe
H H m: NJN :mN N m cm oHN NmN ea msmnmfia
<2 nm>mz. awwmmmw assoc . Nance a2 Nm>sz _amwmmmm assoc Hmope Hmope «canmwpmmNo

mmcaofisoz NN HN< mam: ocNENOHCH mecca ma HH< saw: semapoocH m.pcmeuoocH

 

 

d: 380 .8502 map 98:3 op
cofimfimm 5 mofioosom Hmofiooz Hm new mooom venomaom ma ,Ho bananas”... .3 mm: .Ho zocosvmum .Hdom 3an

INS

 

 

oH HHN mga :NHN HNHm oH NoN mam NHNH NHNN HmH Hence scans
- oNH m mH NHH N Hm 0H m oNH N amNHnoH:
N am mom omH moo N mNH MHN :mH NNm NN u.eon seesaw
mmsmsm tonne
- - o mH HN - - H HH NH H axospase
H I mm gem mod I I mo Hmm 0mm mm mmmcmxnd
N N ma mH: mNm - - m: mOH omH mN HNaHmmHmmHz
N - HN HNN Nmm m - mm :HN 00m NH mcHHoumo .m
- N 0: HJH me N m H: oHH NoH N mcHHonmo .z
- - NH HmH oHN H m om 04H QNH oH mHmuomo
H NH 0 mm moH H - NH HN 0m m msoanxo
N 4H mm HoN NmN - N om 49H oHN NH mwmmmacNH
- - mN moN amN H - NN :NN NmN :H memana
hflamaofi xqflmcofi Hoocom compo

<2 pm>oz Immooo copmo prOH <2 uo>oz ImMooo dopmo HapOH Hmpoh

emscmssd muse:

 

mmaHoHsmz HN HH< mam: semapomaH

mecca wH HHN mom: oceanomaH pcmeuoocH do aHmHuo

 

 

.pameuoNcH one do chHuo No momHm map on

coprHom CH mofiposmm awowuoz am now mooom Umpooflom wH mo pcmenowaH kn om: Mo hosesvoum .HHHxX manmb

1&6

OH Jam 3:. Jim Him 9.. New mam mqwfl wHNN HmH H309 9890

 

o mmH HH NH NmN N NmH mH N mHN NH epsom
msHmHso - HsHo

H Hm ow HN NNH m ON HH 0N NoH m epsom - HHHo

- - N40 mmoN .OmNN m - NNm moNH OHmN QmH epsom - same

 

Hooeom memos
.332 aHHmcoH aHHmaoH 0.5332 833

<2 -mmooo assoc HNHOH «z os>wz -mmooo assoc HNHOH Hmooe moameHmNm do

 

mmcHoHUoz Hm HH<.momb HumanoMCH mvoom mH HH< mom: pcmsuowCH momHm m.pcmeuomaH

 

 

Hoonom sumac mGHUcoppd.con3 oochHmom Mo oomHm uHmQH op
coHpmHmm CH moHomamm HmoHUoz Hm paw mvoom UmpooHom ma mo pcmEHoHCH he mm: Mo hoconvoum .>Hxx oHan

1h?

 

 

oH HHN mHN HNHN HNHm oH NHN mam meH HHNN HmH HmHoH sumac
- oH wHH HMNH mHmH H HH mHH HmoH oNHH mo scoped
Hoe sHo

m me mN NH mNN H HON NH m HmN MH HooHom
NUMEU Scum
HHNNNHHHQ - NuHo

N Hm HON NHH mNm N NH HNH moH HNm mH Hoonom
mfimho mm memm
epsom . HHHo

m - NHm New mmHH - o HNN mam 0mm mm Hooeom
ovmpo mm oemm
npsom u eumm

H a m
Hz pm>wz mwmwwm assoc Hence Hz HN>Nz memmm assoc HmHoH Hmpoe mcmemem ”on“

 

mNcHoHsmz HN HHH mam: HumanoHCH

mecca wH HHH New: HamspoHaH

moamvaom mo
oomHm m.pcmauoHcH

 

fl

Hoozom cmHm mcHocwpp<.ao33 oocmonom Ho oomHm uHonH op
coHHmHom cH moHpoEom HmoHpoz Hm cam mooom vopooHom wH Ho HomepoMCH he mm: mo zucosvopm .>xx oHQmH

1h8

HmHoN NHNNN

 

 

oH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN oH NNN NNm NHNH NHNN HNH
N HNH oN m NNH H HNH N H HHH N Hosom aH
oo>HH Ho: mam
N - Nm HNH NNH H - NH HNH HHH N pm>o New
NH . OH
H - mN NNN HmN N N NN mNH Nmm Hm NN - oN
N oH HHN HooH QNNH m mH NNH NNN oNoH ON NN - oN
- NN NNN NmH NHN H Nm NNN NHN NoN NN NH - oH
N mN HN H moH N Nm NN N 0N m N - 0
Hz Nm>mz wammwm cmomo HmeN Hz Hm>mz wammmm amsmo HNHON HNHON MMMMW me.m”

 

mNaHoHNNz HN HHH NNN: HamsNoHcH

meoom NH HHH NNN: HcmaHoHcH

NN>HH HameuowcH

 

 

apnom map aH Uo>HH pcmeuoHcH mums» mo nonsnz one on
coHpmHom CH moHanom HMoHUoz am new mpoom UoposHom ma mo pcmeuomCH >3 mm: Mo zoomsvoum .H>xx oHQmH

lh9

OH ppm map dwam HNHm OH mom mam mama mawm HmH HapOH vcmuw

 

 

 

N HNH ON m NNH H HNH N H HHH N epsom aH
O>HH Nos OHO
H N NN ONO NNN N NH mNH HNm HNN NN HHN OH
mapHSOMINOHzH
H NH HNH NNHH NNNH H ON HHN NNOH NNHH NN mHHHsop-mmHHH
op NHNH-NOO
N NH NNH NNN NOH N NH NNH NON NNN NN NHNH-Nco OH
appsoMIan
- NH N N HN - NH N N NH H appsow-mco
amHH mmNH
Hz Hm>mz NHHmcoH NNHNO HNHON Hz um>mz_ NHHmcoH HNHHO HmpoN Hmpo Hpsom NHN aH
Immooo Immooo wMHH m.pameuoHcH
monHoHUmz Hm HH< mom: pGMEpoMCH muoom wH HH< mom: pamenomaH mo coproQopm

 

 

apsom map CH oqu mecmenoMCH Ho coproaoum map op
coHpmHom CH moHOmEom HNOHONE Hm paw mooom pmpooamm mH mo pcmeuomcH hp om: Mo hocmnvmum .HH>xx memH

ISO

 

 

 

 

 

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HNH HNHON NHNHO

- NN NH OH mOH - HH NN N. ON m woos no ON
N Nm NNN NNH NON N HNH . NNN NNH NNN NN NH - NH
- ON NHN NNN HNOH N Hm NNN NNN NHN Hm HH - OH
m NN NN NHN NNN N NN NN NNN NNN NH N - m
N N NN NNN ONH N ‘ N NN NNN ONN ON H - O

NHHmcoH NHHmaoH mchcwp

Hz pm>mz -mmooo aOHNO HNHNN <2 Nm>mz -mmooO cOHNO HmpoN HmHoN cH mNmON

moaHoHme Hm NHm mom: pCMEpoHcH mpoom mH HHd mom: pcmEpoHCH Ho umpEdz

mchcmH CH momow mo nomadz mzp op
coHpmHmm cH mmHUoEom HNOHONS Hm new mooom OmpOOHmm wH mo pcmahoMaH Np mm: Mo Noamnvmpm .HHH>XX memH

151

 

 

 

 

 

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HNH HNHON NHNHO
- NN OH N HN I NN ON N NN H mace no me
N NN NH NN NNH N NN NN Hm HHH N N>Hm
N NN HNN NOH NNN H Nm mN HNH NON NH Neon
H NN NON HNN NNN N NN NNH HNH HNN NN NONHN
N NN NHN NNHH ONHH H NOH NNN HNN ONNH ON ONN
H N NH HNN HNN H - NH NNN NNN HH NcO
Hz Hm>mz Nmmmmww ONHHO HmHoN Hz HN>N2 wammww HNHNO HmHoN HNHON OHNMNMWMWW
mocHoHOmz Hm HH< mom: pameuomCH mooom mH HH¢ mom: pam590HCH oocovamm
OHNH monHm mmmcmao mocmOHmmm mo gonadz mnp op
CoHpmHmm CH moHUoEmm Honpmz Hm paw mwoom UmpOOHmw ma Mo pcmEpoHcH hp mmb Mo Nocmnvmpm .XHXX mHan

OH HHN mHN HNHN HNHm OH mom mam meH mHNN Hma prph UGMQG

 

152

 

 

 

H - NN NNN NHN H N HN NHN ONN NH Hm>o Nam Om
H H Om NNN ONH N HH HN NNN ONN ON NH - NH
N N No NNN Nmm H . NN NNN NON NH HH . OH
H NN ON NON NHN - NH NN NNN NON NN NN - mN
N HH mm HNN NNN N HN NOH HHH NNN NH HN - ON
N NN OHN NNN HNN H HHH NNH NNN Nmm HN NN - mN
- Hm ONH NN NNN - Nm mHH NN HNN NH HN - ON
Hz Hm>mz wammwm OOHNO HmHoN Hz um>mz wammmm amHNO HmHoN HmHON OOH
mmcHoNOmz HN HHH mmmO NewspoNcH mNooN NH HHH mmm: HameuoNcH m.pcmeHoNcH

 

 

mad mHHcmeuoHCH may op
833mm 5 33235» 303% am USN mwoom Umpomawm 3 .Ho pagONEH .3 Om: Mo zocmsvmum doom 38mm.

153

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HNH HmHoN usage

 

 

 

- NN NH NH NHH - NN NN NH NNH N mmeHoO
N NOH NHN HOH . NNN N NOH NNH NNN NHN NN HNNH No Hp HH

H NN NNH NNN HHH - NH NN NHN NNN HN HNOH

N NH NNH NHN NNH N NH mOH NNN HHH NN HNN

H N HH NNH OHN - OH NN HNH ONH OH HNN

- m NN NNN NNN H N ON NHN NON NH HNN

N N NN NNN NNH N H NN NHN NNN NN NNN

H - NN NNN NNN H - HN HNH NHN NH gum

- - H mm NN - - N NH Hm, N NNH-O

<2 pm>mz _NHMMNMM amNNO HmNoN Hz pm>mz .wammwm cmpNO HmNoN HNNON Nnmmwwmmmmwo
mmaHoHNmz HN HHN mom: NameuoNcH mOooN NH HHH mam: NameuoNaH uNmpO waHNHm

 

 

HameuoNcH NHH NH NmpmHNaoO aumpo pmmHNHm map OH
cofimamm E 83588» 18:52 .8 95 mvoom Umpomfiwm ma mo pagoHCH NHNH mm: .Ho hucwsuomum .UOON magma.

OH HHN mHN HNHN HNHm OH NNN wmm wHwH mHNN Hma Hmpph Ucmuw

 

15h

 

 

N mN HNH ONNH NNNH m NNH Nm NNHH NNNH NN BNOHQEN :8 Hoz
H NH NH NNN NNN N N NN NNN NNN NH OHNH 8ch .wH
Umzoaaem pm>mz

N NNH HHN HNN NNHH N HOH NHm NOH NNOH Nm NmNoHnHem
SH 83% OHHmcoH OBNO H38. SH 8&2 OHHmcoH :88 HfioN H38 938m
immooo umwooo pamezoaaam

$533: HN HHH. 8% HONEOEH 808 NH HHH 8% NONEOEH mzamfiofiH

 

 

pamfipoHcH map Ho mapmpm pcmsonmEm mg» op
COHHmHmm CH mmNONENm HNOHONS Hm Nam muoom Umpomfimm NH Mo HumanoHCH an mm: Mo Aucmswmum .HHXXX mHQmN

155

 

 

 

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HmH HNNON Ncmpo
N N NN HNN NNN N - ON HNH NHN NH NNNOHHENNN
u m 1 NH Hm u u m mH NH H .Eom qw0H>me
N NN ONH NNN NNN N HH NHH HNN NNN NHANNHHHchsvaacmz
N NN NHN NNHH NNNH H NHH ONH HNN ONNH NN HNNHHHvaHmscmz
H ON HN N NN N mN HN N Hm N NmNOHgsN-Nme
- Nm NN N HN - NH NH N NN H HmoHaHomN new
HmconmwMoum

Hz um>mz NHMMMMW chNO HmNON Hz pw>mz wamwwm cmNNO HmNON HmNoN aoHNmasooO
mHNGNQmsm

mmcHoHNmH HN HHH mwm: NewspoNCH

muoom NH HHH mam: NameuowcH

 

 

:oHmedooo mHUcmnmsm map 0H
coHumHmm CH meUNEmm HmoHNmz Hm New mvoom UmpomHmm NH mo pcmeuowcH kn mm: Mo hummsvmmm .HHHxXX mHQmH

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HNH HmHoN Nampo

 

156

 

N N HN HNH NNH - N NH OHH NNH N NHNNGHNNHNONN Noz
- NN NH N NOH - ON NN H ON N NNNHHOO
N HNH NNH NHN NNN H HNH ONN NNN NNN NN HNNH No NNHH
H NH NN NNH NNN H Nm NN NNH HNN NH HNOH

- NH HN NN NNH - OH HN NN NOH N NNN

H - NN NNH NNN - HH NH NNH NHN NH HNN

. . NN NNN ONH H N Hm NNN ONN ON HHN

H . HN NNN HHH N N Nm NHm NNm HN HHN

N - NN NNN ONH - N NH NON ONN ON HHN

- - NN HNH NNH N - NH NHH NNH N HNH

- - N NN HN - - H NN N N . H ENO

Hz pm>wz wammmm amHNO HmNoN <2 p~>~z wammww :mNNO HmNON HNHNN NH WMMMMWMOO

 

mmaHoHNmH HN HHN mam: Ncm8poNcH mNooN NH HHH mam: NcmspoNCH mumpo waHNHN

 

 

NcmNmsm NHN Na NmNmHNsoO NNNNO NmmHNHm NHN op
coHpmHmm CH mNHNmsmm HmoHNNz HN Nam mNoom Umpomem NH mo pcmEHoHCH >3 mm: mo hocmsvmum .>Hxxx mHnmN

157

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN NNN NHNH NHNN HNH HNNON usage

 

 

 

N NH NN NHN NNN H OH NH NNH NHN NH ONNOHNEN Noz
Hw>o Nam
- NNH HHH NN NNN H NHH NN HN HNN NH OON - HOH
0 ON mmm mmoH qum m HNH qu MNMH ommH 50H 00: I HOm
m m mN Now Nmm m NH NJ HHN 00m NH 00m 1 OHN
- - N NN NH - - H NN NN N OON - O
1 N N
Hz NN>NH mwmwwm cNNNO HwNoN «z pm>mz mwmmmm HNHNO HmNoN HNNON NNN NHNNcoH
mNcHoHNNH HN HHH mam: NewspoNcH muoom NH HHN mum: HameuoNcH m.Ncm3mHm

 

 

NNN NHHpaoz m.NcmNmsm NHN op
coHpmHmm CH NNHNmEmm HmoHUmz Hm Nam mNOOm umpomem NH mo HamequCH an mm: Mo Noamsvmpm .>xxx NHQNH

158

OH HHN NHN HNHN HNHN OH NNN Nmm NHNH NHNN HmH Hmpoh Ucmuo

 

 

 

 

H H HN NNN NHN H N HH NHN ONN NHNHHmcHNNuNomm Noz

pm>o New

- ON NN N NN - NN NH N HN N NNH - HOH
- NN NOH NN NNH N HN HN HH HHH N OOH - HN
H NN NNH ONH NNN N NH NN NNH NON NH ON - HN
N NH ONH NHH HNN H NN HNH HNN NNN HN ON - HN
N HH NNH NNN NNN N NN NNH HHH NNN NN ON - HN
N N NN NHN ONH - N ON NNN ONN ON ON - HN
H H NN NNN ONH H N NH NHN ONN ON ON - O

NHHNCOH NHHchH pcwm 90H NO

NZ pm>mz -mmooO cNNNO HNNON «z um>mz -mmooo aNNNO HNNON HmNoN NNNNNuoz co

mmcHoHNNz HN HHN NNN: NNNEpoNcH mNooN NH HHH.mNmN NameuoNcH mNaNENmN NHNHcoz

 

 

puma now no mmmmpuoz co mpcmsNMm Nancoz map on
coHpmHmm CH mmHNmEom HmoHOmz HN Nam mOoom OmpomHmm NH MO pcmEpomCH ha mm: mo Noamskum .H>xxx mHan

”I o

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