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LIBRARY llllllllltllllllllwilltlllllll Michigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled VOLUNTARILY CHILDFBEE WOMEN AND MOTHERS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY presented by JaniceOppenhoim Levine ~ 4 .1 . has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D degree in mm Major professor 0-7639 M W APR 02 2001 Wm M Sill [til-- 1 ‘rluil ri . guilt-pl. \‘ll‘li VOLUNTARILY CHILDFREE WOMEN AND MOTHERS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Janice Oppenheim Levine A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 1978 Gnacpav ABSTRACT VOLUNTARILY CHILDFREE WOMEN AND MOTHERS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Janice Oppenheim Levine A group of voluntarily childfree married women were compared with a group of mothers in terms of psycho- logical development and present personality characteris- tics. Systematic theory and research regarding volun- tary childlessness is sparse. Within the psychoanalytic framework, oedipal conflict and identification are viewed as being determinants in shaping the non-maternal per- sonality. Based upon a review of the literature relating to childlessness, it was hypothesized that voluntarily childfree women, as compared with mothers, would exhibit more unresolved oedipal conflicts, weaker identification with parenting aspects of both parents, stronger identi- fication with general attributes of both parents, and imore intense unresolved sibling rivalry. With respect to present personality characteris- tics it was further hypothesized that childfree women, Janice Oppenheim Levine as compared with mothers, are more self-directed, more introverted, and more androgynous in their definition of their sex role. Because of their rejection of cultural norms, it was predicted that the childfree women would exhibit more signs of stress. The following dimensions of the families of origin of the subjects were also explored: size, sibship, values and life-style of par- ents, and socioeconomic level. The Blacky Pictures were used to operationalize oedipal intensity, maternal identification, and sibling rivalry. Comparisons of Semantic Differential ratings of self and parents were also used as measures of identi- fication. The Personality Orientation Inventory was used to measure self-direction and psychological unease. The Bem Sex Role Inventory was used as a measure of psycho- logical androgyny. The Maudsley Personality Inventory provided measures of introversion and stress. Last, a 2-hour interview was conducted with each subject. Twenty-five pairs of women matched for age, birth order, and level of education were used as subjects. They had been married once and for at least 5 years. They were currently living with their husbands, and were at least 25 years old. One group of subjects had never had a child and said they never would. The other sample group were mothers of planned families. Janice Oppenheim Levine Results using the Blacky Pictures were analyzed by means of Chi2 tests of significance. The remaining instruments generated ordinal data and were analyzed by t tests of significance of difference between mean scores. All analyses of the predictions were based on one-tailed measures of significance. Additional results used a two- tailed test. According to prediction, the childfree women, as compared with mothers, exhibited more unresolved oedipal conflict, weaker maternal identification, and more intense sibling rivalry. As expected, the childfree women, compared with the mothers, rated themselves as less similar to their fathers on parenting dimensions. Contrary to prediction, they also rated themselves as less similar to them on general personality dimensions. There were no differences between the groups in their ratings of similarity to their mothers on such general personality traits. Concerning present personality, as hypothesized, the childfree women were more introverted. There were no differences in self-direction, androgyny, or stress between the groups. It was suggested this lack of dif- ferences was caused by the careful matching of the sample groups. The demographic data indicated that the child- free women were upwardly mobile. They did not come from Janice Oppenheim Levine small families, nor were they usually only or oldest children. Their childhood homes were conventional. Analysis indicated that the developmental findings fit the psychoanalytic theory of development. The dis— turbance of the paternal relationship of the childfree women can be categorized as oedipal. Their weaker mater— nal identification is consonant with the lack of resolu— tion of the oedipal constellation. The presence of continuing sibling rivalry was related to the desire of the childfree women to maintain an intense diadic rela- tionship undiluted by children. These results demonstrated the usefulness of applying the psychoanalytic framework to the study of the childfree alternative. Also validated was the ability of the Blacky Test in operationalizing psychoanalytic con- cepts. Despite this, the necessity of additional methods of inquiry was stressed. The nature of identification, starting with the formation of early object relations, was suggested as a future focus of investigation. It was also speculated that in a complex society, certain life experiences which are not confined to infancy and early childhood may assume great significance. This dissertation is dedicated to my husband, Richard Levine, whose love, encouragement, and creativity continue to sustain me. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I wish to express my deepest gratitude and affection to Dr. Albert Rabin for his unfaltering support and encouragement, both personal and academic. I will always value his friendship. I am happy, also, to acknowledge the assistance of Drs. Norman Abeles, Bertram Karon, and Griffith Freed for their assistance in planning and completing this thesis. In addition, I would like to thank David Hayes and Sue Doneson for their contributions to this study. Last, I thank the women who took part in this project. Their generous donation of valuable time and their candor made possible the successful completion of this thesis. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . 7 Parental Family Situations 7 Values and Life Styles . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Socioeconomic Level . . 8 Focus of Present Investigation 9 Developmental History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Oedipal Concerns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Identification Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Sibling Rivalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l5 Present Personality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l6 Demographic Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Interests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Sources of Self— Esteem . . . . . . . . . 20 Introversion and Group Participation . . . . . . 21 Sex Role Concepts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Signs of Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 HYPOTHESES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Developmental History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Present Personality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Description of Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 The Bem Sex Role Inventory . . . . . . . . . . . 28 The Blacky Test . . . . . . . . . 30 The Maudsley Personality Inventory . . . . . . . 32 The Personal Orientation Inventory . . . . . . . 35 The Semantic Differential . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Demographic Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 iv Procedure Predictions in Terms of Measures Employed Developmental History Present Personality . Statistical Treatment of the Data RESULTS Hypotheses Developmental History Present Personality Additional Finding Demograhpic Data . DISCUSSION OF RESULTS The Hypotheses Developmental History Present Personality Demographic Data The Interviews . Directions for Further Research Theoretical Considerations The Instruments CONCLUSION . APPENDICES A. THE INSTRUMENTS . . . The Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). . Items on the Masculinity, Femininity, and Social Desirability Scales of the BSRI Cartoons Used in the Blacky Pictures Technique . . . Maudsley Personality Inventory Personal Orientation Inventory Directions—-Semantic Differential Semantic Differential--Parenting Orientation . . Semantic Differential--General List B. TABLES OF ADDITIONAL BSRI SAMPLE DATA C. TABLES OF SAMPLE INFORMATION . BIBLIOGRAPHY . Page 42 42 42 43 44 45 45 45 59 59 64 64 7O 78 81 89 92 94 98 98 99 100 101 103 111 112 113 114 116 119 Table 10. 11. B1. BZ. C1. C2. LIST OF TABLES Age, Years of Marriage, and Education of Subjects Subjects' Positions in Their Families of Origin Group Differences on Three Blacky Variables Differences in Semantic Differential Mean D Scores and Their Significance Median and Chi2 Statistics for Semantic Differential Comparisons of Self and Mother Means, Standard Deviations, and 3 Values for the Personality Orientation Inventory Chi2 and Significance Levels of BSRI Scores Means and Standard Deviations for Maudsley Personality Inventory Socioeconomic Level of Subjects Religion of Subjects . . . . . Present Employment Status of Subjects Number of Subjects in Each of the BSRI Scoring Categories . . . . . . . . Range and Medians Obtained With BSRI . . Subjects' Evaluation of Emotional Climate of Home During Childhood Employment Status of Subjects' Mothers in Childhood Family of Origin . . . vi Page 41 41 47 49 5O 54 56 58 61 62 63 114 115 116 116 Table Page C3. Mortality in Subjects' Family of Origin . . . 117 C4. Number of Children of Mothers . . . . . . . . 118 C5. Presence or Absence of Subjects' Fathers in Childhood Family of Origin . . . . . . . 118 vii INTRODUCTION In 1969 the American Psychological Association established the Task Force on Psychology, Family Planning, and Population Policy in recognition of the need to study psychological activities related to population (APA, 1972). At that time, the Task Force estimated that fewer than a dozen of its more than 31,000 members were working on population-related endeavors. The situation is some- what improved today. However, voluntary childlessness, one subdivision of the population area, has lagged far behind in research interest, despite the recommendation of the Task Force that work in this domain should be encouraged. This widespread neglect led one researcher to conclude that psychological variables were operating to make the topic distasteful to scientists (Veevers, 1973). Voluntary childlessness is valued negatively by the larger society. Despite a recent freeing of conven- tion and a loosening of prescribed cultural roles, ours is still a pronatalist society (Maxwell & Montgomery, 1969; Veevers, 1974). People who violate the cultural norm to procreate are punished in various tangible and intangible ways. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of volun— tary non-parenthood deserves to be studied. Empirical 1 research would provide a control group for analysis of motivation for parenthood and of the effects of having offspring on personal and marital adjustment. In addi- tion, knowledge of the conditions under which voluntary childlessness constitutes a satisfactory alternative life style would have wide-reaching implications for clinical practice and even population control. The voluntary non-parenthood topic includes three separate but interrelated areas of study: (1) the socialization process which leads to the decision to embrace a childfree life, (2) motivation for non— parenthood, and (3) the effects of childlessness on indi- vidual and marital adjustment. The present study will concentrate on the first of these areas--the psychologi- cal development of voluntary non-parents. It will also consider their present personality and adjustment. In concert with most of the research and theory in this area, the present study will focus on women who choose to remain non—parents. The term, childlessness, does not distinguish between voluntary or involuntary causation. Census fig- ures give the rates and numbers of childless women in a population by age group, but the figures vary from year to year because most childless women of reproductive age eventually bear children. Estimates vary, but experts generally agree that the proportion of American married women in the entire population who never become mothers is between 10% and 20% (Lotka, 1928; Pohlman, 1969). For more accuracy, workers divide childlessness into physiological sterility and functional childlessness. Estimates of the former type have been given at 7% (Lotka, 1927). Functional childlessness is separated into involuntary psychosomatic inability to produce off- spring and voluntary childlessness. Figures generally range from 2% to 8.6% of ever-married women in the U.S. and Canada for voluntary childlessness. In accordance with the precepts of psychodynamic theory, at least one author (Veevers, 1972) concludes that all functional childlessness is voluntary to some extent. She proposes that population estimates consider the two types together. She estimates that 50% of all childlessness is psycho- logical and therefore voluntary. Another accepted cal- culation assumes that the basic rate of sterility in couples is 10% and any figure above that is due to psy- chological causes. Whichever figure is accepted, it is agreed by all authorities that voluntary childlessness has declined in the United States and Canada during the past three decades (Gustavus & Henley, 1971; Pohlman, 1970). Veevers detects a recent trend upwards (1974), but it is unclear whether this is valid or due to women postponing childbearing several years (Beck, 1975). Even though efficient birth control methods have only recently become widely available, there have always been a small minority of couples who manage to remain childfree by choice. Occasionally such people have been the objects of scientific discussion and some research by social scientists. The thrust of this research was the eugenics movement which flourished during the 1930s. Researchers noticed that childless women tended to be of above—average intelligence and educational attainment (Flanagan, 1942; Goodsell, 1930; Sprague, 1915). Scien— tists expressed the fear that society would ultimately crumble because the intelligensia, by its low birth rate and high incidence of childlessness, would eventually breed itself out of existence (Goodsell, 1930; Griffith, 1939; Popenoe, 1936). Research of this period was so blatantly pro-natalist that Terman's (1938) study, which reported no correlation between the presence of children and marital happiness, was criticized as socially irre— sponsible (Israeli, 1941). After this brief flurry of interest, virtually no research directed towards childfree women appeared until the present decade. Several factors might be responsible for this renewed interest. The growth of the women's movement, concern about overpopulation, and the willingness to examine alternative life styles have contributed towards changes in views towards childlessness. While Maxwell and Montgomery (1969) found that societal pressure towards early parenthood is still very strong, other research suggests a slight lessening of such pressure. For example, Pohlman (1974) found that college students expressed more openness towards the idea of a childfree life. Bernard (1972) discusses the change in detail. There is greater recognition of the difficulties of parenthood. Thus Pugh (1964) discovered very high rates of mental disease related to childbearing, and LeMasters' (1957) research led him to conclude that par- enthood always provokes a crisis, even in healthy families. Lifespan studies have recently appeared which suggest that life is happier and marriages more satisfying with- out children in the home (Blood, 1960; Burr, 1970; Feldman & Rollins, 1970). There is also more general awareness of the ambivalence in the decision to parent which exists for most people whether or not they ulti— mately have offspring. Several popular books have appeared which graphically present the problems on both sides of the parenting question (Peck, 1971; Peck & Senderowitz, 1974; Radl, 1974; Silverman & Silverman, 1971; Whelan, 1975). Finally, one recent informal survey of 10,000 voluntary respondents who wrote to Ann Landers (1976) showed 70% regretted their choice of parenthood to some extent. So in this new atmosphere of comparative free- dom, several non-parenthood studies free of value- burdened conclusions are beginning to appear. The present study hopes to be a contribution to this new body of research which is attempting to understand more about the alternative life style of childfree living. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Parental Family Situations Most of the literature in the field of non- parenthood does not concentrate on the family backgrounds of married women who choose not to become mothers. How- ever, several studies do address themselves to this problem. Values and Life Styles Veevers (1973), in an exploratory study of 52 voluntarily childless wives in Ontario, Canada, found that most of the women came from stable homes where the mother had been a full-time housewife. In contrast, Lott (1973) found no relation between the desire to have children and having had a father at home during childhood or a working mother. Her sample consisted of 180 women, but their marital status was not controlled. Lewis (1972) reported a finding similar to Lott's with a better sample (married 10 years). She also found that her childfree wives were raised in non-traditional homes. Such homes differed from the norm along various parameters. They were not father dominated nor religious. Mothers were more likely to have some higher education, come from a higher socioeconomic level than did their husbands, 7 or be the older spouse. The marriage was less likely to be the first for both parents, and the life-style and values different in other ways from the American norm. Igizg There is often some general correlation between the size of one's family of origin and one's family of procreation (Berent, 1953; Flanagan, 1942; Kantner & Potter, 1958), although when carefully controlled, the correlation is small (Pohlman, 1969). Two studies deal- ing specifically with married women who report no desire to reproduce do report that they come from fairly small families (Lewis, 1972; Veevers, 1974) and, in fact, the incidence of only and oldest children was much higher than the norm (Veevers, 1973). This might be explain- able in View of the fact that in small families each individual can be given the attention and recognition leading to the requisite self-confidence to make unpopu- lar decisions. Socioeconomic Level The socioeconomic level of such families of origin is not known. Although it has been found that non-mothers are more likely to be classified as middle and upper-middle class in terms of education and income (Lewis, 1972; Veevers, 1973), there is also the sugges- tion that they are upwardly mobile (Gustavus & Henley, 1971; Strong, 1967). Therefore, the possibility exists that they have surpassed their family of origin along this dimension. Focus of Present Investigation The foregoing information represents the sole available data concerning the family of origin of non- mothers. It is important to know more about such families in order to understand how they produce women who differ in such a major way from their contemporaries. The present study hopes to add more information to what is already known. Because such findings which are available are purely empirical and not based on theory, this study will investigate several characteristics of the parental family situations of non-mothers as an exploration rather than by generating major hypotheses. The follow- ing dimensions of such families will be explored: size, sibship, values and life—style of parents, and socioecon- omic level. It is expected, but not hypothesized, that married women who choose to remain childfree: (1) come from small families, (2) were the oldest or only child in the family, (3) had parents who held non-traditional values which were reflected in their life—styles. It is recognized that the husband might play some part in the wife's decision to forego motherhood. 10 However, this study, as all others surveyed, does not attempt to delineate his influence in maintaining a childfree marriage. Developmental History At this time, there are no systematic studies which directly investigate the psychodynamic develop- mental histories of married women who eschew motherhood. Therefore, to form hypotheses regarding this neglected area, the present study will draw on research and on theoretical perspectives which are indirectly related to the main area of investigation. Coming from atypical family situations as des— cribed in the preceding section, it is expected that the psychological history of childfree women will contain unique characteristics which have contributed to their decision in adult life to reject motherhood. Oedipal Concerns Several psychodynamic theorists who address them- selves to this problem hypothesize that non-mothers, as young children, developed strong oedipal conflicts which remained unresolved into adulthood. These unresolved conflicts and their attendant ramifications upon the kind of identification the child made with her mother are viewed by these theorists as the central psychodynamic determinants of non-parenthood in adulthood. Calef (1969), 11 in a paper examining literary allusions to childless- ness, posits that childlessness is represented as a defensive wish by the ego in its effort to deal with oedipal triumphs. Calef does not distinguish between conscious and unconscious motivation. In this View, the child represents the forbidden success of the oedipal wish, a child produced by union with the parent. In order to avert the accompanying fears and guilt, actual parenthood is rejected. Calef quotes Freud as being puzzled by the problem of childlessness as it appeared in Macbeth, and he comments on Freud's lack of attention to this area of human concern. Freeman (1951) and Zilboorg (1931), using the case study method, also conclude that in voluntary non- parenthood, the potential child represents the successful oedipal triumph. For males, the resultant fear is of castration and death, sometimes sufficient cause for psychosis when approaching parenthood is imminent. Although Zilboorg's paper was primarily concerned with males, he feels the oedipal wish is also the basis of women's rejection of motherhood. With women, the theory remains incomplete, in that Zilboorg is unable to find a reason analogous to fear of castration for preventing women from living out the fantasy and choosing mother— hood. He feels that another factor such as penis envy and/or masculine protest must also be present. Freeman's 12 (1951) cases likewise were all men who became psychotic at the prospect of impending fatherhood, making generali- zation to women problematic. Benedek (1952) cites oedipal involvement as a factor inhibiting the normal emergence of "motherli- ness," the emotional qualities of motherhood. But rather than the incestuous desire for the father, she stresses the problematical relationship with the mother and the little girl's "faulty" identification with her as the outcome of unresolved oedipal conflicts as being the direct source of difficulty. In the normal situation, the resolution of the oedipal complex is accomplished by a strong identifica- tion with the mother, leading the way to future maternal orientation. In the case of the voluntarily childless, this never happens according to some analysts. This theme of "faulty” identification with the mother as being the basis of later non-motherhood is the second most widely promoted causal factor by theorists. Whether this identification is seen as a result of unresolved oedipal attachments or as stemming from earlier stages of development, several prominent theorists and a few researchers have deemed this factor to be of primary importance. 13 Identification Models Logically, a woman first learns about motherhood from her experience of being mothered in early infancy. Identifications with the mother take place both before the oedipal situation and after its resolution, not- withstanding the orthodox shibboleth that it is the stimulus of the oedipal situation which causes identification with the same-sex parent. Deutch (1945) theorizes that the capacity for attaining satisfying motherhood is based primarily on the kind of identifications a woman has made with her own mother from early life. Benedek (1959) considers the emergence of motherhood as a repetition and working through of primary (pre-oedipal) oral conflict with the mother. She discusses this further (1953) in a study of six women who remained infertile and childless des- pite heroic conscious attempts to achieve pregnancy. The stronger unconscious wish to remain childless was a direct result of developmental conflicts with the mother which began before the oedipal situation and presumably continued throughout development. In fact, Benedek sometimes acknowledges that the conscious wish for a child can be a symptom of psychopathology, although she does not consider why her subjects did not resolve the conflict by consciously rejecting motherhood. 14 It is entirely conceivable that some women with the same developmental picture of poor maternal identi- fication do not desire motherhood and do not feel con- strained to attempt it. If motherhood is perceived to be unpleasant, demanding, and unrewarding, and the little girl identifies with a woman made unhappy by its require- ments, she might choose to avoid the situation in her own life if other conditions are present. Identification is a multidimensional concept (Bronfenbrenner, 1960; Brown, 1957). Children can become like other people or parents in various aspects. They identify with certain parental roles and reject others (Tharp, 1963). In learning and adopting a social role there are many variations. Especially in a changing and varied culture such as this one, aspects of roles can be embraced or rejected selectively (Mead, 1949). Cer- tainly, children cannot escape identifying with their parents in some ways. Non-mothers have not, by defini— tion, strongly identified with their parents as parents. But they have, almost by definition, incorporated some aspects of their parents' personalities. It is probable that their identification model is stronger with the non-parenting aspects of their parents. Perhaps their primary identification is with their fathers and what until recently has been labeled the "male social role" since their behavior in other areas of their lives 15 (careers, employment) is considered more traditionally masculine in this culture. The relationship, similari- ties and dissimilarities of non-mothers to their par— ents has never been studied before. The present study will attempt it. Sibling Rivalry A third theme running through the literature is that of intense ongoing sibling rivalry. Non-mothers are presumed to displace these feelings of jealousy and resentment onto their potential child. The spouse becomes the parent in the unconscious, and the wife remains a child in relation to him. Deutch (1945) cites case material illustrating this concept. Towne and Afterman (1955) and Zilboorg (1931) also found it present in males who refused to accept a parental role. A wish for the exclusive attention of the spouse and unwillingness to share him with a child was present in Veever's sample of non-mothers (1974) and was important in their decision to eschew motherhood. Certainly there are actual parents who show this syndrome of jealous rivalry with their children. Presumably, non-parents have recognized and averted the problem by preventing the potential rival's existence. 16 Present Personality Some of the existing research on the general topic of childlessness investigates the current per— sonality of women who reject motherhood. The sociologi- cal literature is mostly concerned with demographic traits. Personality theory, as expressed by well-known authors, also considers this area to some extent. While theory and research do not totally validate each other, there are some points of convergence. This section will examine the relevant data. Demographic Studies Demographic studies all seem to validate the findings that voluntary non—mothers are found largely in the upper—middle and upper socioeconomic levels of society (Gustavus & Henley, 1971; Kiefert & Dixon, 1968; Kiser, 1939; Lewis, 1972; Pohlman, 1969; Strong, 1967; Veevers, 1973). They prefer to live in urban areas in this country (Gustavus & Henley, 1971; Kiser, 1939), in Canada (Veevers, 1973), and throughout the world (Kuczynski, 1938), lending credence to the general socio- logical theorem that where alternatives to need fulfill- ment increase in a society, fertility decreases (Fawcett, 1973) and role prescriptions can be less specialized (Day & Day, 1969; Fawcett, 1973). In underdeveloped countries, merely having the information to prevent 17 reproduction leads to lowered fertility in terms of number of children per family. To forego parenthood completely requires more diversification of the society. The studies which contradict these findings (Israeli, 1978; Sanders et al., 1940) are poorly controlled, grouping both voluntary and involuntary childlessness together. Naturally, if sterility is largely a biologi- cal variable, it would be distributed equally throughout all social groups. Voluntary childlessness, being a psychological variable, is another matter entirely. Voluntary non-mothers may have achieved their higher socioeconomic status by work rather than by birth. Studies show they are upward striving (Strong, 1967), mobile (Lewis, 1972; Veevers, 1973), and career minded (Farley, 1970; Lewis, 1972; Pohlman, 1969; Veevers, 1973). Such women are consistently found to have achieved higher levels of education than women who become mothers (Gustavus & Henley, 1971; Goodsell, 1930; Kiser, 1938; Lewis, 1972; Strong, 1967; Veevers, 1973; Westoff, 1967). Once this finding is accepted, it is possible to apply findings of studies which compare highly educated women with others who chose not to follow a scholarly path. Since this body of research is not specifically aimed at childfree women, the results must be evaluated care- fully in applying it to that group. But because of the paucity of work dealing directly with childlessness, it 18 is useful to examine this related area in combination with available studies of childlessness. Certainly the fact of a general negative correlation between level of education and the number of children a woman desires (Dement, 1962; Pohlman, 1969) and actually achieves (Austin, 1969; Bernard, 1964; Day & Day, 1969; Farley, 1970; Fawcett, 1971; Goodsell, 1930; Israeli, 1941; Pohlman, 1969; Rainwater, 1965; Roe, 1966; Westoff & Potvin, 1967) is widely recognized. Married women who reject motherhood are, on the average, higher educated than most women. Frank and Kiser (1965) report that of the women listed in Who's Who, of those who ever married, 54% had not become mothers. Interests There is a body of work which seems to conclude that certain personality traits are common among highly educated career-minded women. Usually these traits are not hypothesized as being either causative or results of childlessness or education level, but are cited as being descriptive. These results seem to lend validity to the few findings from direct observation of voluntary non-mothers. These studies will be cited below. Women who make unusual career choices are found to be psychologically different from most other women in many ways (Dement, 1962; Roe, 1966; Rossi, 1965; Tangri, 19 1969). Rossi (1965) draws a continuum among young women college graduates who were housewives and women prepar- ing to work in fields traditionally considered to be masculine in our society, such as law, medicine, and science. Housewives show a typically feminine background of interests, activities, and opinions while the career- ists have a history of being unusual in these respects from age 10. They report being less involved with their families than future housewives. As children, they reported spending more time alone. As adolescents they were uninvolved in teenage fads and concerns. They rejected stereotyped feminine behavior which the other girls embraced. Between these extremes are women pre- paring for careers which have traditionally been open to women, such as teaching and nursing. This continuum also seems to exist with respect to motherhood. Several studies find correlations between the number of children desired and choice of career (Farley, 1970; Flanagan, 1942; Westoff & Potvin, 1967). Besides Rossi (1965), Douvan and Adelson (1966), and Bardwick (1971), Clara Thompson (1941) suggests that by late adolescence, the degree to which a woman will be influenced by cultural sex role stereotypes is fixed. Rossi's research (1965) implies that women who aspire to more "atypical" career goals are more likely to have developed an "independent source" of self-esteem which helps them to deviate from 20 societal sex role norms and still maintain a positive self-image. Sources of Self-Esteem For a variety of reasons, most girls do not develop the same sources of self-esteem which are observed in boys by age 13. Females remain more depen— dent on parents, peers, teachers, and husbands for their feeling of essential worth (Bardwick, 1971; Deutch, 1944; Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Kagan & Moss, 1962; Maccoby, 1966; Rossi, 1966). In general, girls tend to be more dutiful, proper, and traditional to maintain their external sources of love and self—esteem. Most develop- mental theories recognize this essential difference between males and females in Western society. Empiri- cal research indicates that women who deviate from tradi- tion in terms of their life-styles may possess indepen— dent sources of self-esteem. Their self-images are not as dependent on others. They are more independent (Rossi, 1965) and therefore able to deviate from the norm without overwhelming anxiety (Lewis, 1972; Veevers, 1974). For a woman to reject the traditional role of mother in this society has been a flagrant violation of the cultural norm and has brought with it disapproval and stigma (Pohlman, 1969; Veevers, 1974) from the general 21 population and even from some of the researchers who study it (Griffith, 1939; Popenoe, 1936). As the avail— able research suggests, in order to do it successfully, a woman must be internally motivated and independent. Veevers (1974) finds that such women assume personal rather than other-directed guidelines. Lewis's (1972) sample of non-mothers was similar to Rossi's (1965) sample of atypical women in that they possessed indepen- dent sources of self-esteem. Indeed, Lewis's sample was so extreme in independence that they did not even rely on their husbands for such support. Others, however (Peck & Senderowitz, 1975; Veevers, 1973), find that although members of their samples could ignore the rewards of others, they leaned heavily on their husbands for approval. Introversion and Group Participation Lewis's sample of non-mothers, besides being independent relative to norms and expectations, was, in general, more introverted that a comparable group of mothers. Veever's sample also cared little for group participation. They joined fewer organizations (such as political parties, ecological groups, etc.) even if they personally supported similar causes. The research, then, depicts non-mothers as being less dependent for emotional support on others than mothers. Being more 22 self-motivated, they are also more introverted and less likely to join organized groups of any kind. Sex Role Concepts The Adlerian concept of "masculine protest" (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1956) has been applied when con- sidering childfree women (Popenoe, 1954). Adler defined the masculine protest as the striving for superiority through the assumption of masculine pursuits. Most theorists agree that in this culture, the male role is traditionally valued more than the feminine counterpart, so that both boys and girls try to achieve its behavioral manifestations. The typical little girl, according to Adler, learns to feel inferior because full participa- tion in the male—dominated culture is never open to her. Most girls learn to embrace the passive feminine behavior sanctioned by the culture, but others do not. These women continue to strive towards the more active and aggressive goals which this culture defines as masculine. While they do not totally reject feminine behavior, they do not embrace it wholeheartedly and continue to go against the traditional female norms of passivity, motherliness, and masochism. As such, rejection of motherhood is in itself a manifestation of the masculine protest. 23 Although the masculine protest always includes a defensive quality which differentiates it from the use of free spontaneous energy, Adler felt it could lead to great accomplishment, social feeling, and human excel- lence. Popenoe (1954), however, in describing childless wives, interprets the configuration of traits as being pathological, especially when it interferes with con- flicting wishes for parenthood. In contemporary American culture, sex roles are less rigidly defined. Most women today do not totally accept all aspects of the feminine role and reject all ”masculine" behavior. Women who eschew motherhood probably define their sex role identification in terms which are even more flexible and less traditional than other modern women. Although this has not been specific— ally measured, in describing themselves, such women report characteristics which approach a normxxf"androgyny" (Bem, 1974) rather than the passive norm. The conception of androgyny assumes a definition of sex role based on standards of behavior which can be modified by indi- viduals depending on the requirements of particular situa- tions. In terms of the growth potential of this culture as well as of individuals, theirs may represent a healthier attitude which allows for fuller development of the human potential. This opinion is substantiated by research which consistently finds high femininity in females to be 24 correlated with low self-esteem, high anxiety, and low self-acceptance (Consentino & Heilbrun, 1964; Gall, 1969; Gray, 1957; Sears, 1970; Webb, 1973) and high masculinity in adult males with high anxiety, high neuroticism, and low self-acceptance (Harford et al., 1967; Mussen, 1962). In both sexes, extreme sex typing is associated with lower over-all intelligence and creativity (Maccoby, 1966). Empirical studies agree that as a group, volun- tary non-mothers compare favorably in general mental health levels with other women (Lewis, 1972; Mai et al., 1972). Interestingly, this empirical finding contra- dicts the preconceptions of theorists, most of whom have prejudged such women to be more neurotic (Benedik, 1953; Deutch, 1945). Signs of Stress However, despite their favorable over-all level of mental health, non-mothers show signs of stress result- ing from the conflict of their personal values with those of the larger culture. Such stress also reflects residual ambivalence over their decision to remain childfree. Despite the conscious decision, the cultural norms are incorporated to some degree (Mead, 1949; Thompson, 1941). Their independence from other-directed sources of self- esteem, their reliance on themselves for approval, and 25 their real accomplishments in a male-dominated culture do not protect them totally. Kiefert and Dixon (1968) found some manifestation of "dissonance" in their sample, but they did not elaborate the details. Israeli (1941) reports feelings of inadequacy as a result of both volun- tary and involuntary childlessness. His sample as well as that of Veevers (1973) made use of such unconscious strategies as selective perception, structuring of social situations, and reinterpretation of the motivation of others in order to maintain the conviction that their decisions were best. Veevers (1973) reports that in addition to these maneuvers, many of her subjects empha— sized the possibility of future childbirth or adoption should they reverse their decisions. If these defensive strategies are not successful, especially when the age of childbearing and practical adoption has passed, then depression and other symptoms might well result. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The scientific investigation of voluntary child- lessness is still in its beginning stages. Little ground- breaking research has been done before and there are no measures designed specifically to investigate the phe- nomenon. Broader scales used for other purposes must be applied and research from other areas must be culled for relevant application. The decision to remain childless is made by relatively few women, yet the question affects every woman today. The framework of this investigation is psycho- analytic and psychodynamic in philosophy because such theory can be fruitfully applied to the question of moti- vation. The study is historical in that it is assumed that early experiences influence adult decisions. This project is both an exploration of the family backgrounds and an attempt to discover historical antecedent per- sonality constellations which lead to the present-day decision to forego parenthood. In addition, present-day psychological adjustment will be considered. Women who have made this decision will be compared with women who have voluntarily embraced motherhood. 26 HYPOTHESES Developmental History It is hypothesized that childfree married women as compared with mothers: 1. exhibit stronger unresolved oedipal conflicts 2. A. exhibit weaker identification with the parent— ing aspects of their mothers B. exhibit stronger identification with non— parenting aspects of both their parents 3. have more intense unresolved sibling rivalry. Present Personality It is hypothesized that childfree married women as compared with mothers: 4. are more self-directed 5. are more introverted 6. are more androgynous in their definition of their sex role 7. exhibit more signs of stress. 27 EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE Description of Instruments The Bem Sex Role Inventory The Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) is an instru- ment of recent origin (Bem, 1974). It appeared in 1974 in response to contemporary re-evaluation of traditional sex role norms. The concept of psychological androgyny refers to a sex role which is characterized by behavior which is adaptive to requirements of particular situa- tions rather than defined by the sex of an individual. Implicit in the definition of androgyny is the evalua- tive notion that the adoption of an androgynous sex role is psychologically "healthier" than adherence to either the traditional male or female role. The BSRI contains both a Masculinity Scale and a Femininity Scale, each of which contains 20 personality characteristics selected on the basis of sex-typed social desirability. The subject indicates on a 7-point scale how well each of these traits describes himself or herself. The scale ranges from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (always or almost always true) and is labeled at every point. In addition to Masculinity and Femi- ninity scores, the subject receives an Androgyny score 28 29 which is a measure of difference between his or her endorsement of masculine and feminine personality char— acteristics. In general, the greater the absolute value of the Androgyny score, the more a person is sex-typed or sex-reversed. In contrast, the smaller the absolute value of the Androgyny score, the more the person is androgynous. An androgynous sex role is represented by equal endorsement of both traditionally masculine and feminine attributes. A score for Social Desirability can also be computed from the items. Test-retest reliability for the BSRI ranges from .89 to .93. Because of its newness, there has been relatively little work using the BSRI. However, the instrument has been validated by several studies. Bem (1975) found that androgynous subjects of both sexes displayed both "mas- culine" independence when under pressure to conform and "feminine" playfulness when given the opportunity to play with a kitten. In contrast, highly sex-typed indi- viduals displayed behavioral deficits of one sort or another in these situations. Another study uses Bem's scale and basic concept of androgyny, but defines it in a slightly different fashion. In contrast to Bem's con- ception of balance between masculine and feminine traits, Spence et a1. (1975) considered androgyny to be the pos- session of a high degree of both characteristics. They 30 found that for both sexes, subjects classified as androgy- nous were highest in self-esteem. The Blacky Test In 1949, Blum introduced the Blacky pictures (Blum, 1949) as a method for investigating empirically the psychoanalytic theory of psychosexual development. Since then, the technique has been employed in a variety of clinical and research settings. It has acquired much construct validity and is generally regarded as an acceptable device for testing hypotheses (Kline, 1972). The Blacky Test is a projective instrument designed to tap material which is largely unconscious. It consists of 12 cartoon drawings about a dog, Blacky, and its family, composed of Mama, Papa, and Tippy, a sibling. Age and sex of Blacky and Tippy are not speci- fied. The frontispiece introduces the family. The remaining cards each portray a situation designed to evoke material pertaining to 11 major Freudian concepts. Each subject is shown the cards one by one and is asked to make up a story about each in turn. After each story, the sub- ject is asked to respond to questions relating to that cartoon. It is assumed that the subject will identify with Blacky, the hero, and project his or her own feelings and thoughts when asked to describe those of Blacky in various situations. 31 The Blacky Test has been used most heuristically in testing hypotheses generated from psychoanalytic theory. Frequently cited as examples of such research is one group of studies of stomach ulcer patients. The results validated Alexander's theories regarding the oral erotic element involved in the formation of peptic ulcers (Blum & Kaufman, 1952; Marquis, Sinnett, & Winter, 1952; Winter, 1952). In these studies, the responses of peptic ulcer patients could be distinguished from those of various control groups. In addition, the instrument appeared to be sensitive enough to make fine distinctions of dynamics within the ulcer group itself, differentiating passive-dependent individuals with insatiable oral demands from those patients who defended against making such demands. Besides being used with pathological groups, the Blacky has been employed in research with normal sub- jects. Leichty (1958) compared a group of male college freshmen who had been separated from their fathers dur- ing World War II with a group who had not experienced such childhood separation. She found that the Blacky distinguished between the groups on oedipal intensity, identification, and narcissistic love object. According to prediction, the war-separated group showed higher oedipal intensity and lower father identification and 32 choice of the father as ego ideal than the group of non- separated young men. Rabin (1965) compared kibbutz and non-kibbutz Israeli boys with the Blacky. He found significant dif- ferences in performance which had been predicted on the basis of psychoanalytic theory of child development. Specifically, kibbutz boys were found to show lower intensities of sibling rivalry and oedipal conflict than their counterparts raised in the traditional nuclear family situation. The Maudsley Personality Inventory This objective questionnaire appeared in 1958 (Eysenck, 1958) and since then has been used in a pro- digious amount of research. Kline (1972) terms the test "one of the major questionnaire scales of personality." The instrument (MPI) satisfies the criteria of reliability (in excess of .84) and has been sufficiently validated by the nominated groups method and a large number of confirmed hypotheses. It can be used by workers whether or not they subscribe to the general theory of personality which inspired its development. Eysenck believes that the whole sphere of per- sonality may be defined by two independent factors—- extroversion/introversion and neuroticism/stability. 33 The uniqueness of any individual's personality is deter— mined by his position on these two factors. The MP1 was developed to measure these factors. The manual describes the two factors as follows: Extroversion. The typical high scorer is gay, expressive, and fond of excitement, whereas the introvert is quiet, retiring, calm, controlled, and a lover of books rather than pe0ple. Neuroticism. This is defined in terms of worry, anxiety, instability, and moodiness. The authors consider these two factors to be inherited and constitutional in nature, although their various forms of expression are learned and can be modi- fied to some extent (Eysenck, 1956; Eysenck & Prell, 1951). The MP1 consists of 48 items. Subjects are required to answer yes or no to each item, which is in the form of a question. They may also mark the item with a question mark. Most subjects complete the test within 10 minutes, although there is no time limit. Subjects work alone, but after completion, they are urged to return to items they may have omitted or answered with a question mark. Much research has been done using the MPI. In experimental psychology, work is conducted with the aim of discovering how the two major variables interact with many experimental phenomena. For example, research 34 shows that introverts will condition better than will extroverts (Franks, 1957). In the field of counselling psychology, the MP1 has been used to predict success or failure in school. Since the scores on the instrument are independent of intelligence, workers feel the results add additional information to the counsellor's arsenal. In general, results confirm that good academic achievers, especially at the college level, are characterized by high neuroti- cism and high introversion. For instance, one group of studies found that among engineering students, academic performance on tests was consistently better among neurotic introverts than it was among a comparable group of stable extroverts (Furneaux, 1957). In clinical psychology, the MPI has been used with some success to distinguish among various nosology groups. In general, results show that dysthenics are the most introverted, hysterics and psychopaths the most extroverted groups. Especially pertinent to the present study is the research of Lewis (1972), which used the MP1 to dis- tinguish between voluntary non-mothers and mothers of various numbers of children. Non-mothers were found to score significantly higher on introversion than mothers. 35 The Personal Orientation Inventory The concepts of inner-directedness (Reisman, 1950) and self-actualization (Maslow, 1962) have been put forward with increasing popularity by specialists in human behavior. The goal of enriched living through utilization of all of one's creative potential, free from the crippling effects of inhibitions, blind con- formity, and unnecessary emotional turmoil, was stressed by Rogers (1951, 1961) and others (May et al., 1958; Perls, 1951) but will not be ignored by anyone concerned with mental health. The Personal Orientation Inventory (POI) is an instrument specifically designed to measure the values and behavior regarded as important in the development of self-actualization. The POI (Shostrom, 1965) consists of 150 two- choice comparative value and behavior judgments. The items are scored twice, first for two basic scales of personal orientation, inner-directed support (127 items) and time competence (23 items), and second for 10 sub- scales, each of which measures a conceptually important element of self-actualization. (See appendix for further description.) POI scores for the scales and the subscales can be interpreted by comparison with norms that have been established through research with different groups of 36 people. The instrument has been used as an "objective delineation" of an individual's level of mental health (Shostrom, 1966). The items are non-threatening and reliable. Existing evidence confirms the test's validity and usefulness in research. The POI is self—administered; testing time is approximately 30 minutes. Of particular relevance to the present project is the Support Scale, which measures whether an indi- vidual's mode of reaction is characteristically "self" or "other” oriented. Inner, or self-directed individ- uals are guided primarily by internalized principles and motivations, while other—directed persons are, to a great extent, influenced by peer groups, societal pres— sures, or other external forces. Since this concept is viewed as being clinically interpretable in relative or proportionate terms, Shostrom presents the scores as ratios of the inner-directed to the other-directed items. The Semantic Differential The Semantic Differential was initially developed by Osgood (1952) to investigate and measure the meaning of concepts. It has since been used successfully in personality research. It appears that both conscious and unconscious attitudes can be elicited by the 37 instrument, and it can be adapted to investigate a wide range of topics. The procedure consists of rating selected con- cepts on a series of opposite adjective scales separated by seven units. The subject checks the location on the scale which most closely describes the concept being defined. The middle unit is used only to indicate that the subject believes the scale is irrelevant to the con- cept being rated. Semantic Differential data have been factor analyzed and have consistently yielded three major fac- tors: (1) Activity, (2) Evaluation, and (3) Potency. Osgood et a1. (1957) feel that these three factors are an integral part of the connotive meaning of all atti- tudes, with evaluation being foremost. Osgood has analyzed a series of approximately 50 adjective pairs for their relative loadings on the three major factors and two minor factors (chaos and tautness). He recom- mends the inclusion of several scales representing each of the three major factors to insure a valid description of an attitude. When it is not possible to select adjectives of known factor loadings, a choice should be made on the basis of face validity and relevance. Ratings may be obtained from the same subject concerning his attitudes towards various aspects of his or her own and others' personalities and then correlated 38 to determine a measure of similarity among these per— ceptions (Cronbach & Gleser, 1953). Used this way, the measure has been employed to study concepts such as psychotherapy process (Mowrer, 1953) and intrapersonal conflict (Osgood & Luria, 1954). Ratings of the same concepts by different subjects can be compared. This method permits a definition of almost any concept to be obtained and its elements examined. For example, the instrument has been used to define and describe Rorschach cards (Rabin, 1959) and to measure racial stereotypes (Suci, 1952). The Semantic Differential has been a successful tool in studying identification. Ratings are used to measure similarities between the subject and others, usually the parents. Some researchers suggest using congruence between the ideal self and identification figures (Block, 1958). In these studies the concept of identification is considered to be somewhat voluntary and achieved by conscious, or at least conditioned, imitation. It involves a striving, volitional quality (Sanford, 1955; Stoke, 1950). Other authors prefer to use ratings of the actual self. These workers theorize that identification is not under conscious control, but rather is a general developmental occurrence which takes place through introjection or conditioning at lower 39 levels of consciousness (Baxter et al., 1964; Sopchak, 1952; Mowrer, 1953). In this study, the Semantic Differential is used to measure congruence between the subject's actual self and her parents. Comparisons of ratings of the subject "as she sees herself" and her mother and father will be gathered. The subject and each parent are to be rated twice, once on a number of scales describing parenting aspects, and once on a number of more general scales. Items for the parenting traits were selected from adjec- tives describing the successful parenting orientation delineated by major theorists. Following Osgood's sug- gestion (Osgood et al., 1957), their opposites, poor parenting traits, were chosen on the basis of relevance to the concept of parenting, rather than strict linearity in an abstract sense. Adjectives for the other scales were selected from the list suggested by Osgood et a1. (1957). Those items have the benefit of having been previously factor analyzed. The two lists are presented in Appendix A. Demographic Data An interview was used to explore the following dimensions of the families of origin of the subjects: size, sibship, values and life-styles of parents, and socioeconomic level. It is expected, but not 4O hypothesized, that childfree women come from small families, were the oldest or only child in the family, had parents who held non-traditional values which were reflected in their life-style, and have achieved high levels of social position through their own efforts. Subjects The subjects for this study were 50 women who have been married for at least 5 years and were living with their husbands when contacted. One group consisted of 25 voluntarily childless individuals who have never had a child and say they never intend to. Neither have any of their husbands ever had a child in a previous marriage. The other group was made up of 25 women who chose to become mothers by giving birth or adoption. All of the subjects were at least 25 years of age and married only once. In addition to fulfilling these general require- ments, each childfree subject was matched with a control on the following variables: age within 5 years, educa- tion, and birth order. Thus, the study was carried out with 25 pairs of women of similar age, position in the family, and level of education. They were different in that one woman embraced a childfree life style while her partner was a mother. Subject variables pertinent to the sample selection are shown in Tables 1 and 2. 41 Additional sample information is provided in the Results and appendix. Table 1: Age, years of marriage, and education of subjects (N = 50). . Childfree Women Mothers Variable Median Range Median Range Age 28 25-38 30 25-39 Years of marriage 7 5-25 7 5—16 Education 18 12-Ph.D. 18 13-Ph.D. Table 2: Subjects' positions in their families of origin (N = 50). Position in Family Childfree Women Mothers Only 3 Oldest 7 Middle 8 7 3 7 8 7 Youngest The subjects were obtained through advertising in the State News, a student newspaper, and through word of mouth. Three experimental subjects were contacted through their membership in NON, the National Organiza- tion for Nonparents. 42 Procedure The subjects were told that the study was inves- tigating the topic of motivation for childfree living versus motherhood. An appointment was arranged for pri- vate administration of the pencil and paper data and interview. In some cases, depending on time constraints, the material was gathered during two (in one case, three) separate occasions. In all situations, the struc- tured material was administered before the interview took place. Most subjects took about 3 hours to complete the procedure. They were paid nothing for their participa- tion, but were offered a summary of the results of the study if they desired it. Predictions in Terms of Measures Employed To test the hypotheses outlined on page 27, the following specific predictions were formulated in terms of the instruments used in the study. Each prediction corresponds with the previously stated hypothesis of the same number. Developmental History It is hypothesized that childfree married women as compared with mothers: 1. exhibit more disturbance on responses to the oedipal cartoon (Card IV) of the Blacky Test 43 A. produce higher discrepancy scores between ratings of actual self and mother on the Parenting Semantic Differential exhibit more disturbance on the positive identification cartoon (Card VII) of the Blacky Test B. produce lower discrepancy scores between ratings of actual self and mother on the General Semantic Differential produce lower discrepancy scores between ratings of actual self and father on the General Semantic Differential exhibit more disturbance on responses to the sibling rivalry cartoon (Card VIII) of the Blacky Test. Present Personality It is hypothesized that childfree married women as compared with mothers: 4. produce higher scores on the Support Scale of the P01 in the direction of self-orientation produce higher scores on the Introversion scale of the MPI produce higher scores on the Androgyny measure of the BSRI 44 7. produce higher scores on the Neuroticism scale of the MP1 produce lower scores on the Self-Perception scales of the P01. Statistical Treatment of the Data Hypothesis 1, 2A, and 3 (developmental history) were carried out using aCh12 test of significance. These hypotheses involve the use of the Blacky Test, an instru— ment which generates data which can best be arranged in dichotomized groups. Hypotheses 2A, 2B (developmental history), and 4, 5, 6, 7 (present personality) were tested using the 3 test. These hypotheses involve the use of the Seman- tic Differential, POI, BSRI, and MP1, all instruments which generate ordinal data. These types of data can best be analyzed by a comparison of mean scores. All analyses of the hypotheses were based on one-tailed measures of significance. Additional results which were not predicted beforehand were judged on the basis of two-tailed tests of significance. RESULTS Hypotheses Deve10pmental History Hypothesis 1. Childfree married women as compared with mothers exhibit stronger unresolved oedipal conflicts. Hypothesis 1 was tested by means of Chi2 tests of significance between the groups' ratings of oedipal intensity obtained on free story and structured question responses to Card IV of the Blacky Test. Two doctoral candidates in clinical psychology, well versed in psycho- analytic theory, separately rated free story responses on Card IV of the Blacky Test as either "strong" or "not strong" on the dimension of oedipal intensity. Blum's (1949) criteria for scoring such free stories were strictly followed. On Card IV interjudge reliability obtained was 88%. When differences in scoring did arise, they were resolved through a review of the test proto- cols in question and a discussion between the two judges. The structured question responses to the Blacky Test were rated as "strong" or "not strong" in accordance with the scoring criteria by Blum (1949). In the struc- tured inquiry, each question is presented along with several multiple choice alternative answers, one of 45 46 which is designated by Blum as "strong.” For a subject to have received an over-all rating of "strong" on the structured inquiry, she must have picked the "strong" alternative to a prescribed number of questions. Inter- judge reliability was not needed because of the specific numerical nature of these criteria. Chi2 between the ratings of childfree women and mothers on free story responses to Card IV was signifi- cant. The Chi2 = 2.587 was significant beyond the .06 level of probability (one-tailed test). Chiz of the difference between the ratings of the structured ques- tions on Card IV was 0.765 and not significant. The data were also considered together. Chi2 was obtained for significance of differences in number of "strong" and "not strong" responses on both free story and struc— tured questions combined. Chiz = 3.375 and reached the .035 level of significance. These results are presented in Table 3. Taking cognizance of the above results, Hypothe- sis 1, that childfree married women exhibit stronger oedipal involvement than mothers, is partially supported by the data. Hypothesis 2A. Childfree married women as compared with mothers exhibit weaker identification with the parenting aspects of their mothers. 47 .oossofiuaswam Ho mummy cmHHdpuo:O* .Umw: ohms mHOOOpOHQ mm .Qsonw manage: one sH .mHnaHHm>s who? maOOOponQ em .Qsonw omumoflano on» :H H u we . . .mmwsonwom *mmo v use 4 emafinsoo . sowpmoso mz osfi o sensuozupm suHa>fim maaanam HHH> m *mHo.v mss.¢ steam mean . . mmwsoamom *mo v see a emefinsoo . . eofiummse *mo v one a emaspo:Apm nonpaofimaaemeH m>aufimom HH> «m mz mem.o snopm mmum . . womsomwmm *mmo v men n em:HQEoo . sowpmosa mz mes o eousposupm spamempeH Haaaeoo >H H *mo.v smm.m spopm mean Hm>mq mocaoflmfiawfim «Ago spam we mass canoe undo mammnpoasm .moansfluw> axedam moss» so moosmhouwflu macho ”m manna 48 Hypothesis 2A was tested with a 3 test of sig- nificance between the group means of discrepancy scores obtained with ratings of self and mother on the Parent- ing Orientation Semantic Differential. As seen in Table 4, E = 1.165 and was not significant. Because of the wide range of scores (see Table 5), the data were also analyzed using the medians test. Scores were designated as either "above" or "below" the combined median. Chi2 test of the difference between these scores yielded Chi2 = 2.88 and was significant beyond the .05 level of probability. The Blacky Test provided further data with which to test Hypothesis 2A. Card VII of the Blacky Pictures (see Appendix A) generates a measure of identification with the same-sex parent. For this card, interjudge reliability of the free story ratings as "strong" or "not strong" was 96%. Chi2 obtained for the free story data was 0.245 and was not significant. Chiz obtained with the structured question responses to Card VII was 2.45, significant beyond the .06 level of probability. The scores of both free story and structured questions on this card were combined and Chi2 computed for the difference between the number of total responses scored as "strong" and "not strong" for the two sample 2 groups. Chi = 2.707 was significant beyond the .05 level. These data are presented in Table 3. 49 .mnmnpos n .soSOB uoflunae mmnmvafinod .mpmou umHfidplosp whoa mmmne* *mmo.v omm.m ob.m www.ma eo.vm wo.¢m nonpublmaom mm mz mmm.H Hm.oa wwv.NH om.mm ma.bm nosuOSImHom Aaasosoov no a i o *mmo.v mHe.m mm.m oem.m~ Hm.om ms.mm Ammwemmmwmm panama .eee . . . . . nosuozlmfiom mz mod H 5w ha mam OH mm mm we mm Awqfiusmnwmv ¢N mossowmfiswflm p u use: manmfiss> mammnaonmm .oonmofimfiswww peony use mopoow a news Heapsmuommws capsMEmm sH neoconmmmwo ”v wanes 50 .wnonposn .soEoB vaHHdE monmsHHnUd .oossonwsmHm Ho pump umHHspioso* H u He mz moo.m mm om em Hans Hols senHH ammwmmmwwww mm *mo.v omw.m mm mH mm mwuo mmuo Hmns Mwmwmmmwwwm «a Hm>mH HaHoe a: mac Hayes as emu mossonHsmHm NHnU msdflso: mmHoom mo owswm mHndHHs> mammnaonmm .Hmsuoa use HHow we mcomHHAQEoo HsHpsoaowmwe oHpnanm How onpmeme H30 use suave: um wands N 51 Therefore, Hypothesis 2A, that childfree married women exhibit weaker parental maternal identification than do mothers, was supported by the data in this study. Hypothesis 2B. Childfree married women as compared with mothers exhibit stronger identification with non:parenting aspects of both their parents. To test Hypothesis 2B a 3 test of significance of difference was performed between the group means of dis- crepancy scores between ratings of actual self and mother on the General Semantic Differential. According to the scoring procedure employed, larger discrepancy scores were indicative of weaker identification. Smaller dis- crepancy scores between ratings indicated stronger iden- tification. As seen in Table 4, the difference between mean discrepancy scores of the two groups was not sig— nificant. E = 1.363 and was in the direction Opposite to that predicted. The data were then analyzed using median discrepancy scores for comparison (see Table 5). The median test yielded Chi2 = 2.002, also not signifi— cant. To further investigate Hypothesis 28, similar calculations were performed on the semantic differential data using discrepancy scores between ratings of actual self and father. As seen in Table 4, £'= 2.65 and was significant beyond the .025 level, but opposite to the predicted direction (two-tailed analysis). 52 Therefore, according to the data in the present study, childfree women as compared with mothers do not exhibit stronger identification with their parents on general personality traits, and may, in fact, be less similar to their fathers on such general variables. Hypothesis 3. Childfree married women as compared with mothers have more intense unresolved sibling rivalry. 2 Hypothesis 3 was tested by means of Chi tests of significance of difference between the two groups' ratings on intensity of sibling rivalry obtained on free stories and structured questions to Card VIII (the Sibling Rivalry card) of the Blacky Test. Interjudge reliability for Card VIII free stories as "strong" or "not strong" was 90%. For the free story responses on Card VIII, Chiz = 4.778 and is significant beyond the .015 level in the predicted direction. For the structured questions on Card VIII, Chi2 = 0.170 and is not significant. Analy- sis combining ratings of free stories and structured ques- tion responses produced Chi2 = 4.072, significant beyond the .025 probability level. These results are presented in Table 3. Therefore, according to the present operational definition, partial support was derived for Hypothesis 3, that childfree married women exhibit more intense unre- solved sibling rivalry than mothers. 53 Present Personality Hypothesis 4. Childfree married women as compared with mothers are more self-directed. Hypothesis 4 was tested by means of 3 tests of group means obtained on the Support Scales of the Per- sonality Orientation Inventory (POI). The Support Scale is expressed as a ratio of the scores on the Outer Directed items versus the scores on the Inner Directed items. To test Hypothesis 4, the groups' data were compared in three different ways. First, mean ratio scores were tested for signifi— cance of differences. 3 = 0.416 and was not signifi- cant. Second, mean scores for outer-directedness were similarly tested; 1 = 0.640 and was also not significant. Third, mean scores for inner—directedness were compared using the same process; £'= 0.308 and was not significant. These results are presented in Table 6. Thus, no difference between the groups on self- directedness was demonstrated in this study. Therefore, this hypothesis, that childfree married women as compared with mothers are more self-directed, must be rejected. Hypothesis 5. Childfree married women as compared with mothers are more introverted. Hypothesis 5 was tested by a comparison of group mean scores obtained on the Extroversion-Introversion Scale of the Maudsley Personality Inventory (MPI). As 54 .mnosuoz n .GGEOB Umfihhds @GHHGHHQU“ . . moss noon mz new.o emw.m mmm.m om oH on nH H. 4 “HOW w b . . . . . new we mz 000 0 0mm N who N wm NH v0 NH Imamm . . . . . . . Ofludm mz mHe o wwm 0 son 0 mnm m.H mew N.H anonnsm . . . . . mmoaumaooHHn mz mom o new HH va oH mm mm an em nonnH e . . . . . mmmsvmuomnfln m2 Ovm o mwm HH mam OH vv 0v ov mm Hmngo monmwmwmmem m. a: who as who madomnsm Hon afimonponmm :oHHwH>oD cnmusmpm use: l .>H0pso>sn soHpapsmHHo mpHHesomHom map How moan> u use .wsoHHsH>oU unacswpm .msdoz ”m mHnne 55 seen in Table 6, 3 = 2.638 and was significant beyond the .01 level. Hypothesis 5, that childfree women are more intro- verted (or less extroverted) than mothers, is upheld by the data of the present study. Hypothesis 6. Childfree married women are more androgynous in their definition of their sex role than mothers. Hypothesis 6 was tested using scores obtained with the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). An Androgyny score (Androgyny 1) was received by those subjects scoring above the medians on both the Masculinity and Femininity scales. Chi2 was computed to determine if the difference between the number of subjects receiving such scores in each group was significant. As seen in Table 7, Chi2 = 3.741 was in the opposite direction predicted and was not significant (two-tailed test). The data were also compared using the median of a group of 665 Stanford University students reported by Bem (1976). Chi2 = 0.826 and was also not significant. These results are contained in Table 7. The scores of those subjects who scored below the medians on both the Masculinity and Femininity scales were designated as "Undifferentiated." Following Bem's (1974) suggestion, as an alternative method of measuring Androgyny (Androgyny II), these Undifferentiated scores were included with those scores which were above the two medians. Chi2 of the differences of frequency of 56 .nmnn pnmp ananuoae* H a He mz ooo.o mz ooo.o noanpnmnoHHHnnp mz mam.o *mz Hes.m H snamonnn< mz ooo.o mz noe.o spHanHEom mz weH.o m2 mem.H AHHnHHsonns Ho>mq msaHnoE nHoHQAHm Ho>mq sdHuo: oHQEdm Hdpos monnoHHHanm nans «Ham monnoHHHanm man: «Hno snommnno manoom .monoom Hmmm mo mHo>oH oossonHsmHm use NHQO ”b manna 57 Androgyny II between the two groups was also not sig- nificant. In addition, scores of the Femininity and Mascu- linity scales were compared separately. In both cases Chi2 was not statistically significant. These data are presented in Appendix B. To summarize, Hypothesis 6 was not supported by the data. No difference was shown between childfree women and mothers regarding their definition of their sex role. Hypothesis 7. Childfree married women exhibit more signs of stress than do mothers. Hypothesis 7 was investigated with parts of both the Maudsley Personality Inventory (MP1) and the Per- sonality Orientation Inventory (POI). Mean scores on the Neuroticism Scale of the MPI were compared by means of a 3 test. Table 8 shows 3.: 0.127 and was not significant. Mean scores of the Self-Perception Scales of the POI were separately compared for significance of differ- ences between the groups (see Table 6). For the Self- Regard Subscale, the difference between the groups was not significant. Similarly, for the Self-Acceptance items, the differences between the groups were not significant. Therefore, Hypothesis 7 is not supported by the data. There were no differences shown between the groups in the indices of stress employed in this study. 58 .mnmaHoz n .:0803 uoHHHmS oonUHHsUd .Hnmp anHnnumno* m2 bNH.O OON.NH HHv.m vw.wH VN.®H EmfiOHHOHHOZ 5 *HO. wm®.N VHO.w vbN.m ©m.®m ©5.NN GOHMHO>OHQNM m Hm>mq I. as who NS who am oosnonflstm p coHpmH>mQ pudendum use: oHndHHw> mwmoauo m .muo»ao>sH thHssomnom mmHmpsnz How meoHan>oc Uhauqdpm can undo: "m OHQdB 59 Additional Finding Hypothesis 2A concerns the concept of maternal identification. Childfree married women were hypothe- sized to have made a weaker identification with parenting aspects of their mothers than women who chose to become mothers. This hypothesis was confirmed, as seen in Tables 3 and 4. The concept of identification was then broadened to include both parents (see review of litera- ture). Pursuant to this line of thinking, calculations were performed to investigate whether childfree married women would produce higher discrepancy scores than mothers between ratings of actual self and father on the Parenting Semantic Differential, thus indicating weaker identification. A 3 test of significance between the group means produced a“; of 3.419--significant beyond the .025 level of significance (two-tailed calculation; see Table 4), lending support to the View that childfree married women identify less strongly with the parental protective aspects of their fathers than do mothers. Demoggaphic Data Results concerning the demographic data not spe- cifically matched in the sampling procedure suggest some differences and some similarities between the groups. The dissimilarities which occur are more marked in the 60 present living situations of the subjects rather than in their families of origin. The number of children in the families of origin of both the childfree and mothers groups ranged from one to eight, with the medians being three children. Socioeconomic level was computed twice for each subject, once for family of origin, once for present situation. Classifications were based on the Two—Factor Index of Social Position developed by Hollingshead (1957). As seen in Table 9, the greatest single number of sub- jects in both groups came from middle-class homes. Notably more childfree women came from the two lowest social positions than did mothers, while more mothers than childfree women came from professional and managerial backgrounds. Both groups are socially mobile in an upward direction, with the childfree women having made even greater strides than the mothers. Table 10 contains sample information concerning religion. Religions of origin for the two groups are similar. Present religious beliefs indicate a large dis- parity between the groups. Over half the childfree sample now profess no belief in any deity, while the mothers group retains a configuration of beliefs similar to that of their childhood homes. .eooneHHno .npomnnsn ma» manze Hm can v mHo>oH Opv upHHHnoe vhwsssov mHm>mw smosmHHono moHHHEdm can enemas 61 o o o m > o v o w >H N mH 0 0H HHH 5H v vH N HH m e HH mm H UHosomsom :HwHHO UHosomsom usHuo summons Ho >HHEnm Hammonm mo aHHEnm Ho>mq mponpoz noses monUHHno .AOm H Zv WPOmfiflfiw HO Hm>®H OHEOGOOTOHOOW um @HDGB 62 msonHHoH can Bow HMHHHHSU a we “Hmmmm: umnHHomoU muoonnsw ones» we one .HnHman n .mHmHonpd msonHHmH use mama HRHSHHHU we mm>HmmEmsp umnHHomoU mpommnsm Theses o o o m oHHnonm< o H 0 HH umHmsp< m m v o andHHoHsH N am m an amHBmh m o w v OHHonpdo mH mH NH e pneumoponm nHmHHo Ho nonHHmm nHmHno Ho nonHHmm II.=0HwHHom psommum :onHHom pqomohm sonHHom mnmsuoz aoeos ooHHcHHnO .Aom zv mpoonnzm mo quwHHom H0H mHnnB 63 Present employment data of the subjects are reported in Table 11. All of the childfree subjects were employed outside the home or were students, while only 11 of the mothers were so occupied. Fourteen mothers, or over half the sample, described themselves as full-time mothers who do not have employment outside the home. Table 11: Present employment status of subjects (N = 50). Employment Status Childfree Women Mothers No outside employment 0 14 Part-time 2 4 Full-time 20 6 Studenta 3 l aThis category includes both full- and part-time students who do not also have salaried jobs. DISCUSSION OF RESULTS Each of the three developmental hypotheses received strong partial support. 0f the four predictions regarding present personality characteristics of the subjects, one was completely upheld by the data. In addition, certain trends emerged from the findings which suggest possible integration of these results. The following chapter will consider the implications of the findings taken as a whole. Besides consideration of the statistical data, some of the material from the lengthy interviews will be incorporated into the following discussion of the results. The Hypotheses Developmental History Hypothesis 1, that childfree women exhibit stronger unresolved oedipal conflicts than do mothers, was substan- tiated by two of the three indices used to operationalize the concept. Both the free stories and combined free story and structured inquiry responses produced data which sup- ported the hypothesis. The structured inquiry alone did not contribute to the positive results. The nature of the structured items could be responsible for this lack of con- firmation. While the free stories probably tap material 64 65 at the unconscious level, the structured questions force the respondents to answer with information closer to con— sciousness. Given that most subjects do not have con- scious access to oedipal concerns, it is not surprising that the results could not discriminate between the groups. Notably, very few of the structured inquiry responses of either group were scored as "strong." The statistical significance of the difference between the responses of the two groups on the free story measure barely reached an acceptable level (p < .06) to confirm the hypothesis. The difference between the groups might have been more pronounced but for the method of scoring which was used. To elucidate, Blum (1949) stipu- lated that Blacky Test responses which exhibit explicit intellectual awareness of the oedipal theme be scored as "strong." Blum justified this admonition by designating such responses as "intellectualizing defenses." Given the highly educated character of the present sample, it is not surprising that many such responses were given by both subject groups. This may have distorted the results. Concretely, what Blum appraised as defensive might, among highly educated respondents, sometimes represent a cor- rect understanding of the nature of the test instrument. Intellectual sophistication may, in this instance, have diluted the applicability of the projective hypothesis. 66 It is also noteworthy that many of the subjects in the present study expressed an emotional aversion to the Blacky Pictures. Subjects in both groups berated the task as an insulting attempt to stereotype them. Some of the women specifically attacked the Blacky cartoons as being especially childish and complained that the animal theme inhibited rather than promoted identifica- tion. One subject adamantly refused to complete the test. Doubtlessly, some of these protests were defen- sive in nature, expressing strong resistance to uncon— scious or perhaps unstructured material. At the same time, however, it must be recognized that some of the objections may be valid. The women who comprised the sample groups were unusually verbal and intelligent. Their reaction to the Blacky Test could constitute a unique opportunity to re-evaluate the use of this instru— ment with adults in both research and clinical settings. During the interviews, the childfree subjects more commonly expressed dislike and/or strong ambiva- lence towards their fathers. The results pertaining to Hypothesis ZB and the other additional result confirm that childfree women described themselves as being less similar to their fathers than did mothers in the sample. This may be another indication of the disturbance of the paternal relationship. 67 The confirmation of Hypothesis 2A, by three of the four measures employed, that the maternal identifi— cation of childfree women is weaker than that of mothers, fits neatly into the psychoanalytic context. In this conceptualization, the resolution of the oedipal conflict is accomplished by the child's identification with the same-sex parent. Without such resolution, identification is inhibited. The data of the present study confirming the lack of oedipal resolution lead logically to the finding of weaker identification with the mother. Zilboorg's (1931) speculation that an oedipal theory of childlessness for women is incomplete without the presence of some other (unknown) factor in combination is relevant in this context. The present finding strongly suggests that this previously unknown variable is a lack of mater- nal identification. It is of interest that there was no difference in the two groups' ratings of similarity between themselves and their mothers along general personality dimensions. It appears that only maternal identification involving the specific aspects of what Benedek (1952) calls "motherli- ness" is affected by the progress of oedipal dynamics. Within both subject groups there was great diver- sity regarding how the women saw themselves in relation to their mothers. The range of rated similarity between self and mother was great (see Table 5). During the 68 interviews, several women poignantly expressed unhappi- ness at being at all like their mothers. At the other extreme, some consciously idealized their mothers. Still others seemed to have evolved a warm, workable relation- ship with their mothers. Among new mothers, especially, there appeared to be a driving need to reconcile differences, disagreements, and conflicts. One particularly perceptive woman expressed this directly as an attempt to resolve difficulties of her own childhood so that she could be more optimistic about her relationship with her own child. Many of the child- free women spoke with much feeling about wanting to achieve a more mature, friendlier relationship with their mothers, unmarred by the conflicts of growing up. Most of these women, by achieving academic, professional, or marital success and by their decision not to become mothers, have diverged sharply from their backgrounds. They experi- enced this break with their past as both a loss and a tri- umph. Clearly, their success further complicated both their relationships with their families and their self- perceptions. Hypothesis 3, that childfree women exhibit more sibling rivalry than mothers, was clearly supported by the data generated by this study. Two of the three measures of sibling rivalry were highly significant. The results were striking. For instance, not only did more 69 women in the childfree sample associate competitive themes to Card VII, the Sibling Rivalry card, but they also produced such themes in response to Card VI, normally the Castration Anxiety card. In this card, Blacky is watching Tippy, the sibling, as a knife falls toward Tippy's tail. Illustrative of competitive themes to Card VI is the following ”strong" response: Blacky is day dreaming that he would like to get rid of Tippy who is such a nuisance, always under— foot, following him around, and getting him into trouble with Mama and Papa. Of course, if it were a real situation, he would rush in and yell to Tippy to run away from the knife. Unfortunately this prediction was the one least substantiated by existing personality theory or prior research. Such speculation which exists (see literature review) regards the potential child of a childfree woman as the unconscious symbol of the oedipal rivalry between mother and daughter. Although this study supported the presence of oedipal involvement and the weakness of mater- nal identification, these results instead suggest that the never-born child is more representative of the rivalry between siblings for their parents' love and attention. Consistent with this interpretation are inter— view statements made by many childfree subjects that a child would disrupt the close relationships they have established with their husbands by draining them of inten- sity and consuming too much time. 70 Although reported marital satisfaction ran the gamut among all subjects, many more childfree women des— cribed their marriages in highly romantic terms. Freud (1930) himself commented on the unwillingness of a couple to have children when a love relationship is at its most intense. Rather than desiring a child to prove or extend their love, such a couple typically wants to prevent any such intrusion. Normally, according to Freud, such ardour cools, and the honeymooners get on with the business of procreating. Perhaps, then, the childfree couple belong to the lucky few who sustain romance beyond the norm, or at least try to do so. And further, perhaps one com- ponent in the desire and/or ability to sustain such romance has its roots in the prior experiences of sibling rivalry and long-held needs for exclusivity. Perhaps, also, the woman who has not resolved the conflicts of the oedipal triangle is more sensitive to competition than the woman who has experienced the defeat normally associated with the oedipal conclusion and made her peace with the results. Present Personality Of the hypotheses concerning present personality, Hypothesis 5 was supported by the data. The women in the childfree sample were more introverted, as measured by the Extroversion scale of the MP1. The Extroversion 71 scale is a continuum on which low scores are indicative of introversion. The result confirms Lewis's (1972) finding with another group of childfree wives. In the present sample, the mothers' mean score is similar to the accepted norm for American female college graduates. The childfree sample average was significantly lower, repre- senting a score in the low normal range. In general, most of the childfree women were aware of this per- sonality characteristic and not particularly concerned about it. They described themselves as quiet and reflec- tive, having few close friends, and said they did not prefer an active social life. Even though the childfree women, taken as a group, expressed strong opinions about many topics, they joined few organizations, including those with views that conformed to their own. One woman described her life-style as "an alliance of loners" and many of them spontaneously voiced their belief that the presence of children would shatter the "quiet and reflective" life they preferred. This result is of particular interest because it was upheld despite the careful matching of variables such as education and birth order, which can sometimes affect differences in extroversion. Further research is needed to understand the etiology of this introversion in developmental terms, as well as its influence upon the choice of life-style. 72 Hypothesis 4, that childfree wives are more self- directed than mothers, was not substantiated by the data. Both subject groups received similar scores on the ratio of other- to inner-directed items on the POI, and these scores fell very close to the norm for samples of college education. Such scores suggest that an individual pos- sesses an inner core of principles and character traits which allows relative freedom from slavish dependence on other people or authorities for guidance. The normal person, while possessing a sense of self-reliance and inner solidity, is not, however, as autonomous and free from outside pressure as the self-actualized individuals upon whom the P01 was validated. In the present sample, there were five such self-actualizers in each group. Neither group, therefore, could be described as having a large percentage of self—actualizing individuals despite the fact that overall, the sample was highly educated and many of the subjects had embarked upon unusual careers. The interview data were consistent with these results. Although most of the subjects wanted to see themselves as independent and internally motivated, they fell short of this goal. A majority of these non—mothers, contrary to those studied by Lewis (1972), described themselves as very dependent on their husbands or close friends for support or approval and were bitterly disappointed when such needs were not met. The mothers, also, needed 73 approval for self-justification, and many of them expressed unhappiness that traditional respect and rever- ence for the mother role was not forthcoming in the aca- demic and professional subcultures in which they lived. In both groups there were some individuals who denied their needs for external support. These women valued the self-actualizing concept, were intellectually familiar with its definition, and represented themselves as being independent and secure. In the interviews, they were somewhat rigid, denying conflicts to them- selves, as well as to the interviewer. On the POI, this subgroup scored in the "pseudo self—actualizing range," indicating an attempt to "fake good." The lack of con- firmation for this prediction is particularly interest- ing because it suggests that people can make unpopular decisions in certain specific areas of life and yet not be as independent as they may appear. Hypothesis 6, that childfree married women are more androgynous in their definition of their sex role than mothers, was also disconfirmed by the data. There was no difference between the sample groups on this variable. On the face of it, this is a surprising result in view of the fact that the childfree group, by being childfree, was in effect living a role which differs from the tradi- tional female norm. However, except for that important variable, the women in the two groups were quite similar 74 in terms of education and professional training, factors which also are indicative of role definition and self— perception. The sample matching might be at least par- tially responsible for the absence of support for this prediction. Other reasons probably concern the instrument itself. The BSRI is a relatively new measure which has not been standardized. There are no normative data available for the BSRI. Subjects must be compared with each other, each time the scale is used. Therefore, there is no way of knowing what the scores of this sample mean except as absolutes. It may be that compared to American married women as a whole, these scores are higher in androgyny. It may well be that for women, androgyny is related to level of education and career choice. The women who constituted the childfree group were also highly educated, and many of them had chosen careers traditionally considered unusual or masculine. Likewise, among the mothers' group there were several mathematicians, natural and social scientists, and a pharmacist. Women who make such "atypical" career choices have already been shown (Dement, 1962; Roe, 1966; Rossi, 1965) not to conform to the typical American feminine personality patterns. Thus, it appears that when education and career choice are controlled, the isolated factor of planned childless— ness did not, in this study, distinguish between sex role 75 concept. Whether this is true in general is an impor— tant question worthy of further exploration. The motivation of the subjects also may have influenced the results. The women in both groups were well aware of the cultural stereotypes for their chosen roles in life and were eager to prove them false. Thus, the childfree women might try to play down their "mascu- line" traits, while the mothers would want to emphasize their qualities of assertiveness and competition. This was specifically verbalized by many of the women. Both groups' normal ratings of inner-directed support measures suggest that they might be tempted to respond in a socially desirable fashion. Unfortunately, the BSRI, in its present form, is not able to clearly protect against such response set. In addition, surprisingly, several of the subjects were familiar with the concept of psychological androgyny, and this knowledge, coupled with the motivation described, could conceivably have further skewed the results. The last prediction, Hypothesis 7, was also not supported by the data. The childfree women and the mothers could not be distinguished from each other on the basis of differences in indicators of stress. There were several reasons why this finding is probably valid for this particular sample. The prediction did not specify the nature of the stress, but merely hypothesized a 76 general malaise on the part of the childfree women stem- ming from their non-conformity with accepted mores of society. Most of the childfree subjects did, in fact, express such discomfort. Most of them were painfully aware of their non-conformity and the negative stereo- types and envy it engenders. Many of them were consciously aware of their personal ambivalence in following a child— free life style. Those women who were not conscious of their conflicting feelings were nevertheless expending much energy warding off the conscious experience of inter- nal strife. That the mothers would be stressed by their choice of role was not considered. Yet many of the mothers in the study felt compelled to defend their choice of life- style. For the majority of them, living and socializing in academic and professional circles, full-time mother- hood was subject to disparagement. The women in the study who chose this option were among the most militant in defending their choice against perceived detractors. Many of these women had undergone great sacrifice to attain advanced professional degrees only to put aside their career while their children were young, a situation bound to engender conflict despite the voluntary choice involved. The women who did manage to juggle the demands of family life with a job or career also experienced 77 problems. Pressed for adequate time and energy to meet their schedules, they felt guilty, conflicted, and fear- ful of neglecting either their children or their profes- sional commitments. In addition, it must be remembered that although the majority of subjects lived in a profes- sional milieu, their origins were middle or working class. It is safe to assume, therefore, they had incorporated to some extent the positive valuation of full-time mother- hood. Neither could most of them assuage their consciences with the rationale that financial necessity required them to work. Despite these pressures, the mean scores of both groups fell within the limits of the normal range of all scales measured. More specifically, the scores indicated the presence of stress close to the upper limits cate- gorized as normal. The interviews were probably more sensitive to subtle signs of stress than the questionnaires. The impressions garnered from the interviews were basically consistent with the written test results. The subjects appeared to be people struggling with everyday problems of living and were coping fairly well despite their con- flicts and problems. 78 Demographic Data According to expectation, the childfree subjects have achieved high social mobility through their own efforts. Eleven of the 25 childfree women came from childhood homes ranked in the two lowest levels of social position, whereas all 25 women are now classified as belonging to the two highest levels. Most of this advancement was accomplished via their own academic and professional achievements and only secondarily through marriage into families of higher social position. Most women were more highly educated than the general popula- tion and held positions of higher economic reward and prestige than the majority of citizens. Other research- ers report similar upward striving to be typical of childfree women (Lewis, 1972; Strong, 1967; Veevers, 1973). This substantial gain in social position attests to their strength of purpose, intelligence, ambition, and high motivation to achieve a standard of life different from that of their background experience. That this drive to material and social success was at least in part stimulated by dissatisfaction with their origins can be inferred from their over-all evaluation of the emotional tone of their childhood homes (see Appendix C). Many subjects felt financial problems fueled much of the conflict and tension at home between their parents, and the decision to avoid these conditions 79 coalesced early in life, although not always discussed until much later. They also saw the pressures of parent- hood as contributing to the difficulties at home. The mothers also were a socially mobile group, although the amount of change in their social positions was not as extreme as in the childfree group. Over half the mothers came from childhood homes ranked as middle class, while all but two of these women have currently moved upward one level. At the time of the study, there were fewer mothers than non-mothers in the highest level of social position. This lag in relative social mobility seems partially attributable to their decisions not to pursue their own careers as intensely as the childfree subject, as well as to the expense of supporting their children. In addition, fewer of the mothers than the non-mothers came from childhood homes on the lower levels of the socioeconomic order. Although over one-third of the mothers rated their childhood home atmospheres as poor, almost two—thirds of the group gave their childhood homes ratings of aver- age or good. Unlike the childfree women, most mothers did not consider the presence of children to have been germane to their parents' emotional or financial con- flicts. As mentioned earlier, the childfree women did not come primarily from small families, nor were they 80 frequently oldest or only children. More than half the women came from families containing three or more chil- dren; more than two-thirds of the subjects were either middle or youngest children. There were three only chil- dren. This distribution contradicts that reported by Veevers (1973). The expectation that the families of origin of childfree women would hold non-traditional values was also not realized, thus contradicting Lewis's (1972) observations. In fact, members of both subject groups, with a few notable exceptions, grew up in fami— lies whose life-styles were conventional given their socioeconomic positions. Specifically, the majority of mothers stayed at home and did not hold jobs during the subjects' childhoods (see Appendix C). Those mothers who did work outside the home were almost always compelled to do so by financial exigencies. Consistent with Veevers' (1973) reports, most of the marriages of the parents of the subjects were intact, and the fathers were present during the subjects' childhoods (see Appendix C). Reli- gious beliefs and behavior were conventional (see Table 10). Most of the families encouraged their children to surpass them in financial status and education. Every woman in the study was expected to marry and become a mother. That only half of this expectation was realized for the childfree women is a continuing source of dis- appointment to most of their parents, engendering 81 conflicting emotions in these daughters. Some of them discuss their life-style choice frankly; others do not make their decisions explicit. Some of these childfree women try to please their parents in alternative ways. Others have poor relations and infrequent contacts with their families. There is some indication that as they were growing up, more of the childfree women than the mothers were regarded as differing from their brothers and sisters. They reported that this distinctiveness manifested itself as greater seriousness, studiousness, or rebelliousness. It is interesting to note that rebel- liousness when it occurred took the form of verbal dis- agreements and value differences rather than gross behavioral manifestations. The Interviews Although they were not analyzed quantitatively, the interviews were a rich and revealing part of this investigation. They were open ended, private sessions, lasting approximately 2 hours, during which the women covered certain specified topics germane to the study. In general, the picture presented by the interviews was of two groups of women whose day-to—day lives differed radically because of ramifications growing out Of the decision to parent or not to parent. 82 But the women were remarkably similar in many respects. Education, profession, age, and other back— ground data have already been discussed. Although they were more highly educated and professionally successful than the average American woman, most of these subjects seemed to lead fairly conventional lives. With only two or three exceptions, all subscribed to two quintessen— tially middle-class values: marriage and the work ethic. They lived surrounded by middle-class accoutrements, owned homes or aspired to own them, and, except for one or two, professed political viewpoints consonant with the capitalist orientation. However, the women did not slavishly conform to popular mores. Within their traditional frameworks, most of them felt free to question normally accepted values, to make fun of their "status symbols," and to reject quietly certain customary behavior. To illustrate, three couples had reversed the breadwinner roles for a time, while others had given up more comfortable lives to attend graduate school. Several couples occasionally took separate vacations, and a few experimented with open- marriage arrangements. Although both groups sometimes questioned tradi- tional norms, the childfree women seemed to do so more consistently and flaunted convention more freely. For instance, in the area of religion, the childfree women 83 expressed more "unacceptable" beliefs than the mothers. Table 10 clearly illustrates that many more childfree women described themselves as atheists. They attributed this nonconformity to the fact that they did not have to maintain appearances in the community for the sake of children's security. Many of the mothers concurred with this reasoning and expressed the opinion that because of their responsibilities as parents, they should disagree privately, if at all, with convention. Despite this, it was a definite positive value and goal of practically all the women in the study to be less conforming and more individualistic in their life—styles. They all wished to see themselves as innovative, original, and self- directed. Most of them were able, in some respects, to approach these ideals occasionally. Of particular interest is the area of the women's feelings regarding their choice of motherhood vs. non- motherhood. Many of the women in both groups expressed ambivalence about their decision. *Unlike the results of the widely quoted Ann Landers poll, none wanted to reverse her choice, although about one—third of the mothers said they would restructure and spacing and total number of their children. These nine women felt they should have had fewer children. Several of the mothers in the sample were painfully aware of residual ambivalence about their decisions to accept the maternal role, and, in fact, at 84 earlier times in their lives had intended never to have children. Five of the mothers had delayed childbearing for 5 years or longer. One woman put off the final choice for 10 years before reluctantly choosing mother- hood in the face of a threatened divorce. The mothers consistently related their contentment with their present role to the level of self-esteem and accomplishment they experienced prior to bearing children. All asserted, as well, that their experience of mother- ing and, in fact, the way they related to their children, was influenced by the tenor of their relationship with their husbands. Their husbands' adaptation to father- hood was also important. Many of the mothers confirmed the fears of the non—mothers in that they felt the arri— val of offspring greatly stressed and permanently changed their marital relationship. They were unwilling to label this change as good or bad, but emphasized the adjustments necessary in order to maintain intimacy and closeness along with the greater demands of parenthood. In addition, many mothers reported that childbearing required difficult changes in self—perception and body image. The majority of them stressed the difficulties and importance of maintaining a sense of "selfhood" apart from that of wife and mother. All but two of the mothers said they could empathize with the women who had elected childfree living. In summary, if the mothers 85 mothers who participated in this study are representa- tive, it can be concluded that motherhood does not come as naturally as is often professed. The decision for the childfree women was no less difficult. For most of them, the conscious choice not to have children evolved over a period of many years, dating back to adolescence or early adulthood. For the others, it was a joint decision between them and their husbands, reached after years of discussion: Typically parenthood was "postponed" until gradually, sometimes after much painful soul searching, the realization dawned that a childfree life-style was right for them. The reasons, they said, were largely emotional, and seemed to fulfill strong needs which were only partly conscious. All but one of the women candidly admitted that intellec- tual concerns, such as population problems and related ecological and social considerations, while consonant with their opinions, were rationales which could easily be set aside if the desire for the joys of motherhood became greater. Of course, there is always the possibility that some of the childfree subjects could, in the years to come, change their minds and become mothers through birth or adoption. In fact, most of the women, while affirming the high probability of the permanence of their choice, were still reluctant to acknowledge fully 86 its ultimate finality. Nine couples, over one-third of the group, reported having taken irreversible surgical steps to eliminate the possibility of accidental preg— nancy, yet even they, like the others, refused to rule out the possibility of adoption in the "far future" should they change their minds. Of primary interest here is not that some of the childfree women may even- tually reverse their plans and become mothers, but that their present decision is so strong that many would take drastic steps to assure its fulfillment. The two conscious reasons for remaining child- free given by most of the women in the study were the interference with their marriages which children would cause and the freedom afforded by a childfree life. Most of the subjects felt that their marriages liberated them to fulfill their potential in the best way possible. Parenthood, by contrast, was seen as limiting both per- sonal freedom and marital compatibility. The women's feeling towards their parental fami- lies were not simple. They had all experienced conflicts and growth in coming to grips with their relationships, and most of them still felt especially strong needs to resolve old conflicts with their mothers. Those who were unable to do so because of the death of a family member (see Appendix C) or estrangement paid a high price in terms of emotional tranquility. 87 Several of the childfree women said that as children they had become their mothers' confidantes. The mothers revealed intimate details of their marital problems to these children, whose role it was to sympa- thize with their plight and take their sides in the battle between mother and father. Although most of the women reported genuine sympathy for their mothers in these situations, they were also left with confusing feelings of anger and resentment towards both parents which still trouble them. Others of the non-mothers escaped this damaging constellation, but felt pressured to succeed where their parents had "failed." They felt guilty for the sacrifices their parents had made in order to allow them to achieve a better life materially and educationally. They felt a personal sense of inade- quacy that they would never want to provide the same devotion to children of their own. Thus the conflicts engendered in childhood continued to trouble these relatively well-adjusted individuals. The two groups' stated attitudes towards their husbands produced some striking differences. Although reported marital satisfaction of both groups varied widely, many childfree women described their relation- ships with their husbands in surprisingly romantic terms. They came close to idealizing their spouses and termed their marriages the most important commitment in their 88 lives. Seventeen of the 25 childfree subjects reported that their husbands were their "first love," while only two of the mothers made such a claim. The following quote, from a childfree Ph.D. scientist married 7 years, is illustrative of the flavor of triumph and incredulity of many of these subjects' reports: Whoever would have thought that I, who never was popular with boys in school could have achieved such a wonderful marriage! I see my friend and people I know breaking up and getting divorces. I used to think they were much more successful with men than I could ever be. I am so lucky to have him. I know I'm a difficult person to live with, and so is he. It's amazing that we found each other. The mothers, who were in general a more outgoing group of individuals, had more relationships with men before their marriages than their childfree counterparts. One issue raised by virtually every subject in the study was the division of labor each life-style sug- gested. Although the non—mothers spoke in romantic terms about their marriages, they were more practical when it came to discussing the daily chores of life. Their "prince charmings" might be marvelous characters in general, but most women felt that it had been a struggle to restructure the traditional division of labor at home. They also felt parenthood would put them in the onerous position of housewife and maid, despite protestations to the contrary from some of their spouses. This fear was substantiated by most of the mothers who reported 89 pervasive concern and resentment with this aspect of their lives. Directions for Further Research Theoretical Considerations The alternative life-style choice of childfree living is a new area worthy of scientific inquiry. The complex of experiences and motivations leading to the choice of ”childfreeness” is an area practically untouched by systematic investigation. Psychoanalytic theory has recently come under attack by some feminist thinkers as ascribing negative value to the rejection of motherhood. Freud, they allege, stereotyped childfree women and devalued them according to certain outmoded Victorian dicta. In actuality, a psychodynamic understanding of the processes involved in reaching the decision of whether to have a child does not necessarily carry with it judgmental overtones. More- over, psychoanalysis is not a static system. It is responsive to changing societal conditions. Given the population explosion, the threat of nuclear war, and other manifestations of contemporary society, the adoption of broader roles assumes meanings which even great thinkers could not have envisaged. The results of this inquiry were suggestive enough to warrant further investigation using the 9O psychoanalytic framework as a theoretical matrix. This study adhered to the suggestions of previous theorists in that it stressed the oedipal phase of development and its ramifications for parental identification. The data generated by the present study confirmed such distur- bances in the relationship with the paternal figure and highlighted the resulting inhibition of maternal identi- fication. Assuming these findings are further validated, more specific inquiry can be made concerning the nature of the conflicted paternal relationship and its con- sequences for future personality. Another problem for the oedipal theory of child- lessness concerns the difference between a conscious awareness of the desire to remain childfree and the repres- sion of that wish. Most of the theories cited in the literature were based on investigations conducted during the course of psychoanalysis of patients who had no conscious knowledge of their ambivalence to procreate. Consciously, they tried to conceive, while unconsciously psychosomatic compliance foiled the possibility of preg- nancy. The subjects of the present study were con- sciously aware of their desire not to be mothers. Many of them also expressed awareness of the opposing wish for motherhood. Exploring the differences between such 91 subjects could have implications for extending both theory and clinical practice. The nature of identification is a logical exten- sion of the topic of planned childlessness. The split in the relevance of a parenting vs. a general identification as a factor in distinguishing the two groups of women in the present study points to a theory of partial identi— fications, perhaps developing at different rates and at differing stages of life. ‘ Future investigation could concentrate more on pre-oedipal stages of development. It is at these stages of early object relations that the initial experiences of being mothered foster the first maternal identifications. There is also evidence that the experience of intense romantic love with the concomitant dependency described by many of the childfree subjects is partially formed by experiences going back to pre-oedipal stages. In addition to those episodes conceptualized as distinct stages in development, certain life experiences which cut across developmental periods are influential in later life choices and deserve examination for their contributions in the choice of the mother role. Given that most subjects in both sample groups expressed some ambivalence with their choice of role, and given that in a complex society many alternative life-styles are available, experiences beyond infancy which might "tip 92 the balance" in one or another direction should be con- sidered. An area untouched by the present study was the part played by the spouses in the commitment to childfree life. Considering the nature of the marital relation- ships described by so many of the non-mothers, it could be fruitful to study the decision as a mutual choice which fulfills patterns created by the combination of dynamics between both wife and hquand. The Instruments Despite its weaknesses, the Blacky Test was demon- strated by the present study as an effective instrument in tapping unconscious material and operationalizing psychoanalytic concepts. However, the emotional resis- tance the Blacky Test engendered in a substantial number of subjects, coupled with its ability to measure only the presence or absence of certain dynamic constellations, point to its fallibility. Casler (1973), among others, cautions that instruments for rigorous testing of psycho- analytic concepts have not yet been devised. These con— siderations, added to the preliminary nature of psycho- dynamic studies of non-parenthood, suggest the value of trying additional methods of inquiry such as the case study approach. 93 Notwithstanding these limitations, the suggestive nature of the present findings proves that the choice of a childfree life can be studied from a psychodynamic point of View and that the topic warrants more intensive future investigation. CONCLUSION A group of voluntarily childfree married women were compared with a group of mothers in terms of psycho- logical development and present personality characteris— tics. Systematic theory and research regarding volun- tary childlessness is sparse. Within the psychoanalytic framework, oedipal conflict and identification are viewed as being determinants in shaping the non-maternal per- sonality. Based upon a review of the literature relating to childlessness, it was hypothesized that voluntarily childfree women, as compared with mothers, would exhibit 'more unresolved oedipal conflicts, weaker identification with parenting aspects of both parents, stronger identi- fication with general attributes of both parents, and more intense unresolved sibling rivalry. With respect to present personality characteris- tics it was further hypothesized that childfree women, as compared with mothers, are more self-directed, more introverted, and more androgynous in their definition of their sex role. Because of their rejection of cultural norms, it was predicted that the childfree women would 94 95 exhibit more signs of stress. The following dimensions of the families of origin of the subjects were also explored: size, sibship, values and life-style of par- ents, and socioeconomic level. The Blacky Pictures were used to operationalize oedipal intensity, maternal identification, and sibling rivalry. Comparisons of Semantic Differential ratings of self and parents were also used as measures of identi— fication. The Personality Orientation Inventory was used to measure self-direction and psychological unease. The Bem Sex Role Inventory was used as a measure of psycho- logical androgyny. The Maudsley Personality Inventory provided measures of introversion and stress. Last, a 2-hour interview was conducted with each subject. Twenty-five pairs of women matched for age, birth order, and level of education were used as subjects. They had been married once and for at least 5 years. They were currently living with their husbands, and were at least 25 years old. One group of subjects had never had a child and said they never would. The other sample group were mothers of planned families. Results using the Blacky Pictures were analyzed by means of Chi2 tests of significance. The remaining instruments generated ordinal data and were analyzed by ‘3 tests of significance of difference between mean scores. All analyses of the predictions were based on one-tailed 96 measures of significance. Additional results used a two- tailed test. According to prediction, the childfree women, as compared with mothers, exhibited more unresolved oedipal conflict, weaker maternal identification, and more intense sibling rivalry. As expected, the childfree women, compared with the mothers, rated themselves as less similar to their fathers on parenting dimensions. Contrary to prediction, they also rated themselves as less similar to him on general personality dimensions. There were no differences between the groups in their ratings of similarity to their mothers on such general personality traits. Concerning present personality, as hypothesized, the childfree women were more introverted. There were no differences in self-direction, androgyny, or stress between the groups. It was suggested this lack of dif— ferences was caused by the careful matching of the sample groups. The demographic data indicated that the child- free women were upwardly mobile. They did not come from small families, nor were they usually only or oldest children. Their childhood homes were conventional. Analysis indicated that the developmental findings fit the psychoanalytic theory of development. The dis- turbance of the paternal relationship of the childfree women can be categorized as oedipal. Their weaker maternal 97 identification is consonant with the lack of resolution of the oedipal constellation. The presence of con- tinuing sibling rivalry was related to the desire of the childfree women to maintain an intense diadic rela- tionship undiluted by children. These results demonstrated the usefulness of applying the psychoanalytic framework to the study of the childfree alternative. Also validated was the ability of the Blacky Test in operationalizing psychoanalytic con- cepts. Despite this, the necessity of additional methods of inquiry was stressed. The nature of identification, starting with the formation of early object relations, was suggested as a future focus of investigation. It was also speculated that in a complex society, certain life experiences which are not confined to infancy and early childhood may assume great significance. APPENDI CES APPENDIX A THE INSTRUMENTS The Bem Sex Role Inventory Items on the Masculinity, Femininity, and Social Desirability Scales of the BSRI Cartoons Used in the Blacky Test Maudsley Personality Inventory Personal Orientation Inventory Directions—-Semantic Differential Semantic Differential--General Form Semantic Differential-~Parenting Orientation Form APPENDIX A THE INSTRUMENTS The Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) Describe Yourself 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Never or Usually Sometimes Occasion- Always or almost never not but infre- ally $3: US$335, almost true true quent 1y true true always true _ l. Self—reliant _21. Reliable _41. Warm _ 2. Yielding _22. Analytical _42. Solemn __ 3. Helpful _23. Sympathetic _43. Willing to take __ 4. Defends own beliefs _24. Jealous a stand __ 5 . Cheerful _25 . Has leadership ——44 ' Tender _ 6. Moody abilities _45. Friendly _ 7. Independent _26. Islggsditgxf/eotzgege _46. Aggressive _ 8. Shy 27 Truthful _47. Gulllble 9 Conscientious - ' . _48. Inefficient — ' 28. Willing to take _10. Athletic “' risks _49° $223.? a _ll. Affectionate _29. Understanding _50. Chil d1 ike _12. Theatrical _30. Secretive 51. Adaptable _13. Assertive _31. herlaalstfiydecisions _52. In divi dualis tic :1: 2::emble _32. Carpassionate _53° $21130] t use _16 . Strong personality —-33 ' Sincere _54 . Unsystenat ic _17. loyal _34' self'SUfiiCient _55. Competitive _18. Unpredictable _35' firfzglsgghe _56. Loves children _19. Forceful _36. Con ceit ed _57. Tactful _20 . Feminine _37. Dominant _58 . Ambitious _38. Soft spoken _59. Gentle _39. likable _60 . Convent ional 40. Masculine 98 99 pH we o>HHomfiod come no soHpHmoo one muomHHoH EowH zoom moHooooHn Hones: one .mp0p:o>oH one so massage mHHw590d ”opoz oHpsETHmzmsa .vm ononH» .N mmeH oxnu 0» wsHHHHB .wm oHnopoHooHosb .wH Enos .Hv ocean a wasp ow wuHHHHB .mv stna=HB .bm wsHosapmHoooD .mm >pHHdoomHoo mocham .mH HsoHHunone .NH Hecate .ev pooHOHmmsmlmHmm .vm HsHHoce .sn oHHonosoesm .mu assHHonuHHom .H oEoHom .Nv :oxomm pmom .mm ooHHsomoz .ow chooon .mm mom .m >HHmno moonHooo moms: .Hm whoopo mo o>HpoHomm .om women one 0H o>HuHmoom .wm oHpmHHdsoH>HosH .Nm oHosHHom .Hm Hosea .sH osmosoooosH .s moHuHHHnd >600: .m :oHoHHso mo>0H .mm oHomHooaoH no: .mm oHomxHH .mm oHnHHHso .bv Hammonom .mH msoHsoh .vm oHucoo .mm usoneon .um paoHonmosH .wv oHooHouanm .vH mmoHHon use mosmmon .v HamoHom .m ooHoHEom .om o>HpH¢ooEoo .mm monHomm asses .nH Hess osooon on Homes .nm oHooHsp< .oH mwsswsmH zHosoHHm .mv ammo: om: no: moon .mm o>HHHomm< .mH HasoHaco>aoo .om ouwsonmsoEou .Nm HdoHahHoo< .NN maoHaooHomooo .m oxHHoHHno .om msoHpHoad .wm oopHoosoo .mm Hsmnoono .m o>Hmmonw< .mw oHnnposo< .Hm opoooHpoomm< .HH HoodoH o no wpo< .mv mEopH Honasoz mEopH osHsHEom maouH ooHHsomn: Hmmm one Ho noHnom sHHHHosHHnoo HnHoom one .soHanHeom .sHHsHHsonos one so nsoHH 100 CARTOONS USED IN THE BLACKY PICTURES TECHNIQUE THE ADVENTURES OF I PAM Cartoon 11: Oral Sadlsm . as ;, ,, “I" “xv." TKOV‘O‘Ziy“ 5.) . ts ‘ J . ‘ 4.4.?) ' "(I .N " Cartoon III: Anal Sadlsm Cartoon 1V: Oedipal Intensity Cartoon V: Masturbatlon Gullt Puu': Envy (Femalu) Cartoon VI: Cnatrntlon Anxlcty (Malt-s): a: Av 7x} -, .\ ‘ 4)" :f "j. 7' .s-‘f snuff. ,. . 3". ‘. , ‘a . Eartoon X: Posltlve Eco Ideal (Males); col-ohm! (F (mam) Cartoon XI: Pom-‘1': Ego Ural (cholu); Love-object (Males) lOl MAUDSLEY PERSONALITY INVENTORY By H. J. Eysenck Name H. - . --_ -1- .___- Age-.. ._._.-.__ Sex Grade or Occupation__-_ _____ . __._.__-- __, _-._____ Date School or Firm _--,__ ___..__.7--__- _ Marital Status--- INSTRUCTIONS Here are some questions regarding the way you behave, feel and act. After each question is a space for answering “Yes,” "?" or ”No.” Try and decide whether ”Yes," or ”No” represents your usual way of acting or feeling. Then blocken in the space under the column headed "Yes" or ”No." If you find it absolutely impossible to decide, blacken . u?” thi n w r on] Section of Answer In the Space headed I but use 5 O S e Y Column Cornflly occasionally. Marked Yes ? No Work quickly, and don’t spend too much time over :: :: any question; we want your first reaction, not a long Yes ? No to omit any questions. Now turn the page over and go ahead. Work quickly, and drawn-out thought process. The whole questionnaire shouldn't take more than a few minutes. Be sure not remember to answer every question. There are no right or wrong answers, and this isn't a test of intelligence or ability, but simply a measure of the way you behave. PUBLISHED BY EDUCATIONAL AND INDUSTRIAL TESTING SERVICE BOX 7234. SAN DIEGO 7. CALIFORNIA UNDER SPECIAL ARRANGEMENTS WITH UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS. LTD.. LONDON. ENGLAND COPYRIGHT © I959 BY H. J. EYSENCK. COPYRIGHT © 1962 BY EDUCATIONAL AND INDUSTRIAL TESTING SERVICE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PRINTED IN U S.A. l0. I4 IS. I8. I9. 20. 2I 22. 23 24. . Are you happiest when you get involved in some prayed that calls far rapid action.> . Do you sometimes feel happy, sometimes depressed, without any apparent reason? Does yoor mind often wander while you are trying to concentrate) . Do you u5ual|y take the initiative in making new friends) , Are yOu inclined to be Quick and sure in yam OCIIOfiS) Are yOu frequently “lost in thought" even when supposed to be taking part in a CDDVCYSOIIOI‘I) , Are yOu sometimes bubbling over with energy and sometimes very sluggishD Wauld yOu rate y0urself as a lively individual) . Would you be very unhappy if you were prevented from making numerous social contacts? Are you inclined to be moody> . Do yOu have frequent ups and dawns in mood, either with Or withOut apparent cause> . Do yOu prefer action to planning far OCIIOn) . Are your daydreoms freQuently abOut things that can never come true’ Are you inclined to keep in the bock~ ground on sonal occasions’ Are yOu inclined to ponder over yOur past? Is it difficult to "lose yOurseIf“ even at a lively party) . Do yOu ever feel “gust miserable" for no good reason at all) Are yOu inclined to be overconscientious? Do yOu often find that you have made up your mind too Iate’ Do you like to mix socially with people> Hove yOu often lost sleep over your warries? Are you inclined to limit your acquaint- ances to a select few.> Are you often troubled about feelings OI guilt? Do yoa ever take your work as if it were a matter of life or death? Yes No No No No No NO No No No No Na NC 102 25 26 27 28. 29. 30 3I 32 33 34. 35 36 37 38 39, 40 4|. 42. 43 44 45. 46. 47, 48. t ' N 7 Are yOur feelings rather easily hurt) Do yOu like to have many sOCioI engage- ments’ Would you rate yourself as a tense or ”highly-strung” indivrdual’ Dc y0u generally prefer to take the lead in group activities> Do yOu often experience periods of lone- ImeSSi> Are yOu inclined to be shy in the pres- ence of the opposite sex> Do yOu like to indulge in a reverie (daydreaming)? Do yOu nearly always have a “ready answer" for remarks directed at you’ Do you spend much time in thinking over good times you have had in the post) Would yOu rate yOurself as a happy-go- Iucky individual? Hove yOu often felt listless and tired far no good reasOn’ Are yOu inclined to keep Quiet when out in a social group) After a critical moment is over, do you u5ually think of something yOu should have done but failed to do? Can yOu uSuOIIy let yOurself go and have a hilariOust good time at a gay party? Do ideas run through your head so that you cannot sleep’ Do you like work that requires consider- able attention’ Have y0u ever been bothered by having a useless thooght come into your mind repeatedly? Are you inclined to take your work casu. ally, that is as a matter of course’ Are yOu tauchy on various subjects? Do other people regard you as a lively individual? Do yOu often feel disgruntled? Would you rate yourself as o talkative individual? Do yOu have periods of such great rest- lessness that you cannot sit long in a choir? Do yOu like to play pranks upon others’ .— Yes Yes No No No No Nc No No No No No No No No No 7‘" ’ ' 103; l"..i ‘ PERSONAL ORIENTATION INVENTORY ~ . .\ g ‘ ‘ "v \. '- «ufO. -- o. .— _‘_..,_ EVERETT I..."SIHQISTROM. rii.o. ‘ DIRECTIONS This inventory consists of pairs of numbered statements. Read ea eh statement and decide which of the two paired statements most consistentlv applies to you. You are to mark your answers on the answer sheet you have. Look at the example of the answer sheet shown at the right. 11' the first statement of the pair is TRUE or MOSTLY TRUE as applied to you, blacken between the lines in the column headed "a". (See Example Item I at right.) lithe seconrl statement of the pair is TRUE or MOSTLY TRUE as applied to you, blacken be- tween the lines in the column headed "b". (See l'Txample Item 2. at right.) If neither statement ap- plies to you, or if they refer to something you don't know about, make no answer on the answer sheet. Section of Answer Column Correctly Marked a b 1. I s: a b 3 f Remember to give YOUR OWN opinion of yourself and do not leave any blank spaces if you can avoid it. In marking your answers on the answer sheet. be sure that the number at the state ment agrees with the number on the answer sheet. Make your marks heavyand black. Erase completely any answer you wish to change. any marks in this booklet. Remember, try to make some answer to every statement. Do not make Before you begin the inventory. be sure you put your name. your sex. your age. and the other information called for in the Space provided on the answer sheet. NOW OPEN THE BOOKLET AND START WITH QUESTION 1. o - .- ... -..- ”WW'V’ qu‘~-O .. noo . — — - -..-0 ©Copyright 1962 by Everett L. Shostrom , ©Copyright 1963 by Educational & Industrial Testing Service I EDUCATIONAL AND INDUSTRIAL TESTING SERVICE SAN DIEGO. CALIFORNIA 92107 . ‘-o‘.-" o - 01 10. ll. . I am bound by the principle of fairness. . I am not absolutely bound by the principle of fairness. . When a friend does me a favor. lfeel thatI must return it. . When a friend does me a favor. 1 do not feel that I must return it. . I feel I must always tell the truth. . I do not always tell the truth. . No matter how hard I try, my feelings are often hurt. . If I manage the situation right. I can avoid being hurt. . I feel that I must strive for perfection in everything that l undertake. . I do not feel that 1 must strive for perfection in everything that I undertake. . I often make my decisions spontaneously. . I seldom make my decisions spontaneously. . I am afraid to be myself. . 1 am not afraid to be myself. . I feel obligated when a stranger does me a favor. I do not feel obligated when a stranger does me a favor. . I feel that I have a right to expect others to do what 1 want of them. . Ido not feel thatlhave a right to expect others to do what I want of them. . I live by values which are in agreement with others . . Ilive by values which are primarily based on my own feelings. I am concerned with self-improvement at all times. . I am not concerned with self-improvement at all times. 104 14. 15. 16. I7. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. (I. b. (I. G’ I feel guilty when I am selfish. I don't feel guilty when I am selfish. . I have no objection to getting angry. . Anger is something I try to avoid. . For me. anything is possible if I believe in myself. . Ihave a lot of natural limitations even though I believe in myself. . I put others' interests before my aim. . I do not put others' interests before my own. .I sometimes feel embarrassed by compliments . . I am not embarrassed by compliments. . I believe it is important to accept others as they are. . I believe it is important to understand why others are as they are. Ican put off until tomorrow what I ought to do today. . I don't put off until tomorrow what I ought to do today. . I can give without requiring the other person to appreciate what I give. . I have a right to expect the other person to appreciate what 1 give. . My moral values are dictated by society. . My moral values are self—determined. . I do what others expect of me. . Ifeelfrce to not do what others expect of me. . I accept my weaknesses. I don't accept my weaknesses. In order to grow emotionally, it is necessary to know why I act as I do. lnorder to grow emotionally. it is not neces- sary to know why I act as I do. . Sometimes I am cross when I am not feeling well. . I am hardly ever cross. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 2 2 5. (3. I0 -I 29. 30. 3 3 3 8 l. 9 do 3. do .Ith . It is necessary that others approve of what I do. . It is not always necessary that others approve of what ldo. . I am afraid of making mistakes. . I am not afraid of making mistakes. . I trust the decisions I make spontaneously. not trust the decisions Imake Spontaneously. . My feelings of self-worth depend on how much I accomplish. . My feelings of self-worth do not depend on how much I accomplish. . I fear failure. . I don't fear failure. . My moral values are determined. for the most part. by the thoughts. feelings and de- cisions of others. . My moral values are not determined. for the most part. by the thoughts. feelings and de- cisions of others. . It is possible to live life in terms of what] want to do. . It is not possible to live life in terms of what I want to do. . I can cope with the ups and downs of life. . I cannot cape with the ups and downs of life. . I believe in saying what I feel in dealing with others. . I do not believe in saying what I feel in deal- ing with others. ' . Children should realize that they do not have the same rights and privileges as adults. . It is not important to make an issue of rights and privileges. . Ican"stick my neck out" in my relations with others . . Invoiil "sticking my neck out" in my relations WIIII others. 105 36. 3b. 89. 40. 41. 43. 44. 45. 4G. a. h) a. b. I believe the pursuit of self-interest is ap- posed to interest in others. . I believe the pursuit of self-interest is not opposed to interest in others. . I find that I have rejected many of the moral values I was taught. . I have not rejected any of the moral values I was taught. . I live in terms of my wants. likes. dislikes and values. . Ido not live in terms of my wants. likes. dis- likes and values . . I trust my ability to size up a situation. . Idonottrust my ability to size up a situation. . I believe I have an innate capacuy to cope thh life. . I do not believe I have an innate capacity to cope with life. . Imust justify my actions in the pursuit of my own interests . . I need not justify my actions in the pursuit of my own interests . . I am bothered by fears of being inadequate. . Iam not bothered by fears of being inadequate. Ibelieve that man is essentially good and can be trusted. . lbelievethat man is essentially evil and can- not be trusted . I live by the rules and standards of society. I do not always need to live by the rules and standards of society. . I am bound by my duties and obligations to others . . I am not bound by my duties and obligations to others. Reasons are needed to justify my feelings. Reasons are not needed to justify my feelings. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 47. 48. 50 . 51. 52. 53. 54. 57. 58. . There are times when just being Silent is the best way I can express my feelings. . I find it difficult to express my feelings by just being silent. I often feel it necessary to defend my past actions. . I do not feel it necessary to defend my past flClIUllS . I like everyone I know. I do not like everyone I know. Criticism threatens my self-esteem. Criticism does not threaten my self-esteem. lbelievethatlaimvledge of what is right makes people act right. . Idonot believe that knowledge of what is right necessarily makes people act right. I am afraid to be angry at those I love. I feel free to be angry at those I love. My basic responsibility is to be aware of my own needs . My basic reslxinsibility is to be aware of others' needs. Impressing others is most important. Expressing myself is most important. To feel right. I need always to please others. lean feelright without always having to please others. I will risk a friendship in order to say or do what I believe is right. I will not risk a friendship just to say or do what is right. I feel bound to keep the promises I make. Ido not always feelbound to keep the promises I make. I must avoid sorrow at all costs. It is not necessary for me to avoid sorrow. 106 60. 61. 63. 64. 66. 67. 68. a. . Appearanu-s . Appearances . I strive always to predict what will happi n in the future . I do not feel it necessary always to predict what will happen in the future. It is important that others accept my point of \‘iew. It is not necessary for others to accept my pomt of view. I only feel free to express wariii feelings to my friends. I feel free to express bOib warm and hostile feelings to my friends. There are main). times when it is more ini— ' portant to express feelings than to eai'elully evaluate the situation. . There arevei'ylt-w times when if is there im- portant to expicss feelings than to carefully evaluate the situation. I welcome criticism as an ommriiinity t‘m' growah. ‘ 3.; not welcnnii- ei'ilieisiii a.~ an opp iriunity for growth. are all-important. are not terribly important. I hardly ever gossip. . l gossip a little at times. Ifeel free to reveal my weaknesses among friends. I do not feel free to reveal my weaknesses among friends. I should always assume responsibility for other people's feelings. I need not always assume responsibility for other peeple 's feelings . I feel free to be myself and bear the consequences. I do not feel free to be myself and bear the consequences. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 60. 70. 71. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. . Happiness 107 . I already know all I need to know about my feelings. . As life goes on, I continue to know more and more about my feelings. . I hesitate to show my weaknesses among strangers. I do not hesitate to show my wea knes ses among strangers. . I will continue to grow only by setting my Sights ona high-level, socially approved goal. . I will continue to grow best by being myself. ' . I accept inconsistencies within myself. . Ieannotaccept inconsistencies within myself. . Man is naturally cooperative. . Man is naturally antagonistic. . I don't mind laughing at a dirty joke. . I hardly ever laugh at a dirty joke. is a by-product inhuman relationships. . Happiness is an end in human relationships. . I only feel free to show friendly feelings to strangers . . Ifeel free to show both friendly and unfriendly feelings to strangers. . I try to be sincere but I sometimes fail. . I try to be sincere and I am sincere. Self-interest is natural. Self-interest is unnatural. . Aneutralparty can measure a happy relation- ship by observation. Aneutralparty cannot measure a happy rela— tionship by observation. For me. work and play are the same. For me. work and play are opposites. 81. 83. 84. 85. 56. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. . Two people will get along best if each con- centrates on pleasing the other. . Two people can get along best if each person . I actively attempt to avoid feels free to express himself. . Ihave feelingsof’ resentment about things that are past. . I do not have feelings of resentment about things that are past. . Ilike only masculine men and feminine W 0 BIG II . . I like men and women who show masculinity as well as femininity. embarrass ment whenever I can. .I do not actively attempt to avoid embarrassment. . I blame my parents for a lot of my troubles. . Ido not blame my parents for my troubles. . Ifeel that a person should be silly only at the right time and place. . I can be silly when I feel like it. . People should always repent their wrong- doings. . People need not always repent their wrong- doings . . I worry about the future. . I do not worry about the future. . Kindness and ruthlessness must be opposites. . Kindness and ruthlessness need not be opposites . I prefer to save good things for future use. . I prefer to use good things now. . People should always control their anger. . People should express honestly—felt anger. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 93. 94. 95. 96. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. I :l b. a. b. a. b. Thetrulyspiritual man is sometimes sensual. The truly spiritual man is never sensual. . I am able to express my feelings even when they sometimes result in undesirable consequences. . lam unable to express my feelings if they are likely to result in undesirable consequences. . I am often ashamed of some of the emotions that I feel bubbling up within me. . I do not feel ashamed of my emotions. . I have had mysterious or ecstatic experiences. . I have never had mysterious or ecstatic experiences. . I am orthodoxly religious. . I am not orthodoxly reiigious. . I am completely free of guilt. . I am not free of guilt. . I have a problem in fusing sex and love. . I have no problem in fusing sex and love. . I enjoy detachment and privacy. . I do not enjoy detachment and privacy. . I feel dedicated to my work. ' . I do not feel dedicated to my work. . Ican express affection regardless of whether it is returned. . Icannot express affection unless I am sure it will be returned . . Living for the future is as important as living for the moment. . Only living for the moment is important. It is better to be yourself. It is better to be popular. Wishing and imagining can be bad. Wishing and imagining are always good. 108 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. . I spend more time preparing to live. . I spend more time actually living. . I am loved because lgive love. . I am loved because I am lovable. . When I really love myself. everybody will love me. . When I really love myself, there will still be those who won't love me. . I can let other people control me. . lean let other people control me if I am sure they will not continue to control me. . As they are. people sometimes annoy me. . As they are. people do not annoy me. . Living for the future gives my life its primary meaning. . Only when living for the future ties into living for the present does my life have meaning. . Ifollowdiligentlythe motto. "Don'twaste your time. " . Ido not feel bound by the motto, "Don't waste your time. " . What I have been in the past dictates the kind of person I will be. . What I have been in the past does not neces- sarily dictate the kind of person I will be. . Itis important to me how I live in the here and ROW. . It is of little importance to me how I live in the here and now. . I have had an experience where life seemed just perfect. . I have never had an experience where life seemed just perfect. . Evil is the result of frustration in trying to be good. . Evilis an intrinsic part of human nature which fights good. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE Ht). 119. 121. -)'J 123. n— A person can completely change his essential nature. . A person can never change his essential lIflIUI'Q. . I am afraid to be tender. . I am not afraid to be tender. . I am assertive and affirming. . I am not assertive and affirming. ' . Women should be trusting and yielding. . Women should not be trusting and yielding. ' . I see myself as others see me. . I do not see myself as others see me. It is a good idea to think about your greatest potential. . A person who thinks about his greatest poten- tial gets conceited. . Men should be assertive and affirming. . Men should not be assertive and affirming. . lam able to risk being myself. . lam not able to risk being myself. - . I feel the need to be doing something signifi- cant all of the time. . I do not feel the need to be doing something significant all of the time. . I suffer from memories. . I do not suffer from memories. . Men and women must be both 'ieldintr and D assertive. . Mcnand women must not be both yielding and assertive. I like to participate actively in intense discussions. . I do not like to participate actively in intense discussions. 109 129. 129. I30. I31. 132. I33. 134. 135. I36. 137. 138. El. 1: D I am self-sufficient. . I am not self-sufficient. I like to withdraw from others for extended periods of time. . I do not like to withdraw from others for ex— tended periods of time. I always play fair. . Sometimes I cheat a little. . Sometimes I feel so angry I want to destroy or hurt others . . Inevei' feel so angry that I want to destroy or hurt others. I feel certain and secure in my relationships with others. . I feel uncertain and insecure in my relation— ships with others. . I like to withdraw temporarily from others. . I do not like to withdraw temporarily from others. . I can accept my mistakes. . I cannot accept my mistakes. I find some people who are stupid and uninteresting. . I never find an' 0 le who are stu id and 3 P0 P uninteresting . . I regret my past. I do not regret my past. . Being myself is helpful to others. Just being myself is not helpful to others. Ihave had moments of intense happiness when IfeltlikeI was experiencing a kind of ecstasy or bliss. . I have not had moments of intense happiness when I felt like I was experiencing a kind of bliss. GO ON TO Till-I NEXT PAGE 139. HO. 11.5. 141. PeOple have an instinct for evil. People do not have an instinct for evil. For me. the future usually Seems hopeful. For me. the future often seems hopeless. People are both good and evil. People are not both good and evil. My past is a stepping stone for the future. My past is a handicap to my future. "Killing time" is a problem for me. "Killing time" is not a problem for me. For me. past. present and future is in mean— ingful continuity. For me. the present is an island. unrelated to the past and future. My hope for friends. the future depends on having My hope for the future does not depend on having friends. 140. 147. 149. II. I can like people “'IUIOUI having to approve of them. I cannot like peOple unless I also approve of them. People are basically good. People are not basically good. Iloncsty is always the best policy. There are times when honesty is not the best policy. . 1 can feel comfortable with less than a perfect performance. I feel uncomfortable with anything less than a perfect pei'loi'niance. Icaiiovercome any obstacles as long as I lie- Iievc in myself. . I cannot overcome every obstacle even if I believe in myself. 111 Directions--Semantic Differential The purpose of this study is to learn why women decide to have children or choose to forego motherhood. The research will investigate some aspects of their personalities and some aspects of their parents' personalities. In filling out this checklist, please make your judgments on the basis of what applies to you. You are to rate yourself and other family members named at the top of each page of the scales. If you feel that the family member at the top of the page is very close to one end of the scale, you should place your check-mark as follows: Kind X : : : : : : cruel Kind : : : z : : X cruel In each case, put your check in the space which best des- cribes the person being rated. If the scale is completely irrelevant, then place your check in the middle space. Please use this space as infre- quently as possible. Kind : : : X : : : cruel Please remember to: 1. be sure to check every scale for every person 2. never put more than one check on a single scale. Although some items may be similar. they are all different. For each person and each checklist, please make a separate and independent judgment. Work at a fairly high speed. Do not worry or puzzle over individual items. Thank you very much for your cooperation. Please note. Do not use the middle space unless absolutely necessary. Semantic Differential--Parenting Orientation PLEASE RATE Giving Uncaring Unprotective Loving IDispensable Self-protective Selfless liberating Rejecting Accusing Tender Consuming Solicitous Teaching Rejecting Frightening Approving Unsympathetic Intimate Replenishing Ungiving caring Protective Indifferent Indispensable Self-sacrificing Selfish Binding NUrturing IDefending Harsh Feeding Unsolicitous learning Accepting Comforting critical Sympathetic Ikmnme USing PLEASE RATE Active Semantic Differential-~General List Angular Beautiful Brave Calm Deep Dirty Fast Happy Hard Hot Honest Loud Obedient Pleasant Poor Rough Sharp Weak Young Passive Rounded Ugly Cowardly Agitated Shallow Clean Slow Sad Soft Cold Dishonest Soft Disobedient Unpleasant Rich Smooth Dull Strong Old APPENDIX B TABLES OF ADDITIONAL BSRI SAMPLE DATA .mnonuozn .nmaoa uofiunaa monnnaanom .cwwooe oHQEam Hdep map ma cance was» aw vow: adacoe one .mcdflcoa moon» anon BoHon no o>onw nonpflo oopoom 0:3 mpoohnsw woosaoafl HH wsoamwOHocm .mpaafiqwaom pad apflqfia Izomwz now mcmfiooe neon o>ond couoom 0:3 mpoonnzm >Hao mocsaonfi H muonmmOAoa¢ ”opoz 5 SH OH v v a: m m m m 5 who oopwwuaohomwficna HH woocmwonoq< H muonawonvc< oaflasowdz onwaflaom macaw .Aom I zv moflnowoawo mcfluoom Hmmm $59 no sumo as muoonnzm no gonadz ”Hm cance .v mmm.¢ mo.m mw.v 0H.muov.m o~.mnov.m oo.®lmv.m unaufiqwaoh mw.v mw.w om.¢ ow.v 0H.®Iow.m mb.m|ow.m OH.®Imw.N mpanflasomdz o90m=wum Hdpoe a: who Hapoe as who madam modHooz monoom mo oqum .Hmmm :pfia cmnwauno mndHUmE Una wmndm ”mm GHQdB APPENDIX C TABLES OF SAMPLE INFORMATION Table Cl: Subjects' APPENDIX C TABLES OF SAMPLE INFORMATION evaluation of emotional climate of home during childhood (N = 50). Evaluation of Climate at Home Group Good Average Poor Childfree l 9 15 Mothers lO 5 10 Table C2: Employment status of subjects' mothers in childhood family of origin (N = 50). Employment Status of Subjects' Mothers Group Employed No Outside Employment Childfree 6 19 Mothers 7 18 116 117 Table C3: Mortality in subjects' family of origin (N = 50). Variable CFa' Mb Death before birth of subject 1 1 . , . Sibling Death dur1ng S s childhood 0 0 Mortality Death during S's adolescence 1c 1 Death during S's adulthood 0 4 Father's death during 8'3 0 2 childhood Father's death during S's O 2 adolescence Parental Father's death during S's 0 1 Mortality adulthood Mother's death during S's 1 2 adulthood Both alive 24 18 aChildfree married women. bMothers. cSuicide. 118 Table C4: Number of children of mothers (N = 25). Variable Median Range Number 2 1-4 Age 4 years 2 months-10 years Note: Included are three sets of twins and three adopted children. Total number of children is 47. 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