A COMPARISON OF THE ORIGINS AND ORIENTATIONS OF THE BLACK ENTREPRENEUR AND THE BLACK PROFESSIONAL Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY BEITE, BEDDEN 1974 “W SPR1983 ABSTRACT A COMPARISON OF THE ORIGINS AND ORIENTATIONS OF THE BLACK ENTREPRENEUR AND THE BLACK PROFESSIONAL By Bette Bedden The purposes of this study were threefold: l) to extend the entrepreneurial studies of Collins and Moore (1964) and Soslow (l966) using a Black population, 2) to determine the extent to which the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional differ from one another in terms of their social origins, characteristics, and orientations, and 3) to determine whether "successful entrepreneurship" is independent of race and solely dependent upon social and psychological factors. Fifty-two Black entrepreneurs and forty-eight Black profes- sionals responded to a fifty-seven item mailed questionnaire which re- quested background information concerning attitude towards formal edu- cation, educational attainment, nature of childhood experiences, com- munity and political involvement, values and work orientations. Correlational techniques were employed in all analyses. It was hypothesized that the Black entrepreneur would score higher on size of family of origin, inter-firm movement, independence l Bette Bedden during childhood, time at which vocational choice was made, concern for seeing the results of his work and Self-confidence. The Black professional was expected to score higher on socio- economic background as measured by father's education and occupation, occupational transmission, extent of formal education, amount of em- phasis placed on education in the parental home, attitudes towards work, community involvement, and participation in political activities. The following research hypotheses were confirmed: The Black entrepreneur tends to come from a larger family of origin than the Black professional. The Black entrepreneur tends to be less well educated than the Black professional. The Black entrepreneur tends to have experienced greater inter- firm movement than the Black professional. The amount of emphasis placed on education in the home is greater for the Black professional than the Black entrepreneur. The Black entrepreneur tends to show less involvement in political activities than the Black professional. Bette Bedden The Black entrepreneur tends to have had a relatively unhappy childhood characterized by economic hardship more often than the Black professional. The results showed that the Black entrepreneur and the white entrepreneur are relatively homogenous in terms of their social and psychological requirements for entrepreneurial success. The apparent lack of Black success in the national economic structure must be a function of extra-social and extra-economic factors. Generally, access to the means of production, opportunities for education, and acquisi- tion of skills have not been equal among all racial groups. Methodological deficiencies were discussed and suggestions for future research were offered. Approved Date A COMPARISON OF THE ORIGINS AND ORIENTATIONS OF THE BLACK ENTREPRENEUR AND THE BLACK PROFESSIONAL By Bette Bedden A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Psychology I974 DEDICATION To My Mother . . . ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With deep appreciation, I would like to thank Dr. Frank Schmidt, chairman of my thesis committee, for the many hours spent in consultation with me throughout this research. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, Dr. John Wakeley, Chairman of the Psychology Department, and Dr. Michael Moore, Assistant Director, School of Labor and Industrial Relations. Although not directly involved in this research, I would also like to thank Dr. Frederick Nickert for his encouragement during my life as a graduate student. There is nothing inconsistent between Blacks maintaining a distinctive ethnic “identity" and Afro-heritage and still gaining assimilation into one (major) aspect of our Society--the opportunity structure. (Young, 1964, l124) iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ......................... vi INTRODUCTION .......................... l REVIEW OF EMPIRICAL STUDIES OF ENTREPRENEURS .......... 9 STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESES .................... l8 DEFINITION OF TERMS ...................... 23 METHOD ............................. 25 RESULTS ............................ 29 DISCUSSION ........................... 44 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .................... 66 IMPLICATIONS .......................... 68 APPENDIX A. FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH OCCUPATIONAL SUCCESS ...... 69 B. THE RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE AND COVER LETTERS ...... 7l BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 87 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Summary of Hypotheses and Related Items .......... 30 2. Place of Birth of Entrepreneurs and Professionals ..... 3l 3. Occupational Levels of Fathers of Respondents in Comparison with Black Males Nationally l920-l940 ..... 33 4. Summary of T Tests on Individualized Items ......... 34 5. A Comparison of the Mean Score and Rank of Reasons for Inter-firm Movement .......... ‘ ....... 36 6. A Comparison of Mean Scores and Rank of Benefits to be Received from School Attendance ............ 37 7. Summary of T Tests on Individualized Items ......... 39 8. Employed Persons by Occupation: l97O ........... 45' 9. Percent Negro and Total Population 25 Years Old and Over by Years of School Completed: 1940 ......... 47 10. Comparison of Mean Score and Rank of Factors Associated with Success ................. 62 vi INTRODUCTION Psychological inquiry into the nature of entrepreneurship has not been characterized by much fervor, although several theorists have used psycho-sociological variables to explain a person's predisposition towards a given occupation (McClelland, l96l; Hagen, I962; Collins and Moore, I964). Similarly, economists concerned with developing Black capitalism have ignored the role of psycho-sociological variables in entrepreneurial development (Brimmer, l968; Cross, 1969). Economics is clearly not divorced from culture. Cultural differences or differences from socialization could create differences between Blacks and whites in terms of their requirements for "entre- preneurial success." Admittedly, Blacks have been systematically denied access to and control of the means of production; and opportun- ities for education and acquisition of skills have not been equal among all racial groups. However, the concern of the present study is an extension of previous research findings to a Black population to deter- mine whether the behavioral determinants of "entrepreneurial success" are, in fact, independent of race. The approach will be to generate a comparative study of the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional I (assuming distinct roles for the two in the economic set up). The position assumed by the writer is that private ownership and control of resources (entrepreneurship) as distinguished from Black participa- tion in white corporations will have as its long term effect the Blacks' direct influence in policy making at both local and national levels. Secondly, it will provide the means of creating gainful em- ployment opportunities and entrepreneurial models for aspirant Black youth. The present research recognizes the operation of selective factors in occupational choice. If it is assumed that the Black entre- preneur and the Black professional differ from one another in terms of their social origins, characteristics, and orientations, a careful anaIysis of these differences would yield new grounds for perspectives on Black economic development. Further, such knowledge should provide banks and other credit institutions with additional criteria for exam- ining loan applications to minorities for the purpose of starting new businesses and/or the expansion of existing ones. Indeed, such knowl- edge might lead to the re-evaluation of current interest rates on loans to Black borrowers for business purposes. It is further expected that persons engaged in vocational counseling and small business guidance might utilize this information in identifying potential Black entre- preneurs. To date there has been no attempt to quantitatively compare the subgroups within the Black middle class. Previous research cen- tered around the issue of ethnic identification of the Negro (Frazier, 1957; Lomax, 1960; Clayton and Drake, 1962; Fuller, 1963; Myrdal, 1964; Ginzber, 1967). As previously mentioned psychologists have been remiss in exam- ining the nature of entrepreneurship, although a significant contribu- tion has been made by McClelland (1961). The discussion which follows will present the theory, point out the limitations of McClelland's research, suggest implications of the theory for the population under investigation and provide the theoretical rationale for research hypotheses concerning the Black entrepreneur and the Black profes- sional. A Theory of Entrepreneurship In his analysis of entrepreneurship, McClelland (1961) main- tains that entrepreneurship is directly linked to need achievement (n Ach). His basic hypothesis is that some societies produce a group of entrepreneurs who, in turn, produce rapid economic development. Secondly, he postulates that childhood rearing practices favorable to the development of this need are more frequently found among Pro- testants than Catholics. Further, individuals differ in the extent to which their fantasy lives reflect an "inner concern in doing well" in competition with some objective standard. Persons whose fantasies reflect this need perform better than individuals with low n Ach under situations in which their behavior might have an effect on the outcome. In arriving at characteristics of entrepreneurship, he examines role characteristics associated with entrepreneurial behavior. Risk Taking Persons with high n Ach work best under conditions of moderate difficulty or uncertainty where their efforts may influence the outcome of a situation. He gives the example of five and Six year olds playing a game of ring toss. The distance at which the child stands from the peg is taken as an indicator of the n Ach. The child with high n Ach chose to stand at a moderate distance from the peg. McClelland also states that persons with high n Ach perceive their probability of suc- cess as greater, particularly when there are no facts to justify their estimates. However, “As knowledge of difficulty is introduced, persons with high n Ach will set moderate expectations or perceive themselves as able to do a little better than they have done" (McClelland, 220). This tendency to perceive their probability of success as greater is equated with self-confidence. Energetic and/or Novel Instrumental Activity McClelland differentiates between persons who have entrepre- neurial status and those who fulfill the role of the entrepreneur. A businessman who does not innovate is not an entrepreneur. He cites Hoeselitz (1952) who refers to the person who neither assumes risk nor innovates as a managerial type. Persons with high n Ach tend to work harder only when it contributes to their personal aggrandizement. Individual Responsibility Satisfaction results from the knowledge that one's actions resulted in success rather than public recognition of an individual accomplishment. Long Range Planning and Organizational Abilities While no evidence exists which shows that persons with high n Ach have superior organizational skills, McClelland cites a study conducted by French (1956) in which persons with high n Ach preferred to work with experts rather than with someone they know and like. The Achievement Motive and Profit Orientation Persons with high n Ach place a high value on money, but not for money itself, rather it is viewed as a measure of success; the degree to which one's actions resulted in success. In studying developing nations, McClelland found high n Ach and middle class status to be associated with success in business. Support for the latter is traced to the research of Warner and Abegglen (1955) and Lipset and Bendix (1959). They found a tendency for sons to con- tinue in the same or similar occupational classification as their fathers. According to Lipset and Bendix, fifty to eighty percent of "Big business leaders" come from a middle class background. This find- ing has severe implications for the population under investigation. The 'typical' Black American does not come from a middle class back- ground. This finding would appear to proliferate the exclusion of Blacks from business activity. McClelland fbund that lower class Blacks were lower in n Ach than whites within the same class. He attributes their low n Ach to value-transmission. The implication is that Blacks are inferior to whites in their child-rearing practices, particularly as one descends the socio-economic scale. As the present writer sees it, Blacks have experienced strong feelings of powerless- ness and anomie, and it is only after the Black pride movement that they have begun to alter these beliefs. It is expected that were McClelland to conduct his study at the present time Blacks would score significantly higher in n Ach because of increased "Black conscious- ness" and Black power orientation. Middle claSS‘status is also associated with the presence of both parents (Strodbeck, 1958; Hagen, 1962). Studies have shown that fatherless homes are more frequent among Blacks than whites (Moynihan, 1965; Kriesberg, 1967). However, Blacks can point to the efforts of ‘significant others' who have been instrumental in implanting n Ach and other "focal values" such as effort-optimism and material well being in their socialization process. It is also reasonable to suspect that n Ach is imparted by the mother via her regular work force participa- tion and the emphasis placed on her working and survival of the family. McClelland's theory has been arduously criticized by Alexander (1967) on the grounds that the evidence presented in the theory does not lead one to conclude that a society which has high n Ach neces- sarily results in a larger number of entrepreneurs. Further he states It is possible that the achievement syndrome, such as high energy, inner concern with achievement, concern with standards of excellence and of getting ahead, may manifest themselves through the medium of professional, artistic, military or other activities rather than through entrepreneurship (Alexander, 1967, 146). As a methodological criticism, many of McClelland's findings were based on rather small sample sizes. Further, McClelland has been unable to obtain a test-retest reliability coefficient for his projective measure greater than .22 within a two-week period.' The literature review which follows will examine relevant em- pirical findings and will provide the rationale for additional hypoth- eses concerning the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional. REVIEW OF EMPIRICAL STUDIES ON ENTREPRENEURS The literature is filled with narratives of successful managers and business executives (Ghiselli, 1971; Getty, 1971; Foley, 1964). One study relevant to the population under investigation was conducted by Lincoln University in cooperation with the Philadelphia Department of Commerce. In this study, information concerning status, perform- ance, training, attitudes, and overall adjustment were obtained for Negro male college graduates employed in managerial and technical positions, in corporations in a Philadelphia area. They found that the Black professional was more satisfied with his job than whites in similar positions. The most significant finding was that Blacks have a high need for acceptance and recognition. "He feels a definite lack of positive reinforcement for work well done and conversely senses strong negative reinforcement if he makes a mistake" (Lincoln Univer- sity, 44). Correspondingly, there is a theoretical void in the literature on the entrepreneur. This discrepancy is heightened in the case of minorities. Sayigh (1962) examined the characteristics and social origins of 207 Lebanese entrepreneurs engaged in manufacturing, 9 IO agricultural, and service industries. He defined the entrepreneur as "The authority in a firm who makes decisions with regard to innovation, by way of adoption of new combinations as well as effective organiza- tion, whether the innovation requires the setting up of a new firm or is adopted in a going concern" (Sayigh, 21). Sayigh's findings support McClelland's theory of high n Ach of entrepreneurs. Although strongly oriented to the profit motive, Lebanese entrepreneurs derive satisfac- tion from the knowledge that they carried their establishment along a "path of success," rather than money per se. Further, Lebanese entre- preneurs show little community involvement, but manifest a keen in- terest in politics; albeit limited to issues which might have an effect on the growth of their firm. In a similar study, Carroll (1965) conducted an investigation of the Philippino entrepreneur. He found the Philippino entrepreneur to have a strong profit orientation, but he points out that The financial goals of entrepreneurship were really a symbol of, or means to, the achievement of a whole complex of other goals: personal independence, a sense of importance, of power, prestige and a higher standard of living. He maintains that economic factors (ie. capital, business experience, etc.) in combination with sociological characteristics of entrepreneurs--socio-economic origin, educational achievement give rise to entrepreneurship (Carroll, 197). Carroll also provides an excellent summary of the research efforts of other countries: Turkey, India, Pakistan, and Puerto Rico. ll Until recently, most of the investigations and case studies of entrepreneurs focused on the causes of failure of such businesses. One study worthy of note was sponsored by the Small Business Administration under the direction of Kurt B. Mayer and Sidney Goldstein (1961). They studied 81 retail and service firms located in Providence, Rhode Island. Information was gathered on racial background, circumstances underlying its establishment and the owners‘ expectations in regard to future suc- cess of the business. This information was obtained through interviews fbllowed by personal contact with these firms over a two-year period. The significant findings were (1) few owners had formal education re- lated to their businesses, (2) the owners were not consciously aware of their reasons for going into business, (3) only 6 of the 81 owners started their businesses to seek maximum monetary rewards. Self- employment was believed to offer greater security, higher prestige, and more independence. Although background information was retrieved, the predictors of entrepreneurship were not statistically isolated. In another study, Filley (1963) as reported in Komives (1965) examines the conditions necessary for firm "take—off" after the initial survival period. He gives extensive treatment to delegation of tasks, controlled marketing arrangements, productive financial relationships, and orderly arrangement of people in various relationships. Killey fails to indicate that “The character of the entrepreneur is also an essential ingredient not only for bringing these resources and 12 conditions together, but also as the impelling force in the take-off process" (Komives, 1965, 3). Komives studied the administrative organization patterns of thirty-six firms which had been founded in Michigan after 1946. He obtained information with respect to social origins, the entrepreneur's pattern for handling its affairs, its organizational structure and its future plans. The firms were to be distributed along a continuum from the least bureaucratic to the most bureaucratic. Komives'hypothesis that business leaders from blue-collar backgrounds tend to develop the least bureaucratic tendencies, and white-collar background business firm founders tend to create firms which have many more bureaucratic components was confirmed. However, no service and retail firms were included in the sample. Yet for the population under investigation, these seem to be the primary types of businesses. Mabel Newcomer (1961) examined the social origins and charac- teristics of 5,368 proprietors in Poughkeepsie, N.Y. Although not a study of entrepreneurs exclusively, this study was the first quanti- tative attempt to arrive at an understanding of the characteristics of proprietors, inclusive of entrepreneurs. Further, she does not differ- entiate between a person who became an entrepreneur through purchase or inheritance. Approximately forty percent of her manufacturing entrepreneurs had less than a H.S. education, 39 percent attended or graduated from H.S., 19 percent attended or graduated from college, l3 and 2 percent attended graduate school. These results generally agree with other studies which have been cited in this research. She also found a tendency for the respondents to have been born near or at their present place of residence. Newcomer was primarily interested in job histories and origins of the respondents. Considerable research has been generated at Michigan State Uni- versity. Warner and Abegglen (1955) studied the characteristics, mo- bility patterns, and social backgrounds of successful business execu- tives in America. They found that the amount and extent of geographic mobility were related to the size of his birthplace. The typical busi- ness leader was born in a city. They also found that the most inter- firm movement was shown by "true" entrepreneurs. They concluded "Men from lower occupational status backgrounds tended to move from one firm to another more frequently than men from business backgrounds . . ." (Warner and Abegglen, 128). This study, while not a study of entre- preneurs, is significant because so many of the later studies have been patterned after their work: indepth interviewing, the format of the research, and content areas. Collins, Moore, and Un Walla (1964) conducted the first major behavioral study of the social origins and psychological orientations of entrepreneurs. They investigated one hundred fifty manufacturing entrepreneurs located in a Michigan area. They found power motivation and feelings of discomfort in a dependency situation to be of major l4 importance in differentiating entrepreneurs from business hierarchs. The latter was defined as individuals who seek occupational success by climbing the ladder of an existing organization (Collins, Moore, and Un Walla, 20). The present research will attempt to verify their findings. In an extension of their research Soslow (1966) compared the "true" entrepreneur to the "other owner." An individual who becomes an entrepreneur by purchase or inheritance was referred to as the "other owner." A mailed questionnaire was used in data collection. This 33 item questionnaire elicited background information, attitudes towards formal education, military experiences, and work orientations in an attempt to verify the research findings of Collins, Moore, and Un walla. The biographical inventory was supplemented by the use of three tests: the Survey of Interpersonal Values, the Dogmatism scale, and the Authoritarian Personality scale. Soslow's return rate of 27 percent for the business owner sample was low in comparison to his re- turn rate of 53 for the business hierarch sample. True entrepreneurs were found to have come from larger families than the other respondents, but the hypothesis that entrepreneurs tend to have had relatively un- happy childhoods was not substantiated. Business hierarchs tended to be better educated than the other respondents. A more recent study has been conducted by Smith (1967). This study was concerned with identifying "types" of entrepreneurs and 15 "types" of firms they build. Ideal types were constructed utilizing a model developed by McKinney (1962). The “constructed type is a pur- posive, planned selection, abstraction, combination, and accenuation of a set of criteria that have empirical referents, and that serve as a basis for the comparisons of empirical cases" (McKinney, 1962, 7). The entrepreneur was defined as an individual who is primarily respon- sible for gathering the resources to initiate a business. The suc- cessful entrepreneur was defined as oneku)“Is able to maintain his existence, or reach a stage of aggrandizement“ (Smith, 1967, 2). This research is similar to that conducted by Komives (1965). However, Smith does not generate any specific hypotheses. Two types of entre- preneurs emerged: Craftsmen and Opportunistic. The types of firms developed and the behavioral patterns displayed by these individuals are largely determined by their orientations and characteristics. These results agree with those of Komives. Although no comparisons were made with other occupational groups, this research provides some interesting insights into the nature of the entrepreneur. The Crafts- men entrepreneur delineated by Smith most nearly approximates the population under investigation. The Craftsmen entrepreneur exhibits "narrowness in education and training, has no management sponsor or role model" (Smith, 1967, 96). On the other hand, the Opportunistic entrepreneur exhibits "breadth in education and training, high social l6 awareness and involvement, and has a management sponsor or role model" (Smith, 167). Influenced by previous studies of the entrepreneur, Hornaday and Abroud (1971) have demonstrated the possibility of employing more objective tests to identify characteristics of entrepreneur than the traditional projective measures. The sample was comprised of forty entrepreneurs who had been chosen on the basis of criteria similar to that of Collins, Moore, et a1. Also included were twenty respondents who had participated in an earlier pilot study. The authors were con- cerned with equalizing the number of Black and white participants, but the inclusion of respondents from the pilot study produced a dispropor- tionate number of white respondents (36 vs 24). Only four females were included in the sample, which precluded any meaningful comparisons by sex. The structured interview was supplemented by use of a subjective rating form in which the respondents compared themselves to the general population. The authors predicted that entrepreneurs would rate them- selves higher on items re: the need for power, innovative tendencies, independence, autonomy, aggression, support, recognition, benevolence, and leadership. Three tests were selected: the Edwards Personal Pre- ference Schedule (EPPS); the Strong Vocational Interest Blank (SVIB), and the Kuder Occupational Survey (015). They found that the EPPS and the SVIB yielded six scales which differentiated entrepreneurs from men in general. Entrepreneurs were found to be higher on scales reflecting 17 need for achievement, independence, and effectiveness of their leader- ship; and were found to be lower on scales reflecting a concern with support. The insignificant results obtained for the null hypothesis of racial differences supports the generalizability of previous re- search findings to the population under investigation. Summar This review indicates that there has been a striking consis- tency of findings across studies in regard to the social origins and characteristics of entrepreneurs and professionals. Relatively little attention has been given to the psychological orientations of the entrepreneur with the exception of Collins and Moore (1964), Soslow (1966), and Hornaday and Abroud (1971). The major weakness of the research to date is that it does not provide comparable data for Blacks. One is unable to determine whether "successful entrepreneur- ship" is independent of race and solely dependent upon socio-economic status, social origins, work orientations, and other variables chosen for study, notwithstanding Hornaday and Abroud (1971). The critical question is whether the same factors that are operative in determining the success of white business enterprises are also operative for Black business enterprises. The present research is an attempt to extend the research findings of previous studies for the Black entrepreneur. STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESES In light of those findings which were found to be consistent between the studies of Collins and Moore (1964) and Soslow (1966) confirmation of the following hypotheses is expected: Hypothesis I Hypothesis II Hypothesis III Hypothesis IV Hypothesis V Hypothesis VI The Black entrepreneur tends to have been born geographically near his present place of resi- dence more often than the Black professional. The Black entrepreneur tends to come from a lower socio-economic background than the Black profes- sional as measured by father's education and occupation. The Black entrepreneur tends to come from a larger family of origin than the Black profes- sional. The Black entrepreneur tends to have had a rela- tively unhappy childhood characterized by economic hardship and broken homes more often than the Black professional. The Black entrepreneur tends to be less well educated than the Black professional. The Black entrepreneur tends to have experienced greater inter-firm movement during his occupa- tional career than the Black professional. As a result of within group differences among Blacks in terms of social class, the following hypotheses are proposed concerning the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional. 18 l9 Hypothesis VII The amount of emphasis placed on education in the parental home will be greater for the Black pro- fessional than the Black entrepreneur. Man has certain basic needs: food, clothing, shelter, and transportation. However, the extent to which these needs have been met brings in the concept of class. Hypothesis II predicts that the entre- preneur comes from a lower socio-economic background than the Black pro- fessional. Accordingly, it is reasonable to suspect that these "basic needs" assume greater significance for the parents of entrepreneurs. This is not to imply that the parents of entrepreneurs place a lower value on education than parents of professionals (higher income per- sons);the implication is that the parents 0f entrepreneurs (low income persons) tend to be more survival oriented. Hypothesis VIII The Black entrepreneur tends to be more motivated by economic concerns than the Black professional. According to the theory of the professional class, the profes- sional works primarily for psychic satisfaction and secondarily for monetary rewards (Lieberman, 1970). Hypothesis IX The Black entrepreneur made his decision in re- gard to his career at a later point in time than the Black professional. This hypothesis was based on the principle of social blockage. McClelland maintains that Blacks will contribute to their supply of entrepreneurs provided they are prevented from entering higher, more prestigious occupations. 20 Hypothesis X The Black entrepreneur tends to continue in the same or similar occupational classification as his father less often than the Black professional. Harris (1936) points out that Blacks have been engaged in busi- ness activity since the pre-civil war era, nevertheless they have failed to develop an entrepreneurial class cOMparable to that developed in the professions. Hypothesis XI The Black entrepreneur tends to show less "social involvement"--participation in community associa- tions not directly related to one's occupation-- than the Black professional. This hypothesis stems from a realization that involvement and participation in political activities requires the investment of time and energy. Studies of the entrepreneur (Newcomer, 1961; Andraeson, 1971) describe the work day of the entrepreneur as one of long and strenuous hours. Four additional hypotheses were formulated on the basis of McClelland's research: Hypothesis XII The Black entrepreneur tends to have experienced more self-confidence during his childhood than the Black professional. Risk-taking has been found to be associated with entrepreneurial be- havior. This hypothesis examines the relationship between childhood experiences and role characteristics associated with entrepreneurial behavior. It is recognized that behavior is learned; and that present 21 behavior is, in part, determined by the extent to which past behaviors were reinforced. Hypothesis XIII The Black entrepreneur has a less positive atti- tude towards work than the Black professional. Entrepreneurs consider their work to be a vehicle for the attainment of other goals. Work is per- formed only when it contributes to their personal aggrandizement. It is expected that if given the opportunity to stop working, the Black entrepreneur will discontinue. This hypothesis also examines the theory of the professional class. If the entrepreneur is strongly motivated by economic concerns, he will discontinue working once these needs have been satisfied. Hypothesis XIV The Black entrepreneur tends to be less influenced by reference group behavior than the Black pro- fessional. For the entrepreneur, satisfaction results from the knowledge that one's actions resulted in success rather than in public recognition of an individual accomplishment. Hypothesis XV The Black entrepreneur tends to have experienced more independence during his childhood than the Black professional. Hypothesis III predicts that the Black entrepreneur comes from a larger family of origin than the Black professional. Accordingly, it is ex- pected that as size of family increases, the application of controls over individual behavior decreases. 22 Hypothesis XVI The Black entrepreneur is more concerned with seeing the results of his work than the Black professional. This hypothesis assumes that the entrepreneur assumes greater risk in pursuit of his occupation than the Black professional. The Black pro- fessional participates in white corporations; and therefore given the failure of a particular organization, will seek employment with another organization. The Black entrepreneur does not have such an opportunity. Therefore it is predicted that he will exhibit greater concern in see- ing the results of his work. DEFINITION OF TERMS Up to this point the reader has been presented with several definitions of entrepreneurship. At the same time other terms have been presented which are also subject to various interpretations. To facilitate clarity and understanding of the research hypotheses con- cerning the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional, the fol- lowing definitions are presented: Successful Entrepreneur—-An individual who starts his own business where none previously existed and has I been in business fbr a period of at least five years. This definition does not ex- clude l'morn and pop“ stores since the intent of the researcher is to include businesses similar to those employed in previous re- search; specifically those engaged in manufacturing, wholesale, and retailing. Professional-- An individual engaged in one of the learned professions characterized by 23 Small Retailer-- Reference Group-- Mixed Type—- 24 conformity to technical and ethical standards. This category includes such fields as medicine, dentistry, social work, education, science, etc. An individual who combines the function of ownership and management; closely supervises the store and has direct con- tact with customers. A group whose possible judgment influences the behavior of an individual or member of a group. It may be a group to which a person does not belong. An individual who is considered a profes- sional by training but also "moonlights" or engages in entrepreneurship. METHOD A pilot study was conducted in August, 1972, to examine the feasibility of carrying out the proposed research. The results of this investigation showed the major study described below to be pos- sible, and resulted in an updating of the businessmen's directory. Sample Two mailing lists were developed to yield a group of entre- preneurs and a group of professionals. The names of the businessmen were randomly drawn from a directory published by the University of Michigan of all Black-owned firms located in the state of Michigan as of 1970. Another source employed in this research wasa Guide to Black Businesses and Professions published by the Detroit Urban League (1971). In addition, recruitment of the professional sample was accomplished by eliciting the cooperation of university administrators. A large number of the professional sample were affiliated with the University of Detroit and Wayne State University at the time of the study. The pre- ponderance of respondents from the university induces a certain amount of sampling error. 25 26 Procedure Approximately two hundred questionnaires were sent out during the month of October and December of 1972, one hundred in each cate- gory. Each questionnaire was accompanied by a self-addressed postage- paid envelope and a one page cover letter explaining the purpose of this research. Ideally there would have been a number of businesses equal to their proportion in the population, but the use of a mailed questionnaire precluded control over the returns, due to the operation of a number of factors such as skepticism as regards intent and use of infbrmation. A considerable number of the respondents were retailers. The return rate for the entrepreneurial and professional sample was 52 and 48 percent respectively. Instrument The instrument employed in this research (see Appendix A) is a modified version of the personal history questionnaire used by Soslow (1966). The instrument was revised in light of the operational exper- iences of the researcher and the characteristics of the target popula- tion. In particular questions were added regarding political and com- munity involvement, time at which vocational choice was made, reference group influence, and self-confidence. 27 Responses to the following items were used to measure political involvement: N 53 Did you vote in the last two presidential elections? N 44 How actively have you participated in the civil rights movement? N 42 Did you actively participate in political campaigns? Item 9 asked the respondents when they had decided upon their present occupation. Response categories ranged from junior high school or earlier to after completion of the bachelor's degree. Item 47 was designed to operationalize reference group influ- ence. The following Likert type item was employed: To what extent are you concerned with being accepted and liked by people you work with? Responses to the following Likert items were employed to mea- sure self-confidence: N 42 Compared to other people you know, how much self-confidence do you have? N 43 Compared to other kids in your family or to other kids you knew when you were growing up, you were: 1 2. 3. 4 5. Very shy and stayed around your home and parents Somewhat shyer than most kids About average in shyness Less shy and more independent and adventuresome than most kids Much less shy and much more independent and adven- turous than most kids. 28 The standard criteria of socio-economic status were examined: education, occupation, and income. In addition the questionnaire con— sists of items pertaining to childhood experiences, attitudes towards formal education, and work orientation. The format of the items varied from force choice to Likert. One open-end question was employed to allow free expression on the factors which they felt contributed to their success. RESULTS In this study the entrepreneur and the professional is treated as a discontinuous dichotomous variable. Analysis of the hypotheses entailed correlating the dependent variable of occupation with the following independent variables: educational achievement, size of family of origin, place of birth, childhood experiences, community and political involvement, inter-firm movement, reference group influence, self-confidence, and socio-economic background. Table 1 presents a list of hypotheses and related items; and indicates which were confirmed, marginally supported, or not confirmed. The point biserial coefficient of correlation was used on the following items: 9, 10, 12, 15, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 33, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 50, and 52. The phi coefficient of correlation is used on items 4, 5, 14, 20, 39, and 46. Because of the scoring procedure employed, negative values are associated with significant differences for the professional. The analysis employed in this research yields the same results that would have been obtained if separate t tests had been run on the individual items. 29 30 TABLE l.--Summary of Hypotheses and Related Items. Hypotheses Related Items Results I 4 not confirmed II 15 12 not confirmed III 20 not confirmed IV 22 23 24 25 marginally supported V 12 marginally supported VI 14 confirmed VII 30 confirmed VIII 39 marginally supported IX 9 not confirmed X 15 not confirmed XI 44 45 53 54 mixed XII 42 43 not confirmed XIII 50 not confirmed XIV' 47 , not confirmed XV 26 28 not confirmed XVI 52 not confirmed Hypotheses I The Black entrepreneur tends to have been born geographically near his present place of resi- dence more often than the Black professional. 31 Table 2 contains information for examining the extent of geo- graphic mobility among the target population. As indicated in the table, the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional did not differ significantly on place of birth. Thus, the research hypothesis was not supported. The East North Central region is of greatest concern to the present research since the bulk of the respondents were born and still reside in this area. A considerable number of the respondents were born in the South Atlantic region. TABLE 2.--Place of Birth of Entrepreneurs and Professionals. Entrepreneur Professional Region rt Mean SD N Mean SD N South Atlantic .40 .49 52 .38 .37 48 .03 Pacific .00 .00 52 .03 .14 48 -.10 East North Central .46 .50 52 .42 .49 48 .05 Middle Atlantic .06 .19 52 .12 .27 48 .09 South West .06' .23 52 .02 .30 48 .08 North West .02 .13 52 .03 .14 48 -.01 Total 1.00 1.00 32 Hypothesis II The Black entrepreneur tends to come from a lower socio-economic background than the Black profes- sional as measured by father's education and occupation. The Black entrepreneur and the Black professional did not differ significantly from one another in terms of the occupational classification of their fathers (see Table 4, Item 15). Table 3 pre- sents a comparison of the occupational level of the respondents father's with Black males nationally during 1920-1940. The most striking feature which emerges from the table is that the respondents' fathers are heavily concentrated in the craftsmen, skilled, and semi- skilled occupations. The data also indicates that fathers in this sample came from middle class backgrounds, since many sociologists consider foreman and skilled craftsmen to be members of the middle class (Wattenberg and Scammon, 1973). It is also seen from Table 4 that no significant differences emerged between the Black entrepreneur and the Black professional in regard to the extent of formal education of their fathers (see Table 4 Item 12C) although the difference was in the predicted direction. The fathers of Black entrepreneurs had completed eight or more years of schooling, while the fathers of professionals were high school grad- Hates. 33 .Nm .a =.ommF-omm_ .asocoou mmpmpm empwc: mcu cw mooemmz "mmcmcu mo zgspcmo <= .anp .< czon .PcoNcmum "mogzom aoo_ ROOF Roo_ xoo_ floor me u 2 me u 2 Punch m.Fe “.04 “.84 Amy «.4 any n.» memxeoz same .memseea o.m~ N._m m.om Amv N.m_ Amy o.o. meaeonma em_wam=: N.__ o.m o.~ Ao_v ~.o~ A__V m.m~ Aua_F_¥m-weamv ma>epmeaao 4.4 w.e m.e Amy “.0, Aepv s.m~ c85820d new .meaxeoz em_FExm .caEWBLeLu m.~ N._ m._ Aev ¢.m ANV m.¢ meaxeoz mapam new FeuweaFo ¢._ N.P o._ “my m.NF Amy m.- meaaaeaz .meouaweaoea N._ m._ N._ “my w.m_ Amv m.NF uaeecwg new .Pmuvcnump .chovmmwmoga o¢a_ ommp owe, New. zuommumu panoramaaouo mmpmz xumpm mo mpmcowmmomoea mesmcmcameucm mcowugoaogm Pmcowpmz .oemp-o~m_ .»__u=o_paz more: xuum cur: comvgwano cw mucmucoamwm mo mgmgumu mo mFm>o4 Pmcovpoqzuoouu.m u4mCOTO-d o o o o o o o o o IIIIIIII 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 78 h. Do you own more than one business? Yes ( ) No ( ) How many children were there in your family (including yourself)? A. If more than one (1), how many could be classified as children (under 18 yrs.) at the time that you were growing up? Are you: An only child The oldest in your family The youngest in your family Between the oldest and the youngest -h.uano-a Which of the following statements most clearly describes your childhood? Poverty stricken most of the time Poor, but somehow managed to get along Fluctuated between poor and comfortable Lived comfortably most of the time Lived very comfortably Wealthy 0301-9de During most of your childhood, with whom did you live? (Check one of the following) Both parents One parent A relative Foster parent or non-relative In a home or institution Other (please specify) 010199de Did your parents live together all the time you were growing up? Yes No, one died No, both died No, were separated No, were divorced m-wa-J 25. 26. 27. 28. 79 Looking back on the days spent in your family and childhood, how happy were they? Very happy Quite happy 1 2. 3. Neither very happy nor very unhappy 4 A little unhappy 5 Very unhappy What kind of upbringing did you have? 1. You were allowed to do whatever you pleased 2. Plenty of freedom, but parents were interested in what you were doing 3. Sometimes complete freedom, sometimes very restrict- ing, without apparent reason 4. They watched everything you did but were quite fair about it 5. You were hardly ever permitted to do anything Before you were 18 years of age, how many times did your family move from one house to another? 1 Never 2. Once 3. Two or three times 4 Four or more times 5 Every year or so How much independence do you feel your parents allowed you while you were in High School? 1 Quite restrictive 2. About as much as the rest of your friends 3. Quite lenient 4 As much as you wanted 5 Practically none 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 80 Below is a list of things that a person may get out of going to school. Please rank the following items from 1 (most important) to 6 (least important). Training for a profession General cultural knowledge Personal maturity Social polish Basic tools for communicating with other people 1 Awareness that it is a highly competitive society 1 —J—‘—J—‘ How important was education considered in your childhood home? Which statement below most closely describes your feelings toward your formal education. Very helpful 01-53de 0 o no 0 along What was your general impression of the teacher(s) you had in school? Helpful on the most part Interesting, but not very practical Not very interesting nor very practical A place to mark time until something better came NNNN 2 common (A) 3 Great admiration for them all 1. 2. Admired many of them 3. Admired some of them 4. Admired none of them b-b-b-h 4 01010101 5 Where do you feel you gained the most knowledge? 1. Home 2. School 3. Personal experience 4. Examples set by others 03030105 6 _____l. Unimportant _____2. Nice to have, but not necessary _____3. Helpful, but not necessary ______4. Important, but not imperative .5. Very important, practically imperative 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 81 Which of the following best describes your work: 1. 2. 3. 4 5. With respect 1. 2. 3. 4. Exhausting Very tiring most of the time Sometimes tiring You know that you have done a day's work, but are not tired Not the least bit tiring, you can work and still enjoy the evening without feeling it to work habits, do you: Work best under a regular schedule whether under pressure or not Work best under pressure Work best when you are in the mood Work best whether under pressure or not To what extent do you feel that hard work is the basic factor of success? m-DWN-H A great extent Some extent Small extent Very small extent Not at all To what extent would you prefer working alone (as compared to working with m-th-fl supervisors, peers, and etc.)? A great extent Some extent A small extent A very small extent Not at all How are you more inclined to approach a situation in order to settle it? 1. 2. With tact Get it taken care of as soon as possible 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 82 What do you consider to be the major motivating fbrce in your life? Prestige Money Intellectual and self-development To gain a position of security To help others Other (specify) mmth—J When your opinions differ from others, do you generally: _____1. Keep them to yourself _____2. Express them only to associates 3. Express them regardless of status of person(s) differing with you How persistent or aggressive are you in gaining recognition of your ideas? _____1. Very _____ 2. Quite _____3. Somewhat __ 4. Not very Compared to other people you know, how much self-confidence do you have? Definitely less than most people Somewhat less than most people About the same as most people More than most people Much more than most people (II-DOOM" Compared to other kids in your family or to other kids you knew when you were growing up, you were: 1 Very shy and stayed around your home and parents 2. Somewhat more shy than most kids 3. About average in shyness 4 Less shy and more independent and adventuresome than most other kids 5. Much less shy and much more independent and adven- turesome than most kids 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 83 How actively have you participated in the Civil Rights Movement? _____1. Politics _____2. Boycott of Stores _____ 3. Protested _____4. Picketed _____ 5. Not at all How much volunteer work are you engaged in within your community? _____1. Very much _____2. More than average _____3. Some _____ 4. Little ____.5. None To what extent does your job interfere with your family and/or social life? To a large extent Some extent Small extent A very small extent Not at all m-th-d To what extent are you concerned with being liked and accepted by people you work with? To a large extent Some extent Small extent Very small extent Not at all 01-6-5de On most days on your job, how often does time seem to drag for you? About one half of the day or more About one-third of the day About one-fourth of the day About one-eighth of the day Time never seems to drag mthd 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 84 Some people are completely involved in their job--they are ab- sorbed in their job--they are absorbed in it night and day. For other people, their job is simply one of several interests. How involved do you feel in your job? 1. Very little involved; my other interests are more absorbing 2. Slightly involved 3. Moderately involved; my job and other interests are equally absorbing to me 4. Strongly involved _____ 5. Very strongly involved; my work is the most absorbing interest in my life If by some chance you had enough money to live comfortably without working, would you 1. work anyway 2. continue to work, but on a part-time basis 3. continue to work, but voluntarily 4. not work Gaining the respect of family and friends is one of the most im- portant rewards of getting ahead in an occupation. _____l. Strongly agree _ 2. Agree _____3. Neither agree nor disagree _____ 4. Disagree 5. Strongly disagree It is important that a person be able to see the results of his own work. _____ l. Strongly agree _____2. Agree _____ 3. Neither agree nor disagree _____ 4. Disagree 5. Strongly disagree Did you vote in the last two presidential elections? Yes ( ) N0 ( 1 54. 55. 56. 85 Do you belong to any particular political party? Yes ( ) No ( ) if yes: 1. What party 2. Did you actively participate in political campaign? Yes ( ) No ( ) 3. If yes, was it as a: _____a. Party "regular" (full time employed or employed during campaign time) b. As volunteer during campaign time What is your approximate yearly income from your present employ- ment? Less than $5,000 $5,000-$6.999 $7,000-$9.999 $10,000-$l4.999 $15,000-$19,999 $20,000-$24,999 $25,000-$50,000 $50,000 or more m\1030'l->UJI'\>—l Looking back, what factors do you believe contributed to your present success? Please describe: 86 Beside each statement there are four blanks, two each under Mother and Father. In the first one put an "X" mark if it is one of the things your mother (father) wanted i n you by the time you were ten years old. In the second one put the approximate age by which you think your mother (father) expected you to have learned this be- havior. The sample below illustrates how to do this. Mother Father jL_jL, To obey traffic signals and street lights when you were out alone. This person has checked this as one of the things his mother wanted in him and expected him to learn this by the age of 7. To stand up for your own rights with other children. To know your way around your part of the city so that you could learn to play where you wanted without getting lost. To go outside to play when you wanted to be noisy or boisterous. To be willing to try new things on your own without depending on your mother (father) for help. To be active and energetic in climbing, jumping, and sports. To show pride in your own ability to do things well. To take part in your parent's interests and conversa- tions. To try hard things for yourself without asking for help. __;__ ______ To be able to eat alone without help in cutting and ._____ handling food. To be able to lead other ch ildren and assert yourself in children's groups. To make your friends among children your own age. To hang up your own clothes and look after your own possessions. To do well in school on your own. To be able to undress and go to bed by yourself. To have interests and hobbies of your own. To be able to entertain yourself. To earn your own spending money. To do some regular tasks around the house. To be able to stay at home during the day alone. To make decisions like choosing your clothes or decid- ing how to spend your money by yourself. To do well in competition with other children. To try hard to come out on top in games and sports. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Andraeson, Alan R. 1971. Inner City Business: A Case Study of Buffalo, N.Y. New York: Praeger. Aitken, Hugh J. 1963. The Future of Entrepreneurial Research. Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, Fall, 1, 3-9. Allport, Gordon W., Vernon, Phillip E., and Gardner Lindzey. 1970. A Study of Values Manual. Mifflin. Back, Kurt W., and Simpson, Ida Harper. The Dilemma of the Negro Professional. Journal of Issues, 2, 60-70. Blackaman, Courtney N. 1971. An Eclectic Approach to the Problem of Black Economic Development. The Review of Black Political Economy. Fall, 2, 1. Blumberg, Paul. 1972. The Impact of Social Class: A Book of Read- ings. New York: Crowell. Bruning, James L., and B. L. Kintz. 1968. Computational Handbook of Statistics. Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresmen & Co. Carroll, John J. Sj. 1965. The Filipino ManufacturingEntrepreneur: Agent and Product of Change. New York: Cornell University Press. Cole, Arthur H. 1959. Business Enterprise in its Social Setting, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Collins, Orvis F., Moore, David G., and Darab B. Un Walla. 1964. The Enterprising Man. Michigan: Bureau of Business and Eco- nomic Research, Michigan State University. Cross, Theodore. 1969. Black Capitalism. New York: Athenum. 87 8% Cruse, Harold J. 1967. The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual. New York: Morrow. Danhof, Clarence H. 1949. Observations on Entrepreneurship in Agri- culture. Change and the Entrepreneur: Postulates and Patterns for Entrepreneurial History. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni- versity Press. Davis, John P. 1966. The American Negro Reference Book. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Drake, St. Clair, and Clayton, Horace. 1962. Black Metropolis. New York: Harper and Row. DuBois, Cora. 1955. "The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture.“ American Anthropologist, V, 57, 1232-1239. Edwards, G. Franklin. 1959. The Negro Professional Class. Illinois: The Free Press of Glencoe. Farley, Reynolds. 1970. Growth of the Black Population; A Study of Democratic Trends. Illinois: Markham. Foley, Eugene P. "The Negro Businessman: In Search of a Tradition." Daedalus, 1968. Frazier, E. Franklin. 1957. The Black Bourgeosie. New York: Collier. . 1967. The Negro Famiiy_in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Fuller, H. W. 1963. The Rise of the Negro Militant. The Nation, Sept. 197, 138-141. Getty, Jean P. 1971. How to be a Successful Executive. Chicago: Playboy Press. Ghiselli, Edwin E. 1971. Explorations in Managerial Talent. Cali- fornia: Good Year. Ginzberg, Eli, et al. 1967. The Negro Middle Class in the White Man's World. New York: Columbia University Press. 89 Glen, Norval D. 1963. Negro Prestige Criteria: A Case Study in the Bases of Prestige. American Journal of Sociology, 68. and Bonjean, Charles M. 1969. Blacks in the United States. California: Chandler. Grier, Eunice S. 1963. In Search of a Future: A Pilot Study of Career Seeking Experiences of Selected High School Graduates in Washington, D.C. Washington: Center for Metropolitan Studies. Haddad, William F., and Pugh, Douglas G. 1969. Black Economic Development. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Hare, Nathan. 1962. The Changing Occupational Status of the Negro in the United States. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Harris, Abram L. 1968. The Negro as Capitalist: A Study_of Bankipg and Business Among Negroes. Maryland: McGrath. Hornaday, John A., and Abroud, John. 1971. Characteristics of Suc- cessful Entrepreneurs. Personnel Psychology, 24, 141-153. Hund, James N. 1970. Black Entrepreneurship. California: Wadsworth. Hyman, H. H. 1942. The Psychology of Status. Archives of Psychology, 269. Johnson, Lawrence, and Smith, Wendell. 1969. Black Managers. Black Economic Development. Haddad and Pugh, 1969. Killingsworth, Charles. 1968. Jobs and Income for Negroes. Michigan: Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations; University of Michigan. Kiser, C. 1939. Brithrates and Socio-Economic Attributes in 1935. Milbank Memorial Fund Quarteriy, 17, 139-141. Kohn, Melvin L. 1969. "Class and Conformity: A Study in Values." Scanzoni, John. The Black Family in Modern Society. 1971. Boston: Allyn-Bacon. Komives, John. 1965. Characteristics of Selected Entrepreneurs. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Michigan State University. 9O Kriesberg, Louis. 1967. "Rearing Children for Educational Achievement in Fatherless Families." Willie, Charles V. 1970. Family Life of Black People. Ohio: Merrill. Kronus, Sidney. 1971. The Black Middle Class. Ohio: Merrill. Lieberman, Jethro K. 1970. The Tyranny of the Experts: How Profes- sionals are Closing the Open Society. New York: Walker & Co. Lipset, Martin, and Bendix, Reinhard. 1957. Class, Status and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification. Illinois: Glencoe Free Press. and\Smelser, Neil J. 1966. Social Structure and Mobiliiy in Economic Develppment. Chicago: Aldine. Lincoln University. 1968. Black Faces and White Collars. Penna: Lincoln University Press. Lomax, L. E. 1960. The Negro Revolt Against the Negro Leaders. Harper's Magazine, 220, 1321, 41-48. MacDonald, Stephen. 1970. Business and Blacks: Minorities as Em- plpyees and Entrepreneurs. New Jersey: Dow Jones. Mayer, Kurt B., and Goldstein, Sidney. 1961. The First Two Years: Problems of Small Firm Growth and Survival. Wash. D.C.: Small Business Administration. McClelland, David. 1961. The Achieving Society. New Jersey: Nostrand. McKinney, John C. 1957. "The Polar Variables of Type Construction." Social Forces, 35, Smith, N. J. 1967. The Entrepreneur and His Firm. Michigan: Michigan State University. Merton, Robert K. 1957. Social Theory and Structure. New York: The Free Press. Moore, William Jr. 1969. The Vertical Ghetto: Everyday_Life in an Urban Project. New York: Random House. Myrdal, Gunner. 1964. An American Dilemma: The Negro Social Struc- ture. New York: McGraw-Hill. 91 Newcomer, Mabel. "The Little Businessman: A Study of Business Pro- prietors in Poughkeepsie, New York." Business History Review, 35, 4, Winter, 447-531. Ross, Arthur N., and Hill, Herbert. 1967. Employment, Race and Poverty. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. Saenger, Gerhart H. 1945. “Social Status and Political Behavior." The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 4, 103-113. Reprinted in Lipset and Bendix. 1953. Class, Status and Power. Sayigh, Yusif A. 1962. Entrepreneurs of Lebanon: The Role of the Business Leader in a Developing Country, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Scanzoni, John. 1971. The Black Family in Modern Society. Boston:_ Allyn-Bacon. ‘ Smith, Norman J. 1967. The Entrepreneur and His Firm: The Relation- ship betweeninpe of Man and Iype of Company. Michigan: Michigan State University. Soslow, Neil G. 1966. A Comparison of the Origins and Orientations of True Entrepreneurs, Owners and Managers. Unpublsihed Ph.D. Dissertation. Michigan State University. Strodbeck, Fred L. 1958. "Family Interaction, Values and Achieve-- ment." McClelland, et a1. Talent and Socieiy, New York: Nostrand. a Vowels, Robert C. 1971. "The Political Economy of American Racism-- Non-Black Decision Making and Black Economic Status." IDE. Review of Black Political Economy, 1, 4. Warner, Lloyd W., and Abegglen, James C. 1955. Big Business Leaders in America. New York: Harper. Wasserman, Herbert L. 1968. "The Absent Father in Negro Families: Cause or Symptom.“ Willie, Charles C. 1970. Family Life of Black Pepple. Ohio: Merrill. Wattenberg, 5., and Scammon, Richard M. 1973. "Black Progress and Liberal Rhetoric. Commentary. 55, 4, 35-45. 92 Willie, Charles V. 1970. Family Life of Black People. Ohio: Merrill. Census, Bureau of. Minority-Owned Business: 1969. United States Department of Commerce. Census, Bureau of. 1970 Census of Population and Housing, United States Department of Commerce. Labor Statistics, Bureau of. Black Americans: A Chartbook. United States Department of Labor. Bulletin, 1969. . "A Century ofChange: Negroes in the United States Economy, 1880-1960." Monthly Labor Review. 12, 1962. 1362-1363. Census, Bureau of. Labor Force Characteristics. Department of Labor Statistics, 1972. Minority Enterprise and Expanded Ownership: Blueprint for the 70's. Report of President's Advisory Council on Minority Business Enterprise. "I111111111111111111111S