A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 0F . JACKSON, MICHIGAN: A STUDY ON THE CHANGING CHARACTER OF AN AMERICAN CITY 1829-1969 Thesis for the Iii-:e-gree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY RICHARD ARTHUR SANTER. 21970 University III This is to eertitg that the thesis entitled A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF JACKSON, MICHIGAN: A STUDY ON THE CHANGING CHARACTER OF AN AMERICAN CITY 1829-1969 v - presented By Richard Arthur Santer has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Geograehy Majkr y‘alessor Date February 2, 1970 0-169 ..»#fi.—v—_ _.__ --"" "I 4- ..__..L I- f... . eff-517;}; ‘Wu Re; PMCE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE JIM 2 4 233.: 0517’13 6/01 c:/CIRC/DateDue.p65-p.15 ABSTRACT A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF JACKSON, MICHIGAN: A STUDY ON THE CHANGING CHARACTER OF AN AMERICAN CITY 1829-1969 BY Richard Arthur Santer The purpose of the study is to analyze and describe the changing spatial character of the city of Jackson, Michigan. The research presented in the paper begins with white settlement (1829) and terminates with the present- day city (1969). The contemporary city has a population of fifty thousand and is located in the south-central part of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan. In facing the chal- lenges to its growth, especially the demands brought about by population variations and educational-technological innovations, the character of the city has exhibited a continual process of change during the last 140 years. To provide a basis for understanding the emergence of Jackson's contemporary cityscape the methodology of historical geography is employed. To identify how the city has changed through time, the researcher has created by description and maps the community's major land uses and functional activities for five dates: 1830, 1870, 1910, 1930, and 1969. Concurrently the intervening periods Richard Arthur Santer have been analyzed and interpreted to gain insight con- cerning how changes occurred. In the final chapter some implications of expected future development are included. In the dissertation only the city's land—use patterns pertaining to commercial, residential, industrial, governmental and transportational uses are presented; also discussed are Jackson's population composition, origin, and growth. The decisions which have affected the change in the city's land-use and functional activities are investi- gated. Jackson in 1969 is typical of many contemporary American cities in having endeavored to solve some of its problems through the implementation of plans for urban re- newal, blighted housing removal, reorganization of traffic flow, and mall construction. While the recent changes have helped to create a new cityscape, its present-day condition is only a mutation of its 140-year deVelopment. As a result of the investigation the notion that the content of earth space is not static, but is constantly changing is reaffirmed. Yet, each of the periods pre- sented in this study has also contributed to the illus- tration that no matter how incessant change at a place may be, many distributional features from the past persist in the contemporary landscape. A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF JACKSON, MICHIGAN: A STUDY ON THE CHANGING CHARACTER OF AN AMERICAN CITY 1829-1969 BY Richard Arthur Santer A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1970 fl / A Dedication: To Ruth, my wife, whose encouragement and labor made this dissertation possible. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The encouragement, guidance and assistance of numerous individuals has contributed immeasurably to the completion of this work. To all who assisted I am most appreciative. Although there are unnamed persons whose contributions were perhaps no less significant, I would like to acknowledge more specifically assistance from the following individuals. I am grateful for the generous advice and critiques given throughout the preparation of the work by Professor Daniel Jacobson, my Guidance Com- mittee Chairman. For his counsel in the formative stages of preparation I am also thankful to the late Dr. Paul C. Morrison. I am appreciative for the assistance in the search for materials by several librarians: John DaBall, Jackson Public Library; Richard Hathaway, JoAnne Jager, and Carol LaChange, Michigan Section, Michigan State Library. Stuart Babcock, Superintendent Jackson County Abstract Office, assisted in the clarification of property-use problems, as well as suggested additional sources of in- formation for which I am indebted. I also appreciate iii Dr. John Wholihan opening his private map collection for my use. Although they may not have contributed materially, my children helped in their own way which is valued by their father. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O 0 O O O 1 Chapter I. PRE-JACKSON TERRITORIAL SETTLEMENT . . . 7 Initial European Settlement in Michigan The War of 1812 and Settlement Non-War Considerations Surveys, Land Sales, and Laggard Settlement Territorial Inland Settlement 1817-1829 Summary II. FOUNDING THE JACKSONBURGH HAMLET: TRANSITION OF OCCUPANCE PATTERNS. . . . 27 Site Selection Pre-Settlement Physical Landscape and Site Selection Morphology of the Inner-City Population, Settlement, and its Origin Initial Settlement and Activities Improving Access to the Center of Town Political Institutions and Control Summary III. THE CITY OF JACKSON 1870: EMERGENT RAILROAD AND INDUSTRIAL CENTER . . . . 68 Areal Growth 1830-1870 Population Composition and Growth Jackson's 1870 Foreign Born Land Use in 1870 Spirit and Commitment to Growth State Prison Location Railroads and Their Location Jackson Gains a Competitive Advantage Jackson's Mineral Resources Manufacturing in Jackson 1870 Summary IV. JACKSON IN 1910: CENTER The City in 1910 Causes of Change EMERGENT AUTOMOBILE Population Composition and Change Manufacturing The Penitentiary and the City Commercial and Service Activities Transportation and Utilities Government and Public Service Patterns Summary V. JACKSON IN 1930: PRODUCTION CENTER The City in 1930 Areal Growth and Regional Park Acquisition A MAJOR AUTO-PARTS Population Growth and Composition Suburbanization of Industrial Employees Vertical Development in the CBD The Automobile's Impact on the City's Landscape Commercial Development Beyond the CBD City Zoning and its Early Effects on the Landscape Manufacturing in 1930 in Jackson Transportation Decision to Move the Prison from the City Public Land Use Summary VI. THE CONTEMPORARY CITY AND EXPECTED FUTURE DEVELOPMENT The City in 1969 Areal Growth of the City 1930-1969 Jackson's Population Manufacturing: Relocation Persistence, Decay, and Modern-Day Commercial Characteristics Urban Renewal Transportation Public Land Use Public Utilities and Airport Summary CONCLUSIONS WORKS CITED vi 135 181 229 288 295 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Population City and County of Jackson . . . 5 2. City of Jackson Negro Population. . . . . 6 3. 1810-1840 Population of Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio . . . . . . . . . 10 4. ‘Certified Land Sales in Acres at Detroit 1820-1836. 0 o o o o o o o o o o 18 5. Jackson Village and City Areal Political Growth and Dimensions. . . . . . . . 78 6. Per Cent of Foreign-Born Men Over Twenty Years of Age Occupied as Laborers. . . . 87 7. State Prison Convicts Employed on Contract 1870 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 106 8. Michigan Central Railroad Report 1870 . . . 120 9. Michigan Urban Places and Jackson's Popu- lation 1910 . . . . . . . . . . . 144 10. Jackson's Foreign Born 1910 . . . . . . 148 11. State Penitentiary, Jackson Convict Labor Contract 1910 . . . . . . . . . . 162 12. Summary Service-Commercial Change 1870-1910 . 170 13. Jackson Population Composition 1920—1930 by Per Cent 0 C O I O O O O O O I O 191 14. Jackson Foreign Born by Country 1920-1930. . 192 15. Communities with More than Ten Workers Employed in Jackson's Thirty—Four Largest Industries 1930. . . . . . . . . . 197 vii Table Page 16. Selected Manufacturing Activities 1930 . . 205 17. Jackson Population 1930-1970 . . . . . 240 18. Population Composition 1940-1960 . . . . 240 19. Composition of Population by Age 1930—1960. 246 20. Rank and POpulation Selected Michigan Cities 1960 with Per Cent of Population Change 1950-1960. . . . . . . . . 252 21. Major Manufacturing Types and Number of Firms . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 22. Major Land Uses City of Jackson . . . . 261 23. Selected Commercial and Service Activities. 268 viii 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. LIST OF MAPS Location of the City of Jackson . Blackman's Location . . . . Original Land Survey. . . . A Plat of the Village of Jacksonburgh First Land Purchases 1829-1872 Settlements 1830 . . . . . Land Use 1870 . . . . . . Areal Growth 1830-1870 . . . Negroes and Foreign Born Place 1870 I O O O O O O 0 Prison Plan. . . . . . . Railroads 1870. . . . . . Land Use 1910 . . . . . . Negroes-Polish 1870-1910 . . Land Use 1930 . . . . . . Negroes Distribution by Wards 1930 Public Buildings 1910-1930. . Land Use 1969 . . . . . . Residence Street Pattern 1969 with Post-War Annexations and Urban Renewal Areas . . Negro and Foreign-Born Distribution by Census Tracts 1960. . . . ix Page 31 35 47 49 56 69 74 80 104 110 136 146 183 195 226 230 235 242 Map Page 20. Gain and Loss in Population by Race, City of 21. Jackson's Central Business District 1963 . . 264 22. CBD Development Plan, Jackson, Michigan 1966 . 265 Figure l. 2. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. LIST OF FIGURES Single-Story Home Circa 1870 . . . . . Two-Story Double Rectangular House Built in 1870 . . . . . . . . . . . . Sharp Family Farmhouse 91322.1840 . . . Boarding House Circa 1870 . . . . . . Former German Arbiter Hall. . . . . . Jackson Junction Shops . . . . . . . Post Office 1839-1893 . . . . . . . Sandstone Outcrop on Railroad Right-of-Way North of Prison. . . . . . . . . State Prison Wall. . . . . . . . . Coal Debris Overlaying Sandstone at Walker Coal Mine Site . . . . . . . . . Home and Store in Residential Area . . . EurOpean Bakery in Polish Area . . . . Union Station . . . . . . . . . . Union Station . . . . . . . . . . Kelsey-Hayes Manufacturing Plant. . . . Typical Three-Story Brick Commercial Structure in C30 . . . . . . . . Typical CBD Commercial Structure Circa 1870 Open Stairway in Alley . . .i . . . . Contemporary Jackson CBD Skyline. . . . Stucco Gasoline Station Circa 1920 . . . xi Page 70 70 72 72 85 92 94 102 102 126 138 138 139 139 156 156 167 168 182 182 Figure Page 21. Intermediate School on School Lot Site of 1830 O O O O O O O O O I O O O 185 22. Polish Falcon Hall Circa 1920 . . . . . 185 23. S. H. Camp Company Plant and CBD Perimeter Route Construction . . . . . . . . 210 24. Former Right-of—Way of Jackson-Lansing Interurban . . . . . . . . . . . 217 25. Mobile Home on a Permanent Foundation. . . 232 26. Modern Apartment Building. . . . . . . 232 27. Paka Plaza Shopping Center . . . . . . 233 28. West End of Contemporary CBD and Progress Place Mall . . . . . . . . . . . 233 29. Former Ryerson-Haynes Auto-Parts Plant . . 257 30. Former Sparton Corporation Plant Converted to Commercial Office Space in Early 1960's 259 31. 1936 Grand River Revetment Project and East CBD Cleared Urban Renewal Land with Post Office in Background. . . . . . . . 263 32. Former High Quality Residence Converted Recently to Business Use . . . . . . 267 33. Typical Low-Rent Housing Unit in Urban Renewal Area . . . . . . . . . . 271 34. Jackson County Courthouse Built 1928, Formerly Elks Temple. . . . . . . . 279 xii INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study is to investigate, analyze, and describe the changing spatial character of the city of Jackson, Michigan. The research presented in this paper begins with white settlement (1829) and terminates with the present-day city (1969). The contemporary city has a population of fifty thousand and is located in the south- central part of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan about seventy miles west of Detroit and forty miles south of Lansing (Map 1). Jackson, like other metropolitan centers which grew from frontier and territorial foundations, has continually been confronted with urgent and difficult problems. In facing the challenges to its growth, es- pecially the demands brought about by population vari- ations and educational—technological innovations, the character1 of the city has exhibited a continual process of change during the last 140 years. To provide a basis for understanding the emergence of Jackson's contemporary cityscape or character, the 1A5 a general term the character of a city is con- ceived as the total features or traits that comprise its Structure, form, and size, the recognition of which pro- vides a means whereupon it may be differentiated, cate- gorized, and described. MICHIGAN TWP. 28 CITY OF JACKSON TWP. 3S — 9.3 6 JACKSON COUNTY .. m... m... LOCATION OF THE CITY OF JACKSON Map 1 methodology of historical geography is employed. It emphasizes the reconstruction of the past geography of a place to show the significance of previous geographic activity.2 By using the methodology of historical geog- raphy it is believed that a key can be uncovered to answering the question, "How did Jackson‘s present-day spatial character evolve?" In this paper only the city's land-use patterns pertaining to commercial, residential, industrial, govern— mental, and transportational uses are presented; also discussed are its population composition, origin, and growth. How the city's land uses and functions have changed through time and the decisions which brought them about are investigated. There have been an infinite number of decisions which have contributed to the growth and character of the city. This study concerns the locational decisions re- lating primarily to the following landscape features: transportation facilities, electric power facilities, the 2Major statements on the methodology of historical geography may be found in the following works: Andrew H. Clark, "Historical Geography," American Geography Inven- tory and Prospect, ed. by Preston James and’Clarence Jones (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1954); H. Roy Merrens, "Historical Geography and Early American History," William and Mary Quarterly, XXII (October, 1965), PP- 529-5433 Carl 0- Sauer, "Foreword to Historical Geog- raphy," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, .XXXI (March, 1941), pp. 1-24; Derwent Whittlessey, "Sequent (Dccupance," Annals of the Association of American Geog— raphers, XIX (September, 1929T, pp. 162F165. State prison, and the ten largest manufacturing and dis—‘ tribution enterprises based on employment. Selection of the Study Area For the purposes of this investigation the study area is the city of Jackson bounded by its corporate limits. Although contemporary Jackson is classified by the census bureau as consisting of a larger urbanized area than the central city and a metropolitan area co-terminus with Jackson County, the city still retains its individual identity by virtue of its political-governmental incor- poration as a city.3 The investigation of Jackson was chosen for the following reasons. 1. Jackson's higher rank within the hierarchy of central places in comparison to other county seats initially raised the writer's curiosity to discover how this had come about.4 2. The city's relatively constant population throughout the last fifty years (Table 1) beckoned an analysis of how that had affected the character of the city. 3. Additionally, it was anticipated that a his- torical geography would provide basic 3Harold Mayer, "Cities and Urban Geography," Journal of Geography, LXVIII (January, 1969), p. 10. 4Of Michigan's eighty-three county seats, seventy- one had a population in 1960 of less than 25,000, and of those, fifty-one are smaller than 10,000 inhabitants. 5 information for the assessment of future growth of Jackson. TABLE 1 POPULATION CITY AND COUNTY OF JACKSON Year City County Year City County 1960 50,720 131,994 1890 20,798 45,024 1950 51,088 107,925 1880 16,105 42,031 1940 49,656 93,108 1870 11,447 36,047 1930 55,187 92,304 1860 4,799 26,671 1920 48,374 72,539 1850 2,287 19,346 1910 31,433 53,426 1840 440* 19,346 1900 25,180 48,222 1830 120* Source: U.S. Censuses: 1850-1960. *Estimate (History Jackson County (Chicago: Inter- state Publishing Co., 1881), p. 183; George N. Fuller, "Settlement of Southern Michigan, 1805—1837," Michigan History, XIX (1935): p. 196.) Procedures To identify how the city has changed through time, the researcher has created by description and maps, the community's major land-use and functional activities for five dates: 1830, 1870, 1910, 1930, and 1969. Con- currently, the intervening periods have been analyzed and interpreted to gain insight concerning how changes occurred. In the final chapter some implications of expected future development are included. The particular years selected have been chosen because they appear as representative dates in the development of the city. The year 1830 was the foundation year and is used to establish the initial occupance pat- terns. The year 1870 represents post-Civil War conditions dominated by railroad building. The year 1910 immediately precedes the city's decade of greatest population growth, when the Negro population was still comparatively small (Table 2). Jackson in 1930 had its greatest official popu- lation as well as its depression character. TABLE 2 CITY OF JACKSON NEGRO POPULATION Year Total . Year Total 1960 4685 1900 473 1950 2761 1890 469 1940 1504 1880 430 1930 1692 1870 359 1920 810 1860 131 1910 354 1850 76 Source: U.S. Censuses: 1850-1960. The city of 1969 is representative of the increasing Negro composition of the city's population. Furthermore, Jackson in 1969 is typical of many contemporary American cities in having endeavored to solve some of its problems through the implementation of plans for urban renewal, blighted housing removal, reorganization of traffic flow, and mall construction. While the recent changes have helped to create a new cityscape, its present-day condition is only a mutation of its 140-year development. CHAPTER I PRE-JACKSON TERRITORIAL SETTLEMENT The founding of Jackson was only one isolated event in the Nineteenth Century epic of westward migration into the North American interior. Before the sounds of the sur- veyor's axe and clanging chains vibrated through the forest wilderness, signaling the intended birth of Jackson, suffi- cient settlement in the southern Lower Peninsula had oc- curred to make Jackson's establishment predictable. The decade or so antedating the staking out of Jackson's plat and the Michigan land boom which followed in the 1830's was a critical period in the settlement history of Michigan. Those few years marked the territory's transition from the century-long occupance restricted to the narrow strip of land along the Detroit River and local water courses to inland settlement in the counties adjacent to the Detroit nucleus. Summarizing the events of the earlier settlement in southeastern Michigan will not only put the founding of Jackson into perspective, but will help to explain the origin of the city. Initial European Settlement in Michigan In the nearly two hundred years of European contact with Michigan prior to the establishment of the first Public Land Office at Detroit in 1818, settlement in the territory had had a relatively slow growth. The inhabited area throughout the French, British, and early American governmental administration periods remained virtually the same. When Michigan was designated as a separate territory in 1805, there were still only four small centers of occupance within its boundaries: at Detroit, Frenchtown (Monroe), Sault Sainte Marie, and Mackinac Island. In spite of missionary, fur trade and settlement activities throughout the Eighteenth Century, by 1810 Michigan's total population was only 4,762 with the majority (2,227) in the vicinity of Detroit.1 Perhaps the slight growth in southern Michigan after years of European contact can be attributed to the nature of the inhabitants' activities during the period, for neither missionary work with the Indians nor fur trading required large numbers of settlers. Parkins states that the slow occupation of Michigan after Detroit's establish- Inent by Cadillac in 1701 was due to premature settlement.2 1U.S. Bureau of the Census, Third Census of the Hgited States: 1810, p. 88. 2Almon E. Parkins, The Historical Geography of Detroit, III (Lansing, Michigan: Michigan Historical Commission, 1918), p. 55. The town developments coming as an outgrowth of the migrat- ing peoples during the later American interior settlement substantiates Parkins' observation. The War of 1812 and Settlement The three years of hostilities ending in 1815 be— tween American and British forces became pivotal in the transition to frontier-farmer occupance of the timberland and prairies behind Detroit. The major point is that the war demonstrated the difficulty, but yet necessity, of defending Detroit if governmental control was to be main- tained in the Michigan section of the Northwest. To im- prove the military situation at the outpost would require both more settlers and better land connections. The war was also significant because of the transfer to other territories of the military bounty land grants designated for Michigan as a consequence of the Tiffin Report which misrepresented cultivation possibilities in the territory.3 In the years following the war the Federal Govern— ment helped to resolve the plight of the isolated Detroit community. Major actions to relieve the situation and to prepare the interior for settlement were conducting land cession treaties with the Indians, authorizing land surveys, 3George N. Fuller, "An Introduction to the Settle- ment of Southern Michigan from 1815 to 1835," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXVIII (1912), pp. 545- 546; Letter, Lewis Cass to Josiah Meigs, March 11, 1816, Michigan Historical Collection, Archives, Cass Letter Book, sheets 106-107. 10 Opening a Public Land Office in the territory, and initi- ating military road building. By the eve of Jackson's founding, the vulnerability of Detroit had been consider- ably reduced by its slowly increasing pOpulation and the opening of a road south through the Black Swamp to the Ohio communities. Non-War Considerations Even though the war's conflagration brought national attention to the Detroit area by its loss and subsequent federal activities after the war, a simple cause and effect situation cannot be assumed to account for the ever- increasing post-war inhabitation of the area (Table 3). TABLE 3 1810-1840 POPULATION OF MICHIGAN, ILLINOIS, INDIANA, AND OHIO Year Michigan Illinois Indiana Ohio 1810 4,764 12,282 24,520 230,760 1820 8,765 55,162 147,178 581,295 1830 31,639 157,445 343,031 937,903 1840 212,267 476,183 685,866 1,519,467 Source: Conpendium of the Ninth Census: 1870, pp. 38, 40, 58, 80. Other things taking place simultaneously tended to improve Michigan's attractiveness for homesteading. In the Ohio River Valley the pre-war migration trend continued, thus concurrently decreasing available homesteading land in 11 that section while intensifying the need for another settlement area. Additionally, the technological advances of steam navigation on the Great Lakes and the construction of the Erie Canal in New York (both starting in 1818, the latter continuing over a seven-year period) also served to promote the advantages of Michigan Territory. Nevertheless, neither the central government's actions to prepare the territory for settlement (surveys, Land Office, road building) nor the introduction of more reliable and economical water transportation triggered an immediate unrestricted land boom or migration stampede as may have been expected. In fact, taking-up the land by the pioneers progressed quite modestly during the post-war years (Table 3). The reason for the territory's prolonged era of slow growth between the War of 1812 and the 1830's can be ex- plained dually. On one hand, the delay is attributed to no more than would be expected from, as Kuhn suggests, the State's settlement ". . . in the normal course of westward movement, after Ohio and before northern Illinois. . . ."4 Secondly, the delay has been attributed to reports, correspondence, and publications which described the 4Madison Kuhn, "Tiffin, Morse and the Reluctant ‘Pioneer,"'Michigan History, L (June, 1966), p. 114. 12 territory unfavorably and thereby acted to restrain some migration.5_ Foremost of these was the Tiffin Report. Surveys, Land Sales, and Laggard Settlement Congress in 1812 set aside six million acres of military bounty land for war veterans in three western territories including two million acres in Michigan.6 Edward Tiffin, the Surveyor General of Ohio was charged with the responsibility of surveying Michigan lands. Yet, on the advice of Cass, Governor of the Michigan Territory, the start of surveying was continually delayed evidently because of Indian matters--treaty problems of quieting their unruliness. Finally, in September, 1815, the survey was begun by deputy surveyors on what were to be the major boundary lines for the later subdivision of the bounty land. From the reports of his field party which returned to Ohio in November, Tiffin wrote Josiah Meigs, Commissioner of the General Land Office, his ill-famed "Tiffin Report." 5Ralph H. Brown, Historical Geography of the United States (New York: Harcourt Brace and Wofld, Inc., 1948), p. 276; F. Clever Bald, Michigan in Four Centuries (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), p. 145; Thomas M. Cooley, Michigan: A History of Governments (6th ed.; Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1892), pp. 192-193; Andrew C. McLaughlin, Lewis Cass (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1891), pp. 95:96; William H. Hathway, "County Organization in Michigan," Michigan History, II (1918), pp. 579-580. 6Frank B. Woodford, Lewis Cass, The Last Jeffer- sonian (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1950), p. 107; McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 95. 13 . . . Taking the country altogether, so far as has been explored, and all appearances, together with the information received concerning the balance is as bad, there could not be more than one acre out of a hundred if there would be one out of a thousand, that would in any case admit of cultivation.7 The total effect of the Tiffin Report on subsequent settlement events is presently a matter of dispute after years of citing it as the primary cause for holding back emigration into the State.8 Transfer of bounty lands Regardless of the debatability of the Tiffin Re- port's total effect on migration to Michigan, there remains the fact that it did have a major bearing on President Madison's decision to request the transfer of Michigan bounty lands. . . . The land bounties promised to the soldiers of the late Army, are so covered with swamps or lakes, or otherwise unfit for cultivation, that a very incon- siderable proportion can be applied to the intended grants. I recommend, therefore, that other lands be designated by Congress for the purpose of supplying the deficiency.9 Congress responded two months later by awarding three-fourths of Michigan's bounty portion to Illinois and 7United States, American State Papers, Public Lands, III, pp. 164-165. ' 8Kuhn, op. cit., pp. 111-138; Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A Historyof the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans PuBlishing Company, 1965), p. 242. 9U.S., Congress, House, Military Bounty Lands, House Document No. 81, 14th Congress, Ist Sess., FeBruary 6, 1816. 14 the rest to Missouri.10 Undoubtedly, the transfer was not a State secret and could be expected to cause one to hesi- tate in selecting Michigan as a future home if he became aware of the circumstances through written or oral communi- cation. Regardless of the bounty land surveyors' report, there were others equally as discouraging which preceded it. General Duncan McArthur who served with Cass at Detroit provides one example. He wrote this pessimistic report and advised its recipient to come and judge for himself conditions at Detroit, if in doubt: I have no hesitation to say that it would be to the advantage of Government to remove every inhabitant of the Territory, pay for the improvements, and reduce them to ashes, leaving nothing but the Garrison posts. From my observation, the Territory appears to be not worth defending, and a mere den for Indians and traitors. The banks of the Detroit River are hand- some, but nine-tenths of the land in the Territory is unfit for cultivation.11 Undeterred by the bad reports, people continued to arrive in Michigan and displayed their satisfaction by staying.12 100.8. Statutes at Large, III, p. 332. llBald, o . cit., p. 144, quoting letter, Duncan McArthur to WiIliam Woodbridge, November 14, 1814. 12Hervey Parke, "Reminiscences," Michi an Pioneer and Historical Collections, III (Lansing: l 81), pp. 572-573. 15 The case for new surveys After Detroit had received the reports of the Tiffin survey13 and the recommendation for the removal of the bounty lands from the territory, means were sought to fore- stall the abandonment of the territory for settlement and to correct what were felt to be gross misrepresentations. Subsequently, a reasoned case for the opening of Michigan to homesteading was developed with consideration given to legal, military, and humanitarian factors. Not overlooked, undoubtedly, were private economic speculations not always stated publicly, but frequently a significant justification for promoting a project. A long letter (March 11, 1816) from Governor Cass to Commissioner Meigs is a case in point: I find by examining the acts of Congress of March 26, 1804 and April 25, 1808, that the President is authorized to cause to be surveyed and sold the lands of the United States in the Territory. I presume that difficulty of adjusting private claims prevented at an early day the carrying into execution of these acts. That reason has ceased to operate. The private claims in the country have been adjusted, and patents for the land were issued a short time previous to the declaration of war. [This is in reference to claims by persons of British and French descent at Detroit and claims due to the fire at Detroit 1805.] The present is very favorable time for offering these lands for sale, and considerations of publick 13Letter, Edward Tiffin to Lewis Cass, February 12, 1816, Michigan Historical Collection, Archives, Cass Letter Book, sheet 105. 16 policy, connected with the tenure and defense of the Country, dictate the same measure. This Territory is weaker in itself, more liable to be attacked and with greater difficulty defended than any other Section of the Union. In 1810 the adult male population did not exceed 800 and the succession of misfortunes, which the Country has experienced since that period, has diminished instead of increasing the number. By bringing the public lands of the United States into market the current of emigration would be turned towards us, our population would soon be such. As would be adequate to the defence of the Country, and a barrier would be interposed between the British and the Indians, which would effectually prevent a recurrence of the unfortunate events, which marked the progress of the late war, for considerable period upon this frontier. But the considerations upon this subject are so apparent that I will not trouble you with a recapitula- tion of them. The quality of the land in this terri- tory, I have reason to believe, has been grossly mis- represented. From the report of persons in whom I can place confidence, and from my own observation, I think, it will admit a considerable population. Persons who remove to this territory, settle upon the public lands. This is a result of necessity as there has never been any offered for sale. These settlers it may eventually be difficult to remove, and it is prudent to avoid the evil by permitting them to purchase. A register and receiver are in office and paid by the United States, without any duties to perform. Permit me therefore to recommend that immediate measures be taken for suixeying and selling the public lands in this Territory. The points made in the letter were taken; the case was won; surveying was resumed later that year. 14Cass to Meigs, op. cit., March 11, 1816. 17 Opening the land office Following the initial surveys/the Land Office at Detroit was opened for public sales in July 1818. Not- withstanding Governor Cass's stated Optimism that bringing the public lands on the market would turn the tide of migration, Darby states, ". . . the sales did not Operate to add much to the population . . . a great share [was] purchased by the resident inhabitants, and annexed to land 15 More significant here is already in their possession." the unfortunate fact that Darby did not provide his readers with a specific explanation indicating why Michigan was not a migration destination. Though the soil is good in general, some of it excel- lent, and all parts well situated for agriculture and commerce, some causes have hitherto operated to pre- vent serious emigration to the Michigan territory.16 Some writers have suggested that the delay in migra- tion was partly due to the land laws which did not protect squatters' rights, the cost Of land purchases and credit system or Indian unruliness.17 However, these explanations cannot be considered conclusive because the given problems 15William Darby, A Tour from the City of New York to Detroit (Chicago: Americana ClassiEs Quadrangle Books, 1962), pp. 199-200 (reprint of First Edition, New York, 1819). 151bid., p. 200. 17WOodford, O . cit., p. 113; George N. Fuller, Economic and SociaI Beginnings of Michigan, I (Lansing: wynkoop HalIenbeck Crawford‘CO., 1916), pp. 57, 64-65. 18 were general, not being specifically limited to Michigan. Moreover, similar situations did not result in curtailing migration into the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. Nevertheless, the Land Sales Act Of 1820 did increase the advantages of the persons with relatively small capital resources by allowing "half-quarter section" purchases at $1.25 an acre plus discontinuing the practice Of credit purchases.18 In the years immediately following the 1820 Act, certified land sales did begin a noticeable rise in the territory from the less than four and one-half square miles sold in 1820 to over ten times that three years later (Table 4) . TABLE 4 CERTIFIED LAND SALES IN ACRES AT DETROIT 1820-1836 Year Acres Year Acres Year Acres Year Acres 1820 2,860 1824 61,919 1828 17,433 1832 177,635 1821 7,494 1825 92,332 1829 23,409 1833 771,503 1822 20,068 1826 47,125 1830 70,441 1834 136,598 1823 30,173 1827 34,964 1831 217,943 1835 405,331 1836 1,475,725 Source: John T. Blois, Gazetteer of the State Of Michigan (Detroit: Sydney L. Rood & Co., 1838), p. 74. 18U.S. Statutes at Large, III, p. 566. 19 A more important point is the fact that land sales continued to increase only until 1825, the year that the Erie Canal was completed and decreased drastically for three years before recovering at the end of the decade.19 Earlier explanations for the drop in land sales in the territory after the Erie Canal was brought into full Operation are inconclusive. Fuller alludes to "hard times in the East" by citing in a footnote a statement from the 20 Detroit Gazette of May and June, 1826. Similarly, Dunbar citing Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. concludes: There can be little doubt that this decline was due to rising prices in the East, a depression in 1828-1829, and the "tight money" policy of the United States Bank, which made it difficult for prospective settlers to obtain the cash to buy land, to finance the journey westward, and to Obtain the capital needed for success- ful pioneering.21 If Eastern economic conditions are accepted as the explanation for the delay, then the revenue received from land sales in the nation should show a similar decrease. Blois' figures give evidence that just the opposite took place with revenue increases each year between 1825-1830 19The Monroe Land Office which came into Operation shortly before the completion of the canal also shows similar declines in land sales. (American State Papers, Public Lands, VI, 630.) 20Fuller, Economic and Social Beginningg, Op. cit., pp. 65-66. 21 Dunbar, Op. cit., p. 246. 20 except 1828 (1.21, 1.39, 1.49, 1.01, 1.51, 2.32 million dollars respectively).22 By the same token/total land-sales figures for Illinois and Indiana also refute the hard times, tight money, depression explanation. In Indiana acreages bought increased each year between 1824-1830, and in Illinois only 1827 showed a decline.23 Perhaps then, migration to Michigan was curtailed by a local economic recession limited to its major pOpulation source area, New York and New England. If that were the case, Michi- gan's declines would be disguised in the national figures by purchases by Middle Atlantic and Southern pioneers in the more southerly territory. On the other hand, Kuhn's hypothesis is also reasonable. ". . . Land sales slackened (in Michigan) while investors waited for the surge of pioneers to fill Ohio's Erie shore and spill over into Michigan."24 Surveying continues Within ten years Of the disillusioning beginning of land surveying in Michigan, Jackson's bearing trees were marked, thereby initiating the enduring rectangular 22John T. Blois, Gazetteer Of the State of Michigan (Detroit: Sydney L. Rood & Co., 1838), pp. 152-153. 23American State Papers, Public Lands, Op. cit., VI, pp. 62g-63—00 24Kuhn, Op. cit., p. 114. 21 imprint, ordained by the act creating the Northwest Terri- tory. John Farmer's first map (1826) shows the progress of the surveys up to that time and provides graphic evi- dence of the determination and effort to prepare Michigan for extensive settlement. His initial effort shows that the surveyors had completed the work on five townships west Of the present city of Jackson, but the surveys were limited to townships in the two present-day southern tiers of counties.25 Preceding the vanguard of American settle- ment and the surveyor were the Indian treaties of land cessions; one Of these Indian treaties (Chicago, 1821) ceded the Jackson section of land to the Federal govern- ment.26 Territorial Inland Settlement 1817-1829 Lacking an overwhelming demand for land in the first years after the Land Office's opening, settlement away from the Detroit core was relatively orderly, deliberate, and intuitively logical. As early as the summer of 1816/ Governor Cass wrote to Commissioner Meigs concerning the 25John Farmer, Map of the Surveyed Part of the Territory of Michigan (1826), Tphoto copy), Michi an Pioneer and'Historical Collections, XXXVIII (I9I2I, facing p. 636. 26Alpheus Felch, "The Indian Lands of Michigan and the Cession of Their Lands to the United States by Treat- ies," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXVI (1895), pp. 274-297; FuIIer, Economic and Social Begin- nings, Op. cit., pp. lxiv, 58-59, 520-530. 22 location Of the lands that should first be brought on the market. . . . The first Object is to settle the margin Of the lakes and rivers and the lands in the immediate vicinity of the present settlements. This is uni- formly the course, which the current of emmigration takes and must take. . . . [The settler] He is the pioneer to begin the road, which is to be traveled. But we must not expect him to begin at the wrong end, [and] to do all and leave nothing for others. By settling the country on the margin of the lakes and principal water courses we shall soon have a strong and increasing pOpulation.27 When the pioneer household goods finally went west- ward tO bring comfort in the first inland communities, they left from the established river settlements (Frenchtown, Detroit, and the small trading post at Mt. Clemens). The new communities were sited on the major rivers (Clinton, Huron, and Raisin). The budding hamlets clung to within thirty miles of Detroit or the waterfront. From the emerg- ing initial inland settlement pattern there followed the course which Cass insisted emigration "must take." First interior communities The progress Of inhabiting the internal area Of the territory is indicated by the establishment of new communi- ties beyond the older settlement nucleus. The major point to be noted is that when westward expansion commenced, at the same time near the French-established waterfront settlements, increasing American land ownership also was * 27Letter, Lewis Cass to Josiah Meigs, June 16, 1816, Michigan Historical Commission, Archives, Cass Letter Book, sheets 121-122. 23 taking place. Therefore, we find that the first inland settlements starting at Rochester and Pontiac (Oakland County) between 1816-1818 corresponded to increased pioneer settlement at Mt. Clemens and Monroe.28 Several years intervened before the next inland endeavors were undertaken. Between 1823 and 1825 Washtenaw County, adjoining Detroit's Wayne County on the west, had its first settlement. Starting as Woodruff's Grove, Ypsi- lanti became the first settlement and was followed succes- sively by Ann Arbor and Dexter further upstream on the Huron. Concurrent with Washtenaw's first nuclei was the initial occupation of Lenawee County up the Raisin River west of Monroe County. Tecumseh's development was first started in 1824 and a Quaker Colony two years later began to prosper at Adrian.29 After the establishment of these frontier hamlets, further community develOpment was our- tailed as a result of the contraction of migration through Detroit following the completion Of the Erie Canal. Although some new settlers did continue to arrive during the next few years, they tended to fill the vacant areas between the Old and new occupied areas, like a child pouring sand over a pile of stones to fill the empty space. 28Fuller, Economic and Social Beginnings, op. cit., pp. 157-158, 199-201. zgiéiégy pp. 203-204; Clara Waldron, One Hundred :Xgars a Country Town (Tecumseh, Michigan: Thomas A. Riofdan, 1968i, pp. 14, 27. 24 On the other hand, some settlement began taking place in the southwest, being fed at first by the unabating mi- gration in Indiana from the Ft. Wayne nucleus and later by the Chicago Road out Of Detroit.30 By the fall of 1829, the year of Jackson's founding, St. Joseph's and Cass County's populations were large enough to organize them, thus making them the first independent counties west of Washtenaw and Lenawee counties. Road building and pre- Jaékson settlement Good territorial roads were needed for the defense of the Detroit outpost. However, their construction lagged nearly as much as territorial settlement. By the time of Jackson's founding only three roads had been started in the territory and only one was considered completed. By 1827 a stagecoach-worthy road south through the nearly impassable Black Swamp was finally completed from Detroit to Ohio. Without a doubt, the opening of the Swamp Road was lauded in Detroit, giving it its long de- sired land access to the settled south and east and an alternate defensive re-supply route. The roadway to the northwest from Detroit leading to Pontiac and Saginaw, the Saginaw Road, followed the Indian trail by that name as a continuation of Detroit's Woodward 3oFuller, Economic and Social Beginnings, op. cit., pp. 252-254; "St. Joseph County," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, III (1881), P. 610. 25 Avenue. Construction on it was initiated in 1816, but its progress was delayed by poor drainage conditions. By 1835 it had been completed only a short distance north of Flint.31 The first road west was the Chicago Military Road, built to link Detroit with Chicago's Fort Dearborn, and followed for the most part the Old Sauk Trail. Authorized by Congress and partially marked in 1825, the Chicago Road is in its contemporary form U.S. 12 (Old U.S. 112).32 Originally this route directed settlement into the most southerly tier of counties after it passed west from Ypsilanti.33 Three other major roads were to come later in the territorial period: the Territorial Road (St. Joseph Trail), the Grand River Road, and the Detroit-Fort Gratiot or Port Huron Road. Of these the Territorial Road con- nected Jackson with the core area of Detroit. Summary On the eve of Jackson's founding, orderly preparations had been made in the Michigan Territory to further its settlement with Indian treaties, surveys, and road build- ing. After the disillusionments of the 1812-1815 War and 31Dunbar, Michigan, Op. cit., p. 247; Parke, Op. cit., p. 573. ‘ 32 Fuller, Economic and Social Beginnings, Op. cit., 26 correction of the misrepresentative Tiffin Report, the end of the long wait for the tide of migration to turn to Michigan was at hand. With the resurgence of land purchases in Michigan in 1828, after the construction of the Erie Canal, the un- abated migration into Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana through- out the 1820's, and the establishment of the first ring of towns and counties around the settlement core at Detroit, Jackson was prepared to receive its first land- looker footing his way west along the St. Joseph Trail who would decide to purchase land in what is now the city. CHAPTER II FOUNDING THE JACKSONBURGH HAMLET: TRANSITION OF OCCUPANCE PATTERNS The way of life of a newly developed area is asso- ciated with the cultural milieu from which the people came. The settlers' cultural background forms the structure upon which life in the country grows. The migrant's past culture is often carried with him as invisible baggage, yet at the same time physical conditions and past occupance in his newly chosen settlement area tend to affect and blend with the newcomer's imprint on the landscape. Additionally, borrowing of culture traits from groups with which there is Contact frequently takes place. The study of the founding of the hamlet Of Jackson- burgh, as Jackson was first called, is valuable because it helps to explain the evolution of the later city's morphol- ogy. One needs only to be briefly reminded that the local Conditions of a settled p1ace--its s'ite, topography, Vegetation, wildlife, and drainage--have been greatly a1- tered by man's occupance. Artificial drainage, deforesta- tion, cultivation, technological change, fire, and rebuilding have so altered the landscape that conclusions cannot be 27 28 derived from contemporary Observations alone. To visualize what the place was like at its time of origin, it is neces- sary to reconstruct the local area at that particular time.1 Additionally, one should attempt to discover the desires of the founders in an effort to understand why decisions to locate the town at the site were initiated. Calculating the perpetuation of migration into Michigan, the founders of Jackson risked their capital and livelihood with the hope that they could profit by estab- lishing a village in the path of the trekking pioneers. With Jackson's settlement/ the long-established process of frontier inhabitation continued to develop with in- tensive occupance in central places and extensive habitation on dispersed farms. Four years after the original survey of the township in which Jackson is sited, the land for the intended vil- lage was purchased (July 10, 1829).2 This first land Purchase came five years after the occupance of the land ‘ 1Sauer, Op. cit., p. 10. 2Michigan Auditor General, Jackson County Tract Book (Lansing: Michigan State Library), Microfilm 383. Auditor General Records of Michigan of the first land purchases of a given parcel of land from the United States Government; Edward Tiffin, Survey Contract with Hervey Parke, December 5 o 1824, initiating survey of Townships l, 2, 3, 4 South énge 1 West and Townships 2 and 3 South Range 1 East. IChigan Historical Commission, Archives. 29 at Ann Arbor and Dexter, the two nearest centers to the east. Nevertheless, this was not the first land in the county to be occupied by persons of European descent.3 With acquisition of the site, construction of the first cabin, purchase of adjacent property, and the arrival of permanent settlers in the spring of 1830, changes in the local landscape became more apparent. By the end of the first year of white settlement, the patterns of the aboriginal occupance had given way to an American frontier landscape. Site Selection In June of 1829 Horace Blackman came to Michigan from Tioga County, New York, seeking farm land and, perhaps, a town site. It is a moot point whether or not someone else would have chosen the same site as he. Nevertheless, the area near his purchase possessed several attributes which made it attractive for village development. Although Blackman is credited with selecting the site for the settlement, he was not the originator of the choice. 3U.S. Work Project Administration, Jackson County Family Histor , Work Project Administration Historical Project (Jackson: Work Project Administration, 1936), p. 10 (mimeographed). 30 That credit belongs to Johathan F. Stratton, a surveyor residing in Ann Arbor.4 Decision for specific location Following the surveyor's direction, Blackman, ac- companied by a woodsman and an Indian, walked nearly forty miles from Ann Arbor into the wilderness. The party advanced primarily along the St. Joseph Indian Trail which the natives used for travel between the Detroit River and the mouth of the St. Joseph River on Lake Michigan. Upon traversing the low morraines Of the southern Lower Penin- sula's drainage divide, the three men entered the valley of the Washtenong Sepee (Grand River). After assessing the advantages and disadvantages of the surrounding countryside for two days, the party selected a site on July 5, 1829. Claim stakes were driven on the 160 acres of the southeast quarter of Section 34, Township 2 South, Range 1 West (Map 2).5 The site was 4William R. DeLand, Stratton's friend and regular correspondent, had previously married a niece of Mrs. Lemuel Blackman, Horace's mother. DeLand had for some time resided near the Blackman's in New York before returning to North BroOkfield, Massachusetts, his parents' home. When Horace BlaCkman went to North Brookfield to marry William R. De- Land ' 3 second cousin, DeLand showed the letters from Stratton to Young Blackman who was considering setting up a homestead in Western New York. Stratton's descriptions and DeLand's (Char- incOUragement prompted Blackman to come to Michigan. es V. DeLand, DeLand's History of Jackson County, Michigan [Logansport (?), Indiana: B. F. Bowen, 1903]: PP- 54‘55-) f 5Jackson County Tract Book, op. cit. The land was Ormally registered at the Monroe Land Office July 10, 1829. 31 BLACKMAN'S LOCATION .0 .39 Z m ROCHESTER a PONTIAC 0,660 . .5. ’1’7 ID at. . Z. 2 RANGES EAST OAKLAND \ \ \ I\ \ I I\ \ \ JACKSON \ \ WASHTENAW ‘-i \ O \ N U) 2 TECUMSEH 8 S L -I I \ U) \ “‘4"- LENAWEE \\ MILES ‘ I :22: o .5 I \\ \ \ \ \ sw/K SECTION 34 Map 2 32 well-chosen for either a town or farm. The advantages included: 1. Location on a main Indian trail leading from Detroit--traditiona1 route Of the pioneer inland Indian trail junction with several other minor trails--enhancing accessibility Clear flowing narrow river which could easily be dammed for power An excellent ford across the river Open land, some recently in use for temporary campground and corn fields by the Indians A good supply Of oak and other trees--for building and other uses An adequate amount of elevated, well-drained land A central position in what was expected to be a new county There was one main disadvantage, the large amount 0f poorly drained land varying from swamp to wet prairie, bmrt the listed advantages outweighed that disadvantage. other site disadvantages were its distance from Ann Arbor, the heavy timber, and its being in Michigan's western Watershed. The latter two factors could, however, easily have been considered advantages by Blackman. From his father, a former lumberman, Blackman possibly knew the 33 value of timber for milling and construction purposes. The westward flowing Grand River, while not of value to bring goods into the future settlement, may have been inter- preted by the young man as enhancing the place as a shipping point for goods moving downstream. Indian trails.--Unquestionably, the Indian trails were one Of the main factors in the selection of the initial site. This is evidenced by the fact that the first pur- chased land was bisected by the St. Joseph Trail. Further- :mOre, when the center of the new hamlet had to be shifted to Blackman's southern prOperty line, efforts were immedi- ately made to maintain a link to the trail. The intent ‘was to place the hamlet in a position to intercept home- .steaders and artisans moving west. The site's position was strengthened with respect to travel by minor trails branch- iuag from the main one near the proposed center. How many turails met at Blackman's site is a matter Of conjecture. Reports of two early historians vary between nine and eleven trails converging from different directions. (Dr: the other hand, the original land survey map indicates ‘Orlly one trail actually entering the site. That trail 6James M. Thomas, Jackson City Directory and Busi- neSs Advertiser: 1867-1868 (Jackson: Caflton and VanAntwerp 1>J=’-‘l.nters, I867), p. 6; Combination Atlas Map Of Jackson £32553 y (Chicago: Everts and Stewart, 1874), p. 18 1/4. S 7Record Maps and Descriptive Notes: Hervey_Parke ~£EE§Lgy, Michigan Historical Commission, Archives, RG 62-16. CITY OF JACKSON ORIGINAL LAND 3 5 K SURVEY A G'Tll PARKE II26 FIOI TRACINI Map 3 O wET PRAIRIE MARSH - LAKE -—IN-OIAN TRAIL Lax-S. GRAND RIVER I5 SECTION No. 2 H I I‘ V! . 34 came into the site on the southern boundary (Michigan Avenue) near Blackstone Street (Map 3). Another trail is plotted to the southwest which undoubtedly joined the main trail at the site. The St. Joseph Trail probably crossed the Grand River where Trail Street Bridge now is located. Up to 1937 when dredging removed it, the natural ford remained ‘there in the form of shallow rapids underlaid by a sandstone ledge.8 Although there is some discrepancy between the (early accounts on the exact number and location of the tzrails, this much is clear--the original Blackman location and later-day city were readily accessible by at least tJrree Indian trails, the St. Joseph Trail and two secondary ones. One of the latter led to the southwest, later con- necting Jackson with Spring Arbor village (White Pigeon Tlrailj; the other led north paralleling the river.9 With ‘ 8William G. Fargo, "Indian Trails of Jackson County, blichigan," Centennial of the Incorporation Of Jackson: 1829- 1.929 (Jackson: Jackson Centennial, Inc., 1929), pp. 30-31. fiPhe surveyors' ommission of plotting all the trails and Iriver fords may be due to the complexity of trails converging rlear the Blackman site to which the early historians allude. “The surveyors had to complete a survey of six townships in tzhree months with maps and notes under penalty Of fines Of $31000. Thus speed was essential and the field party could l'lave decided not to record in detail the junction of sev- Etral trails or minor ones. (Record Maps and Descriptive ;§flptes, op. cit.; Hervey Parke Survey Contract, op. cit.) 9William G. Fargo, Map: Jackson County Showing Slgpdian Trails (Jackson, 1929'(2)'7, On fiIe Michigan State 3Luibrary; Fargo, Centennial Of the Incorporation of Jackson: 1829-1929, O . cit.; Wilbert B. Hinsdale, Archaeolcgfizal University of Michigan Press, Atlas of Michi an (Ann Arbor: 1939), Map 5; C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 59. 36 the convergence Of trails, Blackman's location would be- come a logical center from which migrants could branch to the north or southwest but still have access to the main trail route to Detroit. Central location.--Centra1 location was also a primary concern for the selection of the site. Centrality would give it an advantage when the time came for selecting the county seat. Centrality alone, however, did not pre- ordain county seat selection. Up to the time of the set- tlement of Jackson, none of the organized counties to the east had a geographically centered county seat. Detroit, Mt. Clemens, and Monroe had peripheral waterway locations; Pontiac, Ann Arbor, and Tecumseh were several miles from their county centers.lo It might be hypothesized that the combination of early settlement, relatively larger popula— tion, political connections, and centrality were the criti- cal requirements for commissioners selecting the county seat site. When Jacksonburgh was made the county seat, it Possessed these advantages. Indian campground.--Similar perception of the local land by the white pioneer and the aboriginal inhabi- tants for settlement and agriculture is demonstrated by Blackman's decision to use the land much as the Indians had. \ 10It should be noted that only Tecumseh lost its czo‘ll'flty seat designation. Waldron suggests even that shift Czould have been prevented with more astute political action. Waldron, op. cit., p. 83.) 37 :[11<:luded within Blackman's land were both an Indian camp- ggxrcaund near the main trail just west of the river and at ]_eaaast two corn fields. Undoubtedly Blackman reasoned that j_jf the site were dry enough for an Indian campground and vwc>111d support their agriculture, it could also serve his purposes well . Pre-Settlement Physical Landscape and Site Selection An early citizen and local historian, writing figE1:y'years after the founding of Jacksonburgh, concluded theat: the physiographic conditions at the site were not de- sirable for creating a community: .A.more forbidding site for a village or city than ‘that chosen for Jackson could not in all probability Inave been found in the state of Michigan. The low «ground was a swamp. The high land a succession Of sand knolls or hills of a very uneven character, interspersed with springs and bogholes. The river loottom was heavily timbered, very low and wet, and so difficult to improve that it was thirty years after the town was started before there was a good, Twell established street passing through it.11 In spite of the foregoing characterization, it Seems illogical that the party selecting the location de- liberately chose a "forbidden site." Rather they assessed tJVEE surroundings as possessing physical conditions suitable fcxr’ successful settlement. The lands encompassing the Jackson area were not basically different from the lands 1Ying to the east. —\ Between Ann Arbor and Ypsilanti Blackman llMichael Shoemaker, "Jackson County: Historical :figtch of the City of Jackson, Michigan," Michigan Pioneer __.___§istorical Collections, II (1878), p. 274. 38 observed, undoubtedly, that successful cultivation was taking place on the glaciated upland and among the marshes and swamps. He, perhaps, reasoned that similar conditions of bogs, light soils, and heavy timber surrounding his land would not be a deterrent to settlement. Land in the city of Jackson and the county was then, 12 as now, gently undulating. The elevation difference be- tween the lowlands and the ridge paralleling the river and adjacent hills generally exceeds no more than 50 to 100 13 feet. The sharpest rise in elevation was found along the western bank of the river. The land rises one hundred feet from the half-mile wide Grand River flood plain to small Pitted plains, knobby hills, lying at about one thousand feet 0f elevation. The southwest part of the city has the points of greatest height with the summit in Sharp Park attaining 1060 feet.14 Lind assessment for agriculture Evidence that the local area was not considered a Prime agricultural area is provided by the original land \ 12J. O. Veatch, F. W. Trull, J. A. Porter, Soil 341%)! of Jackson Counry, Michigan, NO. 17 (Washington, D.C.: -$— Department Of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry and 50113, 1926), p. 1. 13Map: Michigan, Rives Junction Quadrangle, United States Department of the Interior Geological Survey (Wash- :‘Jngton, D.C.: 1919); Map: Michigan, Jackson Quadrangle, nlted States Department of the Interior Geological Survey (Washington, D.C.: 1935). 14 Ibid. 39 survey maps and notes. These documents indicate seventeen wet prairies and marshes within the city--and not all were plotted (Map 3) .15 In only two places did the survey field party of 1825 rate the land as first class.16 The remainder of the descriptions recorded classified the land about evenly between (1) second rate rolling, thinly to heavily timbered lands, and (2) poor third rate, uneven or poorly- drained lands. Granting that the quality of the land was not first class, it was reasoned that if one carefully chose his land there was enough cultivatable ground to sus- tain farming. In turn, modestly successful farming with trade and a county seat function would insure the town's Survival. In spite of the poorly-drained condition of the wet prairies, they could be easily drained. Even before drainage the wild hay they provided could be used as a source of food for livestock.:L7 Soil and vegetation.--The marsh areas comprised Permanently water-covered land which was occupied by water Plants such as pond lilies, arrowhead, cattails, flag bul- r“Shes, and sedges. Most Of these low places represented 15Record Maps and Descriptive Notes, Op. cit. , 16Ibid. The two places were cited near Ganson and E11“ Streets, the line dividing Sections 35 and 36, (T 2 S, R 1 W) and along Francis Street between Morrell and High itaeets the Section Line between Sections 2 and 3 (T 3 S: R 17Blois, op. cit., pp. 25-26, 224; Fuller, Economic and\Social Beginningg, Op. cit., p. 307. 40 lakes or lakelets in an early state Of filling by vegetation. Stuzh.land had little outright agricultural value as illus- trtited by its relatively late purchase. Wet prairies were ir1 a.1ater stage of pond filling; they were originally covered with wire grass and bluejoint. Tamarack was the principal tree found in the wetter muck and peat swamps with otflner woody plants such as red-osier dogwood, dwarf willow, armi winterberry.18 Along the water coursesjin association Tni1:h.BrOOkston loam soil, an undergrowth of plum, prickly ash, scrub oak, and wild grapevine was common.19 The dominant trees of the area were the varieties 0f oak. Swamp oak, hickory, linden, silver maple, and elm Were found on the wetter mineral soils. On the drier, Sandier soils (Hillsdale sandy loam) black, red, white, and burr oaks and a few hickories were found.20 Black walnut, butternut, sycamore, and aspen were for the most part absent 21 fitcxm the forest which almost entirely shaded the city. Practically all Of the land Of the Hillsdale sandy liDéim.soil type was suitable for agricultural purposes. Its only drawbacks initially were degree of local slope and size and number of stones and boulders present.2 Areas Of \ 18Veatch, op. cit., p. 2. 19Record Maps and Descriptive Notes, Op. cit. . ZOVeatCh: gp_;__C_i_’g-, p. 2; Record Maps and Descrip- % Notes, op. cit. 21Record Maps and Descriptive Notes, op. cit. 22 Veatch, op. cit., p. 10. 41 poor soils such as Carlisle muck and Rifle peat found in the southwest, southeast, and northeast extremities of the city, purchased several years after the initial settlement, clearly indicates that the early farmers who located in what is now the city were generally adept at judging the relative merits o f the land . Local drainage.--Water availability was important to the new town developer from New England. The survival of a town within the American cultural-technological system required a water power site for manufacturing purposes. While the Grand River at Jackson was not as ideally suited for a mill as the sites at Albion, Marshall, Battle Creek, 01: Kalamazoo, it could be dammed for power.23 The Grand River at Jackson may seem insignificant today, but with a higher water table and smaller water crafts, it would be uSed to carry goods downstream.24 In addition to Grand River, two small creeks flowed Within the city. One rose near Franklin and Bower streets \ p 23Fuller, Economic and Social Beginnings, op. cit., ‘ 321. . 24Evidence that the early settlers followed the In- dlans' use of the Grand River comes from Lanman's 1839 guide to emigrants assuring them: "The Grand River flows through 1:his county (Jackson) and is navigable in small boats and canoes to Lake Michigan." In 1836 the Territorial Legisla- t“Ice insured the unimpeded flow of water craft on the river through Jackson by stipulating that the town's second dam Should" . . . not exceed seven feet in height . . . and shall contain a lock not less than 75 feet in length and 16 feet in width for the passage of boats, rafts, and other We~ter craft." (James H. Lanman, History of Michigan (New York: E. French, 1839), p. 287.) 42 and flowed northeasterly across Blackman's property entering Grand River just south Of Ganson Street. Another small creek flowed northwest out of a marsh located near Leroy and Loomis streets. Near the northwest corner of Blackman's land a spring rose, which provided one family with an initial source Of potable water. Another spring was located about a block north of Michigan Avenue just east of Blackstone. Since deer were known to frequent it, they provided an easily obtainable source of meat.25 Considering the condition of the surrounding terri- tory, the intended site for inaugurating a new community was well chosen. Yet, unfortunately for the succeeding inhabitants, Blackman's purchase had an Achilles' heel, a swamp in its southeasterly part along the river and another near the center of his property's southern boundary. But these swamps were ". . . so far from the center [of the intended hamlet] that it Offered, but little Objection" 26 to Blackman in 1829. Within a year, however, the center of town would be placed in or adjacent to these swamps. Morphology of the Inner-City The enduring structure of the inner-city, its lo- cation, street and alley pattern, and public lands were not 25C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 69. 26Lula A. Reed, The Early History Settlement and growth of Jackson, Michigan (Jackson: Jackson County His- torical Society, Reprint 1965), p. 7. 43 determined by the physical characteristics Of the land but by human competition and cultural borrowing. Just before Horace Blackman returned to New York in the fall of 1829 to organize his family for movement to Michigan, he, his brother Russell, and the surveyor Jonathan Stratton, drew plans for their new village. It was a simple rectangular plan. The main street was to be where Trail Street pres- ently is located with three other parallel east-west streets. Intersecting at right angles were the two north-south thoroughfares, with intervening alleys every eight rods.27 Additional plans were made to construct a dam on the river. It was assumed that the Blackman relatives would be able to purchase adjoining parcels Of land the following spring. IVhile the Blackmans were absent, a few men from Ann Arbor 'took up land adjacent to and upstream from the first purchase. 28 Three quarter sections Of land were purchased at rdonroe, directly south Of Blackman's and diagonally upstream, IDetween November and February, 1829-1830. The Owners bought 27C. V. DeLand, Op. cit., p. 60; County of Jackson, IRegister of Deeds, Liber 10, p. 582. 28DeLand in his History of Jackson Counry refers to tile Ann Arbor men taking advantage of a "Equatter act" which ‘Venit into effect January 1, 1830, "that allowed settlers to Pre-empt one hundred and sixty acres by filing a claim and Paying for it within two years (p. 64)." It appears from 'FIMe dates of first land purchases that the act had no effect 111 Jackson's founding. Upstream purchases from Blackman's C=arne as early as November 1 and December 9, 1829. Most <3":her adjacent purchases did not come until April, 1830. (Qfiapkson County Tract Book, op. cit.) 44 the land in order to Obtain control of the river's water power. Additionally, they had a survey and plat for a village Of Jacksonopolis made in the early spring of 1830. The plat extended from the river west to Blackstone Street and from Blackman's property line south to Franklin Street.29 In April, 1830, before the Blackman party from New York arrived in Michigan, a group of permanent settlers and workmen moved to Jackson and started construction of a dam. The foundation of this dam was laid nearly half a mile south of Blackman's line. It was a primitive log dam and brought the water up only four feet.30 The construction (of the dam upstream denied water power to Blackman's in- ‘tended town site and forced the original town planners to Iagree to a combination plat when they arrived at Jackson 31 :in May of 1830. CPhe compromise village plat Early in the summer the third plat, or what is now gyenerally considered to be the original plat of the village <>f Jacksonburgh, was surveyed and drawn by Johathan _i 29C. V. DeLand, Op. cit., pp. 64-65. 30C. V. DeLand, op. cit., pp. 64-65; History Jackson CCHinty (Chicago: Interstate Publishing Co., 1881), p. 176; R- L. Polk, Polk's Jackson City and County Directory: 1903, (Eletroit: R. L. Polk and Co., 1903), map facing title page. 31C. V. DeLand, Op. cit., pp. 64—65. 45 Stratton. The hamlet subsequently evolved according to its plan.32 The form Of the plat was a variation Of the Philadelphia Square. However, it most closely resembles the original plat of Elizabethtown, Kentucky.33 The process by which the town plan was diffused to Jackson is not clear. The men responsible for the planning of Jackson were all from New York or Massachusetts, not from Pennsylvania, the source area Of this trait, or from Ohio and Kentucky, where 34 it was early extended. As Price indicates, the courthouse square was not a New England trait but may have been adopted by people from there because of its simple and convenient lines in laying it out. Settlers took the Philadelphia Square westward into Ohio, where it is Often described, but with little justification, as a New England square. New England settlers may have found the Philadelphia Square con- venient for their purpose, but any New England charac- ter it developed must have been in the bggldings and planting rather than in the ground plan. 32Records of the Michigan Department of Treasury, Auditor General Division, "Plat of the Village of Jackson- lourgh." True COpy of 1830 plat, August 1842 (Lansing), nnicroprint. Plat Number 9128. . 33Edward T. Price, "The Central Court House Square :Ln the American County Seat," The Geographical Review, JJVIII (January, 1968): PP. 30, 45. 34Ibid., pp. 41, 44. 35Ibid., p. 44. It appears questionable that J. Stratton established the pattern of the plat as his 1830 Plat Of Dexter, Michigan, does not possess the alleys or other features found in the Jackson plat. Yet he, as a sllrveyor, may well have been aware of town plan variations and suggested its design as DeLand stated; Blackman's first Plat contained a public square and alleys. 46 Jackson's town plan originally centered on one large public square. From it were extended the hamlet's two six- rod wide principle avenues (Map 4). St. Joseph Street (later Main Street and Michigan Avenue) was placed on Blackman's south property line. Jackson Street, the prin- ciple north-south thoroughfare was placed at the mid-point of Blackman's property. Whether it was intended or not,' there were no roadways platted around or through the square. Perhaps by default, Jackson Street and Main Street were run through the center Of the public square thus dividing the square into four small squares. The lack of roadways around the square was one factor in the sale of sections Of it twenty years later. Effect Of compromise plat The chief benefit secured by the community from the compromise plat was that it helped to centralize settlement .and reduced the chance of competing nuclei from developing. :Less advantageous was that the compromise plat placed the <:enter of the hamlet and its main street on poorly drained Lland. For example, there was a swamp extending a half mile ‘toithe east where Michigan Avenue crossed Grand River, which for three decades cost the community much time, effort, and money to make the business district accessible from the ealst. Another swamp in the southwest corner Of the public Sguare made building construction difficult. Travel on the Inain street was also impeded, due to a small creek which 1.11;!an 31F may. REE E HHS ill I HHEI HI‘H HHI IIH I" HHHIiIIR EH “HHHII HHH HHH '! “7' ANN. 47 «1% 24%, 37/44? 1/ (7% MM 1.9/7,“ MW fie affine/(L, . .-~?—i‘:—%_’r~i' HH HHHI\3~< . "EH EELHEH ‘1 HHIH HI:- WEE EIEIE'E _' 'I‘Uiiipi ”W‘s!“ I “Li,— I: >1}; ; HHEI "flat. *’"’I t. ' EI [ULILM : M13513; I West Ran "cg 1 East - Map 4 48 bordered the west side of the public square and crossed the main street near it. A third swamp covered a four-block long area from just southwest of the public square to a point south of Blackstone and Mason streets. Taking up the land Once the hamlet's actual survey and lot stakes were in place, the sale of lots commenced. To forestall absentee land owners and speculators from buying in the community, lots were sold with a resident proviso. The proviso re- quired lot purchasers to build immediately upon their lot and occupy it.36 By the end of the year the hamlet had developed, comprised of about twenty log homes and combina- tion business establishments. Moreover, the center pos- sessed most of the elements and institutions of a well— Iplanned colony. Yet, most of the present-day city was held :in farm-sized land holdings. Of the contemporary city's 6,891 acres, less than £150 were devoted to town life in 1830. The land that is 110w in the city was purchased primarily from the Government Ihand Offices at Monroe and White Pigeon in 76 parcels (Map 5). There were three quarter sections purchased in .15329, but surprisingly the last initial purchase from the government did not come until 1872. In that year the final 4C) acres in the extreme northeast corner of the city, the 36Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., p. 11. CITY OF JACKSON 49 s 5 Inc 5 I 6456 842 6/33 6/3I /30 I34. I35 /35 /36 | : 4/3s:6/36 I “V35 660 7/30 I 9450 4/30 2 7/31 8/35 6/32 3/ u /35 30 ' 5/250 460 4450 7/29 “/30 I0/30 9/m 9/:'n 6/ ”/30 3° “/3. "/30 '2/2. . '0/30 A“ “/32 ' 1% I vs 6/3. 6/3. E /3 ‘ 24. 7.. :64. . '245'045'2/3. : 6/35 : V36 5/36 76:5 IAG 6/3I 9/35 26 6/30 9/35 9/35 H/ '2/35 5Vans 7/35 6 36 ll/ 8/35 2/3I 7/34 ”/35 I 35 FIRST LAND 5 ~%.2 H m PURCHASES /30, /35 944 8/zs:5 I829 - |872 7 ~135- 2/30 DATE OF PURCHASE souncvucxson COUNTY 7/35 FROM LAND OFFICE me? Back I__; (FEBRUARY, l830) o u, u “""' LAND BOUGHT BY SAME INDIVIDUAL Map 5 49 CITY OF JACKSON i ”/45 2/30 “/35 V35 PURCHASES 844 I 8/35 I829 - I872 7 ”/35. 2/30 DATE OF PURCHASE SOURCE=JACKSON COUNTY 7,35 FROM LAND OFFICE TRACT aoox ‘ (FEBRUARY, I830) “UL“ o I]: I ’-"’" LAND BOUGHT BY SAME INDIVIDUAL Map 5 5 Inc 5 I /36 8/72 6/32s 6/3l 5/30 A4! 255 /36 /36 ' ' 4/36' 6/36 ' I ' I0 6 7 I9 4/ /35 7/ a/ 6/ ISO /30. /30 30 2 / an 35 32 I 35 3/30 ' 5/30 41‘50 4/30 7/29 4/50 '0/30 s/m 9/3I 5/ lo/zso 3° "/30 2/30 ”/2. '0/30 6/3| 6/ 32 ' IO I I 6/3. 7.. E / A‘ 24.. 6/30 :73. 4‘ '2/35'945'2/3. I 6/55 I V36 ‘7 7/35 '66 7 3‘ 73. / 26 7.. 7.. 7.. H/ '24. / /35 6 36 "/35 W" I" / I” FIRST LAND 50 Thompson Lake and swamp, was transferred to private owner- 37 ship. By the end of 1830 a little over one-third of the city had shifted to private ownership. Population, Settlement, and its Origin The people who came to Jackson to take up the land and set the initial occupance pattern were dominantly New Yorkers. Of the twenty men who made the first purchase of land in the city from the Land Office at Monroe during 1829 and 1830, fifteen were from New York, one came from England but did not settle, and four indicated Washtenaw County, Michigan, as their place of residence. The first home in the city was Blackman's twenty- by—thirty-foot gabled roof log cabin which was built by Horace and Russell Blackman in the fall of 1829. It was located on Trail Street at the southwest intersection of Ingham Street.38 The beginning of permanent settlement at Jackson— burgh started with the arrival of the dam building party from Ann Arbor in late March. This group consisted of nineteen individuals. Three of the men had already located land near Blackman's and two others did by the end of the first week in April. The other men bought lots in the 37Jackson County Tract Book, op. cit. 38Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., p. 17; Mary G. lDeLand, E. M. Sheldon Stewart, T e First Settlements of IJackson," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, V (1882), p. 348. 51 community once it was platted in the summer. Women in the frontier hamlet included two of the workmen's wives.39 On May 27, 1830, the first segment of the Blackman group from Berkshire, Tioga County, New York, arrived at the village site. By the middle of June the six others in the Blackman group arrived.40 With the establishment of the founding groups and their resolution to minimize destructive competition, the settlement became permanent. By the end of the year about thirty families had settled in the city but not all within the bounds of the platted village.41 Although the majority of families had come from New York, there were three fam- ilies from Massachusetts, two each from Maine, Pennsylvania, and Ohio.42 By November, 1830, 147 inhabitants were in the county with 123 located in or near the settlement.43 Population growth near the center of the county indicated Jackson- burgh's supremacy from its inception as the county's primate city. Additionally, it indicated that town development led 39History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., pp. 174-176. 40 . C. V. DELand, OE. Clto’ pp. 65—67, 326-330. 41 Jackson Citizen Patriot, September 19, 1937, Section 3, p. 2; Thomas, 1867-1868, 0p. cit., p. 15. 42Jackson Citizen Patriot, September 19, 1937, Section 3, p. 2. 43 C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 75. 52 rural development. During the year smaller settlements were started in other parts of the county. Four families were located at Grass Lake, one family each was located in Leoni and in Brooklyn; a mestizo family was living in Waterloo.44 The route to Michigan Those who came to Jackson from New York generally followed the Erie Canal-Lake steamer route to Detroit. The Blackman's route may be taken as a typical example. They came by horse and wagon to Ithaca, New York, and from there embarked on a canal barge and were floated to Buffalo, New York, on Lake Erie. From that point they took passage on the emigrantS' steamer “filliam Penn for a five-day journey to Detroit. An additional two days were needed to reach Ann Arbor yia_the Chicago Road to Ypsilanti and the Terri- torial Road west of it, by horse-drawn wagon. In all, the trip from Tioga County to Ann Arbor took twelve days.45 44Ibid. A precise enumeration of the composition of the p1ace's population in 1830, a census year, does not exist. The national census taken in November included Jackson in Washtenaw County. Of the sixty-seven men listed by Thomas as coming to Jackson in 1830 only eight are shown on the census registration rolls of Washtenaw County. Those eight were recorded at Dexter and account for fifty persons (23 males, 10 females, and 17 children under 20). Undoubt- edly, because men had to travel to Dexter or four other stations in Washtenaw County, they chose not to take the time to be counted. (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifth Lgpited States Census: 1830. Population Schedule, Michigan, iNational Archives; Record Group 29 Records of the Bureau ()f Census, sheets 159, 160, Microprint 69, Michigan State Library . ) 45C. V. DeLand, op. cit., pp. 63-64. 53 Initial Settlement and Activities During the initial year of permanent occupation, 1830, the essential residential, political, and production activities were established. Most commercial and production activities were located within the original plat, the only exception being a sawmill and farming. Although many of the founding pioneers of the hamlet possessed specialized skills, most individuals worked at more than one job until the ham~ let had grown large enough to permit a more specialized division of labor. Agriculture In 1830 land devoted to farming was the most exten- sive land use within the present-day city. Previous Indian occupation, as in the case of the original site selection for the village, contributed to the location of the first plowed fields. An Indian cornfield located between Black- man's Creek and Ganson Street was the first field plowed. This field extended west from Jackson Street about an eighth of a mile.46 The breaking plow, a large implement pulled by four to six yoke of oxen and controlled by three men, was used. By fall at least six fields of wheat were planted.47 Besides work on the wheat fields, gardens Ivere spaded and started near the homes. During the first 46History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 177; IFhomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., pJ'IGZ 47History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 177. 54 growing season "A bountiful supply of potatoes, had been raised, and pumpkins, squashes, cabbages and turnips stored in cellars and pits for winter use."48 Early manufacturing and service activities Manufacturing in the initial year of occupance was relatively limited and for the most part associated with housing needs. Production in the home was geared to comfort and functional items. Pole bedsteads, three-legged stools, and cross-legged tables were made. Bed ticks and pillows were stuffed with marsh grass and cattails from the swamp where Fields Department Store is now located.49 Home manu- facturing and the establishment of the community's dam and first sawmill reflected the pioneers' attempt to copy the way of life they had been used to in New York and New England. While log cabins or local sandstone or cobble- stone could have provided adequate housing, frame struc— tures typical of the Northeast were preferred by the pio- neers. Thus the dam and sawmill were erected to meet the cultural need. The first lumber produced in the fall went into im— proving the community's temporary log housing-~flooring, E 48C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 76. 49History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., pp. 175-180; Reed, op. cit., p. 16. 55 50 Later in the spring of 1831 frame doors, and shelving. structures began to appear. To process locally available hides, a tannery was started by two Germans from Ann Arbor, but it continued in operation only until 1833.51 The construction of the dam and sawmill attracted the services of a blacksmith and a millwright. When con- struction was completed, the individuals remained in the hamlet to continue their trade. Anticipating the health needs of the new hamlet, two physicians settled there in 1830. Yet, because of few accidents and general good health, their services were not needed until about 1832 when Michigan ague became a common affliction.52 The taverns, competition and the hamlet's core area The initial competitive activities involved two taverns, one owned by Blackman's father and brother, the other by the owners of the southern half of the village plat and sawmill. The taverns formed the nucleus of the first business district which has continued to modern times <3n Michigan Avenue (Map 6). They were located near each cather on opposite sides of the main street, just east of 50C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 67; History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 176. 5J'Historyof Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., pp. 180, 218. 52Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., pp. 16-17. 56 (’1 CITY OF JACKSON 7 D D GANSON WI OWOOD TRAIL X 1’ JOSEPH) N I ' . . IMGM’A I.” 4 non: ‘ E3 I .6 <2: 9i; U) x o g S E TT L E M E N TS ..__..I L |830 II VERIFIED I:I PROBABLE- :2 ORIGINAL PLAT — I969 CITY LIMITS - DAM-SAWMILL 0 £30 «x» I 7—‘7- Ill? Map 6 57 the first alley east of the public square. Blackman's Tavern was a large double log building made of tamarack logs, forty-by-fifty feet, two stories high.53 I. W. Bennett and W. R. Thompson built a smaller double log structure with two rooms on the south side of the street.54 Thus, the tallest buildings in town were in the business district from the beginning of the city's settlement. The Bennett-Thompson structure was the second building in the hamlet and the first one on the town's main street; it was built in February or March, 1830. It had a loft upper floor, made from split logs; the lower floor was made of the same material.55 The owners of the southern half of the village, in selecting the site for their tavern, undoubtedly considered three things: one, by placing their Operation as near the St. Joseph Trail as possible, it would better enable them to attract travelers to their inn without unnecessary additional travel; two, by putting their tavern between Blackman's cabin on Trail Street and the dam-sawmill, it could then intercept individuals going to or from the mill; third, by locating on the property line, a more powerful argument could be presented to the Blackmans for compro- Inising village plats. * 53Ibid., p. 33; Reed, 0 . cit., p. 11; Jackson critizen Patriot, September 19, 5937, Section 3, p. 2. 54C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 65; Thomas, 1867-1868, 053. cit., pp. 11, 135, 21 . 55M. G. DeLand, Stewart, op. cit., p. 349. 58 The two home-taverns on Michigan Avenue served as public meeting places as well as being the political and 56 These inns intercepted economic centers for the hamlet. the westwarding travelers "spying the land" for new home- steads. At the taverns were told the merits and logic of settling in or near Jackson. Sometimes knowledge of the prairie or oak openings to the west or individual deter- mination to look further before deciding on a location attracted many beyond the hamlet in spite of the promo— tional efforts by the founders. Initial commercial trade Other commercial activities in addition to the taverns to support the needs of the developing hamlet can also be traced from the first year of white habitation. In the initial year two general stores were opened. One sold mostly dry goods and went out of business in two weeks when the supply was sold out. The second store was located at first in the DeLand cabin with the town's first cobbler.57 56The taverns in Jackson with their multi-purpose town center activities, were typical to New England and other East Coast taverns of colonial and later times. For a more detailed discussion of old inns see: Charles S. Boyer, Old Inns and Taverns in West Jersey (Camden: Camden (Sounty, New Jersey Historical Society, 1962); Edward Field, jghe Colonial Tavern (Providence, Rhode Island: Preston and Rounds , 1897) . 57This cabin-store-shop located at Blackstone and P’earl streets had a split basswood slab lower floor raised about two feet off the ground. The section nearest the centered fireplace was not floored and was used as a fire- side seat. This home also had a glass window, "a great luxury" at that time. (M. G. DeLand, Stewart, op. cit., p.. 350; C. V. DeLand, op. cit., pp. 76, 335.) 59 This store had a greater variety of goods including clothes, hardware, whiskey, and groceries. In the spring the store was relocated in the town's first frame structure which was built on the northeast corner of the public square facing Jackson Street.58 Influencing the location was undoubtedly the fact that Jackson Street carried the greatest volume of traffic during 1830. Trade linkages During the first year of occupation, before agri— culture and other production activities develOped, most trading was with the established communities to the East. The greatest source of cash came from individuals passing through or those locating in the area. Due to the limited quantities of money available in the community, the eco- nomic system reverted at times to bartering as a system of exchange. The infrequent trade interaction which took place in the first year was generally with Dexter, Ann Arbor, Plymouth, Detroit, and sometimes Monroe. Except for flour most settlers came supplied with a year's provisions which were usually bought at Ann Arbor. For flour, one of the community's first women states: It was the Jackson custom to send a team [to Ann Arbor] for a load of flour, and then divide it in the neigh- borhood according to the size of the families, each family bearing its proportion of the expenses and pay— ing a share of the purchase money.59 58History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 217. 59M. G. DeLand, Stewart, op. cit., p. 351. 60 Regardless of the supplies brought in and the garden produce harvest of the first season, the winter of 1830—1831 was precarious. Food was scarce and prices high. No pork or potatoes could be bought nearer than Plymouth. Those obliged to buy had to take a trip requiring a week or more.60 The first winter the hamlet benefited greatly from the local Indians who traded at the general store and at individual homes. Wild game, fish, and maple sugar were exchanged for bread, coffee, tea, pork, and whiskey. In addition the pioneers supplemented their larder by hunting, trapping and fishing.61 ImprovingAccess to the Center of Town From the inception of the idea to locate a town on Grand River, the St. Joseph Indian Trail was to be the pri- mary access route to and through it. In the fall of 1829 the Territorial Legislature authorized a Territorial Road to be laid out west from the Sheldon Tavern Corner [Plymouth] in Wayne County " . . . to Grand River where the St. Joseph Trail crosses the same . . ." then on to the mouth of the 62 St. Joseph River. The road was marked from Sheldon's 60 History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., pp. 222-223. 61Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., pp. 12-13; c. v. IDeLand, op. cit., p. 71. 62Territorial Laws of Michigan, II, November 4, 1829, p. 744. 61 Corner to the Blackman location between January 4 and 14, 1830. The Territorial Road entered the city from the east on Ganson Street, then deviated south following Trail Street from atop Moody Hill down to the ford. From the crossing place it jogged north again to Ganson Street.63 With the actual development of the town beginning to conform to the compromise village plat during the summer of 1830, access to the platted main street was indirect. Traffic followed the Territorial Road across the ford, then turned south onto Jackson Street to the square. This cir- cuitous route was used because Main Street had no connection with the Territorial Road. To alleviate this situation and encourage direct access into the business and political center of town, two diagonal extensions to the Territorial Road were cleared. The east diagonal (East Michigan Avenue) commenced at Otsego (then Mill Street), the east limit of the village plat. The west extension, Wildwood Avenue (then North Main) began at the west limits of the village.64 One of the original pioneers contributed a de- scription of road building problems faced by not having Main Street on line with the Indian route: The ground on each side of the river was swampy and miry and nobody could get to the river there when it was not frozen over. So the timber was cut and drawn 63C. V. DeLand, op. cit., pp. 61, 76-77. 64;p;g.. p. 77; Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., p. 16. 62 on the ice and placed in position for a roadway when the spring came. A bridge was also built of timber and covered with split logs. The woods on the east side of the river were very dense, and the land swampy as far east as Page Avenue. The trees were cut out and a crossway built to that point. Before spring a roadway was opened east and west to the Territorial Road, . . .65 During the winter months of 1830—1831 both Jackson- ites and Ann Arborites working from their respective outskirts made improvements on the main highway. Bridging and corduroying soft spots were the primary objectives. Additionally, a pole bridge was built across Grand River at the Territorial Road crossing point, thereby eliminating the dip to the ford. In the built-up area of the hamlet there were no actual streets. People went about their business without regard to the right angles outlined by the survey stakes.66 Even with the score or so log houses which had been erected, the rectangular pattern of the city's street network was hardly discernible. Political Institutions and Control From the inception of the settlement, Jackson was attached to the Territorial or National Government for con- trol. The closest relationship the inland hamlet had to the l?ederal Government was with the United States Post Office. ¥ 65C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 77. 66Thomas, 1867-1868, op. cit., p. 17. 63 The office was kept in the Bennett-Thompson Tavern. This agency of the government made its influence felt in two ways: one, by the identity it gave to the place, and two, through the flow of communication it carried between dis- tant places. At first the mail was irregularly delivered depending upon travelers between Ann Arbor and "Jacksonop- olis." Later, in 1830, a regular once-a-week schedule was set up with an appointed carrier traveling between the two centers.67 Through the years the city has had three commonly used names. When the Territorial Road was being laid out, the commissioners voted to officially name the place Jacksonburgh.68 This name was used, but because so many places were named in honor of President Jackson, the Post Office altered it to Jacksonopolis, the same name as the township in which the hamlet was later situated in 1830. Both names were used until March 6, 1838, when the hamlet's identification was officially changed by State law to Jackson.69 Political organization At the time of Blackman's purchase, control of the Iarea was vested in the Territorial Government. However, 67C. V. DeLand, op. cit., p. 72; History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 178. 68Historyof Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 178. 69Laws of Michigan 1837-1838, March 6, 1838, p. 81. 64 with the surge of immigration into the interior during the fall of 1829, twelve counties including Jackson County were 70 A week later the Legislative Council set off and named. attached Jackson and Ingham counties to Washtenaw County and made them a part of Dexter Township.71 The beginning of independent local government came in mid-summer 1830 with the organization of the Township of Jacksonopolis co-terminus with the county boundaries.72 Whether the hamlet was officially the county seat during 1830 is unclear. As early as March 31, 1830, three commissioners reported the selection of Jacksonburgh as county seat to Governor Cass. They predicted its proba- bility of being chosen later as the future State's capital. To His Excellency Lewis Cass, Governor of the Terri- tory of Michigan: We, the undersigned commissioners appointed to designate the county seat of the county of Jackson, have the honor to report that we have executed the trust reposed in us. (Here follows a glowing de- scription of Jackson county.) Then the report says: In pursuance of the act passed by the last Legislative 70Territorial Laws of Michigan, II, October 29, 1829, p. 737. . 71Territorial Laws of Michigan, II, November 4, 1829, p. 745; November 5, 1829, p. 787; III, June 26, 1832, p. 929. It was a common procedure for newly-formed but un- organized counties to be administered by an organized county until such time as the new county's population increased to a point warranting formal organization. Even though Jackson County had a defined area and name, records and justice were administered from Ann Arbor until 1832. 721bid., II, July 30, 1831, p. 839. 65 Council, a territorial road, called the St. Joseph's road, was last winter laid directly through the heart of the Peninsula. * * * * * Where this road crosses Grand river, about seventy miles west of Detroit, and thirty-five miles from Ann Arbour, a flourishing vil- lage is commenced, and the proprietors are erecting mills. The road was opened last winter as far west as Grand river, by a company of citizens of Ann Arbour, who, together with the commissioners gave the village the name of Jacksonburgh. We speak confidently when we say the State capitol will be at Jacksonburgh. So sanguine were we in our belief that we required the proprietors to appropriate ten acres of land for a State House square * * * upon a commanding eminence near the upper end of this village; at a point south 62° six chains from the southwest corner of the south- west quarter of section 34, town 2 south, range 1 west, we have stuck the stake for the county seat. The proprietors have given a court house square, a public square, four meeting house squares, one college square. All of which is respectfully submitted. Oliver Whitmore Bethuel Farrnad Jona. F. Stratton March Blst, 183073 In contradiciton to this 1830 report of designation i_s a.February 6, 1831, Proclamation of Governor Cass: And whereas, Henry Rumsey, Chauncy S. Goodrich and John Allen Esquires, were appointed commissioners to locate the seat of justice of the county of Jackson, and have proceeded to execute the said duty, and have by a report signed by them, located the seat of justice . . . at the village of Jacksonopolis . . . , I,do here- by issue this proclamation, establishing the seat . . . of the county of Jackson at the said village of Jack- sonopolis, . . .74 73"Jackson County," Michigan Pioneer and Historical mlections, I (1877), p. 198. 74Territorial Laws of Michigan, II, February 2, 1831, p. 807. 66 With assurance of the county seat activity for Jack- son by the winter of 1830-1831, the centripetal forces which that designation afforded began centralizing judicial and professional activities which has continued to the present day. In a few years after its selection, the county government imprint would be observable to the visitor of the place. Summary At the end of the first year of occupance, the cul- tural imprint of the New Yorker-New Englander was not readily discernible. The town pattern lacked definition by construc- ted buildings. The structures erected were frontier expedi- ents quickly shaped from local resources. Frame homes and shops with glass windows were absent as were New England's ubiquitous schools, churches, and public edifices. The livelihood of the community hung in balance on the skill and luck of hunting and fishing in addition to barter trade with the aborigines. The money economy and technological produc- tion heritage of the migrants were not yet dominant. On the other hand, the native landscape showed signs of culture change. Numerous trees yielded to the axe near 'the homes and roadways, bridges and unnaturally straight 1:oads began to take form. Taverns, home-stores, bootmaking, bzlacksmithing, dam building and the sawmill all gave evi- dmence that the founders desired to create a replica of their fandliar cultural-technological organization which they 67 had left. Yet, even with their Northeastern cultural bag- gage, the initial occupance year reflects the adaption and borrowing from the Indians. This was especially true in the selection of the site and the land first cultivated. More than anything 1830 was a year of expedients and improvization. CHAPTER III THE CITY OF JACKSON 1870: EMERGENT RAILROAD AND INDUSTRIAL CENTER With the passage of time and human activity, Jackson in 1870 appeared in a different guise. Its decaying wooden frame stores downtown contrasted with many interspersed new three and four-story brick and stone edifices. These busi— ness structures extended from the public square east over the river nearly to the Michigan Central Railroad tracks (Map 7). The commercial structures in addition to manufac- turing shops and mills, also in the city's center, on Pearl (formerly Luther) Street, along the river, and railroad tracks, gave the place a developing industrial appearance. The seven parallel tentacles of railroad tracks leading from Jackson gave expression to the city's role as a nucleus of manufacturing, trade, and as an agglomeration of peOple. A variety of white frame and brick homes had re- placed the log cabin homes of the earlier era (Figs. 1-4). 'The log taverns also were no longer in evidence by 1870. {Phe public square had become a rectangle as the east half c>f it had been used for commercial sites. Cobblestones had Jreplaced the mud and dust of Main Street. Nevertheless, the 68 CITY OF JACKSON 69 —_ O .__f—‘ QCALE STATE TJ‘ PRISON CI \ 3 I “. I n 3 “,0. .R. , t 0 6) - 4T D O T "I K ' H t + T ff. 0 PAR QK I $. $. [$.F 9' o N ““5. LAND USE I870 g I MIXED MANUFACTURING AND COMMERCIAL D PUBLIC Cf} CEMETERY r CHURCH O COAL MINE Q BUILT-UP AREA Map 7 AFTER; J.S. BIRD IB7I 70 Fig. 1.——Single-story home typical of area between VanDorn Street and Grand River settled by Germans and Irish circa 1870. Note sandstone foundation. (411 Detroit) Fig. 2.-~Two—story double rectangular house built in 1870, typical of New England source area and farm homes of Michigan in the mid—1800's. (Harris & Trail Street) 71 downtown section of the city was in an upheaval with the streets dug up for the laying of pipes for the city's first water system. The forest of oaks, basswood, hickory, and tamarack were only rarely observed in farm woodlots. More enduring in the transformation of the place were the hills, Grand River, Blackman Creek and the river valleys, but even they had not survived unaltered by the gnawing and chopping hand of man. The streets and alley- ways, although only embryonically discernible in 1830, had become defined according to the village plat with the building of stores and houses. Although the central part of the city had an urban character, much of the city's land was still used for agriculture. The farmsteads generally consisted of white frame two-story, double rectangular homes, gable-roofed barns, and horse sheds (Figs. 2, 4). Fields of mixed grains with a garden plot and orchards of apples, peaches, and pears surrounded the buildings. During 1830-1870 Jackson's originally relatively homogeneous population had become heterogeneous. Its 11,447 inhabitants (third largest city in the State) were a mixture of varied nationalities and races. Germans, Irish, Englishmen and Negroes had begun to combine their skills with the pioneers and their off-spring to fashion a loetter place in which to live. Dwelling space for homes, Igardens, and horse barns necessitated increasing amounts of 72 Fig. 3.-—Sharp family farmhouse circa 1840. (Stonewall and Horton road) Fig. 4.--Boarding house circa 1870. (VanDorn and East Pearl) 73 land devoted to residential use. Similarly, increases were needed for land devoted to commercial, manufacturing, and transportation uses. With the increase in population, the occupied area of the village expanded and the community's political territory was enlarged to include 5760 acres. Areal Growth 1830-1870 In the four decades preceding 1870, the territory of the political city expanded to nine-tenths of its con- temporary area. During the first decade of pioneer settle- ment, the community could be classified as a hamlet. At that time it existed politically as an unincorporated village in Jackson Township.1 Slow pioneerpgrowth.--From 1830 to about 1837 growth at Jackson was quite modest in comparison to towns farther west in Michigan. Illustrations of the restrained growth at Jackson come from several sources. For example, no plat additions to the original were made until 1836 (Map 8).2 As late as January, 1837, when William Monroe arrived in Jackson, only about twenty-six structures including four 3 stores existed in the hamlet. Additionally, Fuller quoted 1Jackson Township was formed in 1837 comprising the area which became in 1857 Summit and Blackman Townships. (Laws of Michigan 1837, March 11, 1837, pp. 35-36.) Until 1837'the7hamlet was a part of Jacksonopolis Township which varied in size as the county increased in pOpulation and new townships were formed. 2Plats City of Jackson, Michigan Historical Com- Inission, Archives. 3Historyof Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., p. 238. 74 CITY OF JACKSON l869 AREAL GROWTH IBSO-IBTO INCORPORATED AREAS PLATTED SUBDIVISIONS l843 v I LLAG E T I830 's I844-48 VILLAGE I840'8 I857 CITY I850'8 I869 CITY #:l‘s/zzggau: [:3 I860's,l870‘8 75 the Detroit Free Press of January 18, 1836, stating: "The operation of various causes, unconnected with its real advan- tages, has here to fore restrained the growth of this place." Explanations for slow growth.--At the start of the pioneer period the mere facts of centrality and county seat were not enough to overcome other problems. The low swampy site did not encourage settlement, especially when it was understood that such places were the cause of the dreaded Michigan ague. Furthermore, community leadership was lost in 1834 when I. W. Bennett, the owner of the southern part of the village plat, moved to Union City (Branch County) and in 1835 when Lemuel Blackman met an untimely death. One contributing problem was that many migrants traveling west avoided the Territorial Road preferring the Chicago Road evidently because of its relatively better condition.4 Rev. Pilcher, the community's first Methodist circuit-rider minister found other reasons: . . . , to wit: that many of the first settlers were but of limited means and could not make necessary outlays, and again it soon acquired a'hard name for morals.5 Notwithstanding its problems in its founding years, the general financial crisis Of 1837 appears to have been less detrimental to Jackson than to other communities. 4Fuller, Economic and Social Beginnings, op. cit., pp. 339-340. 5Jackson Daily Citizen, February 26, 1870, quoting letter from Rev. Elijah Pilcher. 76 Between 1836 and 1840 the number of structures increased from about 26 to 200 in use for businesses and dwellings.6 The location of the State prison and the expected connection with the Central Railroad showed their impact in growth. Village incogporation In response to the rate of growth occurring with the construction of the State prison in 1838 and the Michigan Central Railroad in 1841, the decision was made to incor- porate the village in 1843 (Map 8). The area at first in- corporated enclosed land bounded by the present-day Fourth Street (west) and Edgewood (east); the north limit was a line east and west from the Lansing-Stewart intersection; the south limit was located just south of Oakwood.7 For some reason lost to history, the village limits were re- duced in 1844. The original village incorporation enclosed a territory 480 rods on a side, but the 1844 Act made the village a rectangle with 320 rods on its east and west limits and 440 rods on its north and south limits.8 These boundaries were marked by the modern avenues of Fourth, Ganson, Ellery-Johnson and Morrell; however, not until the 6History of Jackson County, 1881, op. cit., pp. 238, 495. 7Laws of Michigan 1843, March 7, 1843, p. 117. 8Laws Of Michigan 1844, February 20, 1844, pp. 12- 13. These boundariEs were reconfirmed in 1848, Laws of Qgichigan 1848, April 3, 1848, p. 258. 77 period 1853-1858 did these streets become marked on the - landscape. This smaller area for the village was retained until the village was incorporated as a city in 1857.9 Incorporation as a city In the late 1850's with the village population nearly 4000 and the outlook optimistic for a more rapid growth due to the new Jackson Branch-Michigan Southern Railroad con- nection, the village leaders petitioned to have the place incorporated as a city. Unlike the leaders of the previous decade, the city founders proposed boundaries nearly coin- ciding with the built-up area. Between 1857, the year the State Legislature incorporated the city, and 1869 Jackson was nearly a square 540 by 532 rods. In contemporary times these first city boundaries are fixed on the land as West, North, McBride, and Wilson-Kennedy streets. However, none of these streets were ever connected to form a continuous outline of the originally incorporated city. Due to the rapid growth of the community's population in the post-Civil War period the City Council acted to ex- pand the city's territory from 1795.5 acres to 5760 acres (Table 5).10 Between 1869 and 1926 the territory of the Exolitical city remained unchanged. 9 24 0—244. Laws of Michigan 1857, February 14, 1857; PP. 10Laws of Michigan 1869, March 24, 1869, pp. 653- 65M! 78 TABLE 5 JACKSON VILLAGE AND CITY AREAL POLITICAL GROWTH AND DIMENSIONS Year Acres Sq. Miles E-W, N-S Dimensions 1843 1440 2.25 1.5 x 1.5 miles 1844 880 1.21 1.37 x 1 miles 1857 1795.5 2.80 1.69 x 1.66 miles 1869 5760 9.00 3 x 3 miles Population Composition and Growth Similar to Michigan and the United States as a whole, Jackson has been one of the meccas for foreign set- tlement. From its founding until 1870, Canada, England- Wales, the German states, and Ireland were the chief sources of Jackson's and Michigan's foreign element. Although Jackson's population was relatively homogeneous in 1830, four decades later nearly one-fifth of its population was foreign born; 2,448 out of 11,447. In addition to the diversity of the foreign born there were 359 Negroes re- siding in the city. Negro settlement As a result of the great wave of anti-slavery re- form which spread westward from New York, people of Afro- ZAmerican descent increasingly became a part of the popu— J_ation. Sometime in the late 1830’s George Nichols, a 79 fugitive slave, arrived and settled in the hamlet and is recorded as the site's first black resident.ll By 1849 fourteen blacks and mulattoes were recorded as living in the township of Jackson.12 Although there appears to be no record Of where the first Negroes lived, evidence tends to indicate an area centered in the two blocks east of the Michigan Central Railroad tracks on the north side of Michigan Avenue. By 1870 this area included blacks north from the main street on Milwaukee to Quarry Street (Map 9).13 In the same yea;,blacks were dispersed in an area south and east of Michigan Avenue and Francis Street. A smaller area of mixed settlement was established north of the prison grounds near Blackstone and North Streets. Two facts support the opinion that the Michigan-Milwaukee area was the original core of black settlement. One, in 1853 Hart's map shows only six scattered buildings southeast of 14 Michigan and Francis Streets. None of these buildings had colored living in them according to the 1872-1873 City 11Jackson Citizen Patriot, September 19, 1937, Section 3, p. 13. 12U.S. Bureau of the Census, Sixth United States Egensus: 1840, Michigan Population, JaEkson County Sche-