iii“ t.» r“ I! ‘ W, ll/I/ll/lll lllllllI/l/ .7, LIBRARY Michigan State Unive This is to certify that the thesis entitled AN EXPLORATORYFSTUDY OFaTHE INIERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG AMERICAN, HOST COUNTRY AND THIRD COUNTRY NATIONAL STUDENTS IN SELECTED AMERICAN-SPONSORED OVERSEAS COMMUNITY HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE FAR EAST presented by Gary Kostbade Wright has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Administration and degree in . . H1gher Educat1on SW Major professor Date March 5, 1979 0-7639 OVERDUE FINES ARE 25¢ PER DAY I ~ PER ITEM Return to book drOp to remove this checkout from your record. © 1979 GARY KOSTBADE WRIGHT ALLRIGITS RESERVED AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG AMERICAN, HOST COUNTRY AND THIRD COUNTRY NATIONAL STUDENTS IN SELECTED AMERICAN-SPONSORED OVERSEAS COMMUNITY HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE FAR EAST By Gary Kostbade Wright A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Administration and Higher Education 1979 ABSTRACT AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG AMERICAN, HOST COUNTRY AND THIRD COUNTRY NATIONAL STUDENTS IN SELECTED AMERICAN-SPONSORED OVERSEAS COMMUNITY HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE FAR EAST By Gary Kostbade Wright The purposes of this exploratory research project were: (1) to describe and explain the formal and informal relationships among stu- dents in American-sponsored overseas high schools; (2) to describe how these relationships affect student behavior, administrator and teacher behavior, and selected facets of the school organization; and (3) to identify and describe salient characteristics of school-guided activi- ties that may facilitate effective adjustment to the school's multi- national setting. The research methodology for data collection employed combi- nations and modifications of the following ethnographic techniques: participant observation, interviews, and surveying of archival records. For descriptive and comparative purposes the subject population was categorized by the following nationality classifications: American, host country national (HCN), and third country national (TCN) students. Four American-sponsored overseas high schools (ASOS) in the Far East were selected for study. To allay school and parental concerns regard— ing the protection of the human rights of the students being studied, Gary Kostbade Wright well-adjusted youths and, to the extent possible, the selection would include at least one American, HCN and TCN boy and girl, who was actively participating in school-guided activities. And, similarly, at least one student each, who was not actively participating in school- guided activities, would also be included in the respondent sample. An equal distribution of respondents by nationality and participant categories was not achieved. 0n the basis of data obtained from the research methodologies used for this study, certain aspects of the interrelationships among ASOS students have been described and analyzed. Because the study was exploratory, the conclusions drawn must be regarded as tentative; generalizations should not be made without support of additional research. Some of the salient characteristics of the findings for this study are as follows: 1. Students attending the A505 sort themselves into interest groups that are generally bounded by nationality and gender. 2. Asian/non-Asian ethnicity was a major sorting characteris- tic among the ASOS students. Black students were few in number and were American. Black and white racial sorting was not an evident characteristic among ASOS students. 3. Student interrelationships across nationality, ethnic, and gender categories frequently occurred. School-guided activities appeared to be the primary facilitator for initiating these interrela- tionships. Gary Kostbade Wright well-adjusted youths and, to the extent possible, the selection would include at least one American, HCN and TCN boy and girl, who was actively participating in school-guided activities. And, similarly, at least one student each, who was not actively participating in school- guided activities, would also be included in the respondent sample. An equal distribution of respondents by nationality and participant categories was not achieved. On the basis of data obtained from the research methodologies used for this study, certain aspects of the interrelationships among ASOS students have been described and analyzed. Because the study was exploratory, the conclusions drawn must be regarded as tentative; generalizations should not be made without support of additional research. Some of the salient characteristics of the findings for this study are as follows: 1. Students attending the A505 sort themselves into interest groups that are generally bounded by nationality and gender. A 2. Asian/non-Asian ethnicity was a major sorting characteris- tic among the A505 students. Black students were few in number and were American. Black and white racial sorting was not an evident characteristic among ASOS students. 3. Student interrelationships across nationality, ethnic, and gender categories frequently occurred. School-guided activities appeared to be the primary facilitator for initiating these interrela- tionships. Gary Kostbade Wright 4. Language is a major inhibitor of interrelationships between Americans and non-Americans. Language does not appear to be a major factor inhibiting interrelationships among HCN and TCN students. 5. Students who actively participated in school-guided activities appear to interact more often with an admixture of student nationalities than do their non-active counterparts. 6. Students who actively participated in school-guided activities tend to see themselves or their friends as holding the high-status positions among their ASOS peers. 7. Students who do not actively participate in school-guided activities are diffused in their perceptions of which students hold high-status positions among their ASOS peers. DEDICATION To My Family: To the memory of my mother, Helyn (Kay) Kostbade Wright, whose wonderful sense of humor, optimistic outlook on life, devotion to family, love of people and travel, and her commitment to my brother's and my education have been an enduring inspiration and model for my life. To my father, Earl Harris Wright, whose devotion to family, tenacity, compassion, and grand sense of humor have, similarly, been a continuing inspiration and model for my life. To my brother, Brian, whose integrity, love, and steadfast friendship are a continual source of sustenance. To my aunts, uncles and cousins whose caring and love have also been an important source of sustenance. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My greatest indebtedness is to the many ASDS students, their parents, teachers, administrators and other school personnel with whom I interacted during my field experience. To them I extend my warmest thanks for their tremendous cooperation and hospitality. To the members of my dissertation guidance committee I wish to extend a warm and genuine note of appreciation. I want to express my sincere thanks to my committee chairperson, Dr. Samuel A. Moore 11, for his time, counsel, suggestions, perceptive questioning and con- tinued, never-failing support and encouragement. I also want to thank Dr. James W. Costar and Dr. Louis G. Romano for their assistance, cooperation and critical reading of this report. I was indeed fortu- nate to have as a committee member Dr. Ruth Hill Useem, who has devoted much of her professional life to the study of "third culture kids," and who always shared generously of her time, knowledge and insights thus contributing immeasurably to the development of this dissertation. There were others who also contributed in varying but direct ways to the completion of this study. To each I wish to express my sincere appreciation: to Dr. Philip A. Cusick for his suggestions at the initial stages of this study; to Dr. Harvey F. Clarizio for sharing his time and thoughts--for being a friend; to Jim McComb for his assistance in the computer processing of questionnaire data; and iii to Dr. Frances Smith Thomas for her reading and constructive criticism of the manuscript drafts and for her interest and encouragement. A very special thank you to my colleagues and supervisors of the Owen Graduate Center advisory staff and Residence Hall Program Office for their cooperation and support which provided me the bene- fits of a leave of absence to conduct this study. To all my friends who have helped in various ways, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks for providing a solid base of moral support. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................ LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ..................... . Chapter I. BACKGROUND AND PROBLEM STATEMENT ........... Purpose ....................... Problem Statement .................. A Background and Specific Questions ......... Exploratory Questions ................ School Site Selection ................ Methodology ..................... Significance of the Study .............. Glossary of Terms .................. Summary ....................... Overview ...................... II. REVIEW OF SELECTED RELATED LITERATURE ......... Introduction .................... Adolescence ..................... Developmental Tasks of Adolescence ........ Cultural Relativity of Developmental Tasks Recurrent and Nonrecurrent Tasks ......... Review of Four "Lighthouse" Studies ......... The Hollingshead Study .............. The Coleman Study ................. The Cusick Study ................. The Study Directed bquanni et al. ........ Summary of the Lighthouse Studies ......... Status in the Peer Group .............. The Concept of Third Culture Children: TCKs ..... The Third Culture Concept ............. TCKs ....................... Types of Third Culture Teenagers ......... Some Generalizations ............... TCKs in Situ ................... Non-American TCKs ................. Summary ....................... V Chapter Page III. DESIGN OF STUDY .................... 60 Introduction .................... 60 A Rationale and the Research Objective ...... 60 Chapter Overview ................. 61 Selection of a School ................ 62 Theoretical Sampling ............... 62 Criteria for School Selection ........... 63 Selecting the Schools ............... 65 The National Research Act .............. 67 University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) ................ 68 Informed Consent ................. 7O Methodology ..................... 71 Three Hypotheses: A Rationale ........... 72 Methodological Objective ............. 72 Advantages of a Qualitative Approach ....... 73 Field Notes-~A Strategy .............. 74 Establishing a Field Role ............. 75 Ambiguities .................... 76 The Need for a Principal Site ........... 78 Securing the Principal Site ............ 79 Questionnaires .................. 82 The Self-Administered Questionnaire ........ 83 Selection of Student Respondents ......... 85 The Focused Interview ............... 87 Interview Procedures ............... 88 Schedule of School Site Visitations ........ 89 Scope and Limitation of Study ............ 89 IV. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF SELECTED FINDINGS ..... 92 Introduction .................... 92 Community Settings ................. 93 Community Size .................. 95 Homo-Heterogeneity of the Communities ....... 97 Social-Cultural Distance Between Expatriates and the Hosts .................. 99 The "Natural" and "Planted" Expatriate Communities ................... 103 Interstitial Support Services ........... 105 School Characteristics ............... 107 Policies Related to Student Conduct ........ 113 Student Body Characteristics ............ 116 Discipline as a Characteristic .......... 123 Student Interaction ................. 129 Bureaucratic and Organic Influences ........ 131 Status and Role Behavior ............. 136 vi Chapter Page Sorting, Territoriality and Autonomy ....... 142 Characteristics of the Questionnaire Respondents . 153 Patterns of Interrelationships .......... 158 Status Perceptions in the A505 Peer Group ..... I74 School-Guided Activities .............. 185 Summary ....................... 191 V. SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND REFLECTIONS ................... 193 Review of the Study ................. 193 Nature and Purpose of the Study .......... 194 Methodology .................... 195 Schedules ..................... 196 Population .................... 196 Subject-Respondents ................ 197 Findings ...................... 197 Peer Group Status Perceptions ........... 207 Conclusions ..................... 209 Recommendations for Further Study .......... 212 Reflections ..................... 213 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................... 218 APPENDICES .......................... 227 A. THE NATIONAL RESEARCH ACT--U.C.R.I.H.S ......... 228 CORRESPONDENCE .................... 239 C. QUESTIONNAIRES .................... 244 D. SCHEDULED INTERVIEW .................. 251 E. EXAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS .............. 255 F. INTERIM SEMESTER: SAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS ..... 258 G. ACTIVITY PERIOD SCHEDULE ............... 266 vii Table 1.1 1.2 4.5 LIST OF TABLES Number of American-Sponsored Overseas Schools, by Region, Established During Various Periods ...... Distribution by Citizen Group of Pupils Enrolled in American-Sponsored Overseas Schools, by Region, 1974-75 Distribution by Citizen Group of Professional Staff of American-Sponsored Overseas Schools, by Region, 1974-75 Agents Principally Involved in Tasks of Middle Childhood and Adolescence Distribution by Citizenship Group of Students Enrolled in American-Sponsored Overseas Schools by Region . . . Geopolitical Locations of Overseas Schools Assisted by the Office of Overseas Schools ............ American-Sponsored Schools in the East Asia Region Which Meet the Criteria for Financial Assistance From the United States Department of State as Reported by the Office of Overseas Schools: 1976-1977 Common Characteristics of the Four A/OS Schools Visited Enrollment by Categories: Grades 7-12 Range of Nationalities Represented in Schools A, B, C, D .................. Composite Disciplinary Record for 12 Week Period: September-December; Grades: 7-12; Enrollment: 626; Disciplinary Occurrences: 64 ............. Composite Disciplinary Record for 12 Week Period: January-March; Grades: 7-12; Enrollment: 238; Disciplinary Occurrences: 20 ............. viii Page 29 56 64 66 110 117 118 125 126 Table 4.6 Absolute and Percentage Frequencies of Respondents by School, Participation, Gender, Grade, Nationality and Sponsorship Categories Cross-Referenced With Gender ............... . ......... Language and Language Combinations Spoken in One or More of the Homes of the Seventy Student Respondents . A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Seventy ASOS High School Students by Nationality Classifi- cation With Nationality Associations During School Lunch Periods and After School ........... A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Seventy ASOS High School Students by Asian/non-Asian Nationality Classification With Nationality Associa- tions During School Lunch Periods and After School . . A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Seventy ASOS High School Students by Asian/non-Asian Nationality Classification With Ethnic Asian, non- Asian, and Combined Associations During School Lunch Periods and After School ............ A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Fifty-Five ASOS High School Students by School Participation Classification With Combined Asian/non-Asian Associations and Combined Nationality Associations During School Lunch Periods and After School ..... A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Fifty-Five ASOS High School Students by School Participation Classification With Gender During School Lunch Periods and After School ............... A Comparison of the Interrelationships of Seventy ASOS High School Students by Parent Sponsor Classification During School Lunch Periods and After School ..................... Peer Status--Acceptance Dimension: Choice of Workmate for a School Project, by Demographic Characteristics . Peer Status--Acceptance Dimension: Choice of Person to Know Better, by Demographic Characteristics . . . . Peer Status--Acceptance Dimension: Choice of Person to Discuss a Personal Problem With, by Demographic Characteristics ................... Page 155 157 161 165 166 170 171 173 176 177 179 Table 4.10.1 4.10.2 4.11.1 4.11.2 Peer Status--Power Dimension: Perception of Classmate Best Able to Lead, by Demographic Characteristics ................... Peer Status--Power Dimension: Perception of Classmate Most Influential, by Demographic Characteristics ................... Peer Status--Confidence Dimension: Perception of Classmate Most Reliable, by Demographic Characteristics ................... Peer Status--Confidence Dimension: Perception of Classmate Most Congenial, by Demographic Characteristics ................... Page 181 182 184 185 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 3.1 Categories of Selected Student Respondents ....... 86 4.1 Figurative Illustration of Large, Metropolitan Far East City Hosting an American-Sponsored Community School ................... 96 4.2 Activity Center .................... 144 4.3 Class Room Seating: Illustration A ........... 146 4.4 Class Room Seating: Illustration 8 ........... 147 xi CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND PROBLEM STATEMENT Purpose The writer's purpose in this study was threefold: (1) to describe and explain the formal and informal relationships among students in an American-sponsored overseas high school; (2) to des- cribe how these relationships affect student behavior, administrator and teacher behavior, and other facets of the school organization; and (3) to identify and describe salient characteristics of the school-guided activities that may facilitate effective adjustment to the school's multinational setting. Problem Statement The Commission for the Assessment of the Intercultural Con- tributions of the Overseas Schools, appointed by the American Associa- tion of School Administrators (AASA), observed that "little attention is given to assisting children to cope with change; neither in stateside nor overseas schools" (AASA, 1971:27). This, the Commis- sion suggested, "may be in part due to our overriding concern with cognitive learning or the fact that we have not sought the assistance of anthropologists, sociologists and psychiatrists in an examination of the problem and alternatives for its alleviation." Significant is the Commission's view that the child's "adaptation may be a key to happiness and a good learning climate in the overseas situation" (27). The significance of the Commission's observation was dramatic- ally underscored by Richard Westmaas, who posited that "in too many communities overseas the needs of people, and especially young people, have been ignored and frustrated until a point is reached where the needs are announced in ways that cannot be ignored, often through crises involving drugs or violence that the community cannot ignore" (Westmaas, 1975:2). These needs were identified as including problems of and methods for entry and integration, establishing cross-cultural friendships and genuine friendships, and coping with and adapting to loneliness, alienation, and boredom (Werkman, 1972:128; also McCubbin et al., 1976; Werkman, 1976). During the period of adolescence, youths are experiencing sexual, social, ideological, and vocational adjustments, and are in a transitional period of striving for independence from their parents (Muuss, 1962:9). The complexity of these adjustments may be com- pounded for youths attending an American-sponsored overseas school because they must make them in a "fluid" multinational setting, where their sojourn, and that of most of their peer group, is usually for two years, and where the internationality of the student body is likely to present these youths with contrasting (and potentially conflicting) sociocultural values that are seldom experienced by their home-country contemporaries. The problems of and methods for adjusting to the setting of an American-sponsored overseas school are often brought about by the transiency of themselves and their friends and the loss of familiar social-environmental cues (i.e., favorite leisure reading materials, specialty foods, radio/TV programs, a common language and familiar language nuances, etc.). These problems experienced especially by American and third country national youths should be, and generally are, of immediate concern to parents and challenge the creative resourcefulness of the international school educator. For overseas parents, incidences of adolescent deviancy (such as fight- ing, theft, vandalism, drug usage, and disrespect for authority-- particularly the institutional values of the host country) are poten- tially catalytic for disrupting or even destroying their foreign career or assignment. They can also precipitate international tensions. On the other hand, the overseas sojourn and the multi- national setting of the school provide a unique and possibly ideal experiential learning laboratory for developing global perspectives, skills in interpersonal interaction, and understanding the "self." In an increasingly interdependent world, realistic global perspectives and effective interpersonal skills and positive attitudes regarding cultural differences are becoming ever more important in terms of one's effective personal adjustment to a highly mobile, ever-changing world. Hence, the multinational setting of the American-sponsored overseas school adds a unique and potentially significant dimension to the period of adolescence--both in terms of potential maladjustment or beneficial growth. Unfortunately, the literature regarding these youths is limited and the paucity of research even more so (see Orr, 1974). A Background and Specific Questions The existence of American-sponsored overseas schools dates back nearly one hundred years to when United States citizens living in Mexico City established their own school in 1888 in an effort to provide their children educational opportunities similar to what would have been available to them in the United States (Luebke, 1976: 13). Such schools were relatively few in number until the period of World War II, when the United States government provided financial support for establishing American community schools in various American Republics in an effort to counteract the growing fascist influence of Germany in these areas. In the aftermath of World War II, the number of American-sponsored overseas "community" schools more than doubled (note Table 1.1). Presently there exist over 600 overseas schools that American dependent children attend, which include Department of Defense schools, missionary-supported schools, company schools, other types of proprietary schools and local schools, and the American-sponsored overseas "community" schools. The American-sponsored community school or so-called American-Sponsored Overseas School (ASOS) was selected for this study principally because it frequently includes non-Americans as well as Americans in its student body and is committed to cross- cultural understanding between "Americans" and the peoples of the host .mPHONmF .mv—nwag wmm .mumnwm ....o HCmEukmnmo .m.= .m—oocum mummLm>o ..vo wowhzb "woe—30m Axe.ov Aam.¢mv Aam.~mv ARM.¢FV ANP.NV Axe.mv A&¢._v “No.oo_v m we we om o_ m N oep acoemmt F_< N e N p N F ... NF mwm< pmmm ... ... ... mwm< suaom N up m F ... ... ... om mowge< N m, m m ... _ P Am mecca“ moF saw _ m a, m_ m P p we .wmoetws< mm mm mm ¢e mm mp comp mpoosum lama, nommp uommp no¢m_ remap noomp wsommm we :owmmm unmasmP—nuumu mo mama L$5532 .mcowtma mzowtm> mcwgzu cmgmwpampmw .cowmmg xn .mpoocom mummtm>o umtomcoamucmuwgms< co swasszu-.P.p «Peep country or other impacting countries. The United States government provides assistance through the Office of Overseas Schools of the United States Department of State to approximately 140 American elementary and secondary schools. The criteria for selecting schools eligible for assistance is that they are nonsectarian, nonprofit. elementary and secondary institutions established and maintained by American groups or individuals, which enroll American, host country, . and third country children, and which follow basically an American or binational curriculum under the direction of American or American- trained teachers, supervisors, and administrators (Luebke, 1976:14). Tables 1.2 and 1.3 illustrate that the internationality of the American-sponsored school is not only its overseas location but also its student body and professional staff. Although the setting of the American overseas school is characteristically international, its cohesiveness as an organiza- tional unit suggests, theoretically, that there exists some under- lying sense of cooperation and trust among its members--the students, parents, and staff. This organizational theory has been a focal point in Philip Cusick's studies of the relationships and percep- tions among high school students in the United States (Cusick, 1973; Cusick & Ayling, 1973). Cusick postulated that members of a school organization "must have some common belief not only that the basic enterprise and the prescribed means of carrying on the routine of organizational life are worthwhile, but that those who take on other roles in the organization share that general set of beliefs and values." Otherwise, "without these basic, common understandings," .opumnm_ .mxamz; mom .muupm we pewsutmnwo .m.= .mFoogom mmumgm>o mo mummwo ”mugaom «GQ.NN N.Nm omm.Nm o.oN FNN.¢F N.NN mON.¢N _.Nq Nmo.¢m ONN.N N4N.¢_ mNN.FN oe. mcoemat F_< mom.m_ m.mN oam.m q.NN oma.N m.N coo._ F.9N NNN.N GON.F NNN.N NNN.N N_ aem< “mam mGN r; QQN 9N gee m8 N: 98 Bum m3 NSN 2%_ 2 awfifidwz NNN.m N.No SFN.N m._m o_N.N N.FF Nam _.NN Nmm.N Nmm NNm com ON auetc< «0F.¢F N.NN NNN.m «.mN .om.m N.4_ NNo.N N._o NNN.N NON._ Nmm.¢ omm.N Nn agoram . . . . . . . . . . . . mue_a=aam emN mm N LN o_N NN m __ NNN N m cm Nee ON N NN 4mm N NNN m NNo N New _ we caueeas< w .3252 N 32:52 a 595.2 x 3252 .m.: 3:25:38 359.83 acme . . copumvzzom Newscto>ow mpoozum - m =-=oz m=a~tu_u acmNeueo . . cacao . . . 9.: m ”MSOCN _auoc Naucsou at_ze Naucaou “we: m a _aSON N mmm=_mam m = Lawns: cow am mamNtutu .m.=-=oz meaN_N_u .m.= Scas__OL=N co coeu=n_tumeo .muuenmp .copmmt an .mFoosom mummtm>o vmgomcoam-:auwtme< cw uw——og:o mfiwnsa mo anotm :mNNpmu an corusaweumwn--.~.p opnah .NFNQNmF .mxnw34 mmm .mumum mo ucmsutmamo .m.= .mpoogom mammtm>o mo mowemo "motsom mNm.m N.¢¢ _No.N N.N_ «NN m.NN qu._ N.mm mom.m access; _P< Nmo._ N.mm N_¢ N.m No_ N.NN o_m N.oe mNo Nem< use“ Mm 30 NNN o.mN amp m.m_ _op P.NP NN o.¢N mmm P\mmuw mez NNS o.o¢ No, 0.4m we, m.m NN 0.08 NmN agecc< meN._ m.NN «we o.m_ NNN G.NF NNN N.No _NN mecca“ 6 saw 5mm.N N.mm N¢¢.P o.o mm, N.om eaN.N m.me No_.N m thuptms< a tonsaz a consaz a gmaszz a smaszz m o .m.=-:oz xgpczou xepcaou _ p N .mpoe agent 3.0: acaN_uFu coemam .m.= . mamNepeo .m.=-coz mtmnsmz ewmpm chowmmmwoca we cowuznwcumvo .mN-eNm_ .cowmat a; .m_oo;om mammcm>o notomcoamucmowcwe< co ewoum chowmmmmoga mo asocm cmNNHNo An cowpanvcumwoun.m.F mpnm» Cusick pointed out, "there would likely occur an almost total lack of cooperation among the participants, and the organizational energy would, of necessity, be expended in pursuit of cooperation instead of its stated long term goals." Conversely, he said, ". . . in those cases where the sets of understandings are shared, cooperation is thus assured and the organization is free to get on with the business of production" (Cusick & Ayling:2). In these studies Cusick found that patterns of student behavior had little or nothing to do with the academic or productive sector of school and were only minimally related to the school's maintenance sector, and that small group associations can and do strongly affect other aspects of the school organization (Cusick:204), and that, in a large, racially mixed high school, informal interracial interactions were virtually non- existent and formal interactions occurred only in highly structured situations (Cusick & Ayling:l). Based on available literature and the shared reflections of the researcher and others who have personally experienced the over- seas sojourn and the A505 setting, these findings seem highly inap- propriate for describing and understanding the formal and informal relationships that occur among the racially and nationally mixed student body of the A505 or the subsequent effects on student and staff behavior and other facets of the school organization. However, the reported problems of students' entry and integration into the overseas school setting, the problems of establishing cross-cultural friendships and genuine friendships, the problems of loneliness, alienation, and boredom attributed to the overseas experience are 10 cited frequently enough to elicit the same generic questions, that is, do, and if so, to what degree, trust and cooperation exist between and among American, host country national, and third country national students; to what extent do they share any basic agreement on the purpose and worthwhileness of school; do they share any common defi- nition of the term "school"; and do they share a common perception of the way school life should be carried out? For these reasons it seems important to study the interaction of American, host country national, and third country national students in at least one of these schools. Examined are both "formal" and "informal" interactions in the classrooms and instructional areas and taking place between classes, during lunch periods, and wherever students gather informally. The importance attached to these forms of interaction is based on the assumption that formal interaction is more likely to exhibit a pre- scribed role behavior which reflects a degree of compliance or acceptance of a formal organization's social expectations of the participant. Sociologist Useem, in her studies of overseas Ameri- can dependent children, found that the employing sponsor of the dependents' parents is a powerful predictor of the experience of the American overseas child and concomitantly determines, to a very large extent, the behavioral norms of these youths (Useem, 1972:7). However, Useem did not distinguish between formal and informal interactions, and while behavioral norms would be observable in both formal and informal relationships, formal interaction is more likely 11 to exhibit "established" norms, i.e., norms prescribed by the parents' sponsoring agency, since this behavior is more subject to the formal organization's rewards and sanctions. 0n the other hand, informal interactions are more likely to reveal intrinsic values, preferences, needs, and difficulties of these youths. The importance of informal student interactions as an important determinant of student behavior has been substantiated by numerous researchers (Ayling, 1972; Cusick, 1973; Coleman, 1961; Gans, 1969; Hollingshead, 1949). Although their findings were predicated on American youths in the United States, as contrasted to Useem's findings regarding American teenagers overseas, the importance of informal student interaction in the American overseas school is not to be summarily discounted. Exploratory Questions The unit of analysis for this study will be the “multi- cultural" interaction of students. This unit of analysis is believed most appropriate, given the multinational-multicultural environment of the school setting and accepting the premise that "behavior and modes of adjustment are elicited from the environmental situation". (Allport, 1961:29). Further, the attempt to explore and report the perspectives of all students, i.e., American, host country national, and third country national, reflects the researcher's strong convic- tion concerning the position taken by the Commission for the Assessment of the Intercultural Contributions of the Overseas Schools, which 12 states that we should be equally concerned about researching the effects of the ASOS on other nationals that are being accommodated by the ASOS (AASA, 1971:27). The researcher acknowledges that this study is heuristic, characterized by generating and examining working hypotheses that will ultimately lead to generalizable hypotheses formulation, and hopefully aid in the development of action plans that may better facilitate effective student adjustment to "fluid" multinational set- tings. The following are exploratory questions set forth as a guide for this study. 1. Where and to what extent do Americans, host country nationals, and third country nationals interact in an American-sponsored overseas high school? 2. Are there three different perspectives, one shared by Americans, another by host country nationals, and a third by third country nationals, in the same school? 3. What are the salient characteristics of the American student perspective as opposed to the host country national and to the third country national perspective? 4. How does the fact of "multiculturalness" and the inter- action or noninteraction of American, host country national, and third country national students affect various facets of the school? 5. What are the salient characteristics of the school, i.e., athletic and other extracurricular activities, classes, 13 policies, that facilitate or impede transnational student interaction? School Site Selection While American-sponsored overseas schools are identified by the criteria established by the Department of State's Office of Over- seas Schools for determining financial assistance, the dissimilari- ties in terms of school plant facilities, enrollment size, varying admixtures of nationalities in the student body and faculty, and the realities of rapidly changing, socio-political environments that impinge upon the ASOS render the selection of a "representative" school as subjective at best. The researcher's selection of a school reflected a priority, based first on size and admixture of the student body; i.e., prefer- ence was given to selecting a school with a large student body that had a substantial number of American, host country national, and third country national students; and, second, on accessibility, i.e., the school's granting permission for the study to be conducted and the estimated cost for conducting the on-site study. There- fore, selection of a school was not determined by randomness but, rather, by considerations where the "subject phenomena" occurred and where the general conditions that surrounded the phenomena were also present. Methodology There are many intervening variables that may in varying ways determine or influence the patterns of behavior and interaction 14 of youths and consequently their adjustment to any given situation. This researcher readily recognizes that the problems of entry and integration, of establishing friendships, of alienation, boredom, and loneliness are not exclusively a function of the unique environ- ment of a fluid, multinational, international setting. Family, previous experiences, the parents' employing sponsor, and each individual's self-concept are some of the important determinants of attitudes and behavioral patterns. The researcher does not discount the significance of these and other variables, nor does the researcher believe that such variables are incongruent with the premise that behavior and modes of adjustment are elicited from the environmental situation. However, this study did not propose to quantitatively describe and assess the relative importance of formal and informal relations; rather, the researcher proposed to qualitatively describe and offer some explanation as to the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of youths as their interactions phenomenologically occur in the multinational, international setting of the American-sponsored overseas high school. The research methodology which enabled the researcher to get closest to this social situation from the students' perspective was participant observation. A participant observer in the field is at once reporter, inter- viewer, and scientist. On the scene he gets the story of an event by questioning participants about what is happening and why. He fills out the story by asking people about their rela- tion to the event, their reactions, opinions, and evaluation of its significance. As an interviewer, he encourages an informant to tell his story, or supply an expert account of an organization or group. As scientist he seeks answers to questions, setting up hypotheses and collecting data with which to test them (Geer, 1964:383). 15 Thus the methodology works at two 1evels--description and explanation. The researcher commences by describing what he sees, hears, and reads on the scene as events are in the process of occur- ring. The researcher then attempts to make sense of his observations and those of his subjects by informal and formal questioning of informants, thereby explaining an event from the subjects' per- spectives. Participant observation, then, (1) describes a social situa— tion through the senses of the researcher and his subjects, and (2) explains the situation from the point of view of both the researcher and his subjects. Since the researcher is in part a principal, in him these two levels are com- bined (Cusick & Ayling, 1973:15). To produce a worthwhile study, the researcher endeavored to observe the six indices of subjective adequacy stated by Homans. (1) Time: the more time an individual spends with a group the more likely it is that he will obtain an accurate perception of the social meaning its members live by; (2) Place: the closer the researcher works geographically to the people he studies, the more accurate should be his interpretations; (3) Social circumstances: the number and variety of social circumstances which the observer encounters within the social structure of the community increase his accuracy; (4) Language: the researcher and his subjects should share a common language; (5) Intimacy: the greater the degree of intimacy the researcher achieves, the greater his accuracy; (6) Consensus: con- firmation that the meanings interpreted by the observer are correct (Bruyn, 1966:181). 16 As the researcher has chosen to do an exploratory, one-of—a- kind, hypotheses-generating study, whereby data collection is based on methodology that enables the researcher to qualitatively describe and offer some explanation of the multicultural interaction of stu- dents, it is important to recognize that this methodological approach does not summarily preclude quantitative analysis. Significance of the Study The American-sponsored overseas school performs important political, economic, and social roles and its successes and failures often have potentially far-reaching consequences. Essentially, the American-sponsored overseas school provides overseas American depen- dent children an opportunity for an education equal to that provided in the United States, which is an important factor in convincing Americans to accept overseas assignments. Similarly, the ASOS contributes to American foreign policy, without being officially part of it, as these schools provide a microcosmic showcase of American pedagogy and values. Further, the multinational character and inter- national setting of the school provide a unique opportunity for American, host country national, and third country national students to develop global perspectives and skills in transnational interper- sonal interaction. The perspectives and skills acquired by these youths may be carried on into their adult lives and significantly determine how they adjust to an increasingly interdependent world. For many, they will become tomorrow's corporate and political leaders. 17 Of a more immediate concern are the perspectives and inter- action patterns of these students and the oft-reported problems of entry and integration into the overseas school setting, the problems of establishing cross-cultural and genuine friendships, and the problems of alienation, boredom, and loneliness attributed to the overseas experience. There is a paucity of research and literature regarding these youths. What does exist focuses primarily on the post-sojourn attitudes and experiences of American students. With the notable exception of sociologist Useem, most information regarding the overseas "here-and-now" attitudes, experiences, and perceptions of these youths are summaries of loosely connected second- and third- hand accounts, and even these accounts are reflective in terms of reporting events. If educators are to generate substantive theories and possible solutions to student problems that are inherent in the overseas sojourn and/or the fluid multinational, international school setting, there must occur some systematic, tangible descriptive accounts of students' perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors as they phenomenologically occur. At present there appears to be a complete absence of any reported research of what actually occurs in the daily interactions between Americans, host country nationals, and third country nationals in American-sponsored overseas schools. In fact, the absence of this type of research is evident across the spectrum of overseas schools. By selecting and being accepted by an American-sponsored overseas 18 high school and subsequently carrying out an in-depth study from the students' perspectives, the researcher hoped to provide a basic conceptual framework with which to view the problem. While findings of this study are not generalizable, it is the researcher's belief that a detailed description and explanation of the transnational, interpersonal interactions at an American-sponsored overseas high school will add a significant contribution to understanding the phenomenon of "multiculturalness" in similar schools. Glossary of Terms The following terms as used in this study are conceptually important to the meaning and interpretation of the study. Active participant refers to students who involved themselves in school-guided activities. American-Sponsored Overseas Schools (ASOS) refers to non- profit, nonsectarian schools outside the United States that are eligible for United States Government support. Existing under the permission of the host country, the schools are open, where local law permits, to host country students as well as third country stu- dents. Primarily American textbooks, curricula, and teaching methods are used. Sometimes used interchangeably with "Administration/Overseas Schools" (A/OS) of the United States Department of State. American is an individual who is a citizen of the United States of America. Administrator is any educational official responsible for the management or direction of the school organization. 19 Bureaucratic refers to a form of organization based on the rationalization of behavior through fixed roles, hierarchical division of authority, impersonality, and efficiency. Historically, the writ- ings on this form of organization have been associated with Weber (Ianni, 1977:34). Category is a collection of individuals not necessarily par- ticipating in the same activity but sharing some common trait, variable, or criterion by which they can be differentiated (Ianni, 1977:34). §§L_is an acronym for English as a Second Language. As used in this study it may appropriately be interchanged with EFL, English as a Foreign Language. Ethnicity refers to a person's identification characterized by nationality and/or racial typing. Formal relationships are those student interactions necessi- tated by participation in school-guided activities. For example, if students wish to avail themselves of the school's instruction in French or recreational activity of soccer, those participating must interact with each other. Grgup_indicates a collection of individuals participating in the same activity; a form of category with purposive entity (Ianni, 1977:34). Homophily is the degree to which individuals who interact are similar in certain attributes, such as beliefs, values, educa- tion, language, and the like (Rogers & Shoemaker, 1971:212). 20 Host country national (WCN)is an individual who is a citizen of the host nation in which the American school is located. Informal relationships are those interpersonal interactions which occur at the discretion of the student. For example, students who choose to converse with each other between classes are engaging in informal relationships. Multicultural interaction is the interaction between members of different nationality groups, i.e., Americans, host country nationals, and third country nationals, and between members of dis- cernible subcultural groups, e.g., diplomatic, business, military, missionary, and racial groups. Network is a system of links joining a set of particular indi- viduals who associate with each other. Non-active participant refers to students who did not involve themselves in school-guided activities. Ngrm 15 a standard of behavior mutually agreed upon by mem- bers of a social group which specifies acceptable or unacceptable behavior for the members of that group (Ianni, 1977:35). Organic is a form of organization characterized by personali- zation of relationships (Ianni, 1977:35). Peer group_status refers to three aspects of social status-- acceptance, power, and competence. Acceptance shall be viewed as ”the degree to which an individual is liked by or is attractive to others." Power shall be viewed as "the potential ability to influ- ence another or to get another to behave in a certain way." 21 Competence shall be viewed as "how well an individual does something in relation to other group members and in relation to an external standard" (Clarizio:18). Perspective indicates "an ordered view of one's world, what is taken for granted about the attributes of various objects, events and human nature. It is an order of things remembered and expected, as well as actually perceived, an organized conception of what is plausible and what is possible" (Tamotsu, 1967:161). Primarypgrogp is a collection of individuals characterized by close and frequent interaction. Reasonably well adjusted is not defined but was left to the personal interpretation of individual administrators and teachers. Rpl§_is the individualized behavior of a person holding a specific status (Ianni, 1977:35). School-guided activities refers to all formally organized student-oriented activities that are approved and supervised accord- ing to the rules and regulations of the school organization. School staff is composed of all other nonteachers and non- administrators in the school setting. Included are security guards, secretaries, custodians, teacher aides, and others who perform a regu- lar function in the school. School organization is the structure, rules, and regulations within which students, teachers, administrators, and others operate to carry on the activities of the school. 22 Social distance is the psychological (and/or physical) sep- aration between any two or more individuals within an organization (Ianni, 1977:35). Sorting is a form of behavior by which people organize them- selves into groups, or place others into categories (Ianni, 1977:35). Stgtg§_is (a) a specified position within a social organi- zation; (b) a social level or hierarchical position within a social system (Ianni, 1977:35). Stereotype refers to an expected form of behavior projected upon the individual of generic statuses which may or may not have a factual basis in reality (Ianni, 1977:36). Teachers are all professional staff members whose primary responsibilities were instruction. Territoriality is the geographic expression of sorting-out patterns whereby sorted groups are found to occupy differentiated realms of physical and/or psychological space (Ianni, 1977:36). Third country national (TCN) is that individual who is a citizen neither of the country in which the school is located nor of the United States. Third Culture Kids(TCKs) denotes the minor dependents of nationals who represent or have represented some larger organiza- tion in the international world. This has been modified to include HCNs. Useem originated this designation to identify those who par- ticipate out of their native culture for protracted periods (note Kelly, 1975:21). 23 Summary For many contemporary youths, adolescence represents a transi- tional period of striving for independence from their parents and characterized by sexual, social, ideological, and vocational adjust- ments. This transitional period may be compounded for many adoles- cents who are the dependent minors (TCKs) of parents whose occupational roles require participation in cultural or societal settings out of their native culture for protracted periods. Identified as common needs of these adolescents are problems of and methods for entry and integration, establishing cross-cultural friendships and genuine friendships, and coping with and adapting to loneliness, alienation, and boredom. At the beginning of this chapter, the writer cited the observation of the AASA's Commission for the Assessment of the Inter- cultural Contributions of the Overseas Schools, that little attention has been given to assisting children to cope with change, either in stateside or overseas schools. It was also stated that the Commission expressed the view that a child's adaptation may be a key to happiness and a good learning climate in the overseas situation. This study represents an attempt to generate and examine some workinghypotheses that may ultimately be further tested and lead to generalizations and subsequently aid in the develOpment of action plans that may better facilitate effective student coping with multicultural and multi- national settings. 24 The unit of analysis for this study has been the multicultural interaction of high school students in selected American-sponsored overseas schools. Methodologies used for data collection included participant observation, questionnaires, and interviewing. Overview Chapter I has provided a frame of reference for this study. The writer's purpose has been set forth and a statement of the problem presented. Background data and specific questions have been des- cribed and the writer's exploratory questions identified. Initial considerations used for selecting an A/OS school have been presented. The methodological approach for collecting data and the indices for subjective adequacy have also been presented. The significance of this study to education has been discussed, terms that are important to the study have been defined, and a summary statement included. Chapter II contains a review of selected related literature. This review brings together pertinent data from principal sources in the areas of adolescent patterns of relationships and the concept of third culture children. Set forth in Chapter III are the design of the study and the procedures and rationale employed in data collection. In Chapter IV the writer describes and offers some explana- tion of the multicultural interaction of students. Chapter V is a summary of the study, with the significant findings, conclusions, implications, and recommendations for further study presented. CHAPTER 11 REVIEW OF SELECTED RELATED LITERATURE Introduction The researcher's objective in this study was to undertake a heuristic examination of the "multicultural" interaction of high school students in an American-sponsored overseas community school setting. Two topical areas were considered pertinent: (1) adolescent patterns of relationships and (2) the concept of third-culture chil- dren. This literature review brings together pertinent data from principal sources in these two areas. Adolescence Adolescence is frequently perceived as a transitional period between childhood and adulthood (Erickson, 1963; Brim & Wheeler, 1966; Elder, 1968; Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, 1968; Panel on Youth, 1972; in Downie, 1976:48). The Western lexicon generally establishes the adolescent period as that period of life from puberty to maturity terminating legally at the age of majority. Inasmuch as the focus of this study is on the multicultural interac- tion that occurs among American, host country, and third country nationals attending an American-sponsored overseas community school, the sociologists' concept of adolescence ascribed to by A. B. Hollings- head in his book entitled Elmtown's Youth most appropriately describes the adolescent period as viewed by the writer of this research study. 25 26 Sociologically, adolescence is the period in the life of a person when the society in which he functions ceases to regard him (male or female) as a child and does not accord to him full adult status, roles, and functions. In terms of behavior, it is defined by the roles the person is expected to play, is allowed to play, is forced to play, or prohibited from playing by virtue of his status in society. It is not marked by a specific point in time such as puberty, since its form, content, duration and period in the life cycle are differently determined by various cultures and societies (1949:6-7). The adolescent is faced with new learning tasks not only as a consequence of biological development but also because society con- fronts the adolescent with new demands and expectations. Sociologists Brim and Wheeler (l966:3) described this process as socialization, defining it as ". . . the process by which persons acquire the knowledge, skills and dispositions that make them more or less able members of their society." It is important to note that socializa— tion during childhood does not prepare the individual for all the roles a person is expected to fill in later years. As explained by Brim and Wheeler, People move through different positions in society, in accord with different stages of the life cycle. Changes in the demands upon them arise from their mobility, both geographic and social, and from the customs of the society which may vary during their life times (1966:3). . The learning tasks faced by adolescents may be conceptualized as "developmental tasks," and were described by Robert J. Havighurst in Developmental Tasks and Education. Developmental Tasks of Adolescence "Developmental tasks" is a concept that germinated during studies of adolescence and child development in the 19305 and 19405 27 (Havighurst, 1972:v). According to Havighurst, this concept occupies middle ground between opposing theories of education: the theory of freedom--that is, the child will develop best if left as free as possible--and the theory of constraint--the child learns to be a worthy, responsible adult through constraints imposed by society. Thus a developmental task is "midway between an individual need and a societal demand" (vi) and assumes an active learner interacting with an active social environment. Havighurst applied the concept in an explanatory analysis of American human development and behavior from infancy to later maturity. According to Havighurst, his use of the concept "'developmen- tal tasks' has been substantially influenced by Erik Erikson and first explored fully in Childhood and Society, as well as by Erikson's sub- sequent publications on adolescence and identity achievement” (1972: Preface). According to Havighurst, developmental tasks emanate from three sources. Some tasks arise mainly from physical maturation, such as learning to walk and (for women) adjusting to the menopause in middle life. Other tasks arise primarily from the cultural pres- sure of a given society, such as learning to read and write and learning to participate as a socially responsible member of society. Finally, Havighurst suggested that developmental tasks are also derived from the personal values and aspirations of the individual, which are part of the individual's personality,mo NxLo> zmzv .um ugm .covpmoaum new mxmmh Pavemenopm>mo .umgzgmw>m: .o “cocoa "motzom x x x x x x mm=~m> mo wFNUm m can mowgum co emumxm m wavered .m x x x x x ucosmuzw Pages ocm mocmwumcou mcwaoFm>ma .N x x x mppacm emcuo new mpcmema mo ucwucmamucm mcweoumm .m meowuzuwamcw x x x x x 333 BB 3:95 $.83 Ease» 6.333.: 3.3328 .m x x x x copumaaooo cm toe mcpemaoea wee mnemoocu .e x N mppwxm Pea» -omppmacp uwmmn mcwnopm>mo .m x x x x x mpog mcwcweme to mcwpzumme mumpeaogaam cm newcemmA .N N x x mwumETmmm saw: m:o_m «mm o» .p asoeu mwuwz aaoew xsozoom mzowmw_mm poocom cmwmwmmwum coma >;mEmu eme meP .muchmmpoum new voocupwgo mpuums mo mxmmp cw ew>~o>cw xppmnwocweq mucwmem no: name. .poogm “and .auaum to «cusaeaaoa "sore m-eNap .Np .a =.m.oogum muwmeo>o totemcoqmuemureos<= .oxau:4 "seem Nipnmp .3 ... .38. .55 ".u.o .coumcpgmuzv mo\a um__eu eovmm_z one .mtouegumvcvsu< Foogum mo copuevuomm< :eu.eue< "sate o-momp "muutsom oem.mN m.~m mom.mm o.o~ emN.¢~ m.Nm mNc.¢N m.~e —m_.mm mm_ m-¢Nm_ _m_.mo m.m¢ m——.¢m m.NP «NF.NF m.—m Fmo.—N N.om Nno.mm mm_ Nuphmp mpeuoh NNp.m¢ o.me meo._N « a a « ¢.¢m umo.mN FNF oumom_ oom.m— «.mN mop.¢ m.p~ ooo.n m.N mco._ o.oN mmm.m m— m-¢~m. eupem< Nmm.m_ e.N~ mop.m F.N— mom.~ m.m oes o.NN Nms.op m. ~-p~m_ umou oem.~ m.pN Fuo._ a a e « N.mN amp.m PF unmomp _PN.N c.4m mmN.N P.NN FGN.N N.N Nam o.mo NmN.m 4N m-¢Nm_ gmwwm mmm.m o.mm ~o~.m. o.mN oa_.N m.o— coo._ ¢.oo omm.o NN N-_Nmp a «mum moo.m m.NN npe.p « a a « N.NN Nsm.m NN mumom_ emu: F¢_.e N.mo oNN.N N.em meN.N m._p use m.¢m .Ne.p mp mnesmp .po.¢ m.mm N—N.N N.me Npo.N N.mp con m._e «mm._ m. N-~Nm_ ouNtw< meo.m —.m¢ cum.— « a a « m.em cum.— mp mummap ¢o_.¢_ N.mm mam.m e.m~ pom.m m.ep Nwo.N m._o FNN.m on muehmp Ne¢.o_ N.Nm www.m m.e~ Nem.N m.N_ oem._ m.No mmm.o pm N-—Na_ uaotau .No.N N.mN Nom._ 3 a a « m.¢N amo.m oN oumom— «No.mm m..N Neo.m~ m.pp upm.m o.oo NNm.mp ¢.mN Nam.ah he mueump oureae< ooN.om m.mm NoN.—~ m.m moo." —.mm mm—.mp _.pm mmm.m me Nupsap pneucuu m_m.NN o.mo mmo.¢p a a a « o.mm www.s ee owmom_ a guaom a Longs: a songs: a guess: a genes: 29.. . . £85m . m :ueoz mcoNyuvu neuuvupu mcu~.a.u ppoeeu mo too> covmom pouch .ouop aeucaou uspgp auueaou umoz .m.= tones: meoNNu—u .m.=u=oz 437833. .53; eo_mot an m—oogum nnomtu>o catameoamucoupeue< c. cappogeo mucouaum co guano e.gmeo~.upu an covuaartamvou-.~.~ o—aah 57 and characteristics of the American TCK, and so it is with most of the studies. Yet these non-American students constitute approxi- mately half the ASOS student enrollments and are being socialized to the third culture and to American values via an American-grounded educational system. Are TCK types the same or similar regardless of nationalty? If not, how do they differ? What impact does the American-sponsored overseas school have on the attending non-American student?V/Patterson (1960) found that Mexican host national students, although bilingual, were less able to manipulate English-language data than the American student group and reflected greater difficulty adjusting to the binational setting even though no differences in personal adjustment were noted. Spaulding and Cantrell (1975) comparatively examined the educational growth of Amerasians with other Americans attending Department of Defense Schools in Japan. (The Amerasian student in this report was one whose heritage was an American military father and oriental mother [339]). They found the Amerasian students to exhibit an Asian-culture-oriented upbringing. Findings also revealed the nonverbal IQ of the Amerasians was greater, in all cases, than their reading achievement and that these students were capable of conceiving ideas that they were unable to express in English words. These data, they suggested, revealed some of the reasons why some Amerasians may be reticent to ask for help, academic or personal, lack self-confidence, and disregard praise when they have done a job well. While non-American TCKs have been little noted in the 58 literature, their numbers and the insights provided by some research- ers indicate that future research of TCKs should include the non- American children (both host nationals and third country nationals) as well as children of mixed heritage. Marx The adolescent period is an important period in the develop- ment of affective and cognitive skills. Havighurst, in his discussion of developmental tasks, identified the school as a principal agent involved in the developmental tasks of adolescents and in fostering societal values. Havighurst also cited the cultural relativity of many tasks. Research findings, based on studies of American adolescents, suggest that important sociometric indicants in analyzing adolescent patterns of behavior include such biological factors as physical (notably athletic) and intellectual abilities as well as physical appearance and such cultural factors as family background and neigh- borhood. These factors combined with the age, gender, personality, and involvement or noninvolvement in school cocurricular activities reveal and often determine the pattern of adolescent behavior. Research data also suggest that bicultural adolescents, such as the hyphenated-American, Amerasian, and host country nationals, may experience the most difficulty in adjusting to the multicultural set- ting of the American-sponsored overseas school. In this setting, these same students may also have greater difficulty in positive personality and self-concept development. Findings also suggest 59 that general adolescent concerns rather than ethnic differences are reported by adolescent minorities and that ethnicity and color are not necessarily important factors in social acceptance. Data also suggest that length of residency and the social climate of the school environment may be important variables. Unfortunately, few of these findings have been studied in the context of the American-sponsored overseas school setting and com- pared with the attitudes and perceptions of the students who are learning to cape and interact in a unique and very transient multicul- tural setting--a setting where being in the ethnic, racial, or lin- guistic majority is in constant flux, and where neither national nor cultural assimilation is likely to be an objective of the student or the student's parents. CHAPTER III DESIGN OF STUDY The body travels more easily than the mind, and until we have limbered up our imagination we continue to think as though we had stayed at home. We have not really budged a step until we take up residence in someone else's point of view. John Erskine Introduction In this study the researcher was concerned with the formal and informal relationships between students; how these relationships affect student, administrator, and teacher behavior; and what school- guided activities may facilitate effective student adjustment to the multicultural setting of an American-sponsored overseas high school (ASOS). The researcher visited four American-sponsored high schools in the Far East during a l4-week period in late 1977 and early 1978. Heuristic procedures, commonly referred to as qualitative methodolo- gies, were used to examine these areas of interest. A Rationale and the Research Objective A researcher seeking to understand behavior must find ways to learn the manifest and latent meanings assigned to events by the participants, and must also study the behavior from the objective, 6O 61 outside perspective. The writer of this study employed the method- ologies of participant observation, examination of available archives and records, questionnaires, and interviewing. The rationale for this approach was derived from three hypotheses about human behav- ior: (a) the naturalistic-ecological hypothesis, i.e., it is essen- tial to study'psychological events in natural settings as setting generates regularities in behavior that often transcend differences among individuals; (b) the qualitative-phenomenological hypothesis, i.e., to understand human behavior it is necessary to understand the framework within which the subjects interpret their thoughts, feel- ings, and actions; and (c) the symbolic interaction hypothesis, i.e., human interactions are mediated by the use of symbols, by interpretation, or by ascertaining the meaning of one another's actions. Thus, the researcher's central objective in this study was to examine the multicultural interaction of three principal categories of students: American, host country, and third country students within the setting of an American-sponsored overseas high school. Chapter Overview A review of the procedures used in implementing the study is set forth in this chapter. Three principal areas are dealt with: (1) the selection of ASOS research sites, (2) compliance with the United States' National Research Act, and (3) the qualitative method- ologies employed for the collection of data. The appendices contain information concerning correspondence with selected American-sponsored overseas schools and relevant methodological documents. 62 Selection of a School As indicated in Table 1.1 of this study, there exist over one hundred American-sponsored overseas high schools located through- out the geopolitical regions of the world. While these schools are identified by normative criteria (see page 63), the dissimilarities in terms of school plant facilities, enrollment size, admixture of student body and faculty by nationalities, and the realities of rapidly changing sociopolitical environments that also impinge upon these schools,make the selection of a "representative" school at best subjective. Despite this diversity, there appear to be certain problems in common, such as the interaction among culturally differ- ent groups. Theoretical Sampling As in the Cusick and Ayling (1973) study, this study was not conducted to prove or disprove a theory about this particular type of school; rather, it was intended to generate theory. Therefore, the selection of a school was based on the principle of theoretical sampling, and, as explained by Glaser and Strauss, Theoretical sampling is the process of data collection for generating theory whereby the analyst jointly collects, codes, and analyzes his data and decides what data to col- lect next and where to find them, in order to develop his theory as it emerges. This process of data collection is controlled by the emerging theory, whether substantive or formal. The initial decisions for theoretical collection of data are based only on a general sociological perspective and on a general subject or problem area (such as how confi- dence men handle prospective marks or how policemen act toward Negroes or what happens to students in medical school that turns them into doctors). The initial decisions are not based on a preconceived theoretical framework (Glaser & Strauss, 1970:105). 63 They further stated, The researcher who generates theory need not combine random sampling with theoretical sampling when setting forth rela- tionships among categories and properties. These relationships are suggested as hypotheses pertinent to direction of rela- tionship and magnitude. Conventional theorizing claims gen- erality of scope; that is, one assumes that if the relationship holds for one group under certain conditions, it will probably hold for other groups under the same conditions (Glaser & Strauss, 1970:106). The nature of this study did not require randomness of selec- tion, but only that the study be conducted in a setting where the subject phenomena occurred and where the general conditions that surround the phenomena were present. Criteria for School Selection The normative criteria used for identifying A/OS schools were those prescribed by the Department of State's Office of Overseas Schools for determining financial assistance; i.e., the overseas school must be a nonsectarian, nonprofit elementary and secondary institution established and maintained by American groups or indi- viduals, which enrolls American, host country, and third country children (where the host nation permits), and which follows basically an American or binational curriculum under the direction of American or American-trained teachers, supervisors, and administrators (Luebke, 1976:14). Further, the Office of Overseas Schools lists these schools according to geopolitical regions (note Table 3.1) and will, upon request, provide a one-page fact sheet on each of the schools cur- rently receiving assistance (Luebke, 1976:40-41, 50-51). 64 Table 3.l.--Geopolitical locations of overseas schools assisted by the Office of Overseas Schools. AMERICAN REPUBLICS EUROPE EAST ASIA Argentina Austria Burma Bolivia Bulgaria Hong Kong Brazil Czechoslovakia Indonesia Chile Denmark Japan Colombia France Malaysia Costa Rica Germany Peeples Republic Dominican Republic Greece of China Ecuador Hungary Philippines El Salvador Iceland Singapore Guatemala Ireland Taiwan (Republic Haiti Italy of China) Honduras Netherlands Thailand Jamaica Poland Mexico Romania Nicaragua Spain Paraguay Sweden Peru Turkey Uruguay United Kingdom USSR Yugoslavia AFRICA NEAR EAST AND Algeria SOUTH ASIA Cameroon Afghanistan Egypt Bangla Desh EthiOpia India Ghana Iran Guinea Israel Ivory Coast Jordan Kenya Kuwait Liberia Lebanon Malagasy Republic Nepal Morocco Pakistan Nigeria Saudi Arabia Somalia Sri Lanka Sudan United Arab Emirates Tanzania Yemen Togo Tunisia Zaire Zambia Source: Paul T. Luebke, "American Elementary and Secondary Community Schools Abroad" (Arlington, Va.: School Administrators, 1976), pp. 50-51. American Association of 65 Selecting the Schools East Asia, as a region, was the area chosen by the writer. This preference of choice was the result of the writer's four-year experience as an assistant high school principal and student activi- ties director at one of the A80 schools in the region. This experi- ence provided the writer with some familiarity with the countries in the region, and the writer believed that such a prestudy experience would minimize cultural adjustment and concomitant expenditures involved in meeting daily living requirements while in a foreign and culturally different country. As noted in Table 3.1, there are presently eight countries (Burma, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Peoples Republic of China, Philippines, Singapore, Republic of China, Thailand) within the East Asia region in which American-sponsored schools are located. Available information from the Office of Oversees Schools revealed that 11 of 18 American-sponsored schools in this region reported enrollments to include all three categories (i.e., American, host country, and third country students). (See Table 3.2.) Eleven schools were not considered as possible research sites, due to thelhigh living costs the writer would have had to incur and/or the nonenroll- ment of host country students. The remaining seven schools each had some students of each category enrolled, although the percentage of host country students ranged from less than 1 percent to 15 percent; percentage enrollment of American children ranged from 46 to 84 per- cent, and 15 to 50 percent third country children. Of these schools, 66 Table 3.2.--American-sponsored schools in the East Asia region which meet the criteria for financial assistance from the United States Department of State as reported by the Office of Overseas Schools: 1976-1977. Total Percentage Student Enrollment by SChOO] Enrollment American Host Country Third Country (No.)* 1 89 49.4 00.0 50.6 ( 16) 2 1,282 67.0 11.5 21.5 ( 30) 3 139 25.8 00.0 74.2 ( 18) 4 105 49.5 00.0 50.4 ( 10) 5 1,618 49.9 00.0 50.1 (n/a)** 6 25 56.0 04.0 40.0 (n/a)** 7 n/a** n/a** n/a** n/a** (n/a)** 8 263 19.4 71.1 09.5 ( 7) 9 33 66.6 18.2 15.2 (n/a)** 10 931 72.3 11.1 16.6 ( 30) 11 213 37.1 48.8 14.1 ( 10) 12 441 54.2 00.9 44.9 ( 25) 13 12 50.0 00.0 50.0 ( 2) 14 2,205 46.5 15.1 38.4 ( 47) 15 1,451 84.1 00.5 15.4 (n/a)** 16 1,531 71.0 11.8 17.2 ( 29) 17 1,127 58.7 02.4 38.9 ( 46) 18 95 44.2 00.0 55.8 (n/a)** Source: Sta tistical information computed from the 1976-77 "Fact Sheets,” Office of Overseas Schools, Room 234, SA-6, U.S. Department of State, Washington, D.C. 20520. *(No.) = number of countries that are represented by students in the Third Country Classification. **n/a = enrollment figures not available. 67 one was church sponsored, and, as such an affiliation was atypical of the American-sponsored overseas schools, this school also was not considered. All of the remaining six schools were contacted to determine their receptivity to participating in this research study. Initial contacts were made either in person with each school's chief administrator during February-March recruiting Visitations to the United States or via mail. Of these six schools, one school chose to eliminate itself on the basis of its policy "to limit research studies of students, faculty, and/or parents to studies con- ducted by the school administration." The chief school officers of the remaining five schools all consented to participate in the study. Of these five, the school with the more balanced ratio of American, host country, and third country students was selected for the prin- cipal study site. This principal site was visited for a continuous period of ten weeks. A partial validation of hypotheses generated during this field experience was then made when the writer visited three of the remaining school sites for periods of one week each; the principal school site was also revisited for one week. The National Research Act Public Law 93-348, the National Research Act, was passed by the Congress of the United States on 12 July 1974 as part of the government's effort to protect the rights and dignity of human sub- jects of biomedical and behavioral research. Section 474(a) of the Act reads as follows: 68 The Secretary shall by regulation require that each entity which applies for a grant or contract under this Act for any project or program which involves the conduct of biomedi- cal or behavioral research involving human subjects submit in or with its application for such grant or contract assurances satisfactory to the Secretary that it has established (in accordance with regulations which the Secretary shall pre- scribe) a board (to be known as an "Institutional Review Board") to review biomedical and behavioral research involv- ing human subjects conducted at or sponsored by such entity in order to protect the rights of the human subjects of such research. University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) The present study constituted a form of behavioral research that could, and did, raise questions of concern regarding "informed consent" and potential risks to participants (see Appendix A). How- ever, as this research did not involve a contract or grant, it was not mandatory that the study be submitted for review by the Univer- sity Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS)--which is the "Institutional Review Board" at Michigan State University. Further, the Act is not concerned with the ordinary risks of public or private living. To the extent the writer would be questioning students about their perspectives of school happenings, this, too, presented no extraordinary risks. However, the writer recognized that access to the ASOS grounds, classrooms, and certain student activities was a privilege not commonly afforded the general public. In addition, the planned research methodology specified the intended use of questionnaires and formal interviews between the writer and selected students. It was these latter procedures that were particularly subject to legitimate 69 concern and questioning on the part of school officials and parents, and it was to these concerns that the writer believed it appr0priate and prudent to submit this study for review by the UCRIHS. In so doing, the writer had the responsibility of preparing a summary statement describing: 1. how the rights and welfare of human subjects involved in the proposed investigation would be protected, 2. methods to be used to secure informed consent, and 3. how professional attention or facilities would be provided for the safety and well-being of the human subjects. As is customary, the writer also appeared before the UCRIHS to orally defend the summary statements submitted. As the proposed study involved heuristic procedures whereby questionnaires and inter- view questions would be generated during the field experience, members of the UCRIHS were particularly concerned about whether research questions would seek information about a respondent's personal or family's attitudes regarding religion, politics, sexual behavior, or use of drugs. (Clarification of the writer's research intent on these topical areas also had been sought by several of the ASOS offi- cials.) The writer's position remained that such information was not the focus of the study and would not be actively sought; however, such observable or freely proffered data would be considered by the writer as legitimate data. This position was found to be acceptable. 7O Informed Consent "Informed consent" essentially means that the subjects of a research investigation freely consent to participate in the study and that the subjects understand the nature or purpose of the inves- tigation. To this ethical consideration the writer sought first each school's consent, as described in the "Consent Form for an Ethno- graphic Study" (Appendix A), whereby the writer recognized and accepted the school's prerogatives in protecting the rights and dig- nity of the students and the integrity of the school in general. Second, the content of questionnaires and formal interview questions was provided school officials for their review prior to student involvement. Third, a student-parent interview consent form (see Appendix A) was given to each student to be formally interviewed; this consent form was to be signed by both student and parent or legal guardian before the student was interviewed. Further, whenever the writer informally queried students, parents, or faculty, the writer would, on first encounters, state that the respondent need not feel obligated to respond nor feel that an explanation for not respond- ing was necessary. At first, this approach led to questions by the respondent of the writer's purpose in asking the question and subse- quently the nature of the study. This usually resulted in a friendly dialogue as well as the respondent's cooperation. As time elapsed, particularly at the primary research site, the writer found that first-encounter respondents often were already familiar with the writer's presence, had some understanding of the writer's purpose, 71 were cooperative, and would ask, "How is your study going?" or "Are you getting what you want?" Materials presented to the UCRIHS are provided in the appen- dices, including the UCRIHS review response. Methodology People who write about methodology often forget that it is a matter of strategy, not of morals. There are neither good nor bad methods but only methods that are more or less effective under particular circumstances in reaching objectives on the way to a distant goal. George C. Homans Qualitative methodologies have been developed by anthropolo- gists and community-study sociologists and have been found to be useful in developing an understanding of group perspectives and individual relationships in social settings. In an article in Review of Educa- tional Research (Wilson, 1977), attention was given the growing use of ethnographic techniques for studying American schools. Cited were the National Institute of Education (NIE, 1974), which is encouraging this kind of approach, and recent evaluations of educational programs and process of innovation where researchers are finding ethnographic approaches useful (CNS, 1972, 1974; Smith, 1974; Nelson, Lundin, & Gianotta, 1974). Among other studies which are particularly relevant to the interpersonal dynamics of the school setting and which used ethnographic techniques are: Smith and Geoffrey (1969), on life in an inner-city classroom; Ayling (1972) and Cusick and Ayling (1972), on black-white student interaction in an integrated, urban high school; Cusick (1973), on student life in a high school; Palonsky (1974) and 72 Butler (1975), on student interaction in an innovative, urban high school; and Ianni et a1. (1977), on comparisons of social systems among various kinds of high schools. Three Hypotheses: A Rationale The rationale underlying this methodology was based on three sets of hypotheses about human behavior. Wilson, in his article on ethnographic techniques, provided a concise review of two of these hypotheses--the naturalistic-ecological hypothesis (i.e., it is essen- tial to study psychological events in natural settings as setting generates regularities in behavior that often transcend differences among individuals) and the qualitative-phenomenological hypothesis (i.e., to understand human behavior it is necessary to understand the framework within which the subjects interpret their thoughts, feelings, and actions). The third hypothesis, that of symbolic interaction (i.e., human interactions are mediated by the use of symbols, by interpretation, or by ascertaining the meaning of one another's action) was succinctly discussed in the Cusick and Ayling (1973) study. Methodological Objective The underlying objective of qualitative research is to allow substantive concepts and hypotheses to emerge as part of the induc- tive processes of the researcher's field experience. Thus the struc- ture of this research is, to a large extent, determined by the field researcher during the field experience because the researcher is con- tinually trying to articulate the perspectives of the subjects while 73 trying to maintain personal objectivity with respect to his own subjective role as a participant observer (Wilson, 1977:250). This approach, Wilson explained, differs substantially from the more tra- ditional prestructured study, in which the research endeavor is to substantiate or refute a priori hypotheses derived from formal theory or formulated via deductive processes. Both approaches are valuable in developing a holistic understanding of human behavior; however, the latter approach, he said, restricts the researcher's perspective with the risk of "being concerned with irrelevant variables." Quali- tative research, on the other hand, is more concerned with "actual" behavior or what people are observed to do and not simply "normative" behavior or what people say they are doing or what they claim ought to be done (Ianni, 1977:13). Advantages of a Qualitative Approach Glaser and Strauss (1967) described the advantages of heuris- tic procedures over a prestructured study as follows: The consequence [of the prestructured] study is often a forc- ing of data as well as a neglect of relevant concepts and hypotheses that may emerge. Our approach, allowing substan- tive concepts and hypotheses to emerge first, on their own, enables the analyst to ascertain which, if any, existing formal theory may help him generate his substantive theories. He gan then be more objective and less theoretically based 34 . As explained by Ianni et al., [Qualitative] research has as its preferred style immersion in the field under study but always with a healthy and cen- tral respect for theory and methods. The emphasis . . . is on allowing the design of the research to remain somewhat flexible and subject to change throughout the work. This is principally due to an approach which sees the substance of the field as emerging rather than fixed and finite (16). 74 Wilson (1977:255) made the following summary of the relevant kinds of data that constitute qualitative data and which were sought by the writer of this study. Form and content of verbal interaction between participants. Form and content of verbal interaction with the researcher. Nonverbal behavior. Patterns of action and nonaction. Archival records and documents. (fiwa—J .0... Field Notes--A strategy In seeking these data, the writer sought to keep in the fore "Who does what, with whom, when and where?" The strategy for record- ing these observations was the model pr0posed by Schatzman and Strauss (Ianni, 1977:40-44), whereby the field notes are recorded and organized "in relatively distinct 'packages' of material according to whether they constitute 'Observational Notes' (0N), 'Theoretical Notes' (TN), or 'Methodological Notes' (MN)." As explained by Schatzman and Strauss, 0N: Observational notes are statements bearing upon events experienced principally through watching and listening. They contain as little interpretation as possible, and are as reliable as the observer can construct them. . . . An ON is the Who, What, When, Where, and How of human activity. It tells who said or did what, under stated circumstances. Each ON is constructed as a unit event that can stand by itself as a datum, or can be fully understood in the context of other ON's on any given date or circumstance. If it records actual conversation, the researcher quotes exact words, phrases, or sentences; otherwise, he uses the apostrophe . . . :0 indicate somewhat lesser certainty, or paraphrases as best e can. TN: When the observer goes beyond the "facts" a theoretical or inferential note is written. Theoretical notes represent self-conscious, controlled attempts to derive meaning from 75 any one or several observation notes. The observer as recorder thinks about what he has experienced, and makes whatever pri- vate declaration of meaning he feels will bear conceptual fruit. He interprets, infers, hypothesizes, conjectures; he develops new concepts, links these to older ones, or relates any observation to any other in this presently private effort to create social science. MN: A methodological note is a statement that reflects an operational act completed or planned: an instruction to one- self, a reminder, a critique of one's own tactics. It notes timing, sequencing, stationing, stage setting, or maneuvering. Methodological notes might be thought of as observational notes on the researcher himself and upon the methodological process itself. . . . Were the observer to plan on writing for later publication about his research tactics, he would take detailed notes; otherwise his MN consists mainly of reminders and instructions to himself. Establishing a Field Role The role the field observer assumes in relation to his or her subjects will also have a controlling effect on the product of the field study (Gold, 1970). The writer's role was most like the “limited participant" role described by Lutz and Iannaccone (1969: 108); that is, "the observer would join a group for the expressed purpose of studying it. The members would probably know of the researcher's interest in joining the group." This conceptual role is more suggestive of the writer's true role while visiting the principai school setting as the field research activities tended to incorporate the "participant as observer“ and "observer as participant" roles described by Gold. However, the ten-week visitation involved obser- vations of campus life as an observer only; observation of some school activities as a limited participant where the writer actively inter- acted with students; and participation on a rather "normal, accept- able" basis with many students whom the writer interviewed. 76 Involvement of this nature coincides more with Gold's "participant as observer" model. Conversely, there was no direct participation, aside from the formal interview, and little, if any, informal obser- vation of some persons who were interviewed. Similarly, the writer's one-week visits to three additional A/OS schools involved mostly inter- viewing with limited observations, all of which is more illustrative of Gold's "observer as participant" model. In this study, establishing a role began with the writer's initial contacts with administrative officials of each participating school. As has been indicated, the writer's proposed on-site activi- ties during the one-week Visitations to three A/OS schools had been described to the respective school officials as, and subsequently were, observing and interviewing. Ambiguities However, the writer apparently had created ambiguity, as uncertainty was evidenced by two of the schools. The official of one .school with whom the writer had personally discussed the study granted approval for including his school in this study, but sent a confirma- tion letter stipulating the following conditions: Upon my return I approached our Faculty Administrative Council and they are agreeable to the proposal on the following approaches: 1. No class or school time of teachers/students--in other words, if you could gather your information, survey, interview, etc. on other than school class time. 2. The results of the study be officially known to the school. 3. That you will do all administrative and clerical work and will not involve any school personnel. 77 Undoubtedly you understand the reasons for the above, due to the inordinate number of requests the school gets for such programs. I'm sure you will be able to work out and around the above with no problem. Upon the writer's arrival at the school, a copy of the questionnaire and interview format were given the principal and assistant princi- pal. No objections were made, and both were cooperative, as were the guidance counselor and several teachers. There was no reticence about withdrawing students from class to establish an interview schedule, a conference room was made available for conducting interviews, and a secretary was instructed to assist in locating students. (An inter- esting aside to this is after the writer's return to Michigan State University, a professor who visited this school just prior to the writer's visit related that he was queried by some of the school's administrators as to what the writer was really looking for; the pro- fessor sensed a degree of anxiety on their part.) A second school, having agreed to cooperate with the research, still posed these questions: 1. What are your hypotheses? Section Six of the Ethical Prin- ciples in the Conduct of Research with Human Participants (American Psychological Ass'n., 1973) calls for obtaining "informed consent" of participants. 2. What sorts of questions will you ask? May we have an advance copy of your questionnaire? We are bound by our responsibility under the Ethical Research Code to ensure that "human participants emerge from their research experi- ence unharmed--or at least that the risks are minimal, understood by the participants, and accepted as reasonable." It is not my intention to restrict the scope of your study, but there has been such a history of cooperating partici- pants and agencies being exploited by irresponsible inves- tigators seeking sensational tidbits--well, I'm sure you are aware of the historical reasons for caution. 78 3. How many students and how much of their time will be needed? Would not a random sampling of classes be as statistically relevant as the whole school? What is a "focused interview?" What does it comprise and how long does it take? 4. As regards formal and informal classroom observation, you are welcomed fully. I do have some reservations about "sponsoring" you in interviews with parents. This places me in the predicament of approving a process over which I have no control. I once approved a study in the U.S. only to discover that the investigator had "changed her mind'I and decided to correlate student behavior problems with parental drug intake. I paid the price for my collegial trust! These questions were not those of the Superintendent with whom the researcher had conferred, but were raised by the Director of Instruc- tion, who had been asked by the Superintendent to "act as . . . liaison for [the] dissertation research." (Copies of this correspon- dence are included in Appendix B.) The Need for a Principal Site Initially, the writer was planning for one-week visits to each school; however, two points became increasingly significant while reviewing the literature. First, available research regarding the day-to-day happenings in the multicultural milieu of the American overseas school is minimal and inconclusive--particu1ar1y if one is considering the students' perspective. This paucity Of information underscored the value of a participant observation study utilizing heuristic procedures. Second, the proposed one-week Visitations brought into question the subjective adequacy of the writer's find- ings. The literature revealed that many researchers who had conducted heuristic field studies acknowledged the importance of, and their 79 endeavors to observe, the six indices postulated by Homans for sub- jective adequacy (note page 15; also Bruyn, 1966). Thus, the writer sought to arrange for a ten-week visitation at one of the six ASOS sites followed by one-week vistations to three of the other schools as a partial validation of findings and hypotheses generated from the ten-week study. Securing the Principal Site Here again the writer's field role began with the initial contacts with the chief school officers. The writer's first contact was made via a telephone call to the newly appointed high school principal. The telephone conversation was brief but cordial. Fol- lowing a cursory personal introduction, a brief statement was made to the effect that the writer was planning to conduct an exploratory, descriptive study of the formal and informal relationships of students attending American-sponsored overseas high schools and that a princi- pal site where the student body consisted of a substantial distribution of American, host country, and third country students was desired for an initial ten-week participant observation study. The principal's response was cautiously enthusiastic. He explained he was new to that specific school organization (he had worked in two American- sponsored overseas schools prior to this assignment) and was not familiar with community sentiment and thus he could not give unilateral approval for the study but that he would review the reSearch proposal and subsequently express his opinion to the Superintendent. To do this, he requested a cover letter summarizing the nature and purpose 80 of the study. His particular concerns were: (1) the nature of the researcher's involvement with students and the kind of data being sought, (2) that the study had to be conducted at no cost to the school, (3) that the school's identity remain anonymous, and (4) that a copy of the completed study be given to the school. A copy of the research proposal, along with the requested cover letter, was subse- quently provided. The following week the principal asked the writer to meet with him to review the research plans. At the meeting, the discus- sion focused on the writer's proposed on-site activities; that is, what would the writer be doing and looking for while visiting the school's campus? The writer briefly described the role of a partici- pant observer. The principal stressed his concern about questions being asked of students that related to drugs or probed for personal views that revealed the students' family convictions, e.g., political views. The writer's response was the same as had been expressed to the UCRIHS --that such information was not the focus of the study and would not be actively sought, but, as a participant observer, such observable or freely proffered data would be considered as legitimate data. The writer did emphasize that this information, should it become field data, would be prudently reported. This was not to suggest a "white- washing" of facts, but that to the best of the writer's ability, field data would be objectively reported; that is, the frequency of observable or hearsay data in the context of who does what, with whom, 81 when, and where. The principal accepted this explanation, but com- mented, "I would like to see more studies like this one but quite honestly I would not agree to one unless I knew the researcher." He also mentioned that he had heard others speak of this writer and, coupled with this Opportunity to personally meet and discuss the project, he felt comfortable about supporting the writer's proposed research. (Reference to the "others"--educators who have been affili- ated in some way with ASOS or 000 (Department of Defense) Dependents schools--who had, in varying ways, familiarized him with this writer is illustrative of what Useem referred to as the "third culture net- work." (See Chapter II, pages 44-45.) Although the principal remained enthusiastic about the study, he stressed his concern about the possibility of a resistant parent community and said, ". . . the students may also be suspicious of your real purpose. You look a lot like a narc [narcotics agent]!" The principal's comment revealed a sensitivity to the overseas Ameri- can community. Revelation of serious misconduct on the part of a child has sometimes resulted in the child or the entire family having to return to the United States. Such action can have devastating effects on the careers of military and diplomatic personnel. The principal underscored his concern by asking if the writer would be willing to discuss the research project with parents. The response was "Yes." He then asked what alternatives had been considered should school officials feel compelled to terminate the study. The question of a premature termination of the research had also been raised by the writer's research committee chairperson, as 82 the initial financial investment alone was to be substantial. The writer was confident that this possibility would not occur. It was the writer's opinion that, having worked four years in an American- sponsored overseas school as an administrator (and desiring to do so again) at a time when much public attention was being focused on this school over alleged student drug involvement, this researcher would be able to relate effectively to both parent and student concerns and suspicions. Further, it was the writer's belief that openness and honesty combined with the overseas experience would avert any cause to terminate the study. Nonetheless, should termination have become a reality and the consequence rendered the endeavor as fruit- less, the writer felt emotionally capable of caping. The writer's philosophical position is best expressed in the following words of John Milton: "A mind not to be changed by place or time, the mind is its own place, and in itself can make a Heaven of Hell, a Hell of Heaven." Questionnaires Three questionnaires were designed and used during the writer's field experience. (Copies of these questionnaires are included in Appendix C.) Two of the questionnaires were used during the final two weeks of the researcher's visitation at the principal school site. One questionnaire was designed to be administered to selected groups of students participating in school-sponsored extracurricular 83 activities. The writer's purpose in using this questionnaire was to reveal (a) if the student's decision to participate in the activity was specifically influenced by someone, and (b) whether the students had any other association with each other after school and during weekends. The researcher informally interviewed some of the respon- dents to further examine these two points. The other questionnaire solicited demographic data about the student and was administered in conjunction with the focused interview. This second questionnaire was incorporated into the more comprehensive "Self-Administered Ques- tionnaire." The Self-Administered Questionnaire Following the writer's departure from the principal school setting, a third questionnaire was designed for the purpose of further examining some of the interaction modes and perceptions of ASOS stu- dents. This questionnaire was to provide a partial validation or refutation of some of the writer's field hypotheses. The questionnaire was constructed around Clarizio's (1978) discussion of "status in the peer group." He cited three dimensions of social status as being discernible--acceptance, power, and compe- tence. Acceptance, Clarizio said, "may be viewed as the degree to which an individual is liked by or is attractive to others." In examining this dimension, the writer asked selected ASOS students to identify whom they would choose to be with for in-school and out-of- school activities; for example, their choice of a school workmate, someone to eat lunch with, and someone to spend a Saturday afternoon 84 with. Items 9a-9f in this questionnaire relate to social acceptance. The second aspect of social status has to do with "social power, leadership, and prestige." Clarizio described social power "as the potential ability to influence another or to get another to behave in a certain way." Items 10a and 10d are exploratory questions of the power dimension of status in the A505 student peer group. Citing French and Raven (1955), Clarizio described the third dimension, com- petence, as referring to the ability component of group structure, that is, "how well an individual does something in relation to other group members and in relation to an external standard." In examining this dimension, he pointed out that a number of definitions of compe- tence have been used but that most studies have not differentiated between interpersonal, work, and play competencies (Gildewell et al., 1966, in Clarizio). Thus, he suggested, "the specific area of compe- tence must be spelled out for a study dealing with this component of social structure to have meaning" (20). Items 10b and 10c are explora- tory questions of the competence aspect of status. Items 8a, 8b, and 8c are exploratory questions of the informal social habits of ASOS students. Items 1 through 7 provide demographic information. This questionnaire took students approximately 20 minutes to complete and was administered prior to the "focused" interview. Stu- dents appeared to respond conscientiously to the questionnaire, com- pleting all or nearly all items when left alone or when scheduled to be interviewed. However, when the questionnaire was administered to small groups, such as a class, students appeared less inclined to 85 complete many of the items. This may have been attributable to the repetitiveness of data asked for in items 8 through 10. This questionnaire was administered to selected students at four American-sponsored overseas schools. Selection of Student Respondents As previously discussed, this was an exploratory study. Hence the researcher's selection of student respondents was concerned with theoretical sampling procedures. The selection of respondents was quite arbitrary in that the researcher asked a school counselor, teacher-advisor, activities director, coach, or high school adminis- trator to prepare a list of students who, in their opinion, were reasonably well adjusted adolescents. The meaning of "reasonably well adjusted" was not defined by the researcher but left to the interpretation of each educator. A partial validation of each educator's choice was made, as the researcher would ask one other professional staff member whether they would add or delete any names on the writer's list of "reasonably well adjusted" students. Further, the requested list was not extensive, as the writer asked only that one or more students be identified for each category and subcategory, as described below. There were three categories with four duplicate cells (note Figure 3.1). The writer sought to have at least one male and female, active and nonactive student respondent for each category complete the "self-administered questionnaire" and participate in an interview session. "Active" and "nonactive" refer to students whom the educators 86 .mucmnconmme pcmuzpm empowpmm to mmeommumouu._.m mezmmu opmsmd m—wz m>wuomcoz m>wao< Necczou geese m>wuumcoz zeuczou «mo: upmsmd mpmz m_memd wpmz m>wuumcoz m>Puo< :mowems< 87 believed to be or not be participating in school-sponsored extracur- ricular activities. The Focused Interview The "focused" interview was described by Merton and Krandall (1946:541-577) as having the following characteristics: 1. Persons being interviewed are known to have taken part in a particular situation or event. 2. The interview focuses on situations, elements, patterns, or total structures which have undergone some previous analysis. 3. The interview proceeds on the basis of a guide developed out of previous analysis. 4. The interview itself is focused on, but not limited to, the situation noted. The interview schedule (see Appendix D) was divided into three parts. Part A sought to review the reasons why host country students chose to attend an American-sponsored high school. Information was also sought regarding the subject's perception of the reactions of his/her host country peers who were not attending the American school. Part B sought to review the reaction of American and third country students to their moving overseas and to obtain data about their anticipation of the move as well as their reactions to living in another country. Part C sought to review the initial "entry" reactions of American, host country, and third country students to the overseas American school. In addition to discussing recent experiences, sub- jects were asked to describe their recollections of particularly satisfying and frustrating school experiences encountered when they 88 first entered the school. They were also asked to describe their activities on a typical school day and weekend. Items 3a, 3b, 4a, and 4b of the interview schedule were designed to cross-check items 8a, 8b, 8c, and 9b of the Self-Administered Questionnaire. Other items sought their reactions to fellow students, the faculty, and administration; the ease with which they interacted with fellow ASOS students of other nationalities and the apposite gender; who or what motivated them to participate in extracurricular activities or why they did not participate. Interview Procedures 1. After obtaining the student names, a school staff person would notify each student to report to a designated room where the writer met with the students collectively. 2. The writer identified himself and his relationship to the University as a graduate student. 3. The writer's purpose in the research, procedures for the research, and the parental-student consent forms were explained. 4. A time and place to meet alone for the interviews were arranged. Interviews were scheduled at the convenience of the stu- dent. Most interviews were held during the school day in an avail- able room of the school. Two interview sessions were conducted in the evening at a student hostel, and two interviews were conducted on the weekend in a United States military compound cafeteria. 89 5. Permission to tape record each interview was sought; recordings were not made when permission was not granted--one student requested that the interview not be recorded. 6. Interviews were conducted in two parts: First, the student was asked to complete the self-administered questionnaire; second, the focused interview was conducted. Schedule of School Site Visitations October lZ-December 21 ASOS Site No. January 9-January 13 ASOS Site No. January lS-January 20 ASOS Site No. January 20-January 25 ASOS Site No. January 29-February 3 ASOS Site No. d-wa—J The researcher sought a partial validation of findings gener- ated during the ten-week longitudinal visitation of the ASOS site no. 1; and, since the self-administered questionnaire and focused interview schedule were constructed after this visitation, the researcher believed it appropriate and necessary to revisit the first school site for the purpose of obtaining a similar categorical sampling, as depicted in Figure 3.1. Selection of students and inter- view procedures was consistent in each of the four schools. Scope and Limitation of Study There are various factors which render this study less than complete. These have to do with the scope of the study as well as the skills and experience of the researcher, the population and 90 subjects of the study, the methodology, time, and the conceptual framework itself. This research was an examination of the multicultural inter- action of three major categories of students who make up the student bodies of American-sponsored overseas high schools. The researcher sought to describe and explain the relationships of these students within the school setting; to describe how these relationships affect student behavior, administrator and teacher behavior, and other facets of the school organization; and to identify and describe salient char— acteristics of school-guided activities that may be facilitating effective student adjustment to the school's multicultural setting. To accomplish these tasks, the writer embraced the assumption (derived from three hypotheses--see pages 61 8.72) that social reality is objective and can best be understood by one who is present, observ- ing, and scrutinizing social reality as it occurs. Through the medium of participant observation, heuristic procedures provided the basis for this study's data collection. Aside from following the procedures of theoretical sampling, both the exploratory nature of this study and the writer's selection of student groups and individual respondents restrict generalizations concerning the findings of this study. At the same time, there are characteristics of the school setting, subject behavior, and school- guided activities that are likely to be quite similar or applicable to other multicultural school settings. It is possible, then, to make tentative statements about these findings. 91 Therefore, conclusions concerning the findings presented in this study have only limited applicability. They may be used as a basis for similar studies or for prestructured studies seeking quanti- tative data in order to provide more conclusive and inclusive generali- zations about multicultural interaction among multinational peer groups in the same secondary school setting, the effects such inter- action has on the behavior of participants in the school setting, and characteristics of school-guided activities that facilitate effective student adjustment. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF SELECTED FINDINGS Introduction Presented in this chapter are composite descriptions and dis- cussions of the community settings, school characteristics, and pat- terns of student interaction that were observed at the four American-sponsored overseas community schools (ASOS) visited by the writer. At the end of this chapter summary descriptions and comments are also presented about several innovative school-guided activities that appeared to particularly facilitate effective student coping. The description and discussion of the four community school settings visited in this study are presented in the context of Erik Cohen's (1977) report on expatriate communities. Description and dis- cussion of salient characteristics of the four American-sponsored schools include organizational, faculty, and student demographic data and summary discussions of policies relating to student behavior and the nature of student disciplinary problems. The analysis and dis- cussion of student interaction are presented in the context of the three levels of analysis Francis Ianni (1977) and his colleagues have used for studying schools as social systems. Three dimensions of student peer group social status perceptions are also examined. 92 93 Community Settipgs Anonymity of each school the researcher visited was a pre- condition agreed to between the researcher and officials of the four A/OS schools where data collection took place. Hence, names of schools and the host communities are not mentioned. Similarities to Asian communities familiar to the reader are anticipated but should not be construed as evidence of a given ASOS setting, for there exists a comnonality in the characteristics of these ASOS community settings. Even though each school in this study and its host com- munity are distinctly different according to nature and size of the parents' employment Sponsors, school site and facilities, host coun- try laws, customs, language and mores, there exists a commonality in the general characteristics of these four community-school settings. Erik Cohen (1977) in his report "Expatriate Communities" provides a comprehensive discussion of the "ecology of expatriate communities" that the researcher found accurately portrayed charac- teristics common to the four ASOS settings visited in this study. These communities were composed of what Cohen refers to as "volun- tary temporary migrants," mostly from affluent countries, persons who are residing in an alien country for purposes similar to the third culture participants described by Useem and discussed in Chapter II of this study. For Cohen, the important variations in these otherwise similar expatriate, overseas, transitional, or third culture communities are "contingent upon four key variables: the size of the community, the extent of its heterogeneity, the socio- cultural distance between the expatriates and the host country 94 nationals, and the origins of the expatriate community--whether 'natural' or 'planted'" (Cohen, 1977:24). Size of community, Cohen suggested, determines the ability of the community's participants to achieve "institutional autarchy and social self-sufficiency." The homo-heterogeneity of these communities, he explained, will likely influence the institutional autarchy as well as the social cohesion and solidarity of the com- munity. Socio-cultural distance between the expatriates and host country nationals, he suggested, is likely to be influenced by the similarities or dissimilarities of an environment in terms of lan- guage, culture, and material amenities. Cohen postulated that “the greater the socio-cultural distance, the stronger the tendency towards institutional autarchy and social segregation from the host society" (1977:25). In the context of the "natural" and "planted" communities, Cohen defined the "natural" expatriate community as being "mere ecological aggregates of individuals who come to live in a locality of the host society on their own or under a variety of organizational auspices, for different purposes and at different times, like the American community in Ciudad Condal in Spain, studied by Nash (1970)." In contrast, the "planted" expatriate communities, Cohen explained, "are established under the auspices of one major organization, a company or the military; it is completely controlled by its sponsoring organization, which provides its institutions and transfers its members in and out of the community; it is sometimes a geographically separate company town or military camp" (1977:25). 95 These expatriate or overseas communities "tend to be dis- proportionately concentrated in the large metropolitan cities and particularly the national capitals" (26). Modern expatriates tend to insist upon accustomed housing and amenities (27), and to live in compact enclaves or ghettos manifesting a strong clus- tering tendency (28). In these cities where there is a general trend to suburban expansion, expatriates are found to be reclus- tering in the same direction to the newer, luxurious housing develOpments catering to expatriates' tastes. The expatriates, Cohen notes, share these suburban neighborhoods with Westernized local elites which are attracted both to the expatriates and to the type of housing they prefer (29). The dynamics of expatriate residential ecology, he explains, tend to lead towards the emer- gence of dispersed clusters of expatriate dwellings in one general sector of the city, and away from the single, homogeneous, and seg- regated expatriate neighborhood (29). A schematic depicting the characteristic clustering and in-city migration of the expatriate communities is presented on the next page. The four American schools visited by the researcher were located in large metropolitan cities, each of which was also the national capital. Using Cohen's term, all four ASOS settings were "natural" expatriate communities, although there were certain aspects of the "planted" community in the military. Community Size While the researcher is without statistics on the size and composition of the expatriate communities in each of the four cities 96 .Foocom mo\< em mcwpmo; zuwo cemummu emu ceuvpoqoeums .mmcep co cowpmeum:_Fw m>wumt=mwmuu._.e meampd 5344333."333%.53353fih3u313 . . .. ... ..... ....... '.......... ... ..... . ......... . . ... . . . . ... . . . . . . ........‘ ........................................................................‘ '.................................... ..N.NNNNNNNNNNN." 8.33m N.N.N.N.N.N.N."~NN. a.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO O I O O O O O 0 O . 2.6893 3.2 ".NNNNAR.» 10-000000........... .....O. ............. ............. ............. IIIIIIIIII d............ 33”. m9 3.3.“ 8.5. 28 2&3”.33”. ‘oooooooooooooooo .oooooooooooo N ..uuunnuunuunu”NNNNNNNNH 3.4.5.453”u”NHHNNNNNNNNN Nuuuuunummmmmmmm”unnuunnmma o????????uo?nonononouc?“ ‘.................. mu eat—v.6 unnnuuunuuunuu. 5???? ?????N... o . or)??? .uu 83.39 ”nunuuuuuuunnnununuuuuuun.n heft! . ...........'.‘ ”tomh'ax0 00000000000000 ooooo“ .228 a... . cocoa 3.8.8 .6 5:8... 22.890 97 hosting the four A/OS schools, observation revealed that three of the cities host sizable expatriate communities. This is substantively supported by the enrollment statistics of these four A/OS schools and the fact that in each city there were other expatriate-oriented schools. For example, in one of these communities a church-sponsored school provided an American-based educational program for minor dependents from grades K-9. In another of the host cities a British, a Japanese, and a church-sponsored school also served the city's expatriate community. The existence of these schools and the grade levels served, if compared with the nationality composition of the student bodies, would reflect in part the size and composition of the host city's expatriate community. The existence of these schools reflects the desire and efforts of expatriates to achieve social self- sufficiency. As Cohen observed, "The larger these communities, the greater their ability to achieve institutional autarchy and social self-sufficiency" (24). Homo-Heterogeneityeof the Communities The ASOS students' families generally lived in expatriate enclaves or ghettos in the same section or adjoining sections of these four cities and in the general vicinity of the expatriate busi- ness districts. With few exceptions, the neighborhoods of these enclaves were shared with host country nationals. However, the host nationals in theSe neighborhoods often included an admixture of the country's socioeconomic composition. Host national Westernized elites and the host country's emerging middle class would often 98 compete with and share the range of available housing sought by the expatriates. Within these same neighborhoods would also be the older Asian equipped and occupied dwellings that have not yet given way to the Westernized bungalow or apartment flat. And it was not uncommon to find the makeshift dwellings of squatters on the otherwise vacant plots of land interspersed in these expatriate neighborhood enclaves. Several residential characteristics were of particular inter- est and are possibly substantive in the dynamics of the interaction patterns of ASOS students. The students' families often reside in clusters according to socioeconomic status. For example, the large private homes with their private swimming pools, spacious and/or decorative lawns and the new, spacious apartments generously appointed with Western accoutrements are usually occupied by families in which a parent, usually the father, is a ranking commissioned military officer, or a business or institutional executive. These dwellings are also usually located some distance from the school itself, either in the older neighborhoods once occupied by the aristocracy of the former colonial expatriates or in the new suburban luxury developments. In contrast, there are the Western-styled apartments with only the basic accoutrements often without aesthetic appeal and subject to considerable variation in maintenance and upkeep. These dwellings are often, but not necessarily, closer to the school site and are occupied by ASOS families who are without the substantial perquisites of their superiors. There also appears to exist a middle range in this housing continuum--apartments and houses that vary in size, aesthetics, accoutrements, and certainly availability and rent. .A 99 common characteristic of most of these dwellings is the dense shrub- bery, fence, or walled barrier than encircles them. Aside from pro- viding privacy, many of these walled barriers are designed to discourage thieves, as the walls may be capped with jagged pieces of glass. The schools are also enclosed by walls or fences in addition to having guards. For the A/OS schools visited these barriers appeared to serve several functions. Most notably, aside from providing mini- mal protection from thievery, the barriers enabled the school offi- cials to monitor who enters and leaves the school's premises. The ASOS host national families may share their neighborhoods with the expatriates but often live in the older or more central sec- tions of the city. Social-Cultural Distance Between Expatriates and the Hosts Based on this writer's three-month research sojourn as well as on four years' working experience in the Far.East, there is essentially little, and often no, socializing between the expatriate community and the hosts other than the necessary perfunctory relationships. A notable exception appears to occur for some expatriate Asians if they have relatives in the host country. The social segregation appears to be immediately established by language differences and is but- tressed by a disparate culture and, for most expatriates, a different racial environment. It might be assumed that missionaries and American-Asians (Amerasians) and European-Asians (Eurasians) would be exceptions to the expatriate exclusivity. However, this researcher's observations 100 suggest that these groups also stay within the expatriate social- cultural environment. Missionaries, who are often articulate in the host language, are more likely to work among host nationals and be more isolated from their fellow missionaries or other members of the expatriate community. For the Western Asian expatriates, notably Amerasians and Eurasians, the host country language and culture may be a sufficient barrier to discourage social-cultural intermingling with host nationals. While many expatriates may be long-time-outers, and even though other research has indicated that expatriate children demon- strate a proclivity towards worldmindedness (Gleason, 1970; Beimler, 1972), there appears to be little interest and even less commitment to social integration with host nationals. At one A/OS school this writer was told by a non-Asian American teacher that host national co-workers were never invited to the private social gatherings of the expatriate teaching staff members. This was confirmed by other staff members upon questioning. One Asian-American teacher who confirmed this added: "For a long time I was uncomfortable with all host nationals, forgetting that I am one of them by blood. But Americans have this 'Lord of the earth syndrome' that leads you to think you're superior. And don't kid yourself. This superiority feeling is also sensed by the [host nationals]." However, this writer participated in various private social gatherings with various groups of the school's professional staff, and while evidence of this apparent seg- regation was observed by the researcher there was also evidence of social integration. Although some of the social liaisons appeared to 101 be of long standing and common practice, these liaisons, neverthe- less, appeared to be the exception. Cohen postulated that "the greater the social-cultural dis- tance, the stronger the tendency towards institutional autarchy and social segregation from the host society." While this writer is not prepared to support or refute Cohen's assumption, situations were observed where institutional autarchy noticeably facilitated and encouraged social segregation--not only from the host society but within the expatriate society itself. Three particularly relevant examples were the American Clubs, the American community-sponsored Teen Clubs, and the United States military commissary/PX. These institutional agencies provided stateside amenities and environ- ments, but access to these American territorial environments was restricted to qualified affiliation and membership. Regardless of purpose, these organizations appear to effectively segregate and isolate Americans from host nationals and other expatriates, as well as Americans from other Americans. An example may help to illustrate the apparent effective- ness of this institutional autarchy. On one occasion the writer was a dinner guest at the home of an ASOS student. The family was an American family, the father a successful buyer for an interna- tional garment distributor. They lived in one of the new suburban luxury developments. The house and neighborhood gave the impression that one was still in upper-middle-class, suburban United States. During the course of the evening's conversation the mother commented on the difficulty of establishing friendships. When queried about 102 this she explained that while there was a substantial American commu- nity in this city her husband's work did not bring them into contact with other Americans. She further explained that the social circles of most Americans revolved around closed associations, such as the military clubs or the American Club, and that aside from these organi— zations there was little opportunity to meet people. With the prin- cipal exception of the parents of their daughter's boy friend, they had met their friends through the American Club, she said. Membership in the American Clubs is apparently expensive, and frequent use of the Clubs could be costly. Non-Americans are excluded from membership though welcomed as guests of American mem- bers. The military clubs offer membership only to those with the appropriate military privileges. Those with military privileges are able to live their lives almost wholly isolated from the host society, as military facilities provide such support services as post exchange and commissary shopping; medical, entertainment, and recreational facilities; and APO (United States postal service). In contrast, the American Club membership entitled its members only to organized sh0pping and sightseeing excursions and an American environment for dining and socializing. The Teen Clubs, which were organized by Americans, are restricted to American teenagers, with guest privileges available to non-American teenagers if they are accompanied by an American. In some cases, membership is available to all students of the A/OS school. However, the Teen Clubs appeared to be situated in American-dominated enclaves and were almost wholly used by American teenagers. ASOS HCNs and TCNs when questioned 103 about their going to the Teen Club would say they would only go with an American friend. The non-American ASOS girls did not like going to the Club. Apparently the girls who went to the Club were going as the date of an American boy and held the belief that their presence was resented by the American girls. The "Natural" and "Planted" Eypatriate Communities The major analytical difference between "natura1"and "planted" expatriate communities lies in the manner in which the facili- ties to cope with the strangeness of the host society are sup- plied: "planted" expatriate communities received their facilities from the sponsoring organization, which plays toward the expatriates a similar role to that played by the tourist establishment toward the mass tourists (Cohen, 1972:169-174); while the "natural" expatriate communities are forced to create their facilities by their own efforts, in which respect they resemble the middleman minorities. Owing to their comprehen- siveness, "planted" communities generally could be expected to be more institutionally autarchic, more socially cohesive and more segregated from the host society than their "natural" counterparts (1977:25). The ASOS communities visited in this study were more indica— tive of the "natural" expatriate communities which Cohen describes as being "ecological aggregates of individuals who come to live in a locality of the host society on their own or under a variety of organizational auspices, for different purposes and at different times" (25). The expatriate participants of the ASOS communities visited by this writer appeared to come and leave in varying numbers at varying times and represented a varying field of occupational roles. As previously cited (Useem, 1973), the main occupational roles included representatives of governments (diplomats, foreign service officers, military personnel), employees of international 104 businesses, missionaries, technical and educational mission repre- sentatives, employees of international organizations and foundations, foreign correspondents, artists, musicians, and teachers. In two of the cities visited there did exist some of the characteristics of the “planted" expatriate community, namely the support services of the United States military. In one of the cities, the military community was large enough that a wide range of support services enabled the members to effectively segregate themselves from the host society. And, as suggested by Cohen, institutional autarchy was very evident in the rules and regula- tions that governed those who qualified to use the support ser- vices. For example, only those with full military privileges were allowed to use the APO. Others, who qualified as support personnel to the military, were allowed to shop in the military compound's American-styled grocery and department stores for both Western and Asian goods. The prices of these goods were usually considerably lower than in the local host coUntry market. And, if persons entitled to these privileges were found giving or reselling any of these items to others not entitled to the same privileges, they would lose their own privileges. P The military support services, such as the commissary, post exchange, APO, and health care facilities, are illustrative of what Cohen described as the "planted" expatriate community. It is these services, he explained, that "play toward the entitled expatriates a similar role to that played by the tourist establishment toward the mass tourists." In contrast, the American Clubs, Teen Clubs, and 105 American-sponsored community schools reflect some of the facilities created by the "natural" expatriate communities to achieve some self-sufficiency and institutional autonomy. Interstitial Support Services There appeared to exist an interesting assortment of "support" services that were not created by the "natural" or "planted" expatriate communities but had emerged to serve or , accommodate the expatriate and/or Westernized host national elite societies. These services included health care, entertainment, rec- reation, and such basic services as retail outlets for food, clothing, and Western household items. Those who provided these services were host nationals or persons Cohen described as "middle- man minorities"--migrants who often come to a host country as sojourners but stay (Cohen, 1977:17-19). While a detailed discus- sion of these services would be tangential to the purposes of this report, their existence and function were observed by this writer as being important and therefore deserving of some comment. These support services were usually conveniently located in or near the expatriate central business districts or residential enclaves. A host city would appear somewhat sectionalized by the nature of its businesses and the composition of its people. Thus, it would appear that one section of the city hosted and catered to the Western or international expatriate businesses and residential communities, another section to the indigenous population, and, 106 depending on the city, other sections hosted and catered to Asian migrant communities. Serving the ASOS communities were the neighborhood air- conditioned grocery stores which stocked an assortment of American or Western brand-named goods as well as local items packaged to appeal to the Western cultural mode; for example, cellophane-wrapped pre-cut meat. As should be expected, the prices were often considerably higher than the United States military commissary or the open-air shaps and markets which served the indigenous population. There were also the basic service industries such as the barber shops and beauty salons which used or displayed familiar American-named pro- ducts and often provided reading materials such as Iime_and Newsweek magazines or similar native-language magazines of other western coun- tries when such an expatriate clientele apparently existed in suffi- cient number. Popular among the ASOS students were the local pizzerias and bowling alleys, and in several of the cities roller skating rinks and the plush air-conditioned movie theaters that usually featured American-produced films. The films' soundtracks were English, although host-language subtitles were often superimposed on the celluloid. Also popular for some of the American students were some of the small, local-area food and beverage shops. Such a shop may be nothing more than an obscure, cluttered hut, which the ASOS students may have unceremoniously, though appropriately, named "The Shack." Or the shops may be neat and clean local-area restaurants, snack shops, or beverage stores, such as the Foremost ice cream scores, that are patronized by 107 both the expatriate and affluent host national communities. These places often become informal hangouts where ASOS students can socialize. The Westernized host national elites may also frequent these businesses. However, this writer found that the socially active ASOS host national students and the Asian third country national students tended to choose disco clubs and coffee houses which featured popular music of Western society usually performed "live" by local enter- tainers. These clubs and coffee houses were usually located more in the central business districts of each city and often were expensive. School Characteristics All four of the American-sponsored overseas schools (ASOS) visited were situated within the expatriate, suburban, primarily non- commercial sections of each host city. Two of the schools were located on residential/neighborhood type streets and were approach- able by sidewalks. For one of these schools, however, the sidewalk was unusually narrow, making it necessary for pedestrians to walk in a single file or in the street. The street, too, was narrow. Thus the walk was hazardous and, when the school's buses were passing by, could be quite unnerving for the unconditioned. One of the schools was accessible only by road, while another, although accessible by sidewalks, was fronted by a heavily traveled, divided four-lane road. A common residential characteristic for all four schools was that most students lived a sufficient distance from school, and in 108 residential enclaves or ghettos that were also some distance apart, so that walking was not a practical option for most of these stu- dents. As one school reported, 89 percent of its secondary-level students were being transported by the school. Some students, though apparently very few, drove to school, and some were driven to school and picked up by their parents or chauffeurs. There were others, too, who took taxis or relied on the city's public bus system, the latter being very inexpensive and usually very crowded. As one student commented, "Dad's job doesn't pay for the school bus so we take the [host] bus. My heart sank when I saw the crowded [host] bus pulling up but we crammed into it and miraculously made it!" The average annual cost for school- provided transportation was a little less than US$200. This could be a costly out-of-pocket expense for ASOS families with several school- aged children. Each school provided an American-based general academic col- lege preparatory curriculum. All four schools were accredited by the Accreditation Commission of Secondary Schools of the Western Association of Schools and Colleges in the United States. Each school, therefore, stipulated for graduation the required curriculum units in English, Mathematics, Science, Social Studies, and Physical Education. What may be of particular significance was that each school, while providing an American-oriented educational program, was also providing something more. Adapting in varying ways to their host environments and the personal interests and skills of their 109 respective teaching staffs and student bodies, these schools were adjusting themselves to their unique settings. And possibly, in the framework of Useem's third culture concept, they were fostering the growth of a third culture. Consider, for example, such high school English courses as Asian/African Literature, British Literature from 1700 to the Present, as well as Contemporary American Litera- ture; courses in Social Studies that included the host country Language/Culture, Asian Studies, Journeys into Asian Culture, Current World Problems, or a choice of the following Area Studies--Africa, China, South East Asia. (An example of the course offerings of one of these schools is presented in Appendix E.) There were also mini-courses, sometimes taught by students, on such topics as Chinese or the host country's calligraphy, or evening courses on Buddhism, or interim semester courses that included such unique offerings as jungle survival techniques, taught during a week's out- ing in jungle terrain. (Examples of the mini-courses offered are presented in Appendix F.) Unfortunately, these unique programs and the breadth of a school's curricula depend not only on the interests and skills of faculty and students as well as on conditions and opportunities that prevail within each host city and country, but also on each school's enrollment, which is the primary source of funding (note Table 4.1). Further, each school observed not only the national holidays of the United States, but also those of the host country. Arrangements were often made by each school to enable interested students and faculty to observe or even participate in some of the host country's national holiday festivals. .o go .o .m mmomco Low mom; onwagm> com ucsouum arpzm no: on use mcowumswxogaom Pmoccm mgm mmgaowm copuwoha 110 mm> mm> mm> mm> mmmuum owuowcpmmm oz oz oz mm> muczou mwccmp oz 3» oz m; 38 @55sz mm> mm> mm> mm> mopmwo ovum—zw< mu> mu> mmoogoouwppzz mm> Eowmmcsxo mmoocoouquoz mm> mmoncaouwu_:z mm> Ezmgopwo=< oz mu> mm> mm> ouwm «Sam on mucosa Npuz mm> mm> mm> mm> msoogmmmpu omcowupocouugw< mmwuwppomu Rom zoo zoo woo mzcm>mg oo a mo cowuwoh komo.meo «ooo.Fomo kooo.meo «omp.momo Ammomgo Lagosv comawzh m n mp w mswpuugmo so mm mm w mswulppzm mp go.op m xo.op . mp &~.op m xo.~ zop oo o_ RN.PN ow N Rm.mp oo o xo.o_ mm o No.o zo: om am.~o em ao.mu oo am.mm Nu xo.mo :muwgme< appoumm ~_ . z up u z N_ u z up u z om>gmm mmumgo Amoco» my Amgmm» NV Amgmo» NV A.mos opv ago» we zuocmo NP «F N_ o mcopuwgmo oo ogmom umuamemuxmp ompasmxm-xmp owuoemxm-xmp omuaemxmuxmh pwwogoucoz upoogaucoz uwwocoucoz pwwogoucoz :owumuwcmogo o o m < Poozum uwpmwgmuumgmzo .omuwm_> mpoozum mo\< goo; mzu $0 moppmwgmuumcmzu cossoo--.F.e m_nmh ll] Table 4.l provides a composite description of some of the more common characteristics of the four American-sponsored schools visited. The legal status of each school's organization was basic- ally the same and the elected board of directors reflected the American philosophy of community autonomy. While the faculties of all four schools were staffed by host and third country nationals as well as Americans, approximately three of every four professional staff members were American. The high tuitions reflect the lack of a property tax base. As the table reveals, school plant facilities were generally similar. However, such facilities as swimming pools and tennis courts were not available at each school, mostly as a result of limited space. Each school had policies restricting access to the school's campus. Also, each campus was enclosed by fencing and walls, which facilitated the monitoring and control of who entered and left the school grounds. Each school was organized as a non-profit association and was afforded tax-exempt status by the host country governments. The schools were governed by boards of directors elected by the associa- tions' memberships. The directors themselves had to be association members. Parents or guardians of children enrolled in the schools were automatically members of the associations. The nationality of the schools' boards of directors was wholly or predominantly Ameri- can. However, the association charters of two of the schools pro- vided that membership representation on the board include a minimum of three nationalities. 112 The chief school administrator at each school was an American, as were the building principals. Some administrative assistants were host or third country nationals. The daily business operations of each school were handled by host nationals, although the administra- tor for the school's business planning was always American. Clerical staffs were mostly host nationals. The faculty of each school was predominantly American (62 to 84 percent) with host and third country nationals making up the bal- ance. An example of the nationality composition of third national staff members is as follows: one Argentinian, one Australian, one French, two German, one Italian, one New Zealander, one stateless. Some of the Americans and, with rare exception, all host and third country national staff were "local hire" while some American teachers and nearly all administrators were "recruited" personnel. The dis- tinction between "local" and "recruited" personnel was discernible in terms of staff attitudes and morale. Although little, if any, basic salary differences existed, the recruited personnel received, in addi- tion to the basic salary, such perquisites as housing allowances, head of household allowances, relocation travel and moving allowances, and, in some locations, the benefits of the militarysupport services previously discussed. These perquisites could effectively double the income of recruited personnel. While the writer found no substantial evidence that this income differential affected staff performance and their commitment to educating their students, their frequently voiced discontent over this inequity raises the question of what the 113 subtle consequences may be on the learning environment as a result of the attitude and morale of these staff members. Policies Related to Student Conduct Even though the expatriate communities are usually found in one general section of each city, it was not uncommon to find the domiciles of the ASOS families dispersed and interspersed within what were still predominantly host national neighborhoods. The schools, too, were located in their neighborhoods. Many United States' Department of Defense overseas schools for minor dependents are located on a military base in created American residential neigh- borhoods which in effect become a "little America" epitomizing Cohen's "planted" expatriate community. The American-sponsored overseas com- munity schools and their students, however, were found to be directly interfaced with the host community. While the nature of the expatri- ate community may imply isolation, the expatriate is often very vis- ible to the host society and is certainly not isolated from the attitudes, values, and laws of the host country. As the existence of these American schools reflected both the dominance of the American expatriate community and its preference for an American-based educa- tion as similar as possible to that provided at home in the United States, the administrators of these schools have been similarly sen- sitive to the "guest" status of the American-sponsored overseas com- munity school. As stated in the Student Handbook of one of the schools visited--"The school is governed by rules and regulations determined by the [host] government . . . , the Board of Directors 114 and the school administration." This sensitivity appeared to be best illustrated in the school policies promulgated to regulate aspects of student behavior. To the apparent chagrin of many ASOS students, most notably the Americans, three of the four schools visited had stringent dress codes; and two of these schools required the wearing of prescribed uniforms. These codes reflected the "guest" status of these schools and demonstrated an implicit necessity to monitor student behavior. For example, in the student handbooks of these schools considerable explanation of acceptable wearing apparel was made. The rationale for such policy was succinctly stated in one of the handbooks, which read as follows: [ASOS] is chartered as a private school under the . . . Ministry of Education, and the host country's regulations require all students in both public and private schools to wear uniforms. . . . The [ASOS] Board of Directors has established this dress code in order to achieve a high standard of student dress and appearance along with a degree of uniformity that will meet the approval of the [host] com- munity. While the wording of rules and regulations varied from school to school in terms of social behavior, possession of potentially dan- gerous weapons (e.g., firecrackers, knives), possession and use of tobacco, alcohol and other drugs, the themes remained much the same, including the reminders to ASOS students that they were "guests" in an alien country and that their behavior reflected upon the "American" community. The following extracts are cited to underscore the schools' sensitivity and, in part, the vulnerability of these students. 115 Remember that [A505] is in [the host country], and that con- sequently you are subject to all [host country] laws; there- fore, girls wearing brief apparel could be stopped by the police and boys with extremely long hair could have it cut by the [host country] authorities. Students who break the laws of [the host country] could possibly be deported. Regulation school dress must be worn during school hours and at any other time designated by the school authorities. The purpose is to conform to the local law of uniformity in school dress and appearance. [ASOS] is located in a residential area and therefore oper- ates a closed campus. Students using school transportation are not to leave the campus after their arrival. Students not using school transportation are prohibited from loiter- ing in the immediate vicinity of the school. Loitering on the street before or during school is prohibited. (This includes "the Shack" at the end [of the street].) Students are to stay clear of any area declared “off limits." [ASOS] is considered by the host country government and in actuality is, a significant part of the total American Com- munity. As such, administration of [ASOS] policy is not restricted to the "school day." An area of particular school concern regarding ASOS students was the availability and possible use of drugs. While the host coun- try laws varied as did their apparent enforcement, the schools were quite explicit. Students caught in possession of or using unauthor- ized drugs or alcohol would be automatically suspended from school and usually recommended for expulsion. As alien teenagers were not permitted to work in local businesses nor would they be qualified to attend local schools, such action would likely result in these students being returned to their home countries. One school reported that its host government was vigilant in its enforcement of the law, and trafficking in, possession of, or consumption of illegal nar- cotics would and had resulted in fines and imprisonment and/or 116 compulsory departure from the country and denial of any future entry. However, the schools' concern over drug usage went beyond the legal consequences, as these Southeast Asian host cities, due to their proximity to the "Golden Triangle," were alleged to be trafficking conduits for heroin and opium. Hence, availability of these drugs at very low prices and in very pure quality increased the likelihood of addiction and overdose. In an information bulletin to parents and students, one school warned that "grass" (marijuana) sold in-country was likely to have been soaked in opium, a drug, the school pointed out, which produces dependence. As this was a politically and individually sensitive area, the writer did not overtly or covertly seek data on student atti- tudes or use of alcohol or other drugs. However, based on the writer's limited observations during a three and one-half month sojourn and unsolicited comments made by students, it appeared that students as a whole were abstaining from drugs with the notable exception of beer drinking and cigarette smoking and, for a few, marijuana usage. Student Body Characteristics The student bodies of the four American-sponsored overseas schools visited by the writer were internationally mixed and varied (see Tables 4.2 and 4.3). To examine the interrelationships of these students by nationality, the writer categorized the students as being either American, host country national (HCN), or third country national (TCN). The enrollment distribution by these 117 categories for each high school, inclusive of grades 7-12, is indi- cated in Table 4.2. The inclusion of grades 7 and 8 reflects the reorganization of several of the schools to include these grades in the high school. The reorganization reflects the impact of the sharp enrollment declines experienced by these schools, primarily as a result (If the United States' military withdrawal from Viet Nam. Table 4.2.--Enrollment by categories: Grades 7-l2. School Category A B C 0 American 414 66.1% 262 50.3% l26 53.0% 470 78.6% HCN l28 20.4% l2 2.3% 2 .8% 3 .5% TCN 84 l3.5% 247 47.4% ll0 46.2% 125 20.9% Tota1s 626 100.0% 521 100.0% 238 100.0% 598 100.0% Table 4.3 illustrates the many nationalities that were rep- resented in each school's student body. As indicated in Table 4.2, American children constituted the largest portion of each school's enrollment. Among the third country nationalities the most numerous were Britains, Canadians, Dutch, Filipinos, Germans, Indonesians, Japanese, and Swedes. Their numbers varied from school to school according to the purposes, usually business or industrial, which brought their parents to each host country. 0f the many other nationalities listed in Table 4.3 there often was only one to occasionally five or six children of a given nationality enrolled. 118 Table 4.3.--Range of nationalities represented in Schools A, B, C, D. School A: Australia Germany Malaysia Spain Belgium Hong Kong Nauru Sweden Brazil India Netherlands Switzerland Britain Indonesia New Zealand Taiwan Canada Israel Nicaragua Thailand Columbia Japan Panama Tibet Ecuador Korea Philippines United States France Laos Singapore School B: Afghanistan Finland Japan Portugal Australia France Korea Saudi Arabia Belgium Germany Malaysia Spain Brazil Greece Nepal Sri Lanka Britain Iceland Netherlands Sweden Bulgaria India Laos Switzerland Burma Indonesia New Zealand Thailand Cambodia Iran Norway Turkey Canada Ireland Pakistan United States Denmark Israel Peru Viet Nam Fiji Italy Philippines Yugoslavia School C: Algeria Denmark Libya Singapore Australia France Malaysia Sweden Austria Germany Netherlands Switzerland Britain India New Zealand Taiwan Belgium Indonesia Norway Thailand Brunei Iran Pakistan United States Canada Japan Philippines Venezuela Columbia Korea Poland Yugoslavia School 0: Argentina India Malaysia Sweden Australia Israel Netherlands Taiwan Britain Indonesia New Zealand Thailand Canada Italy Norway Trinidad Denmark Japan Peru United States Finland Korea Philippines Viet Nam France Lebanon Portugal Yugoslavia Germany Madagascar (Stateless) 119 The parents of these children were most likely to be serving in the diplomatic mission of their country. With the exception of one school, students of host country nationals were a very small segment of each school's enrollment (note Table 4.2). The writer had the Opportunity to talk with 5 of the l2 HCN high school students enrolled at two of the three schools that reported very small HCN enrollments. Based on this sample the con- clusion may be drawn that this group of students could be described as being the children of parents who have lived and worked outside their home country either as government, business, or trade repre- sentatives. Often the parents were affluent ethnic minorities, notably of Chinese or Indian derivation. Another frequently observed characteristic was that one of the HCN's parents was a citizen of another country. These HCN students explained that they were enrolled in the ASOS because their parents believed they would have less difficulty than in a local (host country) school. Deficiency in native language skills was cited as the major problem. The par- ents also believed that enrolling their children in the ASOS would provide them with the best opportunity to develop their English language abilities, thus preparing them to continue their education in the United States or England. These students and their families may be viewed in the con- text of Robert E. Park's (l928) paradigm of "marginal men," the thesis for which was based on the assimilation problems of immigrants. Park described the immigrants as being on the margin of two cultures 120 (1928:892). While not all HCNs were immigrants, they did appear to be "in-between" two cultures. The students most visible and familiar to the writer were those at School A, which reported 20 percent of its student enroll- ment as being host country nationals. The Admissions Director of this school pointed out that local law stipulated that local citi- zens may enroll at the ASOS only for the 9th grade or above (occa- sional exceptions were made for the lower grades). The school itself required that parents or guardians of students must be resid- ing in the school's host city as a precondition for student enroll- ment. (None of the four schools visited provided boarding facilities.) The Director also suggested the following factors as reasons for HCNs enrolling in the ASOS: 1. Approximately 20 percent of the HCNs enrolled in the ASOS had attended a Catholic-sponsored school which was also an alternative to the ASOS for grades K-9. This school offered English language instruction through the 9th grade. s 2. It was the belief of some HCNs that the ASOS would better prepare them for immigration to the United States and/or facilitate their entry into a United States university. 3. Some HCNs had failed the entrance examination to the local high schools. 4. Some HCNs had done poorly in local schools or had been discipline problems. For many of these students, the Director explained, the ASOS was their last opportunity for formal schooling. Of course, academic 121 success at the ASOS was not a guarantee for continued education at the university level or entry into the United States. Who were these HCNs? How did they differ from their coun- terparts at the other ASOS schools? Again the writer's data were drawn from casual conversations and some formal interviews with the HCNs and several members of the teaching and administrative staffs. The families of the HCN students appeared to vary con- siderably in background, social prominence, and very likely in financial resources. One student who the writer thought was Amer- asian, was identified by two teachers as being a grandchild of one of the country's principal political leaders. The student was noticeably fluent in both English and the host language and was identified by the staff as being very bright. This student main- tained a very low profile, dressed conservatively, and participated in a few extra-curricular school activities such as the National Honor Society and the Orphanage Club. Another student's father was said to own his own construction company. This student dressed attractively and stylishly, participated in the more popular and visible student activities and, while at school, socialized mostly with American students. Several teachers and American students had commented on how freely this student spent money. Still another HCN student discussed living with a sister who had married an American. The sister's husband had volunteered to pay the ASOS tuition for the youth and promised to help with col- lege expenses if the student succeeded at ASOS. According to the student this had been a dream-come-true as the student's own parents 122 were of modest means. One HCN student explained that attending the ASOS had been the result of health problems and that attending the ASOS had also been a heavy financial burden on the student's family. It was some weeks later, after the writer and student had become better acquainted, that the student related the chain of events which led to the student's enrollment at the ASOS. The scenario began with the student's involvement with an American Pentecostal group. While this affiliation had not met with approval by the student's own family, it had resulted in ridicule, hostility, and constant pressure by teachers and fellow students at the local school. The student had subsequently become very nervous and began suffering from stomach disorders. The student's family had subsequently decided the only schooling alternative was the ASOS. These examples are cited not as being necessarily representa- tive of the majority of HCNs attending this A/OS school but are given to illustrate that many of the HCNs the writer spoke with were quite different within their grouping and are likely to have different and varying needs as well as purposes for attending the ASOS. Further, while the writer found the Admission Director's four reasons for why HCNs had chosen to attend the school to be reasonably accurate, the writer had, in contrast, found members of the professional staff and many of the American students to have the stereotypic perception that "all" HCNs were from wealthy local elite families. With very few exceptions, the HCNs attending School A appeared to be ethnically and culturally similar. 0f the HCN students the writer conversed with, many claimed they had never traveled outside 123 their country, and for some, had not traveled beyond the city. One teacher suggested that among the HCN students there existed an "intra-ethnic" elitism. The teacher, who spoke the host language and had lived in the country for a number of years, held the view that regional differences had become apparent in the subtle nuances of student conversations and behavior. As suggested in Tables 4.2 and 4.3, the third country nationals (TCNs) varied widely by nationality and with only a few in any given nationality. Discipline as a Characteristic If there is a nemesis to American pedagogy it is likely to be expressed, correctly or not, in the context of student discipline. In the Ayling (1972) study, which examined the interrelationships of black and white students in an American urban high school, the major areas of concern for administrators were student attendance and dis- cipline. Within a four-month period Ayling reported that 4lO stu- dents were suspended, approximately six per day, which represented roughly l7 percent of the high school's student enrollment. This problem was in sharp contrast to the American overseas high schools visited by this writer. Observations made by this writer found ASOS students to be characteristically well mannered, well behaved, and generally sup- portive of the school. This is not to say that student behavior problems did not occur but the observed as well as school-reported incidences were not extensive. 124 An examination of the disciplinary records of two of the A/OS schools visited is illustrative of this point. Table 4.4 and 4.5 are composites of student misbehavior that school officials were confronted with during two l2-week periods. Of the 64 occur- rences listed in Table 4.4, 53 students or 8.4 percent of the stu- dent body were involved. Of these students approximately 90 percent were American, the majority of whom were the minor dependents of military families. This is not surprising since of the American children enrolled in the school the majority were dependents of military families. Fifty percent of the disciplinary problems involved "skipping." This occurrence referred to missing classes, not leaving the school. Truancy was not a problem. Both adminis- trators and students alike reported that there were no incentives for missing school. The typical student response was, "There's no place to go except home." An administrator explained that the Teen Center was not open while school was in session, that students did not have access to cars for cruising, and the most convenient and accessible location for students to meet and socialize with their friends was the school itself. The occurrences identified as "misbehavior" and "disturbance" commonly referred to students who had not responded to a teacher's request that they stop talking dur- ing class. Fighting was rare, as indicated in both Tables 4.4 and 4.5, and usually involved one student roughly shoving or pushing another student. Table 4.5 illustrates the consistency in the low frequency of disciplinary problems, but also reflects the change in the student 125 .Aocpaawxmv poo mco umppoocm mmvocmu mags» ”zucmu momma mm: Poosum Lo mmmpu cu mump ocwmm«« .mgmummoms mgmz om>Po>cw mucmosum mg» No meow mmucmggzuuo co wmmzu wok No. N N w — p mpwflwm xxxusoh NN. N H N N m_mfiwm NNN=MLOLN Rm. N N N N mpwfiwm moosmu wwo Nm. m n W m apwfimm N=NNo5m No. a n W N F N a_wfiwm mace N_e._-ceo No. v u m P W P mPMfiMm mucmncapmwo No. m u w N M apwfiwn mewuzmwa Nm._ N H M F P N N ” mzwflwm zozsmzanmwz i; N .... m . N M ..NN ....f... “cwEFpoxzm NP pp o— m w m mo pcmucma Pooch mango xmm mocwggauuo mo waxy ..-;:.:aa:ls keo "mmucmcgauuo Ngmcwpavumwo oNo "pcms__ogcm NF-N "mmomco .Lmaemumo-gwnsmuomm "oopgoo xmm3-N_ so; osouwg zgmcwpawumvv muvmoaeoo--.¢.¢ upon» .moooomz omooco u .z.o«. .mxmo mcmgmmmpu mmummooow mmucmmgouuo :mmzumo ocwuoom .mmmcmgsouuo mumgmomm mmpmmwocw mmucmcgouuo No ocpgmosoz .»um>wamm ooogoINNmEm m mumu_o=N o momgo m zpwz Lmzomoo» cmumwp mmucmggomuok 126 NooN mmmcwmoo moms N ocpooomm mp coopmgpmo< ammmoEm mpms o mmmpu op Empoogo Loo>mzmo op mmpmmm omuwoo Nwo mpms op L.mzummm om mmompomcw mp cowoNNNN mmmcwmom mNmE op mew» zpm Low mcoppmpoomg Egonoo ammoom NN cmNNomeo< ammoosm mNmE o moo—u op pcmwomoomwo NF mmumum umpwoo .z.o mNmEmN oN zoomogm cmwumcmo .z.o mNmEmN oN oucmocu op mmmoopoo .z.o mmmcwmoo mpms o zoooogu o mmooom omowco _No m_oe o scam “to o. ocosoomomws mmmoam omuwoo mogoo mmmmo mNmE o Eooz um< co oco>mzmomNE o ocoowppo mmmoomom mpms o sooz ug< cw o:_>mzmomNE mmmmmm umupoo Fro mNmE N Noozom or mgmxmmgummwm NNo ocwuomm N Nook mmmoomoo mNmE N Noozum ow mgmxummumLNN NNo ocwmumm o mmooom omo_=o Poo m_os N. mmopu ow mooooooo Loco o mmpmmm umpwoo Fro mpms N gmzummp o co mxon moowgmm m o:_ampo e mmumpm omowoo NNo mNmE Np mmmpu co ucmwomoomwu m mmumum umuwoo Poo mpms op gmzummu ca muompomcw N mmmmpm omupoo mmmo_mom mNmEmN o ammo» apomo ommomomom cmwumcmo mmmowmom mposmm o moms“ ampmo omuumomom N mmooom omooco am.z.o mNasmm o ommzo Noomo omoumomom amNchoNumz gomooom xmm momgo mmomgcommo No mmoumz kmucmggoumo oN “mmucmggomuo Ngmowpowmmwo omN "momsppogom N—nN ”mmomgo .zmgoznzgmoomo "ooogmo xmmzuNN goo ogoumg zgmoNNoNUmNo mmeooEoo--.m.e mNomN 127 body composition. The disciplinary record in Table 4.4 was that of School A in Table 4.2, in which the student body was predomi- nantly American and the majority were the minor dependents of United States military families. The disciplinary record in Table 4.5 was reported by School C in Table 4.2. In School C there was an almost equal balance between American and third country national students, and the majority of Americans were the minor dependents of families sponsored by private business corporations. The two schools contrasted in nationality as well as employer spon- sorship. Although there were only 20 occurrences involving less than 20 students (two or three were repeaters) in School C, the Ameri- can students represented slightly more than half which was pro- portionately consistent with the total enrollment of Americans. Of the 30 nationalities that constituted the TCN category, Canada, Australia, Philippines, and Britain were largest in number of stu— dents enrolled. These representations were also reflected in the disciplinary record of School C. The contrast between School A and School C in the context of student nationality and sponsorship suggests a possible corre- lation with the percentages of representation, with the possible exception of HCN students. Two vignettes, while atypical as they represent infrequent incidences, reflect the discipline atmosphere that prevailed at these schools. 128 Vignette. At one of the schools two American boys took the wallet of an HCN boy. When later confronted by the HCN boy and subsequently the Assistant Principal, both boys denied taking the wallet. However, both admitted to the Assistant Principal they had been confronted by the HCN boy and that threats had been exchanged. The seriousness of the theft was compounded by the fact that the wallet contained the host country student's government identity papers. Reissuance of these papers allegedly would involve considerable inconvenience to the student as well as possible legal difficulties for him. The fact that the papers were stolen at the American school also could result in embarrassing and difficult consequences for the school. Subsequently, the HCN student was told by one of the American students that his papers could be found in a given school room. However, the wallet and money in it were not returned. Rumors began to circulate among some of the American as well as HCN students that a fight would occur between these boys and their friends. As teachers began to learn of the potential physical confrontation, they reported it to the Assistant Principal. He immediately notified the United States military police and then called the two American boys into his office and informed them of the action he had just taken. No fight occurred. Later, the father of the American boy who took the wallet learned of the incident and allegedly confronted his son. The boy admitted his actions and agreed to return the wallet and money. The boy's father reported this infor- mation to the Assistant Principal and, according to the Assistant 129 Principal, stated the school should take appropriate action. The boy was given a three-day suspension. Vignette. Smoking at two of the American-sponsored schools was strictly prohibited and permitted on a restricted basis at the other two schools. At one of the schools which strictly prohibited smoking, a number of students were suspended from school for several days on the basis of a picture. The scenario began when a student took a series of pictures of his companions smoking and submitted them as part of his photography class project. The pictures were taken on school grounds during the day and became a source of amuse- ment for many of the students. The episode came to the attention of the school's Assistant Principal and the students were subse- quently suspended pending parent-student conferences regarding the violation of the school's no smoking policy. As might be expected, it was reported that the students felt the action was unfair but the parents were reported to have supported the school's action. One parent summarized the scenario by the statement, “If they were fool- ish enough to take pictures of their misbehavior and then put them on display what else could they expect?" Student Interaction In this section of the research the writer describes the interaction among American, host country and third country national students within the formal and informal structure of several American-sponsored overseas school settings. As the writer's purpose in the research was to generate working hypotheses about the phenomena 130 of transnational interaction among ASOS students, the writer will first set forth some observations and tentative generalizations made during the ten-week sojourn at the principal school setting. Sum- mary statements, which will take into account the writer's one-week Visitations to three other American-sponsored schools, will then be made about the patterns of student relationships and peer status. While it is possible to define formal and informal inter- actions within the school setting, it is difficult to distinguish informal interaction from formal interaction. In this study formal interactions are defined as interpersonal interactions necessitated by participation in school-guided activities. In other words, students wishing or required to avail themselves of a class, sport, or other school activity must, to the extent the activity required, interact with other participants. Informal interactions are defined as interpersonal interactions occurring at the discretion of each participant. However, even in school-guided activities there is some latitude of choice open to the student. For example, students often are permitted to choose where they will sit in a class as well as whether or not to talk with persons sitting in front, behind, or beside them during those free moments before class begins or at the end of class. To begin, the writer will review the principal school setting in the context of Ianni's (1977) three levels of analysis for study- ing schools as social systems. The first or macro-level examines the bureaucratic and organic forms (structural organizing principles) of the school's organization. The second level of analysis examines 131 status and role behavior. The third, or micro-level, examines indi- vidual and group agendas in the context of sorting, territoriality, and domains of autonomy. The individual and group agendas to be described at the micro-level of analysis are viewed by Ianni and his colleagues as responses to the patterns of social constraints described at the macro and middle levels of analysis. Bureaucratic and Organic Influences A recurrent task of adolescents and adults is the learning to get along with agemates as well as other age groups. This is particularly true for adolescents attending an American-sponsored overseas school. While students must ultimately choose with whom they will or will not interact, their decisions are not without the influence of their environment. In the context of this study the word "bureaucratic" refers to a form of organization based on the rationalization of behavior through fixed roles, hierarchical division of authority, imperson- ality, and efficiency. The word "organic" refers to a form of organization characterized by personalization of relationships. The difference between the two words is conceptual and not empirical. Ianni (l977) explained this difference in the following manner: With regard to any particular interaction among people that one observes, one cannot say that it is a bureaucratic or organic, formal or informal interaction. Everyone's behav- ior is constantly influenced by the written rules and other bureaucratic constraints under which we all live. Simi- larly, everyone's behavior is constantly influenced by the demands of their relationship with the pe0ple with whom they are interacting. One might say, with regard, for example, to a particular interaction between two people in a school setting that the content of that interaction is more 132 influenced by the relationship of the statuses of those two people on the formal organization chart (for example, that they are acting like TEACHER and STUDENT); or, one might say that the interaction is more influenced by the personal rela- tionship of the two people (for example, they may be talking about a basketball team of which they are both fans; that common interest then seems more important than the fact that one is a teacher and one a student). The difference, how- ever, is one of degree. Both the bureaucratic and the organic, the formal and informal dimension must be taken into account for any empirical interaction between or among real people (43). The key point in this explanation is that when examining any empirical observation one should keep in mind that there often exist both bureaucratic and organic dimensions of the interaction and that the difference is one of degree. There were several bureaucratic and organic aspects of the principal school setting that were observed by the researcher as influencing student interaction. l. Specialization. The school's stated objective was to provide a curriculum oriented toward children who will continue into higher education. In addition to basic programs in English and mathematics, various opportunities were provided in social studies, science, art, music, foreign languages, practical arts, and the host country culture. Programs were also provided for students with remedial learning problems. This specialization of subject matter, while apparently efficient, appeared also to be an important factor affecting the behavior by which people organize themselves into groups. The most noticeable circumstance which the writer came across was the ESL (English as a Second Language) program. For 133 students whose native language was not English and who had not demonstrated by examination a pre-established level of English proficiency, special classes in English were conducted. While these classes were intended to assist students in developing English language proficiency, the classes also placed non-English speaking students in a track that isolated them from the other students. For some of these students their entire school day was spent in ESL classes. Thus, within the framework of time (hours spent at school) these students had extensive contact with other non-English speaking students and minimal contact with native English speaking students. Within the ESL classes the most observable sorting factors were mostly organically influenced; these factors appeared to be (1) native language, (2) nationality, and (3) ethnicity. A notable exception (and an example of a bureaucratic influence) occurred when a teacher assigned several students to work together. It was, therefore, the impression of this writer that students in ESL, when left to their own initiatives, chose to interact with students who shared the same native language. Their verbal interaction would be in their own native language. Third country nationals appeared to form small groups by nationality and/or ethnicity. In these groups a common second lan- guage, usually English, would be spoken. There was some evidence that when students of different native language, nationality, and ethnicity were assigned to work together over a period of time, intragroup liaisons would develop into an informal social clique or grouping. English then became the medium for verbal interaction. 134 2. Scheduling, Scheduling facilitates specialization and contributes to efficiency. It also influences, bureaucratically, patterns of interaction. The availability and sequencing of classes, the existence of honor and remedial classes, ESL classes, and the division of the lunch period into three time periods arbitrarily sorted students as well as teachers into categories and groups. As scheduling impersonally sorted students into groups vis-a-vis classes and lunch periods, the researcher found that students often initiated their first social contacts in the class room. Shared lunch periods and free periods provided students the personal opportunities to explore and develop these social contacts. 3. Hierarchy. The researcher also found evidence that an organic hierarchy as well as the school's organizational hierarchy influenced student interaction. As one might expect, there was a ”distancing phenomenon" between students and their teachers and administrators. This phenomenon appeared to largely reflect status differentiation, but was reinforced by school rules that provided teachers and administrators special privileges, such as a special room in the cafeteria, a facultylounge, departmental offices, and the right to leave the school's campus for lunch. All of these privileges were generally prohibited students. The classification of students by grade level (7th, 8th, Freshman, Sophomore, Junior, Senior) also appeared to influence the interaction of students. While these dimensions were bureaucratically induced, there also existed observable organic factors. The writer found that status was afforded students who excelled in extra-curricular activities. 135 The most broadly recognized student status positions, among students and the faculty and administrators, appeared to be the skilled athletes and the cheerleaders. Although students appeared generally apathetic about their student government, class and student body officers and particularly membership on the Student Court, these were also status positions and highly desired by some who thought they had a realistic opportunity of acquiring particular positions. Students who held these positions tended to extend their intragroup inter- action beyond the formal purposes of these activities. Students seemed to be aware of other students who excelled in academic ability/achievement. It was not clear, however, what influence, if any, academic skills played in sorting. 4. Fixed rules. A common characteristic of formal organi- zations is the embodiment of rules which, ideally, should be applied consistently. The A/OS school, like most other schools, was char- acterized by the specialization of subject matter by class and teacher, the establishment of time zones, and the organizational stratification of its members. The existence of administrator and faculty contracts and policies to regulate student conduct were all provided for in the school's policy manuals. A Of these rules, one, which related to student conduct, appeared to have a particular impact on student sorting and inter- action. The rule also illustrates the confluence of the bureau- cratic and organic influences on student interaction. The school did not encourage but did provide students the option to smoke. The formal rules stipulated that students who chose to smoke must 136 do so only in one designated area on campus. To smoke elsewhere on campus could result in the student's suspension from school. Further, the smoking area was off limits to any student without written parental permission for the student to smoke. Thus any decision to be in the smoking area was predicated on organic influences, that is, the student's desire to smoke and/or the will- ingness of the student's parents to provide written consent. The apparent effect of these influences was to (l) formally sort some students into a specific group, and (2) identify and provide an interest area that both bureaucratically facilitated and restricted student interaction on the basis of organic influences, that is, the desire to smoke or be with friends who do smoke. Students who chose to avail themselves of the smoking area indicated that they socialized the most with those they had first met or got to know in the smoking lounge. Status and Role Behavior The difference between "status" and "role" corresponds closely to the difference between bureaucratic and organic influences. The word status refers to a specified position within a social organiza- tion. The more common statuses found in schools are those designated as student, teacher, principal, and so on. Ianni and his colleagues explain that people who claim various statuses do so because they are members of one of a group of mutually exclusive categories--a collection of individuals not necessarily participating in the same activity but sharing some common trait, variable, or criterion by 137 which they can be differentiated; for example, students and teachers. It is what they actually do in relation to their status which con- stitutes their roles. Thus, a status is a position and a role is behavior associated with that position. (See Ianni, l977:l8l-l84.) The student status of the principal school site contained within it three sub-categories which were focal points of this study. The primary criterion distinguishing the categories was nationality-- American, host and third country nationals. Within and between each category were observable groups (that is, collections of indi- viduals participating in a shared activity). The most immediately discernible groups corresponded with these three categories. That is, American students generally were involved in activities with other Americans, host country nationals with other host country nationals, and third country nationals with other third country nationals. This is not to say that patterns of student interaction, formally and informally, were mutually exclusive by nationality but, rather, the students tended to sort themselves out by nationality. Based on the researcher's participation, observations, and interviews with students of each category, the writer found the behavior patterns, or roles, of the students to be numerous and varied. As Cusick observed in an American setting, the writer found that students in this overseas American-sponsored school setting also formed themselves into small-group association with their peers. These groups, too, were discrete social units, but were generally bounded by nationality and ethnicity as well as gender and to some extent age. And, as in the Cusick study, interest was the principal 138 cohesive force that held a group together. The location of a student's family residence appeared to influence student interac- tion patterns but more in terms of with whom they interacted after school and on weekends than during the school day. These ASOS students also moved about in dyads, triads, or larger groups. However, the active and interested involvement of these ASOS stu— dents did appear to differ from the American-based study by Cusick. Many of the ASOS students gave priority to their class assignments and would consult with friends regarding assignment problems. It was not uncommon to observe students isolating themselves in an area of the library or in an empty classroom of (usually) one of their teachers to work on their school assignments. HCN and TCN students, when interviewed, indicated they frequently discussed class assign- ments with their friends; they attributed this to their difficulty in understanding English word meanings and in understanding their teachers, who, they said, too often spoke too fast for them to follow. The writer also found assignment, test, and course grades as well as the teaching ability of teachers all to be important concerns of many of the students. However, for some TCN students, their enrollment in the ASOS was for something to do and/or to improve upon their English. These students reported that they had either just completed their secon- dary schooling in their home country or that their one or two years at the ASOS would not meet school requirements in their home country. It was this writer's impression that for these students and a number of the American students, their school involvement, like the American 139 students described by Cusick, centered not around teacher initiated, academic issues, or even around the issues that were more student body centered, such as sports, but rather, as Cusick described, ". . . [was] concerning themselves with the procedures of fulfilling institutional demands and their private in-group interactions . . . for these students what they did in school they did with their friends" (1973:62-68). Ianni (1977) and his colleagues described many of the various social groupings, as well as the unique behaviors of individuals in the school setting, as being "emergent roles." The distinction between formal and emergent roles, they declared, was situational. They described formal roles as being explicitly and publicly recog- nized by pe0ple in the organization and clearly related to the goals of the organization (Ianni, 1977:34). Emergent roles, however, are in the process of being created by particular individuals and are often closely tied to the unique personalities of those individuals. And, to some extent, the emergent role must be transferable to other individuals since roles refer to generalized patterns of behavior (390). The existence of these emergent roles was also discernible at the principal school setting. However, in talking with various students of each nationality category, the writer found students to be generally aware of special groups or cliques within their own category but otherwise oblivious to groups outside their category and particularly their sphere of interest. It was common to find that students of each category knew who the school's cheerleaders 140 and many of the "star" athletes were. This may be attributable to student interest as well as the visibility of these activities which come under the school's organizational support. However, the writer found many small, informal "emergent" social groupings of students which were only vaguely recognized by students in general. Students expressed an awareness that most of their fellow students associated with a group of friends, and that these groups were usually bounded by nationality and/or ethnicity, but they were usually unaware of who made up intra-group associations outside their own nationality category. Ethnic Asian students, however, appeared to be the exception. Whether host country, American, or third country Asian, Asian students generally seemed aware of the social groupings of other Asian students. A possibly unique characteristic of American students was the use of a group name to identify their association; the writer did not find this to be so among HCNs and TCNs. American students also identified TCNs by group affiliations, such as "the Latins" and "the Europeans." American and TCN students usually referred to the HCNs by using their national or ethnic name, although some American students chose to use derogatory slang names. Anonymity of a group's name was more the rule when the group was small, as in the case of "the Rats," which consisted of four American sopho- more boys who usually rendezvoused at the Snack Bar, or "the Blue Angels," which consisted of seven American sophomore girls, two of whom were Amerasian, who usually congregated in the office of a favorite teacher. However, when the group was larger, as was the 141 "Bleacher Gang," students who were not members often knew of the group's name and activities. Membership in the Bleacher Gang allegedly consisted of American ASOS students and apparently was loosely determined; those who chose to do on a regular basis what the "members" did were in effect members themselves. The activities of the Bleacher Gang were after-school oriented. Both members and non-members reported that the gang usually congregated at the bleach- ers on the recreational grounds of the Teen Club. It was alleged that members usually drank beer, talked, and shouted insults or chal- lenges to host country boys who happened by. While TCNs and HCNs revealed a general awareness of who the cheerleaders and better athletes were, and where students by nation- ality usually congregated, these students, like their American coun- terparts, appeared to be involved in their own social activities that were also bounded by nationality and/or ethnicity. As suggested earlier, the writer did not find HCN and TCN students using group identity names, in contrast to the American student groups. There was one social group that was rather widely known among all the nationality categories. The group membership included students of a number of nationality backgrounds. The group's social genesis began with a social studies class. The class was characterized by a deliberate effort to enroll students of different nationalities. Its curriculum emphasized many host country/cultural group excursions which often lasted several days or more at a time. The writer par- ticipated in several outings with this group and credits much of the 142 group's social cohesion to the cross-cultural and social awareness skills of the teacher in charge of the class. For each of these social groupings there appeared to be, although unwritten and apparently unplanned, norms (with the notable exception of the social studies group where norms were often writ- ten and frequently discussed) that governed the behavior of each group and often identified each group. The "Jocks" (the school's student athletes and aspiring athletes), for example, would carry with them Adidas or Puma sports carryalls. The "Super Jocks" were mostly Senior or Junior boys who were also the dominant varsity players in soccer, basketball, and baseball. While they, too, possessed Adidas carryalls they did not carry the carryalls with them as did the "Jocks." (The titles "Jocks" and "Super Jocks" were names used mostly by the American ASOS students.) Sorting, Territoriality and Autonomy The micro-level of analysis examines the specific actions which individuals and groups take in a given setting. Ianni and his colleagues have viewed these actions as attempts by individuals and groups to establish and maintain domains of autonomy. These actions, which individuals and groups create for themselves in organizations and Spend much of their time trying to maintain, are referred to as individual strategies and group agendas. This level of analysis relates the abstract levels of structural and role analysis to the life and actions of real, living people by considering bureaucratic, organic, and role influences as the elements of the strategies of 143 individuals. Group agendas simply assume that individuals do not always act in isolation but sort themselves into groups for coopera- tive action. (See Ianni, 1977:390-392.) Sorting refers to a form of behavior whereby people organize themselves into categories or groups and territoriality as the physical space that people occupy within an organizational setting. The phenomena of sorting and territoriality were particu- larly evident in several areas of the principal school setting where the writer had spent some ten weeks as a participant-observer. For instance, the Activity Center, which contained two ping pong tables, two pool tables, one table soccer, a music booth with a battered amplifier and turntable and an assortment of records, and a student government room in addition to the Athletic-Activity Director's office, (note schematic 4.2) was frequented almost entirely by American boys. Their frequent presence and numbers were enough to leave the impression that the area was theirs even in their absence. Even within the Center there existed territorial domains. The athletes frequented the Director's office and occupied the chairs and the doorway in front of the Center. Ping pong, the more popular game in the Center, was played on a challenge basis and the older boys were usually the superior players and would at times ignore the challenge of a younger player, particularly if the younger player was a 7th or 8th grader. And should the challenge be honored, the older boys were likely to direct their conversation and attention to their buddies as they played out the challenge. A few Asian boys, usually Amerasians, also came to play; although they were 144 swam © flung: .‘ a Senior clique am: American boys and girls male athletes STORAGE HCN and TCN boys Ofiw> II II II n Figure 4.2.--Activity Center. accepted, they often had to listen to derisive comments about host nationals. The student government room was in effect the exclu- sive area of a few select Seniors who were prominent in sports and student government. This was the only area in the center where a few of the more active and popular Senior girls would also come to socialize and study. Students not members of this in-group rarely went into this room and when they did their presence was silently (and obviously) ignored. The sidewalk and benches in front of the center were a popular congregation area for many of the Americans, boys and girls, before school and during lunch periods. Other areas that revealed territoriality included the snack bar which, while frequented by almost all students, was the 145 primary congregation point for the younger high school students. The library was particularly popular among host and third country national students, where there was often as much socializing as there was studying. In this setting students usually grouped by nationality and ethnicity, although there were also a few cross groupings, and conversations were usually a mixture of English and native languages. Of course the smoking lounge was the exclusive territory of those students having smoking privileges. Some of the classrooms were also turfs for group associations; the classroom and office of two of the social studies teachers were almost always occupied--one by members of the Journeys group and the other by the seven girls who called themselves the Blue Angels. Another class- room unofficially provided a semi-private, quiet and relaxing atmos- phere for Senior couples. Classroom seats also are territorial claims of the individual as students invariably returned day after day to the same seat even though their teachers permitted them to sit wherever they wished. However, the students' free choice of where to sit revealed the informal sorting that took place among the school's nationality and ethnic groups and, to some extent, gender. Seating illustrations 4.3 and 4.4, on the following pages,typify this sorting behavior. As Figure 4.3 suggests, students, when left to their own initiative, tend to sort themselves according to ethnicity and gen- der. Figure 4.4 further establishes the consistency of the sorting pattern revealed in Figure 4.3. However, Figure 4.4 also reveals that nationality is another sorting characteristic. 146 The arrows iri Figure 4-4 indicate a daily pattern of informal social interaction that took place among the students in this par- ticular class. In one group of four girls, three were American and one was Dutch; the Dutch girl had been attending the American school for approximately four years. CB Teacher AG CB AG CB AB AG CB AG CB AG CB AG CG CB CB AB AB CB = Caucasian boy AB = Asian boy CG = Caucasian girl AG = Asian girl Figure 4.3.--Class Room Seating: Illustration A. 147 ' AM G - : AM G TCN:G AM:G HCN°B D“ W 4 AM:G AM:G TCN:G HCN:B HCN:B A X If v i! , HCN:B TCN:G ‘ ' AM:G I HCN:G AM:B L______. A AM:B AM:G TCN:G AM:B AM:B AM:B K——) AM:B HCN:G' HCN:G TCN:B Teacher AM:B = American boy AM:G = American girl HCN:B = Host country HCN:G = Host country national boy national girl TCN:B = Third country TCN:G = Third country national boy national girl Arrows ——-> indicate occurrences of informal interaction. Figure 4.4.--Class room seating illustration B. As depicted in these two illustrations, students tended to cluster by ethnicity, nationality, and gender. This phenomenon of sorting was revealed again when the teacher requested the class (Figure 4.4) to divide into groups of three for a group—oriented assignment. The American students chose fellow Americans and worked together in a team effort, although there was generally considerable socializing within the groups. The host country nationals similarly 148 worked together in a group but independently of one another. And when they did exchange comments, the comments were usually in their native language. With the exception of the Dutch girl previously mentioned, the third country nationals did not group in this class, choosing instead to work independently of others. The writer has already identified some of the structural and role elements that were influencing student behavioral patterns at the principal school setting. Briefly reiterated, the school's hier- archical organization, policies, and regulations determined basic role parameters as students were categorized by grade level. This sort- ing process was encouraged via class government and social activities. Other structural and role influences included the ESL track for non- native English speaking students as well as the associations and privi- leges often derived by those who were successful in athletics and other competitive activities such as the cheerleaders. However, a reporting of some specific individuals and groups may better illuminate as well as isolate some of the common elements that were influencing the behavior patterns of these ASOS students. In the following vignettes, pseudonyms are used to protect the anonymity of persons and locales. ‘ Vignette. The writer first observed Ralph eating lunch alone in the school's cafeteria. Joining him, the writer learned that Ralph, a Canadian, age l6 and a Junior, was a new student, arriving two weeks after school had started. Both of Ralph's parents were college educated and his father was presently a visiting professor at one of the host country's theological colleges. 149 This was Ralph's first experience at living outside his home country. Ralph indicated that he missed his friends and since his arrival he had been quite lonely. Aside from talking a lot more with his parents he expressed a fascination with his loneliness, explaining how this had been the first time in his life that he had little to do other than think. Though he admitted to being bored at times, he explained that he found he actually liked the oppor- tunity to just think. When asked what he did during his free time at school he replied, "I walk around a lot. Trying to look as if I were going somewhere. Mostly I go to the library and read." As for meeting other students, Ralph stated most of the students he had met were classmates who had different lunch and free periods and none of them lived near him. However, of his two closest friends, one he met as a desk-mate in biology class and the other was a son of his parents' friends. He also mentioned that he was getting to know some of the guys since he had been working out with the weights and universal gym equipment after school. This was an option he had chosen as part of his physical education requirements. The writer subsequently met Ralph's parents at a parent asso- ciation dinner meeting held one evening in the school's cafeteria. Ralph's parents were aware of his loneliness but felt his attitude was positive and were impressed by his endeavors to cope with such a different environment. Ralph's father related an incident when Ralph had decided to walk home after school and had become dis- oriented and frustrated over not being able to read the road signs or instruct the taxi drivers. Though it had been an unpleasant 150 experience, Ralph was undaunted, his father said, explaining that Ralph had declared that next time he would have sense enough to have with him his home address written in the host language. Both of Ralph's parents expressed opinions that living in a host country that contrasted so much with their home country and had such a rich culture was both a unique and wonderful experience. The case of Ralph is presented to draw attention to several elements that the writer believes contribute to effective adjustment. In an article by David Mechanic (l974:32-43) it is suggested that successful personal adaptation has at least the following three components at the individual level: First, the person must have the capabilities and skills to deal with the social and environmental demands to which he is exposed. Such capacities involve the ability not only to react to environmental demands, but also to influence and control the demands to which one will be exposed and at what pace. Second, individuals must be motivated to meet the demands that become evident in their environment. Third, individuals must have the capabilities to maintain a state of psychological equilibrium so that they can direct their energies and skills to meeting external, in contrast to internal, needs (l974z33). During the time Ralph was observed by the writer, he demon- strated that he possessed these three components. He was able to accept his loneliness and even found a satisfying outcome-~uninter- rupted periods to just "think." He also confronted his new environ- ment and revealed a resourcefulness to meet the demands of an unfamiliar environment, such as his attempt to walk home. Ralph's response to his illiteracy in the host country language (i.e., to carry his home address written in the host language) was likely to be an effective means for influencing and controlling one of the 151 more immediate environmental demands to which he was exposed. Also, the positive attitude of both his parents towards Ralph as well as the host country very likely contributed to his "psychological equilibrium." In the context of sorting, territoriality, and autonomy, Ralph's purpose for walking about the school's campus in his need to convey an imagined purpose to anyone that might have been noticing him was, for him, an effective defense for his present feeling of alienation or isolation during the interim of his establishing new friendships. Aside from the cafeteria during lunch, the universal gym area after school, and the library where he studied during his free periods, he was, in effect, without a "school turf" where he could feel or experience some degree of influence and control. Vignette. Martha was a Sophomore who had recently transferred to the American school. She was a host national and a member of the host country's largest ethnic minority. Her father was a physician. Prior to enrolling at the American school, Martha had attended local British-sponsored schools. She professed to being a perfectionist, attributing this characteristic to her British schooling, and con- sidered her schooling to be very important. About the American school, Martha said she particularly liked the freedom of choosing from a fairly wide selection of elective courses. She also liked her teachers, who she thought were "very well qualified" but not demanding enough. Martha also explained that she had had adjustment difficulties when she first began attending the school. She declared that her attention to her school work and the respect she felt 152 students should display for the teachers had resulted in her being teased at first and then ignored by her fellow students. According to Martha, her successful contributions in gym class had gained her attention and some respect among some of her American classmates. The fact that she now talked with her class- mates after entering the classroom and until her teachers called the classes to order had also resulted in greater acceptance. The teasing had stopped. Reflecting on her adjustments to the ASOS, Martha stated she disliked sports because she did not like being sweaty, but added that her Christian upbringing had taught her to always put forth her best effort. She also expressed the view that Americans liked those who could succeed athletically, even if the success was only in gym class. Martha felt she had made a compro- mise in principle regarding talking with friends in class. But, she reasoned, this behavior was also accepted by the teachers. She pointed out that her studies still took priority. Vignette. Thor was a European third country national. This was his first experience living outside his home country, and while he had traveled through much of Europe with his family during vacations, this was his first experience with the Far East culture and people. Thor was l9 and had completed the equivalent of the American high school education before coming to the host country. His father was a businessman and Thor planned to eventually join the same business. Thor's enrollment at the ASOS was the result of three reasons. First, it would enable him to improve his English; 153 second, it would enable him to meet people his own age; and third, it gave him something to do for the year he would be in the host country. Thor was frequently late arriving at school in the morning and often skipped his classes, choosing to spend his time in the stu- dent smoking lounge or playing ping pong. He had established rapport with a number of the American boys in the Activity Center and the students in the smoking lounge, moving comfortably between these two loosely established groups as well as interacting with some of the Europeans attending the school. Although Thor was not a disruptive or discourteous student, his lack of interest and commitment to his classes and consequently his tardiness and class cutting had resulted in several meetings with the Assistant Principal. Thor commented that the Assistant Principal was considering suspending him from school. Thor said he did not want that to happen. Thor's class schedule consisted of English, history, math, sh0p, and physical education classes and two free periods. He had passed his ESL examinations. Thor was unaware of, but expressed interest in the school's special classes such as the photography class and the social studies class that featured weekly and extended weekend excursions. Thor was able to add the photography class to his schedule. Characteristics of the (Questionnaire Respondents There were 70 student respondents from the four A/OS schools who responded to the "Self-Administered Questionnaire" (note 154 Appendix C). In selecting these respondents the writer followed the principles of theoretical sampling. The following four criteria were observed in the selection of the 70 student respondents: 1. American, host and third country national students of both genders were included in the sample. 2. All respondents were currently attending one of the four American-sponsored overseas community schools the writer visited. 3. Only ASOS students who, in the opinions of their teachers, counselors and/or administrators and the writer, were perceived as being reasonably well-adjusted adolescents were selected as respon- dents. 4. Some of the 70 respondents were identified as actively or not-actively participating in school-guided extra-curricular activities. Table 4.6 provides a composite description, using absolute numbers and percentage frequencies, of the respondents by school visited, participation or non-participation in school-guided activi- ties, grade, nationality and sponsorship categories; each of these categories is cross-referenced with gender. The reader is reminded that the researcher's endeavors throughout the field study were exploratory in intent. The questionnaire and the interview format were not tested for reliability and validity, nor were student respondents selected according to procedures for ascertaining sta- tistically significant quantitative data. Thus no generalizations Table 4.6.--Absolute and percentage frequencies of respondents by school, participation, gender, grade, nationality and sponsorship categories cross-referenced with gender. 155 Students Male Female Category Count Col % Count Row % Count Row % School Site School A 18 25.7% 9 50.0% 9 50.0% School B 22 31.4% 13 59.1% 9 40.9% School C 25 35.7% 12 48 0% 13 52.0% School D _5_ 7.1% _4_ 80 0% 2 20.0% Total 0 100.0% 38 '32 Participation Active 29 41.4% 17 58.6% 12 41.4% Non-active 26 37.1% 13 50.0% 13 50.0% Not identified l§_ 21.4% _§_ 53.3% _Z_ 46.6% Total 70 100.0% 38 2 Gender Male 38 54.3% Female §g_ 45.7% Total 70 100.0% Grade 8th grade 1 1.4% 1 100.0% 0 0.0% Freshman 6 8.6% 4 66.7% 2 33.3% Sophomore 9 12.9% 4 44.4% 5 55.6% Junior 38 54.3% 19 ' 50.0% 19 50.0% Senior 16_ 22.9% 19_ 62.5% _§. 37.5% Total 0 100.0% 38 32 Nationality American 31 44.3% 18 58.1% 13 41.9% Host country national 6 8.6% 4 66.7% 2 33.3% Third country national 33_ 47.1% 16_ 48.5% 12. 51.5% Total 70 100.0% 38 32 Sponsorship Business 37 52.9% 19 51.4% 18 48.6% Diplomatic 16 22.9% 10 62.5% 6 37.5% Military 6 8.6% 2 33.3% 4 66.7% Missionary 2 2.9% 1 50.0% 1 50.0% Other 8 11.4% 5 62.5% 3 37.5% Not stated _1. 1.4% _l_ 100 0% _9, 0.0% Total 70 100.0% 38 32 156 are warranted concerning students attending the American-sponsored overseas schools on the basis of the data being presented. The 33 third country national (TCN) student respondents indicated one of the following 19 countries as their country of citizenship: Australia India Panama Bulgaria Israel Pakistan Canada Japan Saudi Arabia Denmark Korea Singapore France Libya Sweden Hong Kong Netherlands New Zealand Norway Of these 33 TCNs, 9 or 27 percent were from English-speaking countries, although 12 (36 percent) indicated they spoke English in the home. Fifteen of the TCN respondents, or 45 percent, reported they spoke only their native (non-English) language at home; and 6, or 18 percent, reported they spoke two or more languages at home. Among the 31 American respondents, 25, or 80 percent, reported speak- ing only English at home. One American respondent claimed that no English was spoken at home, and five American respondents indicated speaking at least one other language in addition to English in the home. Of the six host country national (HCN) student respondents, four reported speaking more than one language at home; the other two indicated they spoke only their native language at home. Among the 70 student respondents, 27 different language forms were identified as being spoken in one or more of the homes (note Table 4.7). Some students reported speaking one language with their par- ents, another language with siblings, or a different language with each parent, or speaking to a parent in one language while the parent 157 spoke to them in a second language. For example, one Amerasian student reported that when he spoke with his mother he spoke English, but she always spoke Japanese to him. He explained they both under- stood and could speak either language, but he preferred to speak English and his mother, afraid that he would forget his Japanese, always spoke to him in Japanese. Table 4.7.--Language and language combinations* spoken in one or more of the homes of the seventy student respondents. Arabic Danish French Korean Swedish Bulgarian Dutch Indian Norwegian Thai Chinese English Japanese Spanish English/Chinese Indonesian/Mandarin English/Iranian Japanese/English English/Japanese Mandarin/English English/Spanish Thai/Chinese Hakanese/Chinese Thai/English ** {English with parents Thai with brothers English/Hindi/Thai Hebrew/English/Spanish English/Taiwanese/Japanese *Language combinations are listed in the order a respondent indicated the languages were most frequently spoken in the home. **Severa1 respondents indicated they spoke different languages with different members of their families. Other commonalities between the 31 American and 33 third country national (TCN) respondents were that over 50 percent of each group had lived in three or more countries; over 40 percent 158 of each group had lived in the host country four or more years, and approximately 70 percent of each group had lived outside their country of citizenship four or more years. Of the 31 American respondents, 18 (58 percent) were boys and 13 (42 percent) were girls. Approximately 83 percent of both genders were Juniors 16 or 17 years old. 0f the 33 TCN respondents, 16 (48 percent) were boys, mostly Juniors, 16 and 17 years old. Seventeen (52 percent) of the TCN respondents were girls, of which approximately 70 percent were Juniors l6 and 17 years old. Only six host country nationals (HCNs) were respondents to the "Self-Administered Ques- tionnaire." Of these six (four boys and two girls) HCN respondents, one was 13 years old, one 16, one 17, two 18, and one 20 years of age. Patterns of Interrelationships Based on the writer's ten weeks of field observations at the principal school site (School A), a working hypothesis emerged theorizing that the majority of students within each of the three nationality categories-~American, host country national (HCN), and third country national (TCN)--associated informally mostly with other students within their own nationality category. American students as well as the HCN students at School A constituted two rather large and distinctly different hom0philous groups--the most notable differences being language and racial-ethnicity. The TCNs were more heterophilic but their cultural and linguistic differences were also their common and shared attribute in the ASOS setting. 159 Language and racial-ethnicity were the two more notable sorting characteristics among the TCNs. The Asian students, whether American, HCN or TCN, generally associated with other Asian students. The non-Asian TCN students generally associated with other non-Asian TCNs who shared a common language or other regional/cultural simi- larities. For example, some of the Latin TCNs were very active in school-guided extra-curricular activities and had frequent informal social associations with other non-Latin ASOS students, particu- larly the American students. However, the Latin students still maintained their own informal Latin social group associations. As one Latin student explained, it was just easier to express certain feelings to someone who shares the same cultural background and native language. Three time frames-~lunch, after-school, and weekends--where students were likely to interact informally with other students are subsequently examined. The 70 questionnaire respondents were asked, first, to identify with whom they ate their lunch and with whom they associated after-school and on weekends. Second, the respondents were asked to record the age, gender, citizenship, ethnicity, and family sponsorship of each person they had identified (note Appen- dix C--Self—Administered Questionnaire, 8. A.l, 3.1., and C.l). Although data varied somewhat among these three independent variables (lunch, after-school, weekends), an analysis of the responses given for lunch period and after-school associations indicates the similari- ties and dissimilarities expressed by the respondents. Six demographic 160 comparisons are made of the respondents' interrelationships during these two time frames. In reporting the questionnaire data the absolute number of respondents for each independent variable is given to the left of the variable labels. Response data for the dependent variables are reported in summary form using absolute numbers, to remind the reader of the very small sample sizes, and relative percentages (rounded to the nearest whole percent), to illustrate the possible, though unproven, relevance of some of the data as a descriptive characteristic or sociometric indicant for American, host and third country national ASOS high school students. Student respondents were first classified by nationality category--American, HCN (host country national), and TCN (third country national). Among the 70 respondents one third or less in each category indicated their informal associations during lunch periods and after-school were only with students who were of the same nationality category as the respondents, while 40 percent or more of the respondents in each category indicated those students they associated with were of more than one nationality category (note Table 4.8.1). These data appear partially to not retain the writer's working hypothesis that ASOS students interacted primarily with students of the same nationality or within the nationality categories established for this study. With the exception of the HCN data, the association patterns reported in Table 4.8.1 may be reflective of the general association patterns of American and TCN students at the four schools the writer visited. 161 .Ngoomuoo NNNNm -ooNNoo No mpomoooommg No gmoEo: NmNoN moo :o ommoo mgo zosz mmchmoomgN m>NNong mzN mgm Nuomogmo mNozz Nmmgom: moo oN omoooog mgo gmszo mmomuomugmo ocNoooommggoo mop .ogmNNoo :oNNomgmNoN om>No m ooNNgoomg mucmoooommg No gmosoo mooNomom mzN mNooNooN mmmmzuomgmo :N omaommmgo mgmosozo .sz>NmoNuxm NNNNmooNNoo moo Now No mNcmoon gmzoo zNNz mNoNoommm No: oNo oz; mpomocoommg No gmoEo: moo mNomNooN ocNoomz oEoNoo mNzN gmoo: omocmmmgo mNooo .ooNomm; :EoNoo moo cN omNooNooN ooNNmoNNNmmoNo NNNNoooNNoc mop No mucmoomm ;NN3 aNm>NmoNoxm mgmz Noozom gmNNm go ooNgmo zucoN moo ooNgoo mcoNNoNoommm gNmzN omogoomg oz: muomoooommg No gmoEo: mzN mNmoNooN mocNoomz :EoNoo mmmzu gmooo omoommmgo mNmoo .mcon mENN NoozomngmNNo ooo ooNgmo zoooN gNmzN Nomom Nmzo omumo -NooN oz: go oooommg No: oNo on: muomoooommg goN Ncooooo No: oo mNooN mNzN cN omucmmmgo ouooo Non ANNV NNN ANNV NNN zoo Non ANNV No zoo No NNV NoN zoo NNN zoo mzoN mm NNo zoo Nom zoo NNN zNo Nom zmo No zoo No.zoo No zoo No zoo mzoz o NNo zoNo Noe NoNo NoN zoo NoN zoo NN NNo No zoo NoN Nov oNoN zoo mcouNgmso No m-< zucoo m-< zucoo m-< zuooo m-< zocoo mgoNxNEoz zoN _ zoz cauNgms< mNomoooommz No oz omNoNNNoz om>NmoNoxm NNNNmooNNmz moszooNNonggmocN o.Nm-mm No moszooNNonggmNoN mzN No oomNgooEoo < .N.o.o mNooN 162 The sampling of HCN students was particularly small. Of the six HCN student respondents four reported their informal peer asso- ciations included an admixture of nationalities; three reported their associations during lunch were exclusively with TCNs. None of the six respondents indicated exclusive informal associations with fellow HCNs. While three of the six HCN respondents were from School A, the data are more representative of observed association patterns at Schools B, C, and D, and only partially representative of School A. In Schools B, C, and D the HCN enrollment was very small (12, 2, and 3, respectively) in pr0portion to each school's total enrollment. When so few students of a given category are further differentiated by age and gender and bureaucratically separated by course and grade level assignments, it may be assumed that they are less likely to associate with one another if there are others with whom they may share similar attributes, such as racial/cultural ethnicity, as well as more common experiences, interests, and con- cerns. In contrast nearly 20 percent (over 100 students) of School A's high school enrollment were HCN students. The writer observed many of these students associating either exclusively with other HCN students or with other Asian students. The writer found that the social dyads, triads, and somewhat larger social groupings that were comprised exclusively of HCN students usually formed during enroll- ment in the ESL/EFL classes, from earlier associations prior to entering the ASOS, or through introductions by older siblings attend- ing the ASOS. These students expressed a desire to interact with 163 other ASOS students, particularly the Americans, but expressed a lack of confidence in their English speaking ability. They also admitted they were more comfortable talking in their own native language about school work, personal interests, and problems. The fact that three of the HCN questionnaire respondents were from School A and none of them reported an exclusive informal association with fellow HCN students may, in part, reflect the probability of chance as well as the possible relevance that two of the three were active participants in school-guided extra-curricular activities. It is the writer's assumption that students who actively participate in school-guided activities will establish informal association patterns that include a greater admixture of the student body than students who are less active. An exploratory examination of this hypothesis is introduced in the context of Tables 4.8.4 and 4.8.5. Another working hypothesis that had emerged from the field study at School A was that ASOS students generally sorted them- selves into groups bounded by racial ethnicity. Here again popu- lation (enrollment) size also appeared to be a factor. The few black students in attendance were American and though they knew each other they did not necessarily include or exclude each other in their association patterns. The association patterns of the black American students appeared to parallel that of their white American counterparts, as these students interacted primarily with other American students or with an admixture of the nationalities represented in the school population. However, there were two 164 ethnic categories, Asian and non-Asian, that were visually dis- cernible, numerically substantial, and were a boundary character- istic of ASOS student association patterns. When the responses of of the respondents are re-examined by this ethnic categorization in conjunction with the three nationality categories, the probable relevance of ethnicity becomes more evident. Based on the data in Table 4.8.2 the nine Amerasian respon- dents reported proportionately more exclusive associations with HCN and TCN students, fewer exclusive associations with the HCN and TCN students, and fewer exclusive associations with their fellow American students than the 22 non-Asian American respondents. Respondents of both categories reported proportionately similar multiple associations that were an admixture of American, HCN, and TCNs. When these associations are examined according to Asian, non-Asian, admixture (Asian and non-Asian) associations (note Table 4.8.3), more than 50 percent of the respondents for both American ethnic categories reported their informal associations during lunch periods to be exclusively intra-ethnically bounded. This intra-ethnic proclivity was essentially the same for the HCN and TCN respondents. A tally of the respondents reporting associations with fellow students reveals the associations to occur more during the lunch time frame than after school. The data also suggest that intra-ethnic (Asian/non-Asian) associations particularly, and intra-national associations (as per the three categories used in this study) were more common during lunch periods than 165 Now zoo NNN zNo NoN zoo Nmm zoo No zoo No zoo NNN zNo NoN zoo mzaNm<-=o= zoN NN Non zoo Now zoo NNN zoo NNN zoo No zoo No zNo NoN zoo No zNo mzaNmz zoN oN NNo zoo Noo zmo NNN zNo Now zoo No zoo No zoo No zoo No zoo meonz zoz o NNN zoo Nmm ANNV NoN zNo No zNo No zNo No zoo NNN zoo Non zoo mcaNm<-=o= cauNgmeo NN Noe zoo Now zoo NNN zNo NNN zNo NNN zNo No zoo No zoo NNN NNV mcmNmz emuNgmsz o m-< zueoo m-< zucoo m-< zucoo m-< zuooo mgouxNEo< zoN zo: :ooNng< muomocoommz No .oz mNoNNNoz m>NmoNoxm NNNNocoNNoz moszooNNmnggmN:H .Nm-mm No moszcoNNonggmNcN mo» No :omNgooEou < .N.m.o mNooN 166 NNN zNo No zoo Nmm zoo Noo szo No zNo NNN zNo mcaNm<-=o= zoN NN Non zoo no zoo No zNo NNN zNo New NNV NNo ANNV mcaNmz zoN oN NNo zoo No zoo No zoo No zoo No zoo NooN zoo mcaNmo zoz o Non zoo No zNo Now ANNV Nmm ANNo No zoo Non zoo meaNm<-=o= cauNgmsz NN NNN zNo NNN Ago NNN zoo NNN zoo Non zoo Now zoo meaNmz oouNgosz o m-< zucoo m-< zucoo m-< zocoo mgoNsto< oonNm=NuxN NNNNacoNoaz-uN=zNo moszooNNonggmooN .Nm-mm No moszcoNNonggmuoN mop No comNgooEou < .m.o.o mNomN 167 after school. While the data reveal little change in the number of multiple associations in terms of admixture of the nationality categories, the data suggest a notable increase in inter-ethnic (Asian and non—Asian) associations after school. This may, in part, reflect the change of environmental factors between the two time frames. During lunch periods the respondents were gen- erally restricted to certain areas of each school's campus with few activity alternatives; mostly the respondents could only choose between studying or conversing with friends. Language and culture, in addition to interest, appeared to be an important fac- tor among the respondents when choosing whom to socialize with during the lunch period. Unlike the findings reported in the four "lighthouse“ studies on high school students in the United States (note Chapter II), where student conversational topics focused primarily on cars, dates, and other self/group oriented matter with little subject matter interaction, the conversational topics of many ASOS students were subject matter oriented as well as diverse, reflecting the inter- national character of the school. Subject matter interaction was particularly common among the HCN and TCN students observed by the writer as well as those who were respondents to the questionnaire and formal interviews. It was also common, though to a lesser extent, among the American students. Conversational topics reported by the respondents ranged from classroom subject matter to school extra- curricular activities; from the political tensions in the Middle- East or other current world news events to their own recent or 168 coming visits to other countries; new student arrivals to when they or their friends were leaving; Superbowl football to the world soccer championship playoffs; as well as boy/girl/parent/school problems, future plans, colleges, and weekend activities. In contrast to the low emphasis on school-guided extra- curricular activities during lunch periods, a wide range of such activities for students to choose from were usually available during the after school time frame. It was this environmental change, which greatly enhanced the opportunity for students to pursue activities of personal interest, that was a major contribut- ing factor to the increase in after-school inter-ethnic associations. It is important to note that a number of HCN and TCN students reported that their participation in extra-curricular activities, particularly such activities as a class play or talent show, had resulted from the persistent encouragement from a teacher or some- times another student. It is also important to note that while these same students expressed confidence in themselves they often indicated a lack of confidence in their English speaking ability and/or felt they really were not needed by the Americans who gen- erally dominated many of the extra-curricular activities. However, there were many HCN and TCN students who expressed the feeling that their studies were more important and they did not have the time for extra-curricular school activities. These opinions had been expressed to the writer by both respondents and other students with whom the writer spoke. 169 The active and non-active participation of students in school-guided activities was the basis of another working hypothe- sis. From field observations at School A it appeared that inter- ethnic (Asian, non-Asian, and nationality category) and inter- gender associations were more common among those students who were active participants in school activities than those who were not. Fifty-five of the respondents were identified as active or non- active participants. As reported in Tables 4.8.4 and 4.8.5 the data lend support to this hypothesis. Both active male and female respondents reported more combined associations with fellow Asian and non-Asian students and an admixture of the nationality cate- gories than did their non-active counterparts. Similarly the active male and female respondents reported more exclusive associa- tions with the opposite gender as well as the admixture of genders in their association patterns than did their non-active counter- parts. Another important characteristic of ASOS students is the time they may spend alone. Although data in Table 4.8.5 provide little substantive information, the data, nonetheless, illustrate this phenomenon. Whether active or non-active participants, the well-adjusted ASOS students developed friendship associations with fellow students that were part of their school day activities but often pursued isolated activities after school such as studying or reading, which, by their own choice, resulted in their being alone. As Useem and other scholars of "third culture children" have reported, sponsorship of the students' families often directly 170 NNN zoo Non zoo NoN zNo No zoo mmNaemg osNNoaeoz NN Now zoo Now zNo Non zoo No zoo mmNasmg a>NNuo NN Non zoo Noe zoo Non zoo No zNo mmNae asNNoacoz NN Noo zoNo Now zoNo NNN zoo NNN zNo magma m>NNu< NN m-< gonzo m-< zucoo mcoNNmNoomm< NNNNoooNNmz ochosoo mooNNoNoomm< oonNN1NNNNN No moszooNNmnggmN:N mzN No oomNgoosoo < .o.o.v mNooN 171 NNN zoo NNN zoo No NNV No zoo NNN zNo NNo zoo No zoo No zNo mmNasag asNNuazoz NN NNN zoo Now zNo NNN zNo No zoo NNN zNo NNN zoo NNN zNo No zoo mmNasmg msNNuz NN NNN zNo NNN zoo NNN zoo No zNo No zoo No zoo NNo zoo NNo zoo mmNas m>NNoa=oz NN NNN zoo Now zoNo No zNo No zoo No zoo No zNo NNN zoo Non zoo mmNas mNNNoo NN m-< zuooo o-< zucoo m-< zuooo o-< gonzo mgoprso< mcoN< mmNoEmN mmNoz mucmoooommz No .oz mNoNNNoz m>NmoNuxm mucmoNoNNgoo moszooNNonggmuoH No mNcmoon Noozom zoNz mom< m>NN-NuNNN No moszcoNNonggmNoN mg» No comNgooeou < .AmuNm=Noxm moszcoNNmnggmN:N .Nm-mm No moszcoNuonggmuoN mg» No comNgmoeou < .o.o.e mNomN 174 such as English, understanding and often tolerance of one another's English speaking ability was often a boundary characteristic for the group. Among the 70 questionnaire respondents the following languages and combinations were identified as being spoken with school friends (combinations are cited by listing first the language most frequently spoken by the respondent): English English/Japanese French/English English/Cantonese English/Indonesian Japanese/English English/Mandarin English/Spanish Chinese/English English/Taiwanese English/Thai Thai English/Korean/Chinese/French Status Perceptions in the ASOS Peer Group The second purpose of the Self-Administered Questionnaire was to explore the students' peer group social status perceptions. The underlying objective was to ascertain whether American, HCN and TCN students, who were assumed to be reasonably well-adjusted adolescents, held similar peer status perceptions within their A/OS school setting. The three dimensions of social status surveyed were acceptance, power, and competence. Response data have been summarized in the context of the three nationality categories dichotomized by Asian/non-Asian ethnicity and by active and non- active participation in school-guided activities. The perceptions are described according to four demographic characteristics: gender, nationality, ethnicity, and age. The writer has interpreted acceptance as being whom the respondents liked, were attracted to, or had confidence in. Questions 9a-9f of the Questionnaire relate to this dimension. 175 The demographic response data for three of these questions are presented in Tables 4.9.1, 4.9.2, and 4.9.3. All questions and response data are not included inasmuch as the validity and reliability of the Questionnaire have not been established. Salient characteristics of the respondents' choice for a workmate (note Table 4.9.1) were that respondents generally chose a person of their own gender and ethnicity; that is, boys generally chose boys, girls other girls, Asians other Asians, and non-Asians other non-Asians. Similarly, respondents more often chose a workmate of their own nationality category except- ing the Amerasian respondents, who chose more TCN students than fellow Americans. It may be important to note that four of the five TCNs chosen by the Amerasian respondents were Asian and the three American workmates chosen were non-Asian. Although there was little difference in the gender preference between active and non-active male respondents and, similarly, between the female respondents, cross-gender choice was proportionately greater among the designated active respondents in this particular sample. Age of the workmate was a diffused characteristic although proportionately more workmates were the same age as the respondents. What is not revealed in Table 4.9.1 is the fact that approximately three of every four respondents chose a friend, someone they associated with during their lunch periods, after-school, or on the weekend. In contrast to choosing a workmate there occurred an inter- esting change in the characteristics of those whom the respondents chose to know better (see Table 4.9.2). The most notable change 1176 noN zNo no zNo nNN zoo non zoo nNN zoo non zNo nNN zoo noN zNo non zoo noo Nov noN zNo noNasmg mNNNuaeoz N. no zoo nmN zoo nNN zNo non .No nNo Nov non zoo nno zoo no zoo nNN zoo nNN Nov. noN zoo nmNasmN msnnuz NN no zNo nNN zoo nNN zoo nNN zoo non zoo noN zoo nNN zoo no zNo non zNo no zoo nNo ANNo nmNas osNNuacoz NN no zNo nNN zoo no. Nmo nmo zoo non zoNo non zoo noN zoo no zNo non zoNo nNN zNo nNo NoNo nmNNs usnnuz NN noN zoo noN zoo noN zoo nNN zNo non zoNo no. zoo nom zoo no zoo nNN Nov nNN NNo non Noo neaNm<-=o= zoN N. no zNo no Ago nNN zoo non zoo non zoo non zoo non zoo no zNo non zoo non zoo non zoo neaan zoN o. non zNo non zoo no zoo nNN NNo no zoo nNo zoo nNN zNo non zNo NNN zNo non NNo non NNV meaan zoz o no zNo no NNV noN zoo nmo zoNo nmN NoNo no. zoo nNN zoo no zoo noo ANNo noo zoNo non NoNo meanm<-=o= cauNgmeo NN no zoo neo zoo nNN zNo non zoo nNN Noo non zoo non zoo nNN zNo non zoo NNN NNo noN NNo neaNmo zauNgmsz o omuoum gmocooN gmoNo meow con<1=oo oon< zoN zo: oouNgms< mNoamN mNoz muwuzo moo NNNuNezno NNNNacoNNNz gmoomo mnemocoommz .moNNmNgmooogmgo oNooogoosmo No .Numnogo Noozum m goN momsxgoz No moNooo "oonomsNo moomoommoouumoumom gmmo muNNmNgmouogozo oNzoogooEmo .N.o.v mNooN 177' noN zNo no zNo nNo zoo noo zoo nNo zoo nNN zoo non zoo no zNo noo zoo noo zoo no. NNo ooNoooN o>Nnooooz oN noN zoo noo zoo noo zoo no zNo noo NNo nNN zNo nNN zNo nNN .No nNo zoo nNN zNo noo zNo ooNosoN osNooz NN noo zNo nNN zoo noN zoo no zoo n_o zoo noN zNo nNN zoo no Nov noN zoo nNN Nov noN zoo ooNos oNNoooooz oN no zNo n_o NNo no zoo nNo zoo nNN ANNo noN zoo noN zoo no zoo nNN zNNo nNN ANNo noN zoo ooNoe oNNooo NN nNN zoo no zNo non zoo non zoo nNN ANNV no z_o non zoo no zoo nNo .No noo zoNo noN “no noono<-=oo zoN NN noo zNo noN zoo no zNo noo zoo noN Nov nNo zoo nNo zoo no z_o no. zoo nNo zoo noN zoo nooNo< zoN oN noo zoo noo zoo nNN zNo no zoo nNo zoo no zoo no zoo no zoo nNo zoo noo zoo nNN NNo nooNoo zoo o no, zoo nNN zoo nNo zNo nNN zoo noo zoNo noN zoo no. zoo no zNo noo NoNo nNo zoo nNo zoo ooo.o<-ooo ooonooso NN non zoo noo zoo no zoo nNN zoo noo zoo nNN NNV nNN zNo no zoo noo zoo noo zoo nNN NNo nooNoz oooNooe< o oooooo ooooooN oooNo oooo ooNo<-ooz ooNoz zoN zoz oooNooso oNooon oNoz muwuzo mo< ouNuchNm NuNNoooNNoz gmoomo ouomooooomz ouNNoNgmuoogozo uNzomgoosmo .ooNuoNgmuuogozo oNcoogoosmo on .gmuomo soon on :oogmo No muNozo NooNoomENo muoooomuuounoououo gmmo .N.o.o mNooN 178 occurred in gender preference. Male respondents (both active and non-active) indicated proportionately greater interest in knowing girls better; and both active male and female respondents revealed the greatest interest in better cross-gender acquain- tances. The data also suggest increased interest in cross-nationality and cross-ethnic acquaintances. This was most evident among the Asian respondents. It may be important to note, though, the increased numbers of respondents who did not-indicate a choice. Also, of the respondents who expressed a choice, approximately two of every three chose someone outside their informal association group. When the respondents were asked whom they would choose to discuss a personal problem with, the majority of respondents in each category indicated someone of their own gender, nationality and ethnicity, and of the same age or older (see Table 4.9.3). Approximately four of every five respondents chose another student who was a close friend or a sibling. When a peer was not chosen the respondents cited a teacher or parent(s). The most common response revealed that long-range concerns such as future schooling, career choices, jobs, and travel were generally discussed with their parents. However, many adolescent concerns, such as intra- and inter-gender peer relations, problems with teachers and parents, were usually discussed with a peer who, many respondents explained, was more interested and willing to listen and less judgmental. The common characteristics of the teachers and parents who were chosen to 17S) noN nNo no zoo nNo zoo noN zoo noo zoo noo zoo noo zoo. noN zNo nNo zoo noo ANNo no zoo noNoeoN oNNoooooz NN no zoo no zNo noN zoo noo nNo noo nNo noo zoo nNN nNo no zoo noN zoo nNo zoo noN zoo ooNoooo oNNnoo NN no z_o no zNo nNo zoo noN zoo noo zoo noN zoo noN zNo noN nNo nNo zoo noN zoo noo zoo noNoo o>Nnooooz NN no zoo noN zoo noo noo noo noo noo ANNo noo zoo noN zoo nNN nNo noo zoNo noN zoo noo noNo ooNoo osnnoo NN noN zoo no zNo nNo nNo noo zoo nNo noNo no zoo noo zoo no zoo nNo zoo noo Noo nNo zoo noono<-oo= zoN N. no zNo no zNo noo zoo noo zoo nNo noo noo zoNo noo zoo no zNo nNo zoo noo zoo noo NNo oooNoo zoN NN nNN zNo noo zNo noo zoo no zoo nNN zNo nNo zoo nNN zNo noo zoo nNN zNo noo noo noo NNo noonoo zoz o noN zoo no nNo noo noNo nNo nNo noo NoNo noN zoo no zoo no zNo nNo zoNo noo ANNo noo zoo oooNo<-ooo ooonoooo NN nNN nNo nNN zNo noo zoo noo zoo noo zoo nNN zNo no zoo nNN .No nNo zoo noo zoo noo zoo noono< oooNoos< o omooom gmoooo» gmuNo maom ooNo.nooooz o. no .oo noN .oo no ..o nNo .oo nNo ...o no ..o nNo .oo no No. noo .No nNo .oo noo zoo no.ooon o>.oo< N. n.o zoo noN .oo noN zoo noN zoo noo .No no. .No no ..o no ..o noo .No n.o zoo noo .oo no.oo o>.oooooz o. no .oo noN .oo nN. .No noo .o.o nNo .o.o no. No. no. .No no No. noo .o.o noo .oo noo ...o no.oo o>.oo< N. noo .oo nN. .No nN. .No n.o .No noo ...o no .oo nNo .oo no .oo no. zoo noN .oo noo .oo noo.o<-ooo zoN N. no. .No no. zoo no. .No noo .oo noo .o.o noN .oo no No. no .oo noo .o.o noo .o.o noN zoo noo.o< zoN o. no .oo noo .oo nN. ..o noo .No nNo .oo noo .No no No. no. ..o noo .oo noo zoo noo .oo noo.o< zoz o no. No. no .No no .No noo .o.o nNN .N.o no ..o no. .oo no zoo noo .o.o n.o .oo n.o .oo noo.oo-ooo oooNoooo NN_ n.. ..o noo zoo nNN .No noo .No noo .oo noo .oo nNN .No n.. ..o noo .oo noo .oo noo .oo ooo.o< ooo.ooo< o omomom gmoooo> goo—o msmm :oNo.ooo N. n.o .oo n.o zoo noN .oo no. .No noo .No no. .No no. .No no ..o noo .oo no. .No noo .No oo.oo o>.oooooz o. no ..o noN .oo nN. .No noo .o.o nNo .o.o nN. .No no ..o no .oo noo .o.o noN zoo n.N .N.o oo.oo o>.oo< N. noN .oo noN .oo noN .oo noN .oo nNN .o.o no .oo noN No. no .oo nNo .o. no. .oo noo .o.o oooNoo-ooo zoN N. no. .oo no. .oo no. .No noo .oo noo .oo nNo .oo no. .No no. .No noo .oo noo .No noo .oo moo.o< zoN o. nN. ..o noo zoo nN. ..o nN. ..o noo .oo noo .No noo .No nN. ..o noo .No noo .oo noo .No ooo.o< zoo o no. .oo no .No nNN .oo noo ...o nNN .N.o no .No no. No. no ..o noo .o.o noo .oo noo ...o noo.o<-ooo oooNoooo NN nNN .No noo .oo n.. ..o noo .oo noN .No no zoo nNN .No no .oo noo .oo nNN .No noo zoo oooNoo ooo.ooo< o omooom gmoooo» gmoNo meow :oNo<-=o= :oNo< zoN 2o: couNng< mNoamo mNo: mowuzo mo< ooNuNcgou NNNNoooNooz gmoomo ooomoooooma ouNooNgmNuogooo oNooogoosmo .ouNooNgmNoogoou oNooogooemo on .NoNoomoNNoN Noos monsoooNu No :oNoomogmo "ooNooosNo gmzoouuoouooo sumo .N.oN.v mNooN 183 the majority of respondents in each respondent category as being the most reliable and congenial (see Tables 4.11.1 and 4.11.2). Although proportionately more non-Asian classmates were cited in this dimension than Asian students, there were proportionately more Asian classmates cited in this dimension than in the other two dimensions. It is also important to note that among the active respondents approximately three of every five cited a member of their own social group. In contrast, approximately three of every five non-active respondents cited a classmate who was not part of the respondent's association of friends. Also, there was only one student, an Amerasian at School B, who was consistently cited by a cross-section of the respondent categories at that school. This student was a gregarious person and one of the school's out- standing female athletes. One Asian TCN respondent commented that she was the first student to actually welcome him to the school and, he said, “she did this during the busy lunch time." Gender perceptions varied in this dimension as congeniality was perceived by the respondents as being characteristic of the respondents' own gender, while the majority of the female respondents and the majority of the active male respondents cited female classmates as being most ' reliable. As previously discussed, the Self-Administered Questionnaire was designed while the field study was in progress as an exploratory instrument to examine certain aspects of ASOS student behavior pat- terns. Data derived from this instrument are descriptive of the respondents only. Salient characteristics of the data have been 1234 um— ANV “No Nov moo Nov mom NNV amp ANN no ANN aNN NoNV mom ANN noo Nov omNoEmN m>Nuuoooz mN noN zoo nNo .oo nNo .oo noN zoo noo .o. no .oo noo .No noN .oo nN. .No no ..o noN .oo noo .No noN .oo noN zoo no ..o noo .oo noN .oo noo .No no .oo n.N .N.o noo .o.o no. .No noN No. no .oo nNN .o.o noo .o.o n.o .No no .oo noN .oo no ..o no .oo noN zoo noo .oo no .oo noN .oo omNoemN m>NNu< NN omNos m>Noomooz mN oo.oo o>.oo< N. noN .oo noN .oo nNN .o.o nN. .No noN .oo no .oo noo .o.o nNo .oo n.o .No ooo.o<-ooo zoN N. no. .No noo ...o noo .No noo .No noo .oo no .oo noo .oo noo .o.o noN .oo no .oo nN. ..o noo .No noo zoo nN. ..o nN. ..o noo .oo noo .oo noo .No no zoo noN .o.o nNo .o.o no .No nNN .oo no .oo noo .o.o noo .oNo nNN .oo nN. .No noN .oo no. .No no ..o nN. ..o nNo .oo no .No no. No. ocon< zuN op ocon< zu: m oooNo gmoNo msow ooNo.nooooz o. no .oo no ..o noN .oo nNo .oo noN .oo noN zoo noo .oo no ... noo .No noN .oo noN .oo oo.oooo o>.oo< N. no ..o noo .No no ... n.o .oo nNN .o.o no. .No noN zoo no zoo noo .oo no. .No nNN .o.o oo.oo oanooooz o. no .oo noo .oo no ..o noo .o.o nNo .o.o no. .oo noN zoo no .oo n.N .N.o n.o .No noo .o.o oo.oo o>.oo< N. no. .oo no. zoo noN .oo n.o .No nNN .o.o no ..o noN .oo no zoo noo .oo no. zoo noo ...o ooo.o<-ooo zoN N. no. .No no. .oo no ..o noo .o.o noo .No noo .No n.o .oo no ..o noo .oo noo ...o no. .No ooNNoo zoN o. no .oo nNo .oo no .oo noo .No noo .oo. nN. ..o. nN. ..o no .oo noo .oo noo .oo noo .oo ooo.o< zoo o no .No no. .oo no .No noo .o.o noo .o.o no ..o nNN .oo no .oo noo .o.o noo .o.o nNN .oo noo.o<-ooo ooo.oooo NN n.. ... noo .oo n.. ..o nNo zoo noN .No n.. ..o nNN .No n.. ..o. noo .oo nNN .No nNo .oo noo.o< oooNLooo o omooom gmo==o> goo—o msom ooNo omoooozoo oo.oo...oo< go moogo ooNoNozoo oNzo -szNNNo xmm mo< msoz NogNo . . . mooozo zoo oNooz oz: .moooozoN ozoogm>zoo ozo .zoNNoNNNNNo go moogo .oNzoszNNNo .xmo .moo gNmzo .mEoz NogNN o.zoogmo mzN ozNogoomg No ogozo mzo mNmNoeoo moomNo .ozoNNoooNo go omNNN>NNoo ozNzoNNoN mzo No zoom goo 250 Nmzoogm>m Nooe goN zoN NNN>NNom N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N u u u u n n " ozn onos on NNonN. Noos .o u N n u u N u N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N u u u n u n " Nmzoogm>m zNNz ocoNo " u u u u u " omo on NmeNN noos .o N z n z z N u N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N n u u n u u u no... u u u u n u " gmzNoNz ozNoo NNNoNoomoooo . n n n u u n o. n.o...o. omoo .o N N IF N N N N N N N A N H N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N u u u u u u " Noooo oNooN oo on ooozoo " u u u m m m omo on mNzo Nomo .o gmoo o5 o o n.oowoow NNNoNoono -oowmo.o ooooo noo moo oooz NooNn . . . oN oooNo goo» zN oz: .NNN>NNoo Noozoo o goo .gmzoo go .ogoooNooNz .NgoNNNNz .oNooEoNoNo .oomzNooo ..m.N .gmooNosm o.N:mgoo ooo .NuNoszNm .oNzoszNNNo .moogo .xmo .moo gNmzN .msoo NogNN o.zoogmo mzo ozNogoomg No ogozo mzN mNmNosoo moomNo oooNNoooNo go omNoN>NNoo ozNzoNNoN mzo No zoom goo .oN APPENDIX D SCHEDULED INTERVIEW 251 APPENDIX D SCHEDULED INTERVIEW PRE-INTERVIEW INSTRUCTIONS TO INFORMANT: YOu should not feel obli- gated or compelled to answer the questions I will be asking you. lf’you feel confused about the nature or meaning of'any question, please ask fbr clarification. Your responses will be treated with confidentiality and your personal identity will remain anonymous. You should feel free to discontinue your participation in this inter- view at any time. (NOTE: PART A. PART B. For each interview record subject number, school number, date, time, and location of’the interview. Infbrmant shall have completed the selfLAdministered Questionnaire prior to the interview.) This section refers to host nationals only. Why did you choose to attend (name of’school)? How do you think your peers feel about your attending this school? Relocation: This section refers to students who have moved from other countries to the host country. What was your reaction to moving to this country? What did you anticipate about your move? Where or from whom did you receive your information about this country? What was the reaction of your parents to moving to this country? What was the reaction of your brothers and sisters to moving? What do you think your other relatives thought about your moving? How do you think your peers reacted to your moving? 252 PART C 253 Now that you have lived here awhile . . . how do you feel about living here? how do you think your parents feel about living here? how do your brothers and sisters feel about living here? This section refers to school entry and integration. What were your reactions when you first entered school here? What did your brothers and sisters think about entering this school? How have your parents felt about your enrollment in this school? What was one of the more satisfying experiences that happened to you when you first entered school here? What was one of the more frustrating experiences? How did you deal with this experience? Describe what you consider is a typical school day for you. (Note: The student is to be encouraged’to relate when he/she gets up, if’he/she has breakfast and w/whom, how he/she comes to school and w/whom, where he/she goes during lunch, free time, after school and w/whom, and what they do/talk about; when and how he/she goes home, what his/her evening activities are and w/whom.) How do you feel about this type of day? * Describe what you consider is a typical weekend for you. (Note: The student is to be encouraged to relate the activities and persons he/she interacts with.) How do you feel about these weekends? Do you receive an allowance and/or work part-time? With whom do you feel the closest? (can be anyone) ..02”... 10. . ll. . 12. 254 How do you feel about (the students, teachers, administra- tors) at this school? How easy is it to get along with (opposite sex of informant) here? How easy is it to get along with (nationalities other than informant's) here? How well do you like your living accommodations here? What extra-curricular activities have you participated in this year? Who or what influenced you to participate? Why don't you participate? Who are several of your closest friends here? Under what circumstances did your friendship begin? (Note: Have informant indicate each friend's age, sex, citizenship, parent's citizenship, ethnicity, and employ- ment sponsor.) What has been a particularly satisfying experience that you have recently had in one of your classes? Have you experienced a particularly dissatisfying experience? Are there any things we haven't covered that you would like to talk about? APPENDIX E EXAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS 255 APPENDIX E EXAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS Course Offerings Listed Under Departmental Titles ENGLISH English 7 English 8 English I English II Intensive Studies CCF (English ll--English l2) Communication Skills English as a Second Language Power Reading Journalism Writing Workshop Creative Writing Early American Lit. Contemporary American Lit. British Lit. to l700 British Lit. to Present European Lit. Humanities Asian/African Lit. Public Speaking School Newspaper School Yearbook SCIENCE Life Science Physical Science I.P.S. Earth Science I.I.S.--Physical I.I.S.--Biology Biology BSCS--Honors Chemistry Chem. Study--Honors Physics Placement Advanced Biology (Grades 7-12) SOCIAL STUDIES Asian Studies Man & Society U.S. History World Affairs/Geography Area Studies: Africa Area Studies: China Area Studies: S.E. Asia W. Civ.: Ren. & Rev. W. Civ.: Modern World U.S. History Comparative Government Anthropology Sociology Psych. A: Child Growth Psych. B: Introduction [Host] Language/Culture Intro. to Social Studies MATHEMATICS Math 7 Math 8 General Math Consumer Math Pre-Algebra Algebra I Geometry Algebra II Analysis of Functions Calculus (AB, BC) Int. Statistics & Prob. 256 FOREIGN LANGUAGE French lA & lB French I French II French III French IV French V German IA & 18 German I German 11 German III German IV Latin I Latin 11 Latin 111 Spanish IA & lB Spanish I Spanish II Spanish III Spanish IV [Host] Language I Host] Language II [Host] Language III [Host] Language IV BUSINESS Personal Typing Typing I Typing 11 Accounting Business Law Shorthand VOCATIONAL ARTS Mech. Drawing I Mech. Drawing II Arch. Drawing Gen. Shop Adv. Shop 257 HOME ECONOMICS Home Ec. I Home Ec. II Asian Cooking Clothing I Clothing II FINE ARTS Beginning Band Inter. Band Stage Band Chorus Concert Choir Music Theory Theatre Arts Photography Art I Art II Crafts Graphic arts PHYSICAL EDUCATION P.E. 7,8 P.E. I Elective PE Adoptive PE ASSISTANTSHIPS Physical Ed. Library Counseling Center Attendance Office Principal's Office IMC Elementary School Classroom Activities APPENDIX F INTERIM SEMESTER: SAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS 258 APPENDIX F INTERIM SEMESTER: SAMPLE OF COURSE OFFERINGS Course Title: WORKSHOP ON WORD PROBLEMS Sponsor: I. Course Description: To many a math student, the topic "Word Problems" is a nightmare. This workshop of approximately forty hours will enable the par- ticipants to gain the confidence in solving word problems involving first degree equations in one variable, simultaneous first degree equations in two variables, quadratic equations in one variable and simultaneous equations in two variables--one linear and the other quadratic. II. Student Outcomes: Proficiency in solving word problems. III. Cost: Nil IV. Materials and/or Talents Required: Nil Course Title: WORK EXPERIENCE Sponsor: 1. Course Description: An organized program of work experience in different fields vary- ing from business organizations to Veterinary Medicine, 200 and Hotel Management. The work will be a minimum of fifty hours and the contents and requirements for each work program will be worked out with prospective employers plus what experience the student would like to gain. Any student with a special interest may submit an independent work experience proposal to for consideration. Hotel (variety of work areas) Sales (sports, furniture, and departmental stores) 259 260 Hospital (Physiotherapy) F & N Drinks Company (work in the Personnel Department) Orient Lloyd Shipping Company (Clerical) Bowling Alley (Assistants & Instructors) 11. Student Outcomes: To further information on career plans and vocational ideas for the individual student. An opportunity to assume responsibili- ties in the adult world. l. Regular attendance 2. Written evaluation by employer 3. Written summary by student III. Cost: Transportation must be supplied by student. IV. Materials and/or Talents Required: An interest in a particular field of work. Course Title: HOSPITAL EXPERIENCE/ Sponsor: SOCIAL SERVICE I. Course Description: The students will work in Hospital for one week and the Association of Retarded Children for the other. They will familiarize themselves with the work in the laboratory, in patient wards, dental as well as outpatient clinic of the hos- pital. They get a chance to watch a surgery in an operation theatre. . In Association of Retarded Children, they will help the kids of age six or above in their simple arithmetic, writing, music and sports. 11. Student Outcomes: I. To hand in a summary of their experience 2. To fill in an evaluation sheet 261 111. Cost: Approximately US $l3 for transportation IV. Materials andzpr Talents Reguired: Humanistic attitude Course Title: TOUCH TYPING BASIC COURSE Sponsor: 1. Course Description: The famous Sight and Sound course for the complete beginner. The world's most proven audio-visual system using the unique Video-matic Tutor, enables you to confidently master the type- writer keyboard and all your finger movements in only twelve hours. One hour per day is recommended for this course, for twelve hours. You can go on to more extensive learning if desired. Students can enroll who wish to improve speed of typing as well at same cost. 11. Student Outcomes: To develop the basic skills in typing and possibly an interest for further learning. A final report will be given by of Advanced Training Techniques. III. Cost: Approximately US $l3 IV. Materials and/or Talents Required: None Course Title: CHINESE COOKING Sponsor: I. II. III. IV. 262 Course Description: Sixteen to twenty well-known Chinese dishes will be taught during the two-week period. Students will have to visit the markets to buy the basic ingredients; knowledge of consumer prices, how to budget, etc. Sampling of dishes and etiquette at the table (Chinese style). Some of the dishes will be: Fried Rice A Cold Dish Shark-Fin Soup Fried Fish in Tomato Sauce Peking Duck (involves 2-3 dishes) ( i) Lettuce, egg noodle with roasted duck meat (ii) Soup--optional Vegetable DeLux Fried Chicken Hong Kong Mee Chilli Crab Sweet and Sour Pork Fried Crispy Prawns Pork Ribs Crispy Bone Chicken Roast-Crisp Chicken Char-Siew Paul Students will participate in preparing the ingredients and the actual cooking, except for the first day (introduction). Student Outcomes: Students will be able to cook basic Chinese dishes, e.g., Fried Rice and Sweet and Sour Pork, etc. This will be useful when they return to the U.S. Perhaps, the students will pre- pare dishes for a meal and invite a few guests (?), and maybe compile a "Chinese Cooking" booklet. Cost: Approximately US $36 Materials andlor Talents Required: Interest in Chinese food and cooking. Preferably, those who've taken Home Economics course. 263 / \y/ Course Title: JUNGLE-SURVIVAL BOYS & GIRLS Sponsor(s): I. II. Course Description: We will spend eleven days in the jungle near Kota Tinggi with the New Zealand Army jungle experts. The course will start with several training sessions here at school. Jungle living and jungle crafts will be learned. The group will be split up into small groups that will be assigned two or three soldiers. These soldiers will direct the activities for their group. Each student will spend many nights sleeping in the jungle with his group. The students will spend time with many weapons. Radio operation and navigation skills will be learned. We will climb and spend the night on a mountain. You will build shel- ters from jungle materials and swim in rivers. Hard work is the order of the day!! We will be joined in the jungle by twenty-five students from the New Zealand School of [the host city]. Student Outcomes: Students will each keep a daily diary. III. nggg Approximately US $45 IV. Materials and/or Talents Required: Be in shape. V“ Course Title: FOCUS ON [HOST cm] Sponsor: 1. Course Description: Learning to see your environment through black, white and shades of gray will be the end result of FOCUS ON [HOST CITY]. This two-week in-[host city] session will deal with contrast within a student-chosen theme. A fifteen-picture collection and two major mounted photos for exhibit will be the goals to strive for through pre-course camera sessions and a series of one day or half-day trips around [the host city]. The course is planned to run ten days varying from a minimum of five hours to a maximum of ten hours daily. 264 11. Student Outcomes: Students will gain skill in the use of the camera and its accessories. They will develop good darkroom habits and mas- ter the use of the darkroom equipment. They will learn to pre-think shooting assignments and layouts. They will shoot, process and mount a minimum of fifteen black and white prints (8" x 10") to put in an album as a low-cost portfolio. They will process and mount two ll" x 14" black and white prints for an Interim Semester Photo Exhibit at the end of the course. Students will submit the portfolio and large prints for evalua- tion and constructive criticism on technique and quality. III. Cost: Approximately US $l20 IV. Materials and/or Talents Required: Preferably students with a photo background and a large amount of patience. Course Title: THE LONGHOUSES OF SARAWAK Sponsor(s): 1. Course Description: Students will depart on or about the 27th of January and travel by the steamer Rajah Brooke to Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei. Sailing time will be three days. Accommodations will be cabin class, but comfort will not be sacrificed. While on board, daily seminars will be conducted, focusing on cultural, his- torical, anthropological, and biological aspects of Brunei and Sarawak. Students will spend one day and one night in Bandar Seri Betawan. There will be a tour of the city which will include visits to: the Brunei Museum, the Royal Ceremonial Hall, the Parliament House, the Churchill Memorial, an Aquarium, and the famous Omar Ali Saifuddin Mosque. If time permits, a guide.will con- duct the group on a sampan tour of the stilt houses on the Brunei Water Village. Lodging for the evening will be in a youth hostel. Students will then travel by commercial airline to Kuching, Sarawak. Immediately upon arriving, they will be escorted by bus to a Dyak Longhouse located in the jungle out- side of Kuching (approximately a four to six hour journey). The Longhouses are communal villages under one roof, some housing more than a thousand people. The Dyaks live much as they did II. III. IV. 265 centuries ago. Three days and nights will be spent living within such a community, experiencing--and attempting to understand and appreciate--something of the lifestyle of the Dyak people. Students will then return to Kuching, spending one night in a hostel there before the return trip (by commercial airline). Student Outcomes: 1. Extended personal contact with a unique cultural group-- viz. the Dyak tribesmen. The experience of living briefly in a totally communal and cooperative community. Exposure to some of the flora and fauna of the mangrove swamps and jungles of Sarawak. An academic introduction to some of the biology. history, culture, and anthropology of Brunei and Sarawak. poem Cost: US $340 Materials and/or Talents Required: None APPENDIX G ACTIVITY PERIOD SCHEDULE 266 DAY/TIME MONDAY WEDNESDAY 10:20 10:20 10:20 10:15 10:30 10:15 10:20 APPENDIX G ACTIVITY PERIOD SCHEDULE (Sample of One Week's Schedule) ACTIVITY Chess Club Economics/Government/U.S. History Tutoring EFL Tutoring French Club French Tutoring German Tutoring Home Economics Keyettes Math Contest (Practice) Mechanical Drawing (Mini Course and Tutoring) Shop and Crafts Spanish Tutoring Spanish Tutoring} different teachers Varsity Basketball--Girls Bridge Chess Economics/Government/U.S. History Tutoring EFL Tutoring Home Economics Industrial Arts Tutoring Latin Tutorin Math Contest ?Practice) Power Mechanics Shops and Crafts Tumbling Club Chess Economics/Government/U.S. History Tutoring EFL Tutoring First Aid Class French Tutoring French 1 Tutoring Home Economics 267 WEDNESDAY (Cont'd) 10:30 10:20 10:15 10:15 14:00 14:00 14:00 THURSDAY 268 Italian Mini-Course Math Contest (Practice) Shop and Crafts String Instrument Ensemble Varsity Basketball--Girls Bridge Youth for Christ Chess Economics/Government/U.S. History Tutoring EFL Tutoring Foreign Language Club Home Economics Industrial Arts Tutoring Math Contest (Practice) Power Mechanics Pre Flight Psychology Club Shop and Crafts Spanish Club Student Science Society Psychology Club Tumbling Club Chess Chinese Culture Club Eastern Eaters Economics/Government/U.S. History Tutoring First Aid EFL Tutoring Interact Math Contest (Practice) Mechanical Drawing (Mini Course and Tutoring) Shop and Crafts Pre Flight