.ABSTRACT

BINAIIONAL SCHOOLS IN LATIN AMERICA
by Paul G. Orr

An estimated three hundred and fifty private,
binational, U. 3. related schools operate in Latin
America. These schools provide an opportunity to foster
international relations and to find in cross—cultural
settings better answers to basic educational problems.

Although several U.S. agencies and institutions,
at one time or another, have manifested interest in and
concern for binational schools in Latin America, to
date no concerted effort has been made to understand
these schools nor to formulate a definable policy and
program of assistance with respect to them.

While no U. 8. group or agency is legally respon-
sible for the performance or welfare of these schools,
there seems to be a professional obligation on the
part of the education profession in the U. S. to
provide such guidance and assistance as may be practical.

Because these schools are usually perceived by
Latin American nationals to be authentic representatives

of U. 5. culture in general and of U. 5. education in

Paul G. Orr
particular, the Uhited States has a vested interest in
their welfare and, whenever possible, should seek means
for their improvement.

This is particularly appropriate in the case of the
53 "binational, non—profit, non—sectarian, community-
type schools" identified and supported in part by the
U. S. State Department.

The study was organized around basic questions
concerning the schools: (1) origin, (2) chief
characteristics, (3) objectives, (A) chief problems,

(5) pursuance of stated objectives, (6) adaptations
and contributions to national systems, (7) potential
for future growth, and (8) necessary changes.

The methods employed in the study included:

1. A.search of the literature and the selection
of 53 schools for study. Those selected were
the "U. 8. sponsored, binational, bicultural
community schools."

2. A.questionnaire designed and sent to the 53
schools' directors, requesting recent informa-
tion concerning administration, organization,
curricula, personnel, financing and facilities.

3. An intensive case study of six U. 5. related

schools in Mexico.

Paul G. Orr

A. An assessment of the Mexican-American schools

against the historical background of education
in Mexico.

The schools were found to be inadequate representa-
tives of U. S. education: few were conducted as labora—
tories for cross—cultural research and/or experimentation;
few were well conceived in relation to their bicultural
setting, and all had continuing problems of organization,
administration, finance, curriculum, teaching methodology
and personnel.

Specifically, the study demonstrated that:

1. The schools came into being principally to

serve united States children; more as a
matter of circumstance than of design, they
now also serve Latin American children.

2. A.distinction between "American" and

"Binational" schools is warranted.

3. The schools are urban, somewhat new and

have small enrollments.

h. Curricular patterns vary widely.

S. The objectives subscribed to by the schools

are imprecise and tend to idealize if not
romanticize intercultural relations.

6. Instructional programs are not generally

related to the stated objectives.

7. Stated
to the
actual

in the

Paul G. Orr
objectives are historically irrelevant
schools themselves, low motivators of
school behavior, and possibly irrelevant

culture in which the schools operate.

8. The basic and imperative needs of the schools

would seem best to be met through the work

of the

several binational school associations.

9. To fulfill the impressive potential of these

schools, new'models of organization and new

approaches to teaching are required.

Perhaps U. S. and Latin American universities jointly

should develop these. In this effort, there would be

both a substantive challenge to the education profession

and a real justification for its direct involvement with

the binational schools.

BINATIONAL SCHOOLS IN LATIN AMERICA

By

Paul anOrr

.A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State university
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

196A

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to acknowledge the guidance extended to
me by the members of my doctoral advisory committee:
Dr. Karl T. Hereford, committee chairman, whose advice,
interest and talent were invaluable; Dr. Charles C.
Cumberland, whose intimate knowledge of Latin American
history and political affairs was of great aid;

Dr. Donald J. Leu and Dr. Louise Sause who gave general
assistance; and Dr. Fred Vescolani whose friendship,
instruction and encouragement is greatly appreciated.

A.particular debt is due to Dr. Burton D. Friedman,
who gave generously of his time and talent and whose
professional exactness is evidenced in this thesis.

.A debt is also due to the several members of the
College of Education of Michigan State university who
have provided and caused professional improvement to
occur in the binational schools of Latin America.

Finally, a debt of gratitude is due to my wife,
Edwina Elrod Orr, who has shared with me the work as

well as the satisfaction of three academic degrees.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................. ii
LIST OF TABLES.................................. vi
CHAPTER
I THE AMERICAN SCHOOL IN LATIN AMERICA... 1
Background and Literature........... 1
Emergence of the Binational School.. 5
Objectives of the Binational
Schools.......................... 8
Relations with National
Governments...................... 10
Overview of the Study............... 19
II EDUCATION IN MEXICO.................... 2h
Introduction........................ 2h
Pre—Columbian Times................. 29
The Colony of Nueva Espafia.......... 31
Uncertain Independence: 1810-1857... M2
La Epoca Porfiriana: 1876—1911...... 50
The Revolution and Its Institutions:
1910............................. Sh
Current Reforms and Roles........... 76
Summary............................. 80

iii

CHAPTER Page

III THE STATUS OF BINATIONAL SCHOOLS
IN [ATIN MERICAOICC.......OCO.COOOO 82
School Organization and Control..... 8h
SChOOl POPUIHtIOHooooooocooooooooooo 89

Characteristics of Academic
Personnel.oooocooooooooooooooonon 95

Incorporation and Accreditation

Of SChOOl ProgramSooooooooooooooo llu
Curricular Organization............. 122
School Revenue...................... 128
SCI-1001PlantOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOIOOOO 138
IV A.REVIEW OF PARENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF
THE BINATIONAL SCHOOL.AT
MONTERREY, MEXICO................... 1&5
V THE EMERGENCE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN
THE BINATIONAL SCHOOLS AND
U. S. ORGANIZATIONS................. 168
VI CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATION......... 189
Origin and Status of the Binational
SChOOISoOQOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOO00 190
Chief School Characteristics........ 191
School Objectives and Their
AChievementoooooooooooooooooooooo 19h
Chief Problems and Needs............ 200

Adaptation to National Education
systemSOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 20h

Contributions to Latin American
Education.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 205

Improvement Activities.............. 206

iv

CHAPTER Page

"American Schools" and "Binational
Schools": An Important
DIStinCtiOH.oooooooooooooooocoo-o 207

The Binational School in
Perspective: An Interpretation... 215

BIBLIOGRAPHY.000°.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO000.0.. 219

TABLE

1.1

3.h

3.5

3.6

3.7

3.8

3.9

3.10

3.11

LIST OF TABLES

Agreement Among School Directors on the
Objectives of Binational Schools
in Latin America-000009000000ooooooo

Returns from Questionnaires to
Directors of Binational Schools in
Latin Americaoo-o-oooooooooo00000.0o

Boards of Control of Selected
Binational Schools in Latin
America: Number and Percentage
of Members by Nationality...........

Enrollment in Selected Binational
Schools in Latin America by
Nationality of Students: 1962.......

Capacity and Utilization of Binational
School Buildings in Mexico: 1960....

Academic Employees in Binational
SChOOlS: 19620coo-0.000000000000000o

Number of Full-Time Teachers at
Various Annual Salary Levels in
Binational Schools in 1962..........

Percentage of Full-Time Teachers at
Various Annual Salary Levels in
Binational SChOOlS in 1962000000090.

Number of Professional Employees in
Binational Schools in Mexico: 1960..

Pupil-Teacher Ratios in Binational
Schools in Mexico: 1960.............

Citizenship of Teachers in Binational
SChOOIS in M€X1COoooooooooooooooooo0

Distribution of Binational School
Teachers by Age-00000000000000.0000.

vi

Page

11

82

86

91

9h

100

101

102

1011

105

107

107

TABLE

3.12

3.13

3.14

3.15

3.16

3.17

3.18

3.19

h.1

h.2

Page

Language Competence Reported by
Teachers of Binational Schools
in MQXICOoooooooooo00000000000900oo- 108

Teachers with U. S. Experience in the
Binational Schools of Mexico........ 110

Number and Types of School Faculty
Committees in Binational Schools
in MeX1COOOIOOOOOOIUOOOOOOO0.0.09... 113

Primary School Programs: Binational
Schools in Latin America............ 126

Sources of Revenue Reported from
Selected Binational Schools in
Latin America: 1961-62.............. 135

Source of Revenue Per Pupil in
Sixteen Binational Schools: 1961-62. 136

Sources of Revenue by Percentage:
Selected Binational Schools in
Latin America: 1961—6200000000000000 137

Number, Size and Adequacy of Classrooms
in 23 Binational Schools in Latin
AmericaiCOO...OCOOOOOIOIOOOOOIQOO0.0 lul

Enrollment, Available Space and Space
Utilization in 18 Selected Schools.. 1H2

Total Number of Classrooms Contrasted
to Total Enrollment in Selected
Binational Schools in Latin
America-000090.00ooooooooooooooooooo lug

Enrollment by Number and Percentage
for Nationality and Sex:
Monterrey lgél-anooooooooooooooooon 1&8

Division Enrollment Summary by Number
and Percentage for Nationality
and sexooooooooooooooooooocoo-cocoa. lug

Enrollment Distribution Study by
Grade, Nationality and Sex 1961—62.. 150

vii

O I O
n

O 1’ I

'- . c

O '.

(‘ I u
u

O O 0

g a O

I 9 O

a a
- t
. ~
I I
. s.
. r
o 1

TABLE
11.11

h-5

h.6

h.7

h.8

u.9

11.10

Page

Degree of Effectiveness in Meeting
Instructional Objectives............ 152

Degree of Effectiveness in Meeting
Relational ObJQCtiVBSooooooooooooooo 156

Parental understanding of Four Most
Important Reasons Parents
Withdraw Children to Enroll Them
in Other Local Schools.............. 157

Rank and Equated Point Value of
Parental Understanding of Reasons
Parents Withdraw Children to
Enroll Them in Other Local
SChOOISOOOOOOOOO0.0900000000000000.I 158

Parental Responses Concerning Fees
and Tuitionooooo00000000000000.0000. 161

Parental Opinion Concerning Learning
and Work in a Binational and
Essentially Bilingual Institution... 162

Parental Identification of Subjects
as a Part of the Basic Program or
as Extra Cost Options in the
Elementary School................... 164

viii

CHAPTER I

THE AMERICAN SCHOOL IN LATIN AMERICA

Background and Literature

There are approximately three hundred and fifty
"American Schools" in Latin America,1 at least one in
each of the twenty republics. Despite the appelation,
"American School," some of these schools e1roll no
children from the United States, and most schools enroll
a small minority of them. It is thought that 60,000 of
their estimated total enrollment of 63,000 consists of
Latin American children and adolescents.

In terms of the sources of their support and nature
of their control, the "American Schools" may be divided
into four basic groups as follows:

1. Church—related schools: This largest basic

 

group is composed of approximately 250 schools, founded

by churches or church—related organizations, that continue

 

llnter American Schools Service, "A List of United
States Sponsored Schools in Latin America," (Washington,
D. c., 1960).

2
to be either supported by or affiliated with their parent
organizations. Many of these institutions are small
mission schools situated in remote areas, but some are
large urban schools. Indeed, it is not uncommon for
an urban school, on the strength of high tuition fees
and other charges, to support one or more smaller,
tuition—free mission schools.

2. Family or individual enterprises: [A second basic
group of schools is comprised of a relatively small number
of institutions wholly owned and operated by individuals
or by families. In some cases, these are operated for
profit. In other cases, although privately owned, they
are conducted as non—profit public services.

3. Companyeowned schools: The third basic group

 

includes approximately thirty schools established by

companies in the United States and operated on behalf of

the children of their foreign-based employees in order

to provide a type of education not otherwise available.
A. Binational, non-profit, non-sectarian schools:

The fourth basic group of "American Schools" in Latin

America consists of 53 institutions that allegedly are

not operated either for profit or for religious purposes.

They are "community-owned" private schools which, in

most cases, came into being to provide, for children from

the United States, a type of education that was otherwise

3

unavailable. Several such schools originally were
essentially "company schools," but so organized and
financed as to accommodate the requirements of all the
U. S. corporations operating in a single locale. In
other cases, the increasing costs of operation, the
need for expansion, an increase in the number and size
of U. S. corporations' activities, or a change in the
nature of the school "clientele" caused a company-owned,
a church-related, a profit-oriented or other privately-
owned school to evolve into an institution of this type.

This study is addressed essentially to a consideration
of the fourth basic group of "American Schools," namely:
those the American Council on Education has called
"binational, non-profit, non—sectarian community type
schools."2 As suggested above, quite a few schools of
this category evolved from institutions of other types
in response to a variety of pressures. For example, if
a church-related or company-owned school represented the
sole opportunity within a community for "U. 8. type
education," parents not affiliated with the sponsoring
agency sought to enroll their children in the school.
Once the school was opened to such children and their

parents began to contribute to the school’s financial

 

ZSV"A.Brief Statement of the History and Activities of
the History and Activities of the American Council on
Education 1918-1961," (Washington, D. C., 1961), p. 17.

L,

support, the parents sought to have a larger voice in the
conduct of the institution. The parents involved included
citizens of the United States as well as local citizeis
and other residents.

In some cases, a "splinter group" broke away from
the parent school to establish a new enterprise; in other
cases, the original sponsors sold or surrendered control
to a community of interested parents.

The multi-company school, for example, was usually
organized as a "bond-holding" association; its costs
were pro-rated among the participating corporations on
a cost—per—student basis, each company purchasing a
number of bonds equal to the number of students it
enrolled. The issuance of bonds provided capital for
school construction and operation, and the ownership of
a bond assured the right to enroll a student. Tuition
fees were adjusted each year in accordance with the
budgeted operating expenditures per pupil; unusual
expenses, if any, were met by assessments against the
bond-holders, who thereby eliminated deficits. As non-
company parents gained entree to the school for their
children, they too became bond-holders and sought a
share in control of the school. From the point of view
of the sponsoring corporations, the school was perceived
as a necessary service, but its actual operation was not

deemed an appropriate corporation actb/ity; hence flie

S

corporations were entirely willing to be relieved of
management responsibilities.

In short, by virtue of a combination of circumstances
and pressures, 53 "American Schools" of the binational,
non—profit and non-sectarian type have developed. Only
one of these schools originated as such, as a matter of
fact; the remainder have evolved from other origins.

A. EMERGENCE OF THE BINATIONAL SCHOOL

The decade of the l9h0‘s was the period in which the
binational school3 became a definable and recognizable
type of instruction.

During this decade, first of all, there was a
marked increase in the number of U. S. State Department
personnel assigned to Latin American posts, this increase
being a result of World War II and of aid programs, civil
and military, as well as of increasing commerce within
the hemisphere. The U. S. government did not then and
still does not operate any schools in Latin America
open to the children of non-military personnel.

Government employees on Latin American assignments
therefore sought and gained admission of their children
in the "U. S. type" schools conducted by single corpora-

tions or by the "bond associations" that accommodated

 

3’

The phrase "Binational School" is used hereafter
to denote the community-held, binational, non-profit,
non—sectarian private "American School."

6
combinations of corporations.

A second influence that fostered the emergence of
the binational school, paradoxically, was the popularity
that pro-Nazi schools in Latin America enjoyed prior to
World War II. Galo Plaza (former president of Ecuador,
who founded and continues to serve as a member of the
governing board of the American School in Quito, Ecuador)
has described the activity and success of these schools
and has related how their presence induced the creation
of one of the present American Schools.

He'wrote:

The German school in my community became the
best school in town. It had modern buildings

on a beautiful wooded campus; it was run by a
young and energetic faculty brought over from
Germany, and, as a new feature, there was a
clubhouse on the campus where parents could
meet, obtain information on Germany's industrial
development, see moving pictures of Nazi
accomplishments and what Nazi Germany had to
offer to the world, of her growing military
strength and of the new happiness that Nazism
was bringing to the people. Even business
connections could be arranged through the

club and trips to Germany were planned with

the help of the unusually capable and accommodating
professor in charge of the club.

Tuitions were low and scholarships were available
for outstanding pupils of public schools from

the poorer classes. It was natural that the
community was happy to have such an institution.
The plan was a success. It was incredible how
completely the Nazis won over the children in

the school and the parents in the club.

Then it was that I hit upon the idea of setting
up an institution fitting into the educational

7
laws of Ecuador but following the American
School system, which I had come to admire
during my college days in the United States.
These (the schools) I considered the corner-
stone of the American way of life, wherein
is seen thfi fundamental manifestation of
democracy.

In 19h3 the office of the Coordinator of Inter-
American Affairs, U. S. Department of State, requested
the American Council on Education (ACE) to cooperate in
organizing and administering a grant-in-aid program to
assist American~sponsored schools in Latin America, and

5

made a grant to ACE for this purpose. The program
was initiated and the ACE created the Inter—American
Schools Service (IASS) as the agency through which to
administer grants-in-aid; these were limited by law for
use in the improvement of instructional salaries and the
purchase of instructional materials. This program
encouraged the emergence of binational schools in a most
compelling fashion, for in order to become eligible for
grants—in-aid, schools had to meet the following criteria:
a. the schools! boards should be binational;

b. the non-profit schools must be conducted as

a non—sectarian organization;

 

"Galo Plaza, "Experiment in International Education,"
The Nations Schools, Vol. 37, (19h6), p. 2h.

5Roy T. Davis, "American School Programs in Latin
America," The Educational Record, Vol. 33, (1952), p. 319.

8

c. enrollment in the schools must include a
significant number of national students;
d. the curriculum must include both national
and U. 5. history and culture.
During the l9h0's, moreover, because of increasing
demands for "American Schools," additional privately—
owned schools began to be established. These offered

" or be

education that purported to be more "American,
more "National." Some of them were designed to make
profit. They were able to absorb the overflow of students
which existing schools could not accommodate, and the
factors previously enumerated caused them to develop

into binational schools.

Finally, new schools were created which, from their
inception, intended to be agents for improving national
education through U. 5. type organization and methods.

B. OBJECTIVES OF THE BINATIONAL SCHOOLS

In 1961, the IASS and the Southern Association of
Colleges and Schools (a regional accrediting agency for
eleven southern states) sponsored a conference which
enjoyed the participation of the directors of binational
schools throughout Latin America. .A publication of that

conference justifies the maintenance and support of the

binational schools in these terms:

9

The 20,000 children in these schools, about 60%

of whom are nationals of the host country, are
given an education as nearly comparable as possible
to that of the best schools in the United States
and at the same time become perfectly bilingual.
The influence of close association and emphasis
upon two cultures cannot but bring a depth of
mutual understanding that can never be achieved

by any other means.

According to the schools! directors, the great

majority of binational schools subscribe in whole or

part to nine major objectives. These are reported by

Young to be:

I. To promote friendship between the people of
the United States and the Latin American
peoples.

II. To help interpret one culture to the oflier-—

North American to Latin American and vice
versa.

III. To develop a comprehension of and respect
for the ways of life of others.

IV. To help provide leaders of intelligence and
character for the countries in which the
schools are located.

V. To foster selfudevelopment, self—realization,
and self—improvement among the students.

VI. To teach English to Latin American childrai
and Spanish (or Portugese) to North
American children.

VII. To offer an academic program acceptable to
both the North Americans and nationals using
the schools.

VIII. To utilize and demonstrate Uhited States

methods of instruction.

 

6Southern Association of Colleges and Schools,

"Improving International understanding through Binational
Education," (American School Foundation of Monterrey,

Mexico,

1962), p. 1.

10
IX. To provide leadership in developing
improved practices in education in the
countries in which the schools are
located.7
Young's report of the extent to which the school
directors themselves subscribe to these objectives is
presented in Table 1.1.
Young concluded that the binational schools have
a potential role in meeting all of these objectives and
that financing should be forthcoming from the U. S.
Government.
From this evidence, it is obvious that the directors
of binational schools in Latin America perceive it to
be their role to be involved in the education of national
children and to give leadership to educational develop-
ment in the countries.
It perhaps may be assumed that the school directors
not only express their own personal views, but to some
considerable extent, also speak for their school boards.

C. RELATIONS WITH NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS

1. Legal Relationships

 

One stated objective of the schools-~to improve
binational relations and to foster mutual respect and
understanding among the peoples of the Americas~—requires

that the binational schools establish working relationships

 

7George Patrick Young, Jr., "A Study of the Potential
for the Achievement of Better Inter-American Relationship
through North American Schools in Latin America." (unpub-
lished Doctoral Thesis, university of Illinois, 1960),
pp. 9—11.

11

 

 

Soc So: cm o: xH
SOS Soc on so HHH>
Rom Row wfl mm HH>
Roofl QH mm H>
Roofl wH mm >
&o~ Rom 0H m5 >H
ROOM pm aw HHH
Noofl pm mm HH
KOCH 0 H0 H
moHWmmHQ mcfifloom mocm< wo>fip
HmoflpomuaEH Hmoflpomcm SHmCOSSm mocmmwflm oz mopw< Sflmcocpw wahmb

 

wm>HpoohnO och c0 whopoonfim Hoocom mcoE< pcosomcw<

ooficoa< case; c“ ocoocom Accesoecum co

H.H mqde

12
with national governments of the countries in which they
operate. On a purely practical level, "good" relationships
are needed simply as ainatter of school survival, as the
governments are under no obligation to tolerate the
schools: existence. In more intellectual terms, there
is the basic fact that a social institution cannot
separate itself from its total community and the govern-
ment is a primary expression of that community.

Irrespective of additional relationships which may
be established, the binational school must satisfy
governmental requirements regarding these matters:

(1) authorization to operate, (2) immigration and

labor laws for U. S. and national personnel, and

(3) requirements and restrictions concerning content of
the educational program.

Charles J. Patterson, in a study of the American
School Foundation of Mexico, identified as basic problems
the following:

1. In order to exist legally, the Mexican

Government requires the school to provide
a bi-curriculum in English and Spanish.
2. The school must satisfy labor laws which

8

favor the host country.

 

EBCharles J. Patterson, "A Comparison of Performance

of Mexican and American Children in a Bi-cultural Setting
on Measures of Ability Achievement and Adjustment,"
(Mexico City: American School Foundation of Mexico,
1960), p. 20

13

In interviews with school directors, no evidence
was forthcoming to indicate that any of the schools in
Latin America had any difficulty in obtaining authoriza-
tion to operate. In fact, all evidence suggeststhat
the mere permission to establish a private school is
somewhat simple to obtain. Even though initial authoriza—
tion to operate is easily obtained, other pertinent laws
and regulations cause difficulty for the binational
schools. This appears to be the case because no special
legal provisions have been made for the operation of a
binational school; hence it is subject, for example, to
the general labor laws and is not treated as a special
case. Latin American labor laws characteristically
include provisions requiring that a foreign technical
employee train a national to replace him. Such laws
therefore generate constant pressure against file employ—
ment of U. S. personnel in the "American Schools." The
degrees of enforcement of this legal provision varies,
and its effect ranges from constant irritation and
delay in immigration procedures to automatic approval
of proposed "importation" and retention of U. S. personnel.

Government control is not limited to matters of
immigration or labor law. Controls extend to educational
matters as well. For example, the government of each

republic exercises certain control over school curricula.

111.
Specifically, as will be noted hereafter, the social
science in most cases must be taught by a national
teacher using the approved national textbook.

The binational school often is affected by legid a-
tion adopted for other purposes. An excellent example
may be noted in Mexico where the legislative outcome of
the historic struggle between Church and State has had
a direct effect upon the binational schools, although
such schools are non—combatants, as it were, in that
struggle. The background is this:

Although the 1917 Mexican Constitution forbade
the operation of Church-related schools, operation of
such schools was tacitly permitted. In 1932, however,
the Church forbade all Roman Catholic parents to send
their children to public schools and required all such
children to be enrolled in Catholic schools.9 This open
defiance of the government prompted retaliation. The
government adopted the posture that the "economic libera-
tion" of the worker-~a prime objective of the 1917
Constitution-~was of greater concern to the Mexican
worker than the Church-State struggle over education.

It used this concern to gain popular support for a strict
interpretation of the Constitution of 1917. The result

was that the federal government of Mexico regained

 

9The background of this event is treated extensively
in Chapter II.

15
complete control of education. It "eliminated" church
schools through their confiscation and subsequent trans-
formation into public schools. This type of Church—State
encounter is cyclic—nor chronic—~in Mexico: as soon as
church schools become prominent, the government intensifies
its enforcement of regulatory devices, or creates new
devices, for their control. Since church schools legally
do not exist, legislation refers to "private schools"
rather than specifically to "church-operated" schools.
Hence binational schools in Mexico feel the results of
pressures generated by Church-State antagonists.

.A recent problem involving textbooks in Mexico
specifically illustrates the nature of this difficulty.
Church-operated schools were importing Spanish textbooks
which incorporated a Roman Catholic viewpoint into the
treatment of each academic subject. The government, in
a direct effort to discourage the practice, significantly
increased customs duties assessed for the importation of
school textbooks. Whatever the impact upon church
schools, the effect of this measure was felt directly
by the binational schools that had occasion to import
books from the United States.

.As a result of the Church-State problem controls
are exercised over the binational schools in Mexico

although they were not designed for this purpose.

 

16
Secondary education is under particularly strict control.
In many cases, accommodation to government regulations
is made informally. Personal relationships between a
school officer and responsible officials of government
are often more important in this respect than are express
provisions of national policy.

2. Services from National Governments

 

Virtually no services are received by the binational
schools from national governments.

National governments normally do not provide services
to or for private schools but do reserve the right of
inspection and regulation of such schools.

3. Services of Binational Schools to National Government

 

There are several evidences that the binational
schools do provide service to or conduct service activities
useful to the national governments. Horn, for example,
opined that the best of the binational schools are actively
engaged in activities which contribute to the improvement
of national education in the Central American countries.
He'wrote:

1. They serve as preparatory schools for children

of nationals who plan to attend colleges and
universities in the Uhited States and other

countries.

2. They serve as models for providing democratically
administered and operated schools.

3. They are doing research, developing instructional
materials and providing services that are being
made available to the educational institutions

17

of the countries in which they are
located.

A. They provide a desired opportunity for

children of nationals to learn to read10
write and speak the English language.

Perhaps the most direct contribution being made in
Latin America by a binational school is that of the
American School of Guatemala. This school, since l9h8,
has been designated a "Laboratory School" by the
Guatemalan Ministry of Education. In this capacity, it
has developed standardized tests, workbooks and textbooks,
not only for its own use but available through the
Ministry of Education to all public schools in Guatemala.

For several years, the school has conducted
longitudinal studies of child and adolescent growth
and development, and it has cooperated in the develop-
ment of instructional materials for teaching concepts
and practices of nutrition.

In the field of in-service education, the school
organized a program for national teachers of industrial
arts, and for principals of other government "Laboratory
Schools."

Such extensive involvement, however, is not
characteristic of even a minority of file binational

schools. Most of the services provided by the binational

 

10Carl M. Horn. "The American Schools of Central
America," (Michigan State university, East Lansing, 1963),

p. k.

18
schools are in the area of community service and cooperation
rather than in programs actually designed directly to
improve national education. Most schools provide a limited
number of scholarships for local children. Many schools
have offered one or more types of community service, such
as helping a smaller school or teaching illiterates in
the area to read.

Isaac Handel pinpoints one basic decision which each
of the binational schools that attempts to serve the needs
of a Latin American country must make: Shall it (1) seek
to transplant and assimilate into the educational system
of one country the unmodified content of an educational
system from another country, or (2) seek to adapt the
desired aspects of one program to the other? Professor
Handel believed it to be possible and desirable to
transplant and to assimilate into the educational system
of one country certain techniques or skills developed
elsewhere, and be deemed such assimilation beneficial to
improvement. However, he identified manifestations of
unrest-uwhich led to failure-ncaused by attempts to
transplant the unmodified content of an educational

system from one country to another.11

 

IIIsaac L. Handel, "Introduction," Educafional Year—
book of the International Institute of Teadhers College,
CBIumbIa University l93l. (New York: Bureau of'PuBlica-
tTons, TEaEhers ColIege, Columbia University, 1932), p. 9.

 

 

 

19

If Professor Handel's point is valid, a binational
school that intends to be of real service to the national
system of education would have to emphasize adaptation-—
rather than attempt to transplant and achieve assimilation
into the national school programs-~of desired aspects of
"U. 5. type" educational content or practice. Put another
way, if the school intends to be of service in this sense,
its own programs really cannot be "U. S. type," but must
be local adaptations or modifications thereof.

D. OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

It is estimated that three hundred and fifty non—
public binational U. S. related schools are operating in
Latin America. In addition to transmission of knowledge,
these schools also provide a means (1) to foster inter-
national relations and in the cross—cultural setting
(2) to conduct research on basic educational problems.

unfortunately, most of the schools inadequately
represent U. S. education. Few are conducted as labora-
tories for cross-cultural research and/or experimentation.12
All have continuing problems of organization, administration,
finance, personnel, curriculum and teaching methodology.13

The U. 5. related schools in Latin America, however,

are usually perceived by Latin Americans to be authentic

 

12Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, op,
Cit.’ p. l.

13ibid.

20
representatives of U. S. culture in general and of U. 8.
education in particular. This seems most clear in the
case of the 53 institutions that have been identified as
binational non-profit, non-sectarian, community-type
schools, and which are, in part, supported by the U. S.
Department of State. Accordingly, the United States has
a vested interest in the welfare of these schools. There
also may be an obligation on the part of the educational
profession in the United States to provide these schools
such guidance and assistance as may be practicable.
Several U. S. agencies and institutions have, at one
time or another, shown an interest in and concern for
binational schools in Latin America.1u However, no con-
certed effort has yet been made either (1) to understand
these schools or (2) to formulate a defensible policy and
program for their assistance.
A.study was undertaken, therefore, which had as its
purposes:
1. The review of the scant literature describing
the binational schools;
2. The development of statistics descriptive of
their present status;
3. The evaluation in detail of the work and role

of a select number of these schools, and

 

1"See Chapter V.

The

21
The presentation of conclusions that may
be useful to the government and to the
educational profession of the United States
in determining a defensible posture toward
these schools and a suitable program of
action regarding them.
study was organized to treat nine basic questions:
Why, how and when did these schools come into
being?
To what objectives do they subscribe?
How effective are the schools in the light
of their professed objectives?
How have they related themselves to educa—
tional systems in Latin America and the United
States?
’What have they contributed to the improvement
of education in Latin America?
What are their chief problems and needs?
What potential, if any, do they have for the
future improvement of education overseas?
What steps have been taken to improve these
schools?
What additional steps, if any, should be taken
and what outcomes can reasonably be anticipated

therefrom?

22

The methods of study were simple and straightforward.

They included:

1.

The literature which treats of the schools
was reviewed and summarized. Of approxi-
mately three hundred and fifty "American
Schools" reported in the literature, 53 are
identified as U. 5. sponsored, binational
bicultural community schools, hereinafter
referred to as "binational" schools. The
study was delimited to the binational schools.
In order to place the binational schools in a
representative cultural context, a review
was made of the development of public educa—
tion in Mexico. This development is traced
in Chapter II.

A.questionnaire was designed and sent to the
director of each binational school in order
to obtain basic information regarding the
schools! organization, curricula, personnel,
financing and facilities. Twenty-three
directors responded. This information is
reported in Chapter III.

.A binational school in the Republic of
Mexico was selected as a special case for

intensive study of parental attitudes toward

23

binational education. Information descriptive
of this is presented in Chapter IV.

5. The improvement projects in the several
binational schools were reviewed, and these
are presented in Chapter V.

In a final chapter, the questions initially raised

are examined in the light of available information and

conclusions and interpretations developed.

CHAPTER II

EDUCATION IN MEXICO

In order to place the binational schools in a

representative cultural context, it is necessary to

develop an understanding of the social, moral, legal

and national setting within which the binational

schools are operated. This is important and signifi-

cant for these reasons:

1.

Binational schools enroll Latin American
children-nthey purport to meet their needs
and allegedly adapt their programs accord-
ingly—-hence the binational school is
intimately related to the total national
educational setting within which it
operates.

All binational schools in Latin America

are reported to be engaged in the bicultural
aspects of international education.

In the conduct of programs of international
education errors can arise or be compounded
by ignorance of national educational systems.
The role of the binational school in Latin

America is relatively unimportant to the

2LL

25
total problem of education; hence organic
laws and statutory regulations affect the
binational school incidentally rather than
intentionally; thus an understanding of
national education alleviates the persistent
problems encountered by the binational
schools in their relations with national
governments.

The device selected to develop an understanding of
the setting within which a binational school operates is
a review of the principal stages of development of
Mexican education. Mexico is the Latin American country
which is most representative of the different types of
binational schools and offers the most diverse and well
developed aspects for study.

The characteristics of the six schools studied in
Mexico are presented in Chapter III, as are data for
binational schools throughout Latin America, insofar as
necessary to establish similarities with those in Mexico.

Thus, this chapter presents the development of
education in Mexico to lend understanding to the role
of the binational schools--schools which purport to
influence and improve national education and enhance
binational and bicultural relations among the peoples

of the Americas.

26
As David G. Scanlon has noted, "For several genera-
tions attempts at international education have been
suffused with a warm humanitarianism that has been
idealistic at best, but on occasion sentimental and

POlitically unrealistic.nl

It is politically unrealistic
to attempt to operate a binational sdhool without refer—
ence to the national system, as the failure of various
projects in international education attests. Additional
failures can be anticipated if those who operate binational
schools lack knowledge of the local national system of
education or if they are not alert to the significance
of emerging trends. The educational system of Mexico
is especially worthy of study because its history is
sufficiently long to warrant analysis and sufficiently
stable—~a stability gained through political compromise-—
to permit fruitful analysis. Education in modern Mexico
has several principal characteristics that can be
appreciated only if the history of Mexico and its educa-
tional system is understood. Several of these character—
istics are currently being modified or eliminated, albeit
not without strong protest.

In terms of history, these major points may be

noted:

 

IDavid G. Scanlon, (ed.), International Education,

(Columbia University, New York, 1960), p. 31.

27
Recurrent political changes have had direct
and immediate effects upon education, thereby
limiting the stability and continuity of
educational endeavor.
Educational opportunity has had a very
marked socio-economic class bias, the lower
classes having access basically to public
elementary education only and not on a
universal or obligatory basis--and the upper
classes having access to public and private
elementary, college preparatory, secondary
and higher and/or professional education.
Private education and major segments of
public education have been managed by the
Roman Cafliolic Church and, although the
elimination of religion from education is a
basic tenet of the continuing (l910-present)
Mexican Revolution, the Church—State struggle
is still undecided despite major gains by
the government.
Public education is oriented so as to make
education very explicitly an instrument for
the achievement of national goals, the creation
of a Mexican nationality (and nationalism)
being one goal that now has thereby been

achieved to a great extent.

28

5. Private education—~including parochial-~15
subject to government control with respect to
crucial elements of operations, hence is also
an instrument for achievement of national goals.

6. Mexican education has maintained a distinction
between that which is appropriate to the
governed and that (much more extensive) which
is required for the governors, with the result
that, despite counter—measures now being taken,
the socio-economic distinctions have determined
both the extent and the content of educational
opportunities available.

7. Governmental control of education means,
basically, control of the Mexican federal
system by the strong central government rather
than by the comparatively weak and less active
state and local units.

Reforms are currently under way in Mexican education.

They affect public and private institutions, hence are
relevant to a study of binational private schools. They
are results of historic trends and pressures. Therefore,
they can best be examined in the context of the historical
development of education in Mexico. The following dis-
cussion of that development should make clear the

significance of three perennial cultural problems:

29
(1) recurrent political changes;
(2) the marked stratification of society, and

(3) continued church-state difficulties.

Pre-Columbian Times

 

Before recorded history, the indigenous peoples of
what is now Mexico began forming communities in the
sheltered valleys of the Sierra Madre mountains. These
communities eventually formed tribal and national
alliances which became the early Tolteca and Chichimecs
and the later Aztecs and Mayas.

Aztec civilization was widespread during the
Fifteenth Century. From their capital at Tenochtitlan,
in the valley of Mexico, they dominated an empire embrac-
ing a territory extending to Veracruz in the East and
to Oaxaco in the South.2 The Aztec nationitself contahuxi
over 300,000 people, with a population of over a million
among subject and/or allied tribes.3 The nation was
dependent upon the effectiveness of a small religious
and military class called Cacique to govern and dominate
the empire. To assure the continued development of this
class, the Aztecs evolved an elaborate educational program.

Children of both sexes and all classes were educated

at home for the first 1h years of their lives. .A boy

 

2Charles E. Chapman, Colonial Hispanic America:;A
History, (New York: The MacMiIlan Company, 1933), p. 38.

3Elsa von Dorman and Henry L. Cain, A Short History
of Mexico, (Mexico: El Modelo, 1932), p. 89.

 

 

30
learned his father's occupation; the girls became home-
makers. They were also inculcated with the mores of
their particular community. Children were given a
definite part in the periodic rituals and social events.u

From birth to death Caciques were obligated to follow a

 

well defined tradition of lifetime obligations. To
celebrate the birth of a male child in a special
religious ceremony, the family and leaders of the com-
munity dedicated the child to a life of service.5

Sons of the Cacique class entered school at age 1h
to receive their formal education. The Calmécac, as the
school was called, was a three-level school in which
young men were taught religious and military leadership;
each level of training was designed to prepare them
for a certain level of leadership within the community.
After five years of training a novice was designated

a tlamacazto; at the end of the tenth year, he became

 

a tlamecaztli, or deacon; and after completing fifteen

 

years of training a student was graduated as a tlanamacac

 

0P Priest.6 Novices served as priest3s assistants on

festive occasions and as junior officers during times of

 

’HFrancisco Larroya, Historia comparada de la Educacian
en Mexico, (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Pourra, S.Am, 19597: p. h2.

E'rlbid., p. 42.
lbidO, P. LL20

 

 

31
war. The deacons were lesser priests and intermediate
officers. The priests were the religious and military
leaders of the nation. Within the hierarchy of priests
there was considerable specialization, as well as closely
guarded family and tenure rights.7
In addition to the Calmécac school, the Aztecs
maintained a system of community schools designed to

train the rest of the free people of the nation in the

art of welfare. The Telpochcalli, as the military schools

 

were called, instilled concepts of loyalty and obedience
to the ruling class as well as military techniques.8 In
return for this loyalty, the Aztec nation expected the
ruling Cacique class to guide skillfully the destiny of
the people. Unable by education or tradition to govern
themselves, when the effectiveness of the small leadership

group later disintegrated, the entire civilization collapsed.

The Colony of Nueva Espafia

 

On April 22, 1519, an expedition of Spaniards, under
the leadership of Hernén Cortes, landed at Chalchiuhcuecan,
later Veracruz. cortes planted the Cross of Jesus and
the flag of Spain on the high ground overlooking the beach,
while his 900 soldiers and sailors celebrated mass. In

this act of loyalty to both Church and State, Cortes

 

71bid., p. 36.
Ibid., p. 37.

32
instituted in.Mexico an arrangement which had earlier
proved effective in Spain.

The Aztecs were defeated by the year 1521, and
their former empire became the nucleus of New Spain.
Expeditions expanded the empire north and south during
succeeding years until the Viceregency of New Spain
included territory as far north as San Francisco,
California, and as far south as the Isthmus of Panama.

One significant reason for the fad.lity of conquest
of the Aztecs was that the million subjugated people
within the nation, as well as the Aztecs themselves, had
become "educated" to a system in which a small ruling
class would exploit and dominate the majority. Except
to those Indians who had been Caciques, it probably
mattered little who ruled them.

The only real resistance to Spanish conquest came
from the Maya civilization. Although many of their
magnificent temple cities were reduced to insignificant
communities, and Christian Churches were established
throughout the area, the Mayas steadfastly refused to
become absorbed into Spanish colonial life.

The Royal Court of Spain ruled New Spain from 1521
to 1821. Sixty-four different Viceroys9 guided the

 

91bid., p. 38.

33
colony in the development of a strong agricultural

economy. In addition to the widespread haciendas

 

(large agricultural enterprises), there were numerous
mining and commercial enterprises.

The strength of the colonial system was based
upon three factors: (1) a system of land-holding by
loyal Spaniards; (2) the diffusion of Christianity to
all levels of society and (3) a stratification of that
society. The original land grants were given to soldiers
in recognition of the services they rendered in securing
the new colony. Later generations of creoles, (persons
of Spanish blood born in the new world) and well—born

mestizos (those of mixed parentage) were expected to

 

continue the tradition by rendering either military or
civil service to the colonial government. The Christian
Church brought not only a new religion to the "infidels"
but also new cultural concepts, and these permeated the
colonial society. Indians and Spaniards alike were
obligated to turn to the Christian Church for intellectual
and moral guidance throughout the colonial period. The
third ingredient of the colonial system was the rigidly
stratified society in which the Indian was subjugated
to a level of serf-like peonage.

During the three hundred years of colonial domination,

the Church and the Spanish colonial government were virtually

311

one and the same. Commencing with the Papal Bulls of
Alexander IV and ending with the Inquisition’s trial of
Morelos and Hidalgo (early Mexican leaders), the Church
supported the colonial government.10 This support was
given to temporal authorities in exchange for their con—
cession of leadership in all things spiritual to the
Church. The Church, therefore, was given a free hand
in establishing educational institutions for the colony.

Christianization of the Indian population was con-
sidered synonymous to education of the Indian. The first
permanent building in each new community was the chapel
which in a very real sense was the school. In addition
to teaching Christian doctrine, the friars also under-
took to teach the Spanish language, morals, law, agricul-
ture, and even craft technology.11

There were many outstanding friars during the early
years of colonial domination. Bartolome de las Casas led
the work for the betterment of the indigenous population.12
As an educator, Fray Pedro Gante will be recognized as
the man who established the first elementary school in

the New World; a Franciscan Father, he was responsible

for the small school at Texcoco, opened in 1523, and the

 

Ibid., p. 107.
Ibid., p. 108.
Ibid., p. 111.

35
Escuela de San Francisco, opened in the capital city in
1525. The latter school was also called the Colegio d3

San Jose dg_los Naturales because its objective was to
13

 

 

educate the Indians.

Charles V planned to educate the Caciques and their

 

children to continue to lead their communities, but the
plan fell into disuse due to a limited number of students
and to the excessive demands of the task of Christiani-
zation,“L a task in which the Caciques could not provide
leadership.

It was'Vasco de Quiroga who set the pattern for the
early religious educational institutions to be established
in Mexico. As Bishop, he travelled the breadth of his

Episcopate of Micheacan establishing hospitales, as he

 

called them, for his young Indian charges. These institu-
tions were basically resident agricultural schools which
emphasized the study of language and religion. The

Ordenanzas authorizing such schools throughout the colony

 

were decreed by the Royal Audiencia while Vasco de Quiroga

 

was serving as its president. The escuelas de gran, as

they were called in the Ordenanza, were to instill within

 

the students the will to work and an obedience to spiritual

and temporal authorities.15 The work and enthusiasm

 

I31bid., p. 3.

1"Ibid.
151bid., p. so.

36
exhibited by Vasco de Quiroga served as an ideal and
stimulus to the other prelates of Mexico.

The hospitales were successful as far as they went;

 

unfortunately, they were designed primarily to make

better workmen out of homeless, landless Indian children.

No attanpt was made to upgrade them socially or economically.
Education for the mestizo children during the early

colonial period took two forms: institutional programs

of orphanages and private tutoring. The first boarding

school for orphan mestizo boys, established under Viceroy

Mendoza, was called the Colegio de San Juan de Letran. In

addition to teaching the rudiments of language and religion,

it taught the boys an occupation or prepared them for

further education in a professional field. .At the same

time, the Colegio de Nifias was fomned for orphan girls.

It taught home management.16

The majority of well-born
mestizo boys as well as their creole counter—parts enrolled
in one of the many small private tutorial elementary
schools which came to exist in virtually every community.
As the school age population grew, the colonial government
began regulating elementary education.

Viceroy don Gaspar de Zfifiiga y Acevedo, Count of

Monterrey, issued an Ordenanza, in 1600, establishing

 

certain minimum standards to be required of a teacher.

 

f61hid., p. 70.

The ten
1.

10.

37

clauses of the Ordenanza were:

 

The colonial government would designate
two experts to examine existing schools
and to certify those that met the require-

ments of the Ordenanza.

 

No Negro, Mulatto or Indian could be a
teacher. Only Spaniards could teach.

Teachers were required to give proof of
morality.

Teachers were expected to know how to read

the classics and to write formal and informal
script.

Teachers were expected to know how to add,
subtract, multiply and divide.

If a school was established without authoriza-
tion, its owner would be fined twenty gold pesos.
No school could be established within a two
block radius of an existing school.
Co—education was prohibited.

Only certified teachers could teach. Teaching
assistants were not permitted.

Storekeepers could not supplement their income
with a school in the "back room."

.All schools were required to teach Christian

17

doctrine,morals and the catechism.

 

I71mm, p. 72.

38

The Ordenanzas continued in force for two centuries

 

'with only slight modification. In 1709, an effort to
permit Negroes and Indians to be certified to teach in
official schools was blocked vigorously on the grounds
that it would destroy the class system.18

Although the rules governing educators and their
institutions were not radically changed during this
period, the composition of the teaching profession did
change. During the early years, any unemployed man who
could read and write could establish a school. Later
the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Jesuits came to
dominate colonial education. Although the principal
function of the religious schools was to provide education
for the ministry, many students of the upper classes were
accepted for general education.19

Education of women was placed in the hands of
elderly Christian ladies called amigas, who taught
etiquette, the catechism and household management. The
requirements to be an amiga_were:

l. .A letter from the parish priest stating

that the amiga_had been instructed in
Christian doctrine.
2. A letter from the confessional indicating a

"good moral life."

 

Ibid., p. 7h.

19Ibid., p. 76.

39
3. A.baptismal certificate proving purity of
blood.20
For many creole and mestizo girls, education also included
a period of one more year in convents before entering the
adult world.

It is evident that a wide social gulf divided the
creole and mestizo from the Indian. The well-born child
was afforded an opportunity for professional education,
whereas his Indian counterpart was expected to enter
the calonial society only as an unskilled or semi-skilled
laborer. Within this social structure, only the Church
urged some opportunity through higher education for out-
standing Indian students. This led to the establishment,
in 1533, of the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco,
as part of the Colegio de San José de los Naturales.

Under the leadership of the Dominican, Bernardino de
Sahagfin, higher education for Indians became reality.21
unfortunately, only a few of the most promising Indians
were afforded this opportunity; the vast majority remained
illiterate and in a state of peonage.

Perhaps the most significant step in the development
of higher education in the colony was the establishment,
on September 21, 1551, of the Royal university of Mexico.

The Apostolic Seat confirmed its establishment in 1555,

 

20
21

1—4
(7‘
H0
D.
o
‘0

p. 83.

H

bid.

no
and it then became known as La Real y Pontifical Universidad

 

d§_México.22

There were three major fields of study at the Univen-
sity: theology, medicine and law. The new University
was patterned after the University of Salamanca, Spain,
and drew many of its teachers from the mother school.23

Education remained the prerogative of the aforesaid
institutions until the latter part of the Eighteenth
Century. During this long period, every sizeable town
had an elementary and a secondary school operated by a
religious order. Those schools were primarily for those
people who could afford to pay educational fees, 1. e.,
the wealthy. The Church continued to provide the Indian
laborers with the rudiments of language, law and religion.
Outside the towns, education of the well-born was accom-
plished through tutors, while the Indian continued to be
dependent upon the priest.

In the Eighteenth Centugr, three schools were
established which broke from the tradition of Church-

oriented schools. El Colegio ge_las VizcaInas,;§_Academia

 

 

d§_las Nobles Artes g§_San Carlos d§_l§_Nueva Espafia and

 

lg Escuela g§_Mineria were chartered as lay-directed

institutions. E1_Colegio de_las Vizcainas was a private

 

22
23

H
U‘
3...
Q.
0

Ibid., p. 87.

hl

school for girls, situated in the capital of the colony
and dedicated to girlst intellectual and vocational
training.2u La Academia de las Nobles.Artes de San
Carlos de la Nueva Espafia was created to encourage the
expression of Mexican art. The sponsor of this institu-
tion was Viceroy Mayorga who formally chartered the
school in 1781 as an academy of painting, sculpture, and

25

architecture. La Escuela de Mineria (or school of
mines) was originally started as an adjunct to the church
of San Nicolas and was called El Real Seminario Metalico.
In the closing years of the colonial period its curriculum
was expanded, and its faculty and administration were
placed in the hands of laymen. Thereafter, it was called
la Escuela de Mineria.26
Changes were also evident in the Royal and Pontifical
university of Mexico. Prominent Jesuit philosophers,
such as Jose Rafael Campoy, Andres de Guevara, Diego Abad,
Francisco Alegre and, above all, Francisco Javier Clavijero,
led a movement for independent philosophic thought at the
university level. During the latter half of the Eighteenth
Century, such courses as mathematics, geography, world
history, Greek, modern languages and philosophy were taught

by the university faculty.27

 

2"Ibid., p. 126.
251hid., p. 128.

26Ibid., p. 129.
271bid., p. 131.

h2

Uncertain Independence: 1810-1857

Although Locke, Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau
and Jefferson were studied by the intellectuals of New
Spain, the movement for independence in Mexico was more
a rebellion of the peonage against the landed gentry
than a revolt of the elite. Fathers Hidalgo and Morelos
led the peons of rural Mexico against local oppressors.
The fighters for independence fought with clubs, spears,
and machetes against the well-equipped Spanish army.28

Hidalgo called for independence by ringing the bell
at Dolores on September 15, 1810; ten months later he
was captured by the Spanish army, turned over tothe
Inquisition for trial and subsequently shot and be—headed
by the army. His head was staked as a warning to other
fighters for independence. Undaunted, Morelos carried on
for another year before he too was captured and killed.
The band of rebels struggled to keep the fire of liberty
burning despite their inability to defeat the Spaniards.
A.young Spaniard by the name of Mina inspired many to
fight but he too was captured and killed in 1815.29 Then
Vicente Guerrero fought from the hills (in the state now

called Guerrero) until victory was won at the conference table.30

 

281. Fred Rippy, Historical Evolution of Hispanic

America, (New York: Appleton—Century—Crofts, 27c., I9h5),
p. I50.

29Ibid., p. 152.
30““'
Ibid., p. 159.

h3
The Plan de Iguala, in 1821, was drawn up between

 

Vicente Guerrero and General Iturbide of the Spanish army.
When the Spanish army sided with the revolution the Viceroy,
Juan O'Donoju, acceded to demands for independence.31
The plight of the Church was not a happy one during

the ten years of insurrection. On the one hand, a sizeable
minority of its rural priests aided and abetted the revolu-
tionists; on the other hand, the hierarchy and the institu-
tion itself were part of the colonial government. .ASEi

part of the colonial government, the Church was formally

committed to maintenance of the status quo. Ultimately,

 

the Church, by supporting Iturbide, was able to maintain
its position as spiritual leader of Mexico. One of the
conditions of independence, as set down in both the Plan

de Iguala and the Treaty of C6rdoba, was that the Roman

 

 

Catholic Church would continue to be the national church.

Although the Treaty of C6rdoba (1822) recognized the

 

independence of Mexico, few of the ills that had precipitaed
the insurrection were resolved. In fact, the few controls
imposed upon the landed gentry were indifferently enforced,
as the central government was not able to maintain effective
control of the nation.

After Emperor Iturbide's short reign, there was a

rapid succession of presidaits, each with little or no

 

311mm, p. 160.

LL11
no power. The army, the landed gentry, the Christian

Church, the Scottish and York Rite Masonsse and
seemingly anyone else who cared, competed for control
of the government with the net result that confusion
reigned in the Republic.
The political climate between the thne of Independ-
ence and the Constitution of 1857 was characterized by a
contest between a conservative and a liberal movement.
The Christian Church, the landed gentry, the creoles and
many well-to-do mestizos were loosely aligned as a
political party dedicated to maintaining the status quo
in religion, property holdings and social position. Their
political club was the Scottish Rite Masonic Lodge. This
group was originally known as the Monarchist, then as the
Centralist, and ultimately as the Conservative party.
Opposition to the alliance of conservatives came
from a group roughly comprised of the intelligentsia,
middle class businessmen and poor mestizos. This group
was originally called the Republican party (as opposed
to Monarchist), then Federalist and ultimately the Liberal
party. Their unity stemmed from a common desire to
reform the economic and social structure of the nation.

The Liberals were generally hlown as York Rite Masons.33

 

1+5

The Indian population continued to remain outside
the stream of national affairs.

Between 1822 and 1857 the conservatives and liberals
fought a continuing battle for control of the national
government. Each had its own army, and the presideicy
exchanged hands frequently, going to the leader of the
army which proved to be the stronger at any moment in
time.

The first president to acquire and consolidate
military and political power sufficient to form an
effective national government was Antonio L6pez de Santa
Ana. This dynamic but conservative leader was in and
out of office over a period of two decades, during which
time half the territory claimed by the Republic of
Mexico was lost.34

During this period, church officials were encouraged
to return to Spain. In their absence, many of the church
schools either closed their doors or limited their enroll-

35

ment to candidates for the clergy. Many turned to the

Lancasterian system of education, which was then in

vogue in both Britain and the United States of America.
La compafiia Lancasteriana was founded in 1822 under

the sponsorship of the Scottish Rite Masons. Their first

 

31+Rippy, op, cit., p. 230.
35Larrayo,9_p. cit., p. 150.

M6
school was set up in the Secret Chamber of the building
belonging to the Inquisition. As more school buildings
were needed, the national government turned over vafious
vacant convents in both the capital and the states.36
Although the Lancasterian schools were organized and
operated under private charter, their success was, to a
very large extent, due to the broad support of the national
government. By 1833, the schools were operating in all
the major towns of the Republic.

In that year, a liberal, don Valentin Gomez Farias,
President of the Republic, nationalized both Lancasterian
and parochial schools in an attempt to standardize
curriculum and to suppress the political factions that

37

were exfioiting the schools. However, Gomez Farias
was overthrown by L6pez de Santa Ana and the schools
were returned to private sponsors.38

The issue of state versus private control of education
became another battlefield for the antagonists who were
trying to influeice the national government. Without
the security of continuity, the Lancasterian and clerical
schools suffered.

Although there are no accurate statistics relatilg to

school population during this pa‘iod, the few facts that

 

361mm, p. 152.

371mm, p. 155.
38Ibid., p. 157.

M7

are known indicate that only a very small per cent of
the children of school age were afforded the opportunity
of an education. Most of these were, of course, in the
capital and outlying towns.39

A.prominent example of political influence upon
educational institutes was that of the Royal and
Pontifical University of Mexico. As could have been
expected, it was a hotbed of political activity during
the early independence period. Because of its conserva-
tive tradition and faculty, the university was aligned
with the politically conservative. Therefore, it
became a prime target for liberal attacks, and every
time the liberals gained power it was suppressed. In
1833, 1857, 1861 and 1865, the university charter was
withdrawn. It is noteworthy that in 1865 emperor
Maximilian suppressed the "republican" university, having
re-established it only four years earlier.LLO

Between 1867 and 1876 the national government was
firmly in the hands of the liberal party. Juarez and Lerdo
de Tejada served as presidents, and under their signatures
numerous laws were passed to solidify liberal gains.

In the field of education, another attempt to reduce

the influence of the Church was made with the passage of

the Ley Organica de Instrucci6n Pfiblica in 1867. The law

 

 

39lbid., p. 179.
"01b1d., p. 179.

is
declared that all education was to be obligatory, free
from personal expense, and under public control."1 As
the nation was a Federal Republic, implementation became
the responsibility of the state and local governments.
The Federal District received most of the benefits
from the new law, and it came to serve as an example
for the states to follow. Between 1867 and 1870, the
number of elementary schools in the Republic increased
from a few hundred to more than four thousand, enrolling
an approximate 300,000 pupils.L‘L2
Doctor Gabino Barreda, Minister of Education and a

former student of Comte's in Paris, introduced the
philosophy of positivism in the public schools with the
official endorsement of the liberal government.u3 Barreda
proposed that education be used to develop a national and
scientific man, in his own words:

An education in which none of the important

branches of natural Sciences is absent; within

every nature's phenomena, from the simplest to

the most complicated are studied and analyzed

theoretically and practically, at the same time,

in what they have in common; an education that

will improve the mind and the sense, in which

not this or that view, this or that political or

religious dogma will be stressed or enforced,

an education that will not fear to be contra—

dicted by facts, such and such authority; an
education, I repeat, developed on such basis

 

1+1Larroya, op, cit., p. 186.
“21mm, p. 193.
A3

Ibid., p. 201.

H9

and with the only desire to find the truth,

that is to say, not what according to our terms
should be but what really is in the phenomena

of nature. And this cannot be but an endless
spring of satisfactions or the best advanced
line of peace and social order; because it will
enable every citizen to appreciate every fact in
a similar way, and by means of this, it will
cause uniform views of what's possible. And

the opinions of men are and ever will be the
source of their acts. This means surely is
slow, but, does it matter if we are sure of its
importance? What are ten, fifteen or twenty
years in the life of a nation when what matters
is to develop the only way to conciliate freedom
with harmony and progress with order! The
intellectual order thatihis education tends

to establish is the key to socialufind moral
order--that!s our main concern...

Barreda's influence among educators was widespread,
and it stimulated and molded Mexican education to a con-
siderable degree. One of the early effects was to
stimulate an interest in the "science" of teaching
per 33, as well as in subject matter content.

Doctor Manuel Flores, a student of Barreda, described
the principal tenets of positivism in his book on education,

Tratado Elemental d§_Pedagogia. According to Flores, "the

 

 

true education should be concrete and objective."LLS Flores'
book found broad acceptance among Mexican educators at a
time in which similar views were gaining acceptance among
educational circles in Europe and the United States.

A.study of Mexican education published in 1875 under

the title, "Estudio sobre la_instruccion Publica en_México,"

 

 

 

u"lbid., p. 200.
11LSIbid., p. 209.

. 50
indicated that in 187A school population was nearing
h00,000 with 8,000 schools.1+6 The study emphasized the
fact that only one in five of the nation's school age
children was actively enrolled in a school program."7
The majority of the uneducated lived in rural areas.
Many were members of Indian communities that traditionally
resisted assimilation by the Spanish culture, while the

others were peones of the vast haciendas.

 

Educational improvements during the liberal Reform
Period were limited; nevertheless, a broad base was
established upon which later improvements could be and
were developed.

La Epoca Porfiriana: 1876-1911

 

General Porfirio Dfaz entered the political scene
as a candidate for the presidency on a platform of "peace,
order and progress." He also pledged himself against
the re—election of the president. The policy of "no
re-election" had powerful appeal and the incumbent,
Lerdo de Tejada who was then standing for re-election,
was defeated. As both men were members of the official
party, the continuity of liberal programs was not at
issue and therefore momentarily secured.

Despite his professed belief in "no re-election,"

Diaz ruled Mexico for thirty-five years. In order to

 

"Blind” p. 213.
"71bid., p. 213.

51

establish political stability, Diaz pursued a policy of
reconciliation between the liberal and conservative
factions. He stopped the liberal-sponsored attacks
upon the Roman Catholic Church and the landed gentry
while, at the same time, giving encouragement to the
merchants and industrialist through tax incentives.LLB

Education was stimulated by the establishment of
the Escuela Modelo de Orizaba, in 1883, under the
leadership of Enrique Laubscher. The school was
intended to be an experimental elementary school in
which educational materials were developed for use in
the school system. Laubscher argued that the learning
of the language was the core of education. He believed
that the various subjects presented in the school were
dependent upon reading and writing. Therefore, the
model school devoted itself to the task of developing
reading and writing materials in the various disciplines.

Mexican education was considerably enriched by the
influx of European educators who brought with them the
pedadogy of Pestalozzi, Froebel and Herbart. Uhder
their tutelage, a teacher preparation was introduced
in the experimental school. Rébsamen, a prominent
European, taught a Herbartian philosophy of education
while Laubscher taught the methods for implementing the
philosophy."9

 

uaRippy, op, cit., p. 232.
9Herbartian Plutos.

52

Enrique Rébsamen soon became the most prominent
educational leader in Mexico. He moved from state to
state, under the sponsorship of the Federal Government,
teaching Herbartian pedadogy and helping to improve the
state systems of education. In 1901, Porfirio Diaz
named Rébsamen the Director of Normal Training.
Rébsamen died, however, in 1903, and his work was
unrealized.SO

Carlos A. Carrillo was another leading pedagog of

the Porfirian era. He authored a book entitled, La

Reforma de la Escuela Elemental, which voiced the

 

philosophy of Rébsamen and paved the way for public
acceptance of reform in the educational system. Carrillo

was also editor of E1 Instructor, a periodical designed

 

to heighten the interest of teachers in needed reforms.
Carrillo's most notable achievement was the founding of

La Sociedad Mexicana de Estudios PedagSgicos, an associa-

 

tion that brought many of the intellectual leaders of

Mexico into one educational organization.51
Don Joaquin Baranda became Minister of Justice and

Public Instruction in 188252 and held the post until

1901.53 During this time, he was instrumental in

 

EULarroya, pp, 913,, p. 232.
15239:: p. 230.

Selbig,, p. 238.

531333., p. 2119.

53
establishing a network of normal schools in the states
as well as in the Federal District. The normal schools
employed the same methods as those established and
developed at the Escuela Modelo.5LL Baranda was also
instrumental in initiating the educational congresses
of 1889 and 1891, for the purpose of developing a
55

cohesive educational system in the Republic. During
his tenure, improvements at all levels of education were
realized. Particular attention was also paid to college
preparatory education with the establishment of univer—
sity controlled preparatory schools adjacent the state
and national universities.56

Justino Fernandez then succeeded Baranda as Minister
of Justice and Public Instruction. In 1905, the portfolio
was divided and the historian-educator, Justo Sierra,
assumed the post of Minister of Public Instruction and
Fine Arts and retained that position until the fall of
Porfirio Diaz in 1910. Sierra was an active liberal who
believed that the future of Mexico depended upon mass
public education.

The educational philosopher, Torros Quintero, followed

Rébsmen as the spiritual leader of Mexican education.

Torres Quintero echoed the belief of democratically—oriented

 

5"Ibid., p. 26k.
5 Ibid., p. 2’49.
56Ibid., p. 255.

SL1

philosophers in declaring that compulsory universal
education-ufree and non-sectarian—-was the obligation of
the democratic state. He advocated an increase in rural
schools in order to free the peones from the "bondage of
ignorance." Torres Quintero's pedagogy was akin to that
of Dewey; i.e., democracy through education, and "learning
by doing." His liberal points of view were accepted by
the revolutionaries of 1910 thus enabling him to continue
in office without interruption.57

Although significant gains were realized in the
education system during the Diaz regime, the basic
economic and social position of the majority of people
declined to a point of desperation. By 1910, Mexico‘s
primarily agricultural economy still failed to produce
sufficient goods and services for sustenance. Land and

other capital holdings were still concentrated in the

church, the owners of haciendas and the politically

 

powerful. During the international recession of 1910,
many of Mexico's wealthy exported their capital, with
58

the result that Mexico's economy collapsed.

The Revolution and Its Institutions: 1910

 

The armed revolt of 1910 lasted only months, but the

victors were unable to form a stable government until 1917.

 

57lbid., p. 280

58Marjorie C. Johnson, Education in Mexico, (Washing-
ton: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1956), p. 6.

 

55

The revolution of 1910 embodied Mexican ideals,
embraced the sacrosanctity of Mexican education and
gave rent to all institutions, cultural patterns and
persons which had imposed upon the country anything
which was not "Mexican for Mexicans." Agrarian reform,
separation of church and state and free public education
were demanded-~indeed insistently demanded at the expense
of lives, property and the desecration and profanation
of values and beliefs which had been inculcated over
several generations.

The emotional appeal of the Revolution touched
people at all levels of society and provided those circum-
stances in which the dogma of a new "Mexico for Mexicans"
was formented by popular leaders. This period, 1910-1917,
was a time of recurrent crises. There was a procession
of chief executives, each supported by a different faction
of the population. Although many were capable men, none
could peacefully bridge the chasm that divided the rich
from the poor. The peones were no longer peones-ethey

were free, albeit poor, agrarios-uand they refused to be

 

reconciled with those whom they viewed as rich oppressors.
Under the leadership of such notables as Zapata and Villa,

groups of agrarios terrorized the rural areas. Visible

 

possession of wealth was in some cases sufficient evidence
for being classified as an "oppressor." The period was

characterized by banditry, murder and unrest--underlying

56
this chaos, however, was the almost visible desire for a
government that would not tolerate injustices to the
people-~a government that would bring about the solution
of the severe social problems of the people.

During this early period, there was naturally a
struggle control among the revolutionary leaders.
Leaders in non—federal districts strongly influenced
movements for strong state governments with little
federal control. The desire by individual leaders to
control their own area or district contributed to the
general unrest and inability to form a stable government.

An uneasy peace was finally achieved when General
Alvaro Obreg6n unified the army, and military presidents

59

Carranza and Zapata were murdered, and Villa and
numerous other "generak? were retired from active service.
Obreg6n‘s most significant act was to institute
provisions for a strong federal government while retain—

ing state governments as the instruments for carrying
out national policy.

The Constitution of 1917 was the third and most
radical of the liberal constitutions. Under the new

constitution agrarian reform, separation of church and

state, and public education were guaranteed. The landed

 

592apata's murder was a classic in intri ue and
deception. See Dulles, Yesterday in Mexico, Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1961).

 

57

gentry and the Church were divested of their excessive
land holdings.60 The Church, since 1910, had suffered
pillage and desecration at the hands of the revolutionists.
As a principal property owner61 and member of the ancien
regime, it was directly involved in the stress between
the landed gentry and the agrarians. The Constitution
of 1917 reflected the sentiments of the landless when
it prohibited the ownership of real property by religious
institutions.62

Resistance by the Church to the new Constitution

brought even greater retaliation frmn the agrarians:

 

churches were closed, priests were expelled and religious

worship was severely limited. 'When the Cristeros, in one

 

last attempt to redress the balance in favor of the
Church, incited rebellion in the late Twenties, all
religious worship was prohibited.63

In the 1920's,.Alvaro Obregon and Plutarco Calles
established the basis for stable government by instituting
a paradox of contrasting political provisions: "No re—

election" for the president, but a one—party state.

Lazaro Cardenas, 193h—19h0, added still another dimension

 

:fRippy,‘gp. cit., p. 299.

It is estimated that as much as 25 per cent of the

agricultural land was owned or controlled by the Catholic
Church.

62Rippy, op. cit., p. 299.

Christeros were active political supporters of the
Roman Catholic Church.

58
to the political scene with his socialisticideals. In
succeeding years, the liberal—socialist measures embodied
in the Constitution of 1917 have been allowed to mature
without dictatorship.

Since the Revolution of 1910, Mexican history has
been characterized by attempts to institutionalize the
ideals of the Revolutions. One of the principal instru-
ments in this task has been the public schools. From the
rudimentary schools of 1911 to the impressive university
cities of the Fifties and Sixties, the Federal Govern-
ment has had one clear educational objective: to uplift
the people through a liberal-socialist education.6u
Because Mexico was, and is, a Federal Republic, the
primary responsibility for education was vested in the
states. Therefore, in the early years of the Revoluci6n,
the role of the Federal Government was limited. However,
the Constitution of 191765 provided the framework for the
development of federal leadership in education. The
relevant articles are:

Article 3:

 

There would be freedom to teach, but education will

be non-sectarian in the public schools as well as in the

 

611Socialist education in Mexico is not Marxist dogma
and may be identified most clearly as an expression of
strong federal participation and control to bring about
any national goals which have been or may be developed.
Mexico has long contended that it has its own revolution
and has not "imported" any other.

65La Constituci6n de 1917, (Mexico, 1917).

59
private schools from the lowest to the highest levels.
Public primary education was to be free of cost and
private primary schools could be established only under
official supervision.

Article 31:

 

For the period of time designated by each state's
public education law, Mexican citizens were obligated to
send their children or wards under fifteen years of age
to public or private schools to get an elementary or
military education.

Article 73 (X and XXV):

 

X: This section of Article 73 limited the right of
the State governments to rule on all educational matters.
The Federal Government reserved this right according to
the nature of the educational matter.

XXV: This section established the right for the
Federal Government to establish schools at all levels
and of all types throughout the country, to support them
financially and to pass legislation for their control.
It also established that the titles and certificates
issued by these schools will be valid and recognized
throughout the Republic.

Awticle 123:

 

This article established the constitutional bases
for the formation of labor laws. One integral part of

this article concerns education, specifically that in any

60
kind of agricultural, industrial, mining or other kind
of business or enterprise which employed one hundred or
more workers, the owner was obliged to establish schools.
These schools, however, were to be operated by the state
in which they were located. This article is often con—
sidered as a mandate to companies and corporations to
establish schools in isolated areas as well as in those

populated areas which do not have sufficient schools.

These articles in the Constitution of 1917 established
the legalitamework for an ever—increasing participation
of the national government in education. This partici—
pation, however, was intended to be realized through
the state governmentsl machinery-ufederal control to be
exercised through the appointment of state officials and
in the curriculum and textbooks.

The first president to serve under the Constitution
of 1917 was Venustiano Carranza. In keeping with his
belief in a balance between federal and state power, he
transferred responsibility for the operation of the
federal schools to the several states.

Two hundred Federal Escuelas Rudimentarias, the first

 

of which had been initiated by Madero in 1911, were so

transferred to the respective States.66 The authority

 

66Larrayo,_qp_. cit., p. 30h.

61
for Federal-sponsored education also was given to the

National university and its Departamento Uhiversitario.

 

This Department was entrusted with the responsibility
for managing education in the Federal District and
Federal Territories. It was also responsible for setting

the standards for the primarias and preparatorias, the

67

 

 

escuelas normales and the universities themselves.

 

Jose Vasconcelos, Rector of the University, developed

the Departamento Universitario as if it were in fact

 

the Ministry of Education, and until 1921 experienced
no great difficulties.68
When it became apparent that the University was

acquiring vast power in general education, the Secretaria

 

de Educaci6n Pfiblica was re-established in the government.

 

The Departamento Universitario was absorbed by the

 

Ministry of Education and in addition, the responsibility
69 70

for rural and technical education, was also placed

in the Ministry. vasconcelos was named Secretary and,

under his guidance, education again became one of the

71

principal goals of the Revolution. During his tenure

 

6711351., p. 333.
681213}, p. 32h.
691213,, p. 332.
”111:1” p. 306.
7llbid,, p. 32h.

62
the Federal educational budget was increased from 15
million to 35 million pesos.72

In the place of the reorganized Escuelas Rudimentarias,

 

a system Casas del Pueblo or village centers was developed

 

and the position of "circuit teachers" (a kind of helping
teacher) was created to assist the lay teachers in the
centers under the tutelage of 1,000 monitors and lay
teachers and AB circuit teachers. Statistically, this
figure represented only a modest attempt at rural educa-
tion, for it was estimated that, of a population of 12
million, only h.million could read and write.73

During this same period, 1920—192h, the Obregén
government began to develop a system of Federal voca-
tional and trade schools in the Federal District]LL

When Vasconcelos became Minister of Public Education
in 1921, Antonio Caso became Rector of the university.
Caso set out to develop a high calibre university in

which freedom of thought and expression would prevail.

He instituted the C6digo Universitario and the graduate
75

 

school in an effort to upgrade the University.
Perhaps Jose Vasconcelos‘ most lasting educational

achievement was the formal re—organization of the

 

72lhid., p. 376.
73lbid., p. 307.

7"mid” p. 32h.
75lbid., p. 333.

63
elementary schools. The pertinent law, in 1923, was
entitled "Bases for the Organization of the Elementary
School Conforming to the Principle of Action." The
following excerpts from the document clearly prescribes
the elementary school's approach to education:

Action must be the base and foundation of the
child‘s life in the elementary school.

A.very special emphasis on physical activity
in school work will provide opportune motiva-
tion for the building of social habits in the
children.

Manual activities would not have as their pur-
pose the transformation of the school into a
workshop or industrial center, rather they
should serve as a foundation for research in
order to develop an artistic culture and to
provide a pre-vocational education.

The work children pursue in school should not
be chosen with a utilitarian aim from an
economic point of view; rather children should
dedicate themselves to activities that have
contact with life, and in such a way that
these activities are a signal to those
practiced in the home or in the environment
where the child lives.

The school should teach the child what he needs
to know as a child.

The child must be oriented in the most individual
way possible.76

The program of the primary schools was supposed to

follow Decrolyls "interest centered" approach to education.

 

The teacher was to develop themes which were closely

related to the child‘s experience, and then to build

 

76Ibid., p. 350.

*

611

specific tasks as the child's interest in the themamatured.
In practice, however, the schools taught "reading, writing,
and arithmetic" by rote. Music, art and social studies
were added to the curriculum; and games and improved
textbooks were introduced to the techniques of teaching.

Under the presidency of General Callos, 1926-1928,
even greater efforts were made to improve Federal educa-
tion.77 Secretary Jose M. Puig Casauranc was responsible

78

for administration of Federal education. The number
of rural Village Centers was increased to two thousand,
many with full-time teachers. In 1926, there were almost
200,000 pupils, 3,000 teachers and 86 inspectors in this

Federal program. To supplement the rural schools, teams

 

called Misiones Culturales or Cultural Missions--these
were compoSed of experts in the fields of health, educa-
tion, agriculture and industry-~were sent to depressed
areas to help local officials cope with socio-economic
problems. So successful were these Missions that
eventually they were employed in every State of the
Republic.79

Under the auspices of the Ministry of Education,

the Board of Directors of Federal Education (Junta de

 

77Ibid., p. 350.

78lbid., p. 377.
79lhid., p. 377.

65

Directores de EducaciEn Federal) formulated a basic policy

with respect to the function and aims of Mexican rural

education. The main points were:

1.

7.

(Source:

The rural school was an educational
institution designed to help the agrarian
improve his economic well being.

Learning should take place in practical
situations as well as in the confines of
the school building.

The rural school should be attuned to the
needs of the community and should avoid
imposing a curriculum deemed to be "foreign"
to the community.

The rural school should serve as a model in
developing new methods and techniques for
agriculture and for small industries.

The rural school should itself be operated
consistently with the democratic ideal and
should stand out as a symbol of the fruits
of democracy.

The rural school should became the moral
teacher of the community by discouraging
fanaticism, alcoholism, and premature
sexual relations.

The rural school should teach Spanish and
make its use synonymous with nationalism.

translated by P. G. Orr.)

66
The objective of the new secondary education, as
outlined by the Direccifin de Educacion Secundaria was:

1. To enlarge and elevate the general culture
of the student achieved at the primary level.

2. To enlighten the student in the physical,
intellectual, moral and aesthetic aspects
of life.
3. To prepare the student to meet his civic
and social responsibilities as a member
of our free democratic nation.
To supplement state normal schools, the Federal Govern-
ment established the Escuela Nacional de Maestros (1928),
a national normal school.80 In the same year, the
Reglamentos de Estabilidad del Magisterio and the key
del Seguro del Maestro were passed into national law.
In these laws, professional qualifications of teachers
were prescribed, as were matters of tenure and salary
in a manner designed to stabilize and to enhance the
teaching profession.81
Meantime, toward the end of CallesI regime, political
activity at the National University had become so pnanounced

that the new President, Portes Gil, deemedit necessary to

curb the freedom of the University via the Ley Constitu—

 

tiva de la Universidad Nacionnal. Thereafter, the Federal
Government has maintained considerable influence and
power over the appointment of the officers and the opera—

tion of the university.82

 

80lhid., p. 377.
81

Ibid., p. 377.
82lbid., p. 336.

67

No detailed mention has been made in this section
concerning education at state operated institutions in
urban areas. Throughout the first decade of the
Revolution, State sponsored education was available
only to well-to-do urban dwellers, State departments
of education were more like local regulating bodies
than leaders of school systems.83 Except in one or
two states, there was a minimum of public education, and
that was concentrated in the primary grades. Private
and parochial schools regained their earlier pre-
eminence in education, especially at the secondary and
college preparatory levels.

The resurgence of church—related education led to a
renewed enforcement of the Constitutional provisions
concerning education. During the latter part of the
Ortiz Rupio administration, Secretary of Education,
Narciso Bassols, sought to enforce Article 3 of the
Constitution of 1917; i.e., to intensify inspection of
parochial schools by the Federal Government. Inspections
were intended to determine that lay teachers were in fact
teaching a non-sectarian curriculum along the lines
specified by the Federal Government. In 1932, he ordered
inspectors into each of the church-related schools, with

the result that the parochial schools were reported to

 

BSIbid., p. 350.

68
be in violation of Article 3. Bassols then ordered the
church-related schools to comply with the provisions
of the Constitution.

The Archbishop of Mexico, don Pascual Diaz,
immediately issued a pastoral letter which said in part:

Parents have an obligation to give a true

Christian education to their children and

nothing should be done to keep the Church

from doing so.

He ordered, therefore:

Parents in Mexico should abstain from sending

their children to public secondary schools.

Parents have an obligation to prefer Roman

Catholic schools to provide a Christian

education for their children.

Bassols! reaction to the Bishop's order was given in
a speech in the Congress. He said, in part:

The death of religious prejudice is a conse—

quence of education for the masses...1iberation

of the worker is another way to clean the

conscience of man...approval of secondary

education will be accomplished by the

government.

Although the presidency changed hands in 1933,
Bassols remained Secretary of Education until 193A. Dur—
ing Bassols! period of office, ex-president Calles and
future president Cardenas supported his efforts to

enforce the Constitution and during the years 1932 and

l93h, they marshalled labor union support for a

 

6"11mm, p. 379.

85lbid., p. 381.

69
vigorous attack on parochial education.

Even though Lazaro Cardenas was the presidential
candidate of the governing party and subsequently assured
of election, he campaigned as if he were an "underdog."
He pledged the fulfillment of the Constitution of 1917.
Once in office, Cardenas launched an educational program
with a two-fold orientation: (1) universality of educa-
tion and (2) education for a new social order. Subse—
quently, more and more public schools were built in an
attempt to give all children an opportunity for elementary
education. In response to the growing demands of labor
unions—wand consistently with the growth of federal
policies during the depression of the thirties~~the
Cardenas government amended Article 3 of the 1917 Con-
stitution to give Mexican education a socialist orienta-
tion. Article 3 as amended stated in part:

Education imparted by the State will be
socialistic, and furthermore will exclude
religious doctrine and will combat fanaticism
and prejudice. For such, the school will
organize instruction and activities in a
manner to form within youth a rational and
exact concept of the universe and of social
life.

Children in public schools were supposed to be taught
that it was their responsibility to proclaim a new social
order, i.e., "to build a new Mexican society, comprised
of a proud, independent people." This interpretation of

a "socialistic education" is as adequate as any in defining

"Mexican socialism."

70
Although Cardenas enthused rural Mexicans with the

possibility of universal education, his efforts to
achieve universality of opportunity fell short. Many
new schools were built, but they were not sufficient

to cope with the increase in population. At the end

of his presidency it was officially estimated that

more than half of Mexico‘s population still could not

read or write,86

even though he had successfully
extended education to an increased number of Mexicans
in rural areas. Lazaro Cardenas is considered today to
be one of the most popular political figures among the
Mexican working population.

Cérdenasi Secretary of Education was Gonzalo Vazquez
Vela. He served in the cabinet for five and one-half
years. An important step toward the federalization of
education took place during his tenure. The Federal
Government initiated a program of Federal supervision
of State education.

The Federal—State agreements provided that the
Federal Government should provide materials and peda—
gogical supervision to State-sponsored urban schools.87
(It will be remembered that the Federal Government was

already responsible for all technical vocational and

rural education.)

 

8blbid., p. 360.

87lbid., p. 384.

71
Several Federal educational institutions were
established during Cardenas' regime. These institutions

continue to have a marked influence on Mexican education

and culture.

They were:

Instituto Politécaico Nacional

Escuela Normal de Educacién Fisica

Conservatorio Nacionnal: La Escuela de Danza

Escuela Superior Nocturna de Mfisica para Obreros

Escuela de Artes Plasticas

Instituto Nacional de Pedagogia

Instituto de Antropologia e Historia 88

Escuela Normal para Profesores no titulados

The Congreso Nacional de Educacién Popular, held in
1937, established a Comision Nacional de Educaci6n
Popular. The Commission's purpose was to popularize
education through state, zone, sector, municipal, and
community committees and, specifically, to encourage
the literate citizenry to teach the rudiments of reading
and writing to the illiterate.89

The next president (l9h0—h6), Manuel Avila Camadho,
deemed the objective of education to be "the service of
national unity." In the interest of national unity,
Article 3 of the Constitution of 1917 was again amended.

This time purportedly to de-emphasize its socialist

 

BBlbid., p. 383.

8

9lbid., p. 385.

72
orientation;90 however, it became more a change of words
than of philosophy.

Secretary of Education Vazquez Vela was criticized
by the socialists within the party for his attempts to
change the socialistic orientation of Mexican Public
education.91 When Vazquez Vela declared, in l9h3, that
democracy and patriotism were not compatible with
socialist education,92 he was asked to resign. President

Avila Camacho then appointed an internationally-known
93

humanist, Jaime Torres Bodet, to succeed him. A.man

of high repute, Torres Bodet brought new prestige to the
Ministry of Public Education. His theme was that Mexican
education should be dedicated to peace, to democracy and
to social justice. In his own words:

If victory is to guarantee the precepts in
whose name the peoples have struggled, the
first rule that the nations will apply to
education will be to convert it (education)
into a doctrine consistent with peace; the
second, education for democracy—~nation to
nation and people to people within each
nation; the third, an education to produce
loyalty to justice. These (the three pre-
cepts) because while liberty may be written
into treaties and constitutions, it is in
danger of perishing unless individuals of
the nations five fertile opportunities to
exercise it.

 

90Ibid., p. 392.
91lbid., p. 391.
92

Ibid., p. 393.
93lhid., p. 39h.
9"mid” p. 398.

73
In l9h5, Article 3 of the Constitution of 1917 was

changed again to read:

Education imparted by the State (Federal,
State and.Municipal) will develop harmoni—
ously all human facilities and will, at the
same time, instill within man a love of
country and a conscience of internationgé
solidarity in independence and justice.

Secretary Torres Bodet interpreted the amended
Amticle 3 in a directive sent to all public schools and
described how it was to be implemented.

1. Children do not learn well except when
they personally observe and reflect and
experiment, i.e., by a self-educating
process.

2. Instruction should be individualized.

3. There should be practical education and
creative education along with intellectual
education.

h. Instruction should be coordinated and
organized for the total formation of
the child.

5. Given that education is life and that
life is predominantly a human collabora-
tion, group work should be respected and

thus strengtzen the individuality of
each child.9

Also in 19h5, the Ministry reorganized the Escuela
Normal para Profesores de Escuela Secundaria, naming it
the Escuela Normal Superior, and established it as the
nationis principal center for providing advanced training

to teachers and educational administrators.97 Torres

 

95lbid., p. 397.
96lbid., p. 397.
97lbid., p. h01.

7L1
Bodet‘s three years in office were highlighted by a major
campaign to teach the rudiments of reading and writing
to the masses of illiterates. Campafia Nacional Contra e1

Analfabetismo was formally launched in l9hh. From August,

 

l9hh, to February, 19h5, the Ministry campaigned in an
attempt to popularize the program. From March, l9h5, to
February, 19h6, a nationwide effort was made for "each
one to teach one." During the remainder of 19h6, results
of the literacy program were evaluated. Two conclusions
were drawn: (1) one and one—half million adults had
learned to read and write, and (2) of equal importance,
the citizenry had been made much more aware of the
national problem of illiteracy.

Miguel Aleman Valdez, president of Mexico from l9h6
to 1952, chose Gual Vidal to be Minister of Education.
During his tenure four important developments occurred:

1. In l9h7, all the normal schools were

federalized under the Direction General
de Ensefianza Nonnal;
2. In the same year the adult literacy
campaign was incorporated into a continu-
ing program;98
3. Although the Bellas.Artes was erected

before the downfall of Porfirio Diaz,

 

75
its incorporation into the educational
program of the nation was not achieved
until its reorganization in l9h8 as the
Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes,
(National Institute of Fine Arts) at
which time the Instituto was depart-
mentalized with music, art, theatre, and
dance being the principal departments; and
h. The most spectacular educational achieve-
ment during the office of Aleman Valdez
was the construction, near Mexico City,
of the Ciudad Universitaria in 1953,
four hundred years after the university‘s
founding as the Royal and Pontifical .
University of Mexico.99
Despite the fact that public education was receiving
over 12 per cent of the national budget, plus a large
amount of state support, as late as 1958, President
Adolfo Ruiz Cortfnez lamented that, of seven million
school age children, three million were receiving
marginal education. Including adults, only one out of

every two Mexicans could read or write.100

 

991bid., p. h13.
100Ibid., p. h23.

76

Cortinez' successor, President Adolfo L6pez Mateos,
l958-6h, undertook a major program to provide universal
education. He recalled Jaime Torres Bodet from his
UNESCO duties again to become Minister of Public Education.
Torres Bodet conducted a survey in 1958 to determine
means for improving Mexican education. The results of
the survey were published in 1960.

Bodets' plan for improving education indicated that
once again the Mexican school systems were to be reor-
ganized, with increased emphasis to be placed on the
development of elementary education.

Current Reforms and Roles

It is evident that many educational reforms are under
consideration, however, several basic conflicts which
mitigate against progress in education have yet to be
resolved. There remain many evidences (l) of a popular
mistrust of government and (2) of continued strife
between the liberal and conservative factions within
government.

Mexico is a one—party state; however, strong con—
servative and liberal elements cmnpete for control of
government policy within the Official Party, the P.R.I.--
Partido Revolucionario Institucional. In order to main-
tain stability and to introduce continuing reforms, the

party and the President must mediate the demands of these

77

competing elements. However, even within this govern-
mental and political structure, many educational reforms
have already been effected and many others are under
consideration.

At the same time the economy of Mexico has been
changing. In 19h0, 65 per cent of the labor force was
agricultural, but by 1959 the number has been reduced to

01 The general opinion of Mexico's leaders

52 per cent.1
is that Mexico is quickly developing to the point where
industry and services are displacing agriculture as the
axis of the economic structure.102 To speed industriali-
zation, Mexico needs a broader and more technical education
program. Paradoxically, the resources needed for develop-
ing public education can be realized only after industri-
alization.

The problem is a large one. The 1950 census data
indicated that each one hundred Mexicans had received

formal education as follows:103

 

101Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, "Informe
al C, Secretario de Educaci6n Publica," (Mexico, D.F.,

1959).

102Secretarla de Industria y Comercio, "Fundamento
Estadfsitco," (Mexico, D.FJ, p. 316.

103Ibid., p. 318.

78

 

 

No. of No. of
Persons Grades Type of Training

h6 None None

h8 l - 6 Primary

3 7 - 9 Secondary~Prevocational-Special

2 10 - l2 Preparatory—Vocational—Normal

for Primary
1 l3 — 16 Superior: Uhiversity~Techn1ca1

 

Despite a national average of only two grades of
schooling in 1950, Mexico has emerged as a semi-industri—
alized country. Yet even by 1956 the change in the
average education level had becmne negligible because
of rapid population growth. If the demands for trained
people are considered, there was actually a retrogression.

Of each 1,000 children who started to school in l9h0,
h7l left school during the first grade and 973 before the
end of the ninth year. Of the twenty-seven who finished
nine years, only nine students continued in the tenth
year and of those, three left school. Finally, six
arrived at the thirteenth year of school, but five of
those left during the fourteenth year. A.plan to bring
about educational reforms was put into action with a
decree in 195810)‘L naming a commission to study primary
education and formulate a plan to receive the problems.

The Commission employed the services of the Research and

 

IO"Adolfo L6pez Mateos, "Decreto de 30 de diciembre
de 8958’ Articulo 7," camara de Diputados, (Mexico, D.F.),
195 .

 

79

Sample Department of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce
to conduct basic statistical studies of Mexican education.
The results of the study should be forthcoming in 196M and
should provide a new and factual basis for planning primary
education in Mexico.

The few schools that offer studies beyond the first
six grades often employ curricula which are unrelated
to the socio—economic needs of the country. Prior to
1961, the program for the seventh, eighth and ninth years
of schooling generally contained an average of fourteen
subjects per year and, as expressed in lesson plans,
made no provision for studies other than those designed
for college preparation. Program changes currently
being inaugurated indicate a major change in the objectives
of secondary education in Mexico.105

Meantime, the government of Mexico does control public
education and strives to use it to accomplish national
goals, goals which are not always compatible with those
of the church or the economically affluent. While main-
taining political stability through cmnpromise, the
Mexican government channels public funds principally to
elementary education, and to the preparation of teachers
and professions. In doing so, Mexico now neglects middle

secondary or junior high education.

 

105Secretarfa de Industria y Comercio, 93, cit., p; 316.

*—

80

Summary

For the binational school director, the study of the
development of education in Mexico should hold several
important implications for understanding the setting in
which his school operates. Among these understandings
are:

l. The Mexican government is primarily interested
in public education and only secondarily in private educa-
tion.

2. The Mexican government is interested in employing
public education as a principal instrument of national
development.

3. The Mexican government is realistic in its quest
for universal education and the development of an industri-
alized society in that it has—uand probably will continue
to-uincorporate elements of "foreign" educational philoso—
phies into its own system; however, these are fully
"Mexicanized" in the process.

h. The "socialist" nature of Mexican education poses
little threat to guardians of U. S. political philosophy;
with respect to education, "socialist" education is
clearly Mexican, nationalistic and very likely essential
to the continued growth of the nation. To associate this
form of "socialism" with Marxist dogma is unquestionably

in error.

81

5. With respect to private education, historically
this has been associated with church-related education
and with education for the privileged; hence, directors
of binational schools cannot realistically expect the
Mexican government to have a great reservoir of good
will toward such schools, wherever the government
official himself might send his own child to school.

6. The historical conflict between the state and
church in Mexico permeates all aspects of education.
Since church related schools are "tolerated" rather
than sanctioned by law, the non—church related private
schools must expect also to be restricted in their
development-~whatever the merits of the case-uas are

the church related schools.

CHAPTER III
THE STATUS OF BINATIONAL SCHOOLS IN LATIN AMERICA

Because the literature concerning the binational
schools in Latin America was sparce and incomplete,
a survey of these schools was conducted in 1962, in
order to develop needed descriptive information. .A
questionnaire was designed and distributed to h6 school
directors. Usable returns were received from directors

of 23 schools as indicated in Table 3.1.

TABLE 3.1

Returns from Questionnaires to Directors
of Binational Schools in Latin America

 

Central South
Item Mexico America America Total

Number of Schools 9 6 31 h6

Number of Questionnaires
Returned 6 5 12 23

Percentage of Question-
naires Returned 67% 83% 39% 50%

 

Information for Mexico and Central America was
obtained by professors of Michigan State University during
their visits to the schools in the Spring of 1962.

82

83

The results of the Mexico survey appear in the pub-
lication, "Capabilities, Accomplishments, Possibilities
of American Schools in Mexico," published by the College
of Education of Michigan State University in 1962 in
cooperation with the Association of American Schools in
the Republic of Mexico.

Incomplete results from the Central American survey
are reported in an unpublished manuscript entitled, "The
American Schools in Central America," also duplicated by
the College of Education of Michigan State University.

Mailed responses from the 12 South American schools
were tabulated by the author and are reported for the
first time in this manuscript.

The intent to study all reported binational schools
was frustrated largely by: (l) the inaccessibility of the
schools to direct examination, (2) an absence of adequate
school records, and (3) low motivation of school directors
and their governing boards to participate. Consequently,
the results obtained, while enlightening of school perform-
ance, are inconclusive.

Seven dimensions of binational school performance
are reported in this chapter. These are:

1. School Organization and Control

2. School Population

3. Characteristics of Academic Personnel

81+
h. Incorporation and Accreditation of School Program
5. Curricular Organization
6. School Revenue

7. School Plant

.A. SCHOOL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL

Each school reported that it is sponsored and con-
trolled by a local association comprised of parents and/or
patrons. The associations elect an executive committee
or board of school directors which, on behalf of the
larger association, assumes immediate responsibility
for school management.

Each school has a superintendent1 who serves as the
chief executive of the board. The authority vested in
the superintendent, however, varies among the schools.

Generally, the functions of the schools! boards are
assumed to be limited to (1) policy formation, (2) employ—
ment of personnel, (3) evaluation of personnel performance
and (h) financial trusteeship. However, only four schools
reported that board policy had been formally developed
and written. Most school directors reported that the
relationships and division of responsibilities and author-

ity between the board and its administrative officer were

 

1The title bestowed uponthe chief executive varies
among the schools. The title "school director" or "school
superintendent" occurs most frequently.

85
not clearly defined.

It was reported that some boards participate directly
in school management, either by means of standing board
committees or informally by actions of the board chairman
or other board members.

The only intensive study of this set of relationships
is reported in "The American School Looks to the Future,"
the published results of a self—study conducted by the
American School Foundation of Mexico City, Meflco, with
the assistance of Michigan State University. In that
case, the study teams reported that board committees
participated actively in administering the school, but
the board itself denied the assertion.

As indicated in accompanying Table 3.2, the school
boards vary in size from four to sixteen members with
average membership being nine. Ninety—seven or 58 per
cent of the board members are citizens of the United States.
Thirty—seven per cent of the board members are Latin
American nationals and 5 per cent of the members are
citizens of countries other than the United States or
the country in which the school is located.

Ten of the eighteen schools which provided informa-
tion on this subject reported that U. S. citizens con-
stituted the majority on the controlling board, eight a
majority of national citizens and only one school, an equal

number of each nationality. Five of the schools reported

86

 

 

cos o my. 2, am so am so
ooh a o o as H am a
ooh s as H o 0 cm 6
ooh as o o on a oz a
cos 6 As H o 6 mm m
ooh as o o no a an :
ooh o mm m om m as H
ooh as o o as m m: 6
cos a o o m: 6 Am a
col m o: m cm a o: m
ooa oz 0 0 on m on s
cos as o 6 am 6 as as
oos m o 0 cm H om :
ooa m o c or m o: m
cos a o 6 ms 6 mm H
cos as as N am 6 mm 6
cos oz 0 o o 6 cos ca
col oz 0 o a: s cm a
col m o o om : om :

Hones

Hmmd‘mQN-QOOHNWJmON-w
HHHHv—cv—{HHH

 

psoo pom poasdz pcoo pom nonedz ammo com coasdz pcoo pom ponsdz

Hmomm cocam, Hacomunz museum census

season

 

Spflflwcofipmz An muonsoz mo ommccooeom 6cm nocadz
mofinos< cfiumq CH mHoocow Hedoflpmcfim cocooflom Mo HOSACOU mo mcpwom

N.m mdde

87
that citizens of other than U. S. or the country in
which the schools are located sat on their governing
board.

Only one school reported that its board of directors
was composed entirely of citizens of the United States.
It also reported that board membership is limited by
policy to U. S. citizens.

One other case is hmrthy of note. The school is
owned by an individual and operated by members of the
owner's family; nevertheless it has a binational board.
In this case-wand in other similar situations-—it is
difficult to judge to what extent the board is merely
advisory and to what extent it is indeed a board of
directors. The matter would be of only academic interest
except for the fact that the eligibility criteria,
established pursuant to the U. S. Department of State
grant-in-aid program, specify that: in order for a
school to be classified as a binational school, it should
have national representation on the board of control.

If this criterion was deemed to refer to a governing board
rather than to an advisory board—~which may well have

been the original intent--schools so managed might well

be ruled ineligible. However, the criteria appear to be
applied liberally for the school that has an all U. S.
board was also deemed to be eligible to receive grants-in-

aid.

88

Only four of the school directors provided information
concerning the occupations of board members. All reported
that the members of their boards of directors who were
nationals were also employed by U. S. canpanies, repre-
sented U. S. company policy rather than binational policy
and that a majority had children who were attending the
particular school on full scholarship provided by the
U. S. company employing the board member.

The information available regarding the organization
and control of binational schools appears to warrant
several conclusions.

It is questionable, first of all, whether the school
boards are representative of their binational constituencies
even though, strangely enough, the accompanying table
indicated 97 U. S. and 61 Latin American citizens on the
eighteen boards reported. The composition of many boards
is heavily weighted in one direction or the other. It
would appear that a genuinely binational board requires
binational membership at more than a token level.

Second, the question of "administration by board
committee" appears to require further study. Good adminis-
trative practice is usually deemed to require that a board
vest authority for the operation of a school in the hands
of the executive officer. This would appear to be

desirable practice within the binational school, and the

89
formal adoption of carefully—drawn written statements of
policy would help to introduce it.

The third conclusion to be noted emphasizes the
obstacles in the way of "good administrative practice":
in point of fact, the school directors are not well
qualified professionals. Hence it is extremely unlikely
that they are well equipped to administer the uniquely
difficult binational schools.

These three conclusions lead to a fourth: that the
entire question of representation, board composition and
board-administrator relationships requires serious review
and adjustment. Anticipating a general conclusion
elaborated later in this study, it should be noted that
a primary justification for future support, expansion and
study of binational schools is the opportunity that they
offer for significant research and experimentation in
the problems of cross—cultural education. In order to
be useful objects of study in this respect-~and, in any
case, in order to be successful at the task of binational
education—uthey must be well organized, well administered,
MBII supported and genuinely representative of the two

principal nationality groups involved.

B. SCHOOL POPULATION
The 23 schools included in the study enrolled 10,7h0
students in 1962; 53 per cent of these were Latin American

children, ho per cent were U. S. children and 7 per cent

90
were of other nationalities. In four of the schools,
fewer than 10 per cent of the children enrolled were of
U. S. citizenship; however, in all cases, more than 10
per cent of the children enrolled were Latin American.

The largest school in the group enrolled 1,500
students and had an international student body: ho per
cent U. 5., hO per cent National and 20 per cent other
nationalities.

The smallest school had only 5h pupils, of whom
96 per cent here Nationals.

It is noteworthy that only four of the 23 schools
reported a majority of U. 5. children, the highest
percentage of U. S. children in a school being 82.

The 1962 enrollments of the 23 schools are sum—
marized by nationality groupings in Table 3.3.

From Table 3.3, it is clear that the binational
schools don't follow any pattern in regard to the
distribution by nationality of their students.

The fact that 53 per cent of the children who are
enrolled in these binational schools are of Latin American
nationality demonstrates that~~even though the schools
were founded for the purpose of serving U. S. children--

they now serve large numbers of Latin American children.

uncommon oznmz

 

91

 

o:S.oH .15 76:, 7mm HHS, oom.:1 ossam Snoop
no: a No as on moo om om
oau a as as ou oma om mm
:m o a on o m mm Hm
mz mz mz mz mz mz mz cm
can A s oo oo ms moo as
mos om mm o: so A: on oz
mz m2 mz mz m2 mz m2 as
omo a on o om o: smm on
oom as on o N: oHH Has ms
am: oz 0: cm o: cal mom on
com o on oz 0: om: ma on
o: A cm on o so o ma
oma s so mo as a: om Hz
moo a ma so a mo oom oz
Hem oh oo oo o: Hma son o
oo ms 0: m: on so an o
awn m on mo as ooh :om s
omo.a a o oo ca mo ooo.a o
6mm 6 6 cos 0 o omm m
ooo o o: oo o :om own :
oom.H om o: o: coo ooo coo o
omm o on so oH mos moo m
cum he as. oo 0 am, oma H
Hagan“ wpmflpo wmnmgw wUHhmé .Hmflpo wmgwflw MOflhmfida
ocean: capo; conic: canon Hoocow

ocoo pom pcoo pom psoo pom
pcoEHHoncm

 

moan "npcoosem no suaHecOHSoz so acacoa<
cfipmg a“ mHoocom Hmcofipmcfim uopoofiom a“ BGoEHHome

n.m MAde

92

Further examination of Table 3.3 reveals that the
schools vary significantly in the extent of binational
distribution of students. Seven of the schools reported
that 80 per cent or more of their students are Nationals
while one school reported no U. S. students. Enrollments
in the binational schools are increasing. Projected
enrollments from several of the schools indicate that
they anticipate further increases. The six schools in
Mexico projected an increase of 35 per cent by the
academic year 1966-67; the six schools in Central America
anticipated similar increases. The schools in South
America have not projected future enrollment. The
schools in South America, however, have indicated that,
by and large, they do expect to increase the number of
classrooms they now have.

The projected increases in enrollment tend to
verify the information presented in the literature in
Chapter I, i.e., a minimum growth of approximately 5 per
cent per year in the binational schools throughout Latin
America.

These projections are considered to be minimum when
contrasted to actual increases in six schools in Mexico
during the 195h—l960 period. During this sixeyear period
the enrollments in the schools increased by 50 per cent,

or approximately 8% per cent per year.

93

All 23 schools reported that the significant portion
of their enrollments was at the elementary level, with
a smaller group at the junior high level and even a
smaller group at the senior high school level. Because
of limited enrollments at the secondary level, it is
undoubtedly difficult for the schools to offer adequate
comprehensive programs and services to their students
economically.

All of the 23 schools reported that they anticipate
difficulty in increasing their enrollments after 1966
because of limited buildings and facilities. A.detailed
study of space utilization is available concerning the
six schools in Mexico. The percentage of space utiliza-
tion reported by these schools ranges from 80 to 166 per
cent. The capacity and utilization of the binational
school buildings in Mexico is presented in Table 3.h.2

The information presented thus far demonstrates
that:

l. The enrollments in the binational schools

differ widely by nationality and by size.

2. The schools no longer serve U. S. children

alone but now serve a majority of National

children.

 

2College of Education, Michigan State university,
"The American School in Mexico," (1961), p. F—h.

9h

 

 

 

ofifico con .pw .qm mm cw oopdaaoom
ozaco coa .pc .on on no consasooH
ooH no om mo oofi OOH dofipwufiflfipb
Sumo pom
mso mam som ozm.s :oo Hos acnezsoccm
omo mmm Hoo ooo.m mam oil wsoom no
kpfiowamo Edefixmz
moo ooa 0mm coo.a ooa awn Hmsoom no
Spfiomamo Hmefiuoo
soo.om aoo.: mso.ma ooo.om omo.m 0mm.o nsooanwoao ca
pooh ocmsqm
mo pandz Hopes
: m m N H H mEoom
dopnmmuoocflx
6cm loam Ho .62
:N m mm Hm 0H m mEoopmmeo
nwfldmom go .62
wanosm monsoon zopuogcoz oofixoz mcmhmamomso omcwusm
ooqfl «ooflxoz CH

omcaoaasm Hoacoo Macauoocam no ceapouaaao: ode shunnaoo

:.o mum<H

9S

3. None of the schools are large enough to
offer a comprehensive program from
kindergarten through the senior high
level at efficient cost.3

A. The binational schools are currently
operating at or near the capacity of
their facilities, yet they anticipate
increases in enrollments.

5. The schools now confront the choice
(a) of expanding physical facilities or

(b) of limiting enrollments.

C. CHARACTERISTICS OF ACADEMIC PERSONNEL
For the artful implementation of binational schools‘
objectives, academic employees must necessarily fulfill
several demanding professional expectations. Among
these are:
1. To interpret his own culture to others
and also have some understanding of
intercultural relations,
2. To promote friendship between peoples

of different nationalities and cultures,

 

3The American Association of School Administrators
establishes 750 as the minimum size for a comprehensive
high school; the Conant Report recommends high schools
of 1,000; none of the schools reported an enrollment in
the high school of more than h00.

96

3. To develop courses of study and instruc-

tional materials which incorporate two
different curricula and two distinct
cultures, and

h. To evaluate performance in such a setting.

Only competent and well trained professionals
could reasonably be expected to do these tasks well.
However (1) based upon the extent of their training and
experience, binational school teachers are not sufficiently
skilled for the tasks required by the binational school
enterprise, and (2) the schools do not-~0r cannot-—
provide the incentives necessary to attract and hold
career teachers of outstanding competence.

The 23 schools employ 765 academic employees, and
of these 626 are full—time employees, and 139 are
employed on a part-time basis. Forty-three per cent of
the teachers are reported to be U. S. citizens, and 572
are full-time classroom teachers.

An examination of the distribution of the full-time
classroom teachers at the various grade levels reveals
that eight of the schools have thirteen or fewer teachers
and only three have forty or more. There is no evidence
that the schools have adequate personnel to engage in
extensive improvement of education in the countries in

which they are located. There are only isolated cases in

97

which the schools have the services of supervisors and
professional employees in pupil personnel services.
The schools also follow the normal pattern in Latin
America of employing a large percentage of part-time
personnel; 18 per cent of the total number of employees
are so employed. Those schools supplying complete
information indicated that the part-time employees
are generally responsible for teaching the subjects
required by the National government in civics, social
studies and Spanish.
Thus, the binational schools have full and part-
time employees; by and large they do not have the services
of administrative and supervisory personnel, and most of
the schools have a small number of employees. Eighteen
per cent of the employees, those basically involved in
areas susceptible to integration, are part-time employees.
Perhaps the most revealing analysis of the employees
of the binational schools is the number of teachers at
the various salary levels. As demonstrated in Section F
of this chapter, the binational schools expend an average
of $291.2h per pupil per year as contrasted to $5h7.00 in
the U. S. The bulk of this difference appears to be in
the payment of salaries to teachers. The average salary
for teachers in the U. S. for 1962—63 as reported by the
U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare was
$5,9u0. Only 9.2 per cent of the teachers in the binational

98
schools receive a salary which approximates the U. S.
average. The lowest average salary in a particular
state in the U. S. was reported to be $3,700; and only
39.7 per cent of the binational teachers received this
much.

Only one of the 23 binational schools employed full-
time teachers who received as much as $6,000 per year.
All teachers in that school received this amount as a
minimum, and they represent 5.2 per cent of all teachers
in all of the schools. Four per cent of the teachers
receive salaries from $5,000 to $5,999 annually, and
these teachers are distributed among five of the schools.
Only seven of file 23 schools report having employees who
receive salaries of $h,000 or more per year; however,
all of these seven schools except one also report having
teachers who receive less than $2,000 per year.

Contrasted to expectations for teachers as manifested
in the objectives of the binational schools, the fact
that 39 per cent of the professional, full-time academic
employees of the schools receive less than $2,000 per
year for their services is staggering. ‘

Irrespective of isolated cases of "missionary
spirit" and "working wives," the schools cannot attract
and retain professionally trained teachers at present
salary levels. Furthermore it is unlikely that the

schools in the past have retained the long—range services

99

of such personnel as obviously required for the development
and realization of the cross-cultural bilingual educa-
tional experience they purport to provide. It is also
doubtful that such an experience will be provided unless
sweeping changes are made in the financing of the schools.
Table 3.5 presents the number of non-teaching and teaching
employees in the schools, Table 3.6 presents the number

of full—time teachers at various salary levels, and

Table 3.7 presents the percentage of teachers at various
salary levels.

In order to analyze in more detail the information
concerning the characteristics of the academic employees
of the binational schools, more specific information is
presented for the six binational schools in Mexico. This
information resulted from a study compiled by the Associa-
tion of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico in
cooperation with Michigan State University. The report
of this survey has been presented previously as "The
American School in Mexico," (College of Education,
Michigan State University, 1961).

This part of this section of the study treats 230
professional employees in six binational schools in
Mexico who were employed in 1960. They include 217 full-
time and thirteen part—time employees. Of the full-time
employees, 192 were classroom teachers and the remaining
25 are special personnel which included administrators,

counselors and librarians.

100

TABLE 3.5

Academic Employees in Binational Schools: 1962

 

 

School Non—Teaching Teaching Total
1 1 21 22
2 2 2h 26
3 11 86 97
LL 5 30 35
5 l 10 ll
6 3 37 no
7 1 20 21
8 0 10 10
9 2 31 33

10 6 68 7h
11 l 10 ll
12 1 7 8
l3 3 50 53
1h 1 22 23
15 1 10 ll
16 1 17 18
17 3 28 31
18 l 10 11
19 2 l7 19
20 2 l7 19
21 1 8 9
22 2 13 15
23 3 26 29
Total 5h 572 626

 

101

 

 

am o: mo ooH o:H oH om om Hopes
om mm
m s H mm
m H Hm
NH m H om
: o om oH
N m H wH
: m o : NH
m a a oH
H s mH
: m oH :H
Hm oH oH
ooHHaasm pod coflumEcomca NH
oofiflaasw pod cofiomsnomcH HH
o a mm o m 6H
m o m a
a o 0 mm o o o
H o s
an o o
oH H m
o oH H H 3
oo m o
6H m
HH H
oooHa aaaHo moaHo aaamo momma aaaso comma one: Hoodoo
cows: 1 bowelrunbbmwmuTTMppbwm 1ppnmm noooam upppmm co ooomew

 

 

 

NQOH CH mHoocom chofipmafim c“ mHo>oA
zpmHmm Hmsac<.mdofipm> um muocomoh oSfiHIHHsm no nonfidz

o.n mgde

102

 

 

N.HH o.o :.oH o.Hm m.om o.m 6.: m.m neocoaoe
HH<.Ho
omwpcoonom
ooH om
om on oH mm
no NH Hm
co oH s cm
NH mm no oH
on om oH oH
mm OH 63 mm NH
oH um oo oH
mm oo mH
oH mm mm :H
mm o: oH
noHHaasm pod doHquHomcH NH
ooHHaadm pod doHHwEHowcH HH
NH NH o: o NH oH
om oo cm a
o NH 2 on o o o
NH no A
ms mm o
oo 0H m
mm on a a a
mm m o
no oo m
00H H
oooHo oasHo coaHo oaomo adaoo oaoso aaamo one: Hoocoo
coca: noooHo noomHo sooomo 1ooooo noooso tooomo so ooooo

 

mooH cH nHoocoo HocoHHoch cH nHo>cH

Snwflmm Hmscd< mooflpm> Hm wuonowoh oEHHIHHsm Ho ommucoocom

N.m m4m¢H

103

All except one of the schools employed part—time
teaching personnel, and all schools except one reported
the services of at least one non—teaching professional
employee. The six schools had fifteen administrators,
seven librarians and three counselors.

The number of professional employees, part and full
time, are summarized in Table 3.8.

The teachers in these schools work with a varying
number of children. One school reported a pupil-teaCher
ratio of l3.h, which was the lowest of all schools, and
the highest reported 25.6. The average for all schools
was 19.0. The school directors attribute the low pupil-
teacher ratio primarily to these factors:

1. The dual curricula required by the Mexican

government.

2. The necessity to provide special classes

in either Spanish or English for new students.

3. Classrooms not large enough for larger sections.

The pupil-teacher ratio accounts in part for the
inability of the binational schools to pay higher teacher
salaries. Pupil—teacher ratios in the schools are
presented in Table 3.9.

The 192 full-time teachers who were employed in the
six binational schools were asked to supply information

through an individual questionnaire in order to identify

10h

 

 

oH sHm m on o HH m mo 0 HoH om H NH Hopes
o m H N meoHowGSQU
H s H H a H H coHaoanH
NH maH m so o 0H m om so Hm NH neurones
Eoopwmeo
mH n H m w H wHonHHchHEu¢
on Ha Ha He Hm He Hm Hu Hm He He Ha Ha
Hooch mHnosm moscomm >oppopdoz oonoZ wnmmemomso omcmndm

 

wHoocom HmcoHuwch CH woohoHaEm stonmoHonm Ho HonEdz

oomH «oonoz

®.m Mdmfifi

105

 

 

o.oH o.mm m.Hm H.oH s.sH o.sH :.oH oHHem
LocomoHIHHadm

moH so oH om so Hm mH ncocooos

OEHH.
1HHsu coosuz

amo.o mso mHm som osm.H :oo HoH HcoeHHoccm
oo1omsH

Hmpoh anosm moscomm homemade: ooHXoZ mcmfimeome omcwnsa

 

oomH «oonoZ
wHoocom HomoHchHm CH moHHmm nocoonIHHasm

m.m MHde

106
fully their characteristics. Eighty—one per cent of
the teachers supplied the information. Those who did
not were by and large the National teachers; therefore,
the specific characteristics probably represent a U. S.
bias.

Forty—four per cent of the teachers are single, and
56 per cent married; 80 per cent of the teachers are women,
and most all teachers fall within the ages of 20 and 50.
Fifty-five per cent of the teachers are Mexican nationals,
h2 per cent U. S. citizens and the remaining 3 per cent
represent five other nationalities. Thirty per cent of
the teachers are 25 years of age or less, and 26 per
cent are between the ages of 26 and 35. The citizenship
of the teachers is presented in Table 3.10, and a dis-
tribution of the teachers by age is presented in
Table 3.11.

Language competence as reported by the teachers in
the schools indicates that over 90 per cent of the teachers
read, write and speak Spanish and that approximately the
same percentage applies to English. In the experience
and observations of the author this information is not
valid for the U. S. teachers if applied to their abilities
to apply usefully a knowledge of Spanish to teaching or
any professional area. In fact, the author would
hypothesize that a large majority of the U. S. teachers

in the binational schools speak no more Spanish than that

107

TABLE 3.10

Citizenship of Teachers in Binational Schools
in Mexico

 

 

 

Country Number Per Cent
United States 66 h2.0
Mexico 85 55.0
Italy 1 .6
France 1 .6
Spain 1 .6
Canada 1 .6
Columbia 1 .6

Total 156 100.0
TABLE 3.11

Distribution of Binational School Teachers by.Age

 

IQumber of Years Number Per Cent
20-25 117 30
26-35 11.1 26
36-50 117 30
Over 50 19 12
No response 2 2

‘Total 156 100

 

108
required for basic services. The language competency

reported by the teachers is presented in Table 3.12.

TABLE 3.12

Language Competence Reported by Teachers of
Binational Schools in Mexico

 

 

 

Language Number of Teachers Who
Read Write Speak

Spanish lh5 1h0 lh6
English lhO 135 13h
French h8 30 21
German 9 u 7
Italian 9 5 5
Other (10) 9 5 8

 

The professional characteristics of the teachers in
the binational schools are of primary importance. In
order to present information pertinent to the professional
characteristics, these aspects are analyzed: (1) years
of U. S. experience, (2) source and level of training,

(3) course hours of professional study, (A) salary
schedule, and (5) faculty organization and activity.

Thirty per cent of all teachers in the schools have
liad some experience in the U. 8.; however, in two schools
Ilone of the teachers were reported to have had U. S.
£3.‘Xperience. The h7 teachers (30 per cent) with U. S.
€9<perience are found almost exclusively in two of the
5Schools. These two schools employ 87 per cent of teachers

Vi th U. S. experience.

109

The majority of teachers with U. S. experience have
five or fewer years of experience. Only twelve, or 26
per cent, of the teachers have had six or more years of
experience in U. S. schools.

Thus, 70 per cent of the teachers have not had any
experience in teaching in the U. 3.; of the 192 fullutime
teachers in the schools, only 6 per cent have had more
than five years of experience in U. S. schools; two
schools have no teachers with U. S. experience and less
than 20 per cent of the teachers in two other schools
report any U. S. experience.

The teachers with U. S. experience are reported in
Table 3.13.

Thirty-nine per cent of the teachers in the binational
schools have attended college in the U. S., and 37 per
cent attended college in Mexico. Thus, 153 persons,
representing 80 per cent of the teachers, have attended
£3ome type of post—secondary education, either in Mexico
(Dr in the U. S. About half of the teachers report that
tlhey hold a teaching diploma or college degree from the

U. S.

Concerning professional study by the teachers,

2311 report undergraduate professional study in U. S.
F>rograms and 11 in National programs. Forty-eight teachers
‘Nnare engaged in graduate study in U. S. programs and

‘1‘9 in Mexican programs. Approximately one—third of the

110

 

 

 

co mH o o: mo cm 6 Hanan Hones
.Ho ”2.80 pmm

s: m o oH om H o HeHos
m o o o m o o mmloH
oH H o m o H o meo
mm a 0 HH om o o muo
HmpoH chmdm woscomm Soccoudoz oonoZ mcmfiwHwomso omcmpsm mHoocom .m .3 CH

memo> Ho ponssz

 

oonoE mo mHoonow HmdoHHdem opw GH moGoHpoaxm .m .D HHH3 muocomoh

mH.m mHm<H

111

study, undergraduate and graduate, was made possible
through the Association of American Schools in the
Republic of Mexico. Since the time of this study, this
program has more than quadrupled.

Considering the salary schedules in the binational
schools of Mexico, they are fortunate to have the services
of teachers with or without training. The extremes in
levels of training for salary schedules are reported by
one school as being from a normal certificate from
Mexico to the Ph.D. The normal teacher receives $66
per month and the Ph.D. with ten years of experience
receives from $180 to $190 per month according to his
classification. The school did not report having employed
anyone at the Ph.D. level. One other school reported
1£32 as the minimum salary and $h50 as the maximum salary.
lThe highest salary schedule reported by any school was a
1>ase salary for a trained teacher of $3,000 per year
veith maximums for automatic increments of $3,h00 for the
I>acheloris degree and $h,050 for the master's degree.
fPhe maximum automatic salary for the bachelor's degree
teacher was reached in four years; for the master's
degree, eight years.

The actual salaries paid to the teachers in the six
SChools during this period approximate those reported for

E111 23 schools in the first section of this chapter. The

112
average salary in the six schools in Mexico was $2,230
and 21 per cent of the teachers received less than
$1,000 per year.

It is generally accepted that faculty committees are
useful devices for upgrading curriculum and instruction
within the schools in the U. S. They are not only useful,
but necessary to the development of integrated and
correlated curricula in the binational schools, to wit,
(1) all areas of study followed in the U. S. program
have their counterpart in the national program, and most
all children in the elementary programs which are
"binational" study the same subject in two different
languages with two different teachers; hence all teachers
involved in teaching the same subject, irrespective of
language of instruction, must work cooperatively to
produce correlated programs of instruction, and (2) the
very nature of a binational, bilingual and bicultural
school requires that the professional staff meet together
frequently to treat the nonmal problems which such a
nature creates.

Only one school reported that it had faculty com—
mittees which dealt with the program being taught in the
school. Several schools reported committees to deal with
various school services such as bus, library, exhibits and
assemblies. The number and types of faculty committees

reported by the schools is presented in Table 3-1h-

113

 

mHoHEoE m 1:1 mHoQEoE
.8860 N 11: .EEoo
MU Isl-Is III-ll
N .Il-l Isl-l.
--- --- m
lull. loll-I AW
'1. l!‘ m

IIIIII l'll III!

mnonEoE m
.8860 N

"l

mnoQEmE sN
.5500 m

"'
"‘

mH

ooHHHEEoo Empmoum

ooHHHEEoo HHanxm
HGoESwHICoE
.msH1.EU<V .USUM

I<Cch .m‘ OCHEu<

HHocsoo HcocuHm
Locomohl.cHEu<

humucoEon

HHocsoo .cHEe<.m.m
HHocsoo .cHEo<
ooHHHEEoo zpmnaHH
ooHHHEEoo mom
cospom mcHom mnocpo

mcHnoon
isoHHmus>m

Sumodooom
IGOHHmsHm>m

humpcoEon
IsoHpmsHm>m

.mH

.NH
.HH

 

wosmown osmosm .m.m.ooHXoE muwhWHwomflfl

oonoZ dH mHoocom

madmusn onHoHCOE

mowHHEEnm mo oENZ

HmCQHHmch cH mooHHHEEoo SHHdomm Hoocom Ho moakh 6cm HonEdz

:H.o HHm<H

11h
It must be concluded, therefore, that
l. The binational schools adhere to unrealistic
objectives, and
2. With present personnel, they cannot be

expected to improve significantly.

D. INCORPORATION AND.ACCREDITATION OF SCHOOL PROGRAMS

The binational schools in Latin America may seek and
gain recognition of their programs of instruction from
both National and U. S. agencies. In addition, the
binational schools must have a charter to operate which
is merely a legal document required in Latin America for
the operation of any institution, but does not necessarily
include the recognition of the program which is offered.

Generally, the binational school may apply for the
incorporation of its elementary, junior and senior high
programs to the National government; however, the senior
'high program is often under the jurisdiction of an
autonomous National university.

A binational school in Latin America is also eligible
to accreditate its junior high and senior high programs
with the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools.

In 1961, this agency made provisions also for the recogni-
tion of elementary programs through its Cooperative Program
for Elementary Education. In addition to the Southern

Association, binational schools in Mexico may accredit

115

their elementary and secondary programs with the Texas
Education Agency.
1. Charter to Operate and Incorporation

The literature concerning the binational schools often
fails to distinguish between the terms: (1) charter to
operate and (2) incorporation. These terms are different
and such distinction is necessary and important to an
understanding of the nature of a school‘s program in
relation to national education.

Incorporation (incorporacion) is the legal process

 

whereby a school program is approved by national educa-
tional officials as meeting the requirements of the
national program; hence a student from a binational
school with an incorporated program is assumed to be
qualified and legally able to transfer to and from any
other incorporated program-—public or private. Incorpora-
tion, as such, is required by law as a condition of
school operation in some Latin American countries.
In most cases, with the notable exception of
Venezuela, the binational schools have incorporated
their elementary programs because: (1) they were required
to do so by the national government, (2) they chose to do
so, or (3) it was politically expedient to do so.
A."charter to operate" is the legal instrument
required in each country in order to establish a private

school, whether or not the school's program is later

116

incorporated. There is no evidence that a "charter to

operate" has been denied to anyone who has requested one.

Thus, a binational school in Latin America has not

been known to have been refused a charter to operate;

however, the incorporation of the school's program into

the national program depends on the legal educational
requirements of a particular country and the degree to

which the requirement is enforced, and the composition

of the student body, i.e., if the school admits national

children.

Incorporation requirements do not appear to have

.been rigidly enforced. Certainly the requirements of

(a) instruction in the language of the country, and
(b) the use of approved textbooks have not been followed

12y binational schools. In only one case was it reported

tduat a national government had formally made a concession

'tc> a binational school. This was achieved in the formal

(icisignation of the Colegio Americano de Guatemala as an
(>1?ficial laboratory school by the Ministry of Education

irl Guatemala, Central America.

Available evidence indicates that Latin American

eclucational officials are generally cooperative in

approving the programs of the binational schools. They
<30I1$ider the best interests of the students and are
W1~1.ling to seriously consider proposed plans for integrat-

iIlSl National and U. S. programs, to wit, a large number

117
of binational schools are incorporated which do not
teach exclusively in the National language and do not
use exclusively the approved textbooks of the National
program.

All Schools reported curricular organizations which
demonstrated that these types of curricula may be found
in the binational schools: (1) basically a national
<3urricu1um, (2) basically a U. S. curriculum, (3) a dual
<3urriculum, or (A) a blended or integrated curriculum.
‘These types of curricular organization are treated exten-
ssively in the proximate section and are designated in
thus section to demonstrate that different types of
[Drograms have been incorporated.

Thus, it appears that in most cases reported by the
LbiJiational schools that these conclusions may be justified
<3011cerning incorporation:

1. National children attending binational schools
which do not have incorporated programs cannot
re—enter national schools at equivalent grade
levels; hence, incorporation is the desired
status in most schools.

2. Incorporation is more dependent on informal
relationships established by binational school
officials with National educational authorities
than it is on meeting fully the legal require—

ments for incorporation.

118

3. The most common solution found by binational
school officials in acquiring incorporation
is a basic national curriculum or a dual
curriculum which includes the basic elements
of both National and U. S. curricula, i.e.,
the same subjects taught in both languages
with different instructional materials.

h. In some cases, binational school officials
have acquired incorporation of U. S.
programs; in an isolated case a blended
program has been accepted. The blended
program is distinguished from the dual
program by its practice of not repeating
the same subject matter in different
languages, but providing a binational,
bilingual program.

2. The Nature of Accreditation of Binational Schools
by U. S. Agencies

 

 

The Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, a
regional accrediting association for the colleges and
Schools of eleven Southern States in the U. S., has the
exclusive right1+ to accredit all colleges and schools
in latin America except those which are operated by the

U- S. Government as overseas dependent's schools.

 

 

ll'By agreement among the five regional private
accrediting associations in the United States.

119

The binational schools reported that they sought
accreditation for these reasons: (1) to improve the
possibilities of their students! re-entrance into U. S.
schools without loss of credit and their entrance without
examination to U. S. universities, (2) to afford their
teachers experience which could be accepted by school
districts in the U. S., and (3) to maintain basic U. S.
standards in the schools.

Twelve of the 23 schools reported that they offered
a secondary program, and of these, 9 were accredited by
the Southern Association. Only one elementary program
was recognized.

The work of the SACS in Latin America has been
limited by the number of schools and by inadequate
financing. SACS! only source of funds for work with
the binational schools has been from the schools them—
selves and from the IASS. Binational schools which seek
accreditation are required to pay for the expenses of the
visiting teams from the accreditating associations, as
are cooperating schools in the Uhited States. The
binational schools usually cannot afford to pay for such
SeI"Vices; hence the work of SACS has been limited to
that Mmich could be accomplished through an annual grant
of $11,000 from IASS.

The SACS has been responsible, directly and indirectly,

for influencing several schools to improve: (1) the

120
qualifications of their faculty, (2) faculty salaries,
(3) policy statements, and (h) self-evaluation. Visiting
committees from the SACS have worked with school directors
and school boards in seeking to bring about improvement.
This service, ironically, has led to a basic conflict--
the appropriateness of an accreditating association
engaging in improvement which they will ultimately
evaluate.

The role of SACS, in accreditating the binational
schools, may be compared to that of the National educa~
tional officials in incorporating them.

The SACS uses the principles and standards developed
for schools in the U. S. and their evaluation of the
binational school. To be eligible for accreditation,
'SACS requires that a school meet the following minimum
standards:

1. A.minimum teacher salary of $3,000 per

year and an average salary for all teachers
of not less than $3,h00.

2. That each school director hold a master's
degree or the equivalent, the major portion
of study for the degree to be presented in
the field of administration.

3. That each teacher hold a bachelor's degree
and such academic and professional training

as required by the state in which he teaches.

121

h. That each secondary school have the services

of a qualified librarian and counselor, and

5. That each school have written board of

education policy.

An examination of the binational schools which are
accredited by the Southern Association indicates that
none of the schools meet all of these requirements for
accreditation. Thus, the SACS—~as do their national
counterparts-~does not adhere to its principles and
standards in the accreditation of binational schools.

The Texas Education Agency also accredits binational
schools in Mexico. Its efforts have been largely parallel
to those of the Southern Association because, for several
years, the same individual has been the Director of
School Accreditation in Texas and the Chairman of the
"Committee on Latin American Relations" of the SACS,
the committee responsible for the accreditation of the
.binational schools.

With respect to U. S. accreditation of binational
sschools, therefore, these conclusions seem justified:

l. The efforts of the SACS and the Texas

Education Agency have been largely parallel.

2. The application of U. 5. standards to

binational schools is a questionable

practice; hence SACS teams have "adjusted"

122

standards in their application to binational
schools.

3. No efforts have as yet been made to establish
appropriate standards for binational schools.

A. The SACS has also tried to assist schools by
having its visiting teams consult with
directors; however

5. It is questionable that the team responsible
for evaluation can also be responsible for

technical assistance.

E. CURRICULAR ORGANIZATION

The curricula of the schools can generally be
classified into four distinct types: (1) a basic Latin
Janerican program, now offered in six schools; (2) a
loasic U. S. program, which seven schools follow;
((3) dual curricula (characterized by the teaching of
tJue same subject in two languages of which there are
Iline; and (h) the blended or integrated curriculum
'Mfluich includes requirements of Latin American and U. S.
IDFograms but does not duplicate subject matter instruction
irl two languages. One school can definitely be identified
it: this latter category. Several of the schools in the
third category, i1e., dual curricula, have made some

<iiscerib1e progress toward integration.

123

Curricular organization is necessarily complicated
:for most of the schools because they accept mono—lingual
sstudents, Latin American and U. S.; consequently, they

are required to provide special classes in Spanish and
lEnglish. Some schools meet this problem by refusing
admission to a mono-lingual Latin American child; how-
ever, none is known to refuse admission to a U. S. child
'who doesn't speak Spanish. Most schools have provided
what has come to be known as "Special Spanish" and
"Special English" classes. These classes are designed
to teach the mono-linguist enough of the second language
that he may enter the regular program. Other schools
merely place the child in the regular program and hope
for the best.

Within and among the several schools, many innovations
liave evolved in developing materials and procedures for
ESpecial provisions for the English—speaking mono-linguist.
CPhere is no evidence, however, of the development of
niaterials for teaching English as a second language,

Vvith the exception of experimental materials in one school.
ESeveral schools have fairly well developed materials for
t&3aching Spanish as a second language, and many of these
”Materials are in published form.

Those schools offering a secondary school program
Usually offer a very limited program. In all but two cases,
the secondary program is offered solely for the purpose

0f preparing the student to enter a university. There

12h

are evidences of limited fine arts instruction; however,

no school offers practical arts for vocational exploration,
and none offers vocational training other than commercial
training.

The schools in Mexico devote approximately five
times as much time in teaching reading in English as
they do in Spanish; however, only two of the schools
teach reading in Spanish. The student is reported to
learn to read Spanish in regular Spanish classes in five
of the six schools. Handwriting, spelling, art and
music are reported to be taught in integrated programs.
Two of the schools teach arithmetic in both Spanish and
English, three exclusively in English and one in only
Spanish. Social studies are taught in both English and
Spanish in three schools, in English only in one school,
and in Spanish in the other two schools.

The schools in South America follow a somewhat
different pattern. Only four of the twelve schools teach
any notable part of the program in Spanish (or Portuguese).

Thus, the schools in Mexico evidence a tendency to
integrate their programs, i.e., not to repeat instruction
in the same subject in two languages, or to operate dual
curricula.

The schools in South America tend toward a program
taught in English with some concession to instruction in

Spanish. There are, however, exceptions in both areas.

125
The average numbers of hours of instruction in
Spanish and English in each basic area for Mexico and
South America are presented in Table 3.15.

Conclusions

 

A. The elementary programs in the binational schools
are varied. There is no particular pattern among the
schools; however, all but one elementary school program
may be classified into one of three groups: (1) a basic
Latin American program, (2) a basic U. S. program, or
(3) a dual program which includes subjects of both
languages.

B. Those elementary programs which are basically
Latin American or dual have little time available for
any areas other than the "three R's."

C. The secondary programs are underdeveloped and
predominantly college preparatory.

D. The number of schools sufficiently large
enough to justify a twelve-year program is limited. Some
are attempting to provide a twelvefiyear program through
the use of correspondence school programs, etc.; however,
these are by and large inadequate and inefficient secondary

programs, even though the efforts are admirable.

soHposprcH ommsmcmH ooumpmoHcHe

 

«H 11 11 :1 m «H H 11 I: doHHmosom Hmonzzm
H o\m « w 11 w a H 11 onsz
H «H H... «H s w a. H 1.. .12.
II II I: N H I... m N m nwfidwam
m o\m «N 11 N j 11 11 11 stHmcm «oocoHom
m .... 1.. m H m «o 1.. m c283
is a .HH m .1 m m on o .. asses
«moHnspm HwHoom
1.. «Am .1 m o 1H o «N .i anceam
dfi.m m m m 11 11 N 11 m cmHHmcm HomwsmcwH
11 11 11 a a a a a 11 mcHHHoam
ell. all. Isl. loll III .II. N m m gmflcmam
so o o\m m m o m m 1H 1H 1.. 2235 HoHHoscHHE
11 11 11 H a e a a 11 mcHHszccmm
m o\m H m j m m w: d m cmHHmcm “maHomom
«op nouo>om
x633 pom madam
Ho confidz ommuoa<
3H 0H NH 0 m d m N H Honedz.Hoonom

 

moHHoE< demH sH wHoocom Hmcoprde
mampmoum Hoocom SHmSHHm

mH.n mAmdfi

127

omodmnpnom

cocopmx

Q'l
v|‘

 

 

11 11 H 11 11 n N «H 11 soHHmosom Hmonzcm
N N H 11 11 N H H 11 on52
N N H 11 11 H N H 11 pa<

11 11 H 11 11 1: N 11 11 cmHamam
N m H «N 11 m N m :1 cwHHmcm HoocoHom
o 11 «H 11 11 11 «m a 11 cchoam
o m «H :\o o 11 m «N m 11 cwHHacm

«moHode HmHoom
m em two «we 11 o 11 H 11 anccao
m m «m :\m n 11 m m oHim 11 cwHHmsm «ommsmcmH

11 11 «H 11 11 11 mm 11 11 anceam
m m «H :\o o 11 m «N m 11 anHacm HoHHoecHHa<

II I: I: I: II 1: I: :1 II mGHHHHZUGmm

11 11 m 11 11 N m H 11 cchQO
m m m :\o o 11 m m m 11 HoHHmcm .mcHocom

Hop copo>on

x363 pom wndom

Ho ponsdz ommcoa<

mN NN HN 0N 0H mH sH oH mH Honedz Hoocom

HcoucHHcooH mH.o oHcos

128
F. SCHOOL REVENUE

Sixteen of the 23 schools provided complete informa—
tion concerning their sources of revenue.

A.review of the schools' budgets demonstrated that
tuition and fees charged are the primary source of revenue,
representing 90.7 per cent of the total. Only two of the
schools, however, reported tuition and fees to be the
sole source of income. Most schools also received
U. 3. government grants and private donations. These
total $81,622.11, which represents 3.7 per cent of all
income. The schools received $43,220 from the IASS
which represented 1.9 per cent of income. This third
ranked source of income is directly attributable to the
contract between the American Council on Education and
the U. S. Department of State (as documented in Chapter I)
and can be considered as income from the U. 8. government.
The separation of the amounts, thus, represents that
income received by the schools directly from TASS and
that which they received through other U. 5. government
sources. The schools also report the receipt of $55,676,
or 2.5 per cent of all revenue, from various kinds of
donations. These are reported to be from such sources
as the Parent-Teacher Associations, American Societies
or from individuals and business and industry, National

and U. 5.

129

The schools received a total amount of $2,256,862
per year and enroll 7,7h9 students. This represents a
per pupil revenue of $291.2h per year.

Total revenue, however, ranges from a low of $8,78h
to a high of $h53,800 per year. The low represents a per
pupil revenue of $162.65 and the high $30h.97. These,
however, do not represent the extremes of the range in

per pupil revenue. The lowest per pupil revenue is
$61.12 and the high is $1,0h2.18. Thus, one school has
revenue 17 times larger than another. It is significant
that the lowest per pupil income school enrolls 100 per
cent National children and the school with the highest
income enrolls 82 per cent U. 5. children.

Twelve of the 16 schools reported that they received
revenue from the U. 5. government, directly or through
.IASS. Only two of the schools reported receiving funds
.from both sources.

There seems to be no particular pattern which deter-
Inines the amount of financing received by a binational
Eschool from U. 5. government sources; however, it is
Clbvious that the binational schools with a significant

ILatJonal enrollment receive a larger part of their income
1f1‘om.the U. 8. government than do schools without a large
FNar cent of nationals. The total amount of funds reported

tC> have been received from the U. 8. government represents

130

5- 6 per cent of all revenue received by all the schools;
however, it represents 17.5 per cent for those schools
which report a majority of National children, and 2 per
cent for those with a majority of U. 5. children. Two
of the schools received approximately 38 per cent of
their total revenue from the U. 3. government. One had
50 per cent National children and the other 96 per cent.

Some of the smaller schools appear to be dependent
on U. 8. government support for continued operation;
in most schools such U. 8. government support is an
insignificant part of the total revenue.

The per pupil expenditure per student in the U. S.
in 1962—63 was $51.17, which represents about 80 per cent
for operating expenses and 20 per cent for buildings,
equipment and bond interest. Thus, the U. 8. average
for operating expenses was $1,137.60 per pupil per year
Contrasted to an average source of income-«hence
anticipated expenditure-—of $291.21; per year in the
binational schools in Latin Arnerica. If, however, one
SChool in South AInerica-u-that which reported revenue
of $1,042.18—o-is eliminated from the average, the binational
expenditure would be reduced appreciably.

U. 8. education, that which the binational schools
purport to demonstrate, expends an average of $514.7 per
p“11311 annually; the binational schools expend an average

of 315291.211. There are several factors which contribute

131

to reducing the cost of living in Latin America, and there

are other factors which increase it as compared to the

U- S. A detailed study of the cost of living is not

undertaken in this study; however, these facts are

important: (1) U. 5. business and industry pay premium

salaries and benefits for overseas work, and (2) U. S.
government pays housing allowances, a cost of living

differential and provides other benefits to its employees

outside of the U. S. It seems reasonable to assume that

a binational school cannot expect to operate more economi-

cal ly than a U. S. school.

The fact is that the binational schools operate with

53 per cent of the per pupil income expended in the U. S.

Even though significant differences exist in per pupil

revenue among the binational schools, only one reports

an expenditure which is as much as the U. S. average.
Only three of the schools report revenues of as much as
$300 per pupil per year.

8 An examination of the budgets presented by the
S€Vera1 schools demonstrated that great differences existed

amOrig the several schools in the accounting procedures

Which they used. This, the area of financial accounting,

is an area which warrants additional study, and if budget
Comparisons are to be made for the purpose of financing,

the standardization of pertinent reporting procedures.

132
Ar1 analysis of the budgets demonstrated that school budgets

and accounting procedures were either organized similar

to a profit—making business or they were not organized in

a manner to provide accurate reporting. The first case,

organization similar to a business enterprise, could

result from a general tendency of the schools to always

show a loss for any given year. Specific methods used in

accomplishing a "book" loss were (1) charges against
depreciation of donated buildings and equipment, and
(2) contingency reserves based on the assumption that all

employees would be discharged and thus eligible for

indemnification under National labor laws. The purpose

of this study was not to evaluate or to judge the validity

of budgetary and accounting procedures, rather to demon-

strate that comparisons of budgets can be inaccurate.
Reasons for projecting a loss can be attributed to

these circumstances (1) the binational schools are gener—
a1 1y organized as non-profit associations and such
orQanizations exempt them from payment of taxes, (2) the
b1national schools apparently prefer to follow procedures
in accounting practices which show any surplus as a
reserve for a specific purpose, and (3) the schools
Presumably believe that solicitation of funds is more

SnCcessful when a loss rather than a reserve is evidenced

in their operations.

133

From this section of Chapter 111, these conclusions

ar‘ e presented:

1.

The binational schools are almost exclusively
supported by tuition.

Over 80 per cent of the schools studied receive
far less revenue than the average in the U.S.;
and an average of all schools demonstrates
revenue of approximately one-half of that
expended per pupil in the U. S.

Whatever and irrespective of the stated purposes
of the binational schools, the amount of revenue
largely predetermines the type of schools they
become.

The revenue of the binational schools, as a
whole, demonstrates that they receive less
revenue than that required for a minimum
program which could fulfill their stated
objectives.

Monetary aid from the U. S. government is
insignificant to all schools, on a per pupil
basis, except those which enroll a majority

of national children and even in these cases
the total amount is insignificant.

Budget and accounting procedures and practices
in the schools vary widely and comparisons of

budgets may be inaccurate.

13h
7. Most all schools are inclined to demonstrate
that they are operating at a loss, and they
may be, but their budgets do not identify
nor differentiate between cash losses and
book losses.

The following tables present detailed information
<3c>I1cerning this section. Table 3.16 presents the sources
cnf‘ revenue reported by the 16 binational schools in
1‘9651-62; Table 3.17 presents this same information on
8. {Der pupil basis, and Table 3.18 presents the varying

scotirces of income by per cent.

135

 

 

00.00H 0.0 m. m.m 0.H 0.0 0.00 000
. . . . . . lemmopmm
000.000.00 000.0m0 000.H0 000.0m0 0mm.0:0 000.m00 N00.H00.m0 Hdaoa
000.00: 111 111 111 111 111 000.00: 00
a0~.0 111 111 0mH.H 000.0 0Hm.m m::.0 mH
000.mm 111 111 111 111 111 000.mm :H
HH0.00H HHm.0 111 111 000.0H 000.0 0m~.0mH 0H
000.mm 111 111 000.H 000.0 111 000.0H NH
000.00 111 111 00m.: 111 000.mH 000.00 HH
0am.H0 00m.H 111 000.0m 111 H00.m 0:0.00 0H
mHm.mmH 000.0 111 111 111 0NN.0m0 NHN.00 0
000.0mm 111 111 000 111 111 000.0mm 0
300.0am 111 111 111 111 111 000.0am a
000.00 00~.m 111 m0H.m 000.m 111 03:.mm 0
50:.NH m0 111 000 m00.m 111 050.0 m
Hmm.0mH 00H.m 111 0m~.m 00H.0 111 00m.N:H :
000.0m: :00.H . 111 H00.0 000.m 111 000.03: 0
0H0.0m mHH.m 0 111 . 000 0m0.m 111 0m0.0: m
0H0.~m 111 000.H0 :00.H 0 000.0 0 111 000.0H 0 H
wsomc mucmpo mpcmno aqua mmmm cam
Hmpoe 1mHHmomHz mcon wdngwdoQ mm<H 1dpm>oo .m.D doHpHsH Hoocom

 

m01H00H “doaada< aura; 0H
mHoaaom HwaoHsmch 00000H0m 000% smsaoamm 0300>0m 00 0000300

0H.0 mdmeg

136

 

 

.00: 00.0:0H 11 11 11 11 11 11 0.000 0H.0:0H 00
.000 00.000 0.0H 00.00 0.00 00.00 0.00 00.0: 0.00 00.00 0H
.000 00.00H 11 11 11 11 11 11 0.00H 00.00H :H
.00: 00.000 0.0 00.0 0.0 H0.0H 0.0 00.0 0.00 00.00: 0H
.00H 00.:00 0.: 0H.0 0.:0 00.00 11 11 0.00 HH.HHH 00
.000 00.000 0.: 00.00 11 11 :.0H 00.00 H.00 00.000 HH
.000 00.000 0.0: 00.H00 11 11 0.0 00.0H 0.0: 00.00 00
.00H :0.000 0.: 00.00 11 11 0.00 00.000 H.00 :0.0H0 0
.00H 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 0.00H 0:.000 0
.m.z .0.2 0
.00H 00.00 0.HH 00.0 0.0 H0.0 11 11 H.H0 00.00 0
.00H 0H.H0 :.0 0H.0 0.0H 00.HH 11 11 0.00 0H.:: 0
.000 00.000 0.0 0:.0: 0.0 00.: 11 11 H.00 00.:00 :
.000 00.:00 0.0 00.0 0. 00.H 11 11 0.00 0H.000 0
.000 00.0HH 0.0 00.0 0.0H H0.HH 11 11 :.:0 00.00 0
.000 00.000 0.00 00.0H 0.00 0:.:0 11 11 0.00 H0.00H H
.0 CO0 #COU .0de “COD 1.0de
pom .wouc. pom .mnd. hum .mp0. 00m .090. pom .wo...<. Hoonom
H0000 awdpo HH<. 000000 0000 bdmadam>00.0.: 0000 0:0 0000000

 

m01H00H “0H0000m Hwaofismch 00000Hm 0H HHasm 000 000000m 00 000000

:.0 0000.0

137

 

 

 

 

 

00 :0 11 11 11 11 11 0.000 00
: 00 111 111 0.0H 0.00 0.00 0.00 00
02 02 111 111 111 111 111 0.00H :0
0 00 H.0 111 111 0.0 0.0 0.00 0H
00 0: 111 111 0.: 0.:0 111 0.00 0H
00 00 111 111 0.: 111 :.00 0.00 00
00 0: 0.0 111 0.0: 111 0.0 0.0: 00
0: 00 0.: 111 111 111 0.00 0.00 0
00 0H 111 111 H. 111 111 0.00 0
00 00 111 111 111 111 111 0.000 0
0 00 0.0 111 0.0 0.0 111 H.00 0
0 000 0. 111 0.0 0.0H 111 0.00 0
0: 00 0.0 111 0.0 0.0 111 H.00 :
0: 0: 0. 111 0.0 0. 111 0.00 0
00 00 0.0 111 0.0 0.00 111 :.:0 0
00 00 111 0.0 0.0 0.00 111 0.00 H
.m .3. HwCoHu3mZ mpthmv -wpddhmo wmwm Ucw
00000000 000000000002 .0002 00000 000000000 00<H .0.>00 .0.: 0000000 Hoodo0
001H00H 00000004 0H000 d0

0H0000m H000H000Hm 00000H0m 00000000000 00 0000000 00 0000000

00.0 0000.0

138
C}- SCHOOL PLANT

The quality of the school plant has a direct effect

upon several of the basic questions of this study. Even

though good teaching can take place in inadequate facilities,
the probabilities are that the quality of instruction will

not be much better or worse than the quality of the
physical facilities.

Standards appropriate to binational schools have not

yet been developed; however, inasmuch as the binational

schools purport to demonstrate U. S. methodology and

practices, it is not inappropriate to examine their

facilities in terms of the U. S. standards. Criteria

offered by the National Council of School House Construc—

ti on were, in fact, adopted in 1961 by the Association

Of American Schools in Mexico as a basis for evaluating

School building capacities.

These criteria specify that a classroom should provide

a minimum of 2.3 square meters of usable floor space per

to

accommodate twenty-five students, a classroom should con-

Pupi1, with 2.8 square meters being preferred. Thus,

tail-n at least 57 and preferably 70 square meters of floor
Space. .

This section concerning the school plant is limited

to an analysis of the size of the classrooms in 18 of the

binational schools. A detailed study of the size of the

139
classrooms in the binational schools is considered of
greatest importance to the basic questions of this study
because: (1) most schools report capacity enrollments;
(2) pupil-teacher ratios, as related to classroom
capacities, are reported to influence teacher compensa-
tion, and (3) most schools report overcrowded conditions
and one reported space utilization as high as 174 per
cent of capacity as determined by the adopted minimum
standards.

Almost all binational school directors identify
limited financial resources as the major problem con-
fronting the schools. Because of financial limitations,
the binational schools cannot recruit and retain qualified
teachers, cannot develop adequate instructional materials,
and in general cannot attain those objectives to which
they ascribe and aspire.

An analysis of the size of the classrooms in the
13inational schools demonstrates that the schools which
llave the greatest financial limitations cannot expand
'their enrollments to an economical level of operation
1>ecause they do not have classrooms large enough to
Eiccommodate groups large enough to generate necessary
iIlcome.

Fifty-six per cent of the classrooms in the binational

Sczhools are not adequate to accommodate a section of 25

lho
pupils. Over 90 per cent of the revenue available to the
schools is received from tuition and fees charged to the
students enrolled. The size and adequacy of classrooms
is presented in Table 3.19.

The percentage of space utilization reported by all
schools was 102 per cent aflowing 2.8 square meters per
child, and 8h per cent using 2.3 square meters.

Using the desirable amount of space for each child--
2.8 square meters-nonly 30 per cent of the schools have
additional space available for an expanded enrollment.

An analysis of the schools with more than 100 per
cent of space utilization reveals that 30 per cent of
them have fewer than 25 pupils per classroom. One school
101th 105 per cent utilization reports only thirteen
pupils per classroom. Space utilization is presented
in Table 3.20 and the number of pupils per classroom
is demonstrated in Table 3.21.

From the information available in this section,
'these conclusions are warranted:

1. Over half of the classrooms in the binational
schools are too small to accommodate an
enrollment of 25 pupils.

2. Most of the schools which reported low
per pupil revenue have classrooms which

do not permit an expanded enrollment, even

 

lul

000H 0H0 u 00 000n00 000

 

 

 

 

n 000
000 00 0H ::1 00 00 00 00 0000, m0 0H0000
00 0 0 HH HH 0H
0H 0 0 0H
0 0 0H
HH 0 0 0H
:: 0H H 0 0H 0 0 H :H
HH 0 0 0H
00 0 0 0H 0H
:H 0 0 H H H HH
0 H 0 0 0 0H
00 0 0H : : 0
0: 0 : H H 0 0 0 : 0H 0
0 0 0
00 H H 00 H 0
0 H H H 0 0
00 H 00 :
H0 HH 0 H0 0 H 00 0 0 0
0H H 0H 0 0
0H 0H H
0002
to 00 :0100 001H0 001:0 00100 00100 0:10: 0:100 00 000H
weoopmmeo 000002 Hoocom
H0009 000002 .wm CH mun .ow CH muHm 000002 mpmoom dH oun
1HmEHcH2 o>on<. HwemcH2 00doEmA~domm HMEacdzusofiflw

 

 

moauoe< chmq cH
wHoonom Hmcoprch 0N CH meooomwwHo 00 xomoooo< 0cm wme .0mnsdz

25 30.2

r

 

102

EdEmes 0000000000 00 0000 000 00 005000 00>0 0000000000: 0000 000 ooH do 0000m

.000000 000050 .m

.D 0 000

 

 

 

0
.NE m: 00 0000H00000 003 000008 000500 Ndnom 00000 000 00 00000000
Eooermeo S000 0.0.0 «whouomhwv Hooflow 0A0“ Umwhoamh mmdmh 00.:. .Ho 5.35.0me do www.mmH
:0 00H 000.0 00H~0 :0000 0:0«00 H0000
0: 00 000 000 00: 000 .H 0H
00 00 :00 000 00H 000 0H
00 00 00H 00 :0 0:0 0H
:0H 00H 000 000 :00 Hm0 0H
00 H0H 000.H 000 000 0 0.0 :H
0: 00 0:0 000 00H 000 0H
00 0H0 0:0 000 000 000 0H
0HH :0H 000 0H0 H0: 00 HH
00 00H 00H 0:H 00H 0H 0H
00H 00H 00: 000 000 :000H 0
00 :0 000 000 H00 00000 0
00 0HH H0 00 00 0H0 0
:0H 0H0 000 00: 000.H 000~H 0
:0H 00H 0:H 0HH 000 000 0
00 :0H 000 000 000 0000H :
00 00 0H:~0 000.H 000.H 00000 0
00H 000 000 000 000 000 0
00 00H 0:0 000 0H0 000 H
0HH00 000 0H000 000 0E 0 0 0E 0 0
0a 0.0 05 0.0 0HH00 000 0e pcmaHHo0cm H0H00H002< 0s
00080000cm 0050Q< 8080x02 Hoocom
N0000000000D 0m00a0000m EzEHx02

 

mHoozom 00000H00 0H 0H sofipmNHHHpa 00000 0:0 00000 0H00H00>< .0000000000

00.0 mgmdg

1113

TABLE 3.21

Total Number of Classrooms Contrasted to Total
Enrollment in Selected Binational Schools
in Latin America

 

 

Number of Number of Pupils
School Enrollment Classrooms Per Classroom
1 210 16 13
2 550 19 29
3 1,500 81 19
u 660 28 2h
5 220 8 28
6 1,050 28 38
7 86 6 In
8 501 42 12
9 635 20 32
10 158 8 2O
11 M21 In 30
12 320 2O 16
13 162 ll 15
111 999 L111 2:3
15 26M 11 2h
16 SL1 7 8
17 196 10 2O
18 nos 26 16

Total 8, 389 399 21

um
though the average number of pupils in each
classroom is below 25.
Several of the schools! classrooms are
dangerously overcrowded.
Over half of the classrooms in the schools
cannot accommodate a number of children
adequate to generate sufficient income

for the improvement of the schools.

CHAPTER IV
.A REVIEW OF PARENTS‘ PERCEPTIONS OF THE BINATIONAL
SCHOOL1AI MONTERREY, MEXICO

The review of the literature (Chapter 1) regarding
binational schools indicated some of the aspirations
held by those who have observed or who support such
schools, and also identified those objectives to
'which the schools subscribe in whole or in part.
rSimilarly, the information obtained from school directors
and reported in Chapter III is descriptive of objectives
and aspirations attributed to the binational schools.

However, neither the literature nor the directors
.supply information regarding either the extent to which
sschool aspirations are fulfilled or the degree to which
{Darents of the children enrolled in a binational school
Eire gratified by school performance of their children in
21 binational setting. Neither is there any information
EIVailable which lends understanding to parental opinion
CHJncerning the bicultural and bilingual aspects of a
binational school. Although there has been substantial
déascriptive study done of binational schools, little

eValuative work has been accomplished.

ILLS

1A6

Thus, this chapter treats parents! perceptions
concerning a binational school-~its policies, its
bicultural nature and its binational objectives. Con-
clusions are drawn directly and indirectly from the
responses of parents.

The American School Foundation of Monterrey, Mexico,
'was selected for study. This school conducted an extensive
self—study in 1961—62, with the collaboration of the
College of Education of Michigan State university. 1A
major element of the self—study was a survey of opinion
and judgment conducted among parents of the children
enrolled.

The Monterrey school is a useful object of special
study, as the following data indicate, both because it
is genuinely binational and because its self-study has
produced evaluative as well as descriptive data. More-
over, the Monterrey school is the only case in which
parents? views have been carefully obtained regarding a
'variety of school problems.

The following data are drawn from the survey of
[Barentsl views, conducted by the American School Foundation
IDf Monterrey during the l961—62 academic year.

The parents of children then enrolled in the school
Vwere, for the most part, of Mexican or Uhited States

<l‘itizenship. (Parents of other nationalities comprised

1117
only 2.8 per cent of the total and were excluded from the
sample studied.) Considering all parents, the ratio of
Mexican to United States citizens was in the proportion
of approximately 602u0. Approximately half the parents
of each of these two nationalities responded to the
survey; hence the 60:u0 ratio (Mexican:U.S.) is reflected
in the data that follow as well as in the population
sampled. The most pertinent survey data comprise the
basis for the following discussion.

The student population of the American School of
Monterrey during 1961-62 is indicated in Tables n.1,

h.2 and h.3. It will be noted that 58.5 per cent of all
children enrolled were of Mexican parentage, 35 per cent
of U. S. parentage and 3.7 per cent of mixed (Mexican—
U. S.) parentage.

Girls outnumbered boys, 333—297, in the total enroll-
ment of 630, of which 387 were in the "pre—school" (kinder-
garten) and the primary school, 1h? were at the junior
high school level, 70 were at the high school level and
26 were in a non—graded commercial program.

The 612 Mexican or U. 5. students represented 350
families, of which 210 were Mexican and 1&0 were U. 8.,
as judged by the father‘s citizenship in each case.
Responses to the survey of parental views were obtained

from h8 per cent of the Mexican and 52 per cent of the

1118

TABLE

h.1

Enrollment by Number and Percentage for Nationality

 

 

 

 

And Sex: Monterrey 1961—62
Number Percentage Total
Nation Per

Boys Girls Boys Girls Number Cent
Mexico 155 214 28.6 33.9 369 58.5
United States 119 102 18.8 16.2 221 35.0
Mexico—U.S. 15 7 2.u 1.3 22 3.7
Netherlands 1 2 0‘ 3
Germany A 1 5
Italy 0 2 l 2
Chile 0 1 1.3 1,5 l 2.8
Canada 2 l V Y 3
Argentina 0 1 I 1
Great Britain 1 1 i 2
Cuba 0 l V’ 1
Total 297 333 A7.1 52.9 630 100.0

 

.00000000000x 00 000H0>0500 2000080x00000 00 2000000100m=*

 

00H 0.00 H.0: 0.H 0.H 0.H :.0 0.0H 0.0H 0.00 0.:0 00000000000

 

 

 

0.00H 0.00 H.0: 000 000 000 0H 0 0 0H 00H 0HH :H0 00H 0H00o0
O/
mmu.: .00H 0 00 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 .o.o
0H.HH 0.00 :.H: 00 H: 00 H 0 0 H H0 :0 0H 0 0H10H
0.00 0.H0 0.00 0:H 00 00 0 H 0 0 0H 00 00 00 0 10
0.H0 0.0: 0.00 000 H0H 00H 0 : 0 0 00 H0 00 HoH 0 1H
0.0 0.H: 0.00 H0 00 00 H H . H 0 0H :H. 0H 0H *H000001000
H000H 0H00o 020m 000852 00000 020m 0000w1020m 0H000 020m 00000 020m MH000 020m
flan—bk. mDMpdmuupmnH wfiwfloh HwOHLmEdZ h®£00 .woDIOOfixmz 0m .3 0000wa22 Cofiwaxrfim

0 0 H H 0 a 0 H 0 0 z

x0m 0:0 20000000002 000 0m0000o00m 000 000852 20 2008850 08080000cm 00000>0Q

0.: 050<0

150

TABLE 0.3

Enrollment Distribution Study by

Grade, Nationality and Sex
1961-62

 

 

Mexico U. S. Mex.-U.S. Other

 

 

Grade W W B G W Total
Pre-primer l9 13 18 10 2 l 1 1 61
Grade 1 21 13 6 8 2 1 O 2 53
2 25 25 10 12 O 1 1 2 76
3 11 12 1o 5 2 1 o o 01
u 25 10 10 u o o 1 6h
5 11 10 10 0 1 o 1 2 05
6 8 1o 11 15 o o 2 1 07
7 17 02 8 6 1 1 o o 75
8 6 16 h 8 2 2 1 O 39
9 10 10 8 5 O O O O 33
10 O 9 10 12 O O 2 O 33
11 1 l 5 6 O O O O 13
12 1 9 9 3 1 o o 1 20
Commercial 0 26 O O O O O O 26
Total 155 218 119 102 15 7 8 10 630

_

151
U. 8. families. In the following discussion the per—
centages cited refer to respondents and not to the total
possible number of parents.

Objectives

 

Instructional—objectives. The views of parents
regarding the extent to which the school was effective
in achieving its instructional objectives are indicated
in Table 8-8-

Mexican and United States parents disagreed in
interesting respects concerning the degree to which the
school was effective in language instruction; each group
thought that its own language was being adequately taught
to the other group's children as a second language, but
U. S. parents were not pleased with their own children‘s
mastery of English. For example, regarding the teaching
of Spanish as a second language for United States
chfldren, 79 per cent of Mexican, but only 27 per cent of
U. 5., parents thought the school was doing "very well";
99 per cent of Mexican parents, but only 59 per cent of
LL 5. parents, deemed the program adequate ("very well"
or "fairly well"). Normally, one might expect, parents
would be the best judges of their own children's success;
but most United States parents did not speak spanish as
well as their children. Regarding the teaching of English

as a second language for Mexican children, 82 per cent of

152

 

: 0.0: 0.00 0 00 00 0 00 00 0HH00H0H00
xch0 00 000HH00
000 00000500

000 00 0000000>0Q .:
0H 0.00 0.H0 00 00 00 0 00 H0 0:00H03 .0
0 00 00 0H 0: 00 0 0H 00 00H000m .0
0 0.00 0.00 0H 00 H0 0 :H :0 00Hx0000 1<
000Hmcm 00 0008
1800 0000 0 0>0n
00000000 .m .D

0000 000000000050 .w
0.HH 0: 0.0: 0 H: :0 0H 00 0: 0000HH00 0000002
00 00050000
050000 0 00

00HH000 00H00000 .0
H0 00 00 H: 00 00 H 00 00 0000HH00
.m .D 00 00050000
000000 0 00

0000000 00000008 .H

0003 0003 0H0: 0H0: 0003 0003
200oom 20000m 20N> 200oom 200000 200> 200oom 200002 200> 00>0000000
000000m 00< 00:000m .m .3 000000& 0000x02

 

000000000000 80 00000000mv

00>00o0000 0000000500000 0000002 00 00000>00o000m 00 000m0m

:.: 00m<0

153

 

 

0.:0 0: 0.00 00 0: m 0H 0: 00 0H003 .0
0: 00 H0 00 00 H :0 00 00 00H00s< 0H000 .0
00 0.00 0.00 0: 0: 00 0 00 00 00H00z .0

0.00 0.00 00 00 0: 0H 00 :0 00 000000 000H05 .<

«00 08000000
00800000 000
000000000 000000
00 200>0000800
00000500 000
00 0000000>0Q .m
HH03. H003 0003 HH03 0003 0003
200000 200000 200> >0000m 200000 20m> 200000 200000 20m> 00>00o0000
0000000 00¢. 0000000 .0 .3 0000000 0000X02

 

A0050000000 :.: 00008

15A

the Mexican parents indicated satisfaction with the
program ("very well" or "fairly well"), as did 95 per
cent of U. 8. parents.

Concerning the school‘s success in guaranteeing
that United States children have a good command of
English, 12 to 30 per cent of U. 3. parents thought the
school was performing poorly in teaching them to speak,
read and write their first language; virtually all
Mexican parents thought the school did well at this task.

All Mexican parents responded that the school was
successful in developing students' ability to think
critically and independently and only 8 per cent of the
U. 8. parents indicated poor performance in this area;
whereas 72 per cent of Mexican parents thought this
task was being done "very well," only 33 per cent of
the U. 8. parents so thought.

Of major significance was the indication by over
30 per cent of all parents that the school was performing
poorly in developing the students' sensitivity to social,
political and economic problems of the United States,
Latin America and the World. Regarding development of
the students' sensitivity to the social, political and
economic problems of Mexico, however, 9h per cent of the
.Mexican and 60 per cent of U. 5. parents felt that the
school was successful. The presentation of U. 5. problems

'was deemed successful by 66.5 per cent of all parents.

155

The detailed responses concerning these objectives
are summarized in Table h.h.

Relational objectives. A.stated objective common
to virtually all binational schools is that of improving
or enlarging binational relations and understanding.

The degree of success of the Monterrey school in
accomplishing this objective was exceptionally high,
according to the parents, whose views are summarized in
Table U-S-

Retention of students. If a child is withdrawn from

 

a binational school because the family is moving or
because he is being sent abroad for study, his withdrawal
is not a matter for concern to the school. However, a
perplexing problem for all school boards, administrators,
faculty and parents is the withdrawal of students from
the binational school for the purpose of entering national
or "compethng" private schools. Withdrawal suggests, at
first thought, dissatisfaction with the school. The
reasons advanced by parents in the Monterrey survey are
noted in Tables u.6 and h.7. These reasons, it should
be noted, are explanations they advanced for the with-
drawal of any students, and do not suggest that they had
ever withdrawn their own children from the school.

Given a list of nine pre—tested reasons plus an

"other-uplease specify" option, parents were asked to

156

 

0H m.:: 0.H: 0H 0: 00 H0 0:

00 0.0: 0.0: 0H 0: 00 0 00

mm 000000 000 000
000002 00 0000000000
000000>00 0 00000000

.0 .D 00 0000000000

H0 000000
1000 000000: 00000

000 00000 .0 .D

000 00 0000000000
000000>00 0 000000

0: 000000000
000 00 00000000

0000002 000 .m .3
0003000 000000000

10000 000000000000m

00 00000000 0003 @0000
00m 00 000-000>00

00 0003 .000000

0000 0000000000 00
00000000 0000002

000 .m .3 00000008

 

0003 0003 0003 0003 0003

0003

500000 000000 >0m> 000000 000000 >0m> 000000 500000 000> 0>00o0000

0000000 000 0000000 .0 .3 0000000 0000002

 

000000000000 00 00000000mv

00>00o0000 0000000000 000000: 00 00000>00o000m 00 000m0m

m.: 000<H

157

 

 

0.0 m.H m.0 0.0 m 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0000000 00000 .0H
0.0 0 0 0 0H 0 0 0 0 0 m 0 =00000000000<=
00080000 00000000 00 0000 .0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0H0000000 000 x003
00 0000 000 000 000000000 .m
0H m.: 00 0H m m 00 00 H0 0 0H 0 0000 000 x00:
00 300 000 000 00000000« .0
0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 000H000 000000H
0>00 0000 00000 0000 000000
00 00000000 0000 0000000 .0
0H 0 0H 0.0m :0 0H 00 00 0 0 00 00 0H00
I000>000 0000000 00000000000m .m
m.0 0.0H m.HH 0 0 0H HH HH 0 0H 0H m 0000 000000 0.000 0000000
000 0000000000 000 0000 .0
0m 0H 0 0 0H 00 0 00 00 00 NH 0 00000000x0 000 0000 0000000 .0
0.0H 0H 0.H0 00 0H 0H HH 0 0H 0H 0H 0 000000 00H0000 0 0000
000000 00000000 0 000000 09 .m
0.0 m.0 m.: 0 0 0 0 0 0H 0H 0 0 H00000
0000000000000 0 000000 00
00000000 0003 000 00 0000000 .0
0 0 0 H 0 0 0 H 0 0 0 H 00000000000000 000 00
::0 0000000 - 0:0 0000000 - :10 0000000 00000000 >0000WMMW0M0000 000 000
00000000 00¢ 00000000 .m 00000000 0000002

 

0000000

000000000000 00 00000000mv

H0000 00000 00 0000 0H0000 00

00000000 3000000300000000 0000000 000000000 0002 0000 00 0000000000003 00000000

0.: 000<0

158

00000>00 000000 000000 000 000 000
00000 000 000 030

000000080 0008 000000 008000 000000 000 000 000000 00009
000000080 0008 008000 000000 000 000 000000 0000 *

 

 

 

o 00 o m.w o 00.30000000 000 x003 00 0000 000 000 000000000
00 m o m.® mm 0 000000000008<= 00080000 00000000 00 0000
mm m.o o 00 mm 0 0000000 00000
00 0.0 00 0 00 0 000H000 0000H 0000 H0000
0000 000000 00 00000000 0000 0000000
m0 0 0o o 00 0 000000 0000000000000 0
000000 00 00000000 0003 000 00 0000000
000 m 00 J :00 m 000000 0000000
0 0000 000000 00000000 0 000000 00
0HH 0 00 m 000 0 0000 000000
000000 0000000 000 0000000000 000 0000
00H 0 0HH 0 00m 0 00000000x0 0000 0000000
HmH m 0HH m 000 m 0000 000 000: 00 30H 000 000000000
mdm 0 0mm 0 mom 0 0000000>0 000 8000000 000000000o0m
000000 0000 000000 0000 000000 0000
0000000 000000
0000000 .0 .D 0000x0z 0000000 00<

 

0H00000 H0000 00000 00 0000 HH0000 00 00000000 30000003 0000000
0000000 00 0000000000003 00000000 00 $0000> 00000 0000000 000 0000

0.0 00000

159

indicate the four reasons they deemed most important,
ranking them from one to four. Table h.6 is arranged
to indicate the percentage of parents who ranked each
item. It is perhaps worthy of note that no Mexican
parent availed himself of the "other-aplease specify"
option, although several U. 5. parents did so. The
reasons are listed in Table h.7 in order of importance
as ranked by parents.

The single most important reason, according to 75 per
cent of Mexican parents and 30 per cent of U. 5. parents,

was the unavailability of the approved Mexican bachillerato

 

or senior high school program; 98 per cent of the Mexican
parents and 93 per cent of the U. 5. parents specified
this as one of the four most important reasons for
withdrawal.

The second most important reason, one noted by
52 per cent of Mexican and 58 per cent of U. 5. parents,
was that "standards are too low or work too easy"; in
this case, 19 per cent of the Mexican parents and 26 per
cent of U. 8. parents gave this reason their second rank—
ing; 8 per cent of Mexican parents and 22 per cent of
U. 5. parents gave first ranking to this reason. Inas-
much as this reason applies almost exclusively to Mexican
children (for U. 5. children are rarely withdrawn from
the binational school for entry into national schools),

the comparison is revealing. It appears that U. S.

160
parents are more inclined to attribute low standards
to the school than are Mexican parents, despite the
popular Latin American belief that a "hard" school is
a "good" school-~and national schools 213 "hard."

Tuition fees and "exclusiveness." Binational

 

schools in large cities of Latin America are frequently
accused of being "snobbish" or "exclusive." There is
reason to believe that this may be true to a certain
degree. Although 62.5 per cent of the parents thought
the school should not be an "exclusively upper-class
institution," 31 per cent of Mexican parents and Uh per
cent of U. 5. parents responded that it should be.
Responses to this and related economic items are sum—
marized in Table h.8.

Learning achieved and "work" required. Significant

 

insights into the nature of binational schools were
gained from parents! observations concerning "learning"
and "work." Their responses, summarized in Table n.9,
indicate their belief that children "learn more" in a
binational school than they would in ordinary schools.
Mexican and U. 5. parents were in remarkable agreement
on this point, yet they diverged very sharply on the
question whether children "work harder" or "work less"
in such a school. Mexican parents, 80 per cent of

them,thought the children work harder, but 71 per cent

161

 

NN

op

m.mo

:H

00

mm

00

m.~m

ow

am

pm
as

om

pm

we

m:

pm

:3

05

mm

pm

00

mo

mp

:o

pm

mm

mm

pcOpppsp opp co puma
ham zoo poonan poo» mmom

muopoppco oommpp>ppo
mmmp pom mapnmuwpocom
HmCopppoom :wpppwpmo
op xomw poocow oHSocm

pcoppSpppmcp
mmmponpoaa: zpm>pwspo
Ixo do on Hoonom opsonm

~5mppmpdoz
mo>mop kppEmM Mp come on
m>onm op deppomoxo opponm

«pmpmp mzwpo

IanB on Mp do>m mppopcm
pcoUSpm m wapp ocp pm cook
Hooaom opppcm cm pom aopppdp
hog op mpcopma mpmmppno
kppprom Hoozom opsonm

.N

 

oz

swoop

wo>

oz

mm>

mpCocmm

mopMpm ooppo:

02

mm»

mpcmpmm
cmopxmz

EmgH

AmommpCmopoa up mowdoamomv

m.: momaw

copppsh ocm womb mcpccmodoo wmwcoamom popCmpmm

162

TABLE h.9
Parental Opinion Concerning Learning and

Work in a Binational and Essentially
Bilingual Institution

(Responses in percentages)

Area Mexican American Total

1. Learning

.A. Learn more 71 72 V 71.5

B. Learn less 29 28 28.5
2. Work

A. ‘Work harder 80 29 5h.5

B. Work less 20 71 15.5

 

163
of U. 5. parents thought the opposite. Restated, Mexican
-parents thought their children work harder but learn more.
U. 5. parents thought the children learn more despite
working less.

"Basic" educational objectives. An effort was made

 

to learn what additional subjects parents thought to be
"basic" by asking them what should be offered as a part
of the "regular" program of the school and which subjects
should be offered as extra-cost options. The responses
are summarized in Table h.lO.

It is noteworthy that, in general, U. 8. parents
conceived of a more generous "basic program" than did
the Mexican parents. The two groups agreed as to the
inclusion of physical education, sports, developmental
reading, and advanced arithmetic and science. However,
although U. 5. parents would include music and art as

"basic," Mexican parents would not.

Summary
The school at Monterrey serves a genuinely binational
"constituency" and student body. Therefore, it may be
presumed to be an appropriate school in which to examine
additional facets of "binationality." It is clear, of
course, that the "binationality" of a school resides
not only in the differing national origins of its

students, but also in the composition of its professional

16).;

 

 

m.mm m.pw o: :m Hp om wpooom
op am op oo mm mp ooppmosom poopwsom
a: mm a: mm o: Hm oocopom oooco>u<
m.o: m.mm m: mm m: mm oppoeoppo¢.oooom>u<
m: mm om :o oo o: oppoeappo< HmpooEQm
m.o: m.©m mm me o: :m mcpomom HmpcoanHo>om
m: am pm oo mm m: oopowom pmpoosom
op pm :N om mp mm cmEooo
N.mm m.®m so mm NF mm seamen
m.mm m.~: :: om Ho on pu<
Hm o: o: oo mo mo cows:
Coppao doppao doppao
pmoo Empmopm pwoo Eopmopm pmoo Emumopm
Imppxm opwmm Imppxm opmwm nwupxm upwmm poohndm
mpcocom mpdocmm
Hmpoe mopmpm omppcb doUHXoE

nwmmproocoa up womcoawomv

poocom kcwpcosopm map up mcoppao pmoo wupxm mm no
Eocmoom upmmm map go ppmm a mo mpomnnsm mo coppmopmppcmoH Hmpcmuom

op.: momag

165
staff, in the content and concept of its instructional
program, and in other questions of educational policy
and practice.

A.concern for several such matters was implicit in
the choice of the questions posed to parents in the
Monterrey self—study; questions which were chosen, it
should be noted, after preliminary discussions within
the binational parental committees responsible for the
self-study.

The Monterrey school’s constituency evidently holds
these aspirations for the school:

1. That the school advance international

understanding.

2. That the school impart a second language

(Spanish and English, respectively) to the
U. S. and Mexican children enrolled.
3. That the school develop within its students
an appreciation for the culture and traditions
of both the U. S. and Mexico.

A. That the school present to the local community

a favorable representation of the U. S. and
that, similarly, it develop within the local
U. S. "colony" a sympathetic appreciation of

the "host" nation, Mexico, and its culture.

166

These aspirations are held in common by both Mexican
parents and U. 8. parents. These aspirations, expressed
as objectives of school operation, create no conflicts
within the school’s constituency; with respect to them,
differences of nationality carry no basic differences
of viewpoint. Hence these may be termed the "binational
goals" of the binational school.

There are other objectives valued by Mexican and
U. 8. parents respectively which are not identical. Some
aspirations are "domestic" rather than "binational."

For example, U. 5. parents, by and large, expect the
binational school to equip their children for U. 5.
higher education. Some Mexican parents share this
expectation; but many Mexican parents want the binational
school to provide for their children a program of
instruction that satisfies the entrance requirements of
higher education in Mexico or elsewhere in Latin America,
hence the importance assigned by parents to the bachill-
eratg_program.

It is clear, in short, that the two major groups
within the school constituency do have different as well
as common interests and objectives. Such differences do
not necessarily create conflict within the constituency.
However, they do underscore a major problem faced by

each binational school: to the extent that the school

167
attempts to be a truly international school rather than
an "American School" transplanted to Latin America. The
problem and the challenge is to invent educational
programs that blend "U. S." and "Latin American"
characteristics so artfully as to reconcile potential
conflict, and to satisfy the two sets of aspirations, in

a single program of international education.

CHAPTER V

THE EMERGENCE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE BINATIONAL

SCHOOLS AND U. S. ORGANIZATIONS

The binational schools in Latin America have been
related to several U. S. organizations in their history.
The first formal relationship was the accreditation in
1928 of one school in Mexico by the Southern Association
of Colleges and Schools (SACS). Since that time, sundry
U. S. organizations have indicated interest and concern
for the welfare of the schools.

The SACS made no significant progress in working
with the schools until after the founding of the Inter-
American Schools Service (IASS) in l9h3.1 Before this
time, the SACS had no funds for travel expenses, and
the schools could not afford to pay for the services.
With the founding of the IASS, the SACS had the opportunity,
under LASS sponsorship, to send representatives to the
schools and to evaluate them for accreditation.

The SACS now seeks to accredit eligible schools
throughout Latin America at the secondary level

(Grades 7-12). It also conducts a cooperative program

 

1Roy T. Davis, "American Schools Programs in Latin
America," The Educational Record, vol. 33, (1952), p. 319.

 

168

r g7”?

169
designed to bring about improvement in elementary educa-
tion.

The standards for accreditation of the binational
schools have been somewhat modified in practice. However,
the official standards are not adapted to the peculiar
nature of the binational school. This is evident from
a review of standards for teacher salaries, for example.
SACS standards require a minimum annual salary of $3,000
for an individual teacher and a minimum average salary
of $3,h00 for all teachers.2 Minimum and average
salaries in several accredited binational schools are
far below these standards.31

The binational schools themselves seek accreditation
for several obvious reasons: (1) to improve the possibil-
ity of the transfer of their students into U. 5. schools,
(2) to assist their graduates in entering U. S. univer—
sities, and (3) to set minimum standards for themselves.

The SACS has been of great service to the schools
in providing them with an effective, even though infre-
quent, contact with the U. S. education profession. This

alone has stimulated interest among the several profes-

sionally isolated schools, as was evidenced by a meeting

 

2Southern Association of Colleges and Schools,
"Principles and Standards," (Atlanta, 1960).

3Michigan State University, College of Education,

"The Binational Schools in Mexico," (1960).

170
of directors from representative schools in New Orleans
in 1962.)"L
The SACS is organized to work with the binational
schools through the committee on Latin American Relations
Commission on Secondary Schools.5
.A standard accreditation requirement of the SACS is

that the school must conduct a self-evaluation using the

standard Evaluative Criteria? Once gaining accredita-

 

tion, the school periodically must re—evaluate itself
using the same guide. Initial and continuing accredita~
tion of a school is dependent also upon visitation by a
member of the Commission on Secondary Schools of the

7

Association.

For several years, the accreditation process was the
principal contact the schools had with the U. S. education
profession. The contact was limited to those schools
which were accredited, and the contact was made by the
accreditation examiners. Accordingly, professional and
technical service to the schools was limited since a
single and infrequent "evaluator" could provide only a

modicum of advice and counsel.

 

ll‘Improving International Understanding Through
Binational Education, SACS, (Atlanta, 1962).

TS"Proceedings of the Annual Conference, 1961 Southern
Association of Colleges and Schools," (Atlanta, 1962).

6"Principl€S and Standards}"gp. cit.

 

7"Principles and Standards," op, cit.

171

The formation of the Inter-American Schools Service
helped SACS extend its work with the binational schools.
The IASS itself came into being in 19h3 after the U. S.
government developed interest in the schools. Roy Tasco
Davis, first director of the Inter-American Schools
Service, wrote of its fomnation:

In 19h2 the office of the Coordinator of Inter-
American.Affairs requested the Council (American
Council on Education) to cooperate with it in
setting up a program to assist American spon—
sored schools in Latin America, and made a grant
of $27,000 to the Council for that purpose. In
l9h3 the sponsorship of the program was trans-
ferred to the Department of State. Since that
time the Council has operated under contracts
with the Department, and annual grants have

been made to the Council gor the purpose of
carrying out the project.

The IASS has actively engaged in working with the
binational schools in many different ways between 19h3
and 1963. Most significantly, it determined eligibility
for grants—in—aid and made modest grants to the schools.
In addition TASS also assisted in recruiting teachers
in the U. S. for the schools. It also exercised a
certain amount of influence in assisting the schools in
obtaining funds from other sources. These general
functions are treated in an excerpt from the "Newsletter,"
the quarterly publication of IASS:

The recruiting service has been considerably

expanded, and contacts established with more
than A50 teacher placement offices. .As a

 

8Roy T. Davis, "American Schools Program in Latin

America," The Educational Record, V01. 33, (1952), p. 319.

 

172
result of continued emphasis on increased
financial aid for the schools, 18 of them
have obtained substantial official aid in
local currency funds for building purposes
under public Law M80 and six others are to

receive aid in dollars under section h00 (e)
of the Mutual Security Act. 5.9 _

Since its beginning, IASS has been faced with a
financial problem. The number of eligible schools
increased dramatically but the total amount of money
available to them remained constant.10

The U. S. organizations working with these schools
emphasized the importance of cooperation in dealing with
financial and related problems. The usefulness of
cooperation led to the founding in 1959 of the Associa-
tion of American Schools in the Republic of Mexico, as
an outcome of a conference of the schools in Mexico.
Prior to this time, the binational schools had met in
regional conferences in El Savador (1955), in Guatemala

(1956) and in Washington (1957).11

These conferences,
however, did not result in the organization of an
association for continuing and collaborative action.

The formation of the AssociatiOn of the six American

schools in Mexico in 1959 was preceded by a formal in-

 

9Inter-American Schools Service, "Newsletter,"
(July, 1959), Washington, D. C.

lolbid.

lllbid.

173
service training program that was developed in 1957
by the American School Foundation of Mexico in coopera-
tion with Michigan State University. The program was
extended to the Colegio Americano de Torreon in 1958.
Because of its success and the interest it created, a
meeting of all binational schools in Mexico was
arranged for the specific purpose of founding an
association for cooperative and collaborative action.
The conference, sponsored by IASS, was organized by
the American School Foundation of Mexico and Michigan
State University.

The association was immediately successful insofar
as participation was concerned. All binational schools
in Mexico except the school in Tampico became members.

A natural problem arose in the first year of operation——
money. The association was financed by IASS using funds
that would otherwise have been distributed as grants-in-
aid to individual schools; individual grants thus were
reduced-ueliminated in some cases-uto provide funds for
the Association. In addition to this problem, one

school expressed an "image" problem in that it did not
wish to be too closely associated with "U. S. education."
Nevertheless, of the eight binational schools in Mexico,

six continued to remain active in the Association movement.

17LL

The success of the Association program in Mexico-—
and the soundness of the idea that limited funds should
be invested in planned and cooperative improvement--led
IASS to encourage the formation of associations in other
areas of Latin America. Consequently, in 1960, four
additional regional associations were founded:
(1) Central America, (2) Colombia, (3) Venezuela, and
(4) Brazil and Argentina.

iThe formation of these five regional associations—~
and an increasing interest among the schools to undertake
joint action—uled to the organization of a conference
in New Orleans in 1962. This conference was organized
by the SACS, sponsored by the IASS and attended by
representatives from the Latin American associations,
Michigan State university and the University of Alabama.

This conference resulted in a statement of the

common objectives of the associations. These are:

1. To bring to the attention of the educational
community in the host country and the united
States the accomplishments, unrealized
potential, and needs of the member schools,
and of the needs of education generally.

2. To develop cooperative working relationships
with key public and private educational
agencies in Latin America, including
institutions of higher education.

3. To provide a systematic program of in-service

education to and for teachers in and allied
with the association.

175

h. To provide educational consultation in
and through member schools of the
Association for the purpose of upgrading
the programs of the several schools.

5. To provide means whereby teachers in and
allied with member schools may earn
advanced study certificates or degrees in
cooperation with appropriate U. S. and
Latin American universities.

6. To provide training and orientation activities
for educational personnel in the United States
and Latin America who desire or need cross—
cultural experiences as a part of their
professional growth and development.

7. To provide mutually beneficial programs of
student, faculty, and administrative exchange
among member schools, and also between
member schools and those of other Associa-
tions or countries.

8. To identify areas of needed educational
research, to promote research activities
in member schools and affiliated agencies,
and to establish and conduct programs of
research in those areas of greatest mutual
need and concern.

9. To develop professional guides, units of
instruction, and publications aimed at the
resolution of the compelling and persistent
problems confronting member schools.

10. To bring about a cooperative effort among
the member schools to resolve mutual problems.

12
The representatives at the New Orleans conference
attributed several types of improvements to the Association

movement, These were:

 

12"Improving International Understanding Through
Binational Education," op, cit., p. 3.

176

Improvements in Personnel

 

The quality of training and experience of
United States teachers and local national
teachers has dramatically increased in recent
years. The quality of administrative leader-
ship has also improved to the point that most
of the schools now have the services of trained
educators. With these improvements, the school
boards have been able to delegate the adminis-
tration of the schools to the directors and
assume their proper role as the policy—making
body.

Improvements in Program

 

More children, particularly those of
national families, are engaged in American
School programs. The total enrollment of
these schools has grown from 4,000 in l9hu to
approximately 20,000 in 1960. Enrollments are
expanding at a rate of approximately 5 per cent
per year. The demand by citizens of the host
country is such that many schools have had to
expand their physical facilities to accommodate
those seeking admission. The scope of instruc-
tional programs has markedly increased, especially
at the secondary level. Of the fifty binational,
non-profit schools, half offer a twelve-grade
program of education. There is also evidence
of greatly improved elementary school programs.

Many of these programs have been accepted
by the local governments as meeting the require-
ments for entrance to local universities.

There are increasing instances of the use
of the schools! plants and personnel for demon-
stration purposes in cooperation with local
authorities.

Improvements in International Relations

 

Increasingly, these schools have taken on
binational and bicultural characteristics.
Today most have provisions for binational
boards of control, faculties and student bodies;
and most have established dual or blended curricula.

177

Relationships with local educational
agencies have been improved in many instances:

In Colombia, the American High School
program in Bogota has been accredited by
the National Ministry of Education, a genuine
breakthrough in official relationships.

In Guatemala City, the American School
is actually employed as a laboratory and
teacher training institute on behalf of the
National Ministry of Education and the
National University. In addition, academic
and psychological test materials developed
by American School personnel have been
adopted for use by all public schools in
Guatemala.

In Mexico, D. F., key American School
personnel serve as professors at the
National University.

‘With growing improvements in personnel
and programs, the popular image of the schools
has improved to the point where many are
accepted as a vital educational force in their
community.

Increasingly, the schools are being turned
to by professional persons among the National
population for demonstrations of teaching
methods, materials of instructions, school
plant design and such specialized services
as library, counseling and guidance and
academic testing.

Some schools, through their recreational
and cultural prograns, have created an interest
on the part of children, parents and profes-
sionals for the adoption of such activities
into National school programs.

Increasingly, the improving quality of
American Schools has commanded the respect of
many Nationals, particularly among the so—
called leading families, to the point that
most schools enroll today children from those
families holding the highest educational
aspirations and standards. These National
families in turn are among the strongest

178
advocates of continued improvements in the
personnel, programs and services of the
schools.

A. Improvements in Funds and Facilities

 

In recent years, American Schools in Latin
America have begun to come out of the basements
and attics of sub-standard facilities. Since
1958, new buildings have been completed in
Monterrey, Guadalajara and Torreon, Mexico;
Bogota and Cali, Colombia; Santiago, Chile;
Guatemala, Guatemala; Sao Paulo and Rio de
Janiereo, Brazil; Tegucigalpa, Honduras;

San Salvador, El Salvador; and Buenos Aires,
Argentina. .A large number of other schools
have improved and expanded existing facilities.
A.variety of local and governmental sources
have assisted in the improvement of facilities,
among the latter including funds from the
International Cooperative Agency (Agency for
International Development), Public Law A80,
business and industrial corporations and
private individuals. Despite marked
improvements, most of the schools are still
poorly housed or operating with incomplete
facilities. In Mexico, for example, approxi—
mately 50 per cent of the available class-
rooms in eight American Schools are still
sub-standard.13

The activities of the Association in Mexico during
the period 1961-62 serves is an example of the extent
of Association activity. During this period, the
Association arranged the following:

1. Credit courses for 180 teachers in four
schools.

2. Two workshops in one school.

3. The provision of supervisors from larger
schools to the smaller ones for consulta-

tions and pre-school workshops.

 

13
Ibid.,ppo LL-So

179

h. The services of ten U. S. university

consultants for a total of 250 days, and

5. The organization of two self--studies.u‘L

These services, exclusive of the self-studies, were
operated on an annual budget of $12,000. Including
cost of travel, per diem allowances, publications,
conference expense and credit courses for 180 teachers,
the cost per consultant day was approximately $h8. The
courses alone on a U. S. university campus for 150
teachers (in a three-hour course at a cost of $9 per
quarter hour) would average $1h,580. There seems to
be little doubt that the $12,000 were exceptionally
productive.

The self-studies organized through the Association
were paid for by the participating schools, namely, those
of Mexico, D. F., and Monterrey.

The results of these studies, unique in Latin
America, were published:

1. The American School Looks to the Future,

Mexico, D. F., 1961, and

2. Planning for the Future, Monterrey, Mexico, 1962.

These studies are extremely helpful in gaining an
understanding of the binational school. It is noteworthy

that the American School Foundation of Monterrey submitted

 

I"Ibid., pp. 6-7.

180

the study recommendations to its controlling body and
they were accepted without dissent. The Mexico City
report was reviewed and approximately 85 per cent of
the recommendations for improvement implemented by the
board and staff.15

It is pertinent to note the differences in objectives
listed by the two schools:

Mexico City

 

"The official purpose of the school is to prepare
qualified students in the English language for entrance
into U. 5. colleges and universities"; this applies
basically to the secondary division, since half of the
elementary division programs must be in Spanish, as
required by the Mexican National curriculum. Having
chosen to offer its programs to an international student
body, the school necessarily performs four educational
functions in addition to college preparation in English.
These are (l) a bicultural elementary program, (2) an
acceptable curriculum for students preparing to enter
the National Autonomous University of Mexico, (3) terminal

16

programs, and (h) services.

 

15Board of Directors, "Progress Report," American
School Foundation of Mexico, D. F., (October, 1962).

lélbido, pp. 2‘3.

181

Monterrgyp

 

The school in Monterrey listed the following objectives:
.A. The primary purpose of the American School
in Monterrey now, and in the future, should
be to provide an education which will enable
our students to enter and successfully
complete their formal education in outstand-
ing colleges and universities.
B. A.second purpose of our school is to continue
to strengthen and improve the relationships
between the American School community and
the Monterrey total community.
C. A.third purpose of our school is to capitalize
on the unique educational advantages of a bi—
national school; advantages which are of
value to both the Mexican and United States
children.
D. .A fourth purpose of the American School is to
assist each individual student in achieving
his maximum potential both as an individual
and as a contributing citizen of his native
country.17
These objectives represent two distinct points of

View:

 

17"Planning for the Future," 22; Cit- Po 15-

182

l. U. S. type education perceived as a commodity

made available to a Latin American community, and

2. .A program designed for the students who live

in the community.

These two points of view-~and many variations of
each-~are replicated among the binational schools through-
out Latin America.

The self-studies produced at least a clear definition
of objectives. The schools can be presumed to know what
their objectives are and what is involved in attaining
them. These initial self—evaluations will probably result
in continuing study and re-evaluation.

Perhaps one of the most significant reasons for the
ssuccess of the association movement in Latin America may
Ipe attributed to the fact that institutional responsibili-
tLies for them is being assumed by U. S. universities.
17115 fact is obvious from manifestations of continuing
iIlterest and support as demonstrated in the activities
DI? the Association in Mexico, and in the commitment and
aczcommodations that U. S. institutions made in order to
Work with schools in Latin America.

The published example of one university's commitment
155 demonstrated in an annual summary of Latin American

acrtivities by the College of Education of Michigan State

Lkliversity.18

 

 

18Harl T. Hereford, "Annual Summary of Latin American
AU2tivities," College of Education, Michigan State Univer-
sity, East Lansing, Michigan, (August, 1962).

183

In summary, M. S. U. was engaged in the following

activities in Latin America:

1.

m

Latin America Area Program Polipy

 

An ad hoc faculty committee prepared a "Charter" to
guide the College's program development in Latin
America. The document was reviewed in each interest
area. In addition to specific position statements,
the "Charter" emphasizes these basic elements:
a. A.Systematic Staff Development Program
b. A.Domestic Clientele Development Program
c. A.Program of Research and Publications
d. An Overseas Extension of Instructional
and Research Activities
e. A.New'Kind of Graduate Program
f. A Program of Intra-University Cooperative
Activities.19

Staff Development

 

The Mexico and Central America School Associations
have now signed five-year agreements with the College
which secure their cooperation in and support of the
College staff annually undertaking four-one-term
assignments or any reasonable subdivision thereof

in Latin America.

Ignaw” p. 2.

18h

Domestic Clientele Programs

 

In cooperation with American Schools in Mexico and
Central America, M.S.U. graduate students may now
obtain an exceptional international study and teach—
ing experience.

The new graduate program allows qualified 5th
or 6th year students to earn a master's or sixth
year diploma upon successful completion of a calendar
year program which includes the following:

a. Approximately 15 hours of General Profes-

sional Studies, normally including the
Master's core courses or their advanced
graduate equivalent.

b. Approximately 15 hours of Specialized
Professional Studies including up to
seven months of teaching, independent
study and research in one or more American
Schools in Mexico and/or Central America.

c. .Approximately 15 hours of Hemispheric
Studies including elements of the economics,
politics, culture, sociology and education
of Latin America.

The new program was approved formally by the

Curriculum Committee of the College on January 18, 1962.

Graduate students will assist normalista teachers in

 

these tasks: (a) teaching of English as a second

185

language, (b) unit building, and (c) instructional
materials development. In addition to their teaching
and consultation duties, the graduate students will
pursue independent studies and research related to
education in the Mexican culture.

university Cooperation

Perhaps the most potentially significant development
of the past year was the establishment of a center
for educational research and improvement (in Spanish,
intituto de Investigacion y Mejoramiento Educativos"
or IIME (ee-may). A contract for $610,000 was
successfully negotiated with REPAS, a division of
AID, to conduct research in the broad fields of
secondary and higher education. It is anticipated
that the university of San Carlos will be officially
designated a regional center for the five Central
American Republics and that all or most Central
American graduate students carrying a major in educa—
tion and psychology will enroll for their graduate
work in the Center. Whether the Center realizes

its regional aspirations, or is delimited in scope

to Guatemala, M.S.U. has now gained a valuable Latin
American extension for undertaking long—range research

and improvement programs.

 

 

 

6.

186

School Cooperations

 

In addition to the new Central American Research
Center, the College negotiated five-year agreements
with American School associations in Mexico and
Central America. M.S.U. teaching, consultation and
research centers have been established.

A New Program for Teachers In—Service in Latin America

 

Because of a paucity of opportunities for teachers
in—service in Latin America to acquire advanced work
in professional education, the Curriculum Committee
of the College approved a new program January 18,
1962, which permits qualified Latin American teachers
to acquire advanced work at M.S.U. through M.S.U.
school centers holding the bachelor's degree or
licenciatura (a Latin American university degree
variously equated with the bachelor's or master’s
degree of U. S. universities) may acquire a master's
degree from M.S.U. through this program. Teachers
holding a normalista certificate may acquire a
Diploma for Advanced Study in Education through the
same program. Each candidate completes an
individually planned program in accordance with the
following program:

a. Approximately 15 hours in the General

Professional Studies taught by M.S.U.

 

187
staff in Center schools in Mexico and
Central America.

b. Approximately 15 hours of Specialized
Professional Studies consisting of work-
shops, independent study and research
under the direction of M.S.U. lecturers
and taught by qualified professionals in
Mexico and Central America.

c. Approximately 15 hours of Hemispheric
Studies including the economics, politics,
culture and education of the Western
Hemisphere. Each in-service teacher plans
a program with a resident advisor. An
on-campus committee approves the program.

d. Resident credit is awarded for independent
study. Each student must also complete

at least one summer session on-campus.2O
The most recent development in the agencies involved
in support of binational schools was the incorporation of

IASS into the International Schools Foundation late in 1963.

Both of these agencies now form the International Schools

Services. Their policies concerning the binational schools

in Latin America have not yet been formulated.21

 

Balbido, pp. LL-Bo

21"Progress Report, Fiscal Year 1963," (International
Schools Services, Washington, D. C., October, 1963), p. 2.

From the information in Chapter V, these conclusions

emerge:

l.

188

The work of the SACS through accreditation
processes has been notable but not significant
in the direct improvement of the schools. The
most significant contribution of SACS has been
to establish a contact for the schools with
the U. 5. educational profession.

There is an inherent incompatibility in
arrangements whereby both improvements service
and accreditation review are conducted by the
same individual or team, hence the role of the
SACS is somewhat restricted.

The funds available to IASS (not more than
$250,000 in any year) are inadequate for the
significant improvement of the schools through
grants—in-aid.

It can be demonstrated that the associations

can be highly productive with limited financing.

There are outstanding examples of U. 5.
university participation in improving the
schools, even though the results are not yet

conclusive.

CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS

Nine basic questions were raised in Chapter I
concerning the 53 U.S. sponsored binational schools in
Latin America. Basic information and analyses concerning
the schools were presented in subsequent chapters. The
purposes of this chapter are (a) to summarize the con-
clusions drawn from analyses of basic information and
(b) to essay to interpret them in a manner useful to
the education profession in the United States.

The conclusions of the study are set forth in
Sections ArG of this chapter, and each section treats of
one or a combination of the nine basic questions.

Two interpretations are included in this chapter
and presented in Sections H and I respectively.

First, a distinction is drawn between (1) the
'UMnerican" school in Latin America and (2) the "binational"
school. The distinction is warranted because the data
from the study clearly indicate that there are two
distinctly different types of schools, whatever their
appelation, each a valid representation of different

<educational aims and objectives.

189

190
Second, an interpretation of the "binational" school
is advanced, and certain challenges and opportunities
indicated for the education profession in the United

States and Latin America.

A. Origin and Status of Binational Schools

Most binational schools in Latin America came into
being to provide a "U. S.-type education" for children
of U. S. citizens residing in Latin America. They came
into being principally to serve the needs of the
increased U. S. population during and after World War II;
hence only seven of the 53 schools were founded as
binational schools prior to l9h3. Originally, the
schools enrolled children of U. S. citizens and only a
few Latin American children. Subsequently, the balance
of enrollments changed. Today the majority of enrollees
are Latin Americans.

In most cases, a series of external factors caused
the schools to evolve to their present form. Among these
factors were:

1. The rapid increase of U. S. personnel in Latin
America in representation of U. S. government,
business and industry;

2. The dissatisfaction of U. S. parents with
national education programs and the problems

of language associated therewith;

191

3. Reaction against the growth and popularity of
pro-Nazi private schools in Latin America;

A. The establishment by the U. S. Department of
State of a modest program of grants-in-aid
to U. 3. sponsored schools;

5. The adoption of binational and bicultural
criteria by which to determine eligibility for
grants—in—aid; and

6. Increased financial pressures, particularly
upon the small schools.

The several schools had quite different origins. Only
one was established from its outset as a binational, bi-
cultural experimental school, and it continues to operate
on that basis while rendering only tacit acknowledgment
of a U. S. affiliation. Others were established by
Latin Americans and/or North Americans who wanted to
provide a "U. S. type" college preparatory education for
their children.

Binational characteristics developed in most schools
in unintended and unforeseen ways; consequently, their
histories did not prepare the schools to accept or to
pursue consistently and thoughtfully the educational

objectives later prescribed.

B. Chief School Characteristics

 

The 53 binational schools share the several character-

istics listed below.

S.

192
They are all urban schools; many are located in
capital cities.
Most are new schools; only seven were founded
twenty or more years ago.
Most are small schools: the largest enrolled
1,500 pupils in 1962, the smallest enrolled
46, and the median enrollment was 350. Only
three enroll as many as 1,000 pupils.
All are private, non—profit, and non-church
related.
All are financed principally from tuition and

fees.

Beyond these common characteristics, the schools

differ markedly. Differences may be cited in four main

areas.

1.

These are:

Basic organization and method of governance;
Patterns of curricular organization;
Composition of the student body, and

Language(s) of instruction.

School Governance

 

‘With respect to method of governance, there are four

discernible types.

About ho per cent of the schools are governed by

closed or selective associations. About no per cent are

controlled by assemblies of parents whose children are

193
enrolled in the schools; and about one—sixth are controlled
by representatives of share-holding U. S. companies. Two

are owned and controlled by an individual or family.1

Curricular Organization
Curricular patterns also fit into four broad categories.
These are:

1. In about one-fourth of the schools, the national
curriculum is offered and English is taught
only as a second language.

. 2. In about one-third of the schools, the prin-

cipal program is a transplanted U. S.
curriculum. Spanish language and culture
(usually limited to national history) are
taught as a second and minor area of study.

3. The predominant pattern of organization is
the "dual curriculum" in which the same
subjects are taught concurrently in Spanish
and again in English with varying degrees of
correlation in teaching materials within each
subject.

h. Only one school provides a single "blended"
curriculum in which the national and imported
curricula are integrated into a single binational

and bicultural curriculum.

 

1This despite contrary criteria for eligibility
for State Department grants-in—aid.

 

 

19b.

Composition p£_Student Body

 

 

The distribution by nationality of students in the
several schools varies from one extreme to the other.

All schools enroll some nationals; they do not neces-
sarily enroll any U. S. children. Approximately two—
thirds enroll 15 per cent or more North American children;
three schools enroll fewer than 5 per cent U. S. children.
Only one—fourth have what might be termed "balanced"

enrollments in this respect.

Instructional Language

 

The incidence of language instruction correlates
with curriculum organization. English is the principal
instructional language in those schools which provide a
transplanted U. S. curriculum. Spanish (or Portuguese)
is used predominantly in those schools in which the
national programs prevail. Both English and the national
language are used concurrently by instructors in the
dual curricula (which duplicate each subject). Both
languages are also used in the "blended" program, but

subjects are not duplicated.

C. School Objectives and Their Achievement
The objectives cited by Young for binational schools
(see Chapter I) are worthy; however, it is doubtful

whether they are related to the actual work of the schools.

195

As noted earlier, there is no historical basis for
the objectives that are now attributed to the schools.
Moreover, as the following discussion indicates there
are no generally accepted program correlations—~i.e.
program elements calculated to achieve specific objectives--
for these objectives.

The stated objectives of the binational schools are
imprecise. They also tend to idealize if not romanticize
intercultural relations. The programs of instruction,
however, are not generally related to the objectives,
and the result is generally a mediocre or even negative
impact on the immediate and surrounding community. The
schools subscribe in whole or part to nine major objectives.
The objectives include these basic elements: (1) to
promote friendship, (2) to help interpret one culture
to the other, (3) to develop a comprehension of and
respect for the ways of life of others, (A) to help
provide leaders of intelligence and character for the
countries in which the schools are located, (5) to foster
self-development, etc., among the students, (6) to teach
the students two languages, (7) to offer an academic
program acceptable to both the North American and Nationals
using the schools, (8) to utilize and demonstrate United
States methods of instruction, and (9) to provide leader-
ship in developing improved practices in education in the

countries in which the schools are located.

196
None of the school directors disagreed that these
should be objectives. Eighty to one hundred per cent
thought all objectives practical except one, and 40 per
cent thought it to be practical. The objectives and an
analysis of them follow.

1. Toppromote friendship;

 

The one study relevant to this objective2 indicated
that friendships between students of differing nationali-
ties in the American High School of Mexico, D. F., were
nor formed more frequently than mere chance expectation
would predict.

2. To help interpret one culture to the other--

North American to American and vice versa

 

There is undoubtedly a transfer of cultural informa—
tion among students of differing nationality in the bi—
national schools. That this objective is specifically
sought through the school programs is problematical,
however, as in most schools the teaching of one combina—
tion of culture and language is allowed to prevail over
the other.

3. To developpa comprehension of and respect for the

 

ways of life of others

 

 

2Charles J. Patterson, A.Comparison of Performances
of Mexican and American Children in a Bi—CuTturaI Setting
on Measures of AEiTity Achievement and Agjustment, (MexiEo:
American School Foundation Publications, Bulletin No. 30,
1900 o

 

 

 

197

That this objective is realized in some schools, or
with some students in all schools, cannot be denied.
However, the teaching materials and subject matter
presented generally do not reflect a programmed pursuit
of this objective. The degree of "respect for others" i
reported in the Patterson study3 demonstrates that in f,
the one school studied "acceptance of others" was

ethnocentric in direction; hence in that binational

‘85:};- .f - ‘

school this objective was not being attained.

h. To helppprovide leaders of intelligence and

 

character for the countries in which the schools are

 

located

The claim is frequently advanced that the binational
schools in Latin America exceed in this respect. There
is no evidence, however, that binational schools produce
more leaders than do other private schools in Latin America.
In any case the validity of both the claim and the objec-
tive should be questioned in light of the fact that only
children of upper social-economic groups~~the almost
exclusive source of potential national "leaders"-—0btain
formal education (particularly, secondary education) in
Latin America.

5. To foster self—development among students

If character development of the type sought is related

to quality of instruction—nand it may not be——it is incon—

 

3Tbid., p. 911.

198
ceivable-—in view of the preponderance of ill—trained,
transient teachers—uthat the binational schools can
attain this objective more often than might be expected
by chance.

6. To teach the students two languages

 

To what extent this occurs-nexcept among those
students who enroll in a binational school for extended
periods-uhas not been demonstrated. Certainly, some of
the schools are programmed to achieve this objective.
A.surprisingly large number, however, are not. When
either Spanish or English is taught as a "second
language"--particularly by the techniques traditionally
employed in national and U. 8. school systems-the claims
must be suspect. Language skill development may occur,
of course, through repeated interaction with native
language users, a desired but not necessarily school-
related achievement.

7. To offer an academic prpgram acceptable to both
North American and National parents using the schools

As reported in Chapter III, the curriculum of the
binational school must normally be accepted in the host
country if it is to be offered at all. The blended
program, described in Chapter IV, was clearly acceptable
to both groups of parents. However, it is not certain

that the objective itself is fundamental, i.e., the

199

objectives of any school should obviously transcend mere

acceptability.
8. To utilize and demonstrate U. S. methods of

instruction

 

If this is to be considered a worthy objective—-
accepting the implicit assumption that U. S. methods
produce a desirable result independent of educational
objectives or of the cultural factors affecting learning--
it is clear that most binational schools are ill-equipped
(in terms of personnel, materials of instruction and/or
physical facilities) to pursue the objective.

9. To_provide leadership in developing improved

 

practices in education in the countries in which the schools

are located

 

One experimental binational school, itself a labora-
tory school for a national government, has developed a
demonstrable leadership relationship with the national
education system worthy of emulation in any culture.
However, it is clear from the analysis in Chapter II
that leadership from U. 5. sponsored schools is probably
neither welcomed nor sought by national school systems.

There is no evidence that the binational schools are
equipped, at this time, to "demonstrate" outstanding
educational practices; any attempt to claim "demonstration—
school" capabilities without adequate personnel could only

be viewed as presumptuous.

200

It must be concluded, therefore, that the objectives
expressed for binational schools—~and endorsed by the
large majority of school directors-~are:

l. Historically irrelevant to the schools themselves,

2. Low'motivators of actual school behavior, and

3. Possibly irrelevant in the culture in which the

schools operate.

It is doubtful that the binational schools can or
should attempt to progress unless and until more relevant,
concrete, and precisely-stated objectives are formulated.
It may also be inferred that the binational school per-
sonnel, by and large, are themselves insufficiently

trained or experienced to determine and/or formulate

needed new objectives.

D. Chief Problems and Needs

The schools confront many problems. The most important
of these problems (listed and discussed below) are urgent
matters in most binational schools. They are: (l) inade—
quate objectives and concept of purpose, (2) untrained
and/or undertrained administrators, (3) ineffective
curricular organization, (A) underfinancing, (5) inade—
quately prepared teachers, (6) inadequate instructional
materials, and (7) inadequate facilities.

1. The schools are inadequately conceived. They

were not intended originally to function as binational and

201
bilingual schools, but they have been encouraged and
induced to subscribe to objectives (a) that are beyond
their capabilities in most cases and (b) foreign to
their original intent.

2. Most schools are administered by untrained or
undertrained persons. Originally the school boards
administered most binational schools; in many cases, the
board continues to administer. The administrative
problems usually encountered in school affairs are com—
pounded by the binational, bilingual aspects of the
schools. Binational schools find it difficult to employ
trained professional school administrators. In the
absence of trained personnel, the schools have no choice
but to settle for less.

3. The schools' curricula are inefficiently organized.
The most common pattern is the "dual" curriculum, which
requires that each child study each subject twice, once
in English and again in the national language. For most
schools this requires two faculties, two sets of text-
books for each subject and a variety of incidental
teachingxnaterials in each language. Even when it is
well—managed, the system is uneconomic, and in most
schools the performance is mediocre.

h. The schools are underfinanced. No school is
endowed. Grants-in-aid are received by some schools, but

these are limited in amount and, because they are renewable

202
annually, they are not a dependable source of funds for
regular operations. By and large, therefore, the bi—
national schools rely upon tuition and fees as their
principal source of revenue. Since some binational schools
"compete" with other private schools, they must set tuition
rates at current market prices, hence they can raise only
limited amounts of revenue.

As a result, all professional personnel are under-
paid. Salaries are far below the United States average;
yet the task is more demanding than the average teaching
position in the United States. More than half of the
teachers receive less than $1,000 per year. Moreover,
because the major Proportion of the limited revenues
must be invested in salaries, only scant amounts are
available for related services and instructional materials;
in consequence, these are also underdeveloped.

5. The teachers in the schools are inadequately
prepared. By and large, teachers are recruited from among
local residents who speak English and who are willing to
teach for small salaries. No school has a fully qualified
staff. Most lack career teachers.

6. The schools do not have adequate instructional
materials. Yet they have an especially great need for both
formal and incidental teaching materials in two languages.

Coupled with the lack of trained personnel, this is the

203
most significant road—block to the development of a
"blended" or integrated program.

In a few schools, materials have been developed
locally; there is no evidence, however, that they are
being widely used.

7. The schools have inadequate buildings and
facilities. In recent years, more progress has been
made in this area than in any other. Nevertheless, the
schools by and large operate in converted houses or in
other more—or-less adaptable non-school buildings; hence
they frequently have small classrooms and poor equipment.
Some of the larger schools, however, have greatly improved
their facilities.

In summary, the binational schools in Latin America
need comprehensive improvements, particularly in the
areas of professional personnel and instructional
materials. A.key to their problem is improved financing.
For most schools, tuition is the chief and only dependable
source of revenue. Tuition in every case is set at the
level of what "the market will bear." If the schools are
to serve principally the emerging middle class nationals--
a term which applies at a much lower economic level in
Latin America than in the United States~~tuition rates
can quickly become prohibitive. It seems doubtful at
this time that any basic improvements will be realized

by the binational schools unless and until new, substantial,

204
reliable and continuing sources of revenue can be opened
to them. To say the obvious, those new sources of
revenue must be used to attract better—prepared personnel
and to obtain or develop greatly improved teaching materi-
als, if better financing is to be effective in improving

educational offerings.

E. Adaptation to National Educational Systems

 

As described in Chapter I, the binational schools
have met those legal provisions required of them by the
host countries. This is the primary and prevalent
accommodation or adaptation to the local system of edu—
cation. When Spanish curricula are required, these are
provided in addition to the "U. S. type" English language
program, hence the creation of the "dual" program.
Acknowledgment is made of other local government require-
ments covering labor laws, holidays and, in some instances,
school inspection. Most schools, however, have not con-
cerned themselves with the peculiar necessities of the
children of nationals. Only three schools—uthe experi—
mental school in Guatemala and the American Schools of
Monterrey and of Mexico, D. F.—-have seriously studied
their students' programs and/or surrounding environment.
It must be concluded, therefore, that the majority of
binational schools are essentially indifferent to the

general educational systems in which they operate;

205
consequently, adaptation is mechanical and legalistic at

best.

F. Contributions to Latin American Education

There are few examples in which the binational schools
have made direct contributions to the improvement of edu-
cation in the countries in which they operate. The
exceptions are noteworthy and, in some cases, they are
worthy of emulation. The major contributions which have
been made to the national systems are:

l. The development of standardized tests;

2. The development of "model programs" in some

specialized fields of secondary education;

3. The training, on a very limited scale, of

"cadet" teachers and administrators who
return to national schools, and

h. The development of instructional materials

for the teaching of English and of Spanish
as a second language.

Despite the limitations for "leadership" by binational
schools cited in Chapter IV, it would seem reasonable to
eaxpect the schools to have contributed significantly
(1) to the teaching of English in Latin America and
(2) to the development of instructional materials in the
leniguage arts fields. Unfortunately, this area of

pcrtential contribution has not been developed due chiefly

206
(l) to some indifference to the possibility for broad
service and (2) to the lack of personnel trained for the
task.

G. Improvement Activities

 

The most notable step toward improvement undertaken
by the binational schools is the regional association
movement. Beginning in Mexico in 1959, five associations
have now been established in Mexico, Central America,
Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil and Argentina. By 1963,
twenty-five of the fifty-three schools had joined the
regional associations and had participated to some extent
in the programs thereof.

To date, the most active association has been that
of Mexico, in which these services have been provided.

1. College credit courses and workshops;

2. Technical assistance by U. S. university

consultants;

3. Self—studies, and

h. Research projects.

Several tangible evidences of improvement have resulted
from these activities.

In addition, the schools of Mexico, D. F., and
lflonterrey have developed a practice of "sharing" specialized
teachers. This practice provides special consultants and
supervisory or "master" teachers to the smaller schools

in the Mexico association.

207

The associations of Mexico and Central America are
now engaged in a joint fund-raising endeavor, the first
results of which are now being realized.

It seems clear that the association movement holds
great potential benefits for the binational schools.
The results of association efforts to date have been
limited to (l) the professional upgrading of existing
faculties, (2) the development of instructional materials
and (3) the re—examination-~through "self-study"--of the
basic purposes and programs of the schools. The associa-
tion programs have not yet dealt with the basic problem
of obtaining and holding qualified teachers, and their
preliminary efforts to broaden the base of financial
support for the schools are too premature to evaluate.
An essential ingredient for their success would seem to
be the active and continuing support of one or more

U. S. universities.

H. "American Schools" and "Binational Schools": An

Important Distinction

 

As already noted, the three hundred fifty "American
Schools" in Latin America are a heterogeneous collection:
large and small, urban and rural, church—related, company—
owned, profit-oriented, etc. Church-related and other
exceptions aside, "American Schools" in Latin America

were founded in order to provide an "American" (i.e.,

208
U. 5. type) education to children of U. S. citizens who
reside, temporarily or permanently, in Latin America.

Whatever their other characteristics, the "American
Schools" undertook to offer a U. 5. type of instructional
program. The fact of their location in Latin America
was incidental. The fact that a second language could
be acquired with relative ease was not only incidental,
it was irrelevant, as was the similar ease with which
students could be introduced to a second culture.

The purpose of creating an American School in Latin
America was, so to speak, to produce in Latin America a
replica of a school program that might exist in Austin,
Mamaroneck or Keokuk. The purpose was not to create a
new program loosely modelled after a "Middletown" system,
nor to start with the "Middletown" model and embellish
it with Latin American modifications: the purpose was
to reproduce it, as nearly as that could be accomplished.
Any "binational" attributes of the school, i.e., the
attendance by Latin American children or the employment
of Latin American personnel, were incidental and circum-
stantial.

The original motivation remains strong. By and large,
the American Schools in Latin America continue to strive
to offer "U. 5. type" programs that are calculated

fundamentally to be of service to U. S. children. By and

209

large, such programs are what U. S. parents seek when
they bring their children to Latin America or when the
children reach school age. Their reasons are clear:
if the parents are transients in Latin America, the U. 5.-
type program promises ready transferability of credits
to a school system in the United States; transient or not,
the U. S.-type program also promises to satisfy entrance
requirements of colleges and universities in the United
States. The parents! concern about these matters is
very real and entirely legitimate; hence a first concern
of the school is to satisfy these basic requirements.
Given the manifold problems faced by the tuition-supported
American schools-~problems of finance, personnel and
facilities--a school does very well if it can satisfy
such requirements.

"Binational schools," on the other hand, were not
so much "founded" as they were "defined": they are a
category that (again exceptions aside) did not exist
in nature, so to speak; the category came into being
when IASS—uon behalf of the U. S. Department of State--
announced the criteria that would be followed in the
process of determining which American schools in Latin
America would be deemed eligible to receive grants-in—
aid. Fifty—three schools have been adjudged officially
to meet the criteria. Hence, by definition, there exist

fifty-three "binational" schools.

210

The criteria are readily satisfied: non-sectarian;
non-profit; binational board (not necessarily a board of
control); and some attention to local history and culture.
.A "binational" board can be created by granting token
memberships to Latin Americans, if the school chooses
not to make its binationality more than symbolic and
superficial. If a school is not church—related, the
remaining characteristics also are readily and, in
general, naturally acquired. Under the circumstances
in which American schools operate, for example, if it
offers a reasonably complete U. S.-type program, a
tuition-supported school is quite likely to be non-profit;
similarly, in order to retain official permission to
operate, a school is usually obliged to teach local
history.

The mere announcement of a set of criteria by which
to establish formal binationality, therefore, does not
necessarily change the original motives that caused
the schools to be founded; nor does it necessarily affect
the concern of U. S. parents in Latin America that their
children attend a school the credits from which are
transferable to U. 8. schools, colleges, and universities.
Moreover, even though a school meets the formal criteria,
it may continue to be managed as an American school

despite its designation as binational.

211

The point of this discussion is that a U. S.—related
school in Latin America may choose between at least two
completely legitimate, but quite dissimilar, patterns
of operation. The IASS criteria are such, at present,
that a school can meet the requirements of binationality—-
hence become eligible for grants—in-aid—nand nevertheless
continue to operate as an American—unot a binational-—
school.

Objectives attributed to the binational schools
(and endorsed by school directors) do not necessarily
affect the pattern of school operations. School directors
and school boards may accept the truly binational objectives
but be forced-~or perceive themselves to be forced-~by
circumstances to offer only an "American School" program
rather than a binational program. Alternatively, they
may reject the binational objectives and choose to offer
the U. S.—type program. In either of these cases, despite
the appelation "binational school" and despite the nominal
acceptance (as reported by Young) of binational objectives,
a binational school in Latin America may continue to be
exclusively an American school, with or without Latin
American students.

The American School in Mexico, D. F., is forthright
in its policy on this matter. It specifies that its

purpose is to offer U. S.—type educational programs,

212

primarily of the college preparatory type and, very
explicitly, for the benefit primarily of children of
U. S. parents. The school board is comprised exclusively
of U. S. citizens. School programs incorporate only
such elements of Mexican curricula as are required by
the government of Mexico. The School enrolls Mexican
children but-~and this too is explicit in School policy——
it does so with the clear understanding that the School
is an American School and offers a U. S.-type program:
if Mexican parents believe that a program of that type
is desirable, they are welcome to enroll their children
in the School; but if they want their children to receive
a Mexican education, they are advised to find it elsewhere.
In this case, government requirements are such that both
an "American" and a Mexican program must be offered at
the elementary school level, and the school is predomi—
nantly "American" only at the secondary school level.

Clearly, there exists a great divergence between the
objectives attributed by others to the binational schools
and the objectives expressed in the programs adopted by
many of the schools. It is completely clear that the
schools do not actively pursue the "binational" objectives
endorsed by the school directors, as cited by Young. It
is equally clear that those schools which choose not to

pursue those objectives are not "bad" schools: they simply

213
do not attempt to be "binational" schools; they strive
instead to be what they traditionally have been
"American" schools in Latin America.

It is easy to attack the "American" schools for not
being more binational. It is easy to cite the wasted
opportunity for an enriched education, for developing
language skills and cultural understandings, for improv-
ing international relations through fuller comprehension
of each other's culture, and so forth.

However, it is equally easy to defend the American
schoolst implicit decision to emphasize the "American"
aspects-of their educational programs. They are not,
after all, agencies of the foreign policy of the Uhited
States, nor are they employees of the Department of State.
They are U. S.-related schools but-~despite the very
modest grants—in—aid they may receive-~they are not
U. S.—supported schools in any meaningful sense. The
schools are supported by the tuition-paying parents of
the children they serve, and by the individual or corporate
patrons that contribute to them. The parents and patrons
pay to support the type of educational programs that
they value, and they value the type of education offered
by schools in the Uhited States. They pay substantial
tuition fees in order to provide that type of education

to their own children, yet they find that the schools can

21h
scarcely be supported. Their school imposes no demands
upon the government of the host country, but that govern-
ment requires them to offer "national" programs-~at
substantial additional cost—~that their children could
receive without cost by enrolling in national schools.
Under these circumstances, it is difficult to fault the
schools because they do not "demonstrate the best
. American methodology" or because they do not "contribute
to the improvement of the national school system." It
simply is not entirely clear to what extent private U. S.
citizens who live in Latin America should be expected to
fulfill at their own expense the sometimes lofty ambitions
expressed by othensregarding "what the American schools
in Latin America ought to achieve."

This is not to suggest that they ought not achieve
those ambitions. The philosophical, professional and
political reasons for converting "American" schools into
"binational" schools are compelling. However, the
arguments that can be offered in favor of the American
schools are also compelling.

If the schools are to be binational in the sense
indicated by the nine "binational" objectives cited by
Young, a way will have to be invented to relieve the
financial strain felt by the best of the 53 schools and
to improve their situation with respect to personnel,

plant and materials. Such improvement would enable the

215
schools to undertake seriously to pursue the binational
objectives. If the matter is of genuine interest to
the U. S. Department of State, that Department will have
to offer to the schools something more substantial than
the nominal grants—in-aid that have thus far been made

available.

I. The Binational School in Perspective: An Interpretation

 

It was suggested that, for various reasons, the bi-
national schools may be of concern to the government of
the United States-uespecially to the Department of State,
inasmuch as the schools appear to be considerably less
than ideally representative of the United States in
Latin America. The schools may also be of concern to
the education profession in the United States, although
for different and non-political reasons. Among these
reasons are the followhng:

l. The schools are exclusively urban phenomena;

as such, they provide interesting and
potentially useful examples for study of
urban education.

2. In common with bicultural urban schools that
are encountered in each major metropolitan area
of the United States, the binational school
has the difficult task of reconciling differ-

ences of language and of culture among its

216
students. A.similar problem of reconciliation
and of acculturation exists in U. S. cities
engaged in the process of integrating previously
segregated racial groups or of accommodating
Mexican or Puerto Rican children within school
programs designed for English—speaking youngsters.
However, the binational school in Latin America
faces additional and unique problems of educa-
tion that are not susceptible of study in an
urban U. S. bicultural school. The task of
the bicultural school in New York, for example,
is one of assimilation and acculturation: the
culture of the Puerto Rican child is submerged,
essentially, in favor of the culture that pre-
vails in his new environment. The binational
school in Latin America, on the other hand,
must reconcile basic differences of two
languages and cultures without sacrificing
either of them, because it must pursue the
objectives both of the U. S. and of the Latin
American system of education. Furthermore, the
binational school in Latin America must accomplish
this task within an administrative environment
that is foreign to the U. S.-trained and U. S.—

oriented administrator and teacher.

217
h. The task facing binational school educators,
therefore, is infinitely more complex-~and
apparently more demanding and difficult-u
than it is in urban schools in the United States
or elsewhere.

It is clear that the challenges posed by the binational
schools are not now being faced by the best qualified per—
sonnel from the U. S. or Latin America. Therefore, the
opportunities to develop maximum insights—~hence to
recognize implications for urban and intercultural educa-
tion within the United States-~are at the moment unexploited.
In order to develop these opportunities for study, research
and experimentation, numerous and basic changes must be
made in the binational schools. Among these are:

1. A.modification in the form of their control;

2. Dramatic improvement in the quality of their

teaching and administrative personnel;

3. A broader and more reliable base of increased

financial support;

A. A clearer statement of purposes, objectives

and policies;

5. Adequate and more realistic teaching techniques

and materials; and

6. Firmer and more productive relationships with

Latin American and U. S. educational agencies,

particularly research institutions.

218

For the immediate future, the basic and imperative
needs of the schools would seem best to be met through
the work of the several binational school regional
associations, particularly as they involve the provision
of technical services, the clarification of purposes and
prograns and the establishment of new sources of financing.

However, it should be recognized that the associations
provide a vehicle for the improvement of school programs
in the light of existing school objectives. From the
perspective developed above, it should be clear that new
models and approaches will be required-~perhaps best
developed jointly by the capable universities of Latin
America and the United States-~if the real potential of
some of these multi-variant schools truly can be realized.
This would seem to offer the substantive challenge to-~
and real justification for direct involvement of-uthe
education profession in the U. S. and in Latin America

to study and improve the binational schools.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

American Council On Education, "A.Brief Statement of the
History and Activities of the American Council on
Education, 1918-1961." Washington: ACE, 1961.

American School Foundation, Ah C., Mexico, D. F. The
American School Looks to the Future Progress Report.
Mexico: American School Foundation, 1962.

American School Foundation, Monterrey, N. L. Mexico.
Planning for the Future. East Lansing, Michigan:
Michigan State University Education in Latin
America Series, 3, 1962.

Association of American Schools in the Republic of
Mexico. Capabilities, Accomplishments, Possibili—
ties of AmericangSchools in Mexico. East Lansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University Education in
Latin America Series 2, 1962.

Batharst, Effie G. Inter-American Understanding and the
Preparation of Teachers. Federal Security Agency,
U. S. Office ofVEducatTon Bulletin No. 15, l9h6.
Washington: Government Printing Office, l9h6.

 

Branscomb, Harvie. "First Semiannual Report of All
Educational Exchange Activities Carried on from
July 1 to December 31, 19u8," U. S. Advisory
Commission on Educational Exchange’Rpport on
ActivitiesLAI9E8158.

 

 

Cain, Henry L. and Elsa Von Dorn Um. A.Short History of
Mexico. Mexico: El Modelo, 1952.

 

Chapman, Charles E. Colonial Hispanic Amepica, a History.
New York: The Macmillan Company, 1933.

Cleveland, Harlan, Gerard J. Mangone, and John Clarke

Adams. The Overseas Americans. New York: McGraw—
Hill Book Company, Inc.

219

220

Coleccion Porrua. ques y C6digos de Mexico, Constitucion
Politica de los Estados Uhidos Mexicanos. MeXTEo:
EditoriaT'Porrua, S. A", 1962.

 

 

Colegio Internacional de Carabobo. Student Handbook.
Valencia, Venezuela: Tipografia El Cronista, 1962.

 

College of Education. The College of Education and World
Affairs: A.Statement of Poliqy and Posture (offset).
East’Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State university,
1962.

 

 

Constitution of the Republic of Nicaragua 1950. Washing~
ton: 1960.

Constitution of the Republic of Panama 19h6. Washington:

1957.

Constitution of the Republic of Venezuela 1953. Washing-
ton: 195M.

Constitution of the United Mexican States 1917. Washing-
ton: 1957.

Constitution of the United States of Brazil 19h6. Wash-
ington: 1958.

Davis, Roy T. "American Private Schools in Latin America,"
The Bulletin of the National Association of Secondagy
SEhoolIPrincipals, Vol. XXIX, Max 19h5.

 

 

"American School Program in Latin America," The
Educational Record, Vol. XXXIII, June, 1952.

 

Diffie, Bailey W. Latin American Civilization, Colonial
Period. Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Sons, l9u7.

Duggan, Stephen. "The Future of American Schools Abroad,"
New Bulletin of the Institute of International Educa-
tion, V61. IX: MarCh, 193h.

Duncan, Merlin. Report to the American School Foundation,
A. C. Mexico,—D. F. (Unpublished document) East
LansTng, Mfchfgan, 1962.

 

Dulles, John F. W. Yesterday in Mexico. Austin, Texas:
The University of Texas Press, 1961.

 

Faust, Augustus E. Brazil—~Education in an Expanding

Ecomom . Washington: U. S. Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, 1959.

221

Fitzgerald, Dean T. "American Schools in Latin America,"
The Phi Delta Kappan, Vo1. XXXVI, June, 1955.

 

Fitzgerald, R. H. "Twenty—first Semiannual Report to the
Congress by the U. S. Advisory Commission on Educa-
tional Exchange," U. S. Advisory Commission on
Educational Exchange Report on.Activities, 19h8—1958.

 

 

. "The Role of American Schools in Latin America,"
"The School Review, Vol. LX111, May, 1955.

 

Hereford, Karl T. (ed.). The American School in Mexico:
.A Survgy for the Association of American Schools in
the RepubTic of Mexico (offset). East Lansing,
MTchigan: College of Education, Michigan State
University, 1961.

 

 

 

. .Annual Summary of Latin American Activities
(offset). East Lansing,’MIChigan: College of
Education, Michigan State University, 1962.

 

Horn, Carl M. The American Schools in Central America
(offset). East Lansing, Michigan: College of
Education, Michigan State University, 1963.

 

Houle, Cyril D. "Some Significant Experiments in Latin
American Education," The Elementary School Journal,
vol. XXXXIV, October, 19h8.

 

Jenkins, Frank C. "Report of Visit to the American
School, Mexico, August 5-9, 19h6," The Southern
Association Quarterly, Vol. XI, February, 19h7f

 

 

Johnston, Marjorie. Education in Mexico. Washington:'
U. S. Governmenthrinting Office, 1956.

 

Kandel, I. L. "United States Activities in International
Cultural Relations," American Council on Education
Studies, Series 1, No. 23, 19h5.

 

Larroyo, Francisco. Historia Comparada de la Educacion
en Mexico. Mexico: Editorial Porrua, S. H., 1959.

 

Lerner, Max. America as a Civilization. Volume I. New
York: Simon and SChuster, Inc., 1957.

Melby, Ernest 0. "Education and the Point IV Program,"
The School Executive, Vol. LXXI, November, 1951.

 

222
Pan American Union. Constitution of the Republic of
Chile 1925. Washington: 1957.

 

 

. Constitution of the Republic of Costa Rica 1949.
Washington: 1951.

. Constitution of the Republic of El Salvador 1950.
Washington: 71953.

. Constitution of the Republic of Honduras 1952.
Washington: 1958.

Patterson, Charles J. A Comparison of Performances of
Mexican and American Children in a Bi-Cultural
Setting oaneasures of Ability, Achievement'and
Adjustment. Mexico: American School Foundation
Publications, Bulletin No. 30, 1960.

 

 

Perkins, Dexter. The United States and Latin America.
Baton Rouge, Louisiana: State University Press, 1961.

 

Plazo, Galo. "Experiment in International Education,"
The Nation's Schools, Vol. XXXVII, May, l9h6.

Rehage, Kenneth J. "American Schools in Latin America,"
The Elementary School Journal, Vol. LV, November, l95h.

 

Rippy, J. Fred. Historical Evolution of Hispanic America.
New York: Appleton—Century-Crofts, l9h5.

 

Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. "Improving
International Understanding Through Binational
Education," Atlanta, S.A.C.S., 1962.

Staley, Eugene. The Future of underdeveloped Countries,
New York: PUBIished for the Cbuncil onEForeign
Relations by Frederick.A. Praeger, 1961.

 

Young, George Patrick, Jr. A Study of the Potential for
.Achievement of Better Inter-American Relationship
Through NortH'American Schools in Latin America.
Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Illinois,
1960.

 

ROOM USE ONLY

”0' plug:

"IIllllllllllllllli