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Michigan State ABSTRACT University Michigan State University‘s Athletic Department has been widely praised for the Opportunities it has offered black athletes, yet the protests of black athletes have been heard there as well. the purpose of this study was to examine the conditions and perceptions of a sample group of black athletes at Michigan State University. Forty-four questionnaires were distributed to black athletes in attendance at Michigan State University during January and February of 1969. Twenty-three of the questionnaires (521) were completed and returned. Ten black and two white former football players, and one black former assistant football coach were interviewed. The athletes examined for the data on degree attainment were black and white letterwinners in football, basketball. track and wrestling who were freshmen from Fall Term, 1960 ,5,, to Fall Term, 1964. A great many of the black athletes surveyed, came to Michigan State University with the major intention of receiving an education. Yet only 461 of the black letterwinners sampled had graduated, and only a hand- full graduated with their classes. While most of the black athletes felt \erdiscriminated against by the coaches, on the field and in academic counseling, the claims were difficult to verify in most instances. Hostility does exist between white and black football players, but again it was difficult to prove that discriminatory practices have occurred. Ior the most part, the black athletes at Michigan State University feel cheated and discriminated against. The militancy and developing black consciousness among these athletes is not an isolated situation. It is a part of the larger struggle of the black community's fight for survival within white America. ii ~ --~- '~- &n-a w..- ““ A e + 4- A... ACKNOWLEDGMENT I wish to thank several pe0ple for their invaluable help. Specifically Lamarr Thomas, for aiding me in the distribution of the survey; Peter BishOp and Paul Tress, for their hours of technical advice concerning statistical inferences; Dr. Thomas Freeman and his staff in the Michigan State University Office of Institutional Research; and especially to Harry Webb for his inspiration and interest in the study of the sociology of sport. I would also like to thank my committee: killiam Ewens, James McKee and Vincent Salvo. BJJ.S. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. INIRODm'l'lON.............. Review of the Literature. . . . . . . Appraisal of the Literature . . . . . Problem Reformulation . . . . . . . . (hhthodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . ll. BLACK.ATHLETIS AND IDUCATION . . . . . . Desire for a College Education . . . Academic Advising . . . . . . . . . . Degree Attainment . . . . . . . . . . Ill. DISCRIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discrimination by the Coaching Staffs Discrimination by White Athletes. . . The HBO Black Athletic Boycott, May, 1968 1v 0 comm 1m 0 O C O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Cone lulion e e e e e s e e e e e a e e implications for Further Study. . . . WW“ 0 O O O C O C O O O O O C O O O 0 0 O C Atmm O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 iv Page ll: 24 t 24¢ 28 ‘ 31 , 32 32~. 34 36 37 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The decade of the 1960's has seen the growth and develOpment of important protest movements within American minority communities against institutional racism. These movements have focused white America's attention to many problems that she never wished to deal with, and some- times which she was not even aware Of. Since 1967, the sports world has been the scene of several protests Of its own; protests that are direct outgrowths of the "Black power” move- ment. Sports became "integrated" in the late 1940's and early 1950's, and has been looked to as an example of an institution in American society that has provided equal Opportunities for black and white alike. (Southern college athletics were considered the exception.) Michigan State University's Athletic Department has been widely appraised for the Opportunities it has offered black athletes, yet the protests of black athletes have been heard there as well. The purpose of this study was to examine the black athletes own perceptions of the condi- tions they experience and of the Opportunities they are Offered. For the most part, the black athletes at MSU feel cheated and discriminated against. The militancy and develOping black conciousness among these athletes is not an isolated situation. It is a part of the larger struggle of the black community's fight for survival within white America. Review of the Literature There has been very little written on black athletes as a group or on racism and sports, for the area has only recently been studied.1 It should be noted that there has been almost no empirical data collected. Simon and Carey (1965), of the University of Illinois wrote a paper concerning a struggle that took place on that campus during the 1963 academic year.between the black athletes, the NAACP, and the Athletic Association. The local NAACP charged the University's Athletic Association with discrimination against the black athletes without the consent of nearly all Of the black athletes involved. The paper attempts to sort out all of the events, to put them into perspective, and to discover if discrimination acually existed at the University of Illinois. The researchers could not prove that discrimination by race actually occurred within the Athletic Association, but they did prove that the NAACP did act without the consent of the athletes they were trying to aid. Three major books have been written within the area of race and athletics. One of the first books was written by Thompson, an English- man (l966). Thompson's most important thesis is that sports often reflect a society's characteristics and play a vital role in uniting diverse sections of communities. Thompson states that the United States is an example of how athletics can influence a society. 3 Modern sport undermines any system of social stratification based on colour. The requirements of sport which brought non-white players into professional teams in the United States demanded a measure of social acceptance, not only on the field, but in the sharing of lockers, changing rooms, travel facilities and accomodations. (1966:11) lDave Maggyeasy. a former professional football player, has written a book which was not released at the time of this writing. It should be a sig- nificant work. harry ldwerda has written another book entitled Revolution in Spor , which was net in print at the time of this writing. He also states that when an athlete becomes famous, he becomes a symbol of pride for his community and his prestige enables him to influence the pattern Of segregation directly. The most important contribution of sport to race integration in the United States is, perhaps, the Opportunity for Negro sportsmen to be seen by their fellow players and the specta- tors as individuals, as good football or baseball players, or as athletes, rather than Negroes. (1964:12) Olsen, a journalist, wrote a series of articles for Sports illustrated Magggine (l968-a, l968-b, etc.) which was later compiled in book form (1969) This book discusses the conditions of black athletes in college and professional athletics. Olsen has not done an empirical study, but his book is a descriptive analysis of the conditions of blacks in the J athletic world and how they themselves perceive their role within American m athletics. «n.h Most Americans believe that sports have been good to blacks. Olsen finds that this is not so. Almost to a man, they are dissatisfied, disgruntled and disillusioned. Black professional athletes say they are underpaid, shunted into certain stereotyped positions and treated like aubhumans by Paleolithic coaches who regard them as watermelon-eating idiots. Black collegiate athletes say they are dehumanised, exploited and discarded, and some even say they were happier back in the ghetto. (l9b9z9) Olsen states that for years ghetto children have been told that sports was a way to escape from the ghetto. Yet only a few ever really beOOme successful and an oppressive system of racism and exploitation is still maintained a Olsen's position is different from Thompson's. While white America can admire a black athlete’s exploits on the field, it does not mean that he necessarily stOps being black, or being treated like other blacks off the field. Olsen examines the hardships that a black athlete _...______.,_t__________, faces functioning within a white university; hardships in becoming a ‘-r-fl—"““-~\‘_______.,,r———~———~we"mvA-e\____h____,gfl,-‘___fl_,_ successful athlete, maintaining his eligibility, acting as the coaches .r_eaga“_H_____fl#____fi~__iflfl_fl_ __,_flflm_wm_ _,, gapect him to act “Wanna" towards black power, H‘F____ - “—“F-——-——_-.........—,.__._ _.____..... WW; attitudes towards whites, ‘t°')'_’9b“§f‘?9$ himself daily to_racist _coeches. ' The simple fact is that the black athlete who enters a white college must cram his belated education into four hectic years. He must make up for Black schools that are under-financed, under staffed and markedly inferior, and he must excel on the playing field all the while. (1969:78-79) Most black athletes are ostracised on white campuses, and are told, bluntly or subtley to stay away from white woman. Olsen portrays the life of the black collegiate athlete as very lonely.. Not only does Olsen examine the athletes themselves, but he studies their coaches as well. The coach and his staff are very important in creating the collegiate environment of the athlete and yet “some of the best coaches, some of the most patient and understanding, seem to have a blank space where Negroes are concerned" (1969:111). Olsen concludes that integration in American sports is a myth, that equality is non-existent and that the world of sports reflects the basic probleae that exist generally in American society. ldwards (1969), a black sociologist and ax-trackman, has written a book about the protests of the black athlete. The first chapter describes briefly the general conditions of black athletes, and says essentially the same things as Olsen's book. In chapter two, ldwards indicts the mass media for its relationship to the black community: ”As a group, they have seemingly been singularly unmoved by the frustration and fate of Black people, even of Black athletes." (l969:3l) Edwards further says, "that Negro and white sports reporters in America have contributed to the conditions in the athletic industry that have prompted the revolt of the black athlete" (1969:36). Sports reporting Often perpetuates the myth that black athletes are not capable of being ___‘ in leadership positions. The remainder of Edwards' book contains descriptions Of black athletic boycotts at various campuses around the nation, and most notably the boycott activities surrounding the 1908-69 Olympics. Appraisal of the Literature Simon and Carey stated that black athletes who are not doing especially well in athletics would be more apt to feel discriminated against and would have more resentment towards the university. They also state that complaints about inter-racial dating are not prima facie evidence of discrimination and that ineptitude on the field could have been the reason why the particular athletes involved did not play. Yet, the researchers did not prove that this was the case. The only evidence discovered was that the NAACP did in fact act without conferring with the black athletes involved, and that internal divisions within the black community deveIOped as a result of this. The Simon and Carey study would have been more valuable if it had speculated about why conflicting percep- tions about discrimination occured. Thompson's book lays a very good foundation for examining race and sport. his statements that sports are a reflection of society were probably accurate, but when he applied his theory to American society, he may have applied it inaccurately. If one accepts Olsen's and Edwards' theories, sports does reflect the values and actions of American society, V/but the athletic world is stratified by race as is American society as a whole; and that American athletics has done very little to change the patterns of social stratification with regards to race. If anything, American athletics has perpetuated the existing stratification system by channeling potential black professionals into the world of sports. At the most, sports has led a few thousand Negroes into a better life, while substituting a meaningless dream for hundreds of thousands of other Negroes. It has helped to perpetuate an Oppressive system. For every willie Nays or lob Hayes there are countless Negroes who obviously had abun- dant will and determination to succeed, but who dedicated their childhooda and their energies to baseball gloves and shoulder pads. If there were other ways out and up, they were blinded to them by the success of a few sports celebrities. These are the Negro doctors, who never were, the Negro lawyers who are so desperately needed. . . This has been the major effect of sports on the Negro and it overrides all others. (Olsen, 1969:11) Thompson states that blacks who become stars are viewed as athletes, not as blacks. Olsen and ldwards state that this is not true. Olsen's book is the most comprehensive of the three books. While he does not tabulate and code his findings, he does provide his readers with a valuable background and with a national picture of the conditions of black athletes. ldwards' book was very disappointing. The bulk of the book is spent describing particular "revolts", and his analysis seems rather superficial compared to Olsen's more extensive work. All of the literature was able to provide the study with a perspective, but Olsen's book was by far the most important in providing this study with a national framework and with a social analysis of the overall situation. Problem Iaformulation In a society that has industrialised so that leisure time has increased to very large prOportions, it is crucial for the members of that society to understand the role that the particular forms of leisure activity may take. To many, athletics has been viewed not just as a profession or [3- "7 as a leisure activity, but also as an industry: big business and a central component Of America's economic and cultural life. Yet, as we have seen, there has been relatively little attention paid to the area of race and sport within the social sciences. Moreover, the literature which does exist is highly speculative in nature and the conclusions reached have, generally, not been based upon firm empirical evidence. This present study is concerned with empirically documenting some of the more speculative ideas of previous authors at one well known Big Ten School, and is somewhat exploratory in nature. More specifically, the present study is concerned with documentation of the following questions at MSU. 1) Do black athletes come to Michigan State University to receive an education or to participate in sports? 2) Are black athletes counseled differently from white athletes? 3) Do the black athletes acquire degrees at the completion of four years at MSU? 4) Do the black athletes perceive that they are being discrimi- nated against by the coaching staffs? 5) Do the black athletes feel discriminated against by their white teammates? Methodology Several methods of research have been employed in this study: survey questionnaire, interviewing, and data collection through the Michigan State University Office of the Registrar. The questionnaire was distributed during January-Pebruary, 1969 to 44 ;hack athletes who were, \ 1/,/ at that point in time, in their second to fourth years of eligibility at MBU. lxactly what percentage of the total of black athletes in attendance at that time. I was not able to ascertain, for the Athletic Department refused to release "racial" information. A black football player distributed the questionnaire for the researcher. Twenty three of the questionnaires (521) were completed and returned. Another five were returned blank with an explanation of fear of reprisal from the Athletic Department. Nineteen questionnaires were returned by football players, two by basketball players and two by trackmen. It should be noted that the directions on the questionnaire itself explained that the form need not be signed. One athlete wrote on the form "Name and state withheld because mass discrimination is still going on." All of the data collected from the questionnaires reflects the bias of football players.1 The interviews were conducted with 10 black football players and two white football players who were no longer eligible. The basic format of the questionnaire was used, but the interviews allowed for more freedom in the responses. The Athletic Department itself was not very helpful. I was able, however, to obtain interviews from a black former assistant football coach. and from a current black assistant football coach. The data on graduation rates was collected through the aid of NBU Office of Institu- tional lesearch. Lists of black and white lattermen were used as the sample studied. All of the letter winners were freshman from Pall, I960 to Fall 1966, and their statuses are current through November 6, 1970. .A total of 156 athletes were studied who earned letters in football, basket- ball, track or wrestling. Nine of the black latter winners earned letters in two of the sports. They are counted only once in the composite tables. 1‘The questionnaire should have been more flexible to allow for open- ended answers from the athletes. -_....._-__ CHAPTER ll DUCK ATHLETES AND EDUCATION With rare exceptions, the American college coach expects his Negro athletes to concentrate on the job for which they were hired. The aim is neither graduation nor education. The sins quo non for the Negro athlete is maintaining his eligi- bility. . . At the end of the last second of the last minute of the last hour of a Negro athlete's eligibility, he is likely to find himself dumped unceremoniously into the harsh academic world. (Olsen, 1969:10) Desire Tor A College Education It is a common belief that most black athletes go to college to play their particular sport and also as one step on the way to a professional career in athletics; education is rarely mentioned as being important. Surprisingly different results were discovered in this study. Fourteen per cent of the black athletes stated that they came to MSU only to play ball; 21% said that they came first to play ball, second to get an education; 421 said that they came first to get an educa- tion, second to play football; and 281 said that they came strictly to get an education, the athletic tender providing them the funds to do so. That is. 701 of the black athletes surveyed came to MSU with the primary intention of getting an education. Wises The freshman black athlete, as all other freshman students, is assigned to an academic advisor. It was discovered that nearly all freshman athletes, black and white, are initially assigned to one man, employed by the Athletic Department. (Those athletes who arrive at 360 with a superior academic background are assigned to advisors through h...:.‘—.. .4 .-». a-_ 10 the normal procedure.) This advisor prepares class schedules for the players. The players do have the Option Of rejecting this man's advise, but most questioned stated that as freshmen they were afraid to stand up to this man for fear Of never being given a chance to play ball during the playing season. :The_schedules prepared for the athletes (excluding the University ‘\ College courses whizhfiill stud;;::’;;e required to take) contain, for ._ _ ,__.——\-——~w‘n_—-h ______ ,__ r; - _ , __ _ __ , -*--‘ ' -*- —n-. 7 - \the most part, Health, Physical Educgtionnandfigecreation cougges HPER . ““E____——-—-—-—-—‘—”'- Many of the black athletes reported that when they requested other courses for their schedules, the advisor attempted to talk them out of their preferences by telling them that they were not prepared for the academic competition in college, or that they just did not have the ability. 'Those insisting on determining their own programs were warned that if they got into academic difficulty, they would immediately be forced hack into HPZR courses. or would fail and lose their eligibility and/or be with- drawn from school. The white athletes interviewed said that the academic advisor, pm ‘N_ r. .— "huh‘h‘u‘. a.» __-__- while hard on the players, always had the best interestsof the atletes bin mind. They said that while he was concerned with the players' eligibility, he was also concerned with their acquiring a degree. The white athletes implied that the advisor was a man they could always go to when they were in trouble and that he always went out of his way to help them. They did not think that he discriminated against anybody because of race. One of the white athletes questioned said that most of the time the blacks are trying to "get off easy" and that's why they have such a hard time with the advisor. One black athlete, who was interviewed, said that he tried to take ',/ ll courses outs.de of the HPER Department his sOphomore year. He reported that he was earning B's and C's in Humanities (a University College course) but did need help in his other classes. The Athletic Department required him to attend tutoring sessions in Humanities, which he felt he did not need, and refused to obtain help for him Otherwise. Tutoring was taking up too much of his time for studying, so he stOpped going. Shortly after that, he said that he ended up sitting on the bench all the time. A prominent athlete, who played football at MSU from 1964-1966, stated that, "most of the guys don't want to take physical education courses, but they get so hung up in phys. ed. because of the Athletic Department, that by their senior years, they are only freshmen academically. Phys. ed. courses don't do you any good.'_MAnOther forme:_a£hlete\gaidfthat M unless one is "valuable" to the team, one does not learn that grades below '\ ___, _, _ —« VWMM ..—' “huh... C should be repeated. Once the athletes attain junior standing credit m‘ wise, they are assigned to regular academic advisors. It is at this point that they find out that courses need to be repeated, and that they have a long way to go before graduation. "With being our counselor, it's a way of controlling the guys. He is concerned only with big ten eligibility, not with University eligibility. I wanted to be a History major. I ended up in HPIR and will graduate in it now because ‘ “ I've got so many credits in it." Degree Attainment [::::::] Tables I-XII are concerned with degree attainment for white and black letter winners in football, basketball, track and wrestling. Those fOur sports were chosen because they showed some significance in integration within the sport during the period studied. All graduated lettermen who attained their letters and degrees during any time period at MSU, but who 12 were freshmen from Fall Term, 1960 through Pall Term, 1964 are included in the sample. If the sample had included all athletes who had received tenders from HSU, the statistics for both black and white athletes who had not yet graduated may have been prOportionately larger. TABLE I press: ATTAINHINT BY sacs, convosxrr ovrn FOOTBALL, BASKETBALL, wazsrtinc, rsscx - -— --—- “—w-- —.-———_—— —--—-.. - - White Black Total Graduated From College 82.31 66.51 72.41 (113) Not Yet Graduated From College 17.71 53.51 26.61 (43) Total 1001 100% 1001 (113) (as) (156) x2 - 9.419 p L..oos -0 o-.. “ TAIL! l portrays the relationship between race and degree attain- ment for all the athletes in the sample. Statistically, there is a dependency between race and degree attainment at the .005 level of significance. Examined percentage wise, 82.31 of the white athletes have ;raduated through November 6, 1970, yet only 46.51 of the black athletes have graduated. According to MSU Evaluation Services, seven years after the first term in attendance at M50, 551 of all the male students receive degrees. Comparing the data, it becomes apparent that on the whole, the letterwinners in the sample have an average higher graduation rate than the male student papulation of the University. But the rate for black athletes is considerably lower than the rate for white athletes and somewhat lower than that of the male student papulation at large. 13 TABLE II DEGREE ATTAINHENT AND RACE, FOOTBALL PLAYERS ONLY —.—-—.__-...--. u - —. . .- - . . .._._-.— -.... - v-»-__..--- - -....._..-- ---. . ---a- ——-. —--—-—.—-s m“... _ _. .r.. . ,_ White _ Black Total Graduated Prom College 761 33.3% 611 (A7) Not Yet Graduated From College 242 6b.bz 391 (30) Total 1001 1001 1001 (50) (27) (77) x2 - 8.058 p <. .005 *...--'«r- ----—.-- TABLE III DEGREE ATTAINHENT AND RACE, BASKETBALL PLAYERS ONLY ._-_..- —......-—.- White Black Total Graduate from College 88.91 71.41 84% (21) Not Yet Graduated From College 11.1% 28.b1 161 (A) Total 1001 1001 1001 (13) (7) (25) -