ABSTRACT A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL IN ENGLAND AND IN THE UNITED STATES by Gordon Austin Hoke ' Introduction. In past decades there has been little basis for a comparative study of English and Auerican forms of secondary education. Now, with the advent of comprehensive schools in Britain, an examination of the Societal context peculiar to each institution and an appraisal of the issues confronting comprehensive secondary schools in England and the United States should be of mutual benefit. Statement of the Problem. The basic premise of this study rests on a contention that England and the United States face the same fundamental task at the level of secondary education. The creation of broader avenues of equality of educational opportunity and the maintenance of schools which will adequately prepare individuals to assume leadership res- ponsibilities comprise this two—fold duty. American high schools have been identified with efforts to carry out the manifold obliga— tions inherent in any attempt to equalize opportunity. English secondary schools, on the other hand, for decades were engaged in Gordon Austin Hoke preparing "Christian Gentlemen" for leading roles in a class—conscious British society. Efforts to merge the best of these practices must reckon with the cumulative effects of great social—economic—and political changes. Whether or not the comprehensive school can satisfactorily honor its commitment to the ideal of fostering social unity is directly related to the increasing demands for individual specialization within a context of mass education. Methods of Study. A perusal of the relevant literature was undertaken. Works from the fields of sociology, psychology, history, political science, economics, and education were examined. Due to the sponsorship of the English com- prehensive school by the British Labour Party, it was necessary to study both Conservative and Labour policies on secondary education. Correspondence was initiated with the London County Council, the Educational Office of the Labour Party, the British Information Services in the United States, and with authorities in the field of English secondary education. The author also tried to capitalize on his background of twelve years of experience in high schools in the United States. Major Findings of the Study. America's form of the comprehensive high school is a familiar part of the national landscape. In contrast, the comprehensive secon— dary school in England emerged during the late 1940's. Identified with the Labour Party and its drive for educational and social equality, the English school has been the target of much factional strife. .- I" .- -:-—.— ' .v. *>. -.C y. r... “I: .H" "-L. t m‘h .WL Ru.» Gordon Austin Hoke Educational practices in the United States, though commended by British scholars for their attempts to satisfy mass needs, are criticized for allegedly neglecting talented youth. Conversely, a traditional English allegiance to selectivity and specialization in secondary school— ing represents an issue which the comprehensive school must resolve in order to achieve parity of esteem with older forms of secondary education. Beyond this basic difference in philosophical approach, three major problems of mutual concern face the two types of comprehenSive institutions. They are: (l) the issue of optimum school size; (2) the nature of education required by students of low ability; (3) the ability of comprehensive schools to cope with issues evolving out of industrialized, urban societies. Comprehensive schools in England, while still few in number, are mainly confined to the cities. Particularly in London, they are ident— ified with enrollments of two thousand, a figure of horrifying propor- tions to many Englishmen. In the United States, the question of size is more pertinent to the unseemly number of very small (under one hundred pupils) schools. However, fears are mounting over the possible ill— effects of large size in terms of personality development, matters of discipline, etc. Comprehensive schools in both nations are experiencing difficulty in devising adequate programs for students possessing low academic ap— titude. In England this problem is linked to the drive for a better EdUCation for the working class. Auerican high schools are caught up in the migration of Negroes, Puerto Ricans, and "poor whites" to the North, Gordon Austin Hoke One result of this migration is reflected in the development of homogeneous residential areas which seriously challenge the degree of "comprehensiveness" of countless urban and suburban schools. British respect for the advantages of a Public (private) school education, and for the grammar school as a college-preparatory institution, continues to siphon off top—level students from that nation's comprehensive schools. Economic changes wrought by interdependent, highly—industrialized, societies also have posed perplexing issues for comprehensive schools in both countries. Their confinement mainly to urban areas means that English schools must quickly grasp the significance of these changes. In America, there are indications that high schools are too slow in ad— justing their practices to the rapid pace of metropolitan growth, and fllus are restricted by adherence to the concept of a secondary school more appropriate to a rural-oriented, agricultural nation. Summa 2. America's faith in universal education, singularly revealed in the "ladder system" of elementary—secondary-university schooling, is mirrored in current attempts by the British to move in the same direc- tion. The history of educational developments on both sides of the Atlantic is a turbulent one, and today controversy continues to focus on the idea of how best to implement education at the secondary level in England and in the United States. A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL IN ENGLAND AND IN THE UNITED STATES Gordon Austin Hoke A THES IS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education 1965 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to pay special tribute to Dr. Carl Gross, Professor of Education and major adviser for this thesis. His pro— fessional criticism and personal support were invaluable during the course of the author's doctoral program. Also, a note of appreciation should be extended to the other members of the graduate committee; Dr. James Fuzak, Dean of Students, Dr. John Howell, Associate Dean, Department of Sociology, and Dr. James Heald, Professor of Education. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES O O O C O O O D O O C I C C O . C O 0 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Purpose of Thesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . Comprehensive School Defined . . . . . . . Type of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organization of Thesis . . . . . . . . . II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL 0 O O O O O O C O O C O C In England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A recent development : . . . . . . . . Effects of two world wars. . . . . . . . The Education Act of 1944. . . . . . . . Sponsored by the Labour Party. . . . . . Activities of the London County Council. Growth of comprehensive schools. . . . . The contemporary scene . . . . . . . . . In the United States . . . . . . . . . . . A grammar school background. . . . . . . Rise of the academy... . . . . . . . . . Nineteenth-Century developments. . ... . The Kalamazoo Case . . . . . . . . . . . Establishment of the comprehensive high III SOCIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL . . . . . . . . . . . . . In England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The post—war drive for social equality . A major political issue. . . . . . . . . Mainly an urban phenomenon . . . . . . . In the United States . . . . . . . . . . . An Agent for social unity. . . . . . . Accused of middle-class dominance. . . . Role of American labor . . . . . . . . Impact of Negro migration. . . . . . . . iii schooL PAGE vi vii \ooowH 11 11 11 13 14 15 16 17 19 20 20 22 23 24 25 3O 3O 3O 33 35 38 38 39 41 41 CHAPTER IV PHILOSOPHICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COMPREHENSIVE V VI VII SECONDARY SCHOOL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sharing a Common Principle. . . . . . . . . In England. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Educating an elite. . . . . . . . . . . . Searching for a broader base. . . . . . . England at the cross-roads. . . . . . . . The debate grows. . . . . . . . . . . . . In the United States. . . . . . . . . . . . Represents a fundamental democratic belief Appearance of a scientific elite. . . . . COMPARISON OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL AS IT NOW EXISTS IN ENGLAND AND IN THE UNITED STATES. . . . . . . . . . . . Objectives. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organizational St ucture. . . . . . . . . . Student Population. . . . . . . . . . . . . Curriculum Development. . . . . . . . . . . Methodology. ...................... . . . Other Aspects of Comprehensive Schools. . . BASIC SIMILARITIES AND DISSIMILARITIES OF THEORY AND PRACTICE . . . . . . . . . . . . Terminology and Context . . . . . . . . . . A Growing Bond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Facing a mutual dilemma . . . . . . . . . "Common Learnings". . . . . . . . . Functioning as a social institution . . . Educating the working—class . . . . . . . The Relevance of Size . . . . . . . . . . . Fundamental Differences . . . . . . . . . . The concept of specialization . . . . . . A different base. . . . . . . . . . . . . SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications of Findings. . . . . . . . . . Needed changes in basic structure . . Adapting programs to economic change. . . Modifying current practices . . . . . . . Articulation with higher education. . . . PAGE 45 45 48 49 50 52 55 55 S8 60 60 67 80 82 95 97 105 105 107 107 109 110 112 114 116 116 118 119 120 120 122 122 124 CHAPTER Suggestions for Further Research. . . . . . . Meeting society's needs . . . . . . . . . . Grouping procedures . . . . EdUCation as Preparation for Life . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX A. APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX APPENDIX B. C. H 0 GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH TERPS . . . . . . . THE STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION IN ENGLAND . IMPORTANT STEPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN ENGLAND, 1894— 1960. O C I D C O O I D O I I i O I I D THE STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE WORK OF NATIONAL COMMISSIONS, 1893 TO DATE, AND THEIR IMPACT UPON HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES. . . . . . A CROSS—SECTION 0F COMPREHENSIVE ORGAN— IZATIONAL PATTERNS, LONDON, ENGLAND . . EXAMPLFB OF QUESTIOI‘S USED ON THE ELEVEN- PLUS EXAMINATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . A COMPARISON OF QUESTIONS USED ON EXAM- INATIONS FOR THE GENERAL CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION, "ORDINARY" AND "ADVANCED" LEVELS, AND THOSE USED ON THE COLLEGE BOARD ACHIEVEMENT TESTS . . . . . . . . AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE CARNEGIE UNIT SYSTEM IN AN URBAN MID4WESTERN HIGH S CHOOL Q Q 0 l C C I I I O I I I I O O C GROUPING PROCEDURES IN PECKHAM COMPRE- HENSIVE SCHOOL,LONDON . . . . . . . . . AN ILLUSTRATION OF FLEXIBIE SCHEDULING RIDGEWOOD HIGH SCHOOL, NORRIDGE, ILLINOIS. . . . . . . . PAGE 125 125 127 128 130 149 151 155 157 163 167 173 176 177 TABLE LIST OF TABLES PERCENTAGE OF THIRTEEN-YEAR OLDS ATTENDING COM- PREHENSIVE SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND, JANUARY, 1962. . . GROWTH OF COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOLS, ENGLAND, 1952— 53 TO 1961- 62, INCLUSIVE. . . . . . . . . . . . EXPANSION IN BRITISH SECONDARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENIS, SELECTED YEARS, 1952 TO 1962, INCLUSIVE . . . . . GROWTH IN ENROLLMENTS IN THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL, 1890 TO 1960, INCLUSIVE. . . . . . . . . . . . . AVERAGE LEVELS OF STUDENT APTITUDE, ENGLISH COM— PREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL IN A NEW TOWN . . . . NUMBER AND PERCENT OF PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY SIZE OF ENROLLMENT; SELECTED YEARS, 1930 TO 1959, INCLUSIVE . . . . . . . . NUMBER AND PERCENT OF PUPILS ENROLLED IN PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS, BY TYPE OF SCHOOL: UNITED STATES, SELECTED YEARS, 1919-20 TO 1958—59 . . . GENERAL EDUCATION PROGRAM, GREAT BARR COMPREHEN~ SIVE HIGH SCHOOL, BIRMINGHAM, ENGLAND . . . . . . vi PAGE 12 18 18 28 69 94 FIGURE 1 LIS T OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE, WANDSWORTH COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOL, LONDON, ENGLAND. . . . . . . . . . . . 77 ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE, FOREST HILL COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOL, LONDON, ENGLAND. , . , , , . , , . . 78 HOUSE PLAN OF ORGANIZATION, NEWTON SOUTH HIGH SCHOOL, NEWTON,MASSACHUSETTS............... 9 RELATIONSHIP OF EXTERNAL EXAMINATIONS TO THE EDUCA- TIONAL STRUCTURE OF ENGLAND. . . . . . . . . . . . 83 EXTRA-CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES .PROGRAM, WOODBERRY DOWN COMPREHEI‘SIVE SCHOOL, LONDON, ENGLAND. . . . . . . 101 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Purpose of Thesis Need for this type of study.——The singular relationship between England and the United States is revealed in countless sources. Less well known, however, are specific ways in which the American colonial experience quickly modified institutional forms carried over from the mother country. Foremost among these changes was an early revision of the educational system inherited from England. It was part of the rapid breakdown of traditional European society in its wilderness setting. In the course of adjust— ment to a new environment, the pattern of education was des— troyed: the elements survived, but their meaning had changed and their functions had been altered. By 1800 education in America was a radically different process from what any one in the early seventeenth century would have expected. Today, England and the United States are confronted with numerous—- as well as similar——educational demands. In America, the comprehensive high school is criticized for an alleged failure to cope with the in— tellectual needs of twentieth-century life. Yet one of the two leading political parties in England promotes the comprehensive school ideal as a major way of alleviating that country's contemporary problems. 1Bernard Bailyn, Education in the Forming of American Society (New York: Vintage Books, Random House, Inc., 1960), pp. 14—15. 2 The Labour Party argues that a new society based on equality, including equality of opportunity, would mobilize the full resources of the people. Comprehensive schools are visualized as an important means of disseminating education throughout England, thereby speeding the nation along the path to social equality.2 Therefore, the idea embodied in a comprehensive high school,.an American institution which is "the result of a long process of evolu— tion,"3 may play a vital part in the future educational development of England. Ironically, there are pressures building up in the United States to adopt some form of specialized secondary schools characteristic of traditional patterns in‘Britain.4 Certainly there is a need to examine the reasons why these two developments are occurring, almost simultaneously. Equally important, perhaps, is the need to discover why there is so much controversy 2Thomas P. Peardon, "Politics in Britain," Current History, XLVI (May, 1964), p. 283. The Labour Party's four basic objectives in educa— tion are outlined in "Ammunition: Education," Signposts for the Sixties. They are: (1) To end over—sized classes; (2) To eliminate the eleven— plus examinations, reorganize secondary schools on comprehensive lines, and lengthen the required secondary school course to five years rather than the current four; (3) To begin action on the problem created by the existence of private fee-paying schools; (4) To rapidly extend provisions for higher education. 3James B. Conant, Thomas Jefferson and the Development of American Public Education (Berkeley, California: The University of California Press, 1963), p. 43. “G. Donaldson Robbins, Teacher Education and Professional Stan— dards in England and Wales (Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 1963), p. 16. 3 surrounding comprehensive secondary schools in England and in the United States. Consequently, this thesis represents an effort to scrutinize and compare the underlying issues and operational features of comprehensiVe schools in England and in America. Originality of the study.-—To date, there has been no attempt, in Britain or in America, to conduct a comparative study of the his— torical, sociological, and philosophical issues influencing the develop- ment of comprehensive secondary schools in the two nations. Professor Warren Ketcham of the University of Michigan has pre- pared a brief article dealing mainly with contemporary aspects of the British and American comprehensive schools.5 A thesis submitted in 1959 at Teachers College, Columbia University, relates the influence of English tradition upon the character of that country's comprehensive school.6 This study mirrors an effort to trace the historical antecedents of each nation‘s comprehensive school, to analyze the sociological forces instrumental in producing such institutions, and to contrast the basic differences in educational philosophy and practice which have resulted in placing the comprehensive school at the center of great controversy in England and in the United States. SWarren A. Ketcham, "A Comparison of the British Comprehensive Secondary School and the American High School," Studies in Comparative Education: Education in England (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1961), pp.34—35. 6Heinrich Diehl, The Influence of Tradition Upon the Character of the Comprehensive School in England ( unpublished Ed.D. dissertation, Department of Education, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1959). 4 Value of comparative studies.—-The authors of a commonly—used text in comparative education assert that scholarship in this field reflects at least two purposes: [Ifilcan enlighten both the professional educator and the lay— man about his own system; and it can shed light on the other national characteristics of the countries being studied.7 Linking comparative education to the study of the history of education, I. L. Kandel states that both approaches seek to discover underlying causes to explain why the educational sys- tems of different countries differ from each other, what their sources are, and what general principles may emerge.8 Pertinent to this particular study is the belief that a compara— tive examination of education can bring the realization that educational problems, wherever they occur, are not solely national. This conten— tion is mirrored in the writings of a British scholar, who states: From some of the speeches made in the United States [Since Sputnikfl, one would think that America was the only nation with any doubts about its schools; yet the problem of how to give every child the best possible education worries every responsible community and government. In England there is considerable dissatisfaction with the secondary school pro— vision . . . . And many Englishmen are advocating compre- hensive schools on the American plan. Professor Ketcham agrees that evidence of a tendency on the part of the English to adopt American secondary—school practices is an im— portant topic for discussion. He adds: 7John F. Cramer and George S. Browne, Contemporary Education: A Comparative Study of National Systems (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1956), p. xiii. 81. L. Kandel, "The Study of Comparative Education," Educational Forum, XX (November, 1955), p. S. 9Maurice J. Tyerman, "England's Special Schools for the Gifted," School and Society, LXXXVII (April 11, 1959), pp. 168—169. 5 If there is evidence to that effect, it may serve as the much needed basis for combating some of the present criticism of the American high school and thus aid the institution in recover— ing some of its dwindling prestige. It is altogether possible that the British have imperceptibly begun to envisage a national system of comprehensive secondary schools as the best plan for educating all adolescents. Theoretically, at least, that is the basis on which American secondary education is organized and operated.10 Author's personal interest in the study.-‘In both England and America, vital questions, raised by friends and foes alike, confront the comprehensive school. The author, having spent several years as a teacher and counselor in comprehensive high schools in the United States, became interested in pursuing the nature of these issues. Thus, a firm belief in the inherent values of a comprehensive school, combined with a growing concern for its ability to cope with the problems facing it, served as the original catalyst for this study. Comprehensive School Defined In England.——Neither England nor the United States has one stan— dard, all-inclusive, definition for its particular form of comprehen— sive school. In England, Dr. Robin Pedley, long associated with the comprehensive school movement, states that "the comprehensive secondary school is simply an extension of the comprehensive primary school, and has the same aims."11 Pedley‘s statement receives further clarification from the following material: 10Ketcham, op. cit., p. 35. 11Robin Pedley, The Comprehensive School. (Baltimore, Md.: Pen- guin Books, 1963), p. 21. Pedley adds that the usual form of compre- hensive school includes students ranging from eleven-eighteen in age. Ibid., p.139. , . w W."'l"r v wavy—T4 6 The essential function of a comprehensive school is to plan for the whole of education at the secondary stage. To this end it brings the complete range of secondary provision and resources under unitary control in a single institution. The effective deployment of these resources is aided by the removal of barriers between 'types' of education within the school. Its organization does not perpetuate a tripartite pattern but sees secondary education as a unity within which there is great variety in approach, methods, and content of curriculum to suit the varying abilities, aptitudes and ages of the pupils.12 Subsumed within the above definition is that supplied by the British Ministry of Education——namely, the intent to develop a unitary structure to cater to all the children in a given area.13 Throughout the following pages, though, the author has seen fit to use Edmund J. King‘s statement as an operational definition of the English comprehen- sive secondary school. King‘s material stresses the degree of "com— prehensiveness" demanded and the comparatively recent development of such schools in chiefly urban regions. A comprehensive school is one which sets out to provide for all kinds of needs within one genuinely complementary school life. In England it is an urban and a recent phenomenon.14 12Inside the Comprehepsive School: A Symposium Contributed by Hgads of Comprehensive Schools in England and Wales (collected and edited by the National Union of Teachers; London: Schoolmaster Publish— ing C0,, Ltd, 1958), p. 10. 13Great Britain: Organization of Secopggry Education: Further Considerations Spggested by Development Plan Proposals (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1947), p. 17. 14Edmund J. King, "Comprehensive Schools in England: Their Pros— pect," Comparative Education Review, III (February, 1960), p. 16. An American scholar concurs with King's stress on the concentration of com— prehensive schools in urban areas, adding that they can be found, too, in new housing sectors and in a few rural communities. Theodore L. Reller, "Great Birtain," Comparative Education Administration, ed. by Theodore L. Reller and Edgar L. Morphet (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1962), p. 58. In the United States.-—One of James B. Conant's best known pub- lications, The American High School Today, provides a standard, gener— alized definition of the comprehensive high school in the United States. With few exceptions, he notes, . . . The public high school is expected to provide education for all [italics his] the youth living in a town, city, or dis— trict. Such a high school has become known as a 'comprehensive' high school.15 The most thorough definition, however, is furnished by the fol— lowing account. The comprehensive high school aims to serve the needs of all ,American youth. . . . It accepts without selection all the young people in the area it commands—~all races, creeds, nation- alities, intelligence, talents, and all levels of wealth and social station. . . . The comprehensive high school prepares the college oriented youth for college. It qualifies the non- college—bound youth, and, as far as possible, the boy or girl who will drop out before graduation for an occupation. It is adapted to give every one a general education for the common things he will do in life and it may and should give some stu— dentslof high capacity preparation for both college and occupa— tion. ' Few, if any, comprehensive secondary schools in England or in the United States measure up to such a high standard. Specific reasons for these limitations are revealed in succeeding chapters. Though Professor Reller contends that the term "comprehensive secondary school" as used in Britain is not equivalent to its American counter- part, the two institutions do share certain common features of philosophy and practice.17 15James B. Conant, The American High School Today (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959), p. 7. 16Franklin S. Keller, The Comprehensive High School (New York: Harper & Bros., 1955), pp. 33-34. 17Reller, op. cit., p. 57. 8 A perusal of these similarities, and dissimilarities, as well, is reflected in the following pages. Type of Research Statemgpt of thggproblem.——The basic premise of this study rests on a contention that England and the United States are faced with the same fundamental task at the level of secondary education. The creation of broader avenues of educational opportunity and the maintenance of schools which will adequately prepare individuals to assume leadership responsibilities comprise this duty. The essence of this dilemma, and its importance to both nations, is described by Professor W. R. Niblett of England. Commenting in a review of Quality and Quantity in American Education, Professor Niblett states: What must strike the reader . . . is that the fundamental English and American problems in education are coming to be more and more the same problems. The urban setting of many of Britain's comprehensive schools, in company with the myriad of problems facing educational institutions 18W. R. Niblett, Review of Quality and Quantity in American Edpgp— tion, ed. by Frederick C. Gruber, British Journal of Educational Studies, X (November, 1961), p. 89. Lionel Elvin, Director of the Institute of Education, University of London, adds to Dr. Niblett's remarks. Alluding to the American experience, he said: We [the EnglisH] are moving fast into the area of universal and longer continued secondary education, and it is not surprising that we are beginning to confront just those problems of quantity and quality which have perplexed some of your educationists and allowed us a certain feeling of superiority in the past. The TransAtlantic Dialogue in Edggation: The Twenty-Ninth Annual Sir John Adams Lecturer, pamphlet (Berkeley, California: University of California, April, 1962), p. 9. 9 in metropolitan areas of America, focuses attention on a concomitant responsibility. In both England and the United States the rapid pace of urbanization has combined with an advanced stage of industrialism to produce additional burdens for public schools. Whether or not the comprehensive secondary school can satisfactorily honor its role as an agent of social unity is directly related to the increasing demands for individual specialization amidst a context of mass education. The methods used.~—A thorough examination of the relevant litera— ture was undertaken. Sources from the fields of sociology, psychology, history, political science, and economics were used in addition to a vast number of items from the realm of education. Much essential data and valuable suggestions were received from the British Labour Party, the London County Council, the Conservative Party Political Centre, and the British Information Office in the United States.19 Also, the author sought to capitalize on twelve years of exper- ience in American secondary schools. The list of institutions includes rural, urban, and suburban schools, and the range of duties encompasses administration, teaching, and counseling. Organization of Thesis The dissertation consists of seven chapters with accompanying bibliography and appendix. Chapter I serves as an introduction and overview of the study. 19See Appendix A for a glossary of educational terms as used in England. 10 The historical background for the comprehensive school move— ment, in England and in the United States, is examined in Chapter II. Sociologically—significant material is contained in the third chapter, particularly the issues presented by the growth of cities and their consequent effects on traditional patterns of school organization. An examination of contrasting philosophies of education is the central theme for Chapter IV. The author's attempt to form a mutually— acceptable definition of the comprehensive secondary school given the background of these philosophies characterizes this chapter. Chapter V focuses on school operations as they are reflected in the England and Auerican comprehensive schools. Various facets such as organizational structure, curriculum and methodology, primary ob— jectives, etc., are included. The sixth chapter compares similarities and dissimilarities of theory and practice between England and the United States and attempts to analyze the reasons for these contrasts and likenesses. Finally, Chapter VII summarizes the major findings of the study, their implications for further developments in secondary education in England and America, and suggests critical areas requiring further in— vestigation. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL In England A recent development.-—Though formal education has a long his— tory of gradual development in Britain, the comprehensive high school is a recent innovation. Perhaps the first espousal of a philosophy of comprehensive education came from the pen of R. H. Tawney. The famed economist vis- ualized the general objective of English education as both the improvement of primary education 22d the development of public secondary education to sush a point that all normal children, irrespective of the income, class, or occgpation of their parents, [Italics his] may be transferred at the age of eleven from the primary or preparatory school to one type or another of secondary school, and remain in the latter till six- teen.1 Tawney's call for greater equality of educational opportunity was echoed by a wartime publication of the Labour Party. Stating that traditional Britain must not be restored, the Labourites asked for a post-war system of education designed to "provide full educational op- portunity for all."2 The London School Plan was the first "official" 1R. H. Tawney (ed.), Secondary Education for All: A Policy for Labour (London: The Labour Party, 1922), p. 7. 2British Labor on Reconstruction in War and Peace (New York: League for Industrial Democracy, 1943), p. 7. ll 12 document in which the term "comprehensive high school" was used.3 This publication appeared in 1947; Kidbrooke, the first comprehensive school in London, opened in September, 1954.“ Almost a decade later, a 1962 government bulletin, At School in Britain, states that only two out of every hundred children of secon— dary school age go to comprehensive schools.5 But these figures con- ceal important facts regarding the place of these new schools. For example, they fail to disclose the urban concentration of comprehensive institutions. In London, 39 percent of all thirteen—year—olds are en- rolled in comprehensive schools. This fact, along with additional information concerning enrollment in such schools, is revealed in Table 1. TABLE 1 PERCENTAGE OF THIRTEEN-YEAR—OLDS ATTENDING COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND, JANUARY, 1962 Locale Percentage England 5% Wales 10% London 39% Anglesey* 100% *A county in rural Wales where all schools are regarded as being comprehensive. aAnthony Greeland, The Education Service: England and Wales (London: Conservative Political Centre & Local Government Department, Bulletin No. 280, April, 1963), pp. 16-17. 3London County Council, London School Plan (London: Staples Press, 1947), pp. 259-260. uH. C. Dent, Growth in English Education, 1946—1952 (London: Rout— 1edge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1954), p. 79. 5British Information Services, At School in Britain (Chicago: British Information Service, 1962), p. 20. For an overall view of the structure of education in Britain see Appendix B. 13 Effects of two world wars.——An American observer of the educa— tional scene in England views the comprehensive school as evolving out of a post-war need for the reshaping of public education.6 But it is next to impossible for the British to discuss the comprehensive school in an objective fashion, he continues. In fact, no proposal in English education, and few in English society, is as revolutionary as the comprehensive school idea. It means a repudiation of the class structure of English secondary education, the accepted hierarchy of public, grammar, techni- cal, and secondary modern schools. . . . Despite the drastic changes implied by Samuel Everett's account, secondary education in England has followed a pattern of gradual develop— ment.8 If, as many sources assert, the movement for universal secon- dary education emerged from England‘s involvement in World War II, the stage was set by events of an earlier period. Robert Ulich describes the background to the Fisher Act of 1918. As a compensation for acceptingthe duty to fight and die on the battlefields of France, the masses now demanded a further advance in public education. They insisted on the change from a class—structured school system, with more than 95 per- cent of the population confined to merely elementary training, over to a national school system, which could bring the more advanced forms of education, except the university, into the reach of the able youth of the people. The result was the so— called Fisher Act of 1918. 6Samuel Everett, Growing Up in English Secondary Schools: Sigpificance for Auerican Practices (Pittsburgh, Penn.: The Univer— sity of Pittsburgh Press, 1959), pp. 9— 10. 7Ibid. An interpretation virtually identical with that of Everett's is furnished by Max A. Eckstein, "Present Trends in English Secondary Education," Studies in Comparative Education, op. cit., p. 8. 8Appendix C furnishes a comprehensive outline of the various stages of secondary school development in Britain. 9Robert Ulich, The Education of Nations (Cambridge, Mass.: Har- vard University Press, 1958), p. 116. ‘ 14 Events of the second great war served to emphasize Professor Ulich's theory. A British Labourite stresses that the 1940's accentuated what many had recognized previously-~name1y, that the national interest as well as the needs of the vast majority of children called for an entire overhauling of the English educational system.10 The Education Act of l944.—-Following on the heels of two world wars, plus a world-wide depression, the Education Act of 1944, by its insistence on secondary education for all, paved the way for the develop- ment of comprehensive secondary schools. Presented to Parliament in 1943 by the Minister of Education, R. A. "Rab" Butler, this bill signaled a new day for British education. Before 1944, the job of education was to produce a literate democracy, writes an English sociologist, "now it is to develop an edUcated democracy."11 Various provisions of the Act could not be implemented during the war years, and agitation for using it in conjunction with even broader post—war reforms was manifested in the famed Beveridge Report. Though development of education is not the most urgent of re- construction tasks, it is ultimately the most important. . . Expenditure on education is the communal investment which in the end may bring the best return. There remains the task of pressing the attack on Ignorance [sir-3 with vigour and speed on all fronts. . . . In the develop— ment of education lies the most important of all the tasks of reconstruction.12 10Grace G. Leybourne, A New Charter for Education (London: Fabian Publications, Ltd., Research Series No. 76, October, 1943), p. 1. 11A. W. Rowe, The Education or the Average Child (London: George C. Harrap & Co., Ltd., 1959), p. 12. 12William H. Beveridge, E311 Employment in a Free Society (New York: W. W. Norton Co., Inc., 1945), pp. 165, 265. 15 Sponsored by the Labour Party.-—It is a truism of democratic societies that no significant social change can take place without ac- companying political action. This fact is starkly revealed in the continuing bitter‘struggle over educational policies in Britain, with the issue of comprehensive schools representing the central point of controversy. The accession of Clement Atlee and the Labour Party to political power in 1945 marks the real beginning of the comprehensive school movement in England. Official backing for these institutions was granted at the Margate Conference in 1950. The philosophy behind this declara— tion appeared in "Challenge to Britain: A Programme of Action for the next Labour Government," December, 1953. Within a context of Conservative versus Labour political strife, the question of what type of secondary education to provide took on the semblance of a contest between Local Education Authorities (L.E.A.'s), seemingly determined to retain the selective system of pre-war Britain, and the Ministry of Education, bent on erecting comprehensive schools.13 Bound up in political agitation at the local and national levels, the movenent for comprehensive schools was also handicapped by a lack 13Among the many sources confirming this struggle, A. V. Judges, “Tradition and the Comprehensive School," British Journal of Educational Studies, 11 (November, 1953), pp. 3—18, is one of the most detailed. IE57733S this the first occasion on which conflict had ensued between local powers and the central government. See Wallace T. MacCaffrey, Review of A Town Grammar School Through Six Centuries: A History of Hull Grammar School Against Its Local Background, by John Lawson, American Historical Review, LXIX (October, 1963), p, 163, 16 of unity among Labour Party members. Two factions quickly formed: the ”conservatives,” who favored maintenance of a separate grammar school for all who could profit from it; and a "radical" wing, advocating a common school with a comprehensive curriculum suited to the ability and aptitude of all children.14 A Fabian tract admits that most Labour- controlled L.E.A.'s did not whole—heartedly support a policy of compre— hensive schools, even though "it was officially advocated by the Labour ‘ Party."15 Activities of the London County Council.——If Labour support, es- pecially at the local level, has been somewhat vacillating, the London County Council has lent unquestioned backing to a plan for comprehensive schools. Outlining a proposal which Robin Pedley termeda "great social document,” the London School Plan of 1947 opted for the comprehensive approach to secondary education.16 The decision to rebuild secondary education on the basis of comprehensive schools was seen as a powerful stimulus to the idea of a neighborhood community; and, in spite of serious difficulties resulting from the social and economic costs of war, eight large (2,000) secondary schools, established on an experimental basis for eventual comprehensive status, were constructed in the years 1946—1949. 1“Diehl, op. cit., p. 37. 15J. Thompson, Secondary Education Survey: An Analysis of L.E.A. Development Plans for Secondary Education (London: Fabian Research Series, No. 148, Victor Gollanez, 1952), p. 20. This appearance of un- due caution, in the opinion of British author T. L. Jarman, was simply a manifestation of the typical [his italicsa British love of compromise. Landmarks in the History of Education: English Education as Part of the European Tradition (London: John Murray, 1962), p. 306. 16Pedley, op. cit., p. 75. 17 This action by the London County Council was a graphic reminder that comprehensive schools were initiated primarily in urban areas where the Labour Party exerted post—war control of local government. Whether or not such sponsorship has been an asset or detriment to the cause of comprehensive education is debatable. H. C. Dent, one-time editor of the London Times Educational Supplement, sees the decision to experiment in London as a mistake. For the large size of London schools caused many Englishmen to reject them on that basis alone, he remarked, "and the idea of the comprehensive school has never quite recovered from the blow dealt it when England's largest municipality decided to adopt it.”17 Nevertheless, a recent report by the Council pays tribute to the original eight schools as ”trail—blazers" in education. Under the prevailing conditions, when no new building could be undertaken for secondary purposes, these schools had to occupy pre—war buildings . . . . In nearly all cases, they were formed by the enlargement of a former central school or by the amalga— mation of a former senior with a former central school. These Schools blazed a trail which has become a broad highway, and under conditions of great difficulty and in the face of some hostility they carried out pioneer work of the utmost value.18 Growth of comprehensive schools.—-As indicated in Table 2, com— prehensive schools have grown at a rapid rate in recent years. The number of such schools remains small in comparison with other forms of secondary education in England, but the growth factor cannot be denied. 17Dent, op. cit., p. 79. A fellow—countryman regards the London County Council's statutory committee as "possibly the most important educational body in the country." C. B. Purdom, How Should We Rebuild London? (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, Ltd., 1946), p. 69. 18London Comprehensive Schools: A Survey of Sixteen Schools (London: The London County Council, 1961), p. 14. 18 TABLE 2 GROWTH OF COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND, 1952-53 to 1961-62, INCLUSIVE School Year Number Enrolled Number of Schools 1952-1953 9,217 10 1953-1954 12,306 13 1954-1955 15,891 16 1955-1956 27,315 31 1956-1957 42,416 43 1957-1958 75,081 86 1958-1959 107,186 111 1959-1960 128,835 130 1960—1961 141,899 138 1961-1962 157,477 152 8Report of the Ministry of Education for England and Wales (For each of the calendar years, 1953 to 1962, inclusive; London: HMSO). The student population of comprehensive schools more than doubled in the four years 1958 to 1962. Further information on this point is illustrated in Table 3. Gains in enrollment during the decade 1952 to 1962 are shown for the five major categories of state-supported secon- dary schools in Britain. TABLE 3 EXPANSION IN BRITISH SECONDARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENTS,* SELECTED YEARS, 1952 TO 1962, INCLUSIVE Type of School 1952 1958 1962 Secondary Modern 1,138 1,435 1,676 Technical 506 599 708 Grammar 74 95 97 Bilateral and Multilateral 29 33 a5 Comprehensive 9 75 158 *Enrollment figures listed in thousands. 8”The School Population in England,” School and Society, LXXXXI (Summer, 1963), p. 245. a: a. ll: . ,1; 19 The contemporary scene.—— Today, the English comprehensive schools continue to operate in an atmosphere of controversy. Embroiled in national and local politics from the start, such institutions are advocated by the Labour Party for social as much as educational reasons, and opposed by the Conservatives, who see in them a threat to the exis— tence of grammar schools. A recent "White Paper"——Secondary Education for All: A New Drive—— though distributed by a Conservative Minister of Education, concedes the need for various patterns of education for different regions, in- cluding a place for comprehensive schools.19 In particular, the National Ministry conceives of comprehensive schools as serving well the rural areas, "where education is comparatively sparse," and in sectors of mass new housing, "with no schools with well established traditions."20 But the Conservative Publication warns that the National Ministry will act to prevent the closing or amalgamation of thriving grammar or secon— dary modern schools simply to expedite the construction of large com— prehensive structures. The Labour Party‘s recent victory in the general elections may signal a renewed spurt in the construction of comprehensive schools. In January, 1965, Minister of Education Michael Stewart asked Local Education Authorities to submit plans for reorganization of their schools on comprehensive lines. He could not "absolutely rule out" some form 19World Survey of Education, 111, Secondarv Education (New Yerk: International Documents Service, UNESCO, 1961). 2OIbid. It 20 Q . . . f, 157 Vernment compulSIon if local councils refused to cooperate, the o ' «daft-er added.21 In the United States A grammar school background.--Director of Project Talent Dr. John C. Flanagan writes: A century and a half ago the United States originated an educa— tional institution which has remained unique in the world. It is the American public secondary school. The Boston Latin Grammar School was the first and its purpose was to develop the talents of boys planning to enter the ministry, law, or pos— sibly merchandising. 2 m The colonial grammar school's avowed puprose of preparing an elite for entrance into higher education is a vivid example of English influence upon the development of Anerican institutions. In fact, Professor Edward Krug asserts, the American form placed greater em— phasis on preparation for college than apparently had been the case in England.23 And it is true that the Massachusetts Law of 1647 ordered that where any town shall increase to the number of 100 families or householders, they shall set up a grammar school, the master thereof being able to instruct youth so far as they may be fitted for the university.24 21Christian Science Monitor, January 30, 1965, p. 2. 22John C. Flanagan and others, Design for a Study of American Youth, Part I (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1962), p. 39. 23Edward A. Krug, The Secondary School Curriculum (New York: Harper & Bros., 1960), p. 15. 2“Alexander Inglis, Principles of Secondary Education (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1918), p. 166. . ems-o7 ,. 21 }3\1t its failure to survive throughout a period when its European CounterWPEIrts were maintaining a virtual monopoly on secondary education reileCtS the impact of new environmental factors in America. Settlers in the New World, writes Dr. John Childs, came to View transplanted institutions as common human arrangements devised to satisfy certain social needs.25 Thus, despite the historian's insistence that colonial America was, in many ways, a reproduction of the mother country's civilization,26 the fate of the grammar school was a harbinger of the future. Feeble responses to the growing demands for a broader curriculum 1 1 were only one manifestation of the school's fatal adherence to class— oriented policies. Though the role of the classical grammar school in the develop— ment of what is now called secondary education remains unclear—-e.g., it accepted boys of an age common to today‘s elementary schools--two distinct legacies from this early period are apparent in current dis- cussions of educational philsophy and practice. One is the continued dualism of college—preparatory and non— college-preparatory courses within the Anerican public high school. The implication that traditional academic subjects are of value only to those aspiring to university study persists as a vexing problem for secondary schools. Perhaps more important was the creation of a link between religion and education,a relationship depicted in the following account. 25John L. Childs, Education and the Philosophy of Experimentalism (New York: The Century Co., 1931), p. 21. 26See Charles Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: The Macmillan C0,, 1927), p. 125. 22 The college and the grammar school . . . were parts of one GduCational system, though not bound together in one system. 0E INiblic service. In both alike the ideal of education was an ideal of public service. They were established to train up young men 'for the service of God, in church and common- wealth,‘ And the form of public service which was uppermost in the minds of their founders was the Christian ministry. We shall not understand our educational development if we [ fail to see that modern systems of education, like much else 2 in our modern civilization, are deeply rooted in the religious life of two and three centuries ago.27 ! Rise of the academy.—-As the grammar school faded from the Amer- ' ican educational scene, it was quickly replaced by the academies. The latter institutions also had English antecedents. Following the restoration of Charles II and the Established Church in 1660, religious nonconformists found themselves outside the church and state. By 1689, however, their schools were openly function- ing, and they became known as "academies," a term used by Milton in his treatise, Of Education.28 An academy master, Charles Martin, emigrated to Massachusetts in 1685 and there erected an American replica of his school in England.29 Almost a century 1ater-—l751-—Benjamin Franklin founded his famous Academy. 1. L. Kandel and Harold Spears credit Franklin's three-curricular institution as having a great influence on the development of secondary 27Elmer Ellsworth Brown, The Making of Our Middle Schools (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1905), p. 57. 28Krug, op. cit., p. 19. 29Krug, op. cit., p. 20. : If; r 23 6093‘;1CN1 in the United States.30 Historian Curtis Nettles agrees e gust it ‘085 a vital step in the transition from the "aristocratic” grammar school to today's comprehensive form.31 Academies dominated the field of secondary education in the early part of the 1800's. They were more accessible to people and displayed greater sensitivity to popular interests and demands. Girls were admitted to some of them, and not all students were expected to prepare solely for college attendance. Academies particularly appealed to the rising middle class, and their curricula reflected the demands of a group which has consistently exerted much control over secondary education in the United States. These schools appealed largely to the great middle class and provided training which prepared for the counting room, the sea, and the classroom as well as for the college. Although the offerings varied from institution to institution, taken together they presented rather widespread opportunity for any training whether cultural, practical, classical, or purely vocational.32 Nineteenth-Century developments.——While the hundred years from 1750 to 1850 witnessed a rapid growth and subsequent decline of the academy, public high schools were slower to appear. In 1821, the English Classical School was founded in Boston. Its promoters desired a school "somewhat like the academy but one which was tax—supported and available in the hometown."33 The idea behind this school was incorporated into 301. L. Kandel, History of Secondary Education (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1930), p. 450; Harold Spears, "A Second Look at the Emerg— ing High School Curriculum," Phi Delta Kappan, XLV (November, 1963), p. 103. 31Curtis P. Nettles, The Roots of American Civilization: A History of American Colonial Life (2nd ed.; New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1963) pp. 490—491. 9 32Newton Edwards and Herman G. Richey, The School in the American Social Order (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1947), pp. 397—398. 33William E. Drake, The American School in Transition (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1955), pp. 231-232. r..- I!” " _: C a H ..C .C .0 u u u a‘. ,Av-n _IV§C -.."s "n \ 24 a MaSSachusetts school law of 1827, states Ellwood P. Cubberly,and he deSQITibes this particular statute as being the real basis for today's secondary school. The real beginning of the American high school as a distinct in— stitution dated from the Massachusetts Law of 1827 . . . . This law formed the basis of all Subsequent legislation in Massachusetts, and deeply influenced developments in other states. The law is significant in that it required a high school in every town hous- ing 500 families or over, in which Should be taught United States History, bookkeeping, algebra, geometry, and surveying, while in every town having 4,000 inhabitants or over, instruction in Greek, Latin, history, rhetoric, and logic must be added.34 Enforcement of the Massachusetts law was weak and often totally ineffective. Thus, the progress of "hometown" secondary schools was sporadic, particularly outside of urban sectors. Unique though it was and as indigenous, in its conception at least, as has appeared in American education, the high school, except in Massachusetts and a few large cities as Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland, Baltimore, San Francisco, and New Orleans, did not spread as rapidly as might have been suggested.35 The Kalamazoo Case.-—Lack of widespread public acceptance of tax support for secondary education was long a stumbling block. Consequently, much of the credit for the spread of secondary schools in the latter part of the nineteenth century derives from the Kalamazoo Case. Justifiably regarded as a milestone in the advance of public education, the 1874 decision of the Michigan court legalizing the use 34Ellwood P. Cubberly, Public Education in the United States (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1919), p. 193. Virtually the same point was made by a noted contemporary. Inglis, Principles of Secon— dary Educationi op.cit., p. 194. 35Kenneth V. Lattich, "What is Indigenous in American Education?" Heritage of America, ed. by Richard Gross and Joseph Roucek (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, Inc., 1962), p. 438. 25 tax; Ellruis for support of high schools had momentous consequences. Two yeaTTS later an Illinois State Supreme Court cited the Kalamazoo ginnings as a legal precedent, thus paving the way for an extension of the "ladder system” of free public education. In most of the states of the upper Mississippi Valley this de— cision greatly influenced the development of the common secon— dary school, and in other states decisions of the courts which ‘ established this type of school were based on the Kalamazoo decision.36 Moreover, having legalized a form of classical education at public expense, the Court had closed one more door on the opportunity for a dual system to develop; for not only useful and practical studies, but cultural, college— preparatory studies as well were now the just province of the secondary school.37 Establishment of the comprehensive high school.——It is not easy to account for the origin of the term "high school." Leonard Koos writes that reference to such institutions reportedly occurred in Pennsyl— vania during the colonial period.38 The origin of the term, he submits, "is not so important as its general early use in connection with institu- tions offering free secondary education at public expense [italics his]. This same element is designated by Dr. Conant as one of three distinguishing characteristics of the high school which emerged at the turn of the twentieth century. By 1900, he asserts, the public high school had become the recognized form of secondary education in the United States, and it was marked by public management on a local basis, 36Edgar W. Knight, "The Evolving and Expanding Common School," Critical Issues and Trends in American Education: The Annals, CCLXV (September, 1949), p. 98. Appendix D supplies an illustration of how this principle was incorporated into the structure of American education. R. Freeman Butts and Lawrence A. Cremin, A History of Education in American Culture (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1953), p. 419. 38Leonard V. Koos, The American Secondary School (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1927), p. 27. . o . c .3 he v? .s t a...» n. o C ‘5 . C r y 1. L . . . < C A L I .1 as. - ..\ \~_ «N» C v. a: .x. \ :1 P» :l.‘ ’0 26 ‘Ang‘.EiJlatlces provided by tax funds, and a policy of non—selective aéwdssionw39 III 1918, the comprehensive high school received a boost from the Commission on Reorganization of Secondary Education. This group favored the comprehensive institution as "the standard type of secondary school in the United States."40 Prior to this date, the Report of the Com— mittee of Ten, in 1893, represented, in the eyes of Professor Ulich, "the end of the four—year high school as an academic and selective in— stitution."41 Support for mass education at the secondary level was increased as one effect of these Reports; and, according to Dr. Conant, the era from 1905 to 1930 marked a revolutionary transformation of the American high school.42His ideas are similar to those expressed by R. Freeman Butts, who likewise saw radical changes taking place within the high school. 39James B. Conant, Thomas Jefferson and the Development of American Public Education, op; cit., p. 49. uoCardinal Principles of Secondary Education (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Bulletin No. 35, 1918), p. 24. The same year Alexander Inglis referred to a "com— posite" or comprehensive high school. Principles of Secondary Educa— tion, op. cit., p. 704. 41U1ich, op. cit., p. 242. uzJames B. Conant, The Revolutionary Transformation of the American High School (Cambridge, Mass.?_Harvard_Uhiversity Press, 1959), p. 1. Appendix E supplies an illustration of the role of National Commissions in abetting the work of the American high school as a "comprehensive" institution. 27 Increasing numbers of youth flooded into the high schools edalter World War I, the curriculum expanded rapidly, and the collxage preparatory function was submerged, because it was assxnned that most high school graduates would not go on to collmage. So commercial courses multiplied, aided by federal programe, especially the Smith—Hughes Act of 1917.43 However, there exists strong opposition to labeling the quarter— century from 1905 to 1930 as a period of startling change in American education. In words reminiscent of those used by British writers in stressing the gradual evolution of England‘s system of secondary schools, William H. Whyte declares flat the American changes were in character. In retrospect, he confesses, they seem revolutionary, but they were an extension, not a reversal. Whether exaggerated or not, the inclination to the practical, the contemporary, has been thoroughly in the American tradition.44 Whyte defines it as part of the American tradition; others refer to the striving for equality of educational opportunity as the American dream.“5 Whatever the terminology, twentieth—century developments in secondary education in the United States have demonstrated a steady progression along the lines of mass education. Table 4 on the follow~ ing page offers one illustration of this rapid growth. “3R. Freeman Butts, "How Well is Maryland's Secondary Education Program Meeting the Needs of the Pupil?" Major Speeches Delivered at the Conference of Maryland High Sgppol Principals and Sppgrvisors (Baltimore, Md.: October 8, 1959), p. 15 (mimeographed). “AWilliam H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1956), p. 96. 45L. 0. Taylor and others, The American Secondary School (New York: Appleton-Century—Crofts, Inc., 1960), p. 6. (' ‘9 28 TABLE 4 GROWTH IN ENROLLMENTS IN THE ANERICAN HIGH SCHOOL, 1890 TO 1960, INCLUSIVE _=___ Year Number Enrolled Percent of Youth ‘ Aged 14 to 17 En- rolled 1890 202,963 /g.7 1900 519,251 11.4 1910 915,061 15.4 1920 2,200,389 32.3 1930 4,399,422 51.4 1940 6.635,337 73.3 1950 5,757,810 76.8 1 1960 8.531,454 86.1 ‘ - 8Digest of Educational Statistics (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern— ment Printing Office, Bulletin No. 43, 1963), p. 11. As in England, the task of the high school is becoming increas— ingly difficult. A tradition of college-preparatory work faces an equally insistent demand to supply training and knowledge for young Americans facing a bewildering world of science and technology. In summary, Prdfessor H. G. Good suggests that the American high school developed as a "public school, a local school, and a day school"”6--all three of which now are subsumed under the guise of a comprehensive school. But the fundamental problem of identifying £23 typical American high school remains. An English viewpoint on this matter is furnished by Edmund J. King. 46H. G. Good, A History of Western Education (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947), p. 525. 29 INC) tVao comprehensive school systems are exactly alike, and no c‘-°\1htry is as diverse (from excellent to dreadful) as the 1hlited States, despite the textbooks and professors' talk about 'the comprehensive school‘-—much less the [italics his] American school. ——— 47Personal letter from Edmund J. King, Syracuse University, New York, July 23, 1962. - CHAPTER III SOCIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL In England The pgst-war drive for social equality.--Professor Kandel warns that education must be adapted to and grow out of the cultural environ— ment of the people to be educated.1 In England the salient feature of the cultural environment is the historical link between the educational system and the social class structure. British author John Vaizey phrases it thusly: "When we talk about schools in this country we talk autobiographically and we talk about class."2 Tawney was far more vehement. "The hereditary curse upon English education," he cried, "is its organization upon lines of social class."3 These charges of persistent social class influence are grounded in reality, charges a third critic. 1I. L. Kandel, "The Study of Comparative Education," op. cit., pl 7. 2John Vaizey, Education in Class Society: The Queen and Her Horses Reign. (London: Fabian Research Tract No. 342, January,-I962), P- 1. It is interesting to note that neW1y—elected Prime Minister Harold Wilson is the first person to hold this post who was not educated in 8 private (Public) school. 3R. H. Tawney, Equality (London: George Allen & Unwind Ltd., 1952), p. 154. 30 31 one oi the most remarkable things about English education is ‘5 e 13ers istence, through two world wars, and on into the egalitarian, welfare state world of the fifties, of a separate SYSteUI of education for the rich. . . . It is normal for chil- aren Of the upper—middle and upper classes to go to a special kind of school in which children of the lower—middle and work- ing classes are rarely met with.“ Consequently, much of the impetus behind the comprehensive school movement in England is to be found in a desire to ensure equality of opportunity and to break down social class barriers by promoting a feeling of social unity among adolescents. Spokesman for comprehensive education believe that the school itself acts as an agent of social change. Charges that socialists and others on the left of British Society are backers of the comprehensive school are true; and for good reasons, comments an English observer. Only the left has 8 Faith. The left-wingers are the true des- cendants of the early pioneers, the Chartists of the nineteenth century, and the Levellers of the seventeenth. For them, the progress of political action is not to win power; it is to make a new heaven and a new earth.5 In other words, the comprehensive school is seen as part of a larger drive towards social equality, encompassing both political and educational elements. Attempts to carry out a plan for comprehensive Schools have added greatly to the air of controversy surrounding them, for suCh action raises the question of "the relationship between the ___________________ ”J. D. Scott, Life in Britain (London: Eyre & Spottswoode, P 1956). p. 165-166. 5David Marquand, "England's Labor Party and Its Discontents," Commentary, XXX (December, 1960), p. 492. sl. 32 doaational System and social stratification, and its solution neces— .tates a Closer analysis of their interdependence."6 Ifiiis issue is particularly relevant to the furious controversy concerning the eleven plus examinations. The Butler Act's scheme for allocation according to aptitude and ability has not been realized. There is still great competition for grammar school openings. Approxi— mately one-half of the youth compete for grammar schools equipped to take about 20 percent of their applicants. The middle class is espec- ially angered, for these people feel that both the secondary modern and the comprehensive school put them on the same level as the working classes. "It is largely because class—feeling and political bias are so involved," writes an English scholar, "that it is so difficult to view the problem of secondary school selection impartially, or to devise any acceptable solution."7 A second aspect of this interdependence is reflected in the steadfast opposition of the British class system to significant changes. This grudging reluctance to accept modifications of traditional patterns is, in the opinion of English historian Denis W. Brogan, directly at- tributable to the educational system. "In no other country," he submits "does the character of the formal education received have the permanent importance that it has in England."8 6Olive Banks, Parity and Prestige and English Secondapy Education: §_§tUdy in Educational Sociology (London: Rutledge & Kegan Paul, 1955), p. 2‘92. 7P. E. Vernon (ed.), Secondary School Selection (London: Methuen & Co., Ltd., 1957), p. 22. 8Denis W. Brogan, The English People: Impressions and Observations (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1943), p. 20. 33 €1.355jor political issue.~—Further indications of the vital im— vortance 0f the educational program are revealed in frantic attempts by each CH3 the major political parties to identify with specific pro— grams of education. Viewed in the light of a recently—completed public survey, the English people place the need for education above medical care. A national poll sponsored by the London Institute of Economic Affairs revealed more discontent with the Welfare State than was generally assumed; but asked whether they wanted the State service to go on expanding out of taxation as at present if incomes continued to rise, 51 percent chose the option for education; 41 percent for health.9 In fact, the pent—up demand for education has remained a con— stant factor in British political circles since Clement Atlee and the Labour Party took office in 1945. In the eyes of Labourites provisions for education, particularly secondary education, are intolerable. Economic and social changes of the 1950's have added their influence to the cries for more education, and Labour spokesmen state flatly that "the biggest single fact about our education today is that there is not enough of it."10 As a result, measures of educational reform and questions concern- ing social class privilege have become enmeshed in partisan politics. ‘— 9"Discontent with the Welfare State," Manchester Guardian, July 25. 1963, p. 4. 10Learning to Live: Labour's Policy for Education (London: Labour Party, Transport House, 1958), p. 7. 34 1,0698 1S‘S‘U‘es were clearly depicted in the election campaign of 1964, assefts an American observer. Professor Thomas P. Peardon notes that Education is [another] subject of noisy debate in this Social] category. Legislation passed in 1944 has never been implemented fully. There are not enough schools, not enough teachers, too few universities. . . . Both parties are committed to educational expansion.11 But, whereas the Labour Party accepts social equality as a major educational goal, the leaders of the Conservative Party generally deny this is a legitimate aim of education. In essence: the Labour Party offers social equality as a primary political goal; the Conservative Party does not. Thus traditional class patterns, political dogmas, and educational objectives become intermingled in the drive for compre- hensive schools. Within this new context, the Labour Party plans to promote scientific and technical educatiOn. Recent speeches by Harold Wilson hint that he is trying to portray the Labour Party as modern and businesslike rather than doctrinaire and socialistic. It may be that the demand for educa- tion is helping to create a new type of Labour ideology. The Labour Party today no longer draws its support from cloth- capped workers clamoring to be delivered from the 'thralldom of wagedom,‘ as they called it. Its present and potential appeal is to middle—and working-class Britons who are skeptical of socialist dogmas and hostile to any radical social experi- ments that might threaten their living standards. What the disparately want is more and better education. . .12 [Italics in originalj. 11Thomas P. Peardon, "Politics in Britain," op. cit., p. 283. 12"Great Britain: The Road to Jerusalem," Time, LXXXII (October 11. 1963), p. 34. An Englishman sees the advance in material prosperity 33 8 grim bit of irony for Labour. Since 1950, the party has been swimming against the social tide, he notes, and the knowledge that the tide'was first set in motion by the post-war Labour government "does nothing to sweeten the experience." Marquand, op. cit., p. 495. p I" CID 1‘» ..A ‘9- v- - Lost sic --.é ’5’5_-‘ ' 35 (Egiéillylran urban phenomenon.-eAgainst this background of political fife and changing ideologies, two additional factors stand out: they are the growth of urbanism and the problem of limited facilities in rural regions, . 'London has become the hub of a vast metropolitan area. Govern- ment, commerce, research facilities, and education combine to draw thousands to the southern part of the British mainland. A planning report drawn up almost a decade ago warned that these very factors would cause London to reach a grotesque size, but little has been done to forestall the drift to the south.13 Geoffrey Moorhouse describes this pattern of migration as the most urgent problem of Britain's population growth. In England and Wales, he notes, the population more than doubled in the decade 1951- 1961; or twice "what had been expected of a twenty—year period."14 Furthermore, he adds, "the South has been growing at five times the rate of the North." Moorhouse quotes demographer Rugby Childs, that by the year 2000 from Dover to Bristol and from the Home Counties up to Lan- cashire and Yorkshire there will be more people living under city conditions than there are in the whole of Britain to- day. Two-thirds of them will be confined in virtually un- broken conurbations.15 13Report on Planning in the London Region (London: Town Planning Institute, 1956), p. 8. 1(”Geoffrey Moorhouse, “An Explosion of People," Manchester Guardian, November 21, 1963, p. 12. 15Ibid. "Conurbations" is a term used to define a human region largely urban in character. .American demographers use the term "megalo- POlis." T. W. Freeman, The Conurbations of Great Britain (Manchester, England: The Manchester University Press, 1959), p. 1. 36 Tilis Prediction is in line with that of a British economist, who gees 8‘1 English people more and more inclined to live in towns as part5 OP "1arge, anonymous masses."16 As current examinations of educa- tion in the United States show all too well, an influx of large, anonymous masses fosters critical problems for the comprehensive secon- dary school and for all other forms of urban schooling. A typical English illustration is furnished by Liverpool's experience. In 1930, this city had twenty secondary schools catering to 8,427 pupils. By January, 1958, it was supporting 106 secondary schools, many of them comprehensive institutions, with 42,782 students in attendance.17 London's problems, moreover, are infinitely more complex. Edward Carter outlines the city's plight in words quite familiar to those working in urban and suburban schools in America. By far the most important influence affecting the character of central London has been migration outward from the centre, stimulated by deterioration of residential amenity in the centre, the suburban pull, and the pressure of sponsored migra— tion to 'new towns and estates.‘ . . . One effect of the migra— tion of young marrieds to the suburbs is naturally enough a very considerable difference between the number of children in the suburbs and the number in the centre.18 “————_—— 16Diana Spearman, Democracy in England (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1957), p. 149. 17John Barron Mays, Education and the Urban Child (Liverpool: Social Research Series, Liverpool University Press, 1962), p. 27. Liverpool is currently moving rapidly with plans to make all secon— dary Schools comprehensive institutions. 18Edward Carter, The Future of London (Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1962), pp. 51-52. '4 37 The London County Council, then, was among the first to choose 0 “eat post—war demands with the formation of comprehensive secondary SdhOOLS. Vlithout question, a drive for social equality was at the heart of this decision. The Council thought that in a modern society it was essential that school life Should promote a feeling of social unity among adolescents of all kinds of degrees of ability and that this could best be achieved in a 'comprehensive' school.19 Specifically, it was hoped that such a plan would do away with the necessity for the eleven plus examinations and provide a curriculum suitable to a wider range of student ability. Dent's misgivings about London’s sponsorship were cited in Chapter 11.20 His emphasis on the matter of size was a telling one, for this point has been hit time and again by critics of comprehensive schools. Continuing with direct attacks on London's role, the ill— effects of an unwise egalitarianism are emphasized by a writer for the Economist. The established standards of the abler children are being sac— rificed in the name of egalitarianism and for the sake of benefits that are quite unproven. But London is the largest authority and the most in the public eye, and one of the unfortunate consequences of its doctrinaire folly is that the whole idea may get a worse name than it \— 19Education in London, 1945-54 (London: London County Council, County Hall, 1954), p. 47. 20cf., p. 19. ..P 4.4.: Sufism}: . .. ... V. u! .11., ..r ~ y. «11 V: “ VJ .:.ui1d 1' :as stre fs ME 0 221 ..I Way 3 If? U 23» C «’iople an 38 £8811y'deServes. For there is something——and possibly a good deal“to be said for it.21 131 all likelihood, the erstwhile social benefits of comprehensive secondary schools have received too much attention in their early years. Scarcely a decade has passed since the first ones opened their doors, and evaluation procedures are just now beginning to appear. In the United States An agent for social unity.-4driting in defense of the American high school during the post-Sputnik era of attacks on public education, historian Henry S. Commager stated that most of what we may call the non—academic functions of the schools in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have been per— formed: To give unity to a heterogeneous population; to create a sense of belonging; to inculcate democracy and equality.22 An English contemporary supports Commager's general thesis. The social and political role of American education cannot be understood if it is regarded as only a means of formal learning, he agrees, for the high school, particularly, is not merely or mainly concerned with teaching English or chemistry. It is a centre of local social education; it brings together the children of all classes, or almost all classes.2 21"School and Privilege," The Economist, CLXVI (March,14, 1953), p. 711. The decision of Coventry—-the "Detroit of the Midlands"--to rebuild its secondary schools on the model of comprehensive institutions has strengthened critical beliefs that such schools represent the out- come of socialist control of city councils. 22Henry S. Commager, "Victims of Success," Saturday Review, XLI (May 3, 1958), p. 13. ' 23Denis W. Brogan, U.S.A.——An Outline of the Country, Its People and Institutions (New York: Oxford University Press, 19u1), p. 85. sci a :2 Sc 'Triends [lather taste: 1" 5050015 E 5,. “23ml 3 m academy 13'» 531% mic, “hm 39 1“ Contrast to these plaudits, a recent publication cites the aficani-Zation of Americans" as a new challenge before the high schools- (3onceding that public schools of an earlier day accomplished a magnificent job in coping with large numbers of immigrant children, the pamphlet calls attention to1he needs of Puerto Rican and Negro youth. The high school, in view of these demands, can no longer survive merely as a place to prepare a small segment of the intellectually gifted. . . . It must become an instrument of the community for helping all children develop whatever talents they have.24 This plea for making the modern high school a comprehensive in— stitution on all fronts has historical antecedents. Professor Carl Fish records the impressions of a visitor to the Hartford, Connecticut, high school during the 1870's. The observer was pleased to note that "friendships among its scholars were formed across class lines."25 Whether or not such liaisons actually do occur is still a hotly con- tested issue in Anmrican educational circles. Charges that public schools are dominated by the middle class indicate that here, too, England and the United States share a common concern. Accused of middle—class dominance.—-Though replacement of the academy by the public high school is described as a victory for the 26 rising middle class, much of the sociological and educational literature 24Teacher’s Letter (pamphlet) XIII (April 1, 196a), p. 1. 25Carl R. Fish, The Rise of the Common Man: A History of American Life in Twelve Volumes, eds. Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon Ryan (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1950), pp. 221-222. 26Carroll Atkinson and Eugene T. Moleska, The Story of Education (Philadelphia: Chilton & Co., 1958), p. 157. o rt: 1:. In r». new 3 se the: Soho soci Pee; SYSte or fix Salut 40 the PaSt quarter—century portrays its alleged middle—class bias ofle 0i 'the major obstacles preventing the formation of a stronger, i e.» more "comprehensive," high school. Paul Goodman and C. Wright mills charge the high school with being nothing more than a training ground for the production of corporate employees, oriented to middle— class values and destined to become members of a "white—collar society.”27 Edgar Freidenberg, professor of education and sociology at the Univer— sity of California, presents a particularly caustic appraisal of the high school's role in maintaining social class barriers. Its biases, though their impact is always on individual young— sters, operate systematically to mold entire social groups. These biases endorse and support the values and patterns of behavior of certain segments of the population providing their members with the credentials and shibboleths needed for the next stages of their journey, while they instill in others a sense of inferiority and warn the rest of society against them as troublesome and untrustworthy. In this way the school contributes simultaneously to social mobility and to social stratification. It helps see to it that the kind of people who get ahead are the kind who will support the social system it represents, while those who might, through interest or merely by their being, subvert it, are left behind as a salutary moral lesson.2 Yet, there is a long-standing basis for this link between American secondary schools and the middle—class world of business and commerce. Business led the drive in the late nineteenth century for the training of skilled artisans and mechanics in the public schools and at the pub- lic expense. Before that time, Benjamin Franklin's Academy was designed as a preparatory institution for young men interested in the field of 27There'exists a host of books, articles, pamphlets, etc., deal- ing with the relationship of the high school to social class structure in the United States. Those cited in this study were selected on the basis of a representative sampling of the criticism. 28Edgar Z. Freidenberg, "The Modern High School: A Profile," Commentary, XXXVI (November, 1963), p. 380. One source of rebuttal may be found in a recent issue of Phi Delta Kappan. See James E. Heald, "In Defense of Middle—Class Values," XLVI (October, 1964), pp. 81—83. 23' -E',' . I a. 11:. 41 @rQE:‘ Adld, as in the case of Britain, current demands for highly c0 'Killed V°0r1 iv". «...-- 4“ a; u 40 J at .' ‘A. 1,5)!" ." I“ ‘ 6;“ 1‘ ...u. .335: of result, / 7» />~ i316: 7 L“? Mac". . i5 jUs: . 33 n .‘e'. York; Y 48 In England Edlicaizing an elite.—-British practice rests upon a long history of Y_-eSpeC:t for an aristocracy of brain and character, similar to the 3eifiersonian ideal of colonial America, and has served Britain well in the past. A spokesman for the "conservatives" of English education con— tends that it has great value for the future of his country, too. Dis— pensing with the preparation of an intellectual elite in an aging and sparsely populated country like England would be an "act of national suicide," he warns.7 However, one of the staunchest critics of England's traditional pattern of secondary education, Harold J. Laski, admitting to its production of some extraordinary individuals, stated that it was not a system which deliberately and consciously set for itself the pur— pose of elevating the common man.8 This should not be a surprising result, for elite education is the foundation of class distinction.. In Britain, during past decades, this combination of selective schooling 7R. A. Butler, "Education: The View of a Conservative," The Yearbook of Education (Yonkers—on—Hudson: World Book Co., 1952):—— Chapter 2, p. 35. A famed American scholar agrees. "Least of all," writes Robert Ulich, can a modern democracy live without it [an elite]. With mod— ifications required by the changes of time, Jefferson's plan to recruit an aristocracy of talent out of a broad social foundation is still the only one that will work, because it is just, realistic, and appreciative of excellence. The Education of Nations, op. cit., pp. 306-307. 8Harold J. Laski, Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (New York: Viking Press, 1943), p. 225. 5811001 n em t in 53:155. in km; He V9 c: 562‘ l the TL Were 1 tral 49 a . . . . 01' SS pr“lvilege produced a "Christian Gentleman‘s" form of ’{xing- Efifoducts of this system, espoused by John Milton, have dom— _ ed Briilish life, and are collectively termed the "Establishment." mat The latter‘s control of secondary education is seen by an American observer as symbolic of the continuing strength of elitist values. He writes: ”It may even be argued that the power of the elite in Britain is supported more through its monopoly of good education than by any other source."9 Searching for a broader base.——Political happenings of the past , few years, however, suggest that a turning point in social as well as political history has arrived. An English correspondent notes: What seems to be coming to an end is this long age of govern— ment by great schools, by Eton and Harrow, by Oxford and Cambridge, and by great families and patrician accents.10 If true, the anticipated change may speed—up the comprehensive school movement in England. In any case, provisions must be made for educating all of the nation‘s talent. These are the thoughts of Lord Halisham, formerly Minister of Education for the Conservative govern- ment. He underscores the meaning of his statement in the following lines. We can maintain our place in the world only if we deliberately set out to develop to the full all [italics his] the talent in the nation. To produce an elite class of leaders, even if that were morally and politically desirable, would not be enough. Our economic position alone demands that we make a conscious effort to educate all our people to the limit of their ability.11 9Seymour Lipset, ”The British Voter, II: Sex, Age and Education," The New Leader, XLIII (November 21, 1960), p. 17. 10"Britons Study Turning Point," Christian Science Monitor, October 12, 1963, p. l. 11As quoted by Claude A. Eggerston, "English Education and the Cultures of East and West," Studies in Comparative Education, op. cit., p. 48. f0” tc in L“ A- to Cthe 50 ‘LQIH3 lialisham thus places himself in opposition to the philosophy 96d ‘DY 1118 Conservative predecessor,"Rab" Butler.12 Butler's eSPC’u . fifi 311 pushing through the Education Act of 1944, however, had a ct x0 represented a break with the extreme rigidities of a class system of education- One indication of what this gradual disintegration of an elitist Concept portends for the future of Britain is mirrored in the writings of Denis w. Brogan. A most urgent problem is that of making secondary education available to far more of the able boys and girls born to poor parents, even if that means denying secondary education to , the dull boys and girls who are often born to prosperous parents.13 Brogan‘s statement appeared during the war years; a generation later Geoffrey Crowther used stronger language in assessing the state of secondary education in England. Admittedly, he wrote, England possessed a high quality of secondary schooling, but it was provided for too few. Moreover, "Under that top layer [I] believe that conditions in this country are bad; they are bad absolutely; they are bad relatively 14 to other countries." England at the cross—roads.-—P1ans for universal secondary education seem certain to encounter fierce opposition, for the pro- raosal suggested by Brogan and underscored by Crowther strikes at the t1eart 0f the English system of education. The growing availability of 12cf., p. 55. 13Brogan, op. cit., The English People . . .; p. 39. 14Geoffrey Crowther, "The Case for Advance," (pamphlet, The 1.963 Campaign for Education, Hamilton House, London), p. 2. car:- an tree 51 9eQ°fldar . . . . y education has not perceptibly weakened the conVictions {X16 (iOWfiJlant classes that private (public) schools are the best.15 i Over, 'there has been a great swing bv the middle class to these of e . ‘M same institutions in opposition to the provisions of the Education Act of 19”“: Formation of comprehensive secondary schools has been an es— pecially bitter blow for those persons comprising the English middle class.16 Plans for comprehensive institutions in urban areas fre— quently have incorporated the grammar school thus depriving such 1 families of a prized alternative to admission by the revered Public Schools. Now the comprehensive school movement threatens to destroy even this opportunity; any idea of adopting the solution suggested by Brogan would spark grim resistance. If many Englishmen have been left embittered by the growing up- surge of comprehensive schools and other proposals for universal secon— dary education, the change in educational philosophy has offered new hope to countless British homes. The ever—increasing opportunities of secondary and even univer- sity education which are available to boys and girls of promise have had their effect on working-class family life. The out— look of the parents as well as the child is enlarged. . . . It is no longer assumed without question that a lad will follow 15Roy Lewis and Angus Maude, The English Middle Classes (New ifork: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), p. 261. 16Colm Brogan, writing in The Educational Revolution (London: E'rederick Miller Ltd., 1954), stresses the angry reactions of middle— c lass families to changes in English education. kin, “mishe 52 {file SE‘HKE ernplovment as his father or be taken on at the same QQtRDrB’ or pit; This break—up of the old tradition 'like 9‘1191', ilike son' is due in part to the increased interest of educational mfihorhfies. 17 The: debate grows.——When viewed against this background of ed— ucation's pervasive effects, the raging debate over comprehensive schools in contemporary England reflects a cause and effect relationship.18 In 1958, T. L. Jarman wrote, the most controversial educational question in England was——"as it has been in recent years"——the question of what type of secondary education to provide.19 Four years later, the research director for the University of London Institute of Educa— tion stressed that the biggest change in education since the war had taken place in the field of secondary education.20 This controversy is labeled by Barbara Ward Jackson as the greatest since the nineteenth century, when public support was finally given to elementary Schools in England.21 The need for skills of every kind, she continues, further emphasizes the far—ranging effects of education on such topics as apprenticeships, the expansion of scientific facilities, the system of schools, the rewards of teaching, etc. 17Sir George Reid, "The Human Side of Industry," The Character of Endland, ed. by Ernest Barker (Oxford, England: The Clarendon 'Press, 1947), p. 174. 18A weekly reading of the London Times Educational Supplement :furnishes ample evidence of the intensity of this debate. 19T. L. Jarman, "The Main Developments in Education in Great IBritain in 1958," International Review of Education, V (September, 1 959), p. 253. 20John Vaizey, Britain in the Sixties: Education for Tomorrow (IBaltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1962), p. 43. 21Barbara Ward, "John Bull X-Rays Himself," New York Times magazine, July 14, 1963, pp. 8, 26. to th cczpr ‘ au~£ 5:12. waffle the 53 (1‘ 'P.. SIIOW is in basic agreement with Lady Jackson, and he that; Ehigland is not coping with the scientific revolution. Both rguSSiEIIS and the Americans, he avers, are more sensitive to the world they are living in.22 Indeed, Russian accomplishments are used by critics in both England and the United States to cast aspersions on democratic educa— tion, nor is this criticism reserved for the comprehensive schools. English scholar W. O. Lester Smith attributes it to the ferment of modern times, stating that "this charge of aimlessness is not confined to the newer types of education, schools like the secondary modern or comprehensive, which have yet to establish a firm tradition."23 While the "radical" Socialists argue for all schools to be transformed to comprehensive ones, with a "common curriculum to ensure equality of educational opportunity,"24 present comprehensive schools are not expected, or even fashioned, to accomplish this objective. Sir Geoffrey Crowther cautions that there is no retreat from the philosophy of selective education in England's secondary schools."The only change," he declares, "is that a growing number of the people—-but 22C. P. Snow, Two Cultures (Cambridge, England: Cambridge Univer— sity Press, 1959), p. 35. Representatives from twenty-six European countries, including Great Britain, concurred in a general agreement that the traditional pattern of European secondary education had been disrupted by the pressures of population change and technological change, and that further modifications were needed. Report of Conference held at Sevres, France, School and Society, LXXXVI (December 20, 1958), pp. l+60~461. 23Smith, op. cit., p. 30. 2“Brian Simon (ed), New Trends in English Education (London: rdacGibbon & Kee, 1957), p. iii. The same point was made by a British cabserver writing for an American journal. A. W. Rowe, "Average and Isess in Britain," Teachers College Record, LXVI (October, 1964), p. 45. . . 4. .1 . 2 a . . . _ l . .P. .u a O ., . I n y . t 5 7. 1 C :1 L v. I .1 ... .a h k a . hi 1 . v _ . .1 .... C f. Pu. .: 5. er E E ‘ n . .n . .6 :1 . . 2.. R a .t. ya u; ... «L T. t . .ul. . L . . y ..r. .1. I n» ’1 ... _ Il—II. : ... I . 503.1 “hum...” {View ”ha 4”. 1.3., .. fir. ..z..~r bi 54 $111. a minot‘ity-uthink that the selection should be within a common 5 school’ not between schools."25 Ttlis 'limited change suffices to illustrate the basic challenge to the English philosophy of education; for the creation of a public— supported, democratic system of secondary education must overcome the resistance of class structure and outlook. American sociologist Seymour Lipset, summarizing his experiences in Britain,saw the linger- ing effects of a class system as a major obstacle in the path of ed- ucational reform. Speaking out for the values of a comprehensive school, particularly with respect to its avowed purpose of bringing together pupils from all ranks of life, Lipset warned that segregation of adolescents into dif- ferent schools reinforced a type of cultural deprivation already in- herent in a class system. Simply broadening the base of secondary ed- ucation will not be sufficient for Britain's needs, he continued, for "the fact that ability'qualifies some of lowly origin to enter the elite does not change the class consequences."26 2SSir Goeffrey Crowther, "Contrasts in British and American Education," Major Speeches Delivered at the Conference of Maryland High School Principals and Supervisors, op. cit., p. 35. Among many others stressing the same fact is Allastair Buchan, "Britain Looks )At Its Schools," Reporter, XXII (February 18, 1960), p. 31. 26Lipset, op. cit., p. 17. Two British sociologists concur with 'their American contemporary. Agreeing that the continued existence of a private school system and a highly-selective policy of college ad- nnissions has serious social consequences, they state: The effect which this latter feature [access to higher education] in particular, may have on the social distribution of such ed- ucational facilities as exist still has to be explored in pre— cise terms. But almost certainly it helps to give the patterns of educational inequality the character of a self—perpetuating cvcle. 1A lan Little and John Westergaard, ”The Trend of Class Differentials in Enjucational Opportunity in England and Wales," The British Journal of Sociology, XV (December, 1964), pp. 301—302. 55 In the United States R£spresents a fundamental democratic belief.-—Tracing the evolu- :10“ 0E the mmdern American high school, the authors of a popular text in secondary school administration note that such a School is ”congenial to and in harmony with some deep—rooted American democratic beliefs." They continue: This belief in equality which insists that all children ought to attend a common high school may appear naive and unrealistic to some, but [in] is a very real belief and may provide an avenue for social integration of a people which is overlooked by those who profess to be impressed by the supposed educa— tional efficiency of the specialized high school.2 Furthermore, an undue stress on educational efficiency, writes {Jill French, overlooks the ultimate value of a comprehensive high s;chool as part of a system of commom education. . . . Free, public, state—supported secondary education as an upward extension of the earlier common school has as its chief function the helping of all youth to become able to carry on their personal, social, and civic life at better levels than would be possible had youth education not been available at all.28 Crowther agrees that the American concept of secondary education figs linked to an attempt to serve social needs. And this is an imperative z1eaesd, he suggests, for only in a harmonious and balanced society can '"ttie principle of a democratic society work properly."29 27Will French, J. Dan Hull, and B. L. Dodds, American High School 1; . m \C a . . . . . . t .d .53 t. .E ...l M1.» ma .1 a .4 . ...H ..lm iv.” Va st“ s.- wliivllill I l 11‘ . 4 . u \ I . v? .\ .I . ., . . it . .. v v , . . . a ‘ a a A I .r . I u 1 , a . . y a .,.?.~.a«. .n ., n . ..\ , .l . I y 5 r. I . . . . p , .. C _. I . . l n v - a .V. . . , ..\ .. ...llunw J, — :.|, .... . A x y . ‘ 'o\ . O. r u A .. ... . . l ., 58 he . . . . . fl‘JiéteXISiLon between class and claSSLfication 15 nowhere more 6 e‘It- tlian in the continuing discussions over ability group— ifig vexTSUS mixed grouping in the schools.3u éiflfiigfgpce of a scientific elite.-—To add to the bewildering demands’ 8 new conception of the term "elite" is forming in both England and America. The "privileged elite" of Britain and the "natural aristocracy" of Jeffersonian tradition are being replaced by a techno- logical elite which recognizes no national boundaries. Its emergence is forcing changes in political philosophy, both in England and in the United States. That it may very well provoke similar effects in educational philosophy is a possibility suggested by the following account. Political liberalism no longer entails a commitment to the belief that mass popular education shall be used to redeem the promise of an egalitarian democratic dream. The political liberal of today has not lost his commitment to the welfare of the common man, but he is likely to believe that in a mass technological society, the common Man's welfare is best served by training a scientific and technical elite that will define his goals and prescribe the neans. Sputnik merely brought this change of perspective into the open.35 If Dr. Harry Broudy is right, the fundamental problem confront- iru; the comprehensive high school is, indeed, magnified. The need for a Egreater degree of "social comprehensiveness" is viewed as a paramount cietnand for secondary schools throughout England and Western Europe.36 34Phi1ip H. Phenix, Education and the Common Good: A Moral .911ijiosophy of the Curriculum (New York: Harper and Bros., 1961), p. 172. 35Harry S. Broudy, "Conant on the Education of Teachers,” Educational Forum, XXVIII (January, 1964), p. 201. W 36Milton J. Gold, "Europe Plans for Extended Schooling," Educational Forum, XXV (May, 1961), p.186. ——-"—'-’____— .5 v . 59 Likewise, U.S. Commissioner of Education Francis Keppel has urged Americans to discover——"even at this late date"——whether they really believe in a system of comprehensive rather than selective education.37 Desires for comprehensive education, however, cannot neglect the need for differentiation within a common school. If England and the United States are to use the comprehensive high school as a means of realizing the goal of equal educational opportunity for all youth, then the programs offered must not be identical for all. "Different boys and girls Of different ages, in different communities," writes a noted American educator,"may well need a variety of programs to produce common 1earnings."38 It is of overriding importance to note this dis— tinction. Otherwise, the three objectives cited at the beginning of this chapter are surely impossible forthe comprehensive school to achieve. 37AS quoted in Education Summary, Pamphlet, XVII (April 1, l96b) ___________________ P. 7. 38French, op. cit., p. 21. ____.—-— CHAPTER V COMPARISON OF THE COMPREHENSIVE SECONDARY SCHOOL AS IT NOW EXISTS IN ENGLAND AND IN THE UNITED STATES Objectives Tgying to meet universal needs.-—Equality of educational op- portunity can only be interpreted to mean the adaptation of education to the abilities and aptitudes of the pupils, asserts Kandel.1 In at- tempting to discharge this responsibility, the American comprehensive school, in his opinion, suffers from criticism directed at its alleged neglect of both the gifted and those below average in ability. Yet the American struggle to offer secondary education on a universal basis, for the first time, is now being mirrored by similar efforts in Britain. General education.--Proponents of the comprehensive school in England see it as a necessity if education is to aid that nation in developing a sense of social unity. Dr. Conant's stress on the role 0f general education in the preparation of future citizens is amply illustrated in Labour Party directives;2 unfortunately, though, Labour is not united in its stand. Harold Wilson has maintained that priority 11. L. Kandel, The New Era in Education: A Comparative Study (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1955), P. 252. 2cf., p. 38. 6O Irv. it- V 61 e ‘ . v gljJeTI to training more scientists and technologists.3 In mflst “tf981;’ a ‘PUblication of the National Union of Teachers cautions Co the "rea1 test" of the success of comprehensive schools lies in that their Se“EFal education schemes}i The difficulties inherent in reaching a consensus on the type of general education required are intensified by the behavior of the English citizen. "Half the electorate votes Labor in a general elec- tion," writes Edmund J. King, "but educationally the British remain conservative."5 This conservatism is mirrored in their adherence to the ideal of a grammar school education. Identified in the minds of many Americans as the training ground of the English "gentleman," the grammar school's t:ies to a rigid policy of pupil selection and intensive preparation for ezoo .m.: ”.o.n .couwcaammso maooeom somegooom oaansam .omoH ow ooumazomp uoc muons -mo. 3 a. 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Appendix I contains an illustration of the Carnegie Unit sys- teni as it affects the curriculum of a typical mid-western, urban high sch001 . 91 An American high school student may enjoy a wider range of choices within a single discipline area than his British counterpart, but critics of the unit system charge that it keeps the high school cur- riculum college-centered, with needed innovations in the program unduly restricted. Though a follow-up study of the graduates from the "Thirty Schools" disclosed that unit requirements for admission to college failed to reveal the fitness of all potential candidates, there seems to be no sizeable amount of opposition to the system, either from high school or from university ranks. Consequently, no satisfactory sub— stitute has been clearly defined and agreed on. 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Ins has}. .16. 233 HUGO . . €08 . . =08 . . go . . Ego . . \IIIIl been seas: basses asses asse< 238 55883 .2 BEER s8§to§o . EXTRA-CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES PROGRAM, WOODBERRY DOWN COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOL, LONDON , EI‘CIAND 102 filfcnn one's educational opportunities. Pupils who are excluded Uniss some of the most important consequences of school life.75 Competitive athletics.--The challenge to make American secondary- school programs meaningful to all youngsters, unfortunately, is often lost amidst the hubub of high school athletics. In a study conducted during the 1940's, Lloyd Trump concluded that more had been written, more public and private arguments engaged in, on the issue of high school athletics than on any other phase of the total program.76 "High School athletes are different,"EIta1ics in original] declares an educational journal. "They aren't looked upon as other students, nor can they be treated under the same general rules.”77 The attitude expressed above is a logical one, in the opinion of Harold Laski, for in America, he says, the cult of athletics is al— most a kind of religion, although only ". . . a small proportion of the boys or girls in high school actually play the game themselves.”78 His statement that an important part of a school’s rating in the com- rnunity is derived from the success of its varsity sports programs agrees vvith the findings of numerous domestic observers.79 But a country-man 75Henry P. Smith, '% Study in the Selective Nature of American Siacxandary Education: Participation in School Activities as Conditioned bb’ S§ocio~Economic Status and Other Factors," Journal of Educational Pszchology, XXXVI (April, 1945), pp. 229—230. 75Lloyd Trump, "Extra—Curricular Activities: Some Principles 05' bdanagement," The American Secondary School, ed. by Paul B. Jacobson (Eruglewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1952), p.2u7. 77"How to Discipline High School Athletes,” School Management VII (March, 1963), p. 63. 78Laski, op. cit., p. 337. 79For example, see Wilbur Brookover and others, A Sociology of ESEEELEEQE (New York: American Book Co., 1955), p. 55. 103 CE .1i331ling in America links it to the constant search for equality of opportunity. The transformation of the Latin grammar school to the modern American high school reflects in many ways the developmental history of this country-—a constant shaping and invention to meet the emerging conditions of a new way of life dedicated to the high purposes of freedom and opportunity for an entire people.21 However, with revisions in curriculum and school organization lagging behind technological and scientific innovations in the world of industry and commerce, the comprehensive school has assumed certain custodial obligations.22 An English scholar stresses the need to evaluate American high schools on this basis. As things are now, he writes, American high schools are unmistakably faced with a custodial (rather than a training) problem that is unfamiliar in other countries. . . . Criticisms of American education based upon its slow progress miss a very important educational assumption, and also underestimate the interplay of economic and scholarly considerations.23 This combination of complex factors is beginning to affect com— prehensive school practices in England, as well. Troubles with the "CV stream——or lower ability group-—are mounting, states Brian Simon.24 21Robert N. Bush and Dwight W. Allen, A New Design for High Scfliool Education (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1964), preface, p. v. 22The impact of this change upon the high school is mirrored in the controversy regarding the compulsory attendance law in the State Of Illinois. Governor Kerner insists that the legal minimum be raised to Eighteen, citing the needs of an automated age. Public school people Oppose the measure, mainly because they view it as an "unfair" burden for high schools to assume. 23Edmund J. King, Other Schools and Ours (New York: Rinehart and 00-. 1958), p. 115. . 2“Brian Simon, The Common Secondary School (London: Lawrence & Wlsehart, 1955), p. 100. 112 in Adnerfica, the final report of a study of secondary-school grouping procedures underscores problems common to both nations. We are failing to meet our responsibility to the slow learners in fundamental areas—-democratic, educational and psychological . . . . We seem unable to provide an atmosphere which will al— low them to become fully developed human beings who can lead meaningful lives.25 Perhaps, states a second report, attention directed to slow \ learners in high school represents a "too little, too late" affair. Criticizing the Conant Report, the writer complains: The report has not developed a program designed to try to over— come the deficiencies of the non—academic pupils. One is left with the distinct feeling that their inability, once it is es— tablished in the eighth grade, is permanent . . . . Almost no serious attention is paid to the causes of slow learning and the possible steps to be taken to remedy this condition.26 Educatipggthe workipg—class.--Effective work with the slow learners or "lowest stream," to use a British term, is directly related to the goal of providing better education for the working class. In England, the study of such families by Brian Jackson and Dennis Marsden concluded that the chief question facing schools in Britain was 2SElizabeth Drews, The Effectiveness of Homggeneous and Hetero- geneous Ability Grouping in Ninth Grade English Classes with Slow, A‘Ierage, and Supgrior Students. (East Lansing, Michigan: Office of Research Publications, Michigan State University, 1963), p. 17. 26Jack Abramowitz, "Implications of the Conant Report for the . Social Studies," The High School Journal: The Conant Report After Five Years, XLVI (April, 1962), p. 264. And yet this problem may well be the mest difficult task facing secondary education in America for years to come, writes psychologist Karl C. Garrison. P§ycholpgy of Adolescence (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1956), p. 384. . . .1 in. ,. . r. ..x .3. ...L . ,... a . ‘3 n1 . ...Or» 5. Hr, l . . ht- , ....1. Ir... 1 ...?)u c f v.1... .. V... r . n . . . . ”Mewflfivmfi harms... c: , 2 1. R . . . . 113 hoVV tr) open education to the working class.27 Their work also lent additional credence to a proposition stated by American sociologist Robin Williams-—namely, that the lack of motivation of the lower—class student suggests that class and caste controls are much deeper and far more subtle than any mere question of "formal opportunity.”28 The pressures exerted on comprehensive schools to effectively cope with such youngsters come from many sources. Sociological and economic needs have been mentioned on previous pages; the philosophical basis for comprehensive education implies that all pupils can be suc- cessfully accommodated. And the selective system of secondary schools in England helped pave the way for the British comprehensive school by its reluctance to teach lower-class children. Twenty years ago, in the United States, Dean Francis Spaulding of the University of Chicago, referring to the rise of the Civilian Conservation Corps and the National Youth Administration during Depres- sion years, warned that the American nation had witnessed a cycle in secondary education. The academy, he noted, came into prominence after the Revolutionary War, and was then replaced by the public high school d11ring the post-Civil War era. Lastly, economic misfortune had created 27Brian Jackson and Dennis Marsden, Education and the Working Class: Some General Themes Raised by a Study of Eighty—Eight Working— Class Children in a Northern Industrial City (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1962), p. 211. The same general theme is raised by American author Andrew Hacker. The political scientist writes: ”The dropouts form the core of what must in all frankness be called the American working class." "The Boy Who Doesn't Go To College," New York Times MESEEEEE, June 24, 1962, Section 6, p. 11. 28Robin Williams, American Society: A Sociological Interpretation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), p. 356. 114 n6” 8 ituations forcing the high school to accept all types of youth—- or face the prospect of losing its place in the educational structure of America.29 Yet the American high school did survive without making any radical changes in its basic structure; likewise, British comprehensive schools are accused of retaining too many features relevant to another age.30 In 1964 a new charge was given to the comprehensive school. For the next few decades,the report of a United States organization of educators declared, millions of youngsters from previously submerged groups were going to have to be dealt with on new terms. In words which hold great significance for schools in England as well, their statement urges that Both schools and teachers must learn to accept the lower—class child and look beneath the surface at his humanity, while offering him the option of self improvement within his own class, or of making use of the school as an instrumentality for upward mobility, if he and his family so choose.3 The Relevance of Size Amidst the hue and cry of better education for all students, zarguments over the proper size of comprehensive schools continue. 29Francis T. Spaulding, "The Challenge of Secondary Education," Bulletin of ths National Association of Secggdary School Principals, XXV (March, 1941), pp. 13—16. 30cf., pp. 119-120. 31”Some Intergroup Factors Influencing the Teaching of American Social Values," Tentative Working Papers, 1—4, (Washington,D.C.: ASSOCiation for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1964), p. 45. -_7,_i?- « i ‘ i . 115 Edatiy educators see a danger of assembly-line mass education in large high schools. They say pupils may miss individual guidance and instruction and participation in activities more common in small schools. Yet very small good high schools are expensive to administer.3 Support for the fears expressed in the foregoing statements may be found in any number of English and American documents. On the other hand, the research, limited as it is, is contradictory. I!r Recent studies conducted by Roger Barker and associates in Kansas ended in favor of small schools; that is, with respect to participation in school activities, identification with the school, etc.33 Project Talent, II, found that school size is "not likely" to be a prime fac- tor in student achievement.3u Conversely, a study of Minnesota high schools indicated that Small institutions seriously handicap their stu- dents in a variety of ways.35 And a British authority finds some evidence that large size, while a problem, is not in itself an insuperable issue.36 Large schools, with their greater number of programs and services, may be a necessity, moreover, if the goal of equality of educational opportunity is to be realized. But the major obstacle in their paths 32U.S. Office of Education, The Secondary School Plant (Wash— ington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1956), p. 15. 33Roger Barker and others, Big School—Small School: Studies of the Effects of High School Size Upon the Behavior and Experiences of EStUdentS. (Lawrence, Kansas: Midwest Psychological Field Station, Univer— Slty of Kansas, 1962) "Small? was any school with less than a hundred students enrolled. 34F1anagan and others, op. cit., II, Ch. x, p. 10, 35Robert S. Keller, "Curriculum Planning and Development," BUlletin of the National Association of Secondary School Principals, XLVII (November, 1963), p. 3. 36Ronald Fletcher,lssues in Education (London: Stanton Colt House. 1960), p. 34. 116 tests in the control of public education bythe older generations; for in.Ehlgland and in the United States adults holding positions of politi— cal, economic, and educational power, in Robin Pedley's words, "grew up in much smaller societies—-towns, villages, schools—~than are com— mon today."37 An examination of educational journals on both sides of the Atlantic will quickly reveal many illustrations of this emotional attachment to the unhurried life of bygone years. Fundamental Differences The concept of specialization.—- A hallmark of the operational context of British secondary schools is the sixth form. This example of intensive preparation, states Sir Goeffrey Crowther, is unique in the world.38 The issue of specialization at the secondary level, assuming a two-fold relationship of high standards and adequate attention to the needs of gifted students, marks a clear separation of theory and practice in American and English forms of comprehensive secondary schools. Fur- thermore, fears that this contrast will lose its sharpness with the passing years lie at the heart of much opposition to comprehensive institutions in Britain. 37Pedley, The Comprehgnsive School, op. cit., p. 80. 38Crowther, Major Speeches. . ., op. cit., p. 39. ... . ,f.....,,,c..u ..xdl 5h. . .L 117 OPponents of the comprehensive school object to it on many gtWDunds, but mainly because they are convinced that it will lead to a lowering of standards, particularly for the more able pupils. These critics point to the comprehensive Ameri— can high school in support of their arguments.39 While George Bereday and Sir Eric Ashby, among others, declare that England is failing in the education of her average talent,’+0 British secondary schools, including those labeled as "comprehensive," must continue to strive for a strong sixth form. In fact, even the Crowther Commission, created to help broaden and extend the opportunities for secondary education in England, reported in favor of continued specialization. Conceding there were abuses in the system, neverthe- less the Advisory Council "made up of educators of all kinds," reached a u - - - 41 nanimous dec151on. But a more recent report prepared by the Robbins Committee did not agree. Stating that its members were "firmly against" the present degree of specialization at school, the committee also condemned the role of higher education in perpetuating this English custom. Noting that the lack of openings in higher education was creating as much tension for eighteen—year—olds as that caused for young adolescents by the eleven plus examination, the Committee stated: 39T. R. McConnell, "Some Unresolved Problems of Secondary Education," North Central Association Quarterly, XXVIII (January, 1953), p. 259. 40 George 2. F. Bereday, "Equality, Equal Opportunity, and Compre— hensive Schools in England," Educational Forum, XXII (January, 1958), p. 138, Ashby, op. cit.,p.9. 41Crowther, Major Speeches. . ., op. cit., p. #1. 118 On&: of the worst consequences of the excessive competition to enter the university has been premature and extreme speciali- Zation of studies in the secondary schools. To enter, you have to satisfy not only general university requirements, but the requirements of the department in which you are going to study.”2 A different base.-~England is in the throes of a transition from a class system of secondary education to one which will reflect a classless system or classes existing only in a loose sense. In its schools, as SO often occurs, the educational ideals and programs designed in the earlier phase for education of the upper classes tend to persist in the latter phase under the guise of general or common education.43 The same criticism has been made of education in the United States, but the two nations have followed distinctly different paths in adapt- ing to the needs of a mass society. In place of the systems of separate schools which evolved in Europe, including England, the United States developed the comprehen- sive high school as a vital cog in a program of public—supported educa— tion. The lasting importance of this plan is emphasized by an English educator. Your [America’s] educational history has been one of expansion from the basis of the common school in the sense in which Horace Mann helped to establish a system of common schools. For us, as the historians of education pointed out, the common school meant the school for the common or ordinary people not provided for by the fee-charging schools already in existence for the wealthier classes.4“ “zLionel Elvin, "The Robbins Report: Higher Education in Britain," Teachers College Record, LXV (March, 1964), p. 515. 43B. Othanel Smith and others, Fundamentals of Curriculum Development, rev. ed. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1957), p. 11. nuElvin, The TransAtlantic Dialogue. . . , op. cit., p. 5. .-e in: CHAPTER VII SUMMARY Professor Ketcham stresses that the emergence of a comprehen- sive secondary school in England and in the United States stems from political, social, and economic ideologies held in common by the two nations.1 The chief motive in both countries has been to secure the op— portunity for a college education for more children. Viewed in this light the purposes of comprehensive secondary schools and the efforts to secure them in Great Britain and the United States have much in common. Dr. Ketcham reminds his readers, however, that, despite their interchangeable labels, the two types of institutions are not identical. A British contemporary enlarges upon Ketcham's statement by citing "typical" English inconsistencies and an overly—excessive sense of cau— tion in executing plans for comprehensive education. But, he continues, there is . . . a widespread groping towards the comprehensive type of education . . . . Of course, if British comprehensive schools are to be successful they will be in the British idiom and not the American. They will have the faults that go with British qualities.2 1Ketcham, op. cit.,p.42. 2Edmund J. King, ”Comprehensive Schools: Their Prospect," 0p. cit., p. 21. 119 120 Nevertheless, the comprehensive secondary school does represent an organizational form which both nations have adopted in their attempts to furnish a broad base for mass education. This study has endeavored to examine the national backgrounds and operational features character— istic of comprehensive schools in England and the United States. Cer— tainly other issues——e.g., the training and supply of teachers, local control as opposed to a national ministry-—are important topics for consideration, but they were outside the author's field of investigation. Instead, he has tried to focus attention on the elements these schools hold in common, with the hope that acknowledgement of these ties would spur additional studies in both countries. Implications of Findings Needed changes in basic structure.—-There is no denial that the entire question of school organization is vital to the future of com— prehensive education in both nations. Can the comprehensive secondary school resolve the demands made of it? To this observer, the study of English and American practices suggests that it cannot——at least not without major revisions. Here, it seems, is where the two nations can learn from each other's mistakes and accomplishments. New models and ideas exist, but consensus is lacking. The Leicestershire Experiment, with a grammar school combined into a single "comprehensive" unit in company with a number of secondary modern schools , l» l , 71!“! I! \ F‘ Id", I -‘l n ,h....‘ .. . . . {a ...7.“(.. , .. . .... . . . : . 4, 121 is OPE: exammle.3 There is no examination at eleven plus; selection is Postponed until age fourteen. Students are involved in a general education program from eleven until fourteen. Then, on the basis of tests and interviews, they are streamed into the appropriate institutional part of the comprehensive unit. Originally conceived and developed,as the title suggests, at Leicestershire, the proposal has suffered from two major criticisms. First, that the break at fourteen is still an artificial one. Second, English conservatives protest that comprehensive schools simply come in via the "back door" of this plan.4 Philip Phenix, professor of educational philosophy at Teachers College, Columbia University, asserts that secondary education in the United States might well benefit from a modification of the current poliCy based on an all-inclusive school. "Separate schools for consider— ably different courses of study," he comments, "may be much more effec- tive and economical."5 Obviously, this proposal strikes at the very foundations of the comprehensive school as a social community; but it does point to the growing needs of the field of employment, needs which threaten to bring about the creation of specialized vocational schools. 3Stewart C. Mason, The Leicestershire Experiment and Plan (London: Councils and Educational Press, Ltd., 1960), p. 10. Another possibility Suggests M. L. Jacks, "is the development of the School Base, round which would be grouped a diversity of schools, varying in their curricula, but sharing in a common cultural and recreational and social life." Total Education: A Plea for Synthesis (Oxford, England: Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1946), po 36. “Education Today: The Existing Opportunities ed. by Edward Blishen (London: British Broadcasting Co., 1963), p. 27. SPhenix, op. cit., p. 144. 122 fgigpting programs to economic changes.--While neither country is apparently pleased with the job comprehensive schools are doing in the field of vocational education, the British operation suggests cer— tain criteria for American schools to consider. Cooperation between L.E.A.'s and organized labor is more evident in the case of England, with the link between comprehensive schools and the Labour Party a matter of record. The liaison between the National Ministry, the Local Education Authority, and the English Youth Service offers an opportunity that cannot be matched by most comprehensive schools and the communities they serve in America. This is one phase of school—community relation- ships in which Britain anticipated practices of the United States. Moreover, the British requirement of a basic core of general education is in line with recent thinking in the United States con— cerning the dangers of a specialized vocational curriculum at the secon— dary level. Failure to attain a minimal amount of English, science, and mathematics will mean less equality of opportunity in the changing job market of the future is the warning given by a United States govern- ment report.6 Modifying current practices.-—As the implications of comprehensive education become more evident in Britain, the English schools will pro- fit from a consideration of the flexible scheduling gradually making inroads in American high schools; likewise, comprehensive schools in 6Wilbur Brookover and Sigmund Nosow, "A Sociological Analysis of Vocational Education in the United States," Education for a Changing World of Work (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962), Appendix III, p. 44. 123 the UIlited States would do well to carefully examine the provisions for independent study characteristic of good sixth forms. Overall, however, the American experience indicates that scheduling the lower ability levels is the more arduous task. Efforts to adapt a school curriculum to a wide range of student abilities is reflected in the type of arrangement shown in Appendix K. American high schools are moving away from the idea of "track- ing"—-i.e., placing students into large homogeneous blocs of roughly similar intellectual levels and then scheduling these pupils together in classes throughout the day as the British do in their pattern of "A," "B," and "C" streams-~in deference to the use of grouping by ability in a specific subject area and the employment of individual scheduling. English schools also would benefit from an appreciation of the variety of teaching techniques and classroom aids now typical of some of the better high schools in the United States. The "chalk and talk" methods, along with a great deal of emphasis on note taking and priming for tests, which Pedley so deplores,7 will not suffice when teachers are faced with educating all of the youth of all the people. Many Ameri— can teachers have learned the "hard way;" there is no reason why British instructors need repeat the same errors. 7Pedley, The Comprehensive School, op. cit., p. 109. 124 égzticulation with higher education.—-Though university admission requirements have long influenced American secondary schools, a singular lack of articulation between high school and college operations remains as a prominent defect in American public education. But it is interest- ing to note that a new sympathy for the secondary school experience is developing among college and university personnel as the demands for higher education bring more and more students to their classroom doors. A modification of the sixth form may represent one way of im— proving the ties between college and secondary education in the United States; furthermore, there is a promise of additional rewards. An adaptation of the British plan could abet the desires of young men and women to begin professional specialization at an earlier age thereby helping, also, to alleviate a growing shortage of trained per- sonnel in the vast realm of social services. The term "secondary educa- tion" would assume greater importance in providing a firmer meeting ground between British and American usage of the expression.8 Student- teacher exchanges would take on the semblance of continuity, at least two years, presenting the instructor with more opportunities of ful— filling the critical requirements of the educational counseling role. Too, the experience of high schools in the United States, featur- ing such innovations as the Advanced Placement Program, the National 8English charges that American interpretations of the term are quite misleading are illustrated by Vernon Mallinson, Review of The Revolution in Education, by Mortimer Adler and Martin Mayer, British Journal of Educational Studies, VII (May, 1959), pp. 171-173. «Hold... :efbp. A . 5a IvaUWJJ J./.~ Merit Scholarships, and the participation by outstanding university SChOlars in construction of secondary school curricula, can offer ex- _ ”L; ploratory avenues for closer ties between comprehensive schools and the universities of England. However, the job of uniting higher education with comprehensive schools in England will be a truly formidable one, since college educa— tion in England has traditionally been within the reach only of "Public-" school and grammar-school graduates. Suggestions for Further Research Ten years ago, Will French saw the development of a Eggly [italics author's] comprehensive high school as one of the "great challenges" of American public education.9 To do so, he said, would necessitate a fundamental reconstruction of the public high school. Comprehensive schools in England are identified with a Labour Party whose leader, Harold Wilson, professes to sense a desire of the populace for a "radical new kind of society."10 Thus, if the guiding philosophy behind comprehensive schools is to reflect the values suggested by their advocates, at least two crucial issues must be accorded the most searchirg inquiry. Meeting society's needs.-—First is the question of whether a system of secondary education based on comprehensive schools is relevant 9French, op. cit., p. 10. 10"That Other Election," Chicago Sun—Times, October 4, 1964, Section 2, p. l. 126 t" tbs: industrialized and urban societies now present in England and America. It appears in these metropolitan areas that we are evolving a new, and perhaps little understood, pattern of . . . life. If we believe in the concept that schools need to serve the contemporary society, the schools then will need to be dif- ferent and teacher preparation will need to be different, aimed at the unique problems and the unique phenomenon of metropoli- tan man. A specific illustration of the changing needs wrought by an ur- ban society is reflected in attempts, in the United States and in Britain, to alter the school year. In England, the school year begins in Septem— ber and continues until late July. There are three terms, with Christmas and Easter vacations accounting for approximately three weeks each, and the summer respite amounting to about double that number of days. Ameri- can high schools operate on a two—semester plan, normally ending by mid- June and resuming after Labor Day in early September. This practice is symbolic of an earlier era, when students were needed manpower for an agricultural society. Critics in both nations who argue that changes in socio—economic structures fuse with enlarging dimensions of knowledge to require a new type of year-round school are hard put to bring about revisions. "Tradition dies hard," writes the editor of the London Times Edgsational Supplement, but spokesmen for a longer school year llave left unanswered numerous questions regarding finances, the feasi— t>ility of operating buildings on a twelve—months basis, the need for ih—service teacher training, to name a few. ¥—‘— 11Irving Melbo, 'Education of Metropolitan Man, " ymposium: 9_llfinging Points of Control in Public Education (Los Angeles: University (’13 Southern California, 1963), p. 4. 7 , “...er 127 Grouping procedures.-—Commenting on the various debates concern- ing Britain's system of selective schooling, the London Times submits that there are admitted drawbacks to any existing system as well as defects in all substitutes for it, although "the comprehensive school taking children from eleven to eighteen is perhaps the best of these. . .12 Yet the same source reported on an earlier occasion that stream— ing must continue. "It is perfectly possible to give able boys and girls a chance inside the comprehensive school," stated the writer, "if they are streamed as in London."13 Any talk of abolishing streams, continued the editor, "is so exactly like America fifty years ago. No doubt that is why it gets mixed up with the modernization of Britain."1u Controversies surrounding the employment of grouping practices in American schools were previously cited. Research on the effects of grouping cannot, however, be isolated effectively from studies of cur- riculum change and teacher behavior. But a proposition stated by Philip Phenix sorely needs to be evaluated. He writes: As a general rule, heterogeneous grouping provides unique op- portunities for learning human relations, while homogeneous grouping is normally best for intellectual growth and mastery of specialized techniques and skills.15 Grouping procedures were devised, here and in England, as a way of better educating all pupils. But there is growing fear that the 12London Times Educational Supplement, December 25, 1964, p. 1432. 13Ibid., October 16, 1964, p. 533. lulbid. 15Philip Phenix, Philosophy of Education (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1958), p. 99. 128 ltndelr rung of the ability ladder is not receiving its just measure. Cyril Burt, famed English psychologist, notes that the Crowther Report was least convincing with respect to its plans for the "C" stream.16 Debates on the quality of English comprehensive schools often hinge on recriminations concerning allegedly poor work done with these weak students.17 Education as Preparation for Life Moving beyond the academic arena, a political philosopher in England interprets the moral crisis of youth in his day as directly re- lated to weaknesses in secondary education. The crass indifference of modern man, he submits, is a logical aftermath of the rejection of the values of secondary—school education bythe alienated children of the working class. "It is clear," he asserts, "how this teen—age nihilism can be carried over into adult life."18 If the comprehensive school is to remain an effective agent in the continuing struggle to help the young develop into productive and humane adults, a better understanding of how and why British and American comprehensive schools are both different and similar may well serve to 16Cyril Burt, "Critical Notice: The Crowther and Albemarle Reports," figitish Journal of Educational Psychology, XXX (November, 1960), p. 278. 17London Times Educational Supplement, Issue of February 12th, 1965; February 19th, p. 525. _ 18Jean B. Quandt, ”Political Philosophy and Educational Debate J~rl England," International Review of Education, VI (January, 1960), p. 96. 129 marge the best of the old tradition, as exemplified in England's his— tory of selective education, with practices common to America‘s evolv— ing pattern of universal schooling. The result: A stronger comprehen- sive high school on both sides of the Atlantic. America and England are concerned with opposite sides of a single problem: we need to learn how to identify and develop our talented youth; England needs to learn how to provide opportunities for the large numbers of youth many of whom are not academically orientated. We have not solved all of the problems of 'mass ed- ucation,‘ but we have done a better job than England. England has not solved the problem of developing its talented youth to the fullest extent, but they have done a far better job than we have. Both of us can learn . . . from the other.19 19Passow, Secondary Education for All . . . , op. cit., p. 217. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Primary Sources a. Books Banks, Olive. Parity and Prestige in English Secondary Education: A Study in Educational Sociology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1955. Conant, James B. The American High School Today. New York: McGraw- Hill Book Co., 1959. Everett, Samuel. 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Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1955. Keller, Franklin S. The Comprehensive HighiSchool. New York: Harper & Bros., 1955. King, Edmund J. Other Schools and Ours. New York: Rinehart & Co., Inc., 1958. . World Perspectives in Education. Indianapolis, Indiana: Bobbs—Merrill Co., Inc., 1962. Koos, Leonard. The American Secondary School. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1927. . Trends in American Secondary Education. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927. 1&2 luaslqi, Harold J. Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time. New York: The Viking Press, l9h3. Lewis, Roy and Maude, Angus. The English Middle Classes. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. Mallinson, Vernon. An Introduction to the Study of Comparative Education. London: William Heineman, Ltd., 1957. McClelland, David C., and Others. Talent and Society: New Perspectives in the Identification of Talent. Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc., 1958. Nettles, Curtis. The Roots of American Civilization: A History of American Colonial Life. 2nd edition, revised. New York: Appleton- Century-Crofts, Inc., 1963. New Trends in English Education. Edited by Brian Simon. London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1957. Phenix, Philip. Philosophy of Education. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1958. Rowe, A. W. The Education of the Average Child. London: George C. Harrap & Co., Ltd., 1959. Scott, J. D. Life in Britain. London: Eyre & Spottswoode, 1956. SecondarygEducation for All: A Policy for Labour. Edited by R. H. Tawney, London: The Labour Party, Transport House, 1922. Sharp, John. Educating One Nation. London: Max Parrish & Co., Ltd., Simon, Brian. The Common Secondary School. Lawrence & Wishart, 1955. Smith, W. O. Lester. Education: An Introductory Survey. Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1957. . Education in Great Britain. 3rd.edition. revised. Ox- ford, England: Oxford University Press, 1956. Spears, Harold. The High School for Today. New York: Anerican Book Co., 1950. Tawney, E. H. Eguality. London: George Allen& Unwind Ltd., 1952. Taylor, L. G., and Others. The American Secondary School. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1960. 1&3 TY“: American Secondary School. Edited by Paul B. Jacobson, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1952. The High School in a New Era. Edited by Francis S. Chase and Harold H. Anderson. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958. Ulich, Robert. The Education of Nations. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958. Vaizey, John. Britain in the Sixties: Education for Tomorrow. Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1962. Vernon,P. E. Secondary School Selection. London: Methuen & Co., Ltd., 1957. Watkins, Ernest G. The Cautious Revolution: Britain Today and Tomorrow. London: Farrar, Strauss & Co., 1950. White, Theodore. Fire in the Ashes: Europe in Mid-Century. New York: William Sloane Associates, 1953. Williams, Robin. American Society: A Sociological Interpretation. 2nd edition, revised. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961. b. Reference Books The Yearbook of Education, 1952. Edited by Joseph A. Lauwerys & Nicholas Hans. London: University of London Institute of Education. li1958: The Secondary School Curriculum. Edited by George Z. P. Bereday and Jospeh A. Lauwerys. Yonkers—on-Hudson, New York: World Book Co. , 1962: The Gifted Child. Edited by George Z. P. Bereday and Joseph A. Lauwerys. Yonkers-on-Hudson, New York: Harcourt, Brace and World. World Survey of Education, III, Secondary Education. New York: Inter— national Documents Service (UNESCO), 1961. . . . -,’. . l , . .“'l . o I . 1 l . ' . APPENDIX A GL$SARY OF ENGLISH TERMS APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH TERMS Advanced Level (G.C.E.) papers are designed to provide a reasonable test in a subject for pupils who have taken it as a specialist subject for two years after they have taken or might have been expected to take a group of papers at the Ordinary Level. Central Schools were provided in many urban areas mostly in the inter— war years as a result of the Education Act, 1918, requiring consid- eration of "courses of advanced instruction." They were of various types, selective and non-selective, and admitted children at vary- ing ages. They had courses more advanced than those in elementary schools, not so complex as those in secondary (grammar)schools, and expected to keep most of the pupils to fifteen years of age. London Central Schools dated from 1911 and a few other localities had pre-1914 schools of this kind. Certificate of Secondary Education was originally proposed in 1959. It represents an attempt to allow teachers greater flexibility in devising a type of examination more in line with a particular school's needs, but which would be acceptable in the eyes of the Secondary Schools Examination Board. Designed to be taken in the fifth year of secondary education by students of low ability, the first examinations for this certificate will be given in 1965. IEleven Plus (11+) Examination is the popular name given to any examina- tion about the age of eleven for deciding the manner in which pupils are selected for the various secondary schools of a given area. C3811€3r31 Certificate of Education is awarded by the nine examining bodies approved by the Ministry of Education. It can be taken in most sub- jects studied at secondary schools. It is open to everyone over the age of sixteen and to those under sixteen whose Head Master or bdistress will certify that it is in their interest to take certain papers before sixteen. Candidates, who need not be pupils still at school, can take any subject or combination of subjects (with a few exceptions) at either Ordinary Level or Advanced Level or at both leve ls . EEEIUIDEir Schools provide a mainly academic course of secondary education fkor pupils who mostly remain at school until sixteen years of age. Some stay until they are seventeen, eighteen or nineteen. 146 u—Lf-nn.‘ ‘1 147 "House" is the name given to a group or cross-section of pupils formed for some organizational purpose. It has been taken over, somewhat artifically, by day schools from the better known boarding schools where often groups of pupils lived in separate houses. In the day school the ”house" is largely an artificial grouping (except in some comprehensive schools where there is a physical basis) for competi— tive or social purpose in club activities, games, etc. Local Education Authorities——In England and Wales there are 146 local education authorities. These are 62 county councils and 83 county borough councils, besides one joint board representing the areas E of a county and a borough. In order to use local knowledge and initiative, certain of the educational functions of county councils may be delegated to specially constituted divisional executives. These executives are individual county districts or combinations of districts or parts of districts. Each local education authority must establish an Education Com— mittee to which it entrusts its educational work, with the excep- tion of certain financial transactions. Education committees must contain a number of persons of experience in education who may or may not be members of the council. ‘5...“ They build schools and colleges, pay teachers, provide materials, equipment, etc., meeting the cost out of local taxes,with the help of grants paid by the central government through the Ministry. Ordinary Level (G.C.E.) papers are designed to provide a reasonable test in a subject for pupils who have taken it as part of a general secondary school course up to about the age of sixteen, and for pupils who have taken a subject in a non-specialist way thereafter. Prxafects are senior boys or girls selected to assist the staff and serve the school in certain ways such as maintaining order about the school when the staff are not present, helping with games, clubs and activities, and taking part in the organization of regular special school functions. Serttzing is the regrouping of the classes of a given year into "sets" of roughly equal ability for a particular subject; it is quite similar to the American concept of ability grouping by subject— umtter area. §i3<12t1 Form is the traditional name given to the top form of a school. It is basically a minimum two year course above Ordinary Level standard in the G.C.E. and normally leading to the Advanced Level. In this concept most of the sixth form pupils would be following a fairly highly specialized course, possibly mainly in three, <>r, perhaps, four subjects up to the standard of university en- ‘trance and beyond. Students planning to try for State Scholarships 148 'may spend three or four years in the sixth form. Others spend the conventional two years and attempt the examination for "ad- vance Level." Still others may spend only a year in order to broaden their minds before taking a job. The new comprehensive schools, in particular, are developing very diversified sixth forms. The sixth form, however, remains the symbol of sustained, high academic work at school. Streaming is the grouping of the students of each year's intake into classes according to their general ability. Thusninety pupils would be divided into three classes of thirty each: A (above average); B (about average); C (below average). Tripartite System or Pattern is the practice of dividing children of secondary school age into three groups, grammar,technica1 or modern, on the basis of ability and aptitude. Separate schools were established to carry out these provisions. The comprehensive school, of course, represents a break with this custom. Youth Employment Service-—Under the Employment and Training Act, 1948, local education authorities may be authorized to operate a Youth Employment Service. Otherwise the function is performed by the Ministry of Labour and National Service thnaugh the Central Youth Employment Executive. Where local authorities operate their own service control is vested in Youth Employment Committees whose full-time officers for guidance, placing and other functions are called "Youth Employment Officers." \ PF>. aInformation obtained from Inside the Comprehensive School, op. cit., APPENDIX B THE STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION IN ENGLAND ...—n... — . uu-u-u . . LA_ (I .uo>oo xomo . .uao do .owmumum 5 Hoonom u3... 5 WFI< Du. _n_oL0EEoo 1 32:50: Gaze—Ink 0.2.9.025... 009500 GEE-:31 moataou arc—autul K F! c. mono—:0 mEco>m o XN Xo xo X9 \omr G . N E m 3.00:00 Salsa 5050 0:! .oznnnb Boozum Boozom Boozom 200:0m W «covcoaovs 0>_mco:0._nE00 _au_ccoo.r raucooom LMEEGLO raucooom (Iona-2 xtnucooom O n Xm xu Nm NON Son B m X U 07: £3.30 00¢ I D D E m P w P A m m 3.00:0- 0aI>Inv 9.57.51 uca mac-2.5 C acouconoufi 0.00200 >L0Etn ace-am O m s. s. S m 2-0 139.0 0u< 200:0n vcn moonlo P3952 D-“ .5an 00¢ KN 150 APPENDIX C IMPORTANT STEPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN ENGLAND, 1894-1960 A PPEND IX C IMPORTANT STEPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN ENGLAND, 1894-1960 1894-95——The Bryce Commission on Secondary Education recommended a state system of secondary schools which would admit transfers of brighter students from the elementary schools. The commissioners urged that a central education authority be established, that the training of secondary teachers be systematized, and that a frontal attack be made on the problem of insuring 'that in all schools and in every branch of study the pupils be not only instructed but educated.’ 1902--The Education Act established for the first time some sort of coordinated national school system. School boards were replaced by Local Education Authorities in counties and county boroughs with responsibility for both elementary and higher education, the latter defined as 'education other than e1ementary.‘ 1904——The Board of Education began regulating standards and working definitions of curriculum. The curriculum was to include an ap- proved course of general instruction for a minimum of fouryears with students not younger than twelve years of age. The regulations generally followed the traditional grammar school curriculum. The Board did little to develop or encourage secondary schools of the quasi—vocational type. 15918—-The Education Act (Fisher Act) bolstered post—primary education by making the L.E.A. responsible for providing central schools, central or special classes, or other training centers for more intelligent children willing to stay beyond age fourteen, and for other children, practical general instruction at more advanced levels. This law tightened the partnership between central and local education authorities, improving the procedure by which the latter could submit schemes of development for approval by the former. 1926r—The Hadow Report, Education of the Adolescent, was issued by the Consultative Committee. The Committee proposed a general scheme of post-primary education which began at eleven—plus, ended for the majority of pupils between fourteen—and fifteen-plus, and made 152 x7 153 provisions up to age nineteen for some boys and girls. The Conmfittee recommended that education up to eleven—plus be known as primary education, that education after age eleven be called secondary education, and that the schools at the secondary stage be designated as grammar schools, modern schools, and senior classes in elementary schools. The Committee discussed the cur— riculum of the modern schools and senior classes in terms of a practical bias; suggested adequate arrangements for transfer from one type of post-primary school to another; called for constructing and equipping modern schools appropriate to their function but not inferior to the grammar school; proposed framing a new type of leaving examination; and recommended teacher training and staf— fing comparable to that of the grammar school. The Hadow Report is generally viewed as the beginning of a new era in English education, setting the foundation for future policy in secondary education which eventually resulted in the passing of the 1944 Act. The concept of education in stages, the provision of different types of education for all, the break at age eleven, the arrangement of transfer from one type of school to another, and even terminology date from this report. 1938-—The Spens Report on Secondary Education with Special Reference to Cranmer Schools and Technical High Schools was issued by the Consultative Committee which sat between 1933 and 1938. The Com— mittee reviewed the development of the traditional curriculum in secondary schools and made specific proposals for the program and examinations for grammar and technical schools, stating their belief that there really was "no clear fine of demarcation, physical, psychological, or social, between the pupils who attend Grammar School and those who attend Modern Schools," but that the latter were not included in their terms of reference. The Committee dis— cussed the possibilities of a multilateral type of school but could not advocate such schools as part of a general policy except in sparsely populated areas. Parity among all types of secondary education was urged. 194(3—v—The Norwood Report on Curriculum and Examinations in Secondary SSchools was issued by the committee appointed by the President of ‘the Board of Education in 1941. The report examined the nature c>f secondary education and concluded that there were three types ()f pupils, distinguished by particular types of minds, and that ilhere should be three corresponding types of curriculum. The trans- fksr at eleven—plus into an appropriate secondary school was to be Ifeagarded as a convenient administrative term covering children bertween ten-plus and twelve-plus. At thirteen-plus a review of each pupil's attainment should be made, and he should be promoted ‘:<> the most appropriate type of school. 154 lguu—“the Education Act (Butler Act) presented for the first time in English history the basis for a comprehensive educational system. It contained the idea of a minimum of full—time education for every boy and girl irrespective of rank or station, compulsory, enforced by the state, to extend to the age of fifteen or sixteen. It was to be paid for out of the public treasury without subscriptions and without charity. 1959——In August, 1959, the Central Advisory Council issued a report en- titled Fifteen to Eighteen (known as the Crowther Report) which strongly recommended extending the compulsory age to sixteen, some— where between 1966 and 1968. The studies the Committee undertook-- representing more than three years of work-—were thorough and com— prehensive. Its 519 charts include seventy—four tables and twenty- one charts. The Committee put the issues and problems of secon- dary education into a social, economic, psychological, historical and philosophical framework. 1960-—The National Ministry issued a statement of policy on secondary education entitled Secondary Education for All: A New Drive. The place of comprehensive schools was acknowledged, particularly for rural regions and for new housing developments. However, the Ministry declared that comprehensive schools should not usurp the position held by other forms of secondary education. The contin— uing shortage of teachers was cited as a major problem facing education in England. __________y________________ A 'a‘IIIformation obtained from Secondary Education for All: The English 41%. op. cit., pp. 12-17; 193—194. APPENDIX D THE STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES Ph. ll. ol' Mm“ Prolossloml Doom mslott Dogroo Sandor! Dogm Assoclao's mans 0f Corllllcfl I'llgh SChool Dlolom APPENDIX D THE STRUCTURE OF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES Postdoctoral study and losurch l _, _ l 24 1 3 — Doctor‘s Dogroo Study ol- — a 23 Prdossloml 5 5‘9 ‘ Schools: ,__4 go; ' lloachl 22 ‘Moslor's 009m Study. in? .1, aoomom ESE Q- cit. , p. 27. 176 aLondon Comprehensive Schools, op. APPENDIX K AN ILLIBTRATION OF FLEXIBLE SCHEDULING RIDGEWOOD HIGH SCHOOL, NORRIDGE, ILLINOIS 1 x: .: J 1.2...5 .H :5 <2 . {ith-nth 25.5. 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