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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL NORMATIVE ACADEMIC CLIMATE
IN DESEGREGATED AND PREDOMINANTLY BLACK
ELEMENTARY AND MIDDLE SCHOOLS

presented by

JOHN R . COOK

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Doctorate e—degree 1n Educat ion ‘

 

 

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Major professor

 

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RETURNING LIBRARY bursary: 1

Place in book return to remove - ‘-
charge from of rcuhtion records

—— .._...__—

 

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL NORMATIVE ACADEMIC CLIMATE
IN DESEGREGATED AND PREDOMINANTLY BLACK
ELEMENTARY AND MIDDLE SCHOOLS

By
John R. Cook

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1981

ABSTRACT
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL NORMATIVE ACADEMIC CLIMATE

IN DESEGREGATED AND PREDOMINANTLY BLACK
ELEMENTARY AND MIDDLE SCHOOLS

By
John R. Cook

The purpose of this study was to compare a number
of social psychological variables of school normative
academic climate among higher and lower achieving
desegregated schools and higher lower-achieving
predominantly black schools. More specifically, this
researcher's desire was to determine which of several
school social psychological environmental factors most
strongly predict the variations in the above types of
schools.

Data were collected from a selected sample of
eight desegregated schools and four predominantly black
schools. Schools within each stratum were selected
on the basis of their mean student achievement, as
measured by the Michigan State School Assessment
Achievement Index and the Iowa Test of Basic Skills.
Parts of schools were selected with similar racial
compositions and community types, but with significantly

different mean achievement test scores.

 

John R. Cook

The student questionnaires for this study were
administered to fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh grade
students. Teacher questionnaires were self-administered
by teachers of these same grade levels.

The design of this study, which was descriptive,
included the selection of the sample, collection of
the data, analysis of the data, and the formulation
of implications and recommendations that could be
appropriately drawn from the research. Fifty-five
hypotheses were formulated and tested for this study.
These hypotheses were grouped into five clusters to
form more meaningful factors. The statistical techniques
used to analyze the data included chi-square analysis
of contingency, t-test, and an analysis of variance.

The collected data were statistically tested by three
factors (1) type of school, (desegregated or predominantly
black), (2) race of students or teachers, and (3) achieve-
ment level of school.

In testing Cluster I, Racial Composition and
Instructional Grouping, the data revealed that neither
black nor white teachers desired to teach in an all-
white or all-black school. Cluster I also revealed
that students were grouped for instructional purposes
on the basis of type of school (whether desegregated
or predominantly black), and on the basis of intelligence

test scores .

 

John R. Cook

The data in Cluster II, Teachers' Perceptions,
indicated that it is the nature of the school that relates
to the teachers' perceptions of parents and not the
teachers' race. Cluster II also revealed that in no
instance did black and white teachers differ in their
perceptions of parental expectations and/or their concern
for their pupils.

Cluster III, Students' Perceptions of Academic
Norms, indicated that black and white students in desegre-
gated schools (similar school situations) have similar
perceptions regarding academic achievement. Data in
Cluster III also indicated thatiit is the social psycho-
logical climate of the school that determines how students
perceive themselves and their classmates rather than
their color{]

The data in Cluster IV, Student Perceptions of
Parental Academic Expectations, showed that the social
psychological climate of the students' perceptions of
their parents' academic expectations is lower among
black students than among white students.

The data in Cluster V, Students' Perceptions of
Sense of Futility and Self-Concept, indicated there
is no significant relationship between the sense of
futility for white students and the type of school they
attend. The findings, however, for black students indicated

there is a significant relationship between their sense

John R. Cook

of futility and the type of school they attend. The
data in Cluster V also showed there is no significant
relationship between the self-concept of black students

and the type of school they attend.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

One of the most difficult aspects of writing this
study is listing and thanking those people who are
responsible for guiding me to this level in my educational
career. For those who are not mentioned, space limitation
is the reason, and not a loss of memory or sincere lack
of appreciation.

I would like to thank and express my deepest
appreciation to Dr. Wilbur B. Brookover, my Doctoral
Committee Chairman. Dr. Brookover gave me a new lease
on life, and was the inspirational force that propelled
me to Michigan State University. My personal and educa-
tional experiences with him continue to heighten my
respect and reverence for him. I sincerely thank him,
and am grateful that a man of his calibre has time for
all men.

The other members of my guidance committee were
extremely helpful and I would like to thank them also.
IDr. Richard Hill, I am most grateful for the help you
laave rendered; thank you for exposing me to a new academic
snarld that is now insatiable. To Dr. Marvin Grandstaff,
thank you; the experiences and knowledge that I received
from you truly make it possible for me to write this

paper. To Dr. Larry Lezotte, I sincerely thank you

ii

iii

for the time you took whenever I needed help.

A special thanks is due Dr. Earl "Duke" Harvey,
my research colleague. His encouraging remarks and
his endless contributions are solid factors in my reaching
this stage.

To my mother, Mamie M. Cook, your love, suffering,
and guidance really have made it possible for me to
reach a dissertation. Your unfaltering faith in me,
when all others doubted, has allowed me to deal successfully
with life just as it has allowed me to deal effectively
with this dissertation - I THANK YOU.

My daugher, Marie, has a special kind of thanks
due her. I sincerely appreciate all the trips you made
up and down the stairs for me; words that you found
in the dictionary for me and allowing me to use your
eating space as a desk. The joy and happiness that
you radiate is a constant source of revitalization
for me.

To my wife, Vivian, thank you for the patience
that you have shown in my pursuit of this degree. Only
the love that you possess could have allowed you to
endure all the painstaking tasks that you did during
the writing of this study. I sincerely thank you and

I love you.

List of Tables ..................................

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I.

II.

III.

INTRODUCTION ............................

Statement of the Problem ................
Purpose of the Study ....................
Inventory of the Variables ..............
Hypotheses for Analysis .................
Si nificance of the Problem .............
De imitation of the Study ...............
The Research Design .....................
Abbreviations and Definitions of Terms..

LITERATURE AND THEORY

Introduction ........................ ,,,,
Section I ..............................
Definition of School Climate .........
The Effects of School Climate on
Academic Achievement ...............
Sense of Futility and Achievement....
Self-Concept and Academic Achievement
Expectations and Academic Achievement
School Social Class Climate and

Academic Achievement ...............
Section II .............................
Desegregation and Academic
Achievement ........................
Desegregation and White Flight .......
Political Influence on Busing ........
Busing: The Great Controversy .......
Historical Overview of Busing ........
Section III ............................
Northern Segregation: Defacto DeJure
The Law and School Desegregation .....
Positive Trends on Desegregation .....
THE CASE STUDIES .......................
School No. 1 ...........................
School No. 2 ...........................
School No. 3 ...........................
School No. 4 ...........................

Page

School
School
School
School
School
School
School
School

No.
No.

No.
No.
No.
No.
No.

IV. PROCEDURES AND METHODOLOGY .............

Achievement and Index ..................
Racial Composition .....................
Sample .................................
Instrumentation ........................
Data Collection ........................
Method of Analyzing Data ...............

V. ANALYSIS OF DATA .......................

Review of the Problem ..................

VI. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Hypotheses, Conclusions and Findings of

Teachers .............................

Cluster
Cluster II ...........................
Cluster
Cluster
Cluster
Recommendations ........................

I ............................

III ..........................
IV ...........................
V ............................

APPENDICES ....................................

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................

73
77
82
87
91
95
99
104

109

109
112
112
115
116
117

119
119
133
136
136
139
143
146
150
151
153

175

A4,,“

Table
Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

12

LIST OF TABLES

Design of Study ......................

Characteristics of Schools Selected
for Study: Type of School, Achieve-
ment Level, 2 of Black Pupils, Z of
Black Teachers .......................

Relation of Grouping Types to Other
Variables ...........................

Relation of Teachers' Perception of
Parent Concern for Quality Education
to Other Variables ..................

Relation of Teachers' Perceptions
of Parent Expectations for Their
Children to Other Variables ...... ~...

Relation of Teachers' Perceptions
of Parent Concern for Their Children
Getting Low Grades to Other Variables

Relation of Teachers' Perceptions of
Parents Wanting Feedback on Their
Children to Other Variables ...... ...

Relation of Teachers' Perceptions of
Their Primary Responsibility to
Their Pupils to Other Variables .....

Relation of Students Caring About
Bad Grades to Other Variables ......

Relation of Students' Perceptions
of Peers to Do well in School to
Other Variables ....................

Relation of Students' Perceptions
of Peers Studying Excessively to
Other Variables ....................

Relation of Students Who Tease

Other Students Who Get Good Grades
to Other Variables .................

vi

Page
21

113

121

122

123

123

124

124

125

126

126

127

vii

Table 13 Relation of Students' Perceptions
Parents' Belief in the Educational
Attainment to Other Variables .......... 128

Table 14 Relation of Students' Perceptions
of Parents Expecting Them to Be Good
Students to Other Variables ........... 129

Table 15 Relation of Students' Perceptions
of Parents Expecting Them to Finish
College to Other Variables ............ 129

Table 16 Relationship Between Sense of Futility
of Black Students and Type of School 130
They Attend ...........................

Table 17 Relationship Between Sense of Futility
of White Students and Type of School
They Attend ........................... 131

Table 18 Relationship Between Self Concept of
Black Students and the Type of School
They Attend .......................... 132

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Statement of the Problem

Generally, in predominantly black schools the
achievement levels are much lower than the achievement
levels of predominantly white schools. Studies by
Brookover (1979) and Coleman (1966) indicate that schools
with positive normative academic climates usually have
high achievement levels. Researchers (Harvard Educational
Review, 1966) in the last decade have begun to focus on
more than the dollars in terms of equal education. Years
ago, during the separate but equal era in American educa-
tion, judges and courts made their decisions regarding
equality of education on many tangible and visible vari-
ables. Researchers and educators (Kohn, Harvard Education
Review, 1967), to prove equality in education, presented
the court with such matters as age of school, size of
school, the numbers of hours in school, condition of
toilets, water fountains, furniture and gymnasium. The
list was countless, and parity was attained in many of
these variables between the races. The majority of
white students, however, continued to achieve at a much

higher level than minority students. Obviously, the

answer for the vast number of failures among black students
was not the equalization of the mentioned variables;
compensatory education eliminated many of the negative
variables that educators and judges felt impeded academic
progress among black students. Educators and researchers,
then, began to focus on school social climate and its
effect on academic achievement. Thomas Pettigrew (Harvard
Educational, 1969) comments on Coleman's (1966) findings
regarding school social climate:

The most significant school correlate of achieve-

ment test scores uncovered by the Coleman

Study is social-climate of the school's student

body. This variable is measured by the social-

class origins of all a school's students; and

it appears most critical in the latter grades

and somewhat more important for Negroes than for

white students. Put bluntly, children of all

backgrounds tend to do better in schools with

a predominant middle-class milieu, and this

trend is especially true...where a full force

of peer-group influence is felt.

In the case of court ordered busing as in Detroit
Public Schools, there is a need to study the academic
level of the bused students. The writer is interested
in examining the school social climate in the desegregated
schools. Studies (Rosenthal, 1968 ; Harvard Educational
Review. 1969) have indicated that black students in
interracial classrooms are expected to achieve more than
similar black students in all black classrooms. Brook-
over (1978) has indicated that sense of futility, which

is a component of the school social climate, has a signifi-

cant relation to student achievement. Other studies

(Coleman, 1966: Mosteller, 1972) have substantiated that
minority students in desegregated schools display an
increased sense of control and have achieved at a higher
level than black students in predominantly black schools.
Studies such as these are enlightening and encouraging
in educator's endeavors to find alternatives for low
achieving minority students. The lack of research dealing
with whether the desegregated schools in Detroit Public
Schools fostered positive school social climate and higher
achievement for minority students has led to this study.

The theoretical framework and the definition of
school normative social climate in this study are
derivatives of studies conducted by Brookover et a1.
(1979):

...that the behavior of children in school,

especially their achievement in academic

subjects, is partly a function of the social

and cultural characteristics of the school

social system...In the context of the

school social system, students come to per-

ceive the role definitions, the norms,

expectations, values and beliefs that others
hold for them.

Purpose of the Study

 

The purpose of this study is to compare specific
social and psychological variables comprising school
normative academic environment between the level of achieve-
mermzin desegregated schools and level of achievement in
predominantly black schools. This researcher's desire

is to discover which of those factors studied most stongly

predict variation in, and differentiate between, the level
of achievement in desegregated schools and the level of

achievement in predominantly black schools.

Inventory of Variables

 

The data in this study were collected from the
variables that will be listed in this section. This list
of variables is categorized according to the data obtained

from the students and teachers.

Student Variablesl

 

Race

Self aspiration for education

Reported aspiration of other students
Self drive for educational excellence
Sense of control in school

Self concept of academic ability
Perceived expectations of "best friend"

Perceived evaluation of "best friend"

\0 a: ~o o~ Ln c~ I» «3 rd

Perceived expectation of teachers

H
O

. Perceived expectation of parents

Perceived evaluation of teachers

h‘ r4
h) :4

Perceived evaluation of parents

1See Student Questionnaire, Appendix A

Teacher Variables2

\OCDNOLn-L‘UJNH

Ht—Ip—I
NH0

13.

14.
15.

Race

Preference of school according to racial composition
Grouping practices within school

Grouping practices within class

Importance of standardized tests

Importance of I.Q. scores

Academic expectations of student by race

Academic evaluations of students by race

Reported aspirations of students by race

. Reported parental expectations of students

. Reported parental interest of students

Reported student drive for educational competition
in school by race

Reported student drive for educational competition
in own class by race

Open-class policies in own class of students

Perceived helplessness of students by race

Hypotheses for Analysis

 

Cluster I: Racial Composition
Instructional Grouping

Hypothesis I

There is no significant relationship between preferred

racial composition and the race of the teachers in the

court-ordered desegregated schools.

2See Teacher Questionnaire, Appendix B

Hypothesis II
There is no significant relationship between instruc-

tional grouping and the level of achievement of the

schools.

Hypothesis III

There is no significant relationship between instruc-
tional grouping of students within their classes and the

type of school they attend.

Hypothesis IV

There is no significant relationship between student
assignment to classes and their scores on intelligence

tests.

Hypothesis V

There is no significant relationship between student

assignment to classes and teachers' referral to intelli-

gence tests.

Hypothesis VI

There is no significant relationship between groupings
of students within the classroom and the students' scores

on intelligence tests.

Hypothesis VII
There is no significant relationship between the
grouping of students within the classroom and the

frequency of referral to students on intelligence tests.

Hypothesis VIII
There is no significant relationship between the
importance of students' standardized intelligence tests

and race of the teacher.

Hypothesis IX

There is no significant relationship between the
frequency of referral to intelligence test scores of
students and the race of the teachers.

Cluster II: Teachers'
Perceptions

 

 

Hypothesis X
There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for quality

education and the type of school.

Hypothesis XI
There is no significant relationship between teachers'
perceptions of parental concern about quality education

and the race of the teachers.

Hypothesis XII
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of quality education and the

achievement level of the school.

Hypothesis XIII

There is no significant relationship between the

teachers' perceptions of parental expectations for their

children to complete college and the type of school.

Hypothesis XIV
There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental expectations of their

children to complete college and the teachers' races.

Hypothesis XV

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental expectations of their
children to complete college and the achievement level

of the school.

Hypothesis XVI

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for their
children getting low grades and the type of school

attended.

Hypothesis XVII
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for their

children getting low grades and the teachers' race.

'Hypothesis XVIII
There is no significant relationship between

teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from

school on the progress of their children and the achieve-

ment level of the school.

Hypothesis XIX

There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from
school on the progress of their children and the type

of school.

Hypothesis XX

There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback
from school on the progress of their children and

the teachers' race.

Hypothesis XXI
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from

school and the achievement level of the school.

Hypothesis XXII
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of their primary responsibility

to students and the type of school in which they teach.

Hypothesis XXIII
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of their primary responsibility

to students and the teachers' race.

10

Hypothesis XXIV
There is no significant relationship between the

teachers' race and opened clasrooms.

Hypothesis XXV
There is no significant relationship between
the achievenent level of the school and opened class-
rooms.
Cluster III: Students'
Perceptions of school
Academic Norms
Hypothesis XXVI
There is no significant relationship between

students caring about getting bad grades and the achieve-

ment level of the school.

Hypothesis XXVII
There is no significant relationship between caring

about getting bad grades and the race of the students.

Hypothesis XXVIII

There is no significant relationship between students
caring about getting bad grades and the type of school

they attend.

Hypothesis XXIX
There is no significant relationship between how

students perceive their classmates regarding the importance

ll

of doing well in their school and the achievement level

of the school.

Hypothesis XXX

There is no significant relationship between how
students perceive their classmates regarding the impor—
tance of doing well in their school work and the students'

race.

Hypothesis XXXI

There is no significant relationship between how
students perceive their classmates regarding the impor-
tance of doing well in their school work and their race

in desegregated schools.

Hypothesis XXXII
There is no significant relationship between students
studying excessively for weekly tests and the type of

school they attend.

Hypothesis XXXIII
There is no significant relationship between
students' studying excessively for weekly tests and the

achievement level of the school.

Hypothesis XXXIV
There is no significant relationship between students
studying excessively for weekly tests and the race of

the students.

12

Hypothesis XXXV
There is no significant relationship between
students studying excessively for weekly tests and

their race in desegregated schools.

Hypothesis XXXVI
There is no significant relationship between
students studying excessively for tests and the type

of school they attend.

Hypothesis XXVII

There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of the teasing of students who
get good grades and the achievement level of the

school.

Hypothesis XXVIII
There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of the teasing of students who

get good grades and the race of the students.

‘Hypothesis XXXIX
There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of the teasing of students who

get good grades and their race in desegregated schools.

Hypothesis XL
There is no significant relationship between

students' perceptions of the teasing of students who

13
get good grades and the type of school they attend.

Cluster IV: Students'
Perceptions of Parental
Academic Expectations
Hypothesis XLI
There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their

educational attainment and the achievement level of the

school.

Hypothesis XLII
There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their

educational attainment and the students' race.

Hypothesis XLIII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their
educational attainment and their race in desegregated

schools.

Hypothesis XLIV
There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their

educational attainment and type of school they attend.

Hypothesis XLV
There is no significant relationship between the

students' perceptions of their parents' expecting them

14

to be good students and the achievement level of the

school.

Hypothesis XLVI
There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of parents expecting them to

be good students and the race of the students.

Hypothesis XLVII
There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of parents expecting them to

be good students and their race in desegregated schools.

Hypothesis XLVIII

There is no significant relationship between
the students' perceptions of parents expecting them
to be good students and the type of school they

attend.

Hypothesis XLIX

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and the achievement

level of the school.

Hypothesis L
There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they

(students) could finish college and their race in

15
desegregated schools.

Hypothesis LII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and the type of
school they attend.
Cluster V: Students'

Perceptions of Sense of
Futility and Self-Concept

 

 

 

Hypothesis LIII
There is no significant relationship between the
sense of futility of black students and the type of

school they attend.

Hypothesis LIV
There is no significant relationship between self
concept of black students and the type of school they

attend.

Hypothesis LV
There is no significant relationship between sense
of futility between white students and the type of school

they attend.

Significance of the Problem

 

The significance of this area of investigation
should be as apparent to most educators as it is to

this researcher. Education in America is a yardstick

16

of sort used to measure the economic success of the
masses. ‘Many studies have shown that the educational
atmosphere among middle class white students is more
conducive to academic learning than it is among blacks
and other minority students. Studies have also indica-
ted that blacks and other minorities continue to occupy
the lowest rung of the economic and occupational ladder
because of their inability, or educators' inability,
to successfully cope with the academic curriculum in
school. Apparently, one of the major problems that
has baffled educators is how to deal effectively with
minority students as well as white students who are
citizens of low socio-economic environments.

The rationale behind this current research is
to examine certain variables in various school settings
that are associated with academic achievement. Studies,
though in many cases controversial, have supported that
minority students from low socio-economic environments
perform better academically in desegregated situations.
Desegregation, however, is a slow, laborious, and
acrimonious process that often gets bogged down in
court litigations or by political strategies. Education
still, however, has the responsibility and obligation
to educate all students, regardless of social environ-
ment. This study attempts to investigate certain

variables that will afford us the knowledge, at least

17

to some degree, as to why so many students from certain
types of environments continue to falter and fail in
school. With this knowledge, educators can put forth
an effort to create the same type of educational
atmosphere that permeates the classrooms in middle

class schools. The ideal situation is to place all low
socio-economic students in middle class type school
settings, but realistically speaking, this is impossible
because of the ethnicity of the large cities in America.
Since the job of educating all students is the responsi-
bility of the educators, it becomes their job also to
search for and to foster those intangibles from tradi-
tional successful educational settings to traditional
unsuccessful educational settings. Thus the signifi-

cance of this study.

Delimitation of the Study

The sample in this study is limited to six elementary
and six middle schools. Four of the elementary schools
and four of the middle schools were court-ordered to
desegregate as of January 1976: the remaining schools
are predominantly black. One class and five teachers from
each school were non-randomly sampled. The grade levels
in this study are the fourth grade through the seventh
grade: the racial composition of the teachers is thirty
whites and thirty blacks.

The achievement levels of the schools are based on

18

the IOWA Test of Basic Skills (ITBS) and the Michigan
Education Assessment Program (MEAP). The ITBS is a
standardized achievement test that is administered
every April to third through seventh grades in the
Detroit Public Schools.

The conditions of the collection of data for this

study are:

l. The design of the questionnaires is based
upon recent studies relevant to this study
by educational sociologist, W. Brookover.

2. The questionnaires were given to teachers
who were interviewed, and who were willing
to express their attitudes, expectations,
problems, and perceptions of their students
and themselves.

3. These non-randomly selected teachers were
also asked to allow the researcher to
administer the student's questionnaire

to the students in their classes.

The Research Design
This study is concerned with the school normative
academic environment for students in either of three
types of Detroit Public Schools after January 1976

student reassignment. The three types of schools are:

l9

1. White-Desegregated Schools -—-

 

These were schools "identifiably white"
(more than seventy percent white enrollment)
before desegregation. After pupil reassign-
ment these schools were between forty and

fifty-five percent black.

2. Black-Desegregated Schools

 

There are the schools that were "predominantly
black" (more than seventy percent black
enrollment) before desegregation. After

pupil assignment these schools were between

fifty-five and seventy percent black.

3. Black-Black Schools

 

Schools that are greater than ninety percent

black after pupil reassignment.

The white-desegregated schools had black pupils
bused to them to achieve desired racial composition,
and the black-desegregated schools had white pupils bused
to them to achieve desired racial composition.

The elementary pupil subjects of this study will
include only the ones who took the ITBS (Iowa Test of
Basic Skills) April, 1976 and the MEAP (Michigan
Assessment in 1976).

The middle school pupil subjects of this study
include only the ones who took the ITBS in April 1976,

20

and the MEAP in 1976.
In both the elementary and middle schools, these
desegregated pupils would have experienced a full year

of school desegregation.

Abbreviations and Definitions of Terms

The following is a list of terms and abbreviations

that will be used throughout this study.

1. black-black schools - schools that are greater
than ninety percent black after pupil reassign-
ment in 1976.

2. white-desegregation - (white-deseg.) - are
schools that were identifiably white and
had black pupils bused in and white pupils
bused out.

3. black-desegreation - (black-deseg.) - are
schools that were predominantly black and
had white students bused in and black
students bused out.

4. desegregated pupils - pupils who were
attending segregated schools either
identifiably white or predominantly black

before pupil reassignment in January 1976.

21

TABLE 1
DESIGN OF STUDY

 

TYPE OF SCHOOL ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL OF SCHOOL

 

HIGH MEAN LEVEL LOW MEAN LEVEL
OF ACHIEVEMENT1 OF ACHIEVEMENT2

 

White—Deseg Elem. 2 schools None
Black-Deseg Elem. 1 school 1 school
Black-Black Elem. 1 school 1 school
White-Deseg Middle 2 schools None
Black-Deseg Middle 1 school 1 school
Black—Black Middle 1 school 1 school

 

1Schools where at least sixty percent of the students
scored at national level or above in Reading (ITBS).

2Schools where less than forty-five percent of students
SCHDred at national level in Reading (MEAP).

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE AND THEORY

Introduction

 

The current study will focus its attention upon the
general normative climate of segregated and desegregated
elementary and middle schools and its effects on academic
achievement.

Section I reviews and examines the social and psy-
chological normative climate and its effects on academic
achievement. Section II examines the trends and laws
of desegregation and Section III reviews the effects that

desegregation has on academic achievement.

Section I

 

Definition of School Climate

The normative school climate has different meanings
to different educators. School climate has been referred
to as the physical attributes of the school such as heat,
light, or noise level in the school. Still others use
a variety of psychological social or leadership dimen-
sions such as satisfaction, morale, trust, openness or
(unoperation and characterize them as the school climate

(Lezotte, et a1., 1978). School climate in this research

has the following meaning:

22

23

:..the norms, beliefs and attitudes reflected

in institutional patterns and behavioral

practices that enhance or impede student

achievement. (Ibid., p. 4)

The above definitions encompass every aspect of
the school: every aspect of the school in some way
enhances or impedes the academic achievement of pupils.

The Effects of School Climate
on Academic Achievement

 

Many federal and state compensatory education programs
have had little effect on the poor academic achievement
levels of pupils from low socio-economic and ethnic back-
grounds. The monies of these programs have lowered class
size, have provided specialized teachers, have furnished
the school with modern furniture as well as tons of
innovative teaching materials and supplies. Still the
academic achievement levels of these schools are much lower
than those of predominantly white middle class schools.

R. O'Reilly (1975) states that supervisors and administra-
tors should carefully examine the climate of the school
when assessing their educational programs in their schools.
He further states:

In their (administrators and supervisors) evalu-

ation they also allow for the native ability

and social background of students. Yet, although

they claim to pay a great deal of attention to

actual classroom behavior, they fail to examine

in a systematic fashion the psychosocial environ-

ment of the classroom as a significant variable.

It is proposed here that climate is an important

variable which should be monitored, manipulated

and related to education outcomes. (O'Reilly,
1978, p. 241).

24

A study by Gary Anderson (1970) examines the
influences that the classroom climate has on individual
learning. His study shows that the classroom climate
has different effects on individuals and certain types
of groups. Many groups or cliques develop as a result
of the school social climate, and the forming of these
groups greatly affects academic achievement.

The results suggest that characteristics

of class groups have significant effects

on learning and that there are wide differ—
ences in these effects for students differing
in ability and sex. Cliques, for example,
seem to aid low-ability females, since for
such females cliques are considered to be
school oriented. On the other hand, males
of below-average ability form cliques which
enable them to escape their responsibilities
to the school and substitute for them peer
group non-learning norms. (Anderson, 1970,
p. 150)

Observations by the writer have seen many low
achieving males in elementary schools form non-academic
gangs (cliques) that actually impede learning.

Anderson's study also indicated that the school
climate affected pupils in the following manner:

Classroom intimacy, for another example,

is positively related to learning for

high ability girls, and has negative

effects on learning for girls of lower

ability. Other examples could be cited,

but the main point is that classroom

characteristics do affect learning, and

affect it differently depending on the

students' characteristics. (Ibid., p. 151)

The above quote lends support to O'Reilly's
suggestions that teachers and superiors should monitor

school psychosocial climate and develop ways for

25

improving it.
Sense of Futility and
AEhievement

An important aspect of the total school climate is
the "sense of futility" of the students. Sense of futility
is often confused with self-concept. Self concept refers
to one's feeling that he has some control of his fate or
success. He does not feel helpless or at the mercy of
others. Sense of futility refers to one's feeling that
his fate or success is controlled by others even though
he may have the ability to achieve. The feeling is:
no matter what I do the teacher or system is going to
hold me down or back." James Coleman refers to it as
"sense of control" in his study Eqpal Educational

Opportunity, 1969. His study indicated that minorities

 

had a feeling of low sense of control and this greatly
affected their academic achievement.

A study by Heath, 1970, showed that white students
had a higher "sense of control" of their environment than
black students. This study also indicated that the white
students did better academically than the black students.

Wilson's study in 1969 indicated that middle class
students felt that they controlled their destiny more than
students of low socio-economic status, and thus they
achieved better academically.

A study by Brookover, 1970, School Social Systems

and Student Achievement: Schools Can Make a Difference,

26

reports:

...the schools that are achieving at low
levels are characterized by the students
feelings of futility in regards to thei'
academic performance. This futility is
expressed in their belief that the sys
functions in such a way that they cannot
achieve, that teachers are not committed

to their high achievement...These feelings
of futility are associated with lower teacher
evaluation of their ability and low expecta-
tion on the part of teachers and principals.
The norms of achievement as perceived by

the students and their teachers are low.
Since little is expected and teachers and
principals believe that students are not
likely to learn at a high level, they devote
less time to instructional activity, write
off a large proportion of students as unable
to learn, differentiate extensively among
them and are likely to praise students for
poor work.

These characteristics of low achieving schools
are more frequently found in schools whose
student bodies are black and/or poor. The
exception to this rule, however, demonstrates
that high achievement is possible in schools

composed of minority and poor white students.
(Ibid., p. 235)

The relationship between powerlessness and achieve-
ment is strong according to the above studies. Desegre-
gated schools appear to be a viable method by which to
eradicate the high sense of futility that permeates
social climate of schools predominantly occupied by
blacks or poor white students.

Self Concept and
.Academic Achievement

Benjamin Bloom (1976) as well as other studies such

:as Brookover (1977) emphasizes the importance of self-

27

concept of academic ability and individual achievement.
Bloom states the following: "Thus academic self-concept
is the strongest of the affect measures in predicting
school achievement" (Bloom, 1976, p. 95). Brookover's
work echoes the same:

This body of research demonstrated that
individual self-concept of academic ability
is highly correlated, generally in the range
of .50 to .70, with individual measures of
academic achievement. (Ibid., 1979, p. 95)

Most scientists state that the higher the self-concept
is the higher is the academic achievement level. Self-
concept, however, is necessary, but is not a sufficient
cause of judgement. This, however, is not the case with
blacks in desegregated schools. A study of children in
Baltimore, conducted by Rosenberg and Simmons (1971)
discovered the following:

Black children in white secondary schools
obtain higher marks than those in black
schools, but although high marks are
conducive to high self-esteem black
children in integrated schools still have
lower self-esteem than segregated blacks.

We reasoned that the black children

in the white school are comparing them-
selves unfavorably with either the white
children in their schools (interaction
group) or with whites in general (non-member-
ship group): they are not comparing them-
selves with those of black children (member-
ship group). (St. John, 1975, p. 102)

James Coleman (1965) reported an interesting fact
relative to self-concept and desegregation:
the possibility that school integration

has conflicting effects on attitudes of
minority group children: it increases

28

their sense of control of the environment
or their sense of opportunity, but decreases
their self-concept.

Many social scientists assume that segregation
denigerates black pupils and thus creates low self-
concepts. Brookover (1979), who has done extensive work
in self-concept, discovered the opposite. He reported:

Contrary to much popular assumption, the
academic self-concepts of black students

are now lower than those of white students...
the mean of the school mean self-concept in
30 black schools is significantly higher
than the mean of the school means in the
white schools.

He further explains:

...This finding supports that of other recent
research which indicates that black students
generally have higher self concept of academic
ability than white students (Hera, 1979,
Henderson, 1974). This probably results from
the fact that black students of this age group
(4th and 5th graders) in majority black schools
do not evaluate their ability on the basis

of the middle class white educators‘ evaluations
of their ability, but rather base their con-
ceptions of their own ability on their per-
ceptions of the evaluations made by family
members, fellow students and others in the
school and neighborhood social systems who

are predominantly black. (Brookover, et al.,
1979. PP. 96-97)

Expectations and
Academic Achievement

Another important variable in academic achievement
is teacher expectations. Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968),
in their work Pygmalian in the Classroom, explored the
effects of teacher expectations and found that they had

21 great impact on the achievement levels of minority

29

pupils. Rosenthal and Jacobson's work became known
commonly as the "self-fulfilling prophecy." Rosenthal
summarized his book in the following manner:

The central idea of this book as been that
one person's expectations for another's
behavior could come to serve as a self-
fulfilling prophecy. This is not a new
idea, and anecdotes and theories can be
found that support this tenability. Much
of the experimental evidence for the opera-
tion of interpersonal self-fulfilling
prophecies comes from a research program in
which prophecies or expectancies were experi-
mentally generated in psychological experi-
menters in order to learn whether these
prophecies would become self-fulfilling.

...After the first year of the experiment

a significant expectancy advantage was

found, and it was especially great among
children of the first and second grade.

The advantage of having been expected to
bloom.was evident for these younger children...
The control group of these grades gained

well in IQ, 19 percent of them gaining twenty
or more IQ points. The special children,

however, showed 47 percent 0 their number

gaining twenty or more total IQ points.

(Jacobson and Rosenthal, 1968, pp. 174-76).

Fantini and Weinstein (1968) warn teachers that many
of them forget the formal professional curriculum that
colleges expose to them, and eStablish a "hidden" curricu-
lum. Fantini and Weinstein conclude that this hidden
curriculum fosters preconceived ideas about ethnic pupils.
.According to Fantini and Weinstein, many teachers assimilate
the notion that children who fail are stupid, stubborn,
(Ir naughty: they also feel that pupils who use slang or

poor grammar are slow, uncouth, ill-bred or delinquency-

bound. Many times these teachers, according to some

30

social scientists, have plenty of sympathy for minority
students and expect less of them or are not "tough" on
them academically. Fantini and Weinstein conclude:

Moreover, many teachers unconsciously

employ a self-fulfilling prophecy with

minority group students, i.e., they have

limited expectations of performance

from them. This leads to a cycle of

low expectations-low performance which

further handicaps the youngster. (Fantini
and Weinstein, 1968, p. 199)

Kenneth Clark addressed the seriousness of teacher
expectations of minority pupils and their effects on
academic achievement. According to Kenneth Clark (1956)
many teachers of minority pupils assume the following:

that it is not really worth it to put time

and efforts into teaching negroes because,
after all they will only become frustrated.

There is no point in Ehgir having high

academic aspirations since their lives will

be restricted to menial jobET—_Tl965, p. 127)

An examination of Kenneth Clark's work will show an
agreement with many social scientists that low achievement
of minority students is the result of low teacher expec—
tations. He also reiterates that often teachers in estab-
lising low expectations of their minority pupils feel they
are rendering a humanitarian service. These teachers
feel they are alleviating the number or the amount of
frustrations in their pupils' lives. Kenneth Clark
sunmmrizes his section on expectations by stating:

...a number of teachers in the New York
public school system told white student

interviewers assigned by the authors that
Negro children are inherently inferior in

31

intelligence and therefore cannot be expected
to learn as much or readily as white children:
and that all one would do, if one tried to
teach them as if they could learn, would be
to develop in them serious emotional distur-
bances, frustrations and anxieties. The
humanitarian thing to do for these children
the proponents of such theories maintain,

is to provide schools that are essentially
custodial, rather than educational institu-
tional institutions. (1965, p. 127)

A study by Coates (in Weinberg, 1977) conducted in
North Carolina, illustrated that teachers in their eXpec-
tations yield to stereotypes given to a minority. The
study involved 48 adults who were falsely told that
two black and two white 9-year old boys performed at
equal achievement levels. All four students were pre-
pared by the adults to take an achievement test. The
teachers related to the black children more negatively
than to white students. According to Coates,

Black children tended more to be character-

ized as dull, passive and unfriendly. Male

adults made more negative statements while

instructing black than while working with

white students...the adults were not

responding to behavioral differences in

children of two races...they were expressing
a bias. (p. 237)

 

Weinberg mentions other studies (Rabovits and
.Maehr; Johnson, Tuckman and Bierman, undated) that
Siflbstantiated the drastic effect of teacher expecta-
tixans and how they affect student expectations, and their
Ult:imate effects on academic achievement. Weinberg's
prezscient analyses of the Pygmalian effect compelled

him. to state:

32

Mythology aside, these three studies
strengthen the main finding of empirical
studies which point the important role

of teachers in eliciting responses and
setting up productive interaction between
student and teacher. (Weinberg, 1977,

p. 237)

Brookover's work (1977) provides an explicit account
of how important expectations and other related variables
are in the academic achievement of pupils. Brookover's
work proves that the behavior of children in school,
especially their achievement in academic subjects,
is a function in part of the subculture of the school.
His study regarding expectations is reiterated in many

other studies. He states:

The children take their clues from those
important to them and with whom they inter-
act, attending carefully to their expecta-
tions and definitions of appropriate behavior
for them. In the context of the school social
system, students come to perceive the norms,
expectations, values and beliefs that others
hold for them and act accordingly. (Brookover
et al., 1977, p. 5)

School Social Class Climate
and Academic Achievement

Thomas F. Pettigrew (Equal Educational Opportunity,

1969) states,

The most significant school correlate of
achievement test scores uncovered by the
Coleman study is the social-class climate
of the school's student body. This
variable is measured by the social-class
origins of all of a school's students:
and it appears most critical in the later
grades and somewhat more important for
black than white children. (p. 70)

33

Pettigrew drew conclusions from John Michael's
report that suggested that school social climate was
much more important for deprived students than it was for
middle class students. The Wilson study and the Michael
study (both analyzed in Equal Educational Opportunity)
conclude:

There is a strong effect of the social class
context at even the elementary school level.
After carefully allowing for individual
differences in personal background, neighbor-
hood context, and mental maturity at the

time of the school entry...that social-class
level of elementary schools has a signifi—
cant effect upon subsequent academic success
at higher grade levels.

Findings by Wilbur Brookover and findings by Coleman
(1966): Wilson (1959): Michael (1961) and Pettigrew's
Analyses (1969) lend support to each other. A recent
study conducted by Brookover (1979) indicated the
following:

In the low SES white schools and the majority
black schools the amount of variance in mean
school achievement uniquely attributable to
school climate is considerably greater than
the amount attributed to either of the other
variables. This suggests again that the
school climate variables are somewhat more
powerful explanations of between school
variance in achievement in the less affluent
white and minority group schools. Perhaps
the family background effects in the composi-
tion variables are more likely to be modified
by school climate among children from lower
SES and minority families. (Brookover et al.,
1979, p. 90)

This study feels the above gives testimony for the

importance of desegregation. There have been many other

34

studies (Mayo, 1913; Witty and Decker, 1927; Crowley,
1932, and Crain and Wiesman), all included in Weinberg,
(1975) that lend credulity to the theory that minority
pupils achieve academically higher in desegregated class-

rooms .

Another study (1974) published by Crain and Weisman
(Weinberg, 1975) reported certain beneficial effects of
attending nonsegregated schools to extend considerably
beyond academic achievement by measured tests. They
further elaborate on the importance of the apparent effects
of social interaction between minority students and white

middle class students. Grain and Weisman's conclusions

were:

The students were more likely to complete
high school than drop out: attend college
rather than not; and enter occupations
customarily closed to blacks. For northern
blacks, attendance at nonsegregated schools
also was associated with higher incidence
and degree of home ownership, financial
responsibility, and job stability...such
findings had always been interpreted as
results of higher socioeconomic of Negro
children in nonsegregated schools. Grain
and Weisman, however, reported that
surprisingly, black students in integrated
schools‘do not come from higher status
families than those in segregated schools.
(Weinberg, 1975, p. 120)

Despite certain studies that fail to yield a casual
relationship between minority academic achievement
and desegregation, enough studies of merit have
been done to justify desegregation even beyond the

guarantee of the 14th amendment. The studies that fail

35

to show significant gains in academic achievement (St.
John, 1975) did suggest that racial composition could
affect children's total intellectual, artistic and social
development. The Grain and Weisman report substantiated

that suggestion and the results were positive.

Section II

Desegregation and
Academic Achievement

 

The question of whether academic achievement among
minorities who attend desegregated schools is higher than
those who attend segregated schools is still a debatable
issue among many social scientists. There are some who
agree with James Coleman who detected a difference in
the achievement pattern of desegregated blacks and segre-
gated blacks: others offer the same defense as Nancy St.
John, that adequate data have not yet been gathered to
make a decision.

James Coleman (1966) who probably conducted one of
the most popular studies on public education since the
Brown vs. Topeka, Kansas case (1954) concluded the follow-
ing on academic achievement and desegregation:

For Metropolitan Northeast and Midwest

table 3.3.1 shows the average scores on

two achievement tests received by Negro

students who had attended classes of

different racial compositions at grades

6,9., and 12. Comparing the averages

in each row, in every case but one, the

highest average score is recorded for the

Negro pupils who had a majority of white
classmates. In reading the rows from left

36

to right, the general pattern is an increase

in average test performance as the proportion

of white classmates increases...

...Those students who first attended desegre-

gated schools in the early grades do generally

show slightly higher average scores than do

students who first came to desegregated

schools in later grades. (Coleman, 1966,

p. 331)

The above conclusions by Coleman supply evidence
that minority pupils achieved at a higher level when in
a desegregated situation. Others who examined Coleman's
data attributed the gains to other variables.

Irwin Katz (Equal Education Opportunity, 1969),
professor at the University of Michigan, stated that
an examination of Coleman's work revealed a close
tie between Negro academic achievement and the social
environment of the classroom. He further concludes that
theory or racial differences in the early socialization
of academic motivation is here advanced to account for
some of the favorable effect on Negroes of teachers' and
classmates' competence and attendance at predominantly
white schools. Research, explored by Katz, revealed that
unrealistic self-devaluation and strong anxiety were
common features of Negro behavior in racially isolated
institutions. Katz suggests that these facts can be
‘related to the educational values and practices of Negro
parents and also to the Coleman data on students'

Iacademic attitudes. The above conclusions by Katz

substantiate the theory that many homes of racially

37

isolated pupils do not foster the type of attitude for
high academic achievement.

A study conducted by Nancy St. John (1975) fails
to show a casual relationship between racial composition
and academic achievement. The conclusions of Nancy
St. John's findings are:

In sum, adequate data have not yet been

gathered to determine a casual relationship

between school racial composition and aca-

demic achievement. More than a decade of

considerable research effort has produced

no definitive positive findings...Suggestive

trends have been uncovered, however, as

one important findings: desegregation has

rarely lowered academic achievement for

either black or white children. (St. John,

p. 36)

The Goldsboro Study (in St. John's book), conducted
by Mayer (1973 and McCullough (1972), presented evidence
that black pupils performed better in desegregated schools.
This study, conducted in North Carolina, equalized
facilities, equipment and staff for all pupils. In this
study, the black schools were remodeled: black and white
teachers were reassigned; black principals were assigned
to white schools and vice versa. Assignments of students
'were by grade level instead of reSidence so all students
and schools were affected by the desegregation plans.

Longitudinal comparisons made of third and fourth
grade scores produced the following:

Both blacks and whites gained significantly

relative to national norms in verbal and
mathematical skills.

38

...In verbal achievement all groups made

significant gains with no significant

difference according to desegregation

experience.

...Achievement in arithmetic, on the

other hand, was related to desegregation

experience: black pupils who had longer

experience in desegregated schools made

significantly greater gains than the

new desegregated. (St. John, p. 30)

The contrasting findings among social scientists
relative to desegregation and academic achievement of
minority pupils needs to be further studied. This study
suggests studies which pin point the various in-school
variables that play significant roles in academic
achievement.

Desegregation and
White Flight

Numerous studies, including Poverty and Race by
Robert L. Green, professor of Urban Studies, Michigan
State University, have established that northern urban
school desegregation has been closely tied to residential
segregation. The increase in white flight to the suburbs,
especially since the middle and late sixties has augmented
the racial isolation of urban schools. Many anti-desegre-
gationists and anti-busing people say that white flight
is expedited by the two phenomena. Many politicians
and social scientists were influenced by a James Coleman

conference that suggested urban school desegregated pro-

grams caused a greater loss in white students via white

39

flight.
The writer's use of the term white flight through-

out this study means - white families with school-age

children fleeing interracial schools for white private

and suburban schools.

Green states the following concerning Coleman and

white flight:

In the Spring of 1975, James S. Coleman,
author of Equality of Educational Oppor-
tunity, embarked on a campaign in the
popular press and social science journals
to lend credence to the notion that segre-
gation in large urban school districts
caused white flight to the suburbs. He
claimed that school desegregation programs
resulted in greater loss of whites to
urban schools than would otherwise occur
and where therefore is counterproductive
and not worth the effort. (Green, 1977,

p. 229)

This response by James Coleman denouncing desegrega-
tion on the grounds of white flight caused many social
scientists to challenge him. In Green's book, the
following scholars vigorously disagree with Coleman
for various reasons. Reynold Farley, a noted sociologist,
gathered statistics suggesting that between 1967 and 1972
there was no significant relationship between racial
desegregation programs and loss of white students
111 large or small urban schools in either the North or
the South” A study in California by Jane Mercer and
fTerrence Scout concluded there was no difference in the

'rate of change in racial composion between twenty-three

40

desegregated districts and sixty-seven segregated

districts. The most serious and valid challenge to

Coleman's findings was done by Christine H. Russell,

a political scientist at Boston University. Her
survey analyzed eighty-six northern school districts,

using similar techniques to Coleman's and Farley's, but

she added an analysis of pre-l967 trends. Her comparison

of school districts that were identified as experiencing
high, low and no school desegregation yielded no signifi-
cant differences in the decrease of white students.
Another study that added further doubt to Coleman's
response that school desegregation added impetus to white
flight was conducted by Green and Pettigrew (Green,
1978). This study, based upon the sampling of over
75,000 pupils in large city school districts, concluded

there was no significant relationship between desegrega-

ticnn and suburban white flight. Further investigations

by (Sreen and Pettigrew found "...he (Coleman) had con-
sistently gone beyond his data in his public statements.
COIeman's personal opinions, unfortunately, were
accepted by many as empirically established findings”
(p- 231).

.After two years of heated arguments over Coleman's

findings, Orfield (1978) stated that it was still unclear

Whather desegregation speeded white flight. He concluded

that one 1977 study argued that public reaction to

41

underlying demographic changes in the city and to
deteriorating city conditions would explain the
statistical trends of white enrollment without any
reference to desegregation plans at all. He further

states:

Desegregation, in any case, neither creates
white flight where there was none nor has

a long term impact on the rate of declining
white enrollment. Large central cities

are losing their remaining white students
rapidly even in neighborhoods with all
white schools. Often the decline is
sharpest in aging, well-to-do white
communities some distance from minority
areas. To understand this one only needs
to look at the age level of the female
population remaining in the city. In

1970 the median age for white females still
in Washington, D.C. was forty-six, in
Chicago, thirty seven, in St. Louis, forty-
four, in Detroit, forty, in San FranCisco,
forty one. On the average black women in
these cities were often in the middle of
their child-bearing years. Young white
families were in the suburbs. The
imbalance in school enrollments could

only increase. (Orfield, pp. 100-101)

The paragraph in this section disagrees with
Coleman's 1975 desegregation report and substantiates
man)? current reports that say there is no significant
relationship between school desegregation and white
flight. However, the limited amount of proven data
onthis subject and the many uncontrollable and
unStable variables tend to make this a moot question

in tile milieu of school desegregation.

42

Political Influence
on Busing

 

 

I would like to restate my position as it
relates to busing. I am against busing

as that term is commonly used in school
desegregation cases. I have consistently
opposed the busing of our nation's school
children to achieve a racial balance, and
I am opposed to the busing of children
simply for the sake of busing. (President
Nixon, 1971 cited in Mills, 1973)

The effects of the above quote led many social
scientists, one of whom is Alexander Bickel, to state
that politicians, for selfish reasons, have exploited
busing for desegregation. This exploitation, he feels,
is the catalyst for the negative atmosphere that is
prevalent throughout the nation. Bickel (included
in Mills, 1973) states:

President Nixon, it is widely charged, is

using the busing issue for purely political

purposes, irresponsibily heightening racial

tension and pondering to bigots. Busing

children to school is a common practice

throughout the country, and the amount of

additional busing required... in racial cases

is marginal. Busing, as the President and

other unscrupulous politicians talk about

it, is not an issue, but a code-word, a

scare-word. (p. 27)

Busing for desegregation was the hottest and the
foremost issue in America in the early and mid-seventies.
According to Gary Orfield, the conggessional critics
were many, and very few politicians did much to encourage

busiJng even when positive feedback warranted it. Orfield

ancluded:

43

Richardson (Elliott Richardson, Secretary

of Health, Education and Welfare) testified

for a change (from busing) though he conceded
that the findings of HEW's latest research

on desegregation, which dealt with 225 desegre-
gating southern school systems, were encour-
aging. The study showed that it can be said
clearly that the educational results are

 

 

affirmative.. The results for compensatory
education, he conceded, were less clear.
(p. 105)

Congressional critics still loudly protested busing

for desegregation despite clear-cut evidence that minority

children were achieving better academically, and white
children in desegregated situations were not affected
academically or socially in a negative manner. More
will be said about the above sentence later in this
chapter but not all critics based their stand on racism.
Many studies have alleged that the rudiments of many
anti-busing critics is racism, but there are also
critics who are not racists. They simply oppose busing.
Vernon Jarrett, an editor for the Chicago Tribune writes:
'fiflrat not all white opposition to busing is racists - in
Claéssic definition of racism. But there are those who
are genuinely racists but who refuse to believe it them-
SEIVes" (1979) .

.According to Vernon Jarrett, a large segment of the
blacl: population is anti-busing for desegregation, and
no doubt many have written their congressmen urging its
eradication. One might surmise that this feeling is
Permeating among some minorities as a form of vindication.

Jarrett writes the following:

44

A number of black public figures have mounted
the soap box to denounce busing...

One of the most popular arguments enunciated
by blacks opposed to busing runs like this:
I don't accept the idea that a black child
must be enrolled in a white school in order
to learn how to read. Why can't a child in
an all-black school learn as much as a child
in an all-white or racially mixed school.
(Jarrett, 1979)

The anti-busing themes voiced by the Congressional leaders
still failed to get legislation passed that would prohibit
busing. As was stated earlier, many politicians jumped
on the anti-busing issue to further their political
careers. The latest decision of the Supreme Court indi-
cates that it denotes academic merit in desegregation
as well as feel that busing is going to be a necessity
in accomplishing it.

The Detroit Free Press, July 19, 1979, reports:

The Supreme Court strengthened the power

of federal judges Monday to order massive
busing plans to racially desegregate public
schools in Northern cities.

...Legal experts say the move will allow the
court to act quickly on high priority cases
which might occur during the summer. The
Court's school desegregation opinions were
supplied in a pair of decisions involving
Columbus and Dayton, Ohio.

...Writing for the Court in both cases,
Justice Byron R. White made it clear that
federal judges are free to order desegrega-
tion steps for an entire school district
when they are convinced that a school board's
racial bias had systemdwide effects.

(Detroit Free Press, July 19, 1979)

Despite growing opposition toward busing, there

45

is a growing trend toward school integration. Studies

by Orfield (1973) show that "three decades of surveys

by the National Opinion Research Center showed remarkable
growth of a consensus supporting integrated schools be-
tween 1942 and 1970." The greatest growth and changes
took place in the South. Orfield notes that in 1942

only 2 percent of white southerners supported integra-
tion: in 1956, following the Supreme Court decision,

14 percent supported integration. By 1970, following
civil rights movements, approximately 50 percent of white
southerners supported integration.

Positive public sentiment toward busing, however,
has declined. Orfield and other scholars outline the
following anti-busing reasons which many of them
attribute to Congressional critics:

Some of the basic assumptions, propounded
by officials and widely accepted by the
public, can be summarized quickly. Busing
is very costly. It consumes dollars that
could otherwise be spent on educational
improvements. It damages the education

of white middle class students and does not
help minority students. Often it produces
racial hostility. It tends to speed white
flight and urban resegregation. Many of
the busing plans are arbitrary and irra—
tional schemes imposed by federal judges
with no interest in education. Busing,

in short, is described as an extremely
expensive, irrational, disruptive, and
counterproductive policy. Little wonder
that millions of Americans have said

they support integration but reject this
apparently infeasible approach. (Orfield,
p. 118)

46

A few of the above complaints may contain some
validity. Social scientists, however, have concluded
that most minority students perform better academically
in white middle class settings and the present housing
patterns in urban areas which are segregated. Current
studies (Mills, 1973: Orfield, 1978) show that

Housing segregation is so severe and demo-

graphic trends so unfavorable that busing

is the only way to achieve integration

for the forseeable future in many communi—

ties. Often the only choice is the one

people most wish to avoid - busing or

segregation. (Ibid.)

This dilemma has been a thorn for social scientists,
congressional leaders, and the lay public since the
resurgence of current desegregation plans, and it continues
to be unsolved.

Busing: The Great

Controversy

If busing is not a feasible policy, the Courts have
made a gigantic mistake. In an area where there are
SO Inany sweeping statements and so few summaries of ex-
Perience, it is essential to sort out the elements of
anttilausing critique and examine available evidence, one
issue at a time. If one sets preconceptions aside, it
Shouldsoon become evident that the public debate has
only a passing connection with the findings of social

scientists and the technical information from cities

'Where busing plans are in operation (Orfield, 1978).

 

47

Section III

Historical Overview
of Busing

Transporting children for educational benefits has

been a part of the American tradition for years. Available

literature shows that it only became a shameful strategy

when it was used to achieve desegregation (Garrison, 1978;

Orfield, 1976; Mills, 1973; Jarrett, 1979). Literature

by Mills (1973) supports the fact that a student transporta-
tion act was passed by the Massachusetts farmers who used
horsedrawn wagons to transport students to and from school.
Mills further concludes that by 1900, 18 states had some

By 1919 pupil transporta-
Mills

type of pupil transportation law.
tion at public expense was legal in all 48 states.
contends that there were two forces behind the development

of compulsory busing prior to desegregation rulings, in

*virtually all states. One force was the compulsory atten—

dance 1aws based on the belief that the welfare of the
Starte required all children to receive some education,

and on the consolidation of school centers in rural areas,

Which formerly relied on one room school houses. Addition—

3113?, says Mills, compulsory education for rural children
meant that the circumstances of their lives were not
allowed to deprive them of the kind of education city
Chi~1d.ren could assume by virtue of where they lived. The

above facts give rise to the following question - Is not

Ibusing for desegregation about the business of

48

providing the best educationally for all United States
young citizens?
Northern Segregation:
Defacto/DeJure
Northern politicians and northern school boards
watched detachedly as the South was being ordered to
desegregate its schools. Many northern: school boards
and politicians felt that the southern desegregation
process should be subjected to federal regulation (Levin-
sohn and Wright, p. 15). Studies, however, indicated
that the northern school systems felt that they should
not be ordered to desegregate because of the residential
patterns of their communities (Weinberg, 1975: Orfield,
1978: Levinsohn and Wright, 1976). Most social scientists
disagreed with the northern theory that segregation in
Inorthern schools was purely coincidental and was not
designed as a result of traditional or institutional
Prwajudice. To protect themselves and defend their “
"Pttrely innocence" theory, northern politicans and anti-
dfissegregation lawyers established "legal" segregation
based on de facto or de-jure principles. Studies by
Weinberg (l975),'.Showell'(Leninsohn andWright, 1976)
and Cannison (1978)-suggest that this "smoke screen"
wee; invented by the north simply to continue its segrega—
ti£nn and that it was in direct violation of the 14th

AIllendment in the Constitution. This weak attempt by

49

the northern school board led Muriel Carrison, professor
at California State College, to write the following:

Defacto segregation is supposedly based

on housing pattern; de jure segregation

is purportedly governmentally organized,
condoned and maintained. This distinc-
tion, a spurious smoke screen for de facto
segregation is and always has been a result
of institutional arrangements at the federal,
state and local levels. For generations
school boards have consistently created
neighborhood schools for whites and turned
away black children who attempt to enroll
in the nearest so-called neighborhood
school. (Carrison, 1978, p. 64)

 

The Supreme Court up to this point, 1973, had not
spelled out constitutional requirements for northern
and western states. The north had presented the Court
with de facto and de jure desegregation, quite different
from its dealings with the South. The Court had to
legally and workably define the two terms or completely
dispense with them. Orfield states the three board
alternatives of the Court:

1. The Court could insist on a rigid

definition of de jure segregation
requiring, before the courts acted,
unambiguous proof that local officials
had intended to segregate schools.

2. The Court could accept the claim of

some civil rights groups that all
segregation, however caused, was

inherently unequal and violated the

50

equal protection guarantee of the
constitution.

3. The Court could spell out some less
demanding standards of proof for de
jure segregation, relying more on the
results of patterns of official action
and less on proving the motive of the
officials.

The three above options of the Court have never
been fully defined to urban law makers, nor was urban
segregation ever fully defined. Instead the Court
opted to allow lower courts to follow a new procedure
with a new set of standards. Orfield (1978) concluded,
"This decision pushed the lower federal courts toward
less demanding standards of proof of intent to segregate
without saying just what those standards should be."

The first Supreme Court decision outside of the
South was a case against the Denver school board.
According to Weinberg (1975) the United States Supreme
Court ruled in Keys v School District that it accepted
evidence from a lower court that Denver school authorities
had deliberately segregated part of the city schools.
This evidence supported that the Denver school board
had assigned teachers by race and had channeled students
to certain schools. The Keys v. Denver case was an

extremely important one because it was established in

51

this case that segregation in one part of the community
or system perpetuated segregation in other parts.
Orfield (1978) states:

The decision incorporated a legal theory

scholar has described as the Spread Theory,

which asserts that increasing segregation

in one area usually has spillover reciprocal

effects on other city neighborhoods and

their schools. (p. 17)

Studies have shown that most major school districts
in the South and in the North were usually found guilty
in most desegregation cases (Orfield, 1978: Howell (Levin-
sohn and Wright, 1976): Weinberg, 1975). The courts,
in nearly all of the guilty cases, ordered the segregated
school systems to end segregation by distributing their
students proportionately throughout the system. They,
however, signed some orders leaving a great deal of segre-
gation untouched. Such was the Supreme Court's 1971
Swann decision - a ruling that upheld a plan of approxi—‘
mate racial balance desegregation in Charlotte while
explicitly stating that this was not a required approach.
Even with all the ambiguities resulting from the Swann
decision, busing appeared to be the most feasible means
to end racial segregation in public schools (Orfield,
1978).

The Law and School
Desegregation

 

 

The 1954 Supreme Court decision held that segregated

schools are "inherently unequal" and that when racial

52

segregation results from state laws those laws are
unconstitutional and must be struck down (Orfield,
1978). Although the above became law in 1954, it

was a year later before the Supreme Court in an
unanimous decision spelled out its requirements.

Those requirements were, according to Orfield, that
districts need do only what the local federal judge
thought was adequate locally (subject to broad,

vague guidelines) and change would come with all delib- :
erate speed. The stipulation by the Supreme Court
"with all deliberated speed" established a loop-hole
that allowed local officials to retain their segregated
schools.

Studies have supported that it would take more than
ten years before the Supreme Court would make clear-
cut statements about its aim in eradicating desegrega-
tion (Levinsohn and Wright, 1976: Orfield, 1978).

The following is stated in Orfield's work:

Through the first ten years of desegregation

the Supreme Court continued to insist that

some changes take place but avoided defining

what the final goal of the desegregation

process was. Then in an extremely important

1968 case, the Court held that southern

school districts were obligated not merely

to get rid of the old school segregation

laws, but also to adopt desegregation

plans that produced the most rapid move-

ment toward a system in which individual

schools were no longer racially identifi-

able (Orfield, 1978, p. 15)

The above quote refers to the Green v. County School

53

Board of New Kent County, 391 U. S. 430 (1968). This
case dealt with a small rural district in Virginia
(Orfield, 1978).

Nearly all early court cases dealing with school
desegregation involved southern schools. This led most
pe0ple, as well as politicians, to believe that desegre-

gation was a southern phenomena (Grant, 1979: Weinber,

1975).

Positive Trends on
Desegregation

 

 

Many states (Cronin, 1978) in the early sixties
began to pass legislation that sought to correct the
negative effects of desegregation. New York, in January,
1960, adopted a policy calling "homogeneous ethnic
origin" schools potentially damaging to children "whether
the situation occurs by law or fact." Also in 1960,
the New Jersey Commissioner of Education asserted that
children in Negro schools carried a stigma and "resulting
feelings of inferiority which impaired activities related
to successful learning."

Cronin also cites the following cases where laws
were passed in an effort to eliminate desegregation.
In 1963, Illinois passed the Armstrong Act

which forbade school construction or purchase

of buildings which promoted segregation and

called for action to prevent segregation and

eliminate racial separation in public schools.

In 1966 the law was found to be constitutional

and indicated that state corrective action
is reasonable and related.

54

The Massachusetts legislature enacted the
Racial Imbalance Law which called for the
local and state technical assistance and
provided for tough enforcement techniques
of allowing the state to cut off local
funds for school districts who did not
bring all schools to less than 50 percent
minority students.

New Jersey and New York used general laws
guaranteeing equal opportunity as well as
the specific authority of the State
Commissioners, Allen and Nyquist to issue
orders to local school board districts to
desegregate.

The California State Board of Education,
1963, issued rules in the Administrative
Code which prescribed measures against
attendance areas which tend to establish
and maintain segregption on an ethnic
basis, and in September 1977 adopted regu-
lations which require local districts to
formulate and implement desegregation plans.
In the mid—1960's Michigan, Wisconsin, In-
diana, and Washington State each issued
policy statements on race and education
towards the elimination of segregation.
(Cronin, 1978, p. 3-4)

 

Cronin and others also point out that many states
did nothing toward eliminating desegregation in their
local schools. Many states, however, decided to wait
and see what federal policy evolved before and after
the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The act of 1964 did much
to further the cause of school desegregation, and
encouraged state universities and other colleges to
develop school desegregation assistance centers to
help educate authorities and local schools.

The 1964 federal act also encouraged state education

agencies to apply for federal funds to provide equal

55

educational opportunity units within the agencies.
Acording to Cronin, "The federal government was willing
to pay for technical assistance to assist districts

in court-ordered desegregation and to work with school
districts who sought help." However, many states
appeared to be so intent on segregation, that they de-
clined to pursue or accept such funds for some or all
of the years between 1965 and 1976.

Positive actions taken by states to promote desegre-

gation essentially took four forms. They are:

1. Resolution or policy statements which
identified racial segregation as a concern
and called for action by local districts
to overcome racial isolation.

2. Passage of laws which forbade racial
segregation and directed local officials
to prevent or eliminate discrimination.

3. Orders by state education executives
and boards to achieve racial desegregation.

4. Action to warn districts of possible nega-
tive consequences such as loss of funds if
desegregation or corrective actions were

not prepared.

CHAPTER III

THE CASE STUDIES

The case studies in this chapter are designed to
give one a total view of the kinds of schools that are
investigated. Each case study describes the type of
community, the racial composition of the pupils and
staff, the enrollment of the school, the average class
size and the average pupil attendance rate. The various
types of political structure that exist within each
school is described as well as the political pressure
that is exerted by the community. The stability of the
neighborhood is also included in each case study. From
reading the case study, one should get a vivid picture
of the general overview of the school in addition to the

specifics that set the tone or decorum of the school.

56

57

School No. 1
This is a White-Desegregated high achieving school
(82%). The eighty-two percent represents the percentage
of the students achieving at grade level or above
according to the Iowa Test of Basic Skills (ITBS).
The MEAP Score1 for School No. l is 61.1.

The following is a list of the characteristics of

School No. 1

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 715 118,101
Number of Educational

Staff Members 27 5,002
Minority-Group Pupils 65% 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 50% 55%
Average Class Size 34 32
Average Pupil Attendance 92% 92%

This school is located in a middle-class community
in the northwestern part of the city. The majority of
the parents are firemen, policemen or have other city
jobs. Approximately sixty-five percent of the community

is white: residents in the community informed me that

 

1The Michigan Educational Assessment (MEAP) score
for this school is 61.1. This score indicates that
61.1% of the pupils attained 75-100% of the reading
and math objective on this test.

58

if many of the citizens were not city-employed they would
move to the suburbs. Many parents felt that the educa-
tional achievements of the school were declining; a few
stated that the school was as good as ever.

The principal, a white female in her fifties, felt
that she had a good school and that the community was
supportive. She demanded that her teachers send mimeo-
graphed homework home for the students. She became
principal in 1974, said that academic achievement has
not declined since the 1976 court-ordered desegregation.
She stated that most of the parents of the bused-in black
students often return to school in the evening for school
affairs. She also stated that prior to 1976 the school
was approximately sixty-percent white: now it is thirty-
five percent white. According to the principal, parents
are moving and/or sending their children (white) to private
schools for no reason, because this is a "good school."

The assistant principal, a black male, stated that
the school was "alright", but really was not preparing
the pupils for life. He said that the principal did
reprimand the pupils properly; he felt that the school
had many discipline problems. The assistant principal
seemed to differ in his opinions of the school from those
of the principal.

The school was built in 1963 and is a spacious,

modern building with a more than adequate elementary

59

library. The science room has an interesting laboratory
section for doing experiments. The principal has
established every day from 1:00 p.m. to 1:30 p.m. as
a mandatory reading period. The pupils as well as all
school personnel can read anything they want, but they
must read something. Also every class from Primary I
through fifth grade are scheduled for the library at
least once per week: some upper classes are scheduled
more than once.

The principal stated that she wished that her students
had the opportunity to frequent rural living or farms
the way they do museums, the zoo or manufacturing establish-
ments. She, being from a rural background, felt that
her students were being deprived this valuable experience.
She, however, encouraged her students to visit southern
relatives or relatives in rural situations whenever the
opportunity presented itself.

The school was apparently fully prepared for the
bused-in black students. According to the principal,
the school had to make very few adjustments; she stated
that most of the black students were from middle class
families. She stated that most of her black parents
had the same expectations for their children as white
parents. She also stated that she handled school problems
the same now as she did before 1976. She also implied

that if she had a teacher - black or white - who treated

60

one race or expected more of one race than another, she
would demand they transfer to another situation.

The school is very well kept; the corridors, rooms,
bathrooms and stairs were clean. Many of the classrooms
and the office were recently painted. Outside was also
clean and the lawn was free of paper or trash; the play-
ground had equipment for the primary pupils. This is
not typical for most public schools, and the equipment
had been purchased by a parent group.

The atmosphere of this school is conducive to learning
and teaching. It is not surprising that this is a high

achieving school; it appears to have all the ingredients.

61

School No. 2

 

School No. 2 is also a White-Desegregated high
achieving school located in a community that is still
approximately fifty-five percent white. According to
the Iowa Test of Basic Skills, seventy-four percent of
the pupils are average or better. The MEAP for School

No. 2 is 53.4.

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 509 118,101
Number of Educational Staff

Members 19 5,002
Minority-Group Students 57% 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 42% 55%
Average Class Size 32 32
Average Pupil Attendnace 91% 88%

This school was chosen because the researchers were
unable to find a low achieving school; the reason is
because in the last few years the school system has become
eighty-two percent black.

School No. 2 is located on the fringe of the city,
and is in a predominant white community. Quite a few
of the white residents vehemently protested the busing
of their children out and the busing of black children.
They felt that in a few years the school would be pre-

dominantly black: many of the residents stated that their

62

jobs are the only thing that is keeping them in the
community.

A few black residents also had an aversion to busing
of black pupils in. They also had an aversion to the
neighborhood becoming predominantly or totally black.
Those few blacks stated emphatically that they left their
old community to escape certain school conditions and
certain kinds of pupils.

An informal interview with the teachers reveal
dissension and hostility among the staff members. The
older teachers, the majority of whom were white, were
hostile because some of their colleagues were transferred
to achieve racial balance among professiOnal staff members.
Many of these older teachers, who had the greater building
seniority, felt the educational achievement level of the
building was declining. They felt that they were dealing
with discipline problems now that were never prevalent
in the past. The new staff members, who are black,
referred to the older teachers as being "stiff." They
stated, "The older staff are not only resistant to change
of racial composition, but also to modern and progressive
techniques in teaching." I viewed this competition between
the two groups as good, because each group attempted to
out-teach the other. There was a fierce competition among
the teachers to have the highest achieving class in the

building.

63

Ability grouping was employed throughout the school.
Each classroom had at least two groups for each subject:
some had three groups and two classrooms had four reading
groups with approximately eight pupils in each group.
The teachers stated that the pupils were grouped according
to standardized tests, but by performance in class under
teacher observations. The teachers also felt that most
of their students were capable of completing college:
their greatest fear in this area is that their students
might get a series of poor teachers.

The principal was a black male in his early forties.
The assistant principal was a white male, approximately
fifty years old: he was bitter at the Board of Education
because he could not get a promotion. The assistant prin-
cipal lived in St. Clair Shores, and the Board put a freeze
on promotions for non-city employees. The principal and
he, however, appeared to have mutual respect as well as
a good working relationship. They felt that the teachers
were competent and the pupils were achieving.

The school was constructed in the mid-sixties and
was spacious. The primary grades were located at one
end of the hall, and the upper grades at the other end.
In between the two were the office and the auditorium.
The parent-teacher council had purchased a good, but
not elaborate sound system for the auditorium. The

principal proudly stated the school presented a play

64

or some activity in the auditorium once a month, September
being the only exception.

The school has a number of pupil clubs, groups or
organizations that perpetuate learning. One such group
is the "Higher Achievers": this is a multi-grade level
club of pupils who achieve above grade level. Another
similar pupil organization is the "Grade Climbers": this
club is designed for students who make or attempt to make
considerable appreciable academic gains from one report
card period to the next. Other clubs are "Future
Teachers", "Future Scientists", "Future Lawyers", and
"Young Engineers". All clubs meet once a month and discuss
lessons and information relevant to their clubs. According
to the principal, parental participation is good in these

clubs.

65

School No. 3

 

School No. 3 is a high achieving black-desegregated
elementary school. This school is located in a community
that is approximately fifty percent white. However,
approximately eighty percent of the white residents are
beyond child-bearing age, whereas the black residents
are quite young. The MEAP score for School No. 3 is 49.4.

The following is a list of the characteristics of

 

 

School No. 3.1

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 638 118,101
Number of Educational Staff

Members 23 5,012
Minority-Group Pupils 53% 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 42% 55%
Average Class Size 33 32
Average Pupil Attendance 89% 88%

As was previously stated, this school is located
in a community that is approximately fifty-percent white.
If court-ordered desegregation had occurred in 1974, this
would have been a predominantly white school. In this
school only about 125 black pupils are bused out according
to the principal.

According to the Iowa Test of Basic Skills, seventy-

one (71%) of the students are achieving at grade level

66

or above. The school seems as if it is a smoothly
operated school. Parental involvement in the school seems
to be high. An informal interview with parents, black
and white, disclosed that they thought the school was
efficient in teaching their children. One parent,

who had two children who were slow achievers, praised

the school for its efforts in working with her children.

The building is rather modern, but is not as elaborate
as School No. l or School No. 2. The halls and walls
were rather drab, and they did not have bright or informa-
tive bulletin boards. The school, in many ways, reflected
the community in that the houses were not fancy or elabo-
rate. The custodian appeared to be somwhat careless:
the corridors and classrooms were gritty both times we
went to the school.

The teachers spoke favorably of the parents, pupils
and each other. There appeared to be a genuine concern
for the pupils among the teachers: observations confirmed
the teachers' trust in their pupils--they (pupils) were
allowed to move freely about the class and through the
halls. A few older teachers stated that the most profound
difference since desegregation was the amount of supplies
for pupil use. They stated that years ago they have many
more supplies than they get now. The teachers who were
there prior to 1976 felt that the achievement level of
the school may be better today than it was prior to de-

segregation.

67

The principal is a white male and the assistant
principal is a black male. The principal says the
community is very supportive of him and the school.
According to him, evening activities involving pupils
such as music concerts or plays usually pack the audi-
torium.with parents. He has been the principal at this
school since 1973, and said the transition with degregre—
gation was "very smooth." According to him, there was
no anger by the parents at all. He said, "The parents
of the few white pupils who are bused in fully support
the school and its activities."

The social psychological climate of the school
appered to be very positive. The staff, however, was
extremely "flowery" in their praise for each other as
well as the pupils. The principal can be classified as
a master psychologist, and this was evidenced by his
staff. His physical features might have had a bearing
on his staff which was rather young. Out of twenty-
three teachers, only four of the women were older than
fifty: the rest appeared to be between twenty-five and
thirty-five. He was a handsome and confident principal
with an exuberant personality. This kind of personality
apparently allowed his teachers and parents to approach

him with the greatest amount of ease.

68

School No. 4

 

This school is a Black-Desegregated low achieving
school. Fifty-six percent (56%) of the students are
achieving at grade level or above according to the Iowa
Test of Basic Skills. The MEAP socre is 26.3.

The general characteristics of School No. 4 are

presented in the following chart:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 593 118,101
Number of Educational Staff

Members 25 5,012
Minority-Group Pupils 64% 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 58% 55%
Average Class Size 32 32
Average Pupil Attendance 90% 88%

School No. 4 is located in the southwestern section
of the city. This is a rather old section of the city
even though it is on the fringe. This is just the
opposite of the other fringes of the city. Also, unlike
other fringes of the city, this fringe community is nearly
all black. The few white residents in this community,
and there are only three, are older than seventy years
of age.

Most of the houses in this area are old frame homes

-- forty years or older. The majority of the homes and

69

lawns, however, were well kept; this is contrary to
similar working-class black communities in the inner
city.

The school appears as if it was built around 1970,
and as if it were designed for primary pupils only.

This statement is made because all of the fountains
in the corridors are very low as if to accommodate pri-
mary pupils only.

The bulletin boards were very neatly done and re-
flected the racial composition of the school. The
bulletin boards had Latino, White and Black scenes or
plots.

The school was clean and orderly inside and out.

The playground, however, was bare -- there was no recrea-
tional equipment for the pupils. The research team was
there during lunch, and it was noticed that the only game
the pupils could play outside was "run and tag." As with
all schools in this system at lunch time, the pupils were
supervised by paraprofessionals.

The pupils entered the building quite orderly follow-
ing the lunch period. This appeared to be the general
manner rather than the exception as the pupils and
classrooms were orderly run on each of the three visits
made by the research team.

The princiapl, who is a black man, has been a princi-

pal in the system for eleven years; he was assigned to

70

School No. 4 in 1974. He explained, "this is an extremely
fine school and community and I enjoy both to the hilt.”
His previous assignment as a principal was on the east-
side which is 99% black and is the lowest achieving section
in the system. He referred to his east-side assignment
as a "hell-hole", and that he gladly and graciously
accepted this assignment. The principal appeared to have
good rapport with his teachers: he seemed to respect them
as well as have their respect. He referred to his assis—
tant principal in a very positive nature: he also indicated
that his assistant principal is extremely knowledgeable
about school activities. They both spoke favorably of
the pupils, parents and staff.

The teachers were a middle-age staff; the medium
age of staff appeared to be approximately forty-five to
fifty. Of the twenty-five teachers, nine of them were
males. That is very unusual in this sample among elemen-
tary schools. There was the math teacher, approximately
forty, who for some reason, represented the teachers.
Our three visits revealed that whenever a question arose
concerning the research, he was the one who instructed
the teachers about what to do. He, however, was quite
cooperative: he just asked a number of questions about the
purpose of the study and would schools', students' or
teachers' names be revealed. He really played the role

of an administrator although there appeared to be no

71

friction or conflict between him and the office adminis-
tration. He repeatedly insinuated that the pupils,
school, teachers and administrators had to be protected.

The staff as a whole seemed to be concerned about
the pupil's academic progress. They were disappointed
in the results of the Michigan Educational Assessment
Progress test results as well as the Iowa Test of Basic
Skills test results. The teachers as well as the adminis-
trators stated that they were striving to increase test
results of both types of tests.

The school had a basic curriculum -- Language Arts,
Mathematics and Science. There were no special subject
clubs or accelerated clubs to create or spawn pupils'
intereSt. The only social or learning organizations were
the glee club, service girls and safety patrol.

The Title I Advisory Council was the only active
parent group: this council was comprised of many of the
paraprofessionals and their friends. Also, the para-
professionals were more vocal and active than they were
in any of the previous three schools. I suspect that
the teachers and the paraprofessionals were not very
harmonious. Neither groups spoke highly of the other,
although nothing debasing was spoken by either group.

One would conclude that all factions of the school
did a relative decent job, but very little extra effort

was exerted to raise the achievement level of the school.

72

One would also possibly conclude that there was no
major conflicts among staff members or between the school

and the community that stymied the educational process.

73

School No. 5

 

This school was chosen as a high achieving Black-
Black elementary school because on the Iowa Test of
Basic Skills, eighty-one percent (81%) of its pupils
scored average or above. On the Michigan Educational
Assessment Program, School No. 5 had a score of 55.1.

The following chart shows the characteristics of

School No. 5.

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Evaluated 528 118,101
Number of Educational

Staff Members 29 5,012
Minority-Group Pupils 99% ' 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 60% 55%
Average Class Size 27 32
Average Pupil Attendance 91% 88%

School No. 5 is located on the lower east side of
the city. This section and local school region has the
lowest achievement level in the entire school system.

To the immediate west of the school are some newly
constructed apartments -- approximately eight years old.
These apartments were constructed for people whose income
range is from low to medium-low income. To the immediate
east are old homes, many of which are dilapidated and

abandoned.

74

School No. 5 scored more than twice as well as its
match school which is School No. 6. Also these schools
are only about two miles from each other. As can be
noticed in the descriptive account of School No. 6,
School No. 5 is much more conscious of academic achievement
than is School No. 6.

The community in which School No. 5 is located is
an extremely poor community. Most of the parents are
A.D.C. recipients and the fEW‘WhO work have non-pro-
fessional jobs. The parents are active in school
programs and they praised the school and the administra-
tion, particularly, for the success of their children.

The school is a very old three level school:
it must have been built in the 1940's. On the walls of
the school are murals of famous black heroes -- Martin
Luther King, Jr., Muhammad Ali, Jessie Jackson and many
more. The level of black consciousness and the impor-
tance of academic achievement are vividly displayed every-
where.

School No. 5 has a curriculum that is laced with
a lot of extras. Included in the curriculum are a
science club, a home economics club, an art club,

a math club, future teachers club, and a secretarial
club (clerical club). These clubs meet twice monthly
at designated times. Also, every day from 1:30 to 2:00

everyone, custodial staff included, reads silently,

75

anything one chooses for self enjoyment and self gratifi-
cation.

The staff, including the paraprofessionals, appears
to be extremely concerned about the academic achievement
of the pupils. The age of the staff ranges from approxi-
mately twenty-four to approximately sixty. The staff
is proud of their MEAP scores in the last four years and
readily boasts about them. The staff members seem to
be obsessed with scoring better than suburban schools
and middle class schools in the system. The teachers
and paraprofessionals, many of whom have pupils in the
school, talk favorably about the parents'and their parti-
cipation in school functions.

The principal is a black male and the assistant
principal is a white female. The principal, having been
a math teacher, is the leading person in the math aspect
of the curriculum. The assistant principal, who was a
reading demonstrator teacher for the region, is in charge
of the reading portion of the curriculum. They compliment
each other well and appear to be the most efficient and
proficient team of administrators in this sample. The
administration, albeit it seems to be stern with the staff
members, has a positive relation with them. The teachers
have to send homework home every night except Friday in
math and reading: this is extra work because the pupils

do not carry their books home. The homework must be

76

mimeographed and the teacher must correct it and return

it to the pupils within two days. Most of the teachers

do not seem to mind: there was only one complaining
teacher who says she has a transfer in. The adminis-
tration is very friendly with the pupils, and the research
team noticed the pupils hugging, touching and speaking

to both administrators as they passed through the halls.
The administrators also said they get a lot of assistance
from the parents, the school advisory council and the
School Title I council.

School No. 5 also has a Title I elementary school
counselor. The counselor says she deals most with behavior
problems stemming from the lack of academic success. She
counsels the pupils, confers with the administrators,
contacts the parents, and along with the teachers helps
set up a program of remediation. This, she and the
administrators said, had worked in the majority of their

negative behavior cases.

77

School No. 6

 

This is a low achieving Black-Black school. The
Michigan Education Assessment Program test score for this
school is 19.8. According to the Iowa Test of Basic Skills,
only thirtyétwo percent of the Students scored average
or above.

The following chart is a list of the characteristics

of School No. 6.

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 685 118,101
Number of Educational

Staff Members 30 5,012
Minority-Group Pupils 100% 82%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 66% 55%
Average Class Size 31 32
Average Pupil Attendance 88% 88%

School No. 6 is located in a poverty-stricken
community as is School No. 5. The similarity, however,
between the two schools ends there. School No. 6 is
encased by old homes and old run-down apartment buildings.
The majority of the parents are on A.D.C. or receive
some kind of social assistance. From informal inter-
views, it was revealed that this community is infested
with "dope houses."

This community has no block clubs or other protective

78

social clubs: according to the people, break-ins are
frequent. Many of the people do not knOW‘WhO their next
door neighbor is because the transiency rate is so high.
A car ride through the community by the research team
revealed that the streets, yards and alleys were filthy.
According to the staff and principal, parent participa-
tion in school activities is nil.

The school curriculum was the traditional "old"
curriculum -- reading, writing and arithmetic. The school
curriculum contained no interest clubs or social clubs.
The only extra-curricular activities that the pupils
are engaged in are safety and service persons who direct
pupil traffic in the corridors.

School No. 6 is a modern school that is approximately
five or six years old. The library and science rooms
are especially modern and the science room is designed
for the latest experiments. The table tops have connec-
tions for bunsen burners and have large inset sinks.

The laboratory closet also was stocked with quite a bit
of apparatus and chemical supplies. Observations, how-
ever, led the research team to believe that this science
room was rarely used for experiments. The pupils were
taught science only three days a week.

The professional staff's average age was approximately
30-35 years old. Informal interviews by the research

team revealed that the staff members blamed the demise

79

of the school on the administration. The most popular
complaint was, "We don't get any cooperation from the
office when we have discipline problems...all they do
is speak to the pupils and send them back." The staff
did not appear to have animosity toward each other: how—
ever, they did not appear to have any type of closeness
among themselves: neither did they appear to truly respect
each other. The teachers were also eager to complete
the questionnaires: many teachers felt that administrators
should be observed and evaluated.

The school has twenty-six paraprofessionals. Many
of these paraprofessionals had children who attended
this school, and many of these paraprofessionals were
members of the School Advisory Board and Title I Council.
The research team observed them eating and drinking coffee
as they sat at their stations in the corridors. Conversa-
tions with them brought negative remarks about the staff
and the administrators. Their most frequent remark was,
"They (teachers and administrators) think the parents
in the community are stupid and dumb...they act like
they are too scared to go into the children's home, even
when a sick child has to be taken home."

The principal is a large robust black female: the
assistant principal is a young white male approximately
thirty-five years old. The two administrators appeared

to have good rapport with each other but not with the

80

teachers, paraprofessionals or community. They both
spoke negatively about some aspect of the three mentioned
components of the school. The principal stated that

the teachers only presented the lesson instead of really
trying to teach the pupils. She also blamed many of

the problems, including low achievement, on the Region
Board of Education. She stated, "The Region Board does
not support the local schools." She also said that the
community does not support the school nor does it involve
itself with the school.

The principal has been at this school for four years,
and the assistant principal has been there for two years.
The principal was upset because she felt this school
should have been included in the desegregation order
in 1976. She feels the pupils are in an "academic rut"
(her tersm), because of the environment in which they
live. She states that the schools can't do much because
the home teachings and ways conflict with the teachings
and ways of the school. The principal said that she
and her assistant have repeatedly made attempts to get
the parents involved in school activities. All of their
efforts have been futile ones. The assistant principal
at no time disagreed with the principal: the assistant
really acted as if everything in the school was operating
smoothly. As he walked with the research team to the

car, he said, "The school is a good one and the parents

81

and community don't give us any flak or pressure." He
constantly mentioned that he does not have the community

pressure in the city as his buddies do in the suburban

schools.

82

School No. 7

 

This is a high achieving White-Desegregated Middle
School. The Michigan Educational Assessment Program
(MEAP) for this school is 55.4. According to the Iowa
Test of Basic Skills, seventy-seven percent of the
students scored average or above. The characteristics

of School No. 7 are:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Elementary)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 434 52,060
Number of Educational

Staff Members 20 2,311
Minority-Group Pupils 55% 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 50% 57%
Average Class Size 26 31
Average Pupil Attendance 92% 84%

School No. 7 is located in an area that is approxi-
mately eighty percent white. Most of the fathers in
this community are skilled craftsmen, policemen or fire-
fighters. A very few of them are college graduates.
However, most of the black parents who live in this
community are college graduates. A few of the whites
who were interviewed stated they would leave the city,
but it would end their opportunities because they were
either Board of Education employees or city employees.

One father stated, "I would move out, because now it

83

is dangerous for my wife and daughters to stroll through
the streets after dusk." Another white parent complained,
"The neighborhood has become so dangerous my husband

had to buy a guard dog to protect us: years ago you could
walk the streets any time at night without being afraid,
but not now!"

This school is located in the northeastern part
of the city. The community is a well kept one, and the
homes are modest. Approximately fifty-percent of them
are framehouses (wooden). One would state that this
is a low-middle neighborhood with deeply entrenched ethnic
values.

The school is relatively modern with an up-to-date
library with current magazines, a well supplied science
room, and a media-center with interesting equipment.

The media center was donated to the school as a result
of bake sales and garage sales by the parents.

The inside of the school was extremely clean, and
neatly decorated with bulletin boards. The halls and
rooms appeared to be freshly painted. This is the only
school of the sampled schools that had a white janitor.

The office personnel was quite professional, and
on the second visit had the room numbers where we were
to contact the teachers and administer the questionnaires
to the pupils.

The basic curriculum of the school was spiced with

84

many extras. School No. 7 had a science club, mechanics
club, photography club, future teachers club, modeling
club, a sewing club and a music club. All clubs meet

on designated days from 2:00 to 3:00. This is possible
because most middle schools in the system that are involved
in busing end their school day at 2:00 rather than 3:00.
This early dismissal is done to free the buses so the
elementary students can be driven to their neighborhoods

at 3:00.

The principal of this school is a middle aged slightly
grey-headed white male; the assistant principal is a
black male approximately sixty-years old. The principal
explained to the research team that this is a middle
class community with close ties with active and cohesive
block clubs and other community organizations. He
explained that the community, a few years ago, formed
vigilante groups to combat vandalism and burglary. The
principal also stated that the parents of the community
fought vigorously to stop busing. He, along with other
interviewed parents, stated he was not against desegre-
gation: he was simply against busing. He stated that
parents at parent-teacher conferences felt that schools
were an integral part of a community and should be popula-
ted by children of that community.

The principal has been assigned to this school since

1974. The assistant principal has been an administrator

85

at School No. 7 since 1971. He and the principal appear
to work well together: the assistant principal's per-
sonality is the kind that does not shake the boat. He
stated that all he does is what the principal outlines
for him.

The principal resides in Farmington, a nearby
suburb, and is bitter because he cannot receive a pro-
motion unless he moves back into the city. The Board
of Education members voted to approve a policy that
prohibits promotions of employees who reside outside
the city. The principal stated, "I see this as a policy
that impedes the academic progress of the system.because
it limits the board with its choice to put the most
capable individuals in key positions."

The principal stated that the parents of the community
are quite involved in the school, and they were even
more active before desegregation orders. Again he empha-
sized that they (parents) are not angry because of desegre-
gation, but because of busing. He, however, stated that
the parents supported the efforts of both black and white
pupils. He also stated that there has been a slight
increase in negative behavior. He mentioned gambling,
skipping class, smoking and cursing as the major infrac-
tions that have increased.

The professional staff members appear to get along

well with the administration and the community. All

86

the staff members appear to have at least eight years

of teaching experience. Of the twenty teachers in the
school, the youngest appears to be thirty years of age.
Three teachers at the school preferred not to complete
the teacher's questionnaire: two of them did not want
their pupils to be administered the questionnaire. The
principal left it to the teacher's discretion as to
whether they or their class should complete the question-
naires. The staff, school and the community are quite
traditional and conservative. Everyone approached by

the research team had to be told, and in some cases
convinced, that this study was not radical and strict
anonymity would be adhered to. Only after being assured
of this would they cooperate. Also the black staff members
at this school were very conservative and shared the

opinions and views of the white staff members.

87

School No. 8
School No. 8 is also a high achieving White-Desegre—
gated middle school. The MEAP score for this school
is 53.3; according to the Iowa Test of Basic Skills,
seventy-two percent of the students scored average or

above. The characteristics of School No. 8 are:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Middle)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 674 52,060
Number of Educational Staff

Members 28 2,315
Minority-Group Pupils 60% 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 41% 57%
Average Class Size 33 31
Average Pupil Attendance 92% 84%

Because there were only a few predominant White
middle schools in this system in 1976, there are only
a few White-Desegregated middle schools following the
court-order in 1976. This made it very difficult to
find a low-achieving White-Desegregated middle school;
in fact, we were unable to find one. We, therefore,
sought to find one with a large majority of black
pupils as a result of busing and blacks moving into the
community. The research team also discovered that white
parents allow their children to attend desegregated ele-
mentary school, but enroll their children, especially

girls, in private and parochial schools when they reach

88

middle and high school level.

School No. 8 is located in a transitory community
in the northeast part of the city: the transition is
that whites are steadily moving out and blacks are
rapidly moving in. The community is located on the fringe
of the city, and does not have many of the problems that
the inner city has.

Most of the residents in the community are either
professional or they are skilled craftsmen. This is
true for the black residents who are moving in as well
as the white residents who are moving out. Interviews
with some middle age whites revealed that they were
not moving out regardless of who moved in. These
white residents were adamant about remaining in the
community, keeping up their property, and protecting
their property from vandalism and burglaries.

The school is not a new one: it must have been built
between 1950 and 1955. However, it has many modern
features. The rooms are equipped with movable tables
and brightly colored chairs. The science room.is com-
plete with apparatus and materials to do a number of
experiments in science: the library is spacious and has
a good supply of current magazines.

The curriculum is not laced with a lot of extras.
The only supplementary academic clubs in the school are

science and mathematics. According to the teachers,

89

there is not enough time to deal with a lot of extra
clubs when the academic areas are properly covered in
the basic curriculum.

Seventeen of the twenty-eight teachers are black.

The rapport between the black and white is excellent;
besides planning the school work together and team
teaching (reading and math), they often socialize

together. Some of the teachers explained that the parents
in the community were interested and participated in
school activities. Some of the older teachers (mostly
white) said that the level of academic achievement is
about the same now as it was prior to court-ordered desegre-
gation. The behavior problems, according to these teachers,
are more frequent or severe than they were prior to 1976.
Most of the interviewed teachers stated ”We have some
good pupils, parents and a good school."

The principal is a black male approximately fifty-
five years of age: the assistant principal is young white
female between the ages of thirty-thirty-five. Each
administrator is responsible for a certain number of
teachers: they split the staff in half. Their duties
concerning academic achievement consist of checking
lesson plans, observing teachers, helping design remedial
programs in reading and math for slow achievers and
meeting periodically by grade level to assess the over-

all academic progress of the pupils.

90

The principal explained that the community is not
exactly affluent, but neither do they have welfare or
A.D.C. cases. Both administrators felt that they got
good cooperation from the community, and that the pupils
do well academically because the parents demand that
they get their lessons.

The principal was given this assignment in 1976.

He stated that not many parents moved because of court-
ordered desegregation, but some left because they retired
and moved South or to the Upper Peninsula. He stated,
"They moved to get away from the hustle and bustle of

the city, rather than away from a desegregated community
or school." He said that he was only aware of two fami—
lies who sent their children to private schools; this

is contrary to what interviews in the community revealed.
The white pupil population in the school appeared to

be approximately seventy-five percent male.

91

School No. 9

School No. 9 is a high achieving Black-Desegregated
middle school. The score on the Michigan Educational
Assessment Program for pupils achieving between seventy-
five percent and one hundred percent of the objectives
is 49.7. According to the Iowa Test of Basic Skills,
seventy-four percent of the pupils scored average or
above. The identifying characteristics of School No. 9

are:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Middle)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 260 52,060
Number of Educational

Staff Members 12 2,315
Minority-Group Pupils 65 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 55% 57%
Average Class Size 33 31
Average Pupil Attendance 82% 84%

School No. 9 is located in the southwestern part
of the city. It is surrounded by three small low-income
suburbs. Most of the residents in the area are
laborers for the Ford Motor Company's River Rouge plant.
The homes in this community are rather old frame (wooden)
homes. The residents, however, attempt to keep their
houses painted, their lawns mowed, and their alleys free

of rubbish. This was observed as the research team rode

92

through the community.

The basic central curriculum was supplemented by
a multi-level math club, multi-level reading club, and
multi-level science club. The members in these clubs,
who are mostly high achievers, help the slower achieving
students. School No. 9 also has a club called the
"High Achievers." To become a member or eligible to
join, a pupil must have two consecutive grading periods
Where all grades in all subjects must be "B" or better.
If a pupil makes a "C" two consecutive grading periods,
he is dropped until he/she qualifies again. The pupils
in this school were very grade conscious, and were the
most attentive to the researcher's teams instructions
for completing the questionnaire.

The school, like the community, is quite antiquated.
Even with a progressive type of educational program,
the office and the classrooms are traditional in nature.
Aproximately thirty-four desks fill each room: the science
room, library, auditorium and.careteria are very drab
in their color scheme. Except for brightly decorated
and informative bulletin boards, the entire school is
gloomy.

The staff is approximately fifty percent white and
fifty percent black. They appear to get along well with
the administration: they also speak highly of the

community in terms of encouraging the pupils to learn.

93

The teachers, however, feel that the parents do not
participate or support other school functions. Quite

a few teachers said, "The only time most parents come

out is when their children are in trouble -- academi-
cally or behavior-wise." Even with that type of parental
participation, the parents view of the school is positive
according to the parents.

The teachers also stated that the white and Chaldean
pupils who are bused in had a positive impact on the
school. They said the black students became more compet-
itive' academically when the bused students entered
School No. 9. According to the teachers, the busing
out of some black students also "busted" up some little
"pal groups" that had a negative effect or impact on
the school. For this reason and other reasons, most
of the teachers view busing as good.

The principal is a white male and the assistant
principal is a black male. They both act quite proud
of their school, staff and community: this school out-
scored the surrounding middle schools in Melvindale,
Ecorse, Lincoln Park and River Rouge. The principal
proudly echoed this throughout the interview.

The assistant principal appeared to be the more
powerful of the two; he also designated himself as the
administrator who handled parent conferences especially

if it was of a negative nature. The principal seemed

94

to be an ambitious person who wanted a job at the regional
or central level. Throughout the interview, he often
stated, "If I were at the region, I could design a program
whereby all the kids in this region would pass the MEAP.
These kids (in this region) are not dumb and with the
proper leadership could compete with suburban kids."

He also emphasized that he resided in the city (this
makes him eligible for promotions), and he found it most
enjoyable. He projected and advertised himself much

more often than he did the pupils or school. He, nonethe-
less, complimented his staff and the community as being
very cooperative with him and his assistant. His conver-
sation also implied that he "singularly" or "individually"

is responsible for the pupils' achievement.

95

School No. 10
School No. 10 was selected as a low-achieving
Black-Desegregated middle school. The MEAP score for
this school is 25.9, and according to the ITBS, thirty-
six percent of the pupils scored average or above.

The characteristics of School No. 10 are:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Middle)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 794 52,060
Number of Educational

Staff Members 40 2,315
Minority-Group Pupils 72% 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 72% 57%
Average Class Size 28 31
Average Pupil Attendance 80% 84%

School No. 10 is quite close to School No. 4 in
its location. Like School No. 4, it is located in the
southwestern part of the city. This is a medium low-
income community, most of the residents are blue collar
factory workers.

The homes in this community are quite old and
most of them are frame homes. The houses are not as
well cared for as they should be, and many of the yards
and alleys are littered with trash.

The curriculum of this school was not supplemented

by any kind of academic or interest clubs for the

96

students. The teachers and administration did not express
any interest in academic clubs when it was mentioned
by the research team.

School No. 10 is approximately twenty years old:
however, it appeared to be modern once you entered it.
The halls and rooms were brightly painted, and the bulle-
tin boards in the halls were colorful and informative.
The inside of the building was very clean: this contrasted
to the outside which was littered with paper and trash.

The teachers who were interviewed by the research
team appeared to have very little knowledge about what
their fellow colleagues were doing academically. They
also seemed to be indifferent toward the administration
and the community. They did state that they were
inteested in the academic achievements of the students,
but felt they could not do any more than they were doing
to increase the pupils' learning. The teachers were
relatively young, approximately thirty years old, but
they did not seem to be enthused about teaching. Three
of the interviewed teachers stated they were seeking
employment in other areas.

The principal had held this current position for
seven years. When asked about the effectiveness of his
teachers, he replied, "They teach the lessons, but they
cannot make the pupils learn." When asked why the pupils

fail to learn, he answered, "They just do not seem

97

interested in school work."

The assistant principal praised the work and
ability of the principal although this is one of the
lowest achieving Black-Desegregated middle schools in
the system. He felt, as did the principal, that the
teaching staff was putting forth a good effort. During
the course of the conversation, the assistant principal
implied that the pupils were not ambitious because their
parents are only factory workers. He stated that this
had a big impact on the achievement level of the school.

With Title I and Article III funds, the school had
a Mathematics Laboratory and a Reading Laboratory. Both
labs were equipped with remedial material to work with
pupils who were a year behind in academic achievement.
There were also fifteen paraprofessionals hired under
both of the compensatory educational programs. An inter-
view with several of the paraprofessionals revealed that
the teachers really did not care whether the pupils learned
or not. They stated, "That they (teachers) beat the
kids leaving school at dismissal time. They (teachers)
only care about their paychecks and their cars."

The conclusion by the writer is that the lack of
intereSt on the Staff's part best describes this situation.
The teachers and administrators appear to be extremely
nonchalant about the academic achievement of the pupils.

It was also apparent that the professionals though very

98

little of the community and did not attempt to involve
the parents in any school activities. Also apparent
was that there were very few, if any, extra curricular

activities sponsored by the school for the pupils.

99

School No. 11
School No. 11 was selected as a high-achieving
Black-Black middle school. School No. 11 scored 53.3
on the MEAP and according to the ITBS, seventy-two
percent of its pupils scored average or above.

The characteristics of School No. 11 are:

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Middle
Number of Pupils Enrolled 475 52,060
Number of Educational

Staff Members 21 2,315
Minority-Group Pupils 98% 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 75% 57%
Average Class Size 32 I 31
Average Pupil Attendance 88% 84%

School No. 11 is located in the middle of the lower
east side of the city. It is surrounded by very old
houses and apartments on the east side, but on the west
side of the school a modern low-income housing complex
is being constructed.

The parents in the community are quite active as
a unit in fighting crime and in protecting the school.
They have organized a block-club that alerts each other
and the police when homes or the school are being bur-
glarized or vandalized. Interviews of parents in the

community revealed that there is a lot of repsect for

100

the school: they feel that the school does a lot of
extras for their children. Federal funds have allowed
the school to set-up after school enrichment programs
three days a week. Every Monday, Wednesday and Thursday,
3:00 p.m. - 6:30 p.m., the pupils in School No. 11 can
engage themselves in sewing, baking, modeling, basket-
ball, table tennis, regular tennis (seasonal) and arts
and crafts. These extra curricular activities apparently
generated the parents' interest in the regular school
activities. They speak quite positively about the

school system, teachers, paraprofessionals and administra-
tors.

The regular school curriculum is supplemented
by academic clubs and organizations. School No. 11 has
a math club, higher achievement club, science club and
a reading club. The teachers who direct these various
organizations, volunteer one of their coordinating periods
and meet with these pupils once a week. The higher
achievers club along with a few other pupils also are
taught Spanish three days a week.

The school is an old three story traditional school
building. From the outside, the school is cold and dead
looking, but the inside is conservatively painted. The
cafeteria, auditorium, gymnasium, office and library
were renovated recently by the Board of Education. Cur-

tains and a microphone system for the auditorium were

101

purchased by the pupils and parents through a candy and
potato chip sale. Surprisingly, for an inner—city school,
the corridors and bathrooms were relatively free of
graffiti. The corridors also had informative bulletin
boards, and two information boards that told the pupils
of various events for the week. The floors, rooms, and
steps were extremely clean and free of trash and paper.

The teachers and paraprofessionals express a strong
like for the pupils and parents. The teachers said that
the parents fully cooperated with the school and all
of its activities. When parents are needed to serve
as chaperones on trips or at school dances or sporting
events, the parents eagerly volunteer. A number of inter-
views revealed that the parents supported and made certain
that the pupils did their homework.

The paraprofessionals, all of whom lived in the
community and many of whom had children enrolled in School
No. 11, stated that the pupils knew that their parents
wanted them to learn. According to the paraprofessionals,
the parents' interest and their involvement in the school
kept pupils' negative behavior to a minimum. They
stated, "Only a very few of the parents don't care what
their children do or what happens to them." The thirteen
member community council of the school also have neigh-
borhood meetings in addition to their regular monthly

school meetings. In their neighborhood meetings, they

102

discuss certain children and their behavior, and if that
particular parent is not present, she is visited by the
council. Twice a year the parents, along with their
children, are invited to a pot-luck dinner. According
to the teachers and paraprofessionals, this is done to
improve the relationship between the community and
school.

The principal is a middle-aged white female and
the assistant principal is a relatively young black male.
They were very cautious about what they said concerning
the school. They were also very skeptical about the
questionnaires, and three visits were necessary before
the principal consented for them to be given. The
teachers who took the questionnaire had to meet with
the principal prior to taking it. One of the original
five decided not to take it: she was replaced by a younger
teacher. The teachers who completed the questionnaire
refused to discuss their conference with the principal:
they simply stated, "We will complete the questionnaire
as unbiasedly and as honestly as we can."

The principal and her assistant constantly walked
and monitored the halls and bathroom. They met monthly
by grade level with the teachers to discuss the School
Achievement Plan and the pupils' progress. Each teacher
is required to give a month-end test in each subject

and report the results to the department head. If

103

this evaluation reveals poor achieving pupils, these
pupils are sent to classes of remediation in that or
those particular subjects. The principal also has
arranged sessions where the higher achieving pupils
tutor the lower achieving pupils.

The principal also speaks highly of the parents.
She readily welcomes and is very receptive to the
parents. She had to be assured that the questionnaires
would not reveal anything damaging to the parents or
students. The atmosphere of School No. 11 appears to
be that of another little school system within this big

school system.

104

School No. 12

 

This school was chosen as a low achieving Black-
Black middle school. According to the ITBS, only
twenty-five percent of the pupils scored average or
above. The MEAP score for School No. 12 is 17.7. This
school is one of the worst achieving middle schools in
the system, and, perhaps, one of the worst achieving
in the state of Michigan.

The following chart shows the characteristics of

School No. 12.

 

 

School Characteristics School City (Middle)
Number of Pupils Enrolled 1,407 52,060
Number of Educational

Staff Members 58 2,315
Minority-Group Pupils 99% 81%
Minority-Group Educational

Staff 71% 57%
Average Class Size 31 31
Average Pupil Attendance 75% 84%

School No. 12, as is School No. 5, is located on
the lower east side of the city. The achievement level
of the school in this region is among the lowest in the
school system. This school is approximately a ten minute
ride from School No. 5, which is a high achieving Black-
Black elementary school. However, the atmosphere of

the two schools is as different as a suburban school

105

and an inner city school even though they both have
approximately the same SES level. Nearly eighty-five
percent of the residents in this community receive some
type of social welfare assistance -- mostly Aid to
Dependent Children (A.D.C.). Only about three to five
percent of the residents own their home. The school
is surrounded by old dilapidated apartment buildings
and homes. Interviews with a few of the law-abiding
residents revealed that there are many drug dealers

in the community. Interviews also revealed that many
of the drug dealers' customers are the students who
attend School No. 12.

The school was so chaotic it was very difficult
for the research team to actually ascertain what kind
of curriculum the school had. From observations and
interviews, the research team concluded that some of
the staff members attempted to execute the basic curriculum
of the school system. There were no academic clubs or
social organizations in the school.

The school is a very old building that has been
vandalized inside as well as outside. Many of the windows
and the glass sections of the doors were covered with
boards. The school yard as well as the community were
littered with paper, garbage, wine and liquor bottles.
The inside of the school was also littered with paper:

the doors and corridors were covered with written names

106

of various eastside gangs. As the research team wandered
around the building, it was noticed that many of the
doors were illegally locked with chains. Because of

past problems, all of the middle schools and high

schools in the system have guards that patrol the halls
in the schools. School No. 12, however, has two guards
who constantly walk the halls.

The teachers appeared indifferent to the many problems
of the school. When the research team entered the school,
the smell of marijuana was extremely heavy. The research
team asked a few of the teachers about marijuana smoking
in the school. The consensus reply was, "I wish that
was the worst of our problems," or, "If that was the
worst thing that they did, we wouldn't have a problem."

At this school the two classes were administered
the questionnaire in the library. Even with the teachers
present it was nearly impossible to maintain the necessary
order and behavior to administer the questionnaire.

The teachers appear to have given up on the pupils
and blame the parents, school administrators, regional
and central board of educators. They (teachers) stated,
"Because most of the students are under sixteen years
of age, they (administrators at all levels) will not
allow charges to be made or pressed against a pupil no
matter how serious a criminal act is." According to

some of the teachers, attempted rape and rape have been

107

"swept under the rug."

The thirty-seven paraprofessionals feel that the
sad state of the school and low achieving levels of the
students can be attributed to the teachers and administra-
tors. The paraprofessionals say that the teachers and
administrators are afraid of the pupils, because they
feel the pupils are like a pack of animals. They also
said that most of the high achievers from the feeder
elementary school elect to attend other middle schools
rather than attend School No. 12. They also stated that
most of the good students who do attend School No. 12
are influenced by the many bad students and do not
achieve because they are afraid.

The principal is a black female with a white and
a black assistant principal. Talks with her confirmed
that she is in charge of the curriculum aspect of the
school while her assistants are in charge of the discipline
aspect of the school. She emphasized this by saying that
if her region had been involved in busing that many of
the schools in this region, including her own, would
not be swamped with problems. She also stated that many
attempts and appeals to the parents to try and solve
the academic and behavior problems of the school were
thwarted: parents in the community, according to her,

simply will not participate in school activities.

108

From observations, it was difficult to determine
what type of rapport existed between the principal and
her assistants. Their most obvious commonality was blaming
higher level administrators for not assisting in eradica-
ting the problems of the school. For discipline purposes,
the school was Split so each assistant principal could
monitor certain sections of the school.

There were no talks of plans to overcome the
academic achievement problems of the school by either
the principal or her assistants. The black assistant
stated, when he was alone with the research team, that
it was impossible to install any kind of viable academic
organizations within the school in its present situation.
He stated that there are many cases of extortion in the
school; nearly all of the males in the school gamble
all day; girls must go to the lavatory in groups for
fear of being harrassed or attacked, and the teachers
are afraid to enforce any rules and regulations of the

school.

CHAPTER IV
PROCEDURES AND METHODOLOGY

This study was designed to analyze the differences
in school normative academic climate for a sample of
desegregated and predominantly black elementary and middle
schools. Two groups of schools within the sample are
very similar in racial composition and achievement levels.
This study scrutinizes certain social psychological and
social structural indices of the schools within this
sample. Supporting this study is the literature of many
noted sociologists (see review of literature in Chapter
II) stating that there is a high degree of relationship
between the level of school achievement and the school
social normative achievement climate. Another factor
supporting this study is that if educators controlled
or designed a conducive climate for learning (positive
school social academic climate) in schools, we could
estimate with a certain degree of accuracy the general

level of achievement of those schools.

Achievement Index

 

The standardized index of achievement, used for
the selection of schools for this current study, is the
Iowa Test of Basic Skills (ITBS) and the Michigan

Educational Assessment Program (MEAP). The achievement

109

110

is a composite score of three separate achievement tests;
they are Reading Comprehension, Mathematics Concepts,
and Mathematical Problem Solving.
The Iowa Test of Basic Skills is administered
every April to students who are in the third through
the seventh grade; the MEAP is administered every October.
The Reading Comprehension Tests of the Iowa Test
of Basic Skills measure attainment of the overall goal
of comprehending what is read by including test items
in four major skill classifications:
Details: to recognize and understand stated or
implied factual details and relationships
Purpose: to discern the main purpose or main idea
of a paragraph or selection
Organization: to organize ideas, recognizing common
elements or sequences of events
Evaluation: to evaluate what is read, recognizing

viewpoints and possible generalizations

The Mathematics Concepts Tests of the Iowa Tests
of Basic Skills include items appropriate for different
grades, designed to measure understanding of quantitative

concepts in eleven classifications:

Currency Measurement

Decimals Numeration/Number
System

Equations, Inequalities Percents, Meaning

and Number Sentences and Use

111

Fractions Ratio and Proportion
Geometry Sets

Whole Numbers

The Mathematics Problem Solving Tests measure
competence in problem solving skills by presenting the
pupils with challenging and practical problems in situa-
tions that they might experience in every day living.
The major skill classifications for these test questions

are similar to those for the concepts tests. They are:

Currency Measurement

Decimals Percents.

Fractions Ratio and Proportions
Geometry Whole Numbers

This study attempted to include the socio-economic
status of the selected pupils, but it was impossible
to ascertain because of the pattern of busing. Certain
schools that were located in poverty stricken neighbor-
hoods had a number of students from middle class
families being bused in, and certain schools located
in middle class neighborhoods had poverty stricken
students enrolled in them. These two factors made it
extremely difficult to ascertain the economic status
of the school. However, in Chapter 111, case studies
give descriptive details about the physical plant of
the school, a generalization of the staff, the type of

community, and a general view of the kind of pupils in

112

each school.

Another factor that stymied the inclusion of the
economic level of the pupils in this study was the school
administration. Nine of the twelve administrators inter-
viewed in this study had strong reservations about
releasing socio-economic information about the pupils
in their schools. Four administrators made reference
to the confusion;caused by the socio-status informational
section of the MEAP before it was extracted from the

survey in 1973.

Racial Composition

 

The school racial composition information (percentage
of black/white pupil enrollment) was supplied by the
Department of Research and Evaluation, Division of
Educational Services, Detroit Public Schools. The cri-
teria for designating a school as White-Deseg, Black-
Deseg, or Black-Black depended on the racial composition
of the school before January 1976, and whether white
students are bused in or whether black students are bused

in. Table 2 details the racial composition of the schools.

Sample

The sample for this current investigation consists
of six elementary and six middle schools located through-
out the eight regions in the Detroit Public Schools.

As previously stated, this sample was non-randomly selected

113

TABLE 2

CHARACTERISTICS OF SCHOOLS SELECTED FOR STUDY:
TYPE OF SCHOOL. ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL,

2 OF BLACK PUPILS. 1 OF BLACK TEACHERS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Z 2
Type of Achievement Black Black
School School Level* Students Teachers Enrollment
01 White-Deseg 61.1%
Elem. Higher 82% 65% 50% 715
02 White-Deseg 53.4%
Elem. Higher 74% 57% 422 500
03 Black-Deseg 49,41
Elem. Higher 712 53% 422 635
04 Black-Deseg 26.3%
Elem. Lower 56% 64% 58% 592
05 Black-Black 55.1%
Elem. Higher 812 992 60% 527
06 Black-Black 19.82
Elem. Lower 32% 100% 66% 685
07 White—Deseg 55.4%
Middle Higher 77% 55% 50% 434
08 White-Deseg 53.32
Middle Higher 72% 60% 41% 674
09 Black-Deseg 49.72
Middle Higher 74% 68% 40% 260
10 Black-Deseg 25.92
Middle Lower 36% 72% 72% 794
11 Black-Black 53.3%
Middle Higher 612 100% 64% 659
12 Black-Black 17.72
Middle Lower 25% 99% 712 1407

 

*Top number is MEAP score
Bottom number is ITBS score

114

on the basis of achievement within three strata. These
strata are: White-Desegregated Schools (White—Deseg. -
white pupils bused out and black pupils bused in),
Black-Desegregated Schools (Black-Deseg - black pupils
bused out and white pupils bused in), and Black-Black
Schools (Black-Black - predominantly or totally black
schools that are not involved in busing).

The achievement levels of each pair of similar
schools were dichotomized into high and low achieving
schools. The schools in which sixty percent or more
of the pupils scored grade level or better on the Iowa
Test of Basic Skills (ITBS) were classified as higher
achieving schools. The schools in which forty-five
percent or more of the pupils mastered between 75-100
percent of the objectives on the Michigan Educational
Assessment Program (MEAP were classified as higher
achieving schools). In this study the classification
levels for higher achieving and lower achieving schools
are the same as those employed by the school system to
classify schools as "high needs" schools or "low needs"
schools. A "high needs" school is a lower achieving
school whose needs are high and/or many: a "low needs"
school is a higher achieving school whose needs are rela-
tively low and/or few.

Thirty-two pupils from each school were given

questionnaires to complete. A number of the classes

115

selected for this study was split sections (multi-grade
level classrooms).

Sixty teachers were interviewed as to whether they
would answer the questions on the questionnaire honestly
without fear of reprisals. The teachers were given the
assurance that their individual responses would be con-
fidential, and would not be exposed to the administration.
The racial composition of the teachers was thirty white
and thirty black teachers. All the teachers selected
in this study had to be hired in the Detroit Public
Schools prior to 1976.

Principals were interviewed, but because of their
fragile responses based on what appeared to be fear,
the investigator chose not to issue them questionnaires.
During the interview, the principals appeared to evade
certain questions and would not make commitments to answer

all questions on the questionnaire unbiasedly.

Instrumentation

The instruments used for this current investigation
and analysis consisted of two separate, but interrelated,
questionnaires. One questionnaire was given to each
student, and one questionnaire was given to each teacher.
These questionnaires were the ones originally designed
by Wilbur B. Brookover for use in the study of school

social climate. These two sets of questionnaires are

116

interrelated because both sets contain similar questions
designed to elicit attitudes, beliefs, perceptions of
attitudes, and beliefs of sampled individuals. The
original instruments were used and pre-tested in similar
studies which resulted in the elimination or the restating
of certain questions in Which respondents experienced
difficulties in understanding or intended meaning. These

two questionnaires are reproduced in Appendices A and B.

Data Collection

 

The students were administered the questionnaire in
classroom by the research team. The questionnaire, in
many instances, was read and explained to the students,
depending on their level of achievement and level of
comprehension. The teacher was asked to leave the class-
room while the questionnaire was being administered to
the pupils: this insured the anonymity of the responses
of the pupils.

The teacher questionnaire was totally self-admin-
istered; they completed their questionnaires in another
room while the research team administered the pupil
questionnaire. The selected teachers within each
school were given permission to confer with each other
concerning certain questions that were on the question-
naire. They, however, were asked not to discuss the

questionnaire with the principal before completing it.

117

The research was assisted by Dr. Earl Harvey and
Earl Price. Both have extensive experience in the
Detroit Public School System. The years of experience
in the school system afforded the investigator and the
other research members the luxury of knowing a little

about the customs of the investigated schools.

Analysis of Data

Two way cross-tabulation and analysis of variance
was used to analyze the collected data. A chi-square
analysis of contingency table was employed for the pur-
pose of the relationship between certain individual
attitudes and perceptions of teachers measured by their
responses on the questionnaire and the race of the
teacher as well as the race of the students.

The T—Test was employed in the analysis of certain
data to analyze the differences between the responses
of black teachers and white teachers and their perceptions
of black and white students.

In most cases, each individual question of the
questionnaire was analyzed: however, in certain cases,
clusters of questions were examined. Clusters were
formed, because in some questions and hypotheses a number
of related questions was needed to arrive at a single
conclusion.

Chapter IV has presented the organization of the

118

study and the research procedures that were used. Chapter
V presents a discussion and an examination of the collected

data.

CHAPTER V

ANALYSIS OF DATA

Review of the Problem

 

Usually in every geographical region in America,
predominantly white schools achieve at a higher academic
level than do predominantly black schools. In the past,
concerned educators and legislators felt that the physical
conditions of the black schools and the lack of teaching
materials were the cause of such low academic achievement
among predominantly black schools. The compensatory
education programs, which began in the 1960's eliminated
many of the physical inequities that existed among the
three types of researched schools. Parity in academic
achievement, however, was not accomplished. Thought was
given to the differences in the educational training
of white teachers and black teachers. To combat this,
federal funds were granted to establish workshops to
upgrade black teachers in many predominantly black school
systems: this again did not result in establishing
academic parity among the three types of schools
researched. The failure of the above efforts led many
educational sociologists to examine the social academic

climate of the schools. Studies by educational pioneer,

119

120

Wilbur Brookover (Chapter 11), discovered that the social
academic climate of the school was an important variable
in the learning process of students. The attitudes, per-
ceptions and expectations of teachers, administrators
and parents comprising the school social academic climate
were found to have a great impact on the level of academic
achievement within the school.

The following pages analyze the school social academic
climate and its relationship to other variables that affect

academic achievement of pupils.

There are nine hypotheses in the cluster that deal
with instructional grouping. Hypotheses II, VIII and
IX were not rejected. These hypotheses indicate there
is no significant relationship between certain variables
within the school normative climate and instructional
grouping. The findings of these hypotheses indicate that
instructional grouping may be occurring on the basis of
some variables other than the ones within the school
normative climate.

Hypotheses III, IV, V, VI and VII were rejected;
these results indicate there is a significant relation-
ship between some variables within the school normative
climate and the instructional grouping of pupils.

The following is a table that shows the relation

of grouping to other variables.

121

TABLE 3

RELATION OF GROUPING TYPES TO
OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

 

Achievement

Level of
School

Race of
Teachers

5.53 3 .1364 Accepted

.66 2 .7160 Accepted

 

Type of
School

29.19 15 .0152 Rejected

Teachers' perceptions are an important component of

the school normative climate. The finding for teachers'

perceptions in this study reveal that it is the nature

of the school that relates to teachers' perceptions of

parents and not the race of the teacher.

In this study, teacher perceptions of parents

were examined by five components of the school normative

climate.
1.
2.

Those components are:

Parental concern for quality education
Parental expectations of their children
Parental concern about their children getting
low grades

Parents wanting feedback on their children
Teacher perceptions of their primary

responsibility to their children

The above clusters of teachers' perceptions were

examined by three variables: 1) race of the teachers,

122

2) achievement level of the school, and 3) the type of
school. The findings in this study show that in no
instance did race make a difference in the teachers'
perceptions of parents. The only significant difference
in black and white teachers' perceptions occurred in
their perceptions of their primary educational responsi-
bility to their pupils.

The following set of tables will show the relations

of teachers' perceptions to other variables.

TABLE 4

RELATION OF TEACHERS' PERCEPTION OF
PARENT CONCERN FOR QUALITY EDUCATION
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Type of
School 67.63 20 .0000 Rejected

Race of
Teachers 6.10 3 .1916 Accepted

Achievement
Level of
Teachers 9.76 4 .0446 Rejected

123

TABLE 5

RELATION OF TEACHERS' PERCEPTION OF
PARENT EXPECTATIONS FOR THEIR CHILDREN
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

 

 

 

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Type of

School 57.17 15 .0000 Rejected

Race of

Teachers .69 3 .8742 Accepted
Achievement

Level of

School 8.84 3 .0451 Rejected

TABLE 6

RELATION OF TEACHERS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PARENT CONCERN FOR THEIR CHILDREN
GETTING LOW GRADES
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

 

Type of
School 70.84 20 .0000 Rejected

 

Race of
Teachers .79 4 .9393 Accepted

 

Achievement.
Level of
School 12.46 4 .0142 Rejected

 

124

TABLE 7

RELATION OF TEACHERS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PARENTS WANTING FEEDBACK ON THEIR CHILDREN
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

 

 

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Type of

School 71.25 15 .0000 Rejected

Race of

Teachers .36 3 .9466 Accepted
Achievement

Level of

School 8.22 3 .0416 Rejected

 

TABLE 8

RELATION OF TEACHERS' PERCEPTIONS OF
THEIR PRIMARY RESPONSIBILITY TO
THEIR PUPILS TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Type of
School 31.74 10 .0004 Rejected

Race of
Teachers .35 2 .0835 Rejected

Achievement

Level of
School 13.46 4 .0186 Rejected

The findings in this study indicate that it would
be reasonably safe to assume that desegregated schools
would have more positive effects on black students

academically. The data in the above tables show that

125

the type of school and the achievement level of the
school are important variables in determining the
teachers' perceptions of parents rather than the race
of the teachers.

Another important aspect of the school normative
climate is the student perceptions of the school
academic norm.

The findings in this study suggest that ”schools
do make a difference" in how students perceive them-
selves and their classmates academically. The following
set of tables show that black and white students in
desegregated schools display similar perceptions, and
that it is the social psychological climate of the
school that dictate these perceptions rather than the

students' race.

TABLE 9

RELATION OF STUDENTS CARING ABOUT
BAD GRADES TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

2

Variables X DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

 

Type of
School 148.43 4 .0000 Rejected

Race of
Teachers 13.57 4 .0088 Rejected

Achievement
Level of
School 79.17 20 .0000 Rejected

126

TABLE 10

RELATION OF STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF PEERS
TO DO WELL IN SCHOOL TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Achievement
Level of
School 182.52 4 .0001 Rejected

Race of
Students 22.03 4 .0002 Rejected

Type of
School 85.40 20 .0000 Rejected

Students in

Desegregated

Schools
(white) 21.41 10 .0446 Re‘ected
(black) 22.62 10 .037l’ Re‘ectedi

 

TABLE 11

RELATION OF STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PEERS STUDYING EXCESSIVELY
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Achievement
Level of
School 139.20 4 .0000 Rejected

Race of
Students 21.49 4 .0003 Rejected

Type of
School 72.08 20 .0000 Rejected

Students in

Desegregated

Schools
(white) 22.13 10 .0463 Re‘ected
(black) 29.62 10 .0076 Re'ected

 

127

TABLE 12

RELATION OF STUDENTS WHO TEASE OTHER STUDENTS
WHO GET GOOD GRADES TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

2

 

 

 

 

 

Variables X DF Probability Accepted or Rejected
Achievement
Level of
School 169.47 4 .0000 Rejected
Race of
Students 23.67 4 .0001 Rejected
Type of
School 83.42 20 .0000 Rejected
Students in
Desegregated
Schools
(white) 13.53 8 .0009 Reiected
(black) 17.83 3 $0070 Re‘ected

 

 

The above set of clusters indicate that black students
in predominantly black schools perceive themselves and
their classmates in a more negative manner than do black
or white students in desegregated schools (see tables
in appendix). This data rationally substantiate that
the social psychological climate is more positive in
desegregated schools and affects the students accordingly.

The manner in which students perceive what their
parents expect of them academically influence the social
psychological climate of the school. The following tables
deal with whether the school or the student's race is
the greater factor in determining what he feels his

parents expect of him academically. The set of tables

128

are referred to as Students' Perceptions of Parental

 

Academic Expectations.

TABLE 13

RELATION OF STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PARENTS BELIEF IN THE EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2’ DF Probability Accepted or Rejected

Achievement
Level of
School 99.69

.L‘

.0000 Rejected

Race of
Students 17.23 4 .0017 Rejected

 

Type of
School 57.03 20 .0000 Rejected

Students in

Desegregated

Schools
(white) 19.09 10 .0363 Re‘ected
(black) 25.16 10 .0141 Re'ected

 

129

TABLE 14

RELATION OF STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PARENTS EXPECTING THEM TO BE GOOD STUDENTS
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variables X2 DF Probability Accepted or Rejected
Achievement
Level of
School 104.35 4 .0000 Rejected
Race of
Students 13.48 4 .0019 Rejected
Type of
School 59.19 20 .0000 Rejected
Students in
Desegregated
Schools
(white) 19.85 10 .0402 Re‘ected
(black) 37.15 10 .0002 Rejected
TABLE 15

RELATION OF STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF
PARENTS EXPECTING THEM TO FINISH COLLEGE
TO OTHER VARIABLES

 

Variables X2

DF Probability Accepted or Rejected
Achievement

Level of

School 143.43 3 .0000 Rejected

Race of
Students 17.24 3 .0006 Rejected

Type of
School 86.68 15 .0000 Rejected

Students in

Desegregated

Schools
(white) 22.58 9 .0072 Re'ected
(black) 32.14 9 .0002 Re‘ected

 

130

The data in the above tables suggest that schools
do make a difference in how students perceive what their
parents expect of them. This data also indicates that
the social psychological climate of desegregated
schools may be more important to black students' per-
ceptions of their parents' expectations than to white
students. From the findings in the above tables, one
can safely assume that the type of school and/or the
social psychological climate of the school has a great
impact on students' perceptions of their parents.

There are two tables that deal with "sense of
futility" of black and white students and the type
of school they attend. An analysis of variance
was used to examine the responses of the students
for these tables.

The following two tables present the data on the

sense of futility of black and white students.

TABLE 16

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SENSE OF FUTILITY OF
BLACK STUDENTS AND TYPE OF SCHOOL THEY ATTEND

 

Source of

 

Variance Sum or Sguares DF Mean Square F
Main Effects 13.638 5 2.728 .001
School 13.638 5 2.728 .001
Explained 13.638 5 2.728 .001
Residual 103.811 243 .427

Total 117.449 243 .474

131

TABLE 17

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SENSE OF FUTILITY OF
WHITE STUDENTS AND TYPE OF SCHOOL THEY ATTEND

 

Source of

 

Variance Sum of Squares DF Mean Square F
Main Effects 2.647 5 .529 .150
School 2.647 5 .529 .150
Explained 2.647 5 .529 .150
Residual 41.242 129 .320
Total 43.889 134 .328

 

The data in the above tables indicate that there
is no significant relationship between the sense of
futility for white students and the type of school they
attend. However, the findings indicate there is a
significant relationship between sense of futility for
black students and the type of school they attend. The
tables suggest that the school social psychological
climate has a greater impact on black students than
it does on white students. These tables substantiate
the findings of other variables related to the sense
of futility of black students in this study as perceived
by the teachers and students. The grouping of students,
the students' perceptions of their parents' expectations
as well as the expectations of teachers probably aided
in instilling the feeling of ”no self control" in black
students.

Table 18 analyzes the relationship between the

132

self concept of black students and the type of school

they attend.

TABLE 18

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELF CONCEPT OF
BLACK STUDENTS AND THE TYPE OF SCHOOL

 

 

THEY ATTEND
Source of
Variance Sum of Squares DF Mean Square F
Main Effects 34.155 5 6.831 .001
School 34.155 5 6.831 .001
Explained 34.155 5 6.831 .001
Residual 292.049 243 1.202
Total 326.204 248 1.315

 

The findings in Table 18 suggest that the self
concept of black students is not affected by the type
of school they attend. This finding indicates that
black students apparently feel positive about them-
selves regardless of what their school situation is.
From these findings, it is reasonably safe to assume
that it is the sense of futility of black students
that affects their academic achievement progress

rather than their self concept in school.

CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The purpose of this study was to identify and
compare a number of social-psychological variables in
school normative academic climate between high and low
achieving court-ordered desegregated schools and pre-
dominantly black schools. The specific aim of this
research was to identify which of several social-psycho-
logical school environmental variables most strongly
or accurately indicate achievement or lack of achievement,
in high and low achieving desegregated and predominantly
black schools.

The underlying theory for the basis of this
research is derived from a social-psychological theory
determined by Wilbur Brookover and Edsel Erickson (1969),
and Brookover, et a1. (1977).

l. The individual learns to behave in ways that

he perceives are appropriate or proper for
him within his environment.

. 2. Within a certain environment, each individual
learns the definitions of appropriate behavior
through interaction with others who are impor-
tant and significant to him.

3. The school social climate encompasses a

133

134

composite of variables as defined and per-
ceived by the members of this group. These
factors may be broadly conceived as the norms
of the social system and expectations held
for various members of the group and communi-

cated to members of the group.

Data were collected from a non-random sample composed
of the following schools:

1. Two high achieving white-desegregated
elementary schools.

2. Two high achieving white-desegregated
middle schools.

3. One high achieving and one low achieving
black-desegregated elementary schools.

4. One high achieving and one low achieving
black-desegregated middle schools.

5. One high achieving and one low achieving
black—black elementary schools.

6. One high achieving and one low achieving

black-black middle schools.

Each school was selected on the basis of their previous
1976 racial composition as well as their present racial
composition: they were also selected on the basis of their
mean student achievement as measured by the Michigan
Educational Assessment Program.(MEAP) and the Iowa Test

of Basic Skills (ITBS). Pairs of schools were selected

135

with similar racial composition, similar types of
communities, but with significantly different mean
student achievement scores. Because of the paucity

of white students in the school system which limited
the number of court ordered white-desegregated schools,
the researcher was unable to find a low achieving white
desegregated elementary or middle school.

The instruments (teacher, student) employed in this
research are designed to study certain school social-
psychological and school structural variables. This
study, however, only examined the social-psychological
variables of the questionnaires. Student questionnaires
were administered to fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and
eighth graders in each of two classes from the various
types of school selected for this study. Thirty-two
students were employed from each class. The teacher
questionnaires were self-administered by the selected
teachers. All participants were requested to answer
the questionnaire honestly and accurately without fear
of personal exposure. A standardized method of data
collection and consequent coding of student questionnaires
was done by the research team.

Fifty-five primary hypotheses were formulated for
testing in this study: some of which were tested by three
factors - (1) type of school, (2) race of teachers or

students, (3) achievement level of school. The following

136

is a list of the hypotheses, their result and the vari-

ables by which they were tested.

Hypotheses, Conplusions and
Fifidings of Teachers

 

 

Cluster 1: Racial Composition
Instructional Grouping

 

Hypothesis I
There is no significant relationship between preferred
racial composition and the race of the teachers in the

court-ordered desegregated schools. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis II
There is no significant relationship between instruc-
tional grouping and the level of achievement of the

schools. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis 111
There is no significant relationship between instruc-

tional grouping of students within their classes and the

type of school they attend. REJECTED.

Hypothesis IV
There is no significant relationship between student
assignment to classes and their scores on intelligence

tests. REJECTED

Hypothesis V
There is no significant relationship between student
assignment to classes and teachers' referral to intelli-

gence tests. REJECTED

137

Hypothesis VI
There is no significant relationship between grouping
of students within the classroom and the students' scores

on intelligence tests. REJECTED

Hypothesis VII
There is no significant relationship between the
grouping of students within the classroom and the students'

scores on intelligence tests. REJECTED

Hypothesis VII
There is no significant relationship between the
grouping of students within the classroom and the frequency

of referral to students on intelligence tests. REJECTED

Hypothesis VIII
There is no significant relationship between the

importance of students' standardized intelligence tests

and race of the teacher. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis IX
There is no significant relationship between the
frequeney of referral to intelligence test scores of

students and the race of the teachers. NOT REJECTED

Conclusions for Cluster I

The teachers who taught in the four types of court-
ordered desegregated schools - White-Deseg elementary
and middle schools, Black Deseg elementary and middle

schools - had no preference to teach in an all white or

138

an all black situation. Based on this finding, one can
reasonably assume that this is a positive element

of the social psychological climate in the desegregated
schools.

The hypotheses that deal with instructional
grouping with the exceptions of Hypotheses II, VII and
IX were rejected. The hypotheses that deal with the
teachers' responses reveal that there is a significant
relationship between social psychological variables
of the school normative climate and the type of school.

Hypotheses III, IV, V, VI and VIII show that the
students were grouped for instructional purposes on the
basis of type of school (whether desegregated or pre-
dominantly black) and on the basis of intelligence test
scores. The students were either assigned to classes
based on the above variables or assigned to groups
within their classes. These findings tend to cause the
writer to feel that the students are still segregated
within the desegregated schools, and that the students
may be grouped on the basis of something other than the
mentioned variables. According to this study, grouping
students for instructional purposes was not done on the
basis of the achievement level of the school (see Hypoth-
esis II). This finding is a bit contradictory to other
findings, especially since some grouping is done on the

basis of intelligence test scores. Although the schools

139

have been lawfully desegregated racially, the hypothesis
for this cluster show that some form of segregation
exists within the school as well as within the classes.
The results of the variables within this cluster allow
us to predict that the social psychological climate of
the selected schools is not as conducive to learning as
it could be for the students.

Cluster II: Teachers'
Perceptions

 

Cluster II deals with their perceptions of the
students on the basis of the achievement level of the

school, the type of school, and the race of the teacher.

Hypothesis X
There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for quality

education and the type of school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XI
There is no significant relationship between teachers'
perceptions of parental concern about quality education

and the race of the teachers. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XII
There is no significant relationship between

teachers' perceptions of quality education and the

achievement level of the school. REJECTED

140

Hypothesis XIII

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental expectations for their
children to complete college and the type of school.

REJECTED

Hypothesis XIV

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental expectations of their
children to complete college and the teachers' races.

NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XV

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental expectations of their
children to complete college and the teachers' races.

NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XVI

There is no significant relationship between the
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for their
children getting low gradesand the type of school
attended. REJECTED

Hypothesis XVII

There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parental concern for their
children getting low grades and the teachers' race.

NOT REJECTED

141

Hypothesis XVIII

There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from
school on the progress of their children and the achieve-

ment level of the school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XIX

There is significant relationship between teachers'
perceptions of parents wanting feedback from school on
the progress of their children and the type of school.

REJECTED

Hypothesis XX

There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from
school on the progress of their children and the

teachers' race. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XXI
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of parents wanting feedback from

school and the achievement level of the school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXII
There is no significant relationship between teachers'
perceptions of their primary responsibility to students

and the type of school in which they teach. REJECTED

142

Hypothesis XXIII
There is no significant relationship between
teachers' perceptions of their primary responsibility

to students and the teachers' race. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XXIV
There is no significant relationship between the

teachers' race and opened classrooms. NOT REJECTED

Hypothesis XXV
There is no significant relationship between the
achievement level of the school and opened classrooms.

REJECTED

Conclusions for Cluster II

 

The findings for teachers' perceptions in this study
reveal that it is the nature of the school that relates
to teachers' perceptions of parents and not the race of
the teacher. In no instance did black and white teachers
differ in their perceptions of parental expectations
and/or concern for their children (see Hypotheses XI,
XIV, XVII, XX, XXIII, XXIV). This finding indicates
or asserts that black teachers are just as middle class
as white: this finding also coincides with other studies
that reveal there is a significant lack of difference
between professional black people and white people within
our society.

The negative responses of teachers' perceptions

143

occurred either in Black-Black schools or in lower
achieving schools. These findings suggest that the social
psychological is more positive in White-Deseg and Black-
Deseg elementary and middle schools as well as in higher
achieving schools. As a result of the findings in this
study, it would be reasonably safe to assume that desegre-
gated schools have positive effects on black students
academically.

Cluster III: Students'

Perceptions of School
Academic Norms

 

 

 

Cluster 111 looks at the results of the hypothesis
of how the students perceive their learning situations.
These hypotheses also examine how the students perceive

each other's sincerity regarding learning.

Hypothesis XXVI
There is no significant relationship between students
caring about getting bad grades and the achievement level

of the school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXVII
There is no significant relationship between caring
about getting bad grades and the race of the students.

REJECTED

Hypothesis XXVIII
There is no significant relationship between students

caring about getting bad grades and the type of school

144

they attend. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXIX
There is no significant relationship between how
students perceive their classmates regarding the impor-

tance of doing well in their school and the achievement

level of the school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXX

There is no significant relationship between how
students perceive their classmates regarding the
importance of doing well in their school work and the

students' race. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXI

There is no significant relatiOnship between how
students perceive their classmates regarding the impor-
tance of doing well in their school work and their race

in desegregated schools. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXII

There is no significant relationship between students
studying excessively for weekly tests and the type of
school they attend. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXIII
There is no significant relationship between students
studying excessively for weekly tests and the achievement

level of the school. REJECTED

145

Hypothesis XXXIV
There is no significant relationship between
students studying excessively for weekly tests and the

race of the students. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXV
There is no significant relationship between
students studying excessively for weekly tests and

their race in desegregated schools.

Hypothesis XXXVI
There is no significant relationship between students
studying excessively for tests and the type of school

they attend. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXVII
There is no significant relationship between students'
perceptions of the teasing of students who get good grades

and the achievement level of the school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXVIII
There is no significant relationship between students'
perceptions of the teasing of students who get good grades

and the race of the students. REJECTED

Hypothesis XXXIX
There is no significant relationship between students'
perceptions of the teasing of students who get good

grades and their race in desegregated schools. REJECTED

146

Hypothesis XL

There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of the teasing of students who
get good grades and the type of school they attend.

REJECTED

Conclusions for Cluster III

The data of hypotheses in Cluster III suggest that
"schools do make a difference" in how students perceive
themselves and their classmates academically. The results
of this cluster also indicate that black and white students
in desegregated schools display similar perceptions.
The data of these tables suggest that it is the social
pscyhological climate of the school that dictates how
the students perceive themselves and their classmates
rather than their color. The black students in predomi-
nantly black schools perceive themselves and their class—
mates in a more negative manner than do black or white
students in desegregated schools. From this data, one
can rationally state the social psychological climate
is more positive in desegregated schools and affects the
students accordingly.
Cluster IV: Students'
Perceptian of Parental
Academic Expectations

Cluster IV summarizes the data of the hypothesis

on what students perceive to be the expectations of their

147

parents. This cluster deals with whether the school,
or the students' race, is the greatest factor in deter-

mining what he feels his parents expect of him.

Hypothesis XLI

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their
educational attainment and the achievement level of the

school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XLII
There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their

educational attainment and the students' race. REJECTED

Hypothesis XLIII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their
educational attainment and their race in desegregated
schools. REJECTED WITH WHITE STUDENTS: REJECTED WITH
BLACK STUDENTS

Hypothesis XLIV

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' belief in their
educational attainment and type of school they attend.

REJECTED

148

Hypothesis XLV

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents' expecting them
to be good students and the achievement level of the

school. REJECTED

Hypothesis XLVI
There is no significant relationship between
students' perceptions of parents expecting them to be

good students and the race of the students. REJECTED

Hypothesis XLVII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of parents expecting them to be
good students and their race in desegregated schools.
REJECTED WITH WHITE STUDENTS: REJECTED WITH BLACK
STUDENTS.

Hypothesis XLVIII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of parents expecting them to be
good students and the type of school they attend.
REJECTED

Hypothesis XLIX

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and the achievement

level of the school. REJECTED

149

Hypothesis L

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and the race of the

students. REJECTED

Hypothesis LI

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and their race in

desegregated schools. REJECTED

Hypothesis LII

There is no significant relationship between the
students' perceptions of their parents thinking they
(students) could finish college and the type of school

they attend. REJECTED

Conclusions for Cluster IV

 

The data for the hypotheses in Cluster III suggest
that schools do make a difference in how students per-
ceive what their parents expect of them. The data in
this cluster also suggest that the social psychological
climate or desegregated schools may be more important
to black students' perceptions of their parents' expec-
tations than white students. The data in these tables
suggest that there is no significant relationship

between race and students' perceptions of parental

150

expectations in desegregated schools for white students.
For black students, however, there is a significant
relationship between race and students' perceptions

of parental expectations in desegregated schools.

From the findings in this study, one can safely

assume that the type of school and/or the social psy-
chological climate of the school has a great impact on
black students and white students.

Cluster V: Students'

Perceptions of Sense of
Futility and Self-Concept

 

 

Cluster V deals with how the school affects the
student's image of himself. It also examines whether
white students and black students are affected
differently by the type of school and/or the social

psychological climate of the school.

Hypothesis LIII
There is no significant relationship between the
sense of futility of black students and the type of school

they attend. REJECTED

Hypothesis LIV
There is no significant relationship between self
concept of black students and the type of school they

attend. REJECTED

151

Hypothesis LV
There is no significant relationship between sense
of futility between white students and the type of school

they attend. REJECTED

Conclusions for Cluster V

The data in Cluster V indicate that there is no
significant relationship between the sense of futility
for white students and the type of school they attend.
However, the findings indicate there is a significant
relationship between the sense of futility for black
students and the type of school they attend. It is
suggested that the school social psychological climate
has a greater impact on black students than white
students.

The findings in this cluster suggest that the
self-concepts of black students is not affected by the
type of school they attend. This suggests that black
students apparently feel positive about themselves

regardless of what their school situation is.

Recommendations

 

From the contributions this study produced, the
:researchers have formulated the following methodological
and researchable recommendations.
1. The researcher recommends a more conclusive

study be done on the achievement level of

152

schools and the effects it has on parents

as well as students.

The researcher recommends that a conclusive
study be done on the use of and referral

to intelligence test scores in desegregated
schools and non-desegregated schools, and
how teachers use them, and how they affect
the students socially, psychologically and
academically.

The researcher recommends that predominantly
black schools in similar communities with
similar physical situations, but with sig-
nificantly different achievement levels,be
studied and investigated.

The researcher recommends that the various
educational sub-cultures and patterns that
exist within certain communities of a large
school district be investigated to determine
what impact they have on the academic achieve-

ment level of the pupils.

APPENDIX A

DIRECTIONS:

1. Name

STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE

STUDY OF DETROIT'S
-DESEGREGATED SCHOOLS

A B C D

We are trying to learn more about students

and their work in schools. We would, there-
fore, like for you to respond to the following
questions. This is not a test of any sort

and will not affect your work in school.

Your teacher and your principal will not

see your answers. There are no right or

wrong answers: we simply want you to tell

us your answer to each question.

PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS BY CIRCLING THE NUMBER
ON THE RIGHT OF YOUR BEST ANSWER TO THE QUESTIONS. PICK
ONLY ONE ANSWER FOR EACH QUESTION!!!

2. How old were you on your last birthday? 9 years old-~1.

10 years old--2.
11 years old--3.
12 years old--4.
13 years old--5.

3. Are you a boy or girl? Boy ........... 1.
Girl ---------- 2.
4. What grade are you in? 3rd grade ----- 1.
4th grade ----- 2.
5th grade ----- 3.
6th grade ----- 4.
7th grade ----- 5.

5. Please write your teacher's name

 

6. Please write the name of your school.

 

153

154

7. How many years have you been at this school?

Less than 1 year---1.
2 years--2.
3 years-~3.
4 years--4.
5 years--5.
6 years-~6.
7 years or more----7.

THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS ARE TO BE ANSWERED BY CIRCLING THE
NUMBER ON THE RIGHT OF THE CORRECT ANSWER. REMEMBER, NO
ONE WILL SEE YOUR ANSWERS EXCEPT THOSE OF US FROM MICHIGAN
STATE UNIVERSITY. PLEASE TELL US JUST WHAT YOU THINK.
(Pick only one answer for each question.)

8. If you could go as far as you wanted in school, how far
would you like to go?

Finish grade school ------ 1.
Go to high school for

a while ----------------- 2.
Finish high school ------- 3.
Go to college for a while4.
Finish college ----------- 5.

9. Sometimes what you want to happen is not what you
think will happen. How far do you think you will
go in school?

Finish grade school ------ 1.
Go to high school for

a while ----------------- 2.
Finish high school ------- 3.
Go to college for a while4.
Finish college ----------- 5.

10. How many students in this school try hard to get a
good grade on their weekly tests?

Almost all of the students ------ 1.
Most of the students ------------ 2.
Half of the students ------------ 3.
Some of the students ------------ 4.
Almost none of the students ----- 5.

11. How many students in this school will work hard
to get a better grade on the weekly tests than their
friends do?

Almost all of the students ------ 1.
Most of the students ------------ 2.
Half of the students ------------ 3.
Some of the students ------------ 4.

Almost none of the students ----- 5.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

155

How many students in this school don't care if
they get bad grades?

Almost all of the students----l.
Most of the students ---------- 2.
Half of the students ---------- 3.
Some of the students ---------- 4.

Almost none of the students---5.

How many students in this school do more studying
for weekly tests than they have to?

Almost all of the students----l.
Most of the students ---------- 2.
Half of the students ---------- 3.
Some of the students ---------- 4.

Almost none of the students---5.

If most of the students here could go as far as
they wanted in school, how far would they go?

Finish grade school ----------- 1.
Go to high school for a while-2.
Finish high school ------------ 3.
Go to college for a while ----- 4.
Finish college ---------------- 5.

How important is it to you to be a good student?

Very important --------- 1.
Important -------------- 2.
Somewhat important ----- 3.
Not very important ----- 4.

Not important at all---5.

How important do most of the students in this
class feel it is to do well in school?

They feel it is very important----l.
They feel it is important --------- 2.
They feel it is somewhat important3.

They feel it is not very important4.
They feel it is not important at
all ----------------------------- 5.

How important do you think most of the students
it is to do well in school

in this school feel
work?

They
They
They
They
They

feel it
feel it
feel it
feel it
feel it

is
is
is
is
is

very important----l.
important --------- 2.
somewhat important3.
not very important4.
not important at

all ----------------------------- 5.

156

18. How many students in this class think reading is a
fun thing to do and read even when they don't have to?

Almost all of the students -------- 1.
Most of the students -------------- 2.
About half of the students -------- 3.
Some of the students -------------- 4.
None of the students -------------- 5.

19. How many students in this school make fun of or tease
students who get real good grades?

Almost all of the students -------- 1.
Most of the students -------------- 2.
About half of the students -------- 3.
Some of the students -------------- 4.
None of the students -------------- 5.

20. How many students don't do as well as they could do
in school because they are afraid other students
won't like them as much?

Almost all of the students -------- 1.
Most of the students -------------- 2.
About half of the students -------- 3.
Some of the students -------------- 4.
None of the students -------------- 5.

REMEMBER, PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS BY CIRCLING
THE NUMBER WHICH BEST ANSWERS THE QUESTION FOR YOU. PICK
ONLY ONE ANSWER FOR EACH QUESTION.

21. How many students don't do as well as they could
do in school because they are afraid their friends
won't like them as much?

 

Almost all of the students -------- 1.
Most of the students -------------- 2.
About half of the students -------- 3.
Some of the students -------------- 4.
None of the students -------------- 5.

22. How many students in this school would study hard if
their work wasn't graded by the teachers?

Almost all of the students -------- 1.
Most of the students -------------- 2.
About half of the students -------- 3.
Some of the students -------------- 4.

None of the students -------------- 5.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

157

People like me will never do well in school even
though we try hard.

Strongly agree ---------- 1.
Agree ------------------- 2.
Disagree ---------------- 3.
Strongly disagree ------- 4.

Pe0ple like me will not have much of a chance to do
what we want to in life.

Strongly agree ---------- 1.
Agree ------------------- 2.
Disagree ---------------- 3.
Strongly disagree ------- 4.

I can do well in school if I work hard.

Strongly agree ---------- 1,
Agree ------------------- 2.
Disagree ---------------- 3.
Strongly disagree ------- 4.
In this school, students like me don't have any luck.
Strongly agree ---------- 1,
Agree ------------------- 2.
Disagree ---------------- 3_
Strongly disagree ------- 4.

You have to be lucky to get good grades in this school.

Strongly agree ---------- 1.
Agree ------------------- 2.
Disagree ---------------- 3.
Strongly disagree ------- 4.

Think of your friends. Do you think you can do school
work better, the same or poorer than your friends?

Better than all of them -------- 1.
Better than most of them ------- 2.
About the same ----------------- 3.
Poorer than most of them ------- 4.
Poorer than all of them -------- 5.

Think of the students in your class. Do you think
you can do school work better, the same or poorer
than the students in your class?

Better than all of them -------- 1.
Better than most of them ------- 2.
About the same ----------------- 3.
Poorer than most of them ------- 4.

Poorer than all of them -------- 5.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

158

When you finish high school, do you think you
will be one of the best students, about the
same as most or below most of the students?

One of the best --------------- 1.
Better than most of the

students -------------------- 2.
Same as most of the students--3.
Below most of the students----4.
One of the worst -------------- 5.

Do you think you could finish college?

Yes, for sure ------- 1.
Yes, probably ------- 2.
Maybe --------------- 3.
No, for sure -------- 4.

No, probably not----5.

If you went to college, do you think you would be one
of the best students, same as most or below most of
the students?

One of the best --------------- 1.
Better than most of the
students -------------------- 2.
Same as most of the students--3.
Below most of the students----4.
One of the worst -------------- 5.

If you.want to be a doctor or a teacher, you need
more than four years of college. Do you think you
could do that?

Yes, for sure ------- 1.
Yes, probably ------- 2.
Maybe --------------- 3.
No, for sure -------- 4.

No, probably not----5.

Forget how your teachers mark your work. How do you
think your own work is?

Excellent ----------- 1.
Good ---------------- 2.
Same as most

students ---------- 3

Below most students-4:
Poor ---------------- 5.

35.

36.

37.

38.

159

How good of a student do you think you can be in

this school?

One of the best --------------- 1.
Better than most of the
students -------------------- 2.
Same as most of the students--3.
BBIOW'mOSt of the students----4.
One of the worst -------------- 5.

How far do you think your best friend believes you

will go in school?

Finish grade school ----------- 1.
Go to high school for a while-2.
Finish high school ------------ 3.
Go to college for a while ----- 4.
Finish college ---------------- 5.

Compared to students in other schools, how much
do students in this school learn?

They learn a lot more in this school---—l.
They learn a little more in this school-2.
About the same as in other schools ------ 3.
They learn a little bit less in this
school -------------------------------- 4.
They learn a lot less in this school--—-5.

Compared to students from other schools, how well
will most of the students from this school do in

high school?

They will be
They will do
They will do

as most----

They will do
They will be

among the best----1.
better than most--2.
about the same
------------------ 3.
poorer than most--4.
among the worst---5.

NOW WE WOULD LIKE YOU TO ANSWER SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR

PARENTS.

QUESTIONS.

39.

ANSWER THEM THE SAME WAY YOU ANSWERED THE OTHER

How far do you think your parents believe you will

go in school?

Finish,grade school-er --------- 1.
Go to high school,for;a while-r2.
Finish high school ------------- 3.
Go to college for a while ------ 4.

Finish college ----- . ------------ 5.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

160

How good a student do your parents expect you to
be in school?

One of the best --------------- 1.
Better than most of the

students -------------------- 2.
Same as most of the students--3.
Below most of the students----4.
One of the worst -------------- 5.

Think of your parents. Do your parents say you can
do school work better, the same, or poorer than
your friends?

Better than all of them ------- 1.
Better than most of them ------ 2.
Same as most of them ---------- 3.
Poorer than most of them ------ 4.
Poorer than all of them ------- 5.

Would your parents say that your grades would be with
the best, same as most or below most of the students
when you finish high school?

One of the best --------------- 1.
Better than most of the
students -------------------- 2.

Same as most of the students--3.

Not as good as most of the
students -------------------- 4.

One of the worst -------------- 5.

Do your parents think you could finish college?

Yes, for sure ------- 1.
Yes, probably ------- 2.
Maybe --------------- 3.
No, for sure -------- 4.

Remember, you need more than four years of college to
be a teacher or doctor. Do your parents think you
could do that?

Yes, for sure ------- 1.
Yes, probably ------- 2.
Maybe --------------- 3.

No, for sure -------- 4.

161

READ EACH STATEMENT BELOW. CIRCLE THE NUMBER OF THE ANSWER
THAT TELLS HOW OFTEN THE STATEMENT IS TRUE FOR YOU.

45. I can talk to other students while I work.

Always ------------------ 1.
Often ................... 2.
Sometimes ............... 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.
Never ------------------- 5.

46. In class, I can move about the room without asking
the teacher.

Always ------------------ l.
Often ------------------- 2.
Sometimes --------------- 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.
Never ------------------- 5.

47. In class, I have the same seat and I must sit next to
the same students.

Always ------------------ 1.
Often ------------------- 2.
Sometimes --------------- 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.
Never ------------------- 5.

48. When I am working on a lesson, the other students in
my class are working on the same lesson.

Always ------------------ l.
Often ------------------- 2.
Sometimes --------------- 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.
Never ------------------- 5.

49. In most of my classes, the teacher tells me what I
must work on; I have no choice.

Always ------------------ 1.
Often ------------------- 2.
Sometimes --------------- 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.
Never ------------------- 5.

50. In class, the teacher stands in front of the room and
works with the class as a whole.

Always ------------------ 1.
Often ------------------- 2.
Sometimes --------------- 3.
Seldom ------------------ 4.

Never ------------------- 5_

APPENDIX B

DIRECTIONS:

1. Name

TEACHER_QUESTIONNAIRE

STUDY OF DETROIT'S
DESEGREGATED SCHOOLS

A B C D

The information which you give us on this
questionnaire is completelyconfidential.
No one will see your answers except the
members of our research staff. Reports
will be made with aggregate data, and no
one person will be identified with his
or her data. After your questionnaire
has been completely coded and punched

on IBM cards, your questionnaire will
be destroyed. Complete confidentiality
is assured. It is very important that
you be as candid as possible in your
answers. Do not respond to any question
that you feel is too "personal' or that
you for any other reason prefer to leave
unanswered.

2. Are you male or female (circle the number of the
correct answer)?

Female---4----l.
Male ---------- 2.
3. What is your race or ethnic group? Black --------- l.
Chicano ------- 2.

Other Spanish Speaking--3.
American Indian--4.
Oriental Origin--5.

White --------- 6.

4. How long have you taught school (circle the number
of the correct answer)?

This is my first year --------- l.
1 - 4 years --------- 2.
5 - 9 years --------- 3.
10 years or more -------------- 4.

162

163

5. What grade 1evel(s) are you teaching?

4th grade ------------ 1.
5th grade ------------ 2.
6th grade ------------ 3.

Combination 4th & 5th--4.

Combination 5th & 6th--5.

Combination 4th, 5th, & 6th--6.

6. How much formal preparation do you have?

Less than a Bachelor's degree--l.

Bachelor's degree -------------- 2.
Some graduate work but less
than a Master's degree ------- 3.
Master's degree ---------------- 4.
More than Master's degree but
not a Doctorate -------------- 5.
Doctor‘s degree ---------------- 6.

7. How do you feel about your assignment to this school
before coming here?

Very happy about the assignment ---------- 1.
Somewhat happy about the assignment ------ 2.
No feelings one way or the other --------- 3.
Somewhat unhappy about the assignment----4.
Very unhappy about the assignment -------- 5.

8. If you had your choice of school settings, which
would you select from among the following?

All children of professional and white

collar workers ------------------------- 1.
Mostly children of professional and

white collar workers ------------------- 2.
Children from a general cross section

of society ----------------------------- 3.
Mostly children of factory and other

blue collar workers -------------------- 4.
All children of factory and other blue

collar workers ------------------------- 5.
Children of rural families --------------- 6.

9. What kind of school do you prefer to work in as far
as racial composition is concerned?

An all white school ---------------------- l.
A.mostly white school but with some

non-white students --------------------- 2.
A school that has about half white and

half non-white ------------------------- 3.
A mostly non-white school but with

some white students -------------------- 4.
A school with all non-white students ----- 5.
I have no preference --------------------- 6.

10.

164

In your judgement, what is the general re utation of
this school among teachers outside the so 001?

Among the best ------- l.
Better than average--2.
About average -------- 3.
Below average -------- 4.
A poor school -------- 5.

WE WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT GROUPING

PRACTICES AND USE OF STANDARDIZED TESTS IN THIS SCHOOL.
PLEASE FEEL FREE TO WRITE ANY ADDITIONAL COMMENTS AFTER
EACH QUESTION.

ll.

13.

14.

15.

In general, how are students in the same grade level
assigned to different classes?

 

Homogeneous grouping according to ability

in all subjects ............................... 1,
Homogeneous by ability in some subjects --------- 2.
Heterogeneous grouping according to ability ----- 3.
Random grouping --------------------------------- 4.
No intentional grouping ......................... 5.
Other (indicate) ................................ 6.

How important do you think standardized intelligence
test scores of your students are?

Very important -------- 1.
Somewhat important----2.
Not very important----3.

Not important at all--4.
We do not use intelli-
gence tests in this

school -------------- 5.

How often do you refer to or consider the I.Q. test
scores of your students when you plan their work?

Very often ------------ l.
Often ----------------- 2.
Sometimes ------------- 3.
Seldom ---------------- 4.
Never ----------------- 5.

On the average, what level of achievement can be
expected of the white students in your school?

MUch above national norm ---------- 1.
Slightly above national norm ------ 2.
Approximately at national norm----3.
Slightly below national norm ------ 4.

Much below national norm ---------- 5.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

165

On the average, what level of achievement can be
expected of the white students in your class?

Much above national norm ------- 1.
Slightly above national norm---2.
Approximately at national norm-3.
Slightly below national norm---4.
Much below national norm ------- 5.

What percent of the white students in this school
do you expect to complete high school?

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in your class do
you expect to complete high school?

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in this school
do you expect to attend college?v

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in your class
do you expect to attend college?

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in this school
do you expect to complete college?

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.

Less than 302 ------ 5.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

166

What percent of white students in your class do you
expect to complete college?

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

How many of the white students in this school are
capable of getting mostly A's and B's?

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

How many of the white students in your class are
capable of getting mostly A's and B's?

902 or more -------- l.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

How would you rate the academic ability of the
white students in this school compared to other
schools?

Ability is much higher here----1.
Ability is somewhat higher ----- 2.
Ability here is about the same-3.
Ability here is somewhat lower-4.
Ability here is much lower ----- 5.

What percent of the white students in this school
would you say want to complete high school?

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in your class
would you say want to complete high school?

 

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.

Less than 302 ------ 5.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

167

What percent of the white students in this school
would you say want to go to college?

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

What percent of the white students in your class
would you say want to go to college/

902 or more -------- 1.
702 to 892 --------- 2.
502 to 692 --------- 3.
302 to 492 --------- 4.
Less than 302 ------ 5.

How many of the students in this school try hard
to improve on previous work?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students----5.

How many of the students in your class try hard
to improve on previous work? '

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students--—-5.

How many students in this school will try hard to
do better school work than tHeir friends do?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students—---5.

How many students in your class will try hard to do
better school work than their classmates do?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4

Almost none of the students----5.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

168

How many students in this school are content to do
less than they should?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students----5.

How many students in your class are content to do
less than they should?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the Students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students----5.

How many students in this school will seek extra work
so they can get better grades?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students----5.

How many students in your class will seek extra work
so that they can get better grades?

Almost all of the students ----- 1.
Most of the students ----------- 2.
About half of the students ----- 3.
Some of the students ----------- 4.
Almost none of the students----5.

Do you regard the parents of the students in this
school primarily as a "baby-sitting” agency?

Strongly agree ---------- 1.
Agree ------------------- 2.
Not sure ---------------- 3.
Disagree ---------------- 4.
Strongly disagree ------- 5.

The parents of students in this school are deeply
concerned that their children receive a top quality
education.

Strongly agree ---------- 1,
Agree--: -------- 9-7 ..... 2.
Not sure ---------------- 3.
Disagree ................ 4.

Strongly disagree ------- 5.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

169

How many of the parents of Students in this school
expect their children to complete college?

Almost all of the parents ------ 1.
Most of the parents ------------ 2.
About half of the parents ------ 3.
Some of the parents ------------ 4.
Almost none of the parents ----- 5.

How many of the parents of students in this school
expect their children to complete high school?

Almost all of the parents ------ 1.
Most of the parents ------------ 2.
About half of the parents ------ 3.
Some of the parents ------------ 4.
Almost none of the parents ----- 5.

How many of the parents of students in this school
don't care if their children obtain low grades?

Almost all of the parents ------ 1.
Most of the parents ------------ 2.
About half of the parents ------ 3.
Some of the parents ------------ 4.
Almost none of the parents ----- 5.

How many of the parents of students in this school
want feedback from the principal and teachers on
how their children are doing in school?

Almost all of the parents ------ 1.
Most of the parents ------------ 2.
About half of the parents ------ 3.
Some of the parents ------------ 4.
Almost none of the parents ----- 5.

What do you consider to be your rimar responsibility
to students in your class (circle only one)?-

Teaching academic subjects --------- l.
Enhancing social skills and social
interaction ---------------------- 2.
Personal growth and development----3.
Encouraging education/occupational
aspirations ---------------------- 4.

Other (Please specify) ------------- 5.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

170

On the average, what level of achievement can be
expected of black students in this school?

MUch above national norm ------- 1.
Slightly above national norm---2.
Approximately at national norm-3.
Slightly below national norm---4.
Much below national norm ------- 5.

On the average, what level of achievement can be
expected of black students in your class?

Much above national norm ------- 1.
Slightly above national norm---2.
Approximately at national norm-3.
Slightly below national norm---4.
Much below national norm ------- 5.

What percent of the black students in this school do
you expect to complete high school?

902 or more----1.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

What percent of the black students in your class do
you expect to complete high school?

902 or more----1.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

What percent of the black students in this school do
you expect to attend college?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

What percent of the black students in your class do
you expect to attend college?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

171

What percent of the black students in this school
do you expect to complete college?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

. What percent of the black students in your class do

you expect to complete college?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

How many of the black students in this school are
capable of getting mostly A's and B's?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

How many of the black students in your class are
capable of getting mostly A's and B's?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302-~5.

How would you rate the academic ability of the black
studentSWin this school compared to other schools?

Ability here is much higher -------- 1.
Ability here is somewhat higher----2.
Ability here is about the same ----- 3.
Ability here is somewhat lower ----- 4.
Ability here is much lower --------- 5.

What percent of the black students in this school
would you say want to complete high school?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

57.

58.

59.

60.

61.

172

What percent of the black students in your class
would you say want to complete high school?

902 or more----1.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

What percent of the black students in this school
would you say want to go to college?

902 or more----1.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

What percent of the black students in your class wbuld
you say want to go to college?

902 or more----l.
702 to 892 ----- 2.
502 to 692 ----- 3.
302 to 492 ----- 4.

Less than 302--5.

In this school, there is really very little a teacher
can do to insure that all of his/her black students
achieve at a high level.

Strongly agree ------ 1.
Agree --------------- 2.
Not sure ------------ 3.
Disagree ------------ 4.

Strongly disagree---5.

What is your policy with regard to students talking
to each other while they are working on class assign-
ments? Students are:

Never encouraged to talk with each other-l.
Seldom encouraged to talk with each

other ---------------------------------- 2.
Sometimes encouraged to talk with each
other .................................. 3

Often encouraged to talk with each other- 4.
Almost always encouraged to talk with
each other ----------------------------- 5.

62.

63.

64.

65.

66.

173

How do you feel about students walking around in the
classroom? Students are:

Never allowed to move about the room without

first getting permission ---------------------- 1.
Seldom allowed to move about the room without
first getting permission ---------------------- 2.
Sometimes allowed to move about the room with-
out first getting permission ------------------ 3.
Often allowed to move about the room without
first getting permission ---------------------- 4.
Almost always allowed to move about the room
without first getting permission -------------- 5.

What kind of seating arrangement do you have in your
class(es)?

Students always select their own seats----l.
Generally students select their own seats-2.
Some students select their seats; some

are assigned ---------------------------- 3.
Generally teacher assigns seats ----------- 4.
Teacher always assigns seats -------------- 5.

In your class(es), how often are students' seats
changed?

Several times a day ------------- 1.
Daily --------------------------- 2.
Periodically during the semester3.
They keep the same seats

throughout the semester ------- 4.

How often do you work with your class as a whole?

 

Always ---------- 1.
Often ----------- 2.
Sometimes ------- 3.
Seldom ---------- 4.
Never ----------- 5.

How often are all of your students working on the
same lesson?

Always ---------- l.
Often ----------- 2.
Sometimes ------- 3.
Seldom ---------- 4.

Never ----------- 5.

67.

68.

174

How would you characterize your teaching objectives?

They are the same for all students --------- 1.
They are the same for most of the students-2.
They are the same for some of the students-3.
They are different for most of the students4.
They are different for each student -------- 5.

In this school, there is really very little a teacher
can do to insure all of his/her white students achieve
at a high level.

Strongly agree -------- 1.
Agree ----------------- 2.
Not sure -------------- 3.
Disagree -------------- 4.

Strongly disagree ----- 5.

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