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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

RURAL MIGRANTS IN TAIF: THEIR MIGRATION
AND RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY

presented by

Khudhran Khadhir M. Al-Thubaity

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for ‘

Ph . D. degree in Geography.

 

 

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. Robert N. Thomas

 

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RURAL MIGRANTS IN TAIF: THEIR MIGRATION

AND RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY

by

Khudhran Khadhir M. Al-Thubaity

A DISSERTAION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Geography

l98l

 

(L -QLJ‘Z’MMH

In the name of Allah,

the most gracious, the dispenser of grace.

Praise be to Allah,

and Peace be upon His Prophet Mohammad -

ABSTRACT

RURAL MIGRANTS IN TAIF: THEIR MIGRATION
AND RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY

by
Khudhran Khadhir M. Al-Thubaity

This study is concerned with a specific group of migrants,
namely rural migrants, in Taif, Saudi Arabia. The overriding purposes
of this research are to examine the process and motives of rural migra-
tion and to analyze the rural migrants' residential mobility within
the city. The data for this research are based on information gathered
in the field during the summer of 1980 and from 572 randomly-selected
households of which 53 percent are rural migrants. In analyzing the
data, four statistical techniques were employed: the chi-square test
of association, factor analysis, multiple discriminant analysis and
regression analysis.

The major findings are: l) rural migration to Taif is increas-
ing every year at a steady rate, 2) the major rural migration fields
for Taif are located to the south of the city within the mountainous
range of the Southwestern Region, 3) rural migration to Taif is a
direct one, and is a complete family migration, 4) the majority of

the rural migrants are at least 25 years of age and unskilled, 5)

Khudhran Khadhir M. Al-Thubaity

the major causes of migration are family attraction, family size.
climatic conditions, family problems, urban attraction and employ-
ment factors, 6) migrants are concentrated in ruralized quarters due
to their low economic status and strong kinship ties, 7) a positive
correlation is found between the urban experience and the rate of
change in residence, 8) the relationship between the rate of change
in residence and socioeconomic, locational and housing variables is
very weak, 9) the majority of rural migrants have made intercommunity
rather than intracommunity moves, and l0) three major factors account
for these moves: social ties, homeownership, and dwelling size.

' This continuous increase in rural migration volume will even-
tually result in a decrease in rural population, as well as a vast
increase in the city's population. This is an alarming indicator of
rural neglect and deterioration and tremendous pressure on Taif in
terms of increased demand for community services. Further research
should be directed to an examination of the spatial and social assimi-
lation of the rural migrants within Taif. Rural areas should be
examined in an attempt to identify prospective migrants and their

planned destinations.

©Copyright by
Khudhran Khadhir M. Al-Thubaity
l98l

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank all individuals and institutes that in
one way or another contributed to the completion of my study and this
research. It is difficult to account in words for all the assistance
I have received. I would like to extend sincere appreciation to the
members of my guidance committee. This research problem and the writ-
ing of this dissertation was carried out under the direction of Dr.
Stanley D. Brunn, formerly professor of Geography at Michigan State
University and presently Chairperson of the Department of Geography
at the University of Kentucky. For his scholarly assistance. construc-
tive criticism, beneficial suggestions and his personal friendship, I
am extremely grateful. Dr. Robert N. Thomas was extremely helpful in
developing my understanding of population geography, as well as serving
as my academic advisor in my graduate program. Dr. Ian Matley very
graciously offered suggestions and advice, for which I am very grateful.
Particular mention should be made of Dr. Assefa Mehretu, whose consid-
eration and willingness to become a member of my committee at a crucial
point in the program is greatly appreciated. Thanks are also extended
to Dr. Allen Beegle of the Department of Sociology for his time, sug—

gestions and interest in my research.

iii

Particular thanks must also go to Umm Alqura University which
provided me with a generous scholarship and financed my doctoral pro-
gram and this dissertation. I am indebted to Dr. Mahmood Asadullah
and Dr. Hassan Elam of the Geography Department, and Dr. Mansor
Abulaban, Dean of the College of Education, Umm Alqura University, for
their support and encouragement. Thanks are also in order to the Saudi
Arabian Educational Mission to the United States and Canada and its
personnel for their very sincere help and cooperation. My thanks are
also due to Michigan State University Computer Center for the use of
their facilities, and the support of the Geography Department in this
regard to Dr. Gary Manson, Chairman of the Geography Department for his
consideration. To all my professors at Michigan State University my
thanks for their academic instruction, understanding and cooperation.

I wish to thank all the people who were interviewed in the
field in Taif for their participation without which this research
could not have been finished. Special thanks go to all the individuals
who assisted me in collecting the data for this dissertation in the
field. Particularly, I would like to thank Awadh Al-Towairqi, Saleh
Ba Refah, Ibrahim Al-Faqeeh, Sulaiman M. Al-Thubaity, Maqbol S. Al-Jiade,
Dhaifallah A. Al-Thubaity, Awadh H. Al-Thubaity, Awadhallah M. Al-
Thubaity, Elaiwy K. Al-Qurashi, Abdulmaen M. Al-Thubaity, Saead M.

Al-Thubaity, Mohammed M. Aseeri, and Awadhallah S. Al-Thubaity for

iv

their time, patience and valuable assistance during the process of
collecting information data for my dissertation. My thanks and
appreciation also are due to all government agencies and institutions
in Taif, especially the Emirate of Taif, Police Department, School
District, Municipal of Taif, Taif's Electric Company and Taif Planning
and Development Department with special thanks to Mr. Ibrahim Jenadi,
Abdullah Eid and Mr. James R. Gibson for their support and cooperation.
I am most indebted to my father, Khadhir Muslih Al-Thubaity,
who has helped me all the way through since my childhood and now, and
whose love, patience, support and encouragement cannot be accounted in
words nor in long sentences. I thank Allah who has saved him for me
until I can go back to him to serve him for the rest of his life and
that I may be able to give back to him a little of what he has done
for me. I am also indebted to my brother, Muslih K. Al-Thubaity who
has supported me during my stay in the United States. To all my entire
family, my deepest thanks for their love and support. Special thanks
are due to my wife, Awatif Abdullah Arab, for her love, patience and
hope. My thanks also go to Mr. Mike Lipsey of the Cartographic Center

at Michigan State University for the preparation of the thesis illus-

trations and Miss E. Smith for her time in reviewing the thesis. To
all my friends at home and those within the United States, especially

Mr. Tahir M. Al-Zidey, Abdullah M. Al-Thumaly and my host family

V

Mr. and Mrs. Clifford Marcy, my sincere thanks and appreciation for
they have made my stay away from home very pleasant. Finally, this
list of acknowledgments cannot be closed without a very sincere word
of appreciation for my friend Barbi Mel, for her assistance and under-
standing in typing the different drafts of this manuscript. May Allah

give mercy and love to all the people who helped me.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF TABLES .......................... x
LIFT OF FIGURES ......................... xiii
Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION ....................... 1
Introduction ...................... 1
Scope and Purpose of the Study ............. 10
The Scope of Study Within Geography ........... 12
Organization of the Study ................ 14
II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................... 16
Introduction ...................... 16
Types of Migration Theories ............... 18
The Spatial Patterns of Migration Streams ....... 19

The Socioeconomic Characteristics of
Migrants or "Migration Selectivity." ........ 22
Causes of Migration .................. 26
Rural-Urban Migration .................. 28
Residential Mobility .................. 36
Summary ......................... 42
III. THE SPATIAL STRUCTURE OF TAIF ............... 44
Introduction ...................... 44
The Pilot Study ..................... 46
Spatial Expansion and Development of Taif ........ 48
Spatial Arrangement and Structure of Taif ........ 50
Taif as a Unit ..................... 76
Population Growth and Distribution in Taif ....... 88
Swmmy.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 99

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd.)

Chapter Page
IV. RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE ....... 102
The Research Problem and Literature ......... 102

The Research Hypotheses ............. . . 104

Data Collection and Sample Design .......... 106
Methods of Analysis ................. 116

V. THE PROCESS OF RURAL MIGRATION TO TAIF ......... 120
Introduction ..................... 120
Classification of Responses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120‘

Types of Migrants in Taif .............. 126
Origins of the Rural Migrants ............ 130

Rural Migration Flows ................ 136

Types of Rural Migration ............... 139
Selectivity Among Rural Migrants ........... 141

Type of Initial Migration .............. 154
Factors for Rural Migration ............ . 157
Origin--Destination Relationship ....... . . . . 164
Summary ....................... 171

VI. RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF THE RURAL MIGRANTS ....... 174
Introduction ..................... 174
Residential Location of Rural Migrants ..... . . . 176
Initial and Current Distribution. . ....... 176

Social and Personal Factors ..... . ..... 180

Economic Factors ................. 186

Rate and Frequency of Rsidential Mobility ...... 194
Factors Behind Residential Mobility ........ . 204
Patterns of Residential Mobility ........... 214
Future Residential Mobility ..... . ....... 224
Summary ....................... 233

VII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............ 236
Summary of Findings ................. 236
Applications of This Study. . . . . . . . ...... 250

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd.)

Chapter Page
CITED LITERATURE ...................... 254
APPENDICES ......................... 268

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. URBAN CENTERS FOR MORE THAN 30,000 POPULATION ..... 4
2. THE ANNUAL URBAN GROWTH RATES FOR SOME MAJOR URBAN

CENTERS, SAUDI ARABIA. . . . . . . . . ....... 5
3. POPULATION OF SOME ARAB COUNTRIES, 1950-1970 ...... 7

4. ANNUAL URBAN GROWTH RATES FOR SELECTED ARAB COUNTRIES
1950/60 and 1960/70 ................. 8

5. PERCENTAGES OF URBAN POPULATION IN WORLD REGIONS
FOR 1970 and 1979 .................. 3O

6. DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSING UNITS BY DWELLING TYPE BY ZONES 64

7. POPULATION OF TAIF'S REGION .............. 80
8. MAIN AGRICULTURAL DISTRICTS OF TAIF .......... 81
9. POPULATION GROWTH OF TAIF ............... 87
10. POPULATION DISTRICUTION BY ZONE ............ 89
11. POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY DWELLING TYPES ....... 91
12. AGE AND SEX DISTRIBUTION IN TAIF AND VICINITY ..... 93
13. DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS BY HOUSING TYPES ...... 108

14. SAMPLE SIZE AND DISTRIBUTION (BY HOUSEHOLD) FOR THE
SELECTED QUARTERS (BY HOUSING TYPES) . . . . . . . . 109

15. CLASSIFICATION OF INTERVIEWS BY TYPES OF RESPONSES
BY SAMPLED QUARTERS. . . . . ............ 121

16. CLASSIFICATION OF RESPONDENTS BY HOUSING TYPES. . . . . 124

X

LIST OF TABLES (cont'd.)

Table

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY TYPES OF ORIGINS
BY SAMPLED QUARTERS. . ..............

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY TYPES OF ORIGINS
BY HOUSING TYPES . . . . . . . . . ........

CLASSIFICATION OF RURAL MIGRANTS BY PLACE OF ORIGIN .

POPULATION DISTRIBUTION WITHIN THE SOUTHWESTERN
REGION ......................

TYPES OF RURAL MIGRATION TO TAIF ...........
AGE STRUCTURE OF RURAL MIGRANTS ...........
THE EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OF RURAL MIGRANTS .......
LEVEL OF EDUCATION BY AGE ..............
THE OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL OF MIGRANTS BY REGIONS . . . .
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGE OF MIGRANTS AND TYPE OF WORK

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TYPE OF WORK AND LEVEL OF
EDUCATION OF MIGRANTS ............. . .

TYPE OF INITIAL MIGRATION ..............
SELECTED RESULTS OF FACTOR ANALYSIS .........
VARIANCE ACCOUNTED FOR BY SELECTED FACTORS ......
VARIABLES WITH> .40 COMMONALITY. . . . . . . . . . .
DISTRIBUTION OF RURAL MIGRANTS UPON ARRIVING. . . . .
FREQUENCY OF VILLAGE CONTACT. . . . .........

SOURCE OF INFORMATION USED BY STUDIED RURAL MIGRANTS
TO LIVE AT THEIR PRESENT LOCATIONS. . ......

xi

Page

127

129

133

138
140
143
147
149
150

152

153
155
158
162
163
165

170

182

LIST OF TABLES (cont'd.)

Table

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

Page

PRESENT DISTRIBUTION OF RURAL MIGRANTS BY REGIONAL

ORIGINS BY QUARTERS ................ 183
RESIDENTIAL LOCATION OF THE RURAL MIGRANTS BY

SUB-SAMPLES BY REGIONAL ORIGINS .......... 185
MONTHLY INCOME 0F HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD BY QUARTERS

FOR ALL RESPONDENTS ................ 188
MONTHLY INCOME OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD FOR STUDIED

RURAL MIGRANTS BY QUARTERS . . . ......... 189
MONTHLY INCOME 0F HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD BY REGIONAL

ORIGINS ................ . ..... 191
RESIDENTIAL LOCATION AND OCCUPATION OF THE HEADS

0F STUDIED RURAL HOUSEHOLDS ............ 192
CLASSIFICATION OF RESULTS OF DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS. . 205
SELECTED STATISTICS FROM REGRESSION ANALYSIS ..... 208
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DWELLING SIZE AND RATE OF

MOBILITY FOR MOVERS AMONG RURAL MIGRANTS . . . . . 213
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN REASONS FOR LEAVING ORIGIN

AND REASONS FOR CHOOSING DESTINATIONS ..... . . 215

INTRA-URBAN MOBILITY FOR MOVERS AMONG RURAL MIGRANTS. 219

FUTURE MOBILITY BY REGIONAL ORIGINS ......... 228
FUTURE DESTINATIONS .......... . . . . . . . 230
REASONS FOR FUTURE MOBILITY ........ . . . . . 232

xii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. P0pulation Settlement of Saudi Arabia ......... 2

2. Administrative Divisions of Saudi Arabia . . . . . . . 3

3. Taif Physical Features ............. . . . 45
4. The Expansion of Taif ....... . ......... 51
5. Taif's Residential Quarters .............. 54
6. Taif: The Walled City . . . . . . . . ........ 55
7. Housing Types in Taif ................. 60
8. Existing Socio-Economic Survey Zones ......... 63

9. Possible Size and Location of Houses Within Blocks . . 67
10. Land Value in Taif, 1970 and 1978. .......... 68

11. Taif Street Pattern and Layout . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

12. Taif Major Roads .............. . . . . . 71
13. Existing Land Use in Taif ............... 75
14. Taif Hinterland in 1900 ................ 78
15. The Region of Taif ................ . . 79
16. Southwestern Region of Saudi Arabia. . . . . ..... 83

17- Maximum, Average, and Minimum Temperatures in Taif
by Month ...... . . . , . , , . , , , , . . . . 84

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES (cont'd.)

Figure
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.

35.

36.

Page
Regional Context ................... -85
Age Structure in Percent of Total Population ..... 94
Taif Metropolitan Area ................ 95
Increase of Taif City Permanent Population, 1975-1955. 97

Migrants' Distribution in Taif, Saudi Arabia ..... 98
Sample Survey Locations in Taif ............ 112
Sample Size by Quarter ................ 113
Possible Locations of Mosques Within Blocks ...... 114
Rural Migration Streams to Taif ............ 132
Rural Migrants by Age Groups ............. 144
Distribution of Age Groups by Region ......... 146

Rural Migration to Taif between 1958 and 1978. . . . . 168

Percent of Respondents by Quarter .......... . 179
Rate of Change in Residence by Rural Migrants. . . . . 196
Rate of Change in Residence by Regions ........ 198

Rate of Change in Residence and Time Spent in Taif . . 200

Change in Residence by Rural Migrants ......... 202
Residential Mobility for Movers among Rural Migrants

in Taif .............. . . . . ..... 203
A Scatter Plot of Cases by Regional Origins. . . . . . 207

xiv

LIST OF FIGURES (cont'd.

Figure Page
37. Rate of Change in Residence by Age Group ....... 210

38. Patterns of Residential Mobility for Movers
Among Rural Migrants ........... . . . . . 220

XV

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

 

Saudi Arabia is a vast country of about seven million
inhabitants. The distribution of that population is uneven. The
major urban centers are few and clustered in specific regions
(Figures 1 and 2). Based on figures from the national 1974 p0pu-
lation census, there are sixteen major cities in the country of
more than thirty thousand inhabitants (Table 1)-

Due to lack of accurate records, the history of the country's
population growth is unknown. Any attempt to estimate population
change and growth would be difficult and unreliable. However, during
the last few decades the country has witnessed rapid expansion. It
is postulated that such expansion is due to economic development
which began in the 19405 with the exportation of oil. Urban popula-
tion was measured at 25 percent in 1970 (Ibrahim, 1974) and 38 per-

cent in 1974 (Population Census, 1974).*

 

*The annual growth rate for the urban population is calculated at
6.4 percent (Ibrahim, 1974). Individual cities and towns have
different rates (Table 2).

 

 

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TABLE 1

URBAN CENTERS OF MORE THAN 30,000 POPULATION

 

 

 

City Population No. of Families
(Number) (Number)
Riyadh 666,840 101,506
Jeddah 561,104 97,363
Mecca 366,801 67,947
Taif 207,857 30,877
Medina 198,186 35,390
Dammam 127,844 21,513
Hufuf 101,271 14,551
Tabouk 74,825 10,696
Buraidah 69,940 8,774
Al-Mobarraz 54,325 7,775
Khamis-Mushait 49,581 8,142
Al Khobar 48,817 9,023
Najran 47,501 9,149
Ha'il 40,502 6,065
Jizan 32,812 5,648
Abha 30,150 5,413

 

Source: (1974) Population Census, Saudi Arabia.

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This process of recent urban expansion is not peculiar to
Saudi Arabia; rather it is a feature of our modern era. Other Arab
countries are also experiencing similar increases in the concentra-
tion of people in cities; in turn they are losing population in the
rural areas (Table 3). The annual urban growth rates for all Arab
countries (except Kuwait and Qatar) range from 3.1 percent in Gazza
to 8.1 percent in the United Arab Emirates (Table 4). The major
causes of this recent urban growth are the natural increase in
cities' population and the massive rural migration to cities (Jones,
1967; Hurewitz, 1969; Ibrahim, 1975). Estimates of the percentages
of rural migrants in some of the Arab and Middle East cities include
33 percent in Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1965), 26 percent in Beirut (Chur-
chill, 1954), and 38 percent in Tehran (Bharier, 1968). Jones (1969)
reports a large-scale migration from rural areas into Baghdad at a
rate of about 5 percent a year. In Algeria an estimated 110,000-
120,000 rural residents annually move into towns (Sutton, 1972).
Malik (1973) has estimated that approximately 75 percent of the
total increase in the population of Riyadh alone was due to migra-
tion.

Saudi Arabia is a developing country that is passing through
rapid economic development and social change. Internal migration
within the country, specifically rural-urban migration, is signifi-

cant in numbers and in the rate at which it is occurring. Riyadh

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Ne m.~ mm N.. am 8.” mm N.N P.o e.m ”scam
mN m.— m. m. mN m.m pm w.e ¢.N m.m mmnmg< vuaom
as No. om po. an no. om po. —. No. guano
N no. N po. co m. No m. o. m. caso
mm m.— oe m. me o.— co m.— m.N m._ scanned
on o. mm p. oN p. Ne No. N. N. avozsx
we p.p mm m. cm e.p mm m. ¢.N m.— nausea
no o.e mm m.p Nm P.m mm ¢.n —.a N.m ace—
- m. - m. - - - - m. m. o-mo
as N. FN mo. oN we. mN no. N. —. evocsom
me _.N pm F.~ Nm N.N om m.N m.¢ o.m mwmvcah
cp m.— m c. co m.cp em e.m o.mp o.op caesm
mm m.m NN o.N mm o.o— Nu a.e m.mp o.m ouuocoz
n no. N Fo. no —.— NN N. N.p N. m.:cu.g:m:
an N. NN N. No m.p an m. o.N o.— mxnpg
me m.ep Nm m.m mm N.NP we o.e— m.mm m.oN unamm
mm N.m mN N.N mm m.m mu N.N N.N— m.m umcmmp<
a .6952 a .5952 a .3952 w. 33:52 39.52 39.52

cum, ommp sump ommp onp omNP

covuapaaoa cone: copumpaaoa —mL=¢ cowuapaaoa acucaou

 

 

AmcoPF—_E cvv
ommp-ommp .mm_mhzaou m<m< Nzom do zo~h<42aoa

m u4m<p

TABLE 4

ANNUAL URBAN GROWTH RATES FOR SELECTED
ARAB COUNTRIES 1950/60 AND 1960/70

 

 

Country 1950/60 1960/70

 

Algeria
Egypt
Libya
Mauritania
Morocco
Sudan
Tunisia
Bahrain
Gazza
Iraq
Jordan
Kuwait
Lebanon
Oman
Qatar

Saudi Arabia

kbwhhwwwbmwbhb

bbbhO—J-aoopmmommmb

._1
0

Syria
U.A.E.

North Yemen

bmmwmmbbmbhwmwGAN-bbb
ivioLbbN—aooooo—aomouopmom

UTCDVOON
.-'U1|\)

South Yemen

 

Source: Ibrahim, 1974, p. 76.

is not the only fast growing city in the country. Some other major
cities, including Jeddah, Mecca, Medina, Damman and Taif, are grow-
ing rapidly as well. When considering the rate of natural increase
for Saudi Arabia, which is 3 percent per year, the population of the
country would double in about 23 years. Many of the above cities
have annual growth rates exceeding 5 percent, which means they will
double in less than 15 years (Table 2). Between the first and the
second population census (12 years) the percentage of the population
defined as urban tripled (Table 3). These increases were not only

the product of natural increases, but are also attributed to large—

scale in—migration from rural areas.

Visible signs of rapid expansive urbanization in Saudi Arabia
are numerous. There are increased numbers of public facilities and
above all the physical expansion of the individual cities themselves.
These changes are much in evidence in Taif, the focus of this re-
search. The city has changed enormously during recent years. Forty-
four years ago there were only three residential quarters in the
city (an area of about two square kilometers). These quarters
formed the core area of the city. At the present time there are
twenty-five quarters in an area of about twelve square kilometers
(an increase of 83 percent). This calculation indicates that Taif

is growing at a scale of about 9,500 square meters per year.

10

Urban expansion at the scale mentioned above would not have
occurred in Taif without the increased housing demands created by
massive rural migration. It is rural migrants and rural migration
that need to be examined in detail. This study is concerned with
examining rural migrants in Taif in terms of (a) the motives and
process of their migration into the city and more importantly (b)
the process of their residential mobility. An examination of these
topics will not only shed light on the problem of rural—urban migra-
tion from place of origin, but also household destinations within
the city. Such a study should prove useful to urban and rural
policy-makers who wish to understand better the spatial and temporal
processes and to bring about a better understanding of the social

and economic changes in the rural areas and within Taif.

Scope and Purpose of the Study

 

The rural-urban migration processes can be viewed in two major
perspectives: (a) the movement of rural migrants into an urban center and
(b) their movement within the urban space. The two themes are very
much interrelated. The flow of migrants from their rural areas repre-
sents a shift not only of location but one in which a new way of life
is likely to occur. Whatever the reasons behind the rural-urban

migration, it can be anticipated that migrants are exposed to a new

11

and urban way of life, and, more importantly, the problem of resi-
dential choice. It is anticipated that one state of the adjustment
process to the urban atmosphere is the selection of a satisfactory
dwelling on a suitable location (quarter or neighborhood). This
search process may involve elements of surprise for the newcomers.
Therefore, a number of intraurban residential moves are expected.

The search for suitable dwelling and location is determined by time
(length of urban experience), social and economic characteristics of
the population in relation to available housing types, and character-
istics of the houses and quarters themselves.

The overriding purposes of this study are twofold: (1) to
examine the process and motives of rural-urban migration to Taif and
(2) to analyze rural migrants' residential mobility within the city,
especially the resultant spatial patterns. Based on the writer's
long experience and observations on the movement of the rural popula-
tion into Taif, the city's residential growth, the major questions

asked in this study are the following:

1. Where did these rural migrants come from?

2. What kind of migration did they make?
(i.e., individuals or households?)

3. What were their motives for migration?

4. Where did they initially settle in Taif?

12

5. Have they ever changed the location of their
residence since they moved? Where? How many
times? When? and Why?

6. What are the salient patterns of their movement
within Taif?

7. Where are they presently located in the city?
and Why?

This study is an attempt to understand, interpret, and ana-
lyze the spatial dimensions of'rural-urban migration to Taif, Saudi-
Arabia, as a process that is not ended merely by getting into the
urban space, but rather one that continues to operate within the
city until the migrants are satisfied with a specific dwelling and
location. In summary, the major objectives are threefold: (1) to
examine the spatial processes and motives of rural-urban migration
to Taif; (2) to investigate the rural migrants' residential mobility
within the different quarters of the city; and (3) to identify and
analyze ongoing patterns of their residential movements: The results
should provide useful information and recommendations to those who
are concerned with urban and rural planning development in Taif and

throughout Saudi Arabia.

The Scope of Study_Within Geography_

This study considers the process of rural-urban migration

and the rural migrants' residential mobility within Taif. Migration

13

is viewed as a form of human behavior (Speare, 1971) that results in
some distinct spatial patterns. Migration is a change in the location
of residence by individuals or groups of people with the intention of
"permanent or semi-permanent movement“ (Woods, 1979, p. 165). Geogra-
phers are particularly interested in the temporal-spatial aspect of
migration.

Migration is a subject that has been dealt with at great
length by human geographers. This research on the rural migrants in
Taif falls within the sphere of three major subfields of human geog-
raphy: population, social, and urban geography. These subfields of
human geography have as a common underlying dimension a concern for
explaining the spatial patterns and processes of phenomena. In popu-
lation geography, the focus of study is on the distribution and varia-
tions in the population phenomena (processes and patterns) through
place and time (Zelinsky, 1966). Social geography is concerned with
the individual spatial behavior (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976) and
the resultant spatial patterns (Brunn, 1977). Urban geography deals
with the different processes which create spatial patterns in the
city (Carter, 1976).

The flow of people from rural areas is a process that results
in new spatial patterns once these newcomers arrive within the city.

The question, "Why do migrants initially sort themselves out in urban

14

space?” (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman,1976) isfundamental to this study

on Taif. Herbert argues that "the spatial patterning of residential

areas at any one point in time is the end result of a decision-making
process on where to live" (Herbert, 1972, p. 240).

From the behavioral point of view, this study attempts to un-
ravel the processes underlying the resultant patterns. The behavioral
approach in geography though not new, was not well established until
the late 19605 when human geographers began to consider the processes
associated with human behavior and spatial organization (Mitchell,
1979). This study will benefit from the behavioral thrust and com-
ponents within geography in that individual decision-making processes

are examined.

Organization of the Study

 

This study is divided into seven chapters. In Chapter Two,
the concern is focused upon the ideas, concepts and themes related
to migration theories and literature. Chapter Three outlines the spa-
tial structure 0f Taif, and includes a discussion of the pilot study.
The research hypotheses and sampling procedures utilized comprise
Chapter Four, followed by a discussion of the process of rural migra-
tion to Taif in Chapter Five. Chapter Six deals with residential

mobility among the rural migrants and the resultant spatial patterns

15

of their movement. Chapter Seven concludes with a summary of the
study itself as well as implications of the study and recommenda-

tions for further research.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Introduction

 

Because of the interest in human migration that exists in
many scientific disciplines, including geography, sociology, econ-
omics, anthropology, and psychology, the amount of literature on
this subject is staggering. White and Woods (1980) describe the
study of migration as being both a multidisciplinary and, in its
widest sense, an interdisciplinary field. Migration is a form of
human behavior (Speare, 1971) that is exercised over space and time.
Although scholars in the social sciences approach migration from dif-
ferent points of view, all would agree that migration represents a
change in the location of residence or the movement from one place
to another. Migration takes many different forms; however, for the
most part it can be defined as either external or internal. External
migration is defined as migration between countries, as opposed to
migration within a country or internal migration. Today, internal
migration is the more prevalent form in most parts of the world.

The sphere of internal migration involves not only movement between

16

17

rural and urban communities, but movement within urban and rural
areas as well.

Geographers recognize these two types of migration, that is,
internal and external. Although geographers may benefit from other
socioeconomic approaches to migration, geographical studies of human
migration are distinguished by their concern with the spatial and
temporal dimensions. Although considerable attention is given to
social and economic variables as they relate to the characteristics
and motives of migration, geographers are inherently very interested
in the spatial patterns and flows of migrants that exist between
origins and destinations. Migration is a form of population redis-
tribution in space. That is, a process which involves changing the
spatial and socioeconomic structures of areas. White and Woods
(1980) termed these changes the "geographical impacts of migration."

A distinction needs to be made here between the terms migra-
tion and mobility. Although the verb "to migrate" connotes motion
of some sort to the author, it is not synonymous with mobility, which
is a more general term that comprises different forms of social and
spatial movements. We often differentiate between vertical and hori-
zontal mobility. Horizontal mobility usually implies movement over
space, while vertical mobility is often applied to social, economic,
or political stratifications. Thus, the study of migration among

geographers is mainly concerned with horizontal mobility, although

18

there are some aspects which are associated with vertical mobility,
as in the case of stepwise or stagewise migration. The literature
of migration contains such terms as total displacement, partial dis-
placement, interurban mobility, and intraurban mobility. Other con-
cepts, including migration field, migration streams, hinterland
migration, channelized migration, hierarchical migration, and return
migration are also well-developed (See Jakle, Brunn, and Roseman,
1976). This chapter will focus upon ideas related to migration
theories, rural-urban migration and intraurban or residential mobil-
ity as they provide a foundation advancing and testing specific

hypotheses.

Types of Migration Theories

 

Several theories on the process of migration have been formu-
lated. These theories can be classified into three general types:
1) those related to the spatial patterns of migration streams, 2)
those related to the socioeconomic characteristics of migrants, and
3) those related to the causes of migration. This simple classifi-
cation is not intended to be comprehensive, but rather, provides a
general indication of the main research trends dealing with theoret-
ical aspects of migration. The major views of each classification

are presented below.

19

The Spatial Patterns of Migration Streams

Scholars of migration have observed the movement of people
between places. Their attention has focused on the relationships
between the direction of migration flows and the volume or number of
migrants who move between one area and another. The study of such
relationships is concerned with evaluating the effect of distance on
the size of migration streams between two points: the origin and the
destination. These points of origin and destination can be areas or
cities that are adjacent or distant. The central concern for theories
of this type is how far pe0ple move from their previous residences.

Ravenstein (1885; 1889) is considered the first demographer
to offer broad generalizations on the patterns of spatial flows be-
tween origins and destinations. Ravenstein called his generalization
the "laws of migration." These laws of migration can be summarized
as follows: 1) the majority of migrants who move a short distance
are females, while those who move a long distance are mostly males
who proceed to major industrial and commercial centers; 2) the direc-
tion of flows, on the whole, is from rural to urban and the process
of migration proceeds in a series of stages; 3) for each migration
stream there is also a counter-stream; and 4) the causes or motives

of migration are generally economic.

20

Ravenstein's laws of migration were formulated in the nine-
teenth century. His generalizations were based on the degree of de-
velopment of the society for which they were generated. Although
one may question the relevance of Ravenstein's findings to modern-
day situations, it is safe to say that his laws have stimulated a
great amount of subsequent research on migration. For example,
Zelinsky (1971) based his model of mobility transition on the rela-
tionship between an increase in volume of migrants and the develop-
ment of commerce and industry. This notion, although not well de-
veloped by Ravenstein, possibly stems from his ability to understand
and measure the significance of the Spatial variations of the econ-
omic development of his time and their impact on migration flows.

As White and Woods (1980) comment, Ravenstein's work on the "laws
of migration" has formed a cornerstone of geographical thought on
migration ( also Grigg, 1977).

Another major development in migration theory was proposed
by Stouffer in 1940 when he argued that migration flows between
places are not only influenced by distance but also by intervening
opportunities. His theory suggests that the number of migrants mov-
ing a given distance is directly proportional to the number of oppor—
tunities at that distance and inversely proportional to the number

of intervening opportunities. In other words, migrants are exposed

21

to some intervening opportunities that appear between their first
residences and the subsequent one. In 1960 Stouffer introduced the
concept "competing migrants" in studying the interaction between
areas. The idea here is that it is not only the distance and number
of opportunities between origins and destinations but also the num-
ber of migrants competing for opportunities at the destinations
which has an impact on the volume of migrants to that particular
destination.

With regard to distance and migration streams, Rose (1970)
examined the socioeconomic status of migrants in relation to how far
away they migrate. He found that on the average, upper class migrants
move greater distances than lower class migrants. His hypothesis was
also based on the notion of opportunities, that is, those with high
aspirations seek better opportunity and must move greater distances
while those with fewer skills and aspirations would look for less de-
sirable opportunities and move shorter distances.

In addition to the theories of distance and opportunities,
there is Zipf's hypothesis which states that the volume of interstate
migration is a function of the population of the place of origin, the
population of the place of destination, and the distance between them
(Zipf, 1940). His idea is that migration flows between two places are
directly related to the size of their papulations and inversely re-

lated to the distance between them.

22

In his famous article "A Theory of Migration" Everett S. Lee
proposed that "no matter how short or how long, how easy or how dif-
ficult, every act of migration involves an origin, a destination,
and an intervening obstacle (1965, p. 48). Lee summarized the factors
involved in the process of migration as being (1) factors associated
with the area of origin; (2) factors associated with the area of des-
tination, (3) intervening obstacles and (4) personal factors (Lee,
1970). Lee's idea of the factors associated with origin and destina-
tion is similar to the well-known "push-pull" theory of migration.
Bogue further elaborated on the attributes of places in relation to
out and in-migrations. He stated that "selectively of out-migrants
from any community tends to vary directly with the strength of attrac-
tive "pulls" from the other community and inversely with the explosive
"pushes" from the community itself"(1961, p. 12). The theory of push-

pu11 factors will be discussed further below.

The Socioeconomic Characteristics of
Migrants or "Migration Selectivity."

 

 

One of the most frequently pondered topics in the literature
of migration is an analysis of the typical migrant. Ever since the
introduction of and search for the laws of migration, social scien-
tists have sought to establish a universal migrant prototype. The

term "selectivity" refers to the characteristics of a group or

23

individual who tend to be more migratory than others. In the litera-
ture, these characteristics are identified as migration differentials.
They include age, sex, educational level, occupation, economic status,
and social status. In the attempt to differentiate migrants from non-
migrants, these differentials become highly significant. White and
Woods (1980) proposed two generalizations with regard to these attri-
butes: first, that migrants are not randomly selected from the popu-
lation at the place of origin, and second, that migrants at a certain
destination do not form a random cross-section addition to the poula-
tion. Furthermore, Bogue, in his paper "Techniques and Hypotheses

for the Study of Differential Migration" (1961) suggested that when
testing hypotheses related to migration selectivity, one should con-
sider population and environmental conditions both at the origin and
at the destination. In essence, when studying migration patterns re-
searchers must be aware of differences between societies in terms of
stage of development, economic growth, technological improvements,

and cultural nuances.

Numerous studies on the relationship between age and the ten-
dency to migrate reveal that young adults are the customary migrants.
For example, most migrants in the United States are between 20 and 34
years of age (Thomas, 1958). In India, Connel et a1. (1976) reported
that village inhabitants between 15 and 24 years of age were the most

common migrants. Schults (1971) in Colombia found that most migrants

24

were between 18 and 27 years old. The majority of rural Taiwanese
migrants, according to Rempel (1970), were between the ages of 15
and 24. Shaw (1975) in his book review on migration argued that
migration varies inversely with age; he cites several citations
from independent studies to support his generalization. Age, how-
ever, cannot by itself be considered a criterion of differentiation.

Another frequently employed migration differential is sex.
While it has generally been accepted that the propensity to migrate
is greater among males, sex-selectivity seems to vary with space and
time. While Arias (1961) found that internal migration was more com-
mon among males than females in Guatemala, Lee's (1961) study of mi-
gration patterns in the United States indicated very minimal differ-
ences between males and females with regard to their pr0pensity to
migrate. Even within a given country, variations in the sex vari-
able may exist. In Brazil, male migrants outnumbered females when
examining urban migration from large cities; however, in terms of
migration from small towns and rural areas, female migrants were in
the majority (as cited by Jansen, 1970, from Hutchinson, 1960). In-
deed, sex as a universal migration differential appears less depend-
able than others (Peters, 1976).

Differentiation among migrants based on occupational or edu-

cational levels or according to economic or social status also has

25

frequently been employed in studies of migration. Here too, how-
ever, it becomes evident that these differentials are defined by
space and time. Sahota (1968), in studying Brazil, found that migra-
tion is directly related to education. Conversely, Ducoff (1963)
discovered that a substantial number of migrants to San Salvador had
little or no education. Shaw (1975) in his review of the migration
to and from the Southern United States concludes: 1) migration to
and from the southern U.S. is positively correlated with education;
2) migrating peoples include proportionately more of the better-
educated persons than non-migrants, regardless of age, sex, color,
or direction of movement to and from the southern U.S.; and 3)
migration of better-educated persons becomes more pronounced as the
migration distance increases.

The relationship between migration and occupation also varies
with differences in the occupational classes of societies. Rose
(1970) found that persons of high status move greater distances than
those of low status who seek less desirable opportunities and move
shorter distances to fulfill their goals. In Britain, Willis (1972)
found that professionals were more migratory than other occupational
classes. Also, Tarver (1964) in studying labor force migration in
the U.S. reported that migration was higher among professional,

technical and kindered employees than any other group.

26

In studying such a complex process as migration patterns,
demographic variables as well as social and economic differentials
must be considered on a spatial as well as temporal basis. Univer-
sal generalizations based on a single differential would be inaccu-
rate and misleading. Students of migration behavior and processes
need to be keenly aware of the relationships between age, educational
level, occupation, and sex in determining migration patterns. Re-
searchers must not only consider the interaction of these differen-
tials, but also the degree of development, urbanization, and indus-

trialization within a given region.

Causes of Migration

 

The third major area of human migration in our general classi-
fication treats the factors that motivate individuals or groups to
migrate from one place to another. As discussed previously, Raven-
stein (1885; 1889) recognized the importance of industrial and commer-
cial development in attracting migrants to an area. Weeks (1977) be-
lieves that people migrate to obtain jobs, while Todaro (1969) argues
that it is in fact higher wages in urban areas that attract migrants.
White and Woods (1980) state that migration occurs because of the

migrant's perception of the spatial differentiation of opportunities.

In other words, migrants believe that different geographical locations

27

offer different levels of potential prosperity to prospective migrants.
People are drawn from one place to another according to their needs
and desires and the availability of opportunities to fulfill them.
There are specific factors associated with a given origin or
destination which would make it more or less desirable to a potential
migrant (Lee, 1966). The push-pull hypothesis, which utilizes the
idea of factors, has been commonly used in attempts to describe the
causes of migration. The classification of migration motives into
push (negative) and pull (positive) factors is rather general, even
though the process of migration itself is very complex. Factors
associated with rural-urban migration may differ from those related
to urban-urban migration which also differ from those factors involved
in intraurban mobility. Whatever the specific causes behind migration,
they can generally be classified into economic, social, and political
categories. These categories should not be isolated from spatial
variations and the distribution and level of opportunities between
two areas in question. Terms including labor migration, educational
migration, and retirement migration, all of which are found in the
literature, illustrate the main causes of migration. Perhaps the
most comprehensive approach to understanding the mechanisms of migra-
tion is the conceptualized framework of general systems theory offered

by Mabogunje in 1970. He provided a general approach through which

28

the underlying causes of migration can be understood. His view pro-
vided that migration is a continuous spatial phenomenon that is part
of complex interrelationships of social, economic, governmental, tech-
nological and other mechanisms. Any changes in one part of the gen-

eral system would generate changes in others.

Rural-Urban Migration

 

Internal migration between rural and urban areas is a common
phenomenon in most of the world's countries. As stated by Kempinski,
"in many countries there is a definite movement of people from agri-
culture to town employment" (1961, p. 71). Rural areas have been
the reserve of workers (Windham, 1961). The migration of rural
persons into towns is a cumulative process (Freedman and Freedman,
1956). The industrial revolution in the advanced countries of the
West stimulated the movement of the rural population into cities.
The major migration patterns have been from populous rural areas
into the major cities or manufacturing centers (Fielding, 1975).
Within the United States, the major migration streams have been
from the agricultural Sbuth to the industrial North (Roseman,
1977). Recently, the rural-urban migration in the industrial

Western countries has lessened. For example, in the United States

29

United States there has been a turnaround, new form of population
migration (Beale, 1976). This migration defines people who are
now retreating or returning into nonmetropolitan areas (McCarthy
and Morrison, 1977). Several factors are assumed to have influ-
enced such new movements, especially toward areas of economic
Opportunities (Lycan, 1975).

In the developing countries there has been a mass of
continuous movement from rural areas to urban centers in recent
decades. This is evident when we compare the increasing numbers
of people living in cities in most of the Third World regions
to that of Europe and North America (Table 5). It is rapid
improvements in the aspects of health, education, employment,
social affairs and other amenities of the new modernization in
the major cities and towns of the Third World that have motivated
the rural man to migrate. Few of these services have yet reached
the village level (Kempinski, 1961).

The general patterns of rural-urban migration in the
developing countries are far from being uniform. In Africa,
studies indicate that, historically, migration streams have
developed from a tribal-based to a traditional state-based to
a colonial type (Harvey, 1969). Mabogunje (1972) described

migration in Africa as being primarily regional, where individuals

30

TABLE 5

PERCENTAGES OF URBAN POPULATION IN WORLD REGIONS

FOR 1970 AND 1979*

 

 

Region

Percent of Urban

Percent of Urban

 

1970 1979
North America 72 74
Europe 65 68
Latin America 40 61
Arab World 35 59
Asia 25 27
Africa 15 25

 

*The 1970 figures were obtained from United Nations, 1976 and the
1979 figures were calculated by the author from the 1979 World
Population Data Sheet of the Population Reference Bureau.

31

or groups of people cross ethnic or national boundaries. From the
spatial-temporal viewpoint, rural-urban relationships in Africa are
divided into four categories: 1) rural-rural; 2) rural-urban; 3)
urban-rural; and 4) urban-urban. In terms of time there are
circulation-types of movement (daily, periodic, seasonal, long-
term) and migration (irregular and permanent) (Gould and Prothero.
1975). For the most part, rural-urban migrations in Africa are
labor force-type of movements (Prothero, 1976).

In Asia, although rural to urban migration is pronounced,
there are some countries that exhibit different patterns. For
example, in Malaysia rural residents were attracted to new settle-
ments created between 1950 and 1960 (Wikkramatileke, 1965). In
Indonesia people were transferred from crowded Java to frontier
lands (Withington, 1963). Because of the economic development
taking place in these and other countries, "transmigration" schemes
are becoming increasingly commonplace. In India, the most outstand-
ing characteristic of Indian migration is that people spend their
entire lives within or near the district in which they were born,
or within their native states (Gasal and Krishan, 1975). This
phenomenon may indicate how deeply people are attached to their
mother land and culture, The destinations of Indian migration
are to be one of the following areas: urban-industrial concentra-

tions, plantations, newly-developed agricultural lands; multipurpose

32

project sites, other areas with developmental activities; and
mining areas (Gosal and Krishan, 1975).

In Latin America, the frequent source of internal migra-
tion is from the Andean uplands to the Pacific and Carribean
coasts or to lowlands east of the Andes (Butland, 1966; Dozier,
1969). It has been estimated that about 60 percent of the Latin
America pooulation is living in cities (see Table 5 and also
Brunn and Thomas, 1970). Due to develOpment in agriculture and
infrastructure, peOple are migrating to frontier lands (Dozier,
1971). In the migration literature on Latin America, the move~
ment of persons between areas has been described as being a pro-
cess of step-wise and stage migrations (Thomas and Mulvihill,
1980). Patterns of direct movements to capital cities also exist
(Thomas and Mulvihill, 1980). Patterns of direct movements to

capital cities also exist (Thomas and Catau, 1974).

In countries of the Arab world in North Africa and the Middle
East, two major types of movement are recognized: rural-urban migra-
tion and nomad migration. During the last few decades the frequency
of nomad migration has been reduced. The reason is that various
settlement projects have brought the nomadic peOple into direct
contact with sedentary life and style (Awad, 1952; Shamekh, 1975).

In terms. of rural migration there are two major streams: the

33

movement of rural populations to major towns and cities and the
migration to oil centers and industries. Rural-rural migrations

are found in countries that have more agricultural potential, such
as Egypt, Sudan, Iraq and Syria (Clarke and Fisher, 1972). The pro—
cesses of rural-urban migration and the development of nomad settle-
ments in the Arab world have been accelerated since the exploration
of oil in the 19405 and because of modern improvements in health,
education, transportation and economic opportunities that are asso-
ciated with cities.

The majority of the internal migration studies conducted in
the developing countries have focused on rural-urban migration. The
major research thrusts in the literature are upon migration causes
and migrant characteristics. Indeed most of the literature is re-
lated to the social and economic aspects of migrants. Some researchers
have attributed rural-urban migration to population pressure in the
rural areas (McGee, 1971), while others cited primarily economic
factors (Robock, 1968; McNulty, 1966, and Gulliver, 1965). The econ-
omic motives are usually explained in relation to the sending areas
(push factors) as well as to the receiving centers (pull factors)

In terms of migrant characteristics, investigations are gen-
erally concerned with age, sex, education and literacy as important

components that differentiate migrants from non-migrants. This

34

differentiation holds true for several studies done on Latin American
migration (Elizaga, 1966; Browning and Feindt, 1969; Bock and Iutaka,
1967). Some studies identify a higher percentage of females among
rural migrants (Ducoff, 1962). In an Indian study more than half of
all migrants, especially when speaking of rural-rural migration, were
females (Gosal and Krishan, 1975). In Ibadan, Nigeria, Callaway
(1967) reported that about 70 percent of all migrants were 15-25
years old. In Kenya, the majority of migrants were 20-25 (Rempel,
1970). Generally, studies on African migration reveal that most
migrants are young adult males or school-leavers (Byerlee, 1974;
Callaway, 1969).

The picture of rural-urban migration in the Arab world is
similar to that of Latin America except for a few exceptions. In fact,
there is a scarcity of literature on rural-urban migration in the
region due to a lack of reliable statistical data on the subject.

As stated above, studies reveal that most migrants are attracted by
economic opportunities in cities. Phillips (1959) observed that in
Iraq, rural conditions act as the push and the nature of urban areas
as the pull. In Libya, Hartley (1972) described the causes of rural-
urban migration as much the same. In Iran, the decline in agricul-
tural productivity and the attraction of towns were essential factors

in terms of propensity to migrate (Bharier, 1968). These findings

35

reveal that seeking work or better jobs and wages in urban places are
major reasons for rural migration. Other researchers have indicated
that population pressure in rural areas is another justification for
rural-urban migration. This situation was considered important in
Lebanon where the population increase in the rural areas had exceeded
the availability of land or farm employment (Tannous, 1942; Khuri,
1967). In Morocco, the most fundamental cause of rural-urban migra-
tion is the poverty and p0pu1ation pressure in the regions from which
most of the migrants are drawn (Blake, 1972). Studies in Iraq,
Lebanon, and Egypt have shown that younger persons, mostly males
(Baali, 1966, Khuri, 1967, Abu-Lughod, 1961), and complete family
migrations, are most common. The majority of the migrants intend
to live in towns (Phillips, 1959 and Azeez, 1968). This latter find-
ing is at variance from rural migration research in Africa, where
migrants usually return to their areas of origin (Amin, 1974 and
Mabogunje, 1972). In Morocco, small towns attract predominantly
local countrymen and the larger towns, migrants from greater dis-
tances (Blake, 1972).

Thus far the process of rural-urban migration in some of the
developing world and Arab countries has been described in terms of
patterns, motives and selectivity. The main purpose of this thesis

is to examine rural migration as a continuous process which starts

36

with out-movements from rural areas and continues operating through
movements within the urban center. This movement continues until

the migrants find residential satisfaction, either by accepting perma-
nent residence in the city or moving back to their original home.

The questions that need to be addressed to rural migrants in the

urban center are: Where are they located within the city, and their
primary reasons for being there. The movement of the urban dwellers
within cities is generally labeled residential mobility, the next

topic we want to discuss.

Residential Mobility,

 

Residential mobility car1be defined as a change in residence
within cities. In other words, residential mobility is a process
which includes the movement of people from one residence to another
for some reason or other. The term residential mobility, within the
geographic literature, is actually more than just a form of movement,
it considers questions of who moves and why they move. From the
spatial viewpoint, it looks at where people have moved to and why
they live where they do (Abler, Adams and Gould, 1973). Residential
mobility involves the movement to a new dwelling and location (Rossi,

1955). Other characteristics that are also important relate to

neighborhood and housing types (Lansing and Barth, 1964).

37

The study of residential mobility in the social sciences is
not a new subject. Sociologists as well as geographers have examined
the topic for several decades. Numerous studies exist in the Ameri-
can literature. Two major approaches are used; the ecological point
of view and the behavioral viewpoint. From the ecological point of
view, Park (1936) observed the existence of different population
groups within cities and saw that the competition for residential
space among these different groups resulted in what he termed an
invasion-succession process, that is, specific groups settle 1" the
places occupied previously by others. This ecological approach to
the study of a city's residential structure originated at the Uni-
versity of Chicago in the 19205; the approach is known as urban
ecology. Subsequent to Park's study several models on the residen-
tial structure of cities were developed including Burgess' concentric
zone theory (1925), Hoyt's sectoral theory (1935), and the Harris-
Ullman multiple-nuclei theory (1945).

The work of the ecological school of Chicago or urban struc-
ture stimulated other researchers. During the 19505 a new approach
for the study of the residential structure of cities was proposed
by Shevky and Bell (1955). This new approach was called social
areas in cities. Such studies were based on the collection of the

socioeconomic characteristics of residents for specific areas in

38

cities; the units used were census tracts. The aim of social area
analysis was to delineate subregions in cities for various social
groups. The social areas approach paved the way for the introduc-
tion of factor analysis. Examples of factor analytic studies re-
search are studies by Murdie (1968); Berry and Rees (1969) and Abu-
Lughod (1969). The utilization of this multivariate technique has
enabled researchers to consider a large number of interrelated
socioeconomic and demographic variables. The ultimate result of
factor analysis is to identify the residential structure of cities
and subdivide areas on the basis of different factors including
social, economic, family and ethnic status.

From the behavioral point of view, researchers have considered
the decision-making process used by individuals in determining their
residential mobility. The ecological or social space approach in
the study of residential mobility described above is a method that
gives major attention to aggregate population flows and thus is re-
garded as providing a macrostudy of residential mobility. Examples
of their macrostudies are found in Hempel, 1969; Clark, 1970; Simmons,

1974; Quigley, 1976; and Moore, 1979. But for the behavioral model,
an individual's behavior is more important, and generally these
studies can be considered microstudies. Examples of such re-
search are Barresi, 1968; Brown and Moore, 1970; and Palm, 1976.

These behavioral studies and others have three prevalent themes:

39

1) factors affecting the decision to move, 2) the search process
for alternatives, and 3) factors leading to the selection of the
new residence.

In his review article, Morgan (1973) states that Why Families

 

ngg_(Rossi, 1955) must be regarded as one of the fundamental contri—
butions to the study of intraurban migration. Indeed, Rossi's work
has drawn attention to the roles of individual decision-making power
and the family life-cycle in the change of residence process. In re-
gard to the decision-to-move Rossi (1955) divided the underlying
reasons into negative and positive factors and how they related to
housing constraints, income constraints, and stage in the family
life-cycle. Moore argues that in order to understand the household's
movement we should "assume that each individual possesses a set of
values regarding personal lifestyles, housing conditions, and neigh-
borhood characteristics" (1972, p. 3). He adds that these values
enable the individual to define some major aspects, such as expecta—
tions, evaluation, and preference. According to Moore (1972) there
are four types of lifestyle aspirations: consumption-oriented;
social-oriented; family-oriented; and community-oriented. In a
similar context, Goodman states that "the dominant determinant of
where someone moves to is where they moved from"(1978, p. 17).
Individual mobility has been explained in terms of "place

utility," which as defined by Wolpert is "the net composite of

40

utilities which are derived from the individual's integration at some
position in space"(1965, p. 162). Other basic concepts to individual
mobility are "search behavior" and "awareness space" proposed by
Brown and Moore (1970). Both concepts are interrelated. The search
behavior concept involves the process of individuals in space becoming
familiar with alternative locations; awareness space identifies the
total knowledge individuals have about the entire urban space in
which they live. Several additional concepts that are important in
examining residential mobility are the individual's action space and
activity space (see Jakle, Brunn, and Roseman, 1976 and White, 1977).
Other researchers have used individual's perception (Butler, et a1.,
1969; Ross, 1962) and the effect of information (Brown and Moore,
1971) or stresses (Clark and Cadwallader, 1973). Clark and Cadwal-
lader (1973) identified three types of stresses: psychological,
sociological, and locational. They examined the locational stresses
and their impact on an individual's decision to move or remain.
Closely related to stresses is the concept of satisfaction (Speare,
1974) or what Newman (1975) called the subjective determinants of
residential mobility.

From the above research several generalizations regarding the
movement of persons in cities have been reached. Most, however, are

related to the stage in the life-cycle and mobility; age and mobility;

41

distance and mobility; tenure status and mobility; and time and
mobility. It should be noted here that the previous assumptions
and generalizations have been applied to Western cities, especially
to those in the United States. Many of these studies were concerned
with ethnic groups, including Black Americans (Taeuber and Taeuber,
1965; Rose, 1966, 1970, 1977; Deskins, 1972; Simmons 1968), Dutch
(Wheeler and Jakle, 1969) and Italians (Gad, Peddie and Punter, 1973).
To the writer's knowledge, the study of residential mobility
in developing countries in general, and the Arab world in particular,
has been very limited. There are studies that have examined
rural migrants in cities. Those that have been done in Arab coun-
tries include observations from Cairo (Abu-Lughad, 1961); Alexandria,
Egypt (Sedky, 1965); Tripoli, Lebanon (Gulick, 1969) and Riyadh,
Saudi Arabia (Malik, 1973). These studies conclude that rural
migrants live in clusters or specific sections in these cities and
that they tend to retain some social characteristics generally asso-
ciated with rural societies. Rural migrants were also found in semi-
skilled and unskilled occupations with low-wage employment income

(Phillips, 1959; Baali, 1966; Malik, 1973).

42

Summary

Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the study of human
migration, vast amounts of literature exist, and numerous theories
have been developed. These theories can generally be broken down
into three major categories: 1) theories relating to the spatial
patterns of migration streams, 2) those theories outlining the socio-
economic characteristics of migrants, and 3) theories concerning the
causes of migration. Theories related to the spatial patterns attempt
to define and eXplain the relationships that exist between the direc-
tion of major migration flows and the volume or number of migrants.
Migration selectivity studies, or thosepertaining to the character- A
istics of migrants, attempt to classify and identify a universal
protype of migrants. It is generally held, however, that most socio-
economic variables related to migrants vary according to space and
time, and thus no prototype has yet been established. Theories with
regard to the causes of migration seek to classify such motives into
social, economic and political categories. The most comprehensive
approach to such studies involves developing a framework of general
systems theory in which migration is viewed as a continuous spatial
phenomenon involving the relationship between social, economic and
other factors. A change in any one of these factors results in a

change in those remaining.

43

Rural to urban migration is the most common form of migration
in the world today. This is especially true of Third World countries
where vast improvements in health, education and employment opportuni-
ties in cities have created a mass influx of rural migrants. In the
Arab world, two types of migration are recognized: l) rural—urban
migration and 2) nomad migration. The introduction of settlement
projects which facilitate contact with a sedentary lifestyle has greatly
reduced the frequency of nomad migration. However, rural-urban migration
is very evident, and generally is comprised of movement to major towns
and cities, or to oil centers and other particular industries.

Residential mobility, or the change in residence within cities,
is a topic of concern to the thesis. Included in this area are the
factors which influence the decision to move, the characteristics and
classification of housing-types and neighbornhoods, and the role of
the individual decision-maker. Studies of residential mobility within
the Arab world are extremely limited.

The ideas, themes, and theories presented in this chapter are
intended to provide a framework for our discussion of rural migration
to Taif. These concepts will be utilized throughout the analysis of
migration patterns and residential mobility which follow. Prior to
these discussions, however, the basic spatial structure of the city
of Taif and its change through time must be outlined, which is the

topic of the next chapter.

CHAPTER III

THE SPATIAL STRUCTURE OF TAIF

Introduction

 

The main objectives of this chapter are to trace the develop-
ment and growth of Taif and to provide some insight into the spatial
structure and arrangement of the city. The materials for the analy-
sis are based on data collected through field work observations and
from information obtained from governmental sources including reports
and/or census documents.

Taif is an ancient city in western Saudi Arabia (Figure 1).
Its development as an urban center goes as far back as the fifth cen-
tury after Christ. What we know about its history is very limited;
however, historians report that Taif was known before the rise of
Islam and that prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him) had visited it
in the sixth century (Hassan, 1963; Kamal, 1969). The city is lo-
cated in a mountain range at an elevation of about 1700 meters above
sea level (Figure 3). It is believed that Taif has long functioned
as a trade center and, by virtue of its moderate climate, served (and
still serves) as a summer resort as well. Its site had given it a

strategic advantage as it functioned as a military stronghold for

44

45

 

FIGURE 3
Taif Physical Features

 

   
 
  
 
 
 
 
  
  

5 kilometers

4 miles

 

Elevation (rn)

2400
2200
2000
1600
1600
1400
1200

 

 

 

Source: Taif Planning and Development Department

 

46

several ages. Taif is well known for its wall and citadel which
survived until the late 19205 when they were removed. The spatial
structure of Taif as a city can be briefly explored throughout the

following sections.

The Pilot Study

 

In view of the absence of comprehensive and reliable records
on the development, structure and function of Taif, direct observa-
tions via field survey become essential. To fulfill this goal, a
pilot study (mentioned in Chapter I) was carried out during the sum-
mers of 1978 and 1979. The purpose of these surveys was to collect
in the field some first-hand information concerning the study area,
authorities, and inhabitants so as to become familiar with potential
problems and difficulties that might arise with respect to the tech-
niques to be used and the time required.

In terms of the research area it is necessary to describe
the expansion of Taif itself. Background investigation was needed
to explore the changing structure of the city. To accomplish this
it was important to the pilot project, and subsequent research, to
contact the leaders and the people of the community for two reasons.

First, it was critical to obtain approval from official authorities

47

to carry out the research plans. Secondly, and more importantly,
it was necessary to contact selected individuals of the community
for house-to-house interviews and to evaluate the questionnaire
design.

For purposes of determining city growth, some reference
points or landmarks had to be recorded on the base map and used
to trace neighborhood development. Scale and measurement questions
had to be considered in conducting field surveys. In terms of
scale, time is also considered a critical cornerstone. The spatial
expansion of Taif into several quarters can be explained chronolog-
ically; that is, specific stages can be identified according to the
time of their development. The age of specific dwelling units was
difficult to obtain; however, time and the building material used
are very much interrelated in our case. The measurements that were
employed to explain the city's development over time are building
materials, viz. mud, stone, and cement. The introduction of cement
as an essential element in building houses is very recent. In the
past, houses were built from mud or stone or some combination.
While it is true that most newly-built houses in all recently de-
veloped quarters are built from cement, there are many others that
still possess the construction characteristics of the past. It was
these less modern units that were used in the overall study of Taif's

expansion and the classification of housing types.

48

Another technique employed to determine neighborhood growth
was to conduct interviews with the Omad1 and senior residents con-
cerning the history of certain old houses or mosques in various
neighborhoods throughout the city. Such contacts were useful. The
outcome of these field investigations and interviews regarding the
city's developments spatial structure and function are discussed

below.

Spatial Expansion and Development of Taif

The introduction of cement into the area as a new building
material, but not an essential one. is believed to have occurred
soon after World War 11. At that time, cement was imported from
foreign countries as the domestic economy had just begun to develop,
a situation that remained until about the mid-19605. Therefore,
construction from 1945-1965 shows a variety of houses, the majority

having been built from the local material, and a few from cement or

 

1Omad (singular Omdah) are official leaders of neighborhoods,
usually appointed by the Emire (governor) of Taif. The major task of
each of these leaders is to be aware of whatever problem(s) might be
found in their area(s) and to report them to the Emire or other
apprOpriate public safety department. Omad are also responsible for
the identification of persons living in their quarters whenever it is
needed. For example, if a person were to apply for social security,
his eligibility could not be determined without the Omdah's approval.
However, the power of the political role of these omad. in solving
social problems or in participating in the overall planning and de-
velopment of their areas or of Taif itself, is minimal if not nil.

49

containing some cement. It should be noted that there are two types
of houses made of cement: those built from cement bricks with wood
roofs and those built from cement bricks but with concrete reinforce-
ment. During the period from 1945-1964, houses made with concrete
reinforcement are believed to number very few.

The period from 1965 to date has witnessed great social and
economic changes in the country due to the increase in oil produc-
tion and revenues. The economic development, which has started in
the cities, has attracted streams of rural to urban migrants and has
created excessive demands for urban housing. With the establishment
of cement factories in different parts of the country and with the
availability of capital and cheap labor, largely from North Yemen.
new neighborhoods have sprouted up in Taif. This period of great
expansion in housing could be termed the "construction boom."

Thus far, we have identified two major periods of city expan-
sion, that is, 1945—1964 and 1965 to the present. These two periods
represent Stages Two and Three of city growth and expansion. Through
careful examination of construction materials and by consulting
senior citizens, we find that Taif did not experience significant
changes prior to 1945. There are several reasons for this slow ex-
pansion. First, Taif was surrounded by a wall until the late 19205.

Second, even after the removal of the wall, evidences of important

50

changes are not ostensible. It is thought that residents during this
particular period were not sufficiently motivated to relocate their
homes outside the core area. This state of reluctancy by city
chellerscan be attributed to concerns about security, transportation,
and capital finance. The period before 1945 witnessed the develop-
ment of the core of the city. It can be viewed as Stage One and
might be called the "stage of formation."

As a result of the field survey and the analysis of construc—
tion period classification with respect to the historical development
of Taif, the different residential quarters of the city are then
grouped into three major chronological categories (Figure4 ). Fin-
ally, it should be recognized that in classifying these quarters
similarities as well as differences do exist. These similarities

and differences are explored below.

Spatial Arrangement and Structure of Taif

 

Two main themes of research in urban geography are (1) the
study of differences between cities and/or between cities and their
hinterlands, that is, the study of external relations for cities
and (2) the study of differences within cities themselves, that is.
their internal spatial organization. The latter theme is

the concern of this section.

51

 

 

      
   

to Riyadh

to Mecca (86 km)
and Jeddah (160 km)

to Abha
(540 km)

to Ash Shafa
95km) FIGURE 4

- Before 1945
7////, 1945i01964

7 4 1965 to 1978
Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

The Expansion
of Taif

 

 

52

One of the early studies on city morphology was provided by
Smailes in the 19505; he proposed townscape analysis. His aim was
to identify some sub-regions or areas within the city according to
three criteria: land use, street patterns, and building types
(Smailes, 1955). The goal of this approach is to obtain a general
description of regions within the urban settlement. Another morpho-
logical approach was proposed by Watson WhOSB study Of Halifax
was based upon the effect of relict elements on the direction of
urban growth and change (Watson, 1959). A third example was suggested
by Johnston in the 19605 in his study of Melbourne through the use of
housing-types as a criterion for classification (Johnston, 1969).
Similarly, Amato, in his study of Bogota'was able to identify three
sub-areas based on distinct housing types: colonial, European, and
American (Amato, 1969).

The above studies of urban morphology represent useful
approaches that can be used to understand the spatial typology of
city structure. Housing-types can be used to classify areas within
Taif. Based on the field survey, the residential quarters of Taif
can be classified according to housing types, viz., old traditional,
new traditional, ruralized, and modern housing type. Exploring the
differences between these classifications helps facilitate the de-

scription of their inhabitants' occupations. In fact, it was

53

observed that the relationships occur between city growth and develop-

ment discussed earlier and between housing types and the dwellers of

each type. To illustrate this association, it is necessary to dese

cribe each housing type and explain some of the underlying factors

that have given rise to the general patterns.

1.

01d traditional housing type: This housing type, found in the

 

inner city, is the old part of Taif. Although one might specu-
late that some changes took place within this part of the city
through history, the internal shape of Taif and a substantial
number of houses have remained farily constant through time.
These remaining houses resemble the character of the old Arab
housing types. Such housing types are made of two or three
stories and are built primarily from stone. Some, however, are
made of mud with stone bases; houses of this type are typically
arranged from the inside around an open space. All houses are
attached and some have ground floors designed for commercial
businesses or food storage. This housing type is found in the
three old quarters of Sulaimaniah. Fouq, and Asfal. Residents
of these quarters are basically native urbanites who perform
various jobs in the public as well as in the private sector.
Most are merchants, craftsmen, lawyers, managers, government

clerks, bankers, and teachers (Figures 5 and 6).

54

 

 

   
     
    
 
 
   
    
  

. Sharaq rdq

" Muashl

.7 ’ Oumriah
‘¢,_ «madam

 

Shuhada Shamaliah

Mathnah '

Shuhada Janubiah

 

Shlhar

 

itowlhthdd
Fouq
AI-Sulaimanlah

 

FIGURE 5

Taif’s Residential Quarters

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

55

 

 

:05... 3 >023 a ”02:8

 

(a

q

 

«SOD Eu: t

0
:53 $5 No .. a
coag—

.

 

 

 

>20 U¢=mg 0ft:
Em..-

0 mmDGHm

 

 

  

>. I ...........
.... NAM»...
..k .

Q~V<¢ 8D A V
WW»? :3 fl .
tie O I

7 339.4.“ 7

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

56

New traditional housingytype: This type of house emerged when

 

the city's wall was removed opening up the surrounding suburbs
for development. This took place from about the late 19205 until
the 19505. It should be emphasized, however, that not many
peeple had moved out during the above period of time, because

of security measures, the fact that pe0p1e were attached to
their jobs within the old part of the city, and because of

the lack of modern transportation. It is assumed that for

those peOple who did move, they selected the locations nearest
to the old city.

The removal of the wall in the 19205 marked a new era in the
history of Taif. New residents came in and a new housing type
was developed. The main characteristics of this new type are
that most were built from mud bricks and comprised one or two
stories. Unlike the old traditional housing type, the new houses,
although attached, occupied specific and defined lots, were more
outward oriented, and had more than one exposure to the street.
The external appearance of the houses was different as well in
that they were covered with a white layer of lime. These new
traditional houses are found in quarters close to the old part
of the city. These quarters are Yamaniah, Salamah, Azeeziah,
Shobrah, and Sharqiah, especially its southern portion, known

as Bukhariah.

57

In terms of occupations, the quarters of Yamaniah, Bukhariah
and Sharqiah were inhabited by migrants from Yemen, Turkistan,
and the central part of Saudi Arabia, respectively. The presence
of these different groups in Taif at this stage of develOpment
has created some new social and occupational stereotypes. Mi-
grants from Yemen provided very cheap unskilled labor, while
migrants from Turkistan were mainly bakers, tailors and cobblers.
Native migrants from the central part of the country were mainly

merchants and government employees.

Ruralized housing type: With the increase in oil production,

 

more money was poured into the cities with the result that the
rate of urbanization accelerated. Also,the availability of
capital and the increasing attention from government authoriza-
tion in social as well as municipal projects created more em-
ployment opportunities. The rural population was attracted

by the city's modern amenities and jobs. The process of rural
migration is estimated to have begun during the 19505. This
period of time was distinguished by two major characteristics:
the availability of new construction materials and the develop-
ment of new modes of transportation. The rural migrants

settled in areas such as Sharqiah, Yamaniah, Azeeziah, and

58

Shobrah. During the last few decades, the volume of rural migra-
tion has drastically increased. To accommodate these masses of
migrants, more lots had to be develOped, thereby creating the new
neighborhoods of Shuhada Shamaliah, Shuhada Janubiah, Qumriah,
and Sharqraq.

Houses in these ruralized areas of Taif were built from mud
and cement bricks. Unlike the new traditional housing types,
these houses were built on small lots. 0n the average, each
house includes three rooms. Most houses are one-story dwellings.
As observed by Malik in Riyadh and Abu-lughod in Cairo, the
physical appearance of these new neighborhoods resembles village

life (Malik, 1973; and Abu-lughod, 1969).

Modern housing type: There has been considerable progress in the

 

physical develOpment of Taif since the 19605. New streets have
opened up, others have been paved and lighted. Additional new
neighborhoods have been created, primarily for a new local social
stereotype and not the typical rural migrant.

Due to changes in the social and economic aspects of the
population, some wealthy, literate, and educated groups have
become prominent in the community. In addition, Taif is a
popular summer resort for people from Mecca, Jeddah, Medina,

Riyadh, and other parts of the country, not to mention the

59

transfer of government offices to Taif during the summer
season.

In contrast to the previous housing types, modern resiv
dential quarters have been developed for the affluent people.
Houses built in these new residential areas are made of rein-
forced concrete. They occupy rather large 1ots, are less
attached, and are one or two stories high. These villas, as
they are called by the local people, are surrounded by walled
gardens. Streets are paved and lighted. Quarters with this
type of housing number few. They include Khaldiah, Faisaliah,
Oadah and Shihar. The families inhabiting these quarters
usually have fewer members than the other housing types.

The housing type regions described above are similar to
those suggested by Malik in Riyadh or Abu-Lughod in Cairo.
Malik grouped the different districts, ruralized districts,
traditional urbanite districts, and modernized districts
(Malik, 1973). Similarly, Abu-Lughod divided Cairo into four
sub-cities: rural, chiefly traditional urban, mixed tradi-
tional and modern, and chiefly modern (Abu-Lughod, 1969).

Based on the field survey in Taif and previous analysis
of housing types, the present residential quarters of Taif

can be classified into five major housing types (Figure 7 and

60

 

 

 

Mixed Ruralized-Modern Housing Types
Source:

 

 

FIGURE 7
Modern Housing Types
- Traditional Housing Types Housing Types
Ruralized Housing Types . _
Mixed Ruralized-Traditional Housing Types 1" T8”

Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

61

Table 13, Chapter IV)- It should be noted here that this analy-
sis defining neighborhoods based on housing types does not
claim to be complete or comprehensive. Rather the classifica-
tion represents an attempt to provide a general overview of
Taif's develOpment; its main disadvantage lies in the over-
lapping between new and old residential areas where a dividing
line is often difficult to draw.

It has been observed from field survey and from interviews
with local officials that some of the houses described above
will soon disappear from the scene. There is a growing demand
for modern houses, due to changes in the social and economic
aspects of the society. New living quarters are being built
every day; these new structures are primarily apartment build-
ings. This trend in housing types is a form of evolution.
People are no longer using mud or stone bricks but rather re-
inforced concrete; most are more than one story and contain
from three to five apartments. Small shops are usually built
on the first floor. The outer walls are usually painted with
somecolored covering layer in an unstandard fashion. Limestone
is used for decorating the lower part of the front walls.
There are several factors behind this recent trend in modern
housing type. They are: 1) the availability of modern construc-

tion material, 2) the availability of inexpensive labor, 3)

 

62

the growing demand for housing, 4) the continuing tradition
of the extended family, and 5) the interest-free loans pro-
vided by the government to finance the building of new dwell-
ings or the rennovation of old houses.

This modern housing type which emerged during the 19605,
was well developed by 1980. It was accelerated by the govern-
ment loan programs. Modern housing has become a feature in
every single quarter in Taif. Based on their socioeconomic
survey, Speerplan and Koshak (1978) divided Taif into nine
zones (Figure 8). Housing units were counted in each zone
based upon their structure. The results of their survey are
summarized in Table 5. Apartment dwellings are more numerous
than any other type in almost all of the nine zones, except
for Zone One were the traditional housing type is most common
(more than 47 percent) and Zone Eight where the modern DOUSIOQ
type is dominant (also more than 47 percent). Another important
conclusion from the Speerplan-Koshak study is that when combin-
ing all housing units, about 71 percent of all housing units
in Taif are classified as apartment dwellings.

This last conclusion should not be confused with the above
analysis of modern and ruralized housing types. The main reason

is that the purpose of classification of housing units in the

 

 

FIGURE 8

Existing Socio-Economic Survey Zones

Speerplan and Koshak, 1978.

Source

 

 

 

64

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65

Speerplan and Koshak study was to identify the number of people resid-
ing in each unit. Their classification failed to differentiate be-
tween buildings designed as villas and those built as apartment build-
ings and also to consider the spatial distribution or location of
any type in relation to prevailing occupations. There are many
structures within the modern quarters of Taif that have more than
one story and with some apartments, but are called villas. These
structures were built either to accommodate small families or ex-
tended families or to be rented to visitors during the summer vaca-
tion months. What makes these particular villas different from
those built elsewhere is that they occup rather large areas and
are surrounded with walled gardens or back yards.

If one is to consider the lot size of dwelling units as
a criterion for the differentiation between quarters, a number of
conclusions can be reached. The segmentation of lots for eventual
construction differs from one housing type to another. Blocks
also vary in size between modern quarters to ruralized ones. The
traditional housing type, especially in the quarters of Sulaimaniah.
Fouq, and Asfal. is irregular in shape and size, which makes it
hard to generalize about this type. Income level of the residents
is often a determinant of block size in the remaining quarters.

In the modern neighborhoods, including Shihar, Faisaliah, Khaldiah,

66

and parts of Qarwa and Muashi, which were designed for the more
affluent population, the lot sizes of the dwelling unit range from
600 to 3600 square meters. In contrast, in the ruralized areas,
inhabited primarily by low income families, the typical lot size
ranges from 100 to 400 square meters.

The residential quarters of Taif are spatially segretated
with respect to the areas set aside for houses and their location
within blocks (Figurefl). Traditionally people in Saudi Arabia
prefer houses With several exposures; therefore, the more exposure
to outside streets, the more desirable the house. Some of the rea—
sons for this preference are related to local climate and economic
aspects. For example, a corner house receives more cool air and
sunlight than any other locations within the block. Such a house
is more likely to be rented or sold than any other. Corner houses
are also usually the most expensive, a finding which coincides with
the peak land value intersection pr0posed by Murphy and Vance (1954).
Other factors controlling the prices of housing units or land in
Taif are their location with respect to major streets and distance
from the city's center. Housing prices in Taif have increased at
an alarming rate; in fact, the price of land has more than tripled
from 1970 to 1979 (FigureKl). Taif is a city that is currently

passing through a great constructiOn era. The number of dwelling

67

 

 

_|

m Alley into interior units

40m

 

Street (15 meters wide)

FIGURE 9

Possible Size and Location
of Houses within Blocks

40m

Street (6 meters wide)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

20m 20m
E
g B
7 A E
W. 8
E
2
E 10m
9 C
G 5.
10111 F E 10m
8
e e
2 E E 2
10m 20m 10m

 

Street (6 meters wide)

 

40m

A through G comprise a 40 x 40-meter block

A - a complete 20 x 20-meter corner
a 10 x 20-meter half-corner
a 10 x 18-meter half-front

a 10 x 10-meter interior quarter
a 10 x 10-meter quarter-corner
a 20 x 20-meter complete front
a 10 x 10-meter quarter front

B-

Source:

Field Survey by Author, 1980

Street (10 meters wide)

40m

 

 

 

68

 

 

 

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69

units has increased from 9,200 in 1971 to 37,000 in 1978. an in-
crease of about 31 percent (Speerplan and Koshak, 1978).

An interesting aspect of the spatial arrangement of Taif
is its street patterns between the old and the new residential
quarters. The principal characteristic of traditional Taif is its
narrow and wandering streets. Streets within the old sections of
the city display a dendritic or rather netting pattern. A few
avenues within this old part have been constructed as main axes
for modern transportation, for example, A1 Abbas Street and the
Municipal Road. In those quarters Yamaniah, Sharqiah, and Salamah
developed after the destruction of the wall, the streets, although
short and narrow, are no longer winding. In contrast, new residen-
tial quarters have almost a rectilinear type of street pattern.
Most streets run east-west and are between 6 and 15 meters wide.
Major streets, however, run north-south and are between 20 and 35
meters wide. There are some major avenues that radiate from the
peripheries of the old city forming the axes of the new residential
areas. Major avenues are: Hassan Bin Thalbit or Taif—Hijaz Road,
Khalid bin Al-Waleed Street, King Faisal Street, Shihar or Ashafa
Road and Hawiah or Matar Road (Figures 11 and 12).

Another feature of the spatial arrangement and structure of

Taif is the land use pattern. The most striking pattern is the

70

 

to Riyadh
(900 km)

to Mecca (86 km)
and Jeddah (160 km)

 

 

2)

a

 

 

 

111—11

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

to Abha
540 km)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1111111111111 1 1111
1111111111111 1 111111

 

..H‘H‘hu.

to Ash Shots
(25 knn)

FIGURE 11
Taif Street Pattern and Layout

 

Source: Taif Planning and Development Department.

 

 

‘J
....J

to Riyadh

 

(90010")

Thakafah Street

to Mecca (86 km)
e_nd Jeddeh (160 km)

 

   

AlIaish Street

 

 

   

38
a .
Q:

    

 

to Abha
(540 km)

0 500 meters

 

to Ash Shale
(25 km)

FIGURE 12

Taif Major Roads

 

Source: Taif Planning and Development Department

 

 

72

large amount of residential area. More than 70 percent of the urban

area is occupied by housing structures. This high percentage can be

explained in several ways. There is a lack of open spaces within

the city, especially recreational areas. Moreover, most all of

the commercial activities are practiced within the residential

units. In other words, commercial activities, including shops,
are very rarely isolated from residences.

With respect to its total spatial structure, Taif is a pre-
industrial city. Its old core, although modified over the ages,
resembles the traditional symbol of Muslim communities. For this
reason, Taif is little different from the pre-industrial city model
pr0posed by Sjoberg in 1960. At the core center there are the cen-
tral mosque, or Al-Masjid A1 Jamea, and central market or Suq. The
court, police department, and other official offices are no longer
in the central city. but have moved into the more recently developed
areas. The central part of Taif is a mixed area of residential and
commercial activities. Those living in the central area tradition-
ally preferred to reside close to where they work. The central Suq
of Taif is composed of several small markets which reflect different
specializations. There is the Suq of meat and vegetables (A1 Man-
shiah), the Suq of tanners (Al Dabbagheen) and the Suq of Jewelers

or goldsmiths (Al Saghah). These markets are all arranged close to

73

each other. Some new and small westernized shops are also found
within the central Suq of Taif. These new shops carry modern
products including watches, radios and televisions, electric
appliances, modern clothes, shoes, perfumes, and women's cosmetics.

In contrast to cities of the western world, models of urban
growth including the Burgess concentric zone model (1925), Hoyt's
sectoral model (1939), and Harris and Ullman's multiple nuclei
model (1945) are not likely to fit the growth and development of
the nonWestern city. Two reasons may account for this discrepancy.
First is the absence of a zone in transition and second is that high
status groups, that is, the elites, are found in the old part of the
nonWestern cities as well as in the peripheries. In addition, slums
in the nonWestern societies are found in the peripheries and take
the form of shanty towns. Middle class groups are not very well
identified in the nonWestern cities; the only dominant class groups
are those in high and low status categories. Even the process of
neighborhood residential succession is indistiguishable in Taif.

The growth of Taif's residential areas and commercial busi-
nesses have developed in a manner somewhat similar to the sectoral
and nuclei models. As discussed earlier, Taif has grown in three
major directions: 1) in a southward direction along the Shihar

Road where modern quarters of high status such as Shihar and Oadah

74

are developing; 2) in a northward direction along the Hawiah Road,
where a mixture of modern and ruralized neighborhoods such as
Umkhubz, Faisaliah, Rayan, and Shobran, are side by side; and 3)

in an easterly direction. Along two major axes of Hassan Bit Thabit
or Taif-Hijaz Road and Khalid bin AlWaleed Street one finds the most
rapidly growing sections of the city, that is, the Shuhada Shameliah,
Shuhada Janubiah, and Qumriah.

The new commercial businesses are found along the major
avenues (Figure 13). However, some nucleated clusters can be found
in a small agglomeration of shops which form local markets within
specific neighborhoods. There are two major focal markets in Taif,
along Shuhadacn1laif—Hijaz Road and in the central area of the Shar-
qiah quarter. There are other small local markets in Yamaniah,
Bukkariah, Qumriah and Shuhada; these markets, which can be considered
subcities within Taif, have a spatial organization no different from
that described for the old city except that these shops are more
modern.

Shopping centers in the sense of the Western cities do not
exist in Taif. Rather, what is observed is a large number of small
shops along the major avenues and intersections, most of which have
only 2-3 meters of frontage and are part of the ground floor of

apartment buildings.

75

     
 
 
 
   

 

to Riyadh
(900 km)

Existing Land Use
in Taif

to Mecca (86 km) FIGURE 13

and Jeddah (160 km)

     

to Abh-
(540 km)

 

Residential

- Commercial
- Gov't. Institutions
Industrial
Agricultural
- Mixed use

I: Open spaces Source: Field survey by author.

 

 

 

 

76

Industrial develOpment within Taif is unfortunately nonexis-
tent except for some traditional ones that provide limited products
and services. There are several shops that produce electrical ma-
chinery, perform automobile repair, and make woodwork products.
Automobile repair shops are generally found in Shuhada laong the

Taif—Hijaz Road.

Taif as a Unit

 

One of the common themes in urban geography is the study
of the external relationships between cities. The significance of
any urban center lies in part on its impact on the surrounding
areas and on other urban centers. The determinants of city influ-
ence on other settlements are its size, function, and role. These
characteristics are,in turn,affected by the location of the city
itself. In the literature of urban studies, terms and concepts
such as city hinterland, city region, urban field and urban fringe
have been developed. The underlying significance of such terms
is the impact cities have in relation to their surrounding areas
or to other cities.

Taif has grown by virtue of its central location. In the
past, the city had functioned as a stronghold or garrison town.

However, this function was not the only source that attributed to

77

the city's existence. Taif has always relied to a great extent
upon its hinterland. The surrounding areas were primarily agri-
cultural lands which provided the city with fruits, vegetables and
grains (Figure l4). Historically,Taif functioned as a trade center;
the relationship between Taif and its hinterland has been very
strong. The city was supplied not only with food but also with
migrants. As a result, Taif has grown, unfortunately at the ex-
pense of the surrounding agricultural lands. Several villages have
been absorbed by the expansion of Taif; villages including Umkhubz,
Salamah, Mathnah and Rayan were among its victims.

At the present time, the importance of Taif is not merely
its function as a trade center for the immediate rural areas but
more importantly, its function as an administrative and summer re-
sort area. Taif is the administrative center (Emirate of Taif) of
a large region (Figure 15) with more than 470,000 inhabitants
(Table 7). This region is known as Taif Region. The significance
of the Taif region lies within its agricultural potential and human
resources. There are about l74,000 dunums of arable land in this
region of which 32 percent is found within the city hinterland
(Table'8). The region is noted for its fruit, especially for grapes,
figs and pomegrantes. Cash crops, such as vegetables and alfalfa,

are also raised.

78

 

 

FIGURE 14

interland in 1900

ifH

Ta

 

’—'
’

 

A Settlements
D Field boundaries

,/ Trails

.1

‘-

ment Department

Taif Planning and Develop

Source

 

 

79

 

 

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82

Taif is the only urban center within the region and conse-
quently most of the agricultural products are marketed in Taif.
Three major markets in Taif specialize in agricultural products.
They are spatially organized in different parts of the urban area.
There is the fruit and vegetable market or Al Halaqah which is
located near the city center. Another market, for sheep and live-
stock, is Al-Maqafah; it is located at the periphery of Shohada
Junubiah to the southeast. A third market known as Al Hajlah,
designed for grains, is located in the center of the old city.

All three markets operate on the auction system.

There is no city in the area that has as direct an effect

on the region as Taif. Although it is the only dominant urban
center within the mountainous region of southwestern Saudi Arabia
however, there are other small towns, including Al-Baha, Balju-
rashi, and Abha, located to the south of Taif and all with popu-
lations of 30,000 inhabitants or less (FigurelG ).

Another characteristic of Taif is its high elevation which
moderates its climate especially during the hot season (Figure 17).
It is estimated that about 30,000 visitors spend their summers
there each year (Mathew, 197l). The majority of them are drawn
from the central part of the country as well as from the major cities

of Mecca, Jeddah and Madina (Figure l8). In addition to being a summer

83

 

FIGURE 16
Southwestern Region of Saudi Arabia

 

 

  
 
   

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84

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85

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86

resort, Taif functions as a temporary station for visitors from the
eastern, central and southern parts of Arabia on their journey to
Mecca to perform their pilgrimage.

Due to the fact that jobs, opportunities and modern amenities
are more plentiful than in any other place in the area, Taif has
attracted masses of rural migrants from different areas and subse-
quently grown drastically. The spatial expansion of Taif, discussed
earlier, although a good indicator of city growth, does not serve to
fully illustrate the impact of Taif's growth on the entire region.
Population trends present a better picture of such relationships.
The population has increased very dramatically during the last few
decades, particularly since the l960$ (Table 9).

From Table 10 one can observe the large increase in the per—
cent rate of increase of the population for the years between l964
and 1978. It can be noted that the rate of increase in the city's
area for the same year does not compare with that of the population.
It is also evident that the city has gained some 49 percent in its
area and 58 percent in its population during l964-l978. It should
be mentioned that these percentages do not account for the actual
rate of increase in area or population for a given year. The annual
increases are good measures of how the city is growing annually in

terms of its area and population. The more than tripled percent

87

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have

sawmcmo

compmngom meme»

 

mfiqh no Ihzomw onF<gzaom

m m.m<»

88

rates of increase in the population of Taif from 1964 to l978 are
by far the result of masses of inmigration. In summary, the con-
tinuous urban growth in Taif's area and population is a reflection
of the city's expanding sphere of influence over the surrounding
agricultural lands and papulation. What has enhanced this urban
Sprawl is the recent improvement in interurban communication and
the development of better motor transport, both of which have per—
mitted closer contact with surrounding villages as well as other
urban centers within the country. Any further development with
regard to communication and road services will also no doubt be

reflected in the continued growth of the city.

POPUlation Growth and Distribution in Taif

 

Little is known about the history of population growth and
change in Taif. According to the Census of Population for Saudi
Arabia, the city had 200,000 inhabitants in 1974. Based on their
l00 percent house-to-house survey of Taif in 1978, Speerplan and
Koshak calculated the population to be 220,000 inhabitants.

The distribution of the population within the city is un-
even (Table 10). There is a high density in Zones One and Two.

In fact, Zone One represents the core of Taif, while number Two

89

85.532 mcoN cow w 953... mewF

.mump .xmgmox use cmpggmmam gone umpwasoo "muczom

 

 

 

mm. m.. mm mm. ma. mm. .0 me. .me Nmm sommcme co..e_=aoa
Noe. mm mmN mmm mmm we. .N we. em mm meadow: c. ema<
-- ea.. mN.m ...wm so.o~ em.m mm. mm.o. .m.m. ma.m co.ae_=aoa s
maes.~ seam ...m. eo~_e eeeme mmo.~ New. N.Nmm ea.mm ammw. co.ae_=aoa
oomam mew .eNN memo. Name mmem mom N..e .meo mm.N m..== we...mse co .oz
.msoe a w e e m a m N _
.mMZON

 

 

mZON >m 29551.53 22.53.39. .2 “.392.

90

represents the quarters of Yamariah, Bukhariah and Sharqiah, all
of which are located to the east of the old town. The high densi-
ties within these two major districts are due to a concentration
of people in multiple family dwellings and a lack of Open space.
Another observation that can be made from an examination of Table
ll is the high percentages in Zones Six and Seven. These two areas
represent the largest part of the ruralized quarters in our typology
of housing types. These districts contain a relatively high density
of population. Low density of population is found in districts Four
and Eight, the two districts with modern residential quarters. The
city of Taif has an average population density of l55 persons per
hectare. This figure can be explained by the fact that people are
concentrated in a very limited space, a problem created both by im-
precise city planning and real estate speculation.

The distribution of population in Taif can also be looked
at from another perspective, that is, the distribution of pe0ple
in relation to dwelling types within districts (Table 11). The
most striking feature is that more than 70 percent of the people
in Taif live in apartments. When considering individual districts,
we find that more than 70 percent of the population in districts
Two, Four, Five, Six, Seven and Nine are apartment dwellers. The

majority of these apartment dwellers live in one or two floor

91

.mua— .xmzmox ten cu—ngooam so.» gonna» esp an wean—supau vco co__neou "eugaom

 

 

 

 

asknpw omen ..NMP com—m ecome mmo»~ “KN. Npsmm eN—cn ammN— .«ho»
we. Nap m_. s o o o o No. a mm. mm. e~.~ mm o o o o c o me.v..=m cacao
sn.c— movmu wo.p F_~ m—.n Nme m~.PF o~_~ ~e.m moon so.c ~mw pv.— w. ¢_.~ mmop w—.op memm e~.o~ «mom ac—v—vam u.—n:a
o—.~ was. a o o pp.c mm mm. mmm pm. Nmp o c Nw.e mv—p mm.“ smwm e~.— om_ mead—e m x
~o.o— .mpon o—.a men mo.c omm mm.ep momo— mo.m— mmom no.“ .mg. on. pp -.ap smme me.cm cpcpp mo.~— m_m_ mace—u ern
me.~m nvnn—p nn.eo .eeem .m.wm muwm om.eo Npm.mn pe.vm .ppww m—.eu omen. em.ow own. No.5m Nona mm.om moo—P ec.m moo— mcoop» Ni.
”acoEacun<
op.o Nnvm— mo.—~ «N um.me ammo Ne._ coo ov.e cow. po.~ owe oo.~— em. .~.np ~m_m o o o o u—p.>
s~.m use—p o aw.— omm em.— cco mm._ .mm cm. amp co. N— o~.w New. ~m.m oe—N —~.mc nevm muse: auc< 30:
o~.o omomp o~.n~ mam pm._ New o~.m mmmp P~.w mmom mm.m oa—— eo.— .N w_.op «Few no.o mwmm m~.m QNN case: aug< vpc
Nm. mmwfi. o mm. on mm. “pm we. me mm.m cmm o o mo. m—. o o —.. e— moouuou .uaz .xuogm
u u u e a a u o ... m ... s a m x ~ g . 8...:
.(boh m m z o N oz...m3a

 

mwa>p oz_..m:o >m zomh:m_th—o zo~p<aznoa

.—— m4m<h

92

apartment buildings. As was discussed earlier, this housing type
is a rather new phenomenon that can only be explained by the social
and economic changes occurring within the whole country. Above all,
the rapidly growing demand for housing during the last few years is
attributed to masses of rural migrants entering the city. In this
context, one would assume that there is a tendency among families
toward individualism. That is, some members would prefer to live
in separate houses, a behavior that deviates from family tradition
and that can be attributed to those with higher levels of education,
income, and preferences for modernization. Another reason for
building more apartment buildings is the speculation by real estate
brokers. Landholders are very aware of the rapidly growing economy
of Saudi Arabia and aware of the growing demands for housing and
land. These landowners are very cautious about limiting the supply
of available land in order to keep the price of these lands high.
The distribution of population in Taif and its vicinity
can be examined with respect to age structure (Table 12 and Figures
l9 and 20). It is evident from Table 12 that there is a higher
proportion of children (0-l4) in Taif and its vicinity. The strik-
ing feature about the age/sex ratio is the higher proportion of men
between the ages of IS and 44 in the city than in its vicinity. It

is assumed that this high percentage is due to the presence of men

93

TABLE 12

AGE AND SEX DISTRIBUTION IN TAIF AND VICINITY

 

 

 

 

 

Age Taif Vicinity
Groups Male . Female , Male . Female
0-4 7.3 6.6 l0.4 7.7
5-9 7.8 7.l 8.l l0.l
l0-l4 7.5 6.7 7.0 6.2
lS-l9 6.4 5.9 6.2 5.4
20-24 4.9 3.5 3.0 3.5
25—29 4.3 3.2 2.5 3.l
30-34 3.5 2.8 2.0 3.3
35-39 3.6 2.9 l.9 2.2
40-44 2.9 l.9 2.7 2.1
45-49 2.2 l.2 l.8 0.8
50-54 l.8 l.l l.7 l.0
55-59 0.9 0.4 l.l 0.5
60-64 0.8 0.6 l-0 0.9
>65 l.3 0.7 2.6 l.2

 

Source: Speerplan and Koshak, 1978.

94

3:098 c: 2.38..
or m

r0
>5
~60
r-ID

V

b P h

m N P o p w m v m o

h

.2 222.

h

...

0..

”moczom

 

 

 

 

8369. 8.52

...: .o 2.0 l.l

32 552.935. :3 D
c2838... .20... .o Edema. c. 9.32:5 mo<

mp ”$.sz

.o~-m~
4.5.5
.evmw
(3.9.
.aan

. vmém

 

9199A

95

 

lam

 

Taif Metropolitan Area

FIGURE 19

0

  

   
    

 

 

   

,0". Tutdh
An Numuvh
," AlMuboyriz
:'
i
0’:
,3 _. AlHurqoh
i. Mlhshoko‘x. :'
'1‘ Al'iamowi
E ..\ Agbar ‘
a“ 5 \‘ : Umm Roqhiy \‘s.
Al Hgdd MDor El ‘ - Al Mrdysiyydh
. Beldo ,
N won AlMoshd'lk a Umm Sod'an;“-,
.' . Khdoyra‘. Ar quiyydh
AlKurnmdl Al Lowgmiyyoh ,-
. AlOubsdh., 3 \x
I o: “\.
I”: i “‘s
At Ghddiroin"" ~.\
A: Zinon “x‘
;.. — Roads
Al “quasar. Al Qumriah m"- Tracks
OFWO ~_ .
Ad Dahyo ' o ‘ J skimmer:
"mm is“: 6 ' ' ' limiles
0!. Odah Egti'. ':: ShOhOd "'
Khotosho [cu 333' I,
Borosh Al Borgohf”. Shihar ,./
,o'AI Wohot ......c;.
r I.
Umm Alukur Al Ooroh a...“ :
Um Al Khoton .2
Al WihOyt 3
I" {.“.:::"“.
.‘t "I. I T‘.\
't .' \
x 'c, '\
o\. \.. ‘5‘
.""“ ‘. " ‘
f ,..." Al Madiq
'o"‘.'\... I" '0'
a“ {Shoqroh )
Hidhayl "aux" '
K, m Thobt\
Aquoylih , Muntglo ’- x I...“
“" SM'°"°' N “win 7" AlAhri‘y'yoh i
s. O
All-lg'loydl A. $0 \
.‘7 / Asrob , ..
a... o." NOW“; 5
i. ;'
Jive. AlOir
Horjol
Source: Taif Planning and Development Department.

 

 

96

in the city from other areas who are working or looking for work,
leaving behind them both older and younger men and women. Accord-
ing to Speerplan and Koshak (1978), about 32 percent of Taif's
population in 1978 had migrated within the preceding two years.
They have projected that Taif will reach a figure of 331,000 in-
habitants by the year 1995 (Figure 21). Much of this increase in
the p0pulation growth is attributed to rural urban migration (Speer-
plan and Koshak, 1978).

In sum, these findings regarding the spatial expansion of
Taif, housing types and p0pulation growth seemed to support the
pilot project in relation to the question of rural migration to Taif.
It has been found through discussion interviews with Omads and
based on questionnaire findings of sixty sampled householes inter-
viewed in the summer of 1978, that there is an increasing number of
rural migrants in the city every year. Generally, there are indica-
tions that these migrants have come from different areas, especially
from the mountainous region of southwestern Saudi Arabia. The rural
migrants in Taif live in neighborhoods that suit their rural tradi-
tions (Figure 22). The existence of a group of migrants from one
village or an area in a specific neighborhood seems to have some
effect on their concentration. Most of the new neighborhoods of

ruralized housing type are mixed with people from different areas,

.mmmp ..esmox use seFQmeam ”museum

 

935mg. movtmsp 8358—. mmmpxmhmw

 

97

mwvtmmmp

    
 
   

 

..coodow

 

 

 

 

SUOSJOd

..oocdmu

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

59-2.2. «mucosom 530.0 cozflanom - 255.55 toner. I

2.9 >256 o.Eosoow-o.oom I
.39 «3:60 63m - 20.608... Sassoon.

82-8.2 52.238 .8555“. EB see .6 omeebs.

Fm mmszu

98

 

 

.owmp .sosu:< Xe xm>sum upmw. “mussom

 

mucossonsmfiz ..o
mosoufims .0 83m

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.7 , w I A
Ego—2 Lfisozfimfif 85.93..
— , . . _ . .
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sens: .95:
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8:995.

 

see... :38 ....ee s. cessesma .mssesmzz
NN mmust

 

 

99

but mostly rural migrants. Such findings will be further examined
in view of the general assumptions of this thesis regarding the
process of rural migration and residential mobility which will be

presented and analyzed through subsequent chapters.

Summary

Taif is an ancient city which functions as a trade center as

well as a summer resort. It is located in the western region of

Saudi Arabia within a mountain range at an elevation of approxi-

mately 1700 meters above sea level.

Because of a lack of available records regarding Taif's devel-
0pment, a pilot study was carried out during the summers of 1978 and
1979. The general objective of the pilot study was to obtain an over-
view of the city as well as to become familiar with the inhabitants
and community leaders. Such interviews were also useful in determin-
ing the city's growth and patterns of expansion.

Analysis of housing material was used to determine the age of
dwelling units, as adequate records are not available. Three major
periods of expansion can be identified: 1945-1964 and 1965 to the
present. The period prior to 1945 witnessed the development of the

city's core, but was a time of extremely limited expansion.

l00

The field survey also proved useful in classifying the
residential quarters of Taif. Such classification was conducted
according to housing type. Four major housing types were identified:
old traditional, new traditional, ruralized, and modern.

Other factors which tend to distinguish one residential
quarter from another are lot size, block size, and street patterns.
Modern neighborhoods, for example, are usually comprised of larger
lots, the average block size is larger, and streets are wider and
less winding than in the older sections.

Taif's total spatial structure most resembles that of a pre-
industrial city with the central area composed of both commercial
and residential areas. The growth of both sectors is somewhat similar
to the sectoral and nucler models.

Taif functions as an administrative center for a large region
known as Taif's region and is the only important city within that
region. Central markets are located in Taif, as well as modern
amenities and opportunities not available elsewhere in the region.
Consequently, its population has steadily increased; according to the
1974 population, Taif had 200,000 inhabitants.

Population distribution is uneven in Taif, with the densest
areas being the old central core, and the district located to the
east. Lowest population density is found in the modern residential

quarters .

101

This chapter is intended to familiarize the reader with the
city of Taif: its unique character, spatial design, and residential
patterns. This background will be useful in subsequent discussions
of the patterns of migration, residential mobility, and character-
istics of the migrants, which follow. Our next topic, however, is
the research hypothesis itself, and the data collection methods

employed in carrying out the objectives of this study.

CHAPTER IV

RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE

In this chapter more discussion of the research problem in
relation to migration literature is given. The research hypotheses,
the process of data collection, sampling procedure and the methods

used in the analysis of our data are presented.

The Research Problem and Literature

 

Based on the literature discussed in Chapter Two, we find
that scholars treating the spatial and temporal dimensions of migra-
tion ask four major questions: Who moves? Why do pe0ple move?
Where do they move from? and Where do they move to? Clearly,
answers to these questions deal with (a) migration selectivity,

(b) migration process, and (c) motives of migration. For purposes
of this research these three major themes are considered. Students
of migration also have tended to differentiate between the motives
of rural—urban migration and the motives or reasons behind residen-
tial mobility. As stated earlier, the primary goals of this re-
search are to examine the process and motives of rural-urban

102

l03

migration to Taif and to analyze rural migrants' residential
mobility within the city.

The major focus of this thesis is concerned with one type
of migrant, that is, rural migrants, since they left their areas
of origin to move to where they live now (within Taif). When con-
sidering this group of migrants as well as their movements into and
within the city, they are expected to exhibit similar patterns in
relation to their motives for migration and in respect to their
residential mobility. One major objective of this work is to
examine the different reasons given by the rural migrants for
leaving their original homes and their reasons for selecting Taif
as their destination. Other questions also investigated are: Have
they made any move(s) since they moved to Taif? What are their
reasons for such movements? As a result of their movements within
the city, what patterns do they exhibit? In other words do these
rural migrants move within their initial quarters or do they move
to other quarters of the city? 00 they prefer the same housing
types or do they choose different housing types?

It is assumed that these rural migrants in the study area
are attracted to areas of ruralized housing types (see Chapter Three).
Moore (1972, p. 9) writes that "lifestyles can only be achived through
interaction with others with the same set of group-oriented values."

The rural migrants? residential mobility in Taif will be examined

104

against their socioeconomic status and their housing tenure and
types in relation to them as one group and/or as sub-groups based
on their origins. It is believed that their length of the urban
experience, that is, the possible span of time for a rural migrant

in the city, is more likely to affect their residential mobility.

The Research Hypotheses

 

Based on the results of previous literature and the personal
knowledge of the study area, the following hypotheses have been
advanced. They are divided in two major sub-headings, those re-
lating to rural-urban migration and those focusing on residential

mobility.

A. Rural-Urban Migration Hypotheses

 

l. The majority of migrants are drawn from rural areas
located to the south of Taif and from surrounding

villages as well.

2. The rural migration to Taif is a form of household

migration.

3. The rural migration to Taif is a direct one, that is,

no stepwise or stage processes operate.

4.

105

The head of the household was at least twenty-five
years of age at the time of migration, is unskilled

and illiterate.

B. Residential Mobility Hypotheses

 

l.

Villagers who have migrated to Taif tend to choose and

live in areas of ruralized housing types.

It is anticipated that the longer the time rural migrants
spend in the city, the more moves they will make before

they finally settle in permanent dwellings and quarters.

The rural migrants in Taif tend to make intracommunity

rather than intercommunity types of mobility.

Any intercommunity movement made by rural migrants is
assumed to take place between quarters of similar

housing types.

Rural migrants are attracted to areas where friends or

relatives are located.

The major questions of this thesis and the above hypotheses

will be discussed, tested, and analyzed in the following chapters

(V and VI).

106

Data Collection and Sample Design

 

Intensive fieldwork was conducted in Taif during four months
of 1980. During this period a social survey of households was
carried out. A questionnaire was developed and administered to a
sampled population of 700 heads of households chosen from random
selected quarters of the city. The interviews were directed by the
author with some technical and financial assistance from the Univer-
sity of Umm Alqura The survey was used to obtain data concerning
the process of movement; the characteristics of migrants; the rea-
sons for their migration and mobility. In addition, information
related to housing characteristics and conditions, location and
accessibility, as well as other socioeconomic variables was collected.

Due to the lack of statistical information on population num-
bers and characteristics for the city and residents of Taif, the
sampling process becomes critical. The investigator attempted to
collect relevant information through other sources. A pilot study
was carried out in Taif during the summers of 1978 and 1979 to trace,
as precisely as possible, the development and growth of the residen-
tial quarters in the city. As a result of these detailed field in-
vestigations, the city's twenty-five quarters were classified into
five major categories (Al-Thubaity, 1978). The classification was

based on housing types and building materials. The pilot study was

107

discussed in greater detail in Chapter III. The author was able

to obtain a complete file of the electricity subscribers from Taif's
electric company. The file contained information on names, numbers,
and addresses of subscribers. However, due to the uncertainty in
the soundness of addresses and for the lack of street names and
block numbers in the city, any attempt to use it for systematic
sampling of households was found to be unrealistic. Although such
conditions as unclear addresses and locations did prevail in the
utility company data, other information from the file was used. I
was able to calculate the total number of subscribers (in our case
households) for each quarter (Table 13). Based on the electricity
file, there were 31,766 households in the city of Taif in summer,
1979. For the proposed research, a decision was made to obtain a

2 percent sample of the total number of households. Also a 50
percent random sample of quarters from each of the major five cate—
gories was selected (Table 14). The 50 percent figure was decided
upon to insure representation from at least one quarter in any given
category.

The sample 0f households in each selected quarter is propor-
tional to the total population of all the selected quarters within
any given category and with regard to the total population sample
of the category under consideration. The following formulae have

been designed.

108

.owm. .sosp:< as xm>sam upowu "mossom

 

 

oo.oo_ mmm mm oo.oo— mmm.~m m Peach
mm.m_ m__ m mm.w~ mpm.m hzzmz mswmao:
ssouoz

ee~..es=m eex.z

om..~ mm. s .e..~ omm.o Pipes ms_m=oz
. .eso.o.eese
eeu..es=x eex.z

 

mo.e em m m..e e.m.. HI. o=.m=o=
.eso.o.eese
mN.m mm m mN.m mmm.~ .1: m=.m=o: cameos
e..ee mom . o..e. eoo.e. Psi o=.m=o= eo~._es=m
mzow>sousH mswuseuo we muposomsoz
useosom so .oz Peuoe .os Peace psoosos eo .oz Peso» mpooszm mooap mswmaoz

 

mmm>H wszsoz >m mo.ozmm:o: no onhsmHmHmHo

m P m4m<h

109‘

.owm. .sosp:< As >o>s=m u.o.. "mossom

 

 

 

oN oo.oo. one oo.oo. .mm.oN o. .z.o.
. oo.. N. o... ooN mN
N .o.o No .m.o moo NN .zzmz
N oo.o. oo oo.o oom.. .N
Nao ..... ---ow.----::--mmqoi ..... of...
N mo.m. me o..N. o.o.N o. .z.zz
.N..ooo. ..... ---mom----:::--w.------w.._w:
. .o.N .. o..N mom m.
.8 ........ --.-i ..... 5mm- ...... oN...
. .o.N .. mm.N o.m o. .z:
. m..o om mo.m o.N.. o
.3... ....... --omfl ..... -----N.m---- ..... --...-f...----:-
. oo.m NN .o.o oNo o .ze
o oo.o. oN. No.NN ooo.o . N
o ow..N om. .o.mN .oN.m .
msoum:.u osmosos mzw.>sops. useogos muwosomzoz .oz mooxh
so oz .o oz .ooo. so oz .eoo» .o. oo.o=oz

 

.mma.. oz.m=oz .m.
mmm.x<oo o..om.mm oz. mos .o.ozmmzoz .o. zo..zo.m.m.o oz< m~.m “.ozsm

up m4m<h

.110

IQJ,i = QHJ i sca

RCJ
Where:

100, = the total number of interviews for the selected
quarter in category J,

QHJ. = the total number of households for the selected
quarter i in category J,

RCJ = the total number of households for all selected
quarters in category 0,

SCJ = the total population sample for all selected

quarters in category 0.
For example: the total number of interviews for quarter No. l
in category R (ruralized housing) =

5207

i=T0-9—9-é' 293=139

100

The total number of interviews for all quarters was conducted
on the basis of cluster sampling (see Table 14) according to the
following rules:

1. To consider one cluster per any selected quarter where less
than 40 interviews will be taken.

2. To consider two clusters per any selected quarter where 42
to 100 interviews are required.

3. To consider four clusters per any selected quarter where
more than 100 interviews are needed.

111

The poles or centers Of clusters for the interviews were the
community mosques in each quarter. In most cases there are several
mosques within each quarter in the city. Mosques are holy places
for Muslims where they worship Allah five times a day. The five—
times-a-day prayers are obligatory. Mosques can be regarded as the
cores of every neighborhood. While there are some big major mosques
in the city which have been built near to the city's center or in
open spaces closer to the major roads to serve larger numbers of
people, these mosques were not considered focal points for identify-
ing households to interview. Only the mosques within each quarter
that have been designated to serve small numbers of prayers were con-
sidered. The number or names of these small mosques were obtained
during the fieldwork from the Department of Endowments in the city.

Once they were obtained, they were listed and twenty-four of theniwere

randomly selected and marked on the city map for passhuginterviews
(Figures 23 and 24). The selection of households for the interviews
was determined by the location of the mosques within the blocks

(Figure 25) and on the basis of available heads of household being

willing to participate in the survey. If the initial households
selected were unable or unwilling to participate, their immediate

neighbor or neighbor were surveyed.

112

 

 

to Mecca (86 km)

and Jeddah (160 km)

to Riyadh
(900 km)

  

 

 

 

 

 

Source:

 

    

to Ash Shaia
(25 km)

FIGURE 23
Sample Survey Locations in Taif

Each dot represents one sample survey location.

Field Survey by Author, 1980-

 

 

113

 

    

Each circle representsthe
number of interviews in a quarter .
as a percentage oi all interviews in Tait 2:

  

FIGURE 24

 

Sample Size by Quarter

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

 

 

114

 

FIGURE 25
Possible Locations
of Mosques within Blocks

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Directions
of interviews

 

1 Blocks <——->

1 - a mosque with exposure on one street

2 - a mosque with exposures on two streets
3 - a mosque with exposures on three streets
4 - a mosque with exposures on four streets

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

l15

These interviews and processes of data collection were not
smoothly executed without some difficulties. One such difficulty
was the time of the survey. The survey was carried out in the summer
during which the city of Taif is always busy because it serves as a
summer resort for the people of Saudi Arabia and its Government.
During the summer days, people of Taif are always engaged in more
than business because of the additional commerce that is brought
in. Because of this summer traffic, it was sometimes hard to find
our reSpondents at home during the day. Several visits were often
required. Another difficulty encountered was the attitude of the
public toward the survey. Although this situation was not encoun-
tered at all locations of interviews, it appeared that some people
lacked knowledge and orientation as to the purpose of the survey
and how it related to them. Because of a lack of awareness, some
residents seemed to fear strangers knocking on their door once or
twice a day seeking information concerning their movements. Many
interviewees considered these matters as confidential and were very
sensitive about answering questions. Such situations required more
complete explanations and polite persuasion in order to fulfill the

objectives of the study.

116

“Methods of Analysis

Several statistical techniques and cartographic methods were
applied in analyzing the data for this study. The major base maps of
the city of Taif, used in the cartographic analysis, were obtained
from the Taif Planning and Development Department. These maps were
then used in the field where observations regarding the historical
development and expansion of Taif, as well as the housing types were
documented. The existing land use patterns were also recorded on
these base maps. This cartographic analysis was instrumental in
illustrating the location of the rural migrants in the city, their
spatial distribution, and the intra-urban mobility of the rural
migrants within the city. A small-scale mape of the Southwestern
Region of Saudi Arabia was also utilized to identify the major rural
migration streams.

Four basic statistical techniques were employed in an attempt
to apply the data collected into a useful format. The first technique
utilized was the chi-square test of association, a method often used
when analyzing categorical data. Through the application of this
test, it is possible to explore the relationship between two categori-
cal variables, as well as to determine whether the variables are

independent or related (Norman et aL, 1975). In this thesis, the

117

chi-square test has been applied to social, economic and housing
variables related to the rural migrants. The results of any chi-square
test regarding this study are presented under crosstabulation tables.

Factor analysis was also utilized in this thesis. This
technique makes it possible to reduce a set of intercorrelated variables
into a smaller number of dimensions or factors, through a method called‘
the R-mode method of factor analysis (Rummel, 1967). Factor analysis
is also useful in identifying the underlying factors when working with
a large number of variables (Rummel, 1970). Factor analysis is
often used with data which are on an interval scale. However,
when the data contain nominal or ordinal data, incidence factor
analysis (sometimes called direct factor analysis) is used. In
incidence factor analysis ones are used to denote presence of
a certain variable, while zeroes denote the absence of the
variable (Berry and Barnum, 1962). When incidence factor
analysis is used, some researchers would transform the data
through use of the Phi Matrix. However, studies indicate that
there is no difference in using the Pearson correlation matrix
and the Phi matrix (Harris, 1975).

In this study, no data transformation took place, an inci-

dence factor analysis was used only with those variables that have

118

been dichotomized when necessary. Factor analysis was applied in
identifying the underlying factors behind rural migration to Taif,
and was extremely useful in this regard.

The third statistical technique utilized was multiple discrim-
inant analysis. This is an extremely useful technique which helps in
distinguishing between two or more groups. It is used for classifying
data as well as examining the differences between classes. This
distinction is based on a selection of variables which the researcher
believes are good predictors of the differences between the group
being analyzed, called discriminating variables. The results of this
technique indicates whether or not there are apparent differences
between groups. If little or no difference is evident in the analysis,
the groups are usually homogeneous. Discriminant analysis is similar
to factor analysis in that it utilizes interval data. Moreover, if
categorical variables are used, the same procedure of ones and zeroes
may be applied through dichtomization of the variables or the creation
of dummy variables (see Norman et al, 1975).

In this research, discriminant analysis was used to discover
whether differences among the rural migrants in relation to their
regional origins exist or not. This was done in order to facilitate
the analysis of residential mobility of the rural migrants in Taif.

That is , if large differences are discovered between the migrants of

119

different regions, then they should be treated individually (i.e.
separate groups or regions), and if there are no observed differ-
ences, the migrants will be discussed as a single group. Accord-
ingly, the rural migrants were examined against their social,
economic and housing characteristics and found to be homogenous.
The final statistical technique which was employed is re-
gression analysis. This technique is valuable in predicting and
tracing the relationship between the dependent and the independent
variables. It is also useful in determining the direction and
relative strength of the relationship. For our purposes, regres-
sion analysis was utilized in examining the residential mobility
of the rural migrants. It was also used in testing the relation—
ship between the rate of change in residence and the length of time
the rural migrants had been in Taif, as well as this rate of change
and some socioeconomic, locational and housing characteristics of
the migrants. Finally, some graphic representations of the social

variables and the rate of change in residence were constructed.

CHAPTER V

THE PROCESS OF RURAL MIGRATION TO TAIF

Introduction

 

This chapter will deal with an in-depth analysis of the
process of rural migration to Taif. The main objectives are to
determine the sources of rural influx, the types of rural migration,
and the reasons for migration, as well as to examine the characteris-
tics of rural migrants and their location within the city upon first
arriving in Taif. Before these objectives can be met, however, it
is necessary to scrutinize the responses obtained in this field sur-

vey and observe the various types of migration that occurred.

Classification of Responses

 

Based on 700 questionnaires distributed within the sampled
quarters in Taif in the summer of 1980, more than 71 percent of the
respondents were identified as migrants (Table 15). Natives of Taif,
that is, those born within the city, were the second most numerous

group in Taif; they comprised 10 percent of the respondents. A third

120

121

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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>m m3mH>mthH no onP<onHmm<.Uii.mr m4m<H

122

group with a significant number of members were those included within
the summer-time visitor category, they represented 7 percent of the
sample. Another distinct group of the residents were pilgrims, the
annual visitors to the holy cities of Mecca and Madina. For the most
part, these pilgrims came from eastern, central and southern Saudi
Arabia as well as from North and South Yemen, Iran and Iraq. These
pilgrims generally travel by car and stop in Taif for a relatively
short time (usually one month or less) on their way to and from Mecca.
Less than one percent of the respondents were identified as pilgrims
enroute to Mecca.

The subject of pilgrims deserves some additional comment be-
cause of the unique nature of these travelers. Based on the author's
knowledge of the area, there are basically two types of pilgrims.
First, there is a distinguishable group from Iraq, Iran, and often,
Turkey who travel in groups and usually camp in the open spaces on
the outskirts of the city. They bring with them handmade
articles from their countries and form a sort of "flea market" for
the local pe0ple. Such markets serve two purposes: to finance the
pilgrimage itself, or to realize higher prices for their goods than
they would expect at home. The second type of pilgrim, generally
from Yemen, stops temporarily on the journey to Mecca to visit

friends and relatives who have already migrated to Saudi Arabia,

123

or to work temporarily in order to finance their pilgrimage. What-
ever their origin or purpose, both types of pilgrims form a distinct
and interesting part of Taif’s population.

Since the interviewing was conducted by visiting each build-
ing in a selected area, some non-residential-units were included,
which accounted for 1.8 percent of the total respondents. These
units represent government and/or private establishments.

The final category listed in Table 15 consists of those
interviews that we considered unacceptable for detailed analysis.
They comprised 8.3 percent of the total and were incomplete due
to refusal on the part of the respondent to complete the question-
naire or because they contained suspicious or inaccurate informa-
tion.

In summary, there is an uneven distribution of respondents
within the sampled quarters. Migrants vastly outnumber the rest of
the respondents except in quarters 13 and 14, where summer visitors
were most prevalent.

Responses can also be classified in terms of the various
housing types (Table 16). There are some substantial differences
in the types of housing according to the various respondents. For
example, the majority of respondents in the ruralized housing—type

are migrants, while summer visitors are most often feund in modern

124

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125

housing type areas. Variations within a given housing type exist.

For instance, while more than 54 percent of migrants are found in
areas having ruralized housing types, few migrants are located in
traditional or modern housing type areas (only about 3 percent each).
The urban natives show up mainly in areas of mixed ruralized-traditional
housing (26 percent) and modern housing (23 percent), which may indi-
cate that traditional urbanites are leaving the old city for new
neighborhoods. This movement cannot be identified with the invasion-
succession model operating in Western cities, since the poor are not
moving into the inner city. Rather, the affluent inhabitants may,
move into the modern quarters, and yet retain ownership of their
property in the old quarters. Summer visitors are more likely to
settle in areas of modern and/or mixed ruralized modern housing types,
mainly because these structures are the ones most frequently available
for seasonal renting. Often these modern dwellings in Taif have been
built specifically to facilitate the needs and financial capabilities
of the summer visitor._ The modern housing type areas are generally
built for the wealthier inhabitants of Taif; summer visitors also

comprise part of this group.

 

126

[ypes of Migrants in Taif

 

As mentioned above, more than 71 percent of the respondents
were identified as migrants. Further analysis requires a closer
look at the types of migrants found within Taif. Three Specific
groups are identified: rural migrants, urban migrants, and foreign
migrants (Table 17). Rural migrants are identified as those persons
migrating to Taif from rural areas of Saudi Arabia, that is, from
villages or from the desert. When we consider the population inter-
viewed (excluding foreign migrants), this group accounts for over
72 percent of the total respondents and for 60 percent.of all the
migrants. Urban migrants refer to those who moved to Taif from
other Saudi cities; they account for 7.5 percent of the respondents.
Foreign migrants identify those who moved to Taif from other coun-
tries. Foreign migrants, somewhat surprisingly, who comprise 27
percent of the respondents are the second largest group of migrants.
This high percentage is indicative of the dynamic economic changes
and rapid development within the country, and the attraction of
businesses and workers from other countries. Five major groups
of foreign migrants to Taif were identified from the survey; they
arrived from North Yemen (31 percent), Egypt (21 percent), Pakistan
(14 percent), Turkistan (8 percent), and Palestine (8 percent). The
remainder of the foreign migrants (19 percent) represent a mixture

of various nationalities.

 

127'

TABLE 17.--DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY TYPES OF ORIGINS BY SAMPLED QUARTERS

 

 

 

 

 

Sampled RESPONDENTS
Quarters Rural Urban Native Foreign Total
No. % No. % No. 3 No. % No. %
1-S. Janubiah 96 71.6 5 3.7 6 4.5 27 20.2 134 23.4
2-S. Shamaljah 89 68.5 7 5.4 3 2.3 31 23.8 130 22.7
3-Qumriah 9 45.0 4 20.0 5 25.0 2 10.0 20 3.5
4-Sharqraq 5 83.3 - - 1 16.7 - - 6 1.1
S-Sharqiah 27 32.9 7 8.5 1 1.3 47 57.3 82 14.4
6-Sa1amah 27 50.9 - - 17 32.2 9 16.9 53 9.3
7-Qarwa 15 37.5 5 12.5 8 20.0 12 30.0 40 6.9
8-Muashi 21 55.3 1 2.6 3 7.9 13 34.2 38 6.7
9-Nuzha 9 69.2 1 7.7 - - 3 23.1 13 2.3
lO-Sulaimaniah - - 3 37.5 4 50.0 1 12.5 8 1.4
ll-Asfal 3 18.7 - - 6 37.5 7 43.8 16 2.8
lZ-Faisaliah 2 11.7 3 17.6 8 47.2 4 23.5 17 2.9
13-Khaldiah - - 2 50.0 2 50.0 - - 4 7
14-Shihar - - 5 45.5 6 54.5 - - 11 1.9
TOTAL 303 - 43 - 70 - 156 - 572 -
Percent 52.9 7.5 12.3 27.3 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: FIEId Survey by Author,'l980.

128

The spatia1 distribution of migrants (Tab1es 18 and 19)
varies from one major c1assification to another as we11 as between
quarters and within housing type areas. In genera1, migrants seem
to be 1ocated in areas of rura1ized, mixed rura1ized-traditiona1
and rura1ized-modern housing type areas. However, when examining
each migrant category, we see that rura1 migrants are the most
preva1ent migrants in quarters of rura1ized housing types (more
than 68 percent). They are a1so high1y concentrated in areas of
mixed rura1ized-traditiona1 and rura1ized-modern housing types.
Foreign migrants are a1so high1y concentrated in the three housing
type areas mentioned above. In fact, foreign migrants represent
more than 41 percent of the popu1ation interviewed in the areas of
mixed rura1ized-traditiona1 housing type. Urban migrants, on the
other hand, c1uster in rura1ized and modern housing type areas.
The native urbanites of Taif, however, show a re1ative1y even dis-
tibution within a11 five housing types, save the traditiona1 hous-
ing type. Conc1usive1y, a11 migrants represent a very sma11 per-
centage of inhabitants in traditiona1 and modern housing types,
with the exception of urban migrants, 23 percent of whom (or 31
percent of respondents) are found in quarters of modern housing
types (Tab1e19 ).

Detai1ed investigations into the associations between hous-

ing type and type of residents and the reasons for choosing certain

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129

 

 

 

 

 

 

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130

housing areas, as fascinating and interesting as both topics wou1d
be, are beyond the scope of this thesis. What has been provided

is a cursory examination of residents and housing types within Taif.
The survey identified both the sizab1e proportion of residents
within Taif who are migrants as we11 as their Tocation within the
city. The hypothesis that Taif's recent rapid growth has been
acce1erated by rura1 migration has been supported from the detai1
fier survey. The detai1ed findings of the survey are ana1yzed

in the fo11owing sections.

Origins of the RUra1 Migrants

As stated in Chapter 1, some of the fundamentaT questions
posed in this research are:’ Where did these rura1 migrants in Taif
come from? Have they ever 1ived in p1aces other than their home
vi11ages or Taif? In this context, it was hypothesized that rura1
migration to Taif is a direct one and that the majority of rura1
migrants are drawn from areas Tocated to the south of Taif, as we11
as from the vi11ages which surround the city.

In attempting to answer these and other questions and
hypotheses, pertinent information with regard to the vo1ume (defined

here as the percent of rura1 migrants from a given area) of rura1

 

131

migration from various parts of Saudi Arabia to Taif are examined.
The data c011ected revea1 that 98 percent of the rura1 migrants

interviewed in Taif have come from the southwestern region of Saudi

Arabia (see Figure 16, Chapter III, and Figure126). More specific-
a11y, this Targe group of migrants come from an area bordered by

As Say1 a1 Kabir to the north; the Saudi-Yemeni border to the south;

A1-Khurmah, Turabah, A1-Rawshan, and Najran to the east; and A1-Lith,
A1-Qunfadah and Jizan to the west. The number and percentage of
migrants from these areas are shown in Tab1e 19.

The resu1ts of the fie1d data, that identify the origins of
migrants to Taif revea1 these are apparent differences in the vo1ume
of ruraT migrants from specific areas (Tab1e19‘). Furthermore, the
migration streams to Taif are not equa1 in size (Figure 26). Migrants
from Mecca, Jeddah, Riyadh, Hasa and Tabuk account for a sma11 per-
centage when compared with the migrants from the Southwestern region.
There are severa1 factors which may he1p to exp1ain this variation
in the magnitude of migration to Taif. First, the existence of the
major urban centers of Mecca, Jeddah, Madina, Riyadh, and Dammam
have no doubt attracted many of the rura1 pe0p1e within their own
areas of urban dominance. Each of these cities have distinctive
features which wi11 attract rura1 migrants. For instance, Riyadh,

as the capitaT of Saudi Arabia, is Tocated in the centraT part of

132

 

 

Rural Migration Streams to Taif

 

Percent of
All Mig rants

Key to regions

1 - Tait hinterland
2 - Bani Saad district
3- Bani Alharith district
4- Bani Malik- Thaqaef

district
5 - AI Bahah district
6 - Aseer region
7- Tihama area
0- Mecca- Jidda h-

AI Madinah areas
9- R1 adh- Qasee

abuk Alhasa areas

1’31 . ,
fby Author, 1980., " 100""

 

FIGURE 26

9 Io Riyadh

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,1

. Khamis Mush-y!

. “We“.
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‘4
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133

TABLE 19

CLASSIFICATION OF RURAL MIGRANTS BY PLACE OF ORIGIN

 

 

 

 

Identi- Region* Number Percent Ma’or
fication of of of Re Ions
Number Origin Migrants. Tota1 N g

1 Taif HinterTand 89 29.3)

2 Bani Saad -35 11.6)

3 Bani Harith 29 9.6) "Southwestern

4 Bani Ma11k-Thaqeef 13 4.3)--- Region"

5 A1 Baha 60 19.8) 98.0%

6 Aseer 60 19.8)

7 Tihama 11 3.6)

8 Mecca-Jeddah 2 .7) "Western+Centra1+

9 Riyadh-Hasa-Tabuk 4 1 .3) " Eastern+Northern1

2.0%

TotaTS 303 100.0

 

*See Figure 26 for migration streams and origins.

Source:

Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

134

the country. As the headquarters for a11 the government ministries
and major offices, it is considered the administrative hub of the
centra1 region. By virtue of its po1itica1 and administrative im-
portance, Riyadh has a better chance for deve1opment of a1most every
aspect of 1ife than any other cities in the country. It is antici-
pated that the rura1 popu1ation in the centra1 region wou1d most
1ike1y be drawn to Riyadh rather than Taif or other cities.

With regard to the eastern region, Dammam is considered the
administrative and trade center. The entire region, however, has a
character unique to Saudi Arabia. The eastern region is we11-known
for the oi1 industry as we11 as for its agricu1tura1 potentia1. It
is expected that because of these activities in-migration wou1d be
more preva1ent than out-migration. In fact, severa1 agricu1tura1
and sett1ement projects a1ready have been initiated in this area,
such as the A1-Hasa Irrigation and Drainage Project and the Faisa1
Sett1ement Project at Haradh. The discovery of oi1 in the region
has resu1ted in the creation of severa1 urban sett1ements, such as
Dhahran, Ras Tannurah, and A1-Khubar. These offer strong indica-
tions that this region is attracting pe0p1e from outside the imme-
diate area rather than 1osing inhabitants due to out-migration.

There are three 1arge urban centers in western Saudi Arabia:

Mecca, Medina, and Jeddah. Aithough comp1ete documentation is not

135

avai1ab1e, it can be specu1ated that Mecca and Jeddah both are in
competition for attracting migrants from their surrounding areas.
This contest is enhanced by the fact that the two cities are very
c1ose to each other, on1y about 60 kiiometers apart. The re1igious
function of Mecca continues to attract pe0p1e from a11 over the
wor1d, as we11 as from Saudi Arabia. 0n the other hand, Jeddah's
function as a major trade center, faci1itated by its 1ocation on
the Red Sea, attracts many migrants because of the greater
emp1oyment opportunities. Whatever their fina1 decision migrants
make in this area, they wi11 most 1ike1y choose one of these two
cities over any other sma11er sett1ements.

Madina 1ike Jeddah and Mecca is a1so a growing city.
Located 400 ki1ometers north of Mecca, it is a1so known for its
re1igious functions. The city is considered the administrative
center of a 1arge district known as the AT—Madina area. One wou1d
expect that prospective migrants wou1d move to Madina or Jeddah,
as opposed to Mecca, Taif, or Riyadh, due to the physica1 proximity
of Madina, not to mention the opportunities contained in Jeddah.

The northern region, represented in our study by Tabuk, is
the area most distant from Taif. Any vo1untary out-migration from
this area wou1d most 1ike1y be directed toward Madina, Riyadh,

Dammam, or even Jeddah.

136

To re-emphasize, Taif seems to draw its rura1 popu1ation
1arge1y from the southwestern region. Even though the city is
appea1ing as a summer resort for pe0p1e from other regions, they
genera11y are not attracted to make Taif their permanent home.
There are even very few urban migrants, that is, those who 1ived
previous1y in other urban centers represent a sma11 fraction (8.5
percent) of the tota1 migrants in Taif. In summary, the city's
growth and importance as a primate city within the mountainous
range of southwestern Saudi Arabia is attributed primari1y to

migrants from rura1 areas nearby.

Rura1 Migration F1ows

 

In examining the hypothesis that the majority of Taif's
rura1 migrants have come from areas south of Taif and the surround-
ing vi11ages, it is evident that migration voTume varies great1y
between sending areas. A review of Tab1e~19 supports the existence
of major "rura1 migration streams." More than 29 percent of the
interviewed migrants came from the surrounding vi11ages. a fact
that is not a1together surprising considering the dominant inf1uence
Taif exerts because of its 1ocation proximity and accessibiTity to

sma11 vi11ages and rura1 areas. The percentage of rura1 migrants

137

decreases as the farther succeeding regions are southward from Taif.
There are two exceptions to this pattern, however, as both have
contributed a 1arge number of migrants to the city. The rura1
migrants from the regions of A1-Baha and Aseer, Tocated approximate1y
250 and 540 ki1ometers1 from Taif respectiveTy, account for a1most

40 percent of Taif's tota1 rura1 migrants. Each region accounts

for 20 percent of the city's rura1 migrants.

The obvious question to this is why. If increasing distance
accounts for a decreasing vo1ume of migration from an origin to a
destination, shou1d this not hoid true for a11 regions? TWO factors
may account for this discrepancy in Southwestern Saudi Arabia. First,
both the above regions have very 1arge rura1 popu1ations which wou1d
be expected to generate 1arge f1ows of migration coming from them
(Tab1e 20). Second, there is no city in this mountainous region
comparabTe to Taif. The absence of any 1arge city in these regions
exp1ains why migrants from these areas are 1ike1y to be found in
other cities as we11, inciuding Mecca, Jeddah and Riyadh.

The presence of a sma11 number of rura1 migrants from the
Tihama area (4 percent) suggests the effect of urban centers other
than Taif. It is suspected that migrants from Jizan and other areas

a1ong the coast of the Red Sea are more attracted to Jeddah and Mecca.

 

1These distances are based upon the distance from Taif to

the major cities in each region: A1-Baha and Abha.

138

TABLE 20

POPULATION DISTRIBUTION WITHIN THE SOUTHWESTERN REGION

 

 

 

 

Name of Area . Number of Inhabitantsi .Percenta
1--Taif Hinter1and 93382 5.9
2--Bani Saad 13994 .9
3--Bani Harith 26338 1.7
4--Bani Ma1ik-Thaqeef 15361 .9
S--A1Baha 185905 11.8
6--Aseer 681361 43.5
7--Tihamahb 551076 35.3
Tota1 ....1567417 . ..100.Q

 

aPercentages ca1cu1ated by author.

bInc1uded Jizan and Gunfudah areas in addition to Najran area.

Source: 1974 Popu1ation Census, Saudi Arabia.

139

In summary, we can conciude that distance aione may not have
as strong an effect on the vo1ume of rura1 migration to Taif as other
factors. The size of the papu1ation at the region of origin and the
a1ternative urban 1ocations seem to account for the vo1ume and direc-

tion of migration into Taif.

Types of Rura1 Migration

 

Another essentia1 question investigated is the type of
migration pattern fo11owed by these rura1 migrants. Did they migrate
direct1y to Taif or did they move into Taif after previous stops
in sma11 vi11ages and towns? The survey resu1ts revea1 that more
than two-thirds of the rura1 migrants interviewed migrated directTy
to Taif (Tab1e 21). This finding hons for a11 regions except for
area number seven, in which more than ha1f of the migrants had 1ived

e1sewhere in rura1 areas before sett1ing in Taif. It shou1d be noted.

however, that those Who did 1ive in other p1aces before coming to Taif
genera11y sett1ed in rura1 areas c10$e to their origin, rather than
vi11ages near Taif. This finding 1ends credence to the assumption
that, a1though Taif is the main urban center of attraction in the
area, there are other sma11 towns which are growing and which may
affect the direction of movement to 1arge cities. Examp1es of such

a1ternate centers for rura1 migrants in the southwestern regions are

140

TABLE 21

TYPES OF RURAL MIGRATION TO TAIF

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Region 1

of Types of Rura1 Migration ‘1

Origin Direct { . Indirect 1 Missing Tota1
ID No. % ,No. %. . . No. %. ..No. . %
1 70 78.6 16 17.9 3 3.5 89 100 0
2 24 68.6 II 31.4 - - 35 100.0‘
3 18 62.1 10 34.5 1 3.4 29 100 0
4 8 61.5 5 38.5 - - 13 100.0
5 40 66.7 20 33.31 - - 60 100 0
6 33 55.0 24 40.0 3 5.0 60 100 0
7 5 45.5 6 54.5 - — 11 100.0
8 I 50.0 1 50.0 - - 2 100.0
9 3 75.0 I 25.0 — - . 4 100.0

Tota1 202 66.7 94 31.0 7 _ 2.3 1303 100.0

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

141

A1-Baha, Baijurashi, Abha, Khamis, Jizan, Sabia, Gunfadah and Najran
(See Figure 16), If the current rate of deve10pment and popu1ation
continues, severa1 of these cities, especia11y Abha, may compete

with Taif in attracting rura1 migrants. In any case, an examination
of the findings in Tab1e 21 shou1d make c1ear that the process known

as stepwise migration, which exists e1sewhere in deve10ping countries,
is not preva1ent in Taif; rather, the majority of movements are

of a direct nature.

Seiectivity Among Rura1 Migrants

 

The previous ana1ysis describes substantia1 movements of
pe0p1e from rura1 areas, especia11y from the Southwestern region
of Saudi Arabia, to Taif. In order to more fu11y i11ustrate and
comprehend the nature of this movement process, it is necessary
to identify the sa1ient demographic and socia1 characteristics
of these migrants, the type of migration made (individua1 or com-
p1ete fami1y), and the differences, if any, in the socia1 charac-
teristics of those rura1 migrants from different areas. With re-
gard to these topics, the f011owing hypotheses are tested: Rura1
migrants to Taif were at Teast twenty-five years of age at the
time of migration, are unski11ed, i1iiterate, and came to Taif in

a househ01d movement,-that is. a comp1ete fami1y migration.

142

In ana1yzing migration se1ectivity, socia1 scientists, in-
c1uding geographers, emp10y the factors of sex, age, education, and
occupation as too1s for differentiation. As stated previous1y, vari-
ations between migrants according to these variab1es have been identi-
fied in other areas studied in the deve10ping wor1d. There is found
to be no significance of variation in the sex differentia1 when Speak-
ing of rura1 migration to Taif. Of a11 the rura1 migrants interviewed,
on1y two instances of $018 fema1e migration were documented, a finding
which can be direct1y attributed to cu1tura1 and re1igious restric-
tions. According to tradition, a woman 15 not permitted to
trave1 without a maTe chaperone. Even with regard to the two cases
encountered in a fie1d survey, these sing1e women had migrated with
their spouses; however, both had subsequent1y died. As a genera1 ru1e,
internaT migration within Saudi Arabia is headed by ma1es.

More than 53 percent of the rura1 migrants in Taif were more
than 24 years 01d at the time of migration; however, differences between
age groups do exist (Tabie 22 and Figure 27). An ana1ysis of the distri-
bution of ages into six categories suggests that two major groups of
migrants are distinguishab1e. The 1argest group is the 25 to 34 years
category (33 percent), c1ose1y fo11owed by the 15 to 24 years cate-
gory (30 percent), Those migrants 1ess than 15 years aid at the

time of migration ranked third (15 percent). Rura1 migrants to Taif

143

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Percent of Migrants

FIGURE 27

Rural Migration by Age Groups

 

4O

 

35

 

30-

 

25-

 

20-

 

15—

10-

  

 

 

 

 

 

\L -- .

514 15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 255

Age Groups

Source: Field survey by author. 1980.

 

 

145

were predominantly young adults between 15 and 34 years of age.
Rural migration seems to be less frequent among those who are
more than 35 years of age; however, when these percentages are
combined with that of the 25 to 34 years category, we find that
53 percent of the rural migrants surveyed were more than 24 years
of age at the time of migration. This finding substantiates the
hypothesis that the majority of rural migrants to Taif were 25
years or older at the time of migration.

Variations in the distribution of the migrants between
regions in relation to their ages are also apparent (Figure 28).
Although this may be merely a function of the variations in the
total p0pu1ation distribution within each region, it is unwise
and unnecessary, for our purpose, to speculate fucther. It will
suffice to say that such differences do exist and should be con-
sidered in our analysis.

With regard to educational level, the survey reveals that
more than 59 percent of the rural migrants are 1iterate‘(Table 23).
This finding refutes our expectation that the majority of the rural
migrants would be flitterate. When a test of confidence internal
was applied, it was found that the hypothesis is rejected at a 95

percent confidence level. Again, variation among the regions is

 

1The literacy rate for Saudi Arabia is very difficult to
determine, as there are no standard levels of proficiency. However,
for our purpose, literacy is defined as the ability to read and write
as a result of some minimal education.

146

 

 

Percent of Migrants

Source:

FIGURE 28
Distribution of Age Groups by Regions

 

45'-

4O

 

 

35'-

30

 

 

25-a

 

20

 

15-

 

10

  
 
 
 

z 55 -""""'"\,
\.

 

 

 

0 r I
f) 1 2 3

Age
Groups Regions

Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

147

TABLE 23
THE EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OF RURAL MIGRANTS

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reg;°" EDUCATIONAL LEVELS (Percent)a . Abso-
Ori ina ' lute
g Illiterate Limited Hi h School Others
-------_---__-599295399_.---3 ....................... .
10 Percent Percent Percent Percent
Row Column Row Column Row Column Row Column
1 46.6 33.1 31.8 25.0 15.9 29.2 5.7 26.3 89
2 54.3 15.3 25.7 8.0 11.4 8.3 8.6 15.8 35
3 44.8 10.5 41.4 10.7 13.8 8.3 - - 29
4 38.5 4.0 30.8 3.6 23.1 6.3 7.7 5.3 13
5 35.0 16.9 33.3 17.9 21.7 27.1 10.0 31.6 60
6 31.7 15.3 55.0 29.5 10.0 12.5 3.3 10.5 60
7 36.4 3.2 36.4 3.6 18.2 4.2 9.1 5.3 11
Absolute 124 112 48 19 303
PERCENT 40.9 37.0 15.8 6.3 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

aRegions Eight and Nine are omitted due to insignificant number, but
they are included in percent and total calculations.

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

148

both expected and evident. Broad fluctuations are apparent, for
instance, between Region Two, with a 54 percent rate of illiteracy,
to Region Six, where 68 percent of the migrants are literate. The
overall high literacy rate of migrants in Taif, however, contrasts
sharply with Malik's (1973) findings in Riyadh, where literacy rates
from migrants in villages and the desert were 27.6 percent and 23.6
percent reSpectively. For the most part, this difference is attrib-
utable to the fact that Malik's findings were based on data collected
in 1968. This twelve-year period has seen vast improvements in the
literacy rate in Saudi Arabia.

When age is considered as a factor, differences between
migrants in relation to their level of education are apparent. A
test of the relationship between age and education was found to be
significant at .0001 level (Table 24). An analysis of the table
reveals that younger migrants are more concentrated in the higher
levels of education, while those migrants over 35 years of age are
within the lower categories. This finding is not unexpected as
educational opportunities have increased drastically over the past
25 to 30 years and especially within the past 15 Years.

In terms of occupational levels, the majority of rural
migrants (46 percent) are government employees, such as managerial,

clerical, and service-related employees (Table 25). A significant

149

 

 

 

TABLE 24. LEVEL OF EDUCATION BY AGE
Level of AGE GROUPS (Percent)a
Education

.<.--29 .......... 29:99 ........ 99:99 ........ 99:99--- --3.--99--- “Mme
Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent
Row Column Row Column Row Column Row Column Row Column

Illiterate 2.4 16.7 5.6 13.5 27.4 47.5 29.0 45.0 35.5 60.3 124
LIMItei 2.7 16.7 15.2 32.7 26.8 37.5 31.3 43.8 24.1 37.0 112
EducatIon
High School 20.8 55.5 29.2 26.9 29.2 17.5 16.7 10.0 4.2 2.7 48
Others 10.5 11.1 73.7 26.9 10.5 2.5 5.3 1.2 0.0 0.0 19

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

aRegions Eight and Nine are omitted for insignificant number, but they-are included in
percent and total calculations.

Chi square = '99.86 Significant at .0001 level with 12 degrees of freedom.

Source:

Fie1d Survey by Author. 1980; and SPSS Crosstabs.

150

TABLE 25. THE OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL OF MIGRANTS BY REGIONSa

 

 

 

 

 

Region TYPE OF OCCUPATIONS (Percent) _
of Absolute
origi" 9929999909---999999999199.---19999_--- --lnf99991--
ID Row Column Row Column Row Column Row ,Column,
1 36.4 22.9 3.4 27.3 15.9 40.0 44.3 33.6- 88
2 31.4 7.9 5.7 18.2 5.7 5.7 57.1 17.2 35
3 34.5 7.1 - - 13.8 11.4 51.7 12.9 29
4 61.5 5.7 7.7 9.1 7.7 2.9 23.1 2.6 13
5 58.3 25.0 5.0 27.3 13.3 22.9 23.3 12.1 60
6 55.0 23.6 1.2 9.1 6.7 11.4 35.0 18.1 60
7 72.7 5.7 9.1 9.1 9.1 2.9 9.1 .9 1 11
Absolute 140 11 35 116 302
Percent 46.2 3.6 11.6 38.3

 

 

 

 

 

 

aRegions Eight and Nine are omitted for insignificant number, but they
are included in percent and total calculations.

Source:

Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

151

number (38 percent) are engaged in blue collar jobs, manual labor,

or small business ownership (titled "Informal"). "Informal" jobs
include any that are performed by semi-skilled or unskilled laborers.
Again, variations between regions are evident. For example, the
majority of the migrants in Regions Four, Five, Six, and Seven are
government employees, while those migrants from Regions One, Two and
Three are engaged primarily in informal jobs. Rura1 migrants are
not highly visible in construction jobs, due to the fact that most
of these jobs are filled, by foreign migrants, especially those

from Yemen.

There is, however, a significant relationship between the
type of work engaged in and the age of the rural migrants (Table 26).
Migrants between the ages of 24 and 34 are highly clustered in the
government sector, while those 35 years of age and older are concen-
trated in the category described as informal jobs. Construction and
trade careers seem to be equally popular among the migrants who are
45 years of age or older.

A significant relationship also exists between the type of
work engaged in and the level of education (Table 27). Those migrants
with little or no learning experience are highly concentrated in non-
governmental work. It should be pointed out, however, that not all

government jobs arelyfprofessional caliber as more than 50 percent

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154

of these jobs are nonprofessional positions. Therefore, when this
figure is added to those in the informal category, a total of 62
percent is obtained. In other words, the majority of rural migrants
in Taif are unskilled. Again, the test of confidence interval indi-
cates that at a 95 percent level of confidence, our hypothesis is

not rejected.

Type of Initial Migration

 

In order to test our hypothesis that rural migration to Taif
is a complete family movement, respondents were asked the manner in
which they first moved to Taif (Table 28). The results reveal
three classifications of rural migration patterns. The most
prevalent pattern is that in which all members of the family
moved to Taif at the same time (64 percent). Another substantial
group of migrants were those who initially moved to Taif alone
(24 percent) and were later joined by their family. The smallest
group in our population (12 percent) m0ved to Taif alone and
established their own families after migrating.

We can observe from a close examination of Table 28 that
the percentage of migrants who initially moved to Taif alone in-

creases as the distance from the city increases. It is speculated

155

TABLE 28

TYPE OF INITIAL MIGRATION (Percent)a

 

 

 

 

Region Head of ' Complete b
of Household Family Others
Origin Was Alone Migrated Absolute
10 Percent Percent Percent
Row Column Row Column Row Column
l 3.3 4.1 91.1 41.9 5.6 13.5 89
2 20.0 9.6 71.4 12.9 8.6 8.1 35
3 31.1 12.3 31.1 4.6 37.9 29.7 29
4 84.6 15.1 15.4 1.1 - - 13
5 26.7 21.9 60.0 18.6 13.3 21.6 60
6 30.0 24.6 63.3 19.7 6.6 10.8 60
7 27.3 4.1 18.2 1.1 54.5 16.3 11
Absolute 73 193 . 37 303
Percent 24.1 63.7 12.2 100.0

 

aRegions Eight and Nine are omitted for insignificant number, but
they are included in total and percent calculations.

bThis category includes those rura1 migrants who migrated alone and
then started their own families in the city after migration.

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

156

that this relationship may be attributed to the fact that those
migrating from an area close to Taif are more familiar with the
city, and thus are less reluctant to bring their families on the
initial move, whereas those further from the city often migrated
alone in order to become more familiar with the area before bring-
ing the. rest of the family. There are, however, two exceptions
to this genralized pattern. Both in Region Five and Region Six,
the percentage of migrants who migrated as a family is higher than
that of regions Two, Three and Four. This variation from the pattern
cannot be attributed to any one factor; it is most likely owing to
individual circumstances which are not distinguishable from the
survey format.

In summary, the information obtained from our survey indi-
cates that the majority of rural migration to Taif is in the form
of family migration, whether a delayed family migration, or a com-
p1ete initial family move. With specific regard to our hypothe-
sis, therefore, the data supports our hypothesis that the most preva-
lent form of migration to Taif is family migration. To further
affirm this hypothesis, we are directed to the previous analysis
concerning the age of the migrants at the time of migration.
Since it was observed that 45 percent of all migrants were less

than 24 years of age, and 33 percent were less than 15 years of

157

age, it would logically follow that these migrants were part of a
family movement, as opposed to individual migration at this early

age.

FactOrs for Rural Migration

Thus far, our discussion has focused upon the nature of
rural migration to Taif, the major migration streams, and the
characteristics of the rural migrants themselves. In order to
fully comprehend the process of rural migration to Taif, we now
turn to an examination of the factors which generated the mass
influx of rural people to the city.

To determine the underlying causes of rural migration to
Taif, incidence factor analysis was applied. Components with
eigenvalues greater than one are selected for analysis. Also,
those variables that have loadings of t 0.40 are used to label
the resultant factors. The results of the factor analysis are
summarized in Table 29.

The matrix of loadings indicates that the first component
loads most highly on complete family migration and relatives living
in Taif. This component is labeled the "family attraction factor."

Both variables identify reasons for rural migration to Taif. It

158

TABLE 29

SELECTED RESULTS OF FACTOR ANALYSIS

 

 

 

Factors/ Variables with > t .40 Factor
Dimensions Loadings for Each Factor ._ .Loadings
Component I Complete Family Migrated .91
"Family Attraction Relatives Are In Taif .51
Factor"
Component II Years Away from Village .85
"Permanency Years Living in Taif .87
Factor"
Component III Village Households -.69
"Family Size Family Size at Village -.66
Factor" Too Many Members in the Family .44
Component IV Family Disputes .51
"Stress Factor" Loss of Parents .56
No Schools .47
Component V Farming Before Migration .88
"Farming Factor" Farming After Migration .91
Component VI Modern Amenities .85
"Urban Attraction Taif is Closer .57
Factor" More Opportunities .72
Component VII No Jobs —.58
"Employment Factor" Better Jobs .49
1

For more details of the variables used in factor analysis,
see Appendix B.

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980; and SPSS Factor Program.

159

seems that whenever there are members of the family living in Taif,
these relatives exert influence in convincing the family to move
to the city as well as assist in their physical movement to Taif.

Component two may be labeled the "permanency factor." It
identifies the years the migrant has spent away from the village
and years in Taif. To illustrate this component, we will look at
the following example: According to the survey data, the majority
of the rural migrants (51 percent) have been living in Taif for
more than sixteen years. In fact, about 34 percent migrated
twenty or more years ago. This mass rura1 migration coincides
with the massive drought which prevailed in Saudi Arabia in the
19505 and 19605 and which stimulated a "push" out of rural areas.
Malik (1973) in his study of rural migration to Riyadh has cited
this event as one reason for rural migration.

The third component comprises the so-called "family size
factor" as it identifies characteristics of household and family
size. Three variables load more than t 0.40 each in this dimen-
sion. The total number of village households and the total number
of family members in those households are related. The "family
size factor" can affect rural migration in two ways. First, large
villages tend to spawn more intense competition for employment,

and thus stimulate a higher volume of migration. Second,

160

large family size tends to exert pressure on the head of the house—
hold to provide for household needs which in turn tends to increase
the volume of migration. In addition, Islamic conditions for in-
heritance provide for equal division of land between all of the
children, which tends, over time, to put pressure on large families,
who depend on the land for food, to migrate in order to support
themselves.

Component Four has also been labeled the "stress factor,"
as it identifies stresses which contributed to the decision to
migrate. Stress may be social, psychological, economic, or poli—
tical, among others. In our case, family-related stress, such as
the loss of a parent or a family dispute, is the most prevalent.

The fifth component may be identified as the "farming fac-
tor,“ which is basically self-explanatory. Crop failure or farm
deterioration can be a push factor for rural p0pu1ations. This may
be due to adverse climatic conditions of the region, the inability
to improve yields or production capabilities, and related agricul-
tural problems.

Thus far, the factors identified have been associated with
the origin of the migrants, that is, the rural areas and character-
teristics of migrants from those areas. Components six and seven,

however, identify the receiving center or destination, in this case,

161

Taif. Component Six has been named the turban attraction factor."
The variables that load highest relate to modern amenities and
better Opportunities which Taif, as the dominant city in the moun-
tainous southwestern region of Saudi Arabia, provides. The final
component is the "employment factor." It identifies the lack of
employment opportunity in the rural areas and the existence of
better jobs in Taif.

In terms of the relative strength of these seven components,
the first two account for one-quarter of the total variance explained.
The first accounts for 14.4 percent, while the second component
accounts for 11.2 percent of the total variance (Table 30). Suc—
cessively, the percent of variance explained by each component de-
creases, until the seventh component, the "employment factor,"
explains only 5.4 percent of the total variation. In sum, these
seven extracted components account for 62.8 percent of the total
variance.

To further illustrate the importance of the variables in
the factor analysis, communality estimates are utilized. Commun—
ality is a measure of the proportion of the total variation of
each variable. explained in the components extracted. Table 31
shows the important variables which have 0.40 percent communaiity

or more. From the table, it becomes evident that the eight

162

TABLE 30

VARIANCE ACCOUNTED FOR BY SELECTED FACTORS

 

 

' ‘1 fi ‘vv—V

 

Facter Eigenvalue _P¢rcent.Varian¢e .. ,Pummvlativ¢,Per¢ent
1; 3.11 14.4 14.4
2 2.42 ' 11.2 25.6
3 2.21 10.2 35.7
4 1.89 8.8 44.5
5 1.44 i 6.7 51.2
6 1 34 6.2 57 4
7 1 16 5.4 62.8

 

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980; and SPSS Factor Program.

163

TABLE 31

VARIABLES WITH ),.40 COMMUNALITY

 

 

Variables Communility
Opportunities .81
Years Living in Taif .72
Farming Before Migration .65
Family Size at Village .60
No Jobs .54
Better Jobs .48
Modern Amenities .44
No Schools .41

 

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980; and SPSS Factor Program.

164

variables contribute most to the pattern of the seven selected com-
ponents discussed previously. They represent measures of employ-

ment, years residence in Taif, family size and amenities.

0rigin--Destination Relationship

 

Having identified the flows of the rural migrants, their
social characteristics, and the factors behind their migration,
it is important that the initial location of these migrants upon
arriving in Taif also be investigated. Other crucial aSpects of
the rural migration process relate to time. Specifically: when
did this proess take place? 15 the frequency of migration increas-
ing or decreasing annually? Do rura1 migrants perceive their stay
in Taif as permanent or temporary? How frequently, if ever, do
migrants make contact with their place of origin and what is the
nature of such contact? These spatial-temporal aspects are the
focus of this section.

The spatial distribution of the rural migrants upon their
initial arrival in Taif reveals several interesting patterns (see
(Table 32). A plurality of the rural migrants (44 percent)
settled in the quarters of Shuhad-Shamaliah and Shuhad—Janubiah.

The quarters of Sharqiah, Yamaniah, and Salamah were the initial

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n

 

 

caucmugwav uz—>~mm< zen: mhz<xwmz 4<¢=a no zomknmumhmmo .Nm m4m<h

166

destination for 31.5 percent, a small number (11 percent) settled

in Qarwa and Muashi. The spatial distribution of the rural migrants
in relation to their arrival is found to be significant at the .0001
level using the Chi square tests. However, when those migrants

from the individual regions are examined, it appears that migrants
from Regions One and Six are clustered in areas described previously
as being composed of mixed rura1ized—traditional housing type; they
are represented in the three quarters of Sharqiah, Yamaniah, and
Salamah. It is also observed that the majority of migrants from
regions Two, Three, Four, Five, and Seven are found in areas of
ruralized housing type represented by the two quarters of Shamaliah
and Janubiah. Only a small number of migrants (11 percent) are
found in areas of mixed ruralized-modern housing types, represented
by the quarters of Qarwa and Muashi.

The above discussion reveals that rural migrants are clus-
tered for the most part Within Taif in areas of ruralized or semi-
ruralized housing types. It can be argued, however, that this distri-
bution is explained by events which took place before the modern
quarters of Taif were developed. The present spatial distribution
of the rural migrants in Taif shall be described and analyzed in
Chapter Six. The flow of rural migrants into Taif is not a recent

one or a precise one to document. The evidence obtained from this

167

field survey indicates that much movement took place before 1958.
That year coincides with the beginning of extensive development

in Taif. It seems that a large number of the rural migrants (34
percent) have been living in Taif for over twenty-one years (Figure
29). In examining the period from 1959 to 1979, it can be seen
that the rate of rural migration ranged from a low of 6.5 percent
of all migrants between 1959 and 1961 to 12 percent for the period
1971 to 1973. Minor fluctuations can also be discerned; however,
the rate has basically remained steady throughout the twenty-year
period and indicating there has been a fairly constant flow of
rural migrants each year.

When respondents were questioned in regard to the perceived
nature of their stay in Taif, 82 percent of the rural migrants said
that they intended to stay permanently in Taif. This result is re-
flective of the respondents in all regions and those of all ages
and occupations. This finding also indicates that the initial
attraction of the city or the rural "push" that led to the migra-
tion to Taif is likely to bring about permanent urban settlement
for most migrants.

When inquiry was made as to the extent of contact with
their homes or home areas, 89 percent responded that they have

maintained some contact with the rural areas from which

168

 

 

Percent of Migrants

FIGURE 29
Rural Migration to Taif
between 1958 and 1979

 

4O

 

35

30—

 

 

25"

 

20—

 

 

 

    

1958 1959 1962 1965 1968 1971
to to to to to
1961 1964 1967 1970 1973

Year of Migration

 

 

Source: Field survey by author. 1980.

1 974
to
1 976

<|

  

 

1977
to
1979

 

 

169

they migrated. The most frequently mentioned reason for such con-
tact was visiting relatives (82 percent) followed by working their
farms (14 percent). It can be seen from the results in Table 33
that periodic visits are common among migrants from Region One, and
that the frequency of contact decreases as the distance from Taif
increases. It can also be observed that the majority of migrants
(28 percent) return to their origins annually, and a goodly portion
at least once a month.

The previous discussion has yielded several conclusions.
First, that once having migrated, the migrants tend to live in
quarters of similar housing types, and that variations, even among
migrants from different regions, are minimal. Furthermore, rural
migrants tend to view their stay in Taif as a permanent one, per-
haps because of the fact that the majority of them are from areas
close to Taif which permits frequent visits to their origin. Such
visits can be attributed to the close family ties which character-
ize the Saudi Arabian society as well as the improved quality and
availability of transportation. In addition, the construction of
the Hijaz road (see Figure 16) has facilitated easier access to the
migrants' origins, which encourages the migrants to keep residence
in Taif without severing the ties with family and friends in their
place of origin. This same highway also stimulates the outmigration

of young rural males and their households to Taif.

17C)

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acouewm ucmueoa acmuema acmuema acmuema ucmuewq accueoa
N o m e N N _
Nezsomm< az_u_mo do zomoma >uzmaomza

 

 

 

“Agemoeoav Pu<ezou No<sa_> do Nuzuaowma mm N4m<P

171

Summary

Of the sample of 700 respondents, 71 percent were identi-
fied as migrants, 10 percent of the respondents were born in the
city. An analysis of respondents according to housing type showed
that most of the inhabitants of rura1ized housing type are migrants,
while summer visitors tend to occupy modern housing type areas.

With respect to the types of migrants found within Taif,
three groups are identified: rural, urban, and foreign migrants.
Rura1 migrants are by far the most numerous, accounting for 60 per-
cent of all migrants to Taif, and they most often come from the
southwestern region of Saudi Arabia, with the greatest numbers
of migrants coming from areas close to Taif itself.

Migrantion to Taif was most often a direct type of movement,
that is, two-thirds of the migrants interviewed migrated directly
from their birthplace.

Classification of the migrants according to demographic
variables showed no significant variation in the sex differential.
Internal migration in Saudi Arabia is headed by males, a finding
which is directly attributable to cultural and religious restric-
tions. Rural migrants were found to be predominantly young adults

between 15 and 34 years of age. More than 59 percent of the migrants

172

were found to be literate. The majority of rural migrants are
government employees (46 percent), of whom the blue collar workers
account for 38 percent.

The initial migration move was a complete family movement
in 64 percent of the cases studied. The percentage of respondents
who initially migrated to Taif alone increases as the distance from
the city increases.

Incidence factor analysis was applied to determine the
causes of rural migration to Taif. As a result seven factors were
extracted. They include factors of family attraction, permanency,
family size, stress, farming, urban attraction factor, and employ-
ment factor. These factors account for 62.8 percent of the total
variance.

An analysis of the relationship between the migrants'
origins and their respective destinations reveals that rural migrants
in Taif are clustered in areas of ruralized or semi—ruralized housing
types. Furthermore, rural migrants were found to view their stay in
Taif as a permanent one, although a large majority maintain contact
with their place of origin.

Now that the process of rural migration to Taif has been
defined, described, and mapped, the next step in our study is to

identify the location of these migrants after their initial settlement

173

in Taif. The specific questions raised are: Where are those
migrants now? What is the nature and frequency of their movement
within the city of Taif itself? Such questions fall within the
realm of residential mobility, the subject of the following

chapter.

Chapter VI

RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF THE RURAL MIGRANTS

‘ Introduction

 

This study views rural migration to Taif as a continuous
spatial process. That is, it is expected that once these rural
people have decided to relocate to Taif, they will continue to move
within the city itself for some time after their initial arrival.
The selection of proper living quarters is a crucial step in the
process of adjusting to the urban environment. Several factors
affect this process of residential selection. For instance, the
migrants' awareness of the living quarters available has an effect
on where they decide to locate. Often, the presence of friends and
relatives within the city affects the amount and level of awareness
the migrant possesses. Job skills and Opportunities and the amount
of accumulated urban experience a migrant’has would also likely be re-
sponsible for a greater amoung of urban mobility. The term "urban
experience" is used here to refer to the amount of time the rural
migrant has lived in the city. In this context, it is assumed that

the longer the migrant has been in Taif, the more aware he is of

174

 

175

available dwelling sites, which would result in some movement after
the initial place of residence within the city.

The major objectives of this chapter are threefold: l) to
analyze the spatial nature of the mobility process and to discover
the resultant spatial patterns, 2) to examine the underlying factors
which are associated with these residential mobility patterns, and 3)
to forecast the future mobility of these migrants within Taif.

Several major questions are posed in regard to these objectives:

(1) Where did these rural migrants initially settle

in the city? Where are they at present?

(2) Has the location of their residence changed since
their initial arrival?

(3) What is the rate and frequency of their mobility?

(4) What are the salient patterns of their movement

within Taif?

(5) What are the major factors that account for their

mobility?

The answers to these and other questions are presented in this

chapter.

176
Residential Location of Rural Migrants

In this section, two major hypotheses are tested. The first
states that the majority of rural migrants in Taif are found in
areas of ruralized housing types and the second is that rural
migrants are attracted to areas where friends and/or relatives re—
side. These two hypotheses, understandably, are interrelated. As

such, they are respectively presented under the following sub—heads.

Initial and Current Distribution

 

In Chapter V, the spatial distribution of the rural migrants
upon their arrival in Taif was discussed. It was found that the
majority of the interviewed rural migrants (76 percent) established
their first residence in areas of ruralized and mixed ruralized-
traditional housing types. Only a few initially established their
homes in areas of traditional housing types. This finding is
accounted for by the development pattern of the city (see Chapter
III). A major result of that examination of the city's growth was
the classification of spatial expansion into three stages. Stage
One, termed the formation period, occurred prior to 1945, while
stages Two and Three took place between 1945 and 1964 and 1965 to
present, respectively. These stages were accompanied by the crea-

tion of four major housing types (old traditional, new traditiona1,

177

ruralized, and modern). As stated earlier, rura1 migration to Taif
is believed to have reached a peak in the 19505. These rural migrants,
especially those who migrated twenty years ago or more, had to settle
in quarters of mixed ruralized-traditional (new traditional) housing
types such as Yamaniah, Sharqiah, and Salamah, all of which had many
vacant spaces. The quarters of the old traditional housing types,
Sulaimaniah. Fouq, and Asfal, were already densely populated, and
thus not as suitable for the rural migrants. The higher housing
costs usually prevented the migrants from living in areas of modern
housing types, as land values are much higher in the older parts of
Taif and in the modern housing type areas. The majority of the
migrants who came to Taif twenty or more years ago settled in the
areas of mixed ruralized-traditional housing types.

Those rural migrants who arrived in Taif less than twenty
years ago were faced with much the same situation as their prede-
cessors. The quarters of modern housing types were beyond their
economic means, and the older areas near the core of the city were
very densely pOpulated. When these more recent migrants desired
Open areas near the quarters where their friends and relatives re—
sided, the ruralized quarters of Shuhada Shamaliah, Janubiah and
Qumriah were created and gradually developed. As a result, these

more recent migrants are more often found in the ruralized quarters

178

rather than the mixed ruralized-traditional housing type areas in—
habited by the earlier migrants.

At the time the survey was conducted, the spatial distribution
and location of the rural migrants (Figure 30) was as follows: 1)
the majority (66 percent) are found in ruralized housing types, 2)
approximately 17 percent of the migrants are found in quarters of
mixed rura1ized-traditiona1 housing types, 3) 15 percent are found
in areas of mixed ruralized-modern housing types, 4) very few (2 per-
cent) inhabit the traditional quarters (i.e. the Old part of the city),
and 5) none of the migrants in the survey resided in the modern hous-
ing type quarters, such as Shihar, Khaldiah, and Faisaliah, These
findings, therefore, support our hypothesis that the majority of
rural migrants are found in areas of ruralized housing types.

The initial location pattern of the rural migrants should be
well established at this point. When the wall surrounding the city
of Taif was first removed, they settled in the outskirts of the old
city, which are identified as mixed ruralized-traditional housing
type quarters. As increasing numbers of these migrants came to Taif
and the economy of the area was improving, new quarters more suited
to the rural origins of the migrants developed on the fringes of
the mixed ruralizethraditional housing type quarters.

The major question that needs to be addressed at this point

is: why are rural migrants presently found most often in quarters

179

 

 

 

 

.’u~ ‘-

Exarnple in which each group

constitutes 25% of the quarter's sample.

(Full circle = 100%.)

 

Urban Rural
Migrants \ Migrants
Native / IE \ Foreign
Residents Migrants

 

     

 

 

 

FIGURE 30

Percent of Respondents
by Quarter

Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

180

of rura1ized housing types rather than in those quarters of tradi-
tional or modern housing types? There are two extremely interre-
lated factors which account for this: the social factor and the
economic factor. Both factors are in turn very closely tied to the

spatial expansion and develOpment of Taif itself.

Social and Personal Factors

 

The importance of the social factor has already been discussed
in Chapter III, especially as it is associated with the development
of the major housing types. Some additional comments, however, are
needed. First, the core of the city of Taif is densely occupied by
native urbanites. The new traditional quarters are comprised both
of migrants as well as natives. Other areas around the city, includ—
ing Um Khubz, Mathnah, and Rayan, are occupied by vi11ages or reserved
for agricultural land. Finally, the modern quarters, such as Khaldiah,
Faisaliah and Shihar, are designed for the more affluent and educated
urban natives or urban migrants, save the summer visitors. Based on
these observations, and by virtue of their rural origins, it is under-
standable why the rural migrants gradually concentrated themselves
in the ruralized housing type quarters of the city.

To further illustrate the significance of the social factor

and its effect on the present location of rural migrants, the sampled

181

migrants were asked to identify the information source which most
directly affected their choice of residential location. The results,
shown in Table34 , reveal that relatives and friends play a signifi-
cant role in the decision, as more than 45 percent of the respoondents
identified this group as their primary source of information. Those
migrants who located their present residence on their own number 40
percent. Real estate offices seem to have a limited influence (12
percent). In summary, friends and relatives are the dominant source
of information when selecting location. Self-search is directly re-
lated to the amount of urban experience the migrant has had. The
survey results reveal that those rural households which selected
their present homes by themselves have been living in Taif for more
than six years. This finding reinforces the earlier assumption that
the increased urban experience is fundamental in the decision of
pennanent residence location.

Another method for analyzing the residential location of the
rural migrants and the role of the social factor is to examine their '
distribution in relation to their regional origins (Table 35). From
Table 35 it is clear that variations in the spatial distribution by
quarters do exist. A Chi Square test of association reveals that
these variations are significant at the .0001 level. There is fre-

quently a concentration of migrants from a given region in a certain

182

TABLE 34

SOURCE OF INFORMATION USED BY STUDIED RURAL MIGRANTS
TO LIVE AT THEIR PRESENT LOCATIONS

 

 

 

Source of Number of Percent of
Information Respondents Total
Self Search 112 40.2
Relatives and Friends 126 45.2
Realtors 32 11.4
Others 9 3.2
TOTAL 279 100.0
MISSING 24 --

Source: Field survey by author, 1980.

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.anmu ms» Seem vmuumeo wen mucmemwe amaze ucmoema mco y sew: mcmueozom

 

 

183

 

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manpomn< nmcwmweo chowmmm mo msmz

 

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mm m4m<~

184

quarter. For instance, the migrants from Region One are highly con-
centrated in Shuhada Janubiah, Salamah and Qarwa, while migrants
from Regions Five and Six are clustered in Shuhada Janubiah and
Shamaliah, respectively. Further, rural migrants from Region Three
form major clusters in Janubiah, Shamaliah and Sharqiah, while

those from Region Seven are more commonly found in Janubiah and Qarwa.

This evidence of residential clustering is attributable to
one very important factor, namely, kinship relationships. It is tra-
ditional in Saudi Arabia to establish residence in close proximity to
friends and relatives; extended family situations are very common.

It was hypothesized above that rural migrants in Taif would be
attracted to areas where friends and relatives reside. The findings
support this hypothesis.

To further illustrate this finding about kinship, the sampled
rural households in the quarters of Shuhada Shamaliah and Janubiah
are examined in more detail. Each quarter has been subdivided into
four areas. The results show a significant concentration by region
(Table 36). For example, the majority of the rural migrants resid-
ing in location number one in Shuhada Janubiah are originally from
Region One, while a large number of migrants from Region Two are
found in the third location within the quarter. Migrants from

Region Six seem to be highly clustered in locations five and eight

.185

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mhz<mqu 4<m2m mzh no onh<u04 4<thmammmx

mm m4m<k

186

within Shamaliah, while those migrants from Regions Three and Five
are found in two clusters within Shamaliah and Janubiah. These find-
ings lend support to the hypothesis that kinship relationships are
very influential in choosing residential location. Not only are
migrants from a particular region concentrated in a certain quarter
of Taif, but they also tend to cluster in a particular location
within that quarter. Friends and relatives are seen to be very
influential.

Another observation that can be made from the survey data,
and Table 36, is that there is a good mixture of migrants from dif-
ferent regions within the subdivisions. While individual preference
plays some part in the choice of location, it is significant that
these rural migrants are drawn to these ruralized quarters because
they offer an atmosphere and way of life similar to their rural

origins.

Economic Factors

 

As previously mentioned, the choice of a particular residen~
tial location is a combination of both sOcial and economic factors.
This section will examine in detail the economic characteristics of
the rural households surveyed and relate that to their choice of a

residential location.

187

An overview of the clustering patterns of residential loca—
tion in Taif and the monthly income of the head of household for all
respondents (i.e. rural, urban, native and foreign) is provided in
Table 37. There is a stistically significant relationship between
housing types and monthly income (significant at the .0001 level).
Several observations are noteworthy. For example, 50 percent of all
respondents are within the low income category, and 66 percent of the
respondents in the low income category reside in quarters of ruralized
housing-types, the first four quarters listed in the table. Low in-
come residents are also highly concentrated in quarters of mixed
rura1ized-traditional housing types namely, Sharqiah and Salamah.

The majority of respondents in the quarters of traditional housing-
types. however (35 percent), are classified in the middle income
category. Middle income residents are also numerous in quarters Of
mixed ruralized-modern housing types (48 percent). The modern hous-
ing type quarters of Faiseliah. Khaldiah, and Shihar are inhabited
mostly by higher income respondents (59 percent).

The monthly income of the sampled rural migrants is shown in
Table 38. The distribution of income for the head of household among
rural migrants in association with their present residential location
is significant at the .01 level. When the frequencies in Tables 37

and 38 are compared, it becomes evident that the majority of the

188

 

TABLE 37
MONTHLY INCOME OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD BY QUARTERS FOR ALL RESPONDENTS
(Percent)
Name of Housing Monthly Income* Absolute
Quarter Types Low Middle High

 

e 2999 3000-4999 95000

 

S. Janubiah ) 63.6 28.9 7.5 135
S. Shamaliah) RHT 48.1 34.2 17.7 129
Qumriah ) 70.0 30.0 0.0 20
Sharaqraq' ) 42.9 57.1 0.0 7
Sharqiah ) 61.5 26.5 12.0 83
Salamah ( MRTHT 61.8 38.2 0.0 55
Qarwa ) 50.0 30.0 20.0 40
Muashi ) NRMHT 18.4 65.8 15.8 38
Nuzha ) 30.7 53.9 15.4 13
Su1aimaniah ) THT 37.5 62.5 0.0 8
Asfal ) 31.1 50.1 18.8 16
Faisaliah ) 5.9 35.2 58.9 17
Khaldiah ) MHT 0.0 25.0 75.0 4
Shihar ) 7.7 38.5 53.8 13
Abso1ute 291 205 82 578
Percent 50.4 35.5 14.1 100

 

*Monthly income in Saudi Riyals ($1 =3.33 S.R. at the time this
survey was carried out, summer 1980.

Note: Chi Square = 181.9; Significance = .0001

Source: Field Survey by author, 1980, and SPSS Crosstabs.

189

TABLE 38

MONTHLY INCOME 0F HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD FOR STUDIED RURAL MIGRANTS

BY QUARTERS (Percent)

 

 

 

 

Name of Housing Monthly Income
Quartersa Types Low Middle High Absolute
7‘ .32999 3000-4999 55000
S. Janubiah ) 62.2 31.5 6.3 95
S. Shamaliah ) RHT 46.1 38.2 15.7 89
Qumriah ) 55.5 44.5 2.0 9
Sharqraq ) 60.0 40.0 0.0 5
Sharqiah ) 60.0 32.0 8.0 25
Salamah ) MRTHT 81.5 18.5 0.0 27
Qarwa ) 53.3 26.7 20.0 15
Muashi ) MRMHT 23.8 61.9 14.3 21
Nuzha ) 33.3 44.4 22.3 9
Absolute 161 104 30 295
Percent 54.6 35.3 10.1 100
Note: Chi Square = 87.2; Significance = .

aMonthly income in Saudi Riyals ($1 = 3.33 S.R. at
survey was carried out, summer 1980.

Source:

the time this

Field Survey by author, 1980; and SPSS Crosstabs.

 

 

190

rural migrants (55 percent) are in the lower income category, 35 per-
cent are considered to have middle income, and only 10 percent are
found in the high income category.

Several conclusions can be drawn from these income and hous-
ing data. First, quarters of ruralized, mixed ruralized-traditional
and mixed ruralized-modern housing types are most frequently selected
by those with low or middle incomes. Conversely, quarters of tradi-
tional and modern housing types are most often inhabited by people
in the middle to high income categories. It is clear at this point
that the rural migrants are characterized by their low to middle in-
come status and their residences belong for the most part in areas
of rura1ized, mixed ruralized-traditional and ruralized-modern hous-
ing types. It is worth noting there is no statistical significance
in the variations in monthly income categories of the rural migrants
and their regional origins (Tab1e 39).

Closely related to the monthly incomes of the rural migrants
is their occupational characteristics. The current residential loca-
tions of the migrants and their occupational status are depicted in
Table 40. This relationship between location and occupational charac-
teristics is significant at the .001 level. From Table 42, two major
locational patterns can be discerned. Those migrants engaged in occu-

pations classified in Chapter V as "informal" are most numerous in

 

TABLE 39

191

MONTHLY INCOME 0F HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD BY REGIONAL ORIGINS (Percent)

 

 

 

Regional Monthly Income
Origin Absolute
IDa Low Middle High
‘32999 25000
1 60.8 33. 5.9 87
2 62.8 25. 11.5 35
3 64.3 28. 7.2 28
4 69.3 30. 0.0 13
5 43.3 45. 11.7 60
6 47.5 39. 13.5 59
7 36.4 36. 27.2 11
Absolute 160 104 29 293
Percent 54.6 35. 9.9 100

 

aMonthly income in Saudi Riyals ($1 = 3.33 S.R. at the time this

survey was carried out, summer 1980.
Note: Chi Square = 43.5; Significance = 0.18

Source: Field Survey by author, 1980; and SPSS Crosstabs.

192

TABLE 40

RESIDENTIAL LOCATION AND OCCUPATION OF THE HEADS 0F
STUDIED RURAL HOUSEHOLDS (Percent)

 

 

 

Name of Housing Occupation
a G°Ve'"‘ c°"§truc' Trade Informal Absolute
Quarter Types ment tion

 

 

 

S. Janubiah 32.3 7.3 14.6 45.8 96
S. Shamaliah RHT 53.4 1.1 11.4 34.1 88
Qumriah 44.4 0.0 0.0 55.6 9
Sharaqraq 20.0 20.0 0.0 60.0 5
Sharqiah 66.7 3.7 7.4 22.2 27
Salamah MRTHT 33.3 0.0 3.7 53.0 27
Qarwa 66.7 0.0 0.0 33.3 15
Muashi MRMHT 42.8 4.8 28.6 23.8 21
Nuzha 88.9 0.0 0.0 11.1 9
' Absolute 140 ll 35 116 302
Percent 46.4 3.6 11.6 38.4

 

a .
Quarters With less than one percent rural migrants are omitted
from table for insignificant number, but they are included in
total and statistical calculations.
Note: Chi Square = 61; Significance = .001

Source: Field survey by author, 1980; and SPSS Crosstabs.

193

the quarters of Shuhada Janubiah, Qumriah, Sharaqraq and Salamah.
Secondly, the rural migrants engaged in government jobs are in the
majority in the quarters of Shuhada Shamaliah, Sharqiah, Qarwa,
Muashi, and Nuzha. Ample variations between quarters exist. For
example, while 46 percent of the residents of Shuhada Janubiah are
from the "informal" category, 63 percent of the residents in Salamah
belong to this group. By the same token, the percentage of rural
migrants in Muashi who are government employees is 43 percent, while
in the quarter of Nuzha, the percentage of government employees isr
89 percent.

From the previous analyses comparing the monthly income and
occupational status of the rural migrants and their residential loca-
tion, several important conclusions can be drawn.First, there is ample
evidence to support the hypothesis that the reasons for the observed
residential clustering patterns go beyond kinship relationships.
Secondly, the observed patterns indicate that the location of rural
households is not a random process. Third, the clusters reveal a
mixture of rural migrants from different regions within a given
quarter. Finally, residential patterns of the rural migrants in Taif
is partially a function of their economic status.

In sum, the choice of a residential location is a complex

process. The selection of an initial residence is a crucial component

194

in the adjustment process for the rural migrants. That choice.
especially of an initial location, is often closely tied to the
develOpment of the city of Taif itself. Also involved in the de—
cision to locate are social and economic factors. Although kinship
relationships have been shown as being very influential in the
decision-making process, these relationships are not the only de—
terminants. Income level and occupational status also play a sig-
nificant role as well. It is important to realize, however, that
the two hypotheses have been supported by the findings in this
section. The majority of rural migrants to Taif are found in
quarters of ruralized housing-types and they are attracted, to a
significant extent, to areas where their friends and relatives

reside.

Rate and Frequency of Residential Mobility

 

One of the major objectives of this research is to examine
the rural migrants' residential mobility Within Taif itself. The
analysis of the residential location of the rural households pre-
sented previously indicates that some definite variations in resi-
dential preferences have occurred. The question now concerns the

rate and frequency of the residential mobility of these rural

195

households within the city itself.

To examine this topic more closely, the studied rural migrants
in the sample are divided into two groups. Of those interviewed, 26.
percent have never moved from their initial residences. This group
is labeled the "non-mover" rura1 migrants; it includes those who have
changed their residences within the city at least once, if not more.
This second group consists of 74 percent of those rura1 migrants
interviewed and is the group examined in detail below.

The total number of moves of all those who have moved at
least once is 871. These moves include the initial move of these
”movers" to Taif and subsequent intraurban moves as well. The number
of moves per rura1 household ranges from a low of one move to a high
of thirteen. For the purpose of this research, the number of moves
are designated as being between one move to greater than or equal to
five moves. This is done because the number of instances which exceed
five times are very minimal (7 percent of all movers). The frequency
of the number of changes in residence by the rural migrants exhibits
several fluctuations (Figure 31). Of the rural migrants 29 percent
have made two moves. Those who have made three moves constitute 14
percent of the total, and those who made five moves or more are 12
percent. Few of the migrants made only one move (11 percent), and

even fewer have moved four times (7 percent). The mean of all moves

196

 

 

FIGURE 31

Rate of Change
in Residence by Rural Migrants

3G

 

 

25—

 

20—

  
 

 

Percent of Migrants
a
l

 

0 1 2 3 4 55

Number of Moves
Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

197

is 2.8 moves per household. (This figure does not include the initial
move to Taif, in which case the overall mean would be 3.8 moves per
household.)

When the number and frequency of residential movements are
examined against the regional origins of the rural migrants, differ-
ences are apparent (Figure 32). For example, the majority of all
movers from all regions have made at least two moves, with Region
Seven exhibiting the highest percent (45 percent). Another observa-
tion that can be made is that when considering those migrants making
three moves, the highest percentages are found in Regions Two and
Four. When combining the total migrants making three or more moves,

a definite split occurs. Migrants from Regions Two, Four, Five, and
Seven are very mobile, while those migrants from Regions One, Three,
Five, and Six are less mobile. When a test of association was applied,
these differences in the number of moves in relation to regional origin
was not found to be significant (Chi Square = 55.3, significance =
.424).

The number and frequency of residential moves among the rural
migrants is a reflection of their length of residence in Taif. In
this regard, it was hypothesized that the longer the time rural
migrants spend in the city, the greater the number of moves they

would make. The average residential mobility rate for the rural

198

 

 

Percent of Migrants

Source:

50—

45-

40-

35-

 

FIGURE 32
Rate of Change
in Residence by Regions

----- One move
—— Two moves

. - - - . . Three moves
W Four moves
----- 2 Five moves
— zThree moves

 

 

Regions

Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

199

households in Taif is one move every 4.7 years. This finding is not
surprising, as the movement of rural migrants within Taif is an
essential part of their adjustment to an urban environment. To
illustrate the rate of change in residence and the length of time
the migrants have lived in the city, Figure 33 was constructed. It
is evident from the figure that there are a number of fluctuations
in number of moves according to the increase in time. This holds
true for individual moves, as well as for when we combine the re-
corded frequencies of three moves or more and/or five moves or more.
While the absolute frequencies may be less discernible when combin-
ing the frequencies, the overall trend of increased moves over in—
creasing amounts of time is consistent.

A test of association reveals that there is a significant
relationship between the rate of change and the number of years at
the .04 level (Chi Square = 67.7). To further test this relation-
ship, a simple bivariate regression analysis was applied. The result
indicates that a positive correlation (correlation coefficient r =
.54) between the number of moves and the length of residence within
the city. The large value of the coefficient indicates a strong re-
lationship. Moreover, this correlation indicates that 29 percent of
the variation in the number of moves made by rural migrants can be

explained by time within the city. To test whether the observed linear

200

 

 

45—

40—

35-

20-

Percent of Migrants

15-

 

FIGURE 33

Rate of Change in Residence
and Time Spent in Taif

One move
Two moves
Three moves
Four moves
2 Five moves
zThree moves

 

 

T I
7-12 13-18

Length of Time in Tait (in Years)

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

219

 

 

201

association is statistically significant, the F test was applied,
and was found to be significant at the .001 level. A pictorial
representation of the relationship between change in residence and
length of time, with a 95 percent confidence interval, is shown in
Figure 34.

From the previous discussion and analyses, the following
conclusions are reached. First, the rural migrants in Taif may
be divided into two distinct groups, "movers' and "non-movers,"
with the former comprising 74 percent of the total. Second, the
rural movers changed their place of residence within the city at
an average rate of 2.8 moves per household and at an average fre—
quency of one move every 4.7 years. Third, the frequency of these
residential movements is positively correlated with the length of
residence and that this correlation is linearly significant. This
finding supports the hypothesis that a positive relationship exists
between change in residence and length of time spent in Taif.
Finally, as a result of the previous discussion, the residential
mobility of the rural movers in Taif can be illustrated in terms
of its spatial-temporal dimensions, as the model presented as

Figure 35 demonstrates.

202

 

 

 

 

 

 

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EA 5.2 9-9. 9.9 «.39 a-» o-v m-w ..v
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203

 

 

‘ FIGURE 35

Residential Mobility for Movers
among Rural Migrants in Taif

 

Status ct movers in Tait

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

:- *
Recent migrants ngggrate‘gn

(D U) Q (I)

s g is a 2

g E 1.4 o E 41.7 g

h >. Percent E >. Percent 17-

: c 2‘ c I:

“<3 g a: g D
3 Al > g
'5 Few years Many years El:
(83 a
.5 E
0 Recent migrants Lagggrgfirgn é
"' U)
'3 5 8 9 8 2

E 5 17.0 '8 6 39,9 :3

8 5 Percent E 5 Percent 53

s g 8 g m

1"," LL 3 u.

Few years Many years
5 Six years ZSeven years
Length of time in Tait
Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

204

Factors Behind Residential Mobility

 

The previous analysis of the rate and frequency of residential
mobility reveals that a considerable number of movements have occurred.
The question that remains is: what are the major factors behind these
intraurban moves? To fully answer this question a number of social
and economic characteristics are subjected to statistical testing.

First, to distinguish between the sampled rura1 migrants (in
terms of their regional origins), a stepwise discriminant analysis is
applied. The rural migrants are examined against their social, econ-
omic and housing characteristics; these were the variables used in
the discriminant analysis (Appendix C). The purpose of this analysis
is to discover whether significant differences between the rural
migrants (based on their regional origins) exist, whether these dif-
ferences can be discerned, and if so, what are the discriminating
variables. The result of the discriminant analysis reveals the fol-
lowing conclusions. (1) Only 36.15 percent of the cases, that is,
rural migrant households, are correctly classified; the error rate
is .638. That is, some of the rural migrants from a given region
were in fact grouped with those of one or more other regions on the
basis of the aforementioned socioeconomic and housing characteristics

(Table 41). (2) This finding indicates that the ability to accurately

205

TABLE 41

CLASSIFICATION RESULTS OF DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS

 

 

Regional Number Predicted Regional Membership

 

 

Origins of

ID. a Cases 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
l 88 46.6 6.8 6.8 6.8 9.1 15.9 8.0
2 35 14.3 17.1 8.6 17.1 14.3 17.1 11.4
3 29 6.9 13.8 41.4 20.7 10.3 0.0 6.9
4 13 15.4 0.0 7.7 30.8 15.4 15.4 15.4
5 60 10.0 11.7 15.0 16.7 25.0 15.0 6.7
6 60 15.0 6.7 11.7 5.0 13.3 38.3 10.0
7 11 9.1 18.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 18.2 54.5

Ungrouped

Cases 7 42.9 . 0.0 0.0 0.0 14.3 14.3 28.6

 

a - Regions Eight and Mine are omitted for insignificant number.

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980, and SPSS Discriminant Program.

206

predict differences among migrants based on their region of origin
cannot be determined, due to the fact that these rura1 migrants

have basically homogeneous socioeconomic and housing characteristics
(Figure 36). (3) As Figure 36 reveals there is a considerable over-
lapping of cases from the different regions. This finding supports
the notion of homogeneity among the migrants. (4) As a result of
these findings, the decision is made that further analysis of resi-
dential mobility should consider the rural migrants in Taif as One
group.

A second statistical analysis, regression analysis, is also
applied to the relationship between the dependent variable (mobility
rate per household) and a number of independent variables (Table 42).
Based on the correlations shown in Table 42, four major conclusions
may be reached. First, although there is a relationship between the
dependent variable and each independent variable. the r values in
almost every case are very weak and not statistically significant
at the .05 or .01 levels. Secondly, there is a positive relationship
among most of the variables. However, there are a few with negative
correlation to the rate of mobility, these variables are the level of
education, marital status, distance from the center of the city, and
dwelling size. Third, the only correlation statistically significant

at the .01 level is distance from the city's center. This finding

2(17

 

 

Canonical Discriminant Function 2

FIGURE 36
A Scatter Plot of Cases By Regional Origins

 

 

 

-3 —2 1 9 l 2 £3
4
3
3-1
5 3
3
1 54 5
24 35 5
12 3 1 6 2
1 1 1 1
42 4
1131355456 23 2 6
1‘ . 1.- . . :5 21.563
11 1163 46:11 3116137 6163465 5 5 5
04 1 111 311-1 24141396515 2
# 211615163211: *16 5565 5
7 1 1 657571711116 3* 166 5
71 17 #16171 2g5g26 666 53 2 5
-1a 1
1 1 1:11 25 5 665 7366 5 265 2
#2 5 61 5
1 35 6 5
1
-2. 1 6 5
s 26 5
-3.
-3 -2 -1 O 1 2 3

Canonical Discriminant Function 1

1—7 Represent cases from regions
* Represents group centroids

# Represents ungrouped cases

Source: Field survey by author. 1980 and SPSS Discriminant Program

 

 

 

208

TABLE 42

SEECTED STATISTICS FROM REGRESSION ANALYSIS

Independent Coefficient of Coefficient of

 

 

 

 

 

Variables ’ Correlation (r) Determgnation Significance
(R)

Socioeconomic Variables
Income .067 .081 .272
Education -.O73 .128 .080
Occupation .031 .114 .898
Age .026 .202 .193
Family Size .019 .114 .662
Marital Status -.O78 .113 .555

Location Variables
An alley unit .012 .085 .900
One street exposure .071 .114 .944
Two street exposure .012 .091 .865
Distance to major street .058 .112 .581
Distance to major market .021 .083 .520
Distance to city center -.O44 .205 .002

Housing Variables
Dwelling Size -.027 .204 .427
Dwelling Area .028 .182 .837
Ruralized Dwelling .072 .124 .180
Apartment .113 .112 .985
Villa .055 .085 .442
Home Ownership .068 .201 .731

 

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980 and SPSS Regression Program.

209

supports the descriptive analysis above, that is, rura1 migrants tend
to settle near the city periphery.

Based on the results obtained from regression analysis and
according to the amount of variation explained by each independent
variable. only those variables that explain 20 percent or more of
the variation are considered for further treatment. Thus, the var-
iables selected are: age, distance to the city's center. dwelling
size and home ownership. This does not imply that remaining inde-
pendent variables have no effect on the dependent variable's distri-
bution; however, their effect seems limited, and thus any explanation
may result in misinterpretation of the rural migrants' residential
mobility patterns.

Using the four variab1es identified above would seem to be the
most meaningful way to discover the major factors behind this mobility.
Initially a crosstabulation of these variables with the rate of mobility
is conducted. With regard to the various age groups and the rate of
change in residence, the number of moves tends to increase with age
(Figure 37). Fluctuations are apparent, however, and those between
the ages of 25 and 34 years old have thus far only two moves. If we
look at a combination of these that have three or more moves, the rate
of mobility reaches its highest point among the migrants 35 to 44 years

old. However, the relationship between age and mobility is found to be

210

 

 

Percent of Migrants

Source:

FIGURE 37

Rate of Change
in Residence by Age Groups

 

 

 

 

----- One move
—— Two moves
. .. . . . Threemoves
W Four moves
----- zFive moves
_ .>.Three moves
40-
35-
30-4
25-
20-
/\ .
/ \ e O 0 ° ° . . . . .
./ ‘\ ..
15_‘ // \\ ,-
10-
5..
0 l 1 1 1 1
5.24 25-34 35-44 45-54 255

Age Groups
Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

211

insignificant (Chi square = 27.7, significance = .274) which confirms
the result of the correlation analysis, that is, the relationship be-
tween age and mobility exists, but is very weak.

It might be construed that the effect of age on mobility,
however small, is an indication of the workings of the family life
cycle, a theme which dominates much Western literature on mobility.
However, in this case we are dealing with a specific group of migrants,
namely rural migrants, on the one hand, and a strictly traditiona1
Saudi Arabian society on the other. Although we cannot totally dis—
count the idea of life cycle moves, particularly because of a lack of
available literature from non-Western societies, the following two
factors seem to have a bearing: 1) the increase in family size
through reproduction as well as from family members who have migrated
and 2) a related socia1 factor may be important, that is, the desire
to live close to friends andrelatives.

In terms of distance, the evidence from the corrolation analy-
sis reveals there is a negative relationship between distance to the
city's center and the rate of residential mobility. This relationship
is significant at the .01 level. The majority of the rural migrants
(83 percent) have moved to homes located at least 1000 meters from the
city's center. This finding confirms an earlier observation made that
rural migrants tend to move from their initial locations near the

older and central part of Taif to areas of ruralized housing types;

212

these areas are usually distant from the center of the city. The
negative relationship also confirms the earlier discussion of resi-
dential location as expressed in terms of land values, social and
economic characteristics of the city's spatial organization, and
the varied housing types.

There is also a negative relationship between dwelling size
and rate of mobility. As Table 43 illustrates, the majority of rural
migrants (77 percent) who have changed their residences were those
moving from small (five rooms or less) dwellings. Nonetheless, this
relationship is found to be not statistically significant, which
suggests that variables other than dwelling size have a greater
effect on the rate of intraurban mobility among the rural migrants.

The final variable examined is home ownership. Although there
is a positive relationship between this variable and the rate of mobil-
ity, it is again not statistically significant at the .05 or .01 levels.
The majority of the rural migrants who moved to new locations were
renters (74 percent). It is important to note, however, that over
one half (54 percent) of these renters have been in Taif for 10 years
or less, a condition which would logically affect their home ownership
status.

The previous analysis has shown that the utilization of socio-

economic characteristics of the rural migrants and their housing

213

TABLE 43

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DWELLING SIZE AND RATE OF MOBILITY
FOR MOVERS AMONG RURAL MIGRANTS (Percent)

 

DWELLING SIZE

 

 

Number Small Medium Large
of \< 5 6-11 >, 12 Absolute Percent
Moves Rooms Rooms Rooms
1 13.9 17.7 0.0 32 14.3
2 40.7 37.8 28.6 89 39.7
3 19.7 20.0 57.2 43 19.2
4 8.7 13.3 0.0 23 10.3
5 18.0 11.2 14.2 37 16.5
Absolute 172 45 7 224 100
Percent 76.8 20.1 3.1 100

 

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

214

characteristics are not good predictors of their residential mobility.
Additional variables need to be considered. This failure in predict-
ing the major factors behind residential mobility of the rural migrants
in Taif is possibly because the decision to migrate is a very complex
process. As the decision to move is a subjective matter, any success-
ful attempt to explain intraurban mobility should utilize the reasons I
provided by the individual households under consideration. In conduct—
ing the interviews for this research the migrants surveyed were asked
to identify those factors which influenced their decision to leave
their previous locations and to select their present ones. A summary
of this inquiry is provided in Table 44.

Table 44 is a matrix that summuarizes the movement factors asso—
ciated with origins and destinations. We shall begin our discussion
of the table by looking at the marginal frequencies. Row totals indi-
cate the frequency of responses regarding origins. Dwelling size is
the dominant factor (42 percent), followed by others, family size and
high rent with 25, 13 and 12 percent of the reSponses, respectively.
The column totals are factors involved in choosing destinations.

Social ties was the most frequent response, followed by home ownership
and dwelling size, which are represented by 22 and 20 percent respec—
tively.

Aside from these marginal frequencies, the remaining cells of

the table provide useful observations regarding the originvdestination

215

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216

relationship. For instance, those movers who cited the small size of
their dwelling units as a reason for leaving, the category of social
ties was the most frequently chosen reason for selecting a particular
destination (43 percent) followed by the desire for larger dwelling
size and home ownership. For those who left their origins for any

of the five remaining reasons, the plurality (44 to 48 percent)
attributed the choice of destination to social ties, followed by

home ownership (20 to 26 percent) and the need for larger dwelling
size (10 to 21 percent).

These cross-tabulations in Table 44 provide important in-
sights regarding the process of residential mobility among the rural
migrants. The findings suggest that social ties are far more signif-
icant in the decision-making than any other factors, thus supporting
the research hypothesis that the majority of the rural migrants are
attracted to areas where friends and relatives are located. The
second most frequently cited reason is home ownership. which has
several ramifications. First, it indicates the importance attached
to owning one's own house as well as potential problems associated
with renting. Second, it reflects the desire to settle permanently
in the city. Finally, it provides evidence of competition in the
housing market. The importance of larger dwelling size indicates

the continuing importance of large and extended family situations.

217

In summary, the major factors associated with the rural migrants'
intraurban mobility within Taif may be grouped into a series of
push factors associated with origins and pull factors associated
with destinations. The dominant push factors are small dwelling
size and family size, while the major pull factors are social ties,
home ownership, and larger dwelling size.

Thus far we have seen that as the factors behind the decision
to move are subjective in nature; quantitative analyses of the factors
have not been shown to be as effective and meaningful as qualitative
analysis based on the responses of the interviewed rural migrants.
Now that the primary factors behind residential mobility have been
identified, the spatial patterns observed in the intraurban mobility

of Taif's rura1 migrants will be investigated.

Patterns of Residential Mobility

The analysis of residential location presented earlier in this
chapter has revealed that rural migrants in Taif are most often found
in areas of ruralized housing types. The results of the survey also
show that considerable intraurban movements has taken place. In par-
ticular rural migrants tend to move outward from the traditional core

of the city. Since the factors influencing the decision to move have

218

been identified and discussed, we now turn to a discussion of where
these migrants come from, where they move to, and the kinds of pat-
terns they exhibit in their movement.

TWO major hypotheses are examined in this section. The first
states that the majority of rural migrants in Taif tend to make intra-
community (within quarters) movements. The second hypothesis states
that any intercommunity movement made by rural migrants takes place
between quarters of similar housing types.

The evidence gathered (Tab1e 45) indicates that most of the
moves made by rural migrants (54 percent) are essentially intercom-
munity types of movements. While this finding does not support our
hypothesis of intracommunity movements, it should be pointed out that
still a considerable amount (46 percent) of the total intraurban moves
are actually within quarter moves. Differences between those quarters
which have experienced intracommunity moves are not that large, and
in fact reflect dynamic changes within themselves, probably due to
social ties, changes in family housing needs, or simply for the sake
of property acquisition and disposal.

The movement of the rural households between quarters is an
important element of the residential mobility patterns. Figure 38
provides several interesting points, which when analyzed in conjunc-

tion with Table 45 yield some important observations. First, there

 

219

 

 

 

 

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220

 

Patterns of Residential Mobility
for Movers among Rural Migrants

 
  
 

FIGURE 38

     

Percent of Moves
between Quarters

 

<— 520
<— 21-49

—— 250

Percent 01 Moves
within Quarters

 

' i Modern Housing Types

- Traditional Housing Types 0 36.0-53.9
Ruralized Housing Types

Mixed Ruralized-Traditional Housing Types
Mixed Ruralized-Modern Housing Types
Source: Field Study by the Author, 1980.

 

 

 

 

 

221

are quarters which have only generated outward movements. These
quarters are found in the traditional part of Taif, such as Sulai—
maniah, Fouq, and Asfal. The second pattern, characterized by the
large number of inward moves they receive, include Nuzha and Shara-
qraq. The third pattern is represented by those quarters which have
functioned as primary generators and receivers at the same time.
Such areas are Shuhada, Shamaliah, Janubiah, Qarwa and Muashi.

These spatial patterns can be interpreted in relation to the
generator as well as receiver areas. Most of the generating quarters
are those which are classified as having traditional and mixed rura1-
ized-traditional housing types. As was mentioned previously, these
same quarters were the destinations of the rural migrants who arrived
in Taif long ago. The majority of outward movements from these quar-
ters have been toward the rura1ized quarters to the east and north of
Taif. Few of these movements have been toward areas of mixed ruralized
modern housing types, a pattern that is not surprising since we are
dealing with a specific group of migrants who are attracted to those
areas which possess a ruralized atmosphere. Indeed, those quarters
experiencing inward moves were for the most part from quarters of
similar housing types.

In analyzing the receiving quarters, we find that Shuhada,

Shamaliah and Janubiah have received most of the outward-moves from

222

traditional and mixed ruralized-traditional quarters. This becomes
clear when the densest concentrations of destinations shown in Figure
38 are examined. However, the findings also reveal that there are
some areas of mixed ruralized-modern housing types that have received
some, although few, outward moves.

Indications of movements between quarters of the same housing
types also exist. For example, there is some reciprocal movement
between Shuhada Shamaliah and Janubiah as well as between Qarwa and
Muashi. Moves between Qarwa and Shuhada Janubiah are on a much smaller
scale when compared to the interdistrict moves.

In terms of gain and loss of rural movers, there are some
quarters which register an increased number of movers, and others
which are experiencing a decrease. Generally speaking, the ruralized
quarters are gaining population, while areas of mixed ruralized-
traditional housing types, such as Sharqiah, are losing rura1 resi-
dents. The quarters of mixed ruralized-modern housing types, such
as Muashi, are also experiencing a net deficit of rural migrants.

To discover the reasons behind these fluctuations, the
quarters themselves need to be examined. The rura1ized quarters
are increasingly desirable for rural households because they are
economically feasible as well as socially attractive. The tradi-

tional quarters are densely pOpulated and basically economically

223

inaccessible to the rural migrants. The mixed ruralized-traditional
quarters are composed of people from backgrounds dissimilar to the
migrants and have higher land values than the ruralized quarters.

And finally, the mixed rura1ized-modern quarters experienced intense
housing competition due to the influx of summer visitors, not to men-
tion the large number of natives who reside in those quarters. In
essence then, the ruralized quarters appear best-suited to the economic
capabilities and desired atmosphere of the rural migrants.

In summary, the spatial processes of intraurban mobility
among the rural migrants reveals that certain quarters are more desir-
able and attractive than others within the city. In general, the
rural migrants are attracted to ruralized quarters. The spatial pat—
tern of movements indicate both a directional and distance bias. Most
of the moves are away from the traditional core of Taif and its sur-
rounding quarters in favor of newly developed rura1ized quarters in
an easterly direction.

The previous discussion has also yielded the following three
conclusions. First, the major Spatial patterns of the rural migrants‘
intraurban mobility in Taif has taken place from the traditional and
mixed ruralized-traditiona1 quarters to ruralized and mixed ruralizede
modern quarters. Second, few moves are observed between quarters of

the same housing types and very few also take place between quarters

 

224

of ruralized, mixed rura1ized—traditiona1 and modern housing types.
Finally, the generally observed pattern of intraurban moves can be
characterized as being intercommunity between quarters of traditional
and mixed ruralized-traditional to quarters of rura1ized and mixed
ruralized-modern housing types. These findings do not substantiate
the hypothesis that intercommunity movement is assumed to take place
between quarters of similar housing types. The above description and
analysis depicts the situation regarding the residential mobility of
rural migrants up to the present time. Next we want to investigate

possible future mobility patterns of these migrants.

 

Future Residential Mobility

The patterns and processes of existing intraurban mobility
of Taif's rural migrants has been spatially traced. Now that they
have spatially located and identified one additional facet of the
mobility process needs to be examined, namely, their anticipated
residential mobility. This topic is important inasmuch as it will
reveal the migrants' degree of satisfaction with their present loca—
tions. The major aim of this section is to identify potential movers

and discover those factors which will motivate them to relocate.

 

225

The household survey revealed that a large majority (72 per-
cent) of the rural migrants do not plan to relocate within the next
year. They have expressed satisfaction with the quarter they currently
live in (98 percent) and their present dwellings (91 percent). The fol-
lowing characteristics describe these migrants that are planning to re-
main: the majority of them own their own homes (78 percent). they are
generally low income families (56 percent), are illiterate (48 percent)
and unskilled (59 percent). These characteristics tend to explain, in
part, their satisfaction with their present locations, since most own
their own homes, and due to their low economic and educational status,
their motivation for better housing or neighborhoods understandably is
quite low. Additionally, the majority of these migrants reside in
rura1ized quarters which satisfy their social needs.

Twenty-eight percent of the interviewed rural migrants plan to
move in the future. Although not a large percentage, this group seems
to have several characteristics which distinguish them from the satisv
fied non-movers. For instance, these movers are better educated (76
percent of which 34 percent have a high school education or higher),
many are government employees (60 percent), and they have a higher in-
come level (51 percent have a monthly income between 3000 to 4999 Saudi
Reyals), than the non-movers. Most (56 percent) of these potential

movers are apartment renters, 82 percent live in dwellings with five

 

226

rooms or less, and 74 percent have smaller families (six members or
less).

This group of potential movers expresses dissatisfaction with
their present location (54 percent) and/or their present quarters (76
percent). In order to more fully comprehend their motivation for fur-
ther mobility, it is helpful to re-examine their history of intraurban
mobility within Taif. From the data we learn that 76 percent of these
migrants have been in Taif for more than seven years; furthermore,
34 percent have lived in Taif for nineteen years or more. Moreover,
44 percent of the migrants in this group have moved at least three
times while in Taif compared to 18 percent who have not moved since
their arrival in Taif. Thus, as a group the potential movers have a
history of frequent moves. By virtue of their high rate of intraurban

mobility, they can be termed "chronic movers, since they have a repu-
tation for relocating.

The question that arises at this point is: "where are these
chronic movers located at the present time?" The evidence gathered
indicates that the majority currently reside in quarters of rura1ized
housing types (88 percent) and are in two Quarters, Shuhada Shamaliah
(51 percent) and Janubiah (49 percent). The remaining 12 percent

live in quarters of mixed rura1ized-traditional housing types in

Sharqiah (70 percent) and in Salamah (30 percent).

227

The spatial distribution of these potential movers can be quite
easily explained. First, the quarters of Shuhada Shamaliah and Janubiah
are new areas, best suited to the needs of low income families with
little or no formal education and with a strong rura1 orientation.
Therefore, these chronic movers, described previously as educated,
professional pe0p1e, would find these quarters less suitable for long
periods of time, and eventually hope to relocate to more prestigiOus
dwellings. Second, the mixed ruralized traditiona1 quarters are older
and more densely populated, in addition to the fact that they contain
a mixture of residents from different backgrounds. For those chronic
movers who are experiencing changes in their social attitudes and
economic status, the mixed ruralized traditional quarters are increas-
ingly unsuitable.

In terms of their regional origins, the majority of these
potential movers (Table 46) originated in Regions One and Five (25
and 24 percent respectively), However, some variations between re-
gions are apparent. From the previous discussion of the rate and
frequency of residential mobility, we recall that the migrants from
Regions Four, Five and Seven are more mobile than those migrants from
other regions. This finding can also be observed in Table 48, which
shows that large percentages of the rural migrants from these regions

are planning to move. These observations serve to support the idea

228

TABLE 46

FUTURE MOBILITY BY REGIONAL ORIGINS (Percent)

 

 

 

Regional Expected Mobility Row
Origins
IDa . _Row Percent Column Percent ' 'Total.
1 23.9 25.9 88
2 26 5 11.1 34
3 27.6 9.9 29
4 40.2 7.4 13
5 31.7 23.5 60
6 20.0 14.8 60
7 54.5 7 4 ll
Column Total -- 81 295
Percent -- 27.5 -

 

aRegions Eight and Nine are omitted for insignificant number.

Source: Fie1d Survey by Author, 1980.

 

229

that these future movers have an established history of residential
mobility.

Now that the present location and some of the socioeconomic
characteristics of these potential movers have been identified, the
next question to examine is where they intend to relocate in the
future. The migrants were asked this question, the results of which
are shown in Table 4/. The majority of the future movers plan to
relocate in Taif (79 percent), of which 49 percent are expected to
move to a different quarter. The remainder plan to move out of Taif
entirely. While some of these migrants (13 percent) indicated a
willingness to return to their area of origin, 7 percent intend to
move to another city. It is clear from Table 49 that rural migrants
in Taif in most cases may be considered permanent migrants, as the
majority of those migrants who plan to move intend to stay in Taif.
This finding supports earlier discussion in which it was found that
82 percent of the migrants tended to settle permanently in Taif.

Having identified the future possible location of these
movers, we now direct ourselves to a discussion of the reasons for
this mobility. The reason elicited by the interviewed migrants are
more likely to be associated with the positive characteristics of
future destinations, rather than negative characteristics associated

with Taif. The summary of reasons given for relocation plans is

230

TABLE 47

FUTURE DESTINATIONS

 

Distribution of Migrants

 

 

 

Dest1nat1ons Number Percent
Same Quarter 30 36.6
To Another Quarter 35 42.7
Back to Origin 11 13.4
To Another City 6 7.3

Total 82 100
Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980.

 

 

231

provided in Table 48. According to this table, two reasons seem to
account for most of the relocation plans. The most frequent response
is the presence of relatives (27 percent). The strength of such so-
cial ties is apparent for those who are relocating both within Taif
and to other cities. This finding again supports the hypothesis re-
garding the effect of kinship on the relocation patterns of the rural
migrants in Taif. Another important factor for those moving within
the city as well as back to their origins is land ownership, given

by 13 percent as their reason for relocating.

For those migrants planning to move within the same quarter,
moving to a more modern housing unit is very important (43 percent).
The most frequently selected destinations for these migrants are
Shihar (73 percent), Nuzha (13 percent) and Qarwa (7 percent). For
the majority of those planning to move to other cities, particularly
Jeddah and Riyadh, the major motivating factor is job transfer.

Thus far we have learned that the majority of those migrants
who plan to move in the future already have a history of frequent
residence changes in Taif. Furthermore, most of them plan to relocate
in the city itself, usually moving to more modern quarters. This find-
ing is indicative of substantial urban experience as well as the social
and economic changes they are encountering. In addition the social and

spatial assimilation of the rural migrants can only be expected if

232
TABLE 48

REASONS FOR FUTURE MOBILITY

 

 

 

 

 

Destinations
Same Another Back to Another

Reasons Quarter Quarter Origin City

Have a New House 43.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 13
Have Land 16.6 5.7 36.4 0.0 11
Because of My Work 6.6 0.0 0.0 50.0 5
My Children's School 6.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 2
For My Relatives 20.0 37.2 18.1 16.6 22
I Like Moving There 0.0 8.6 0.0 0.0 3
Modern Quarter 0.0 42.8 0.0 0.0 15
Cannot Live here 0.0 0.0 45.5 0.0 5
Other 6.6 5.7 0.0 33.4 6
Absolute 30 35 11 6 82
Percent 36.6 42.7 13.4 7.3 100
Source: Fie1d survey by author, 1980.

233

changes occur in their social and economic status. Indeed, those
migrants who were not intending to move stated that they planned to
remain because their present residence was cheaper. A substantial
number (20 percent) have made additions (usually vertical) to their
dwellings in order to accomodate large families and yet remain close
to their friends and relatives. Finally, the data reveal there is a
high priority placed upon home ownership. This condition may be a
result of high rent prices, as well as the social status associated
with owning a home. In fact, it may be that the large number of
mobile migrants is in part a function of this desire to own a home.
Much of the relocating activity may be for the sake of seeking out

a suitable dwelling or property to purchase. As stated previously
in the discussion of Taif's spatial expansion and development this
process has been tremendously accelerated by the long term interest—

free loans provided by the government.

Summary

Inasmuch as the process of rural migration to Taif is con-
sidered a continuous one, the initial location of the migrants upon
arriving in Taif as well as their subsequent movements are especially

crucial to this study. It was found that a majority of the rural

234

migrants are found in quarters of ruralized housing types. The exis—
tence of friends and relatives in certain quarters strongly influenced
the pattern of mobility among the migrants. The residential c1uster-
ing of migrants of a particular region or origin was attributed to

the existence of close kinship ties. Economic status was also found
to be influential in the choice of residential location, but not as
important as in some western societies.

The great majority of rural migrants to Taif have changed
residences subsequent to their initial arrival in the city. Much of
this movement is attributed to increased urban experience in the city
itself, that is, the longer a migrant has been in Taif, the greater
the chance that he has changed residence at least once. An average
rate of 2.8 moves per household at a frequency of one move every 4.7
years was recorded.

In examining the major factors influencing residential mobil-
ity, it was found that there is no significant relationship between
region of origin and the rate of mobility. Age of the rural migrants
has very little effect on the rate of mobility. An expected negative
relationship was found to exist between the mobility rate and the
distance from the city's center, as well as between the rate of

mobility and dwelling size. While there did exist a relationship

235

between home ownership and the mobility rate, it was statistically
insignificant. The overriding factor in residential decision-making
among the rural migrants was social ties, followed by home ownership.

Most of the subsequent moves made by rural migrants take place
between quarters, although a substantial number occur within quarters.
Few moves are observed between quarters of the same housing types.

The majority of the rural migrants appear to be satisfied
with their current location and do not plan to move again within the
foreseeable future. Those who do plan to move have a history of fre-
quent moves and those who have experienced changes in their own econ-
omic and social status. Again, social ties and home ownership are

the overriding factors in the decision to relocate.

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

ngmagy of Findings

 

The overriding objective of this study has been the tracing
of a particular group of migrants, namely rural migrants, from their
rural origins to their current place of residence within the city of
Taif. The migration process of this group is looked upon as a con-
tinuous spatial process, that is, it continues to operate within the
urban center for some time following the initial arrival of the
migrants. This research has analyzed both the process of rural
migration to Taif and subsequent residential moves made by the
rural migrants within the city.

To facilitate the analysis of the research and to fully
comprehend the spatial location and distribution of the rural
migrants in Taif, the spatial structure and historical expansion
of the city had to be examined. This task was carried out in a
pilot study during the summers of 1978 and 1979. As a result of
findings of this pilot study, the spatial expansion of Taif was

chronologically traced. Three significant periods were identified:

236

237

prior to 1945, from 1945 to 1964, and from 1965 to the present.

The first stage comprised the formation of the city of Taif and

also the enclosure of the city core by a wall which was indicative
of a period of practically no spatial expansion. Stage Two wit-
nessed the removal of the wall, but still a very limited expansion.
Stage Three has seen vast expansion and large Spurts in the develop—
ment of the city of Taif.

The pilot study was also instrumental in outlining the resi-
dential structure of the city. Through careful analysis of housing
types, the city's residential quarters were classified into five
housing type groups: traditional, ruralized, modern, mixed ruralized-
traditional, and mixed rura1ized-modern housing types.

In addition, an intensive field work was carried out in Taif
during four months of 1980. The main purpose of the field survey
was to obtain data concerning the process of movement; the character-
istics of migrants; the reasons for their migration and mobility.
Other information related to housing characteristics, locations and
accessibility, as well as other socioeconomic variables was also
collected. These fie1d investigations and information were facili-
tated through a questionnaire developed and administered to a
sampled population of 700 heads 0f households chosen from random

selected quarters of the city.

238

In tracing the process of rural migration to Taif, it has been
found that rural migrants are moving into the city every year and that
extensive large-scale migration has taken place since the 19505. A
large percentage of the rural migrants (34 percent) have been in Taif
for more than 21 years. The survey confirms that the majority of Taif's
population is rural in origin; 53 percent of the interviewed households
had heads of households who were rural migrants. The rate of rural
influx into the city has been found to be steady for the twenty—year
period between 1959 and 1979; furthermore, the influx shows little
sign of abating.

A hypothesis stating that the majority of the rural migrants
in Taif come from areas located to the south of Taif and the surround-
ing area was confirmed by this survey.‘ It was found that 98 percent
of the rural migrants interviewed originated in the area within the
mountainous Saudi Arabian southwest. The major migration fields of
Taif consist of the area surrounding the city itself, Bani Saad,

Bani Al-Harith, Bani Malik-Thaqeef, Al-Baha, Aseer and Tihama.
Variations in the volume of that migration from these areas exist,
with the majority coming from Taif's immediate hinterland, Al-Baha
and Aseer. These results reveal Taif's importance as a regional
primate city within the mountainous range of Southwestern Saudi

Arabia. The existence of the small number of migrants from other

239

parts of the country is because of their distance from Taif as well as
the drawing power of other urban centers, which function as regional

capitals and thus provide opportunities for the pe0p1e in a particu-

lar region.

The data reveal that rural migration to Taif is a direct move
for more than two-thirds of the rural respondents. This finding is
accounted for by the fact that urban centers in Saudi Arabia number
very few, are distant, and are clustered in Specific regions. This
finding differs from what has been observed in other developing
countries, especially in South America, where stepwise migration
is common (Thomas and Mulvihill, 1980). Another significant finding

is that the majority of rural migration to Taif is in the form of

 

complete family migration (67 percent of the rural migrants).

 

The analysis of migration selectivity reveals that rual migra—
tion to Taif is headed by males and that there is no variation in the
sex differential among the migrants. This finding deviates from the
previous studies dealing with advanced or Third World countries. In
Saudi Arabia, religious restrictions as well as cultural traditions
prohibit women from traveling alone. With regard to age of the rural
migrant, the hypothesis that the majority of the rural migrants in
Taif were 25 years of age or older at the time of migration was sup-

ported. The majority of the rural migrants in Taif (52 percent) were

240

more than 24 years old when the migration occurred. It was also found
that the group 25 to 34 years was the most numerous (33 percent). As
far as the level of education is concerned, the hypothesis stating that
the majority of the rural migrants to Taif are illiterate has had to be
rejected. About 59 percent of the migrants are found to have had some
type of education. This finding differs from Malik's results when he
found the literacy rate among migrants to Riyadh from villages and the
desert were 27.6 and 23.6 percent, respectively (Malik. 1973). The
differences may be accounted for by the time difference between the two
studies. The data of Malik's study of Riyadh was collected in 1969,
while for this study during 1979 and 1980. During this ten-year period.
Saudi Arabia has witnessed tremendous social and economic changes in-
cluding drastically improving schools and providing adult—education
programs.

Differences among the rural migrants from the various regions
in terms of the literacy rate are pronounced. The highest rate of
literacy is found among migrants from Region Six, Aseer Region (68
percent). A statistically significant relationship was found to
exist between age and education level. Younger migrants were found
to be better educated than the older ones, which is again attribut-
able to the drastic improvements in the educational system.

The majority of the rural migrants in Taif are found to be

unskilled. This finding is similar to Malik's (1973) study on Riyadh,

241

as well as those of other Arab countries, including Egypt (Abu-Lughod,
1961), Iraq (Azeez, 1968) and Libya (Harrison, 1967). A statistically
significant relationship exists between age and type of occupation.
Migrants between the ages of 24 and 34 are found in government-related
jobs, while those over 35 years are mainly engaged in informal jobs.
Another significant relationship exists between occupation and educa—
tion level, thos migrants with a higher education level are most often
found in government jobs.

In order to identify the underlying causes of rural migration
to Taif, factor analysis was applied. Seven major factors were ex«
tracted, all of which are interrelated. Several factors identified
characteristics of the sending areas (origins) as well as the urban
receiving centers. The importance of Family Attraction factor reveals
that friends and relatives in the urban center are often incentives
for the rural migrants' movement. A great number of the migrants
who migrated to Taif prior to 1958 were affected by the massive
drought which prevailed in Saudi Arabia in the 1950s and 19605.
Additional migration is due to large family size as well as the
size of the originating village, factors which often push the migrant
in search of better opportunity in the city. These reasons combined
form the Family Size factor. The Stress factor is related to family

problems and/or disputes among family members. The fifth factor

242

identified was labeled the Farming factor, which includes crop failure
as well as land deterioration. The final two factors (Urban Attraction
and Employment Opportunities) are associated with Taif itself. The
availability of modern amenities in the urban center, as well as the
increased availability of job opportunities, attracts many rural
migrants to Taif.

The above findings regarding the attraction of rural migrants
to urban centers are similar to others found in the literature on migra-
tion in certain Arab countries. For example, Phillips (1959) observed
that in Iraq rural conditions act as a push factor and the nature of
urban centers as a pull factor. Bharier (1968) found that in Iran a
decline in agricultural productivity and the attraction of towns were
the essential factors in the decision to migrate. The same was noted
in Libya, where intense pressure on land availability influenced migra-
tion (Hartley, 1972). In Egypt, the rural migrants to Cairo were young
people seeking a more modern lifestyle, better jobs, and advanced edu-
cation (Abu-Lughod, 1961). Job Opportunity as a major impetus for
movement to urban areas was also found in Tehran (Bahrambeygui, 1972)
and Baghdad (Azeez, 1968). In Riyadh, Malik (1973) observed that
climatic conditions of the region and the availability of jobs and
modern amenities in the city were the major causes of rural migration.
Rura1 migration to Taif will likely continue for as long as these

causes which generate mass movement prevail.

243

The spatial distribution and location of the rural migrants
in Taif upon their initial arrival is found to have some distinct
patterns. Nearly half (44 percent) of the rural migrants settled
in the rura1ized quarters while 32 percent settled in quarters of
mixed ruralized-traditional housing types. Only 10 percent inhabited
areas of mixed rura1ized-modern housing types. The remainder are
scattered throughout areas of the city. These findings about initial
settlement correspond closely with the historical development of the
city of Taif. The pioneer migrants, those having migrated twenty
years ago or more, had to settle in quarters of mixed ruralized-
traditonal housing types located at the outskirts of the old city.

As the number of migrants continued to grow, new ruralized quarters
were developed, including Shuhada Shamaliah and Janubiah which were
developed to house the new migrants as well as those previously estab-
lished migrants who found the ruralized dwellings better suited to
their way of life.

At present a large majority (66 percent) of the rural migrants
are found in ruralized quarters. This finding supports our hypothesis
that the majority of rural migrants would reside in quarters of
ruralized housing types.

Two major factors, social and economic, are found to account

for the spatial location of the rural migrants in Taif. With regard

244

to the social factor, over 45 percent of the respondents were influ-
enced in their residential location by friends and relatives. It
was also found that there are variations in terms of residential lo-
cation by regional origin, as evidenced by the clustering of migrants
from one area in a certain quarter. This phenomenon explains the in-
fluence of kinship ties. Furthermore, even with a certain quarter

or location the rural migrants in Taif exhibit considerable concen-
tration by region of origin. These findings support the hypothesis
that kinship relationships are instrumental in choosing residential
location. There is also likely to be a mixture of migrants from dif-
ferent regions within the same quarters due to individual tastes and
locational preferences. In general, however, rura1 migrants most
often are drawn to those ruralized areas which appear to offer a way
of life similar to their origins.

The relationship between the residential location of the
rural migrants in Taif and their monthly income is found to be
statistically significant. The majority of the rural migrants (55
percent) are found to be low income families M 2999 Saudi Riyals
per month). Variations in terms of the monthly income of the rural
migrants in relation to their origins were not statistically signifi-
cant. There was a significant relationship between the location of
the rural migrants and their occupation. These findings in regard

to income and occupation illustrate the role of economic status

245

as a determinant of residential location and demonstrate that kinship
relationships were not the only factor of importance.

The concentration of rural migrants in specific areas or quar-
ters within the city is not peculiar to Taif. In other countries of
the Middle East and Arab World such concentrations have also been ob-
served. However, there are some differences between the patterns of
residential location observed in this study and those observed else-
where. For example. Harrison (1967) noted that the concentration of
rural migrants in Tripoli, Libya was more pronounced in the 01d sec—
tion of the city. In Cairo. the rural migrants were found on the out~
skirts of the city in the rura1-urban fringe (Abu-Lughod, 1961). In
Baghdad, they were found around the inner city (Lawless, 1972), and
in Tehran, these rural migrants form shanty towns (Bahrambeygui, 1972).
Finally in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, the rural migrants, including those
from the desert are clustered in the rura1ized quarters (Malik, 1973).

The results of the patterns of intraurban residential mobility
reveal that 72 percent of them have changed their residence at least
once since they initially arrifed in Taif. Residence changes are made
at an average rate of 2.8 moves per household and an average frequency
of one move every 4.7 years. This finding does not deviate signifi-
cantly from the average rate for household change in the United States,

where most families move once every five years (Moore, 1972). The

246

frequency of these residential moves has been found to be positively
correlated with the length of urban experience of the rural migrants;
this correlation is statistically significant. These findings re-
garding intraurban mobility support the hypothesis that a positive
relationship exists between the number of changes in residence and
the length of time spent living in Taif.

Statistical explanations for the factors behind residential
mobility has revealed the following conclusions. First, using a step-
wise discriminant analysis, the rural migrants were examined against
their social, economic and housing characteristics. The results show
the migrants to be basically homogeneous. Second, utilizing correla-
tion regression analysis, the anticipated relationships between the
residential mobility rate and selected socio-economic, locational and
housing variables were not found to be significant, save for distance
from the city center, which is significant at the .01 level. Most of
the independent variables were positively correlated with the degree
of mobility, except for level of education, marital status, distance
from the city center and dwelling size, all of which had negative
correlations.

The above results suggest that the utilization of the socion
economic, locational and housing variables are not accurate predictors

of the rural migrants' residential mobility within Taif and that

247

alternate explanations should be provided to explain their behavior.
The rural migrants were asked to identify the factors which were im-
portant in their residential relocation. Three major factors were
found to be associated with both the origin and destination of rural
migrants within the city. They were social ties, home ownership,
and dwelling size. These findings reveal that rural migrants are
attracted to areas in which friends and relatives reside and that
they are renters who mostlikely will continue their movement until
they secure a home of their own, at which point they may become
stabilized. Increased family size. whether due to reproduction or
additional family members migrating, renders current dwellings too
small and acts as a stimulus for mobility.

A similar study in intraurban migration was carried out by
A. Al-Sheikh in Riyadh in 1977. He found that age, family size, in-
come and home ownership are positively correlated with the mobility
of the sampled intraurban movers. He also found that family size
(in 33 percent of the cases) was the most frequently identified reason
for mobility, followed by financial ability (Al—Sheikh, 1977). Al—
though some similarities between the above findings and Al—Sheikh's
are apparent, it should be emphasized that there is one significant
difference, namely that Al-Sheikh based his study on intraurban movers,
regardless of origin, whereas this study was concerned only with rural

migrants.

248

The major spatial changes of the rural migrants intraurban
mobility in Taif have taken place from the traditional and mixed
rura1ized-modern quarters. The generally observed pattern of these
intraurban moves has been in the form of intercommunity movements
(between quarters). This finding refutes the research hypothesis
of intracommunity moves (within quarters) for rural migrants. More~
over, this finding does not support the hypothesis that such inter-
community movements are assumed to take place between quarters of
similar housing types. What has been determined is that a direcv
tional bias exists regarding the movement of rural migrants within
the city. That is, rural migrants tend to move away from the central
city toward the city's eastern portion where rura1ized quarters are
more common. Similar observations have been documented by Al—Sheikh
regarding the residential mobility of the population of Riyadh where
the northern half of Riyadh is preferred (Al-Sheikh, 1977). Again,
it must be remembered that Al-Sheikh considered all movers in Riyadh
and not strictly rural migrants.

Further residential mobility plans have been documented for 28
percent of the sampled migrants. vIt was shown that almost half (44
percent) of these potential movers have a history of frequent residence
changes within Taif. Furthermore, 65 percent of the potential movers

plan to relocate within Taif and to more modern quarters in particular.

249

This finding demonstrates substantial urban experience as well as
evidence of social and economic changes the migrants are encounter—
ing. Their most frequent motivation for future residential reloca—
tion is social ties followed by home ownership considerations.

In summary this research on the migration and residential
mobility of rural migrants to Taif suggests several conclusions.
First, rura1 migration to Taif is increasing every year at a steady
rate; it is also likely to continue into the future. Second, the
majority of rural migrants to Taif intend to live in the city per-
manently. Third, vast amounts of rural migration to Taif is an
alarming indicator of rural deterioration, and in particular, farm—
ing. This continuous increase in migration volume would yield a
decrease in rural population, and of course, a proportionate in-
crease in the city. This increase will create tremendous pressure
on Taif itself in terms of the increasing demand for housing, em—
ployment, education, health services, and water and sewage facili—
ties. Moreover, as most of these rural migrants are basically low
income, unskilled workers, as shown by this study, the economic

characteristics of Taif will experience drastic changes.

250

Applications of this Study

 

As mentioned above, vast rural migration to Taif and other
cities is having a significant effect on the rural areas of Saudi
Arabia. The effect is cyclical in nature. Because of the antiquated
farming methods and deterioration of the agricultural areas, rural
villages in Saudi Arabia are losing great numbers of inhabitants.

This migration, in turn, tends to further reduce the quality of agri-
cultural production due to a shortage of agricultural workes. Any
attempt at solving the problem of mass migration to Taif therefore,
must deal not only with the competition and related problems occurring
in Taif, but also with a revitalization of the agricultural areas.

In terms of the rural areas, the SouthweStern region of Saudi
Arabia provides a potential agricultural advantage for the entire
country. Efforts should be directed toward more positive and sincere
agricultural development. Any action in this regard should deal with
theimproved development of the village themselves, as well as better
roads and an improved marketing system for agricultural products,
which would benefit both the farmer and the consumer. Land reform
and development is another method of diverting rural migrants from
moving to the cities. Bringing modern amenities to the disposal of
these villages and these populations would help them establish contact

with the rest of the country and yet retain their rural homes. The

251

creation of new educational facilities would also serve to keep the
young at home. Special training for farmers in modern agricultural
techniques and technology would improve production immensel-. Fur-
ther possibilities include the formation of farming "cooperatives,"
that is, to encourage c00peration between farmers and alleviate the
production problems created by land fragmentation. These are just
several of the ways that the rural areas could be improved in order
to keep the agricultural lands by land fragmentation. These are just
several of the ways that the rural areas could be improved in order
to keep the agricultural lands productive, a goal that is to the
benefit of the rural citizens as well as the country as a whole.
With regard to improving the urban center of Taif, the only
way to meaningfully alleviate many of the problems of housing and
water shortages and congested living areas is by means of spatial
reorganization. Continuing division of land into miniscule portions
and rampant vertical expansion of housing structures will result in
irrevocable damage to the Spatial arragement if the current patterns
continue. While the rural migraints cannot be forced to return to
their villages, the introduction of long term interest—free loans
for the rural villages may encourage many to return to their homes.
Additionally, the possibility exists for the develOpment of small

cities outside the urban area of Taif which would play host to

252

various industries; this is seen as a viable policy. It is imperative
that Saudi Arabia take steps to halt the rapid expansion of Taif's
urban area and resist the pattern of urban poverty evidenced by many
Third World countries, in particular the shanty towns. It is essen-
tial, therefore, that alternatives be provided the rural dwellers in
order to slow the rate of migration to urban areas. Improving the
rural villages and the methods of agricultural production seem to be
the most feasible way of doing this

Further research on rural migration should be directed to the
above and to other aspects of these problems. Researchers should
examine the spatial and social assimilation of the rural migrants
within the urban center to determine what steps the city should be
taking to assure the security and welfare of its migrants. Another
study might examine the places of origin, that is, the villages
themselves in an attempt to identify those factors which might be
altered in order to slow the rate of migration. A question that
needs to be resolved is what would make potential migrants stay?

This study has traced the movement of rural migrants to Taif
in order to help assess and predict future problems regarding the de—
velopment of Taif as well as understand the need for revitalization
of the agricultural areas from which they come. This study is by no

means a comprehensive analysis and assessment of the situation; the

253

author is hopeful that further research on the subject will be
initiated. Such research will be not only beneficial for Taif
and its surrounding areas, but may be useful in alleviating

similar expansion problems in the deve10ping Third World countries.

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APPENDIX B

VARIABLES LOADING ON THE SEVEN EXTRACTED FACTORS

 

 

 

FACTORS . VARIABLES . i . , LOADINGS
I Complete family migrated .9l
Relatives are in Taif .Sl
Age of Head of Household .38
Village prOperty .47
Taif is closer .29
II Years away from village .85
Years living in Taif .87
Occupation of Head of Household .33
Family size at village .41
III Village households - .69
Family size at village - .66
Too many members in the family .44
Relatives are in Taif .35
IV Family Disputes .51
Loss of parents .56
No schools at village .47
Years away from village .31
v Farming before migration .88
Farming after migration .9l
Village property .19
VI Modern Amenities .85
Taif is closer .57
More opportunities .72
VII No jobs at village - .58
Better jobs in Taif .49
No schools at village .37

 

Source: Field survey by author, 1980, and SPSS Factor Program.

278

APPENDIX c
RESULTS OF DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS

 

 

 

NILKS * * CHANGE

STEP VARIABLES ..LAMBDA . RAO'S V . IN V SIG.
1 Distance to city center .2867 554.6 554.6 .000
2 Distance to nearest market .1994 668.2 113.6 .000
3 Dwelling area .1938 690.6 22.3 .000
4 Alley resident .1891 710.9 20.3 .000
5 Income .1807 729.8 18.8 .000
6 Apartment .1750 745.7 15.9 .000
7 Distance to major street .1720 756.2 10.4 .005
8 Ruralized .1686 763.5 7.3 .025
9 Three exposure house .1664 769.2 5.7 .057
10 Dwelling size .1632 776.4 7.1 .027
11 Year moved to Taif .1607 782.7 6.2 .043
12 Education .1586 787.3 4.6 .096
13 One exposure house .1571 792.4 5.0 .080
14 Two exposure house .1556 796.8 4.4 .110
15 Villa .1551 799.8 2.9 .225
16 Duration of residence .1547 801.0 1.2 .543
17 Rate of change of residence .1541 802.5 1.4 .472
18 Size of household .1540 802.9 .3 .831

 

* Significant
Source: Field Survey by Author, 1980; and SPSS Discriminant Program.

279