' 7 " THEVANCOWERSIKHS ‘ AN ETHNIC coMMuum "N CANADAPQ‘f‘7’ . .. A , Dissertatien for the Degree ef Ph D ' " A MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ' JAMES GAYLORD CHADNEY 1976 Lm 1.? A R Y Michigan State Univsreét)’ IIII;IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII This is to certify that the thesis entitled :5” THE VANCOUVER SIKHS: AN ETHNIC COMMUNITY IN CANADA presented by James Gaylord Chadney has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for 'MA—degree in AMA/[K/ Mew/r7 /w @4442/1/— Major professor Date €54 C4V7' J, /V% : 0-7639 é’/¢/é9 7 ABSTRACT THE VANCOUVER SIKHS: AN ETHNIC COMMUNITY IN CANADA BY James Gaylord Chadney The first East Indians to migrate to Canada in 1904 were from the Punjab. They settled in British Columbia and formed the beginnings of an ethnic community. Since that time, the community has grown in both size and complexity. As in all ethnic communities in a migrant setting the Vancouver Sikhs are engaged in competition for material resources. This competition has been focused primarily (although not exclusively) on the lumber mill industry centered in Vancouver. The particular economic focus of the community has influenced all areas of the Sikh's behavior. They have been adapting the structural and cognitive patterns of the punjab to their present circumstances in order to exploit the economic opportunities of Canada while, at the same time, maintaining a strong identity with their past. This study is an attempt to examine that adaptational process by looking at the changes and continuities extant within the economic, human, socio-political, and religious arenas of interaction. The investigative techniques employed in the study included participant observation, interviews, the collection of census and immigration data, and the utilization of key informants. These techniques yielded a relatiVely ll James Gaylord Chadney complete ethnographic and historic account of the Vancouver Sikhs which provides a framework for the description and explanation of ethnic phenomena and how these phenomena relate to the process of ethnic adaptation. The process of ethnic adaptation is a process of accommodating to the larger Canadian society by foregoing some aspects of traditional Punjabi culture. All of the major alterations in the traditional patterns can be either subsumed within the economic arena or can be shown to have a direct link to resource competition. The process of ethnic adaptation is also a process of maintaining ethnic boundaries which are defined by ethnic traits linked to traditional Punjabi patterns. It was found that those areas of continuity characteristic of the Sikh community in Vancouver generally revolve around patterns of recruitment and ideology which have little bearing either on economics or on the White Canadian society as a whole. Thus, the adaptational process is both change and continuity which allows the Vancouver Sikhs effectively to exploit the economic opportunities of Canada while at the same time maintain a unique identity separate from the dominant society. “1.... -""L.;: gain-.2 .-‘ .a 1.— _ a 5 THE VANCOUVER SIKHS: AN ETHNIC COMMUNITY IN CANADA By James Gaylord Chadney A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology I976 _. .m-Iiflwr W" ——‘:————————- _. _ _._...___—-...' G) Copyright by James Gaylord Chadney I would like to dedicate this Ph.D. dissertation to my parents who have never waivered in their absolute know- ledge that someday, their son would be a doctor, and to my wife, Bobbi, whose patience and understanding throughout this ordeal has helped stabilize my emotional swings from confusion and depression to elation and jubilation. I would also like to dedicate this work to a high school social studies teacher who once said, ”Chadney, you'll never make it in college". ii ' _-——'=——J-h-l-- mmb uni—- m ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express special appreciation for those individuals without whose assistance this dis- sertation would have been impossible to complete. Most importantly, I would like to thank the Vancouver Sikhs. Their cooperation will never fully be repaid but I share this dissertation with them in the hope that it partially compensates them for their time and assistance. Secondly, I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Harry Raulet, Dr. William Ross, and Dr. Charles Morrison. Their insights and suggestions significantly improved this document over I my original draft. Some degree candidates tell horror stories of their committees -- I can only express admiration and gratitude. Finally, many thanks go to those who have helped, in one way or another, with the preparation of this work. I could not have done it without you. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables vi List of Figures ix Introduction 1 Defining the Arena and Scope of Study 1 Theoretical Orientation 8 Operational Definitions 16 Ethnic Boundaries 24 Chapter One -- The History of Immigration 30 Immigration Patterns 38 Summary 49 Chapter Two -- The Economic Arena 53 Patterns of Community Income 53 . ‘ I I Economic Adaptation 66 ' I f Summary 79 ' l 1 Chapter Three -- The Human Arena 83 I I The Extended Family and Nuclear Family 85 Rules of Membership 89 Age 104 Sex 111 Solidarity 112 Economic: Income and Allocation 113 ‘ Political: Locus of Power 114 / Education and Expression 115 Summary 122 Chapter Four -- The Socio-political Arena 129 I Settlement Patterns 130 Associations 140 Internal Politics 154 External Politics 168 The Role of Caste 170 Summary 173 Chapter Five -- The Religious Arena 178 The Belief System 179 Historical Factors 182 Religious Functions 188 Religious Adaptation 201 Summary 20? iv _¥— W” Chapter Six -- Conclusions 209 Review of the Literature 210 Categories of Interaction, Community, and 218 Organization Adaptation and Resource Competition 228 Appendix A -- East Indian Immigration to Canada 235 by Sex Appendix 8 -- East Indian Immigration to Canada 258 by Occupation Appendix C -- East Indian Immigration to Canada 345 by Province of Destination Appendix D -- Comparisons and Contrasts of Three “Ideal" 407 Patterns of Family Life as Seen by Sikhs in British Columbia (Ames and Inglis) Appendix E -- Constitution of the Khalsa Diwan Society 414 Appendix F -- Two Vancouver Sikh Temples 430 I Appendix G -- Sikh Life-cycle Ceremonies 431 ' Notes 444 ' . I I References Cited 450 . r I I) . 'fl I ”I I l I 5 /I I I I '1. F Iii v II 1'- LIST OF TABLES . - it—ié ¥-c.-.?-.-’ “Mn... Table 1. Total Immigration by Year 31 Table 2. Immigration by Sex by Five Year Periods 39 Table 3. Immigration by Intended Occupation: 44 1904-1971 Table 4. Immigration by Intended Occupation: 47 1951-1971 Table S.‘ Immigration to Canada by Province: 49 1904-1971 Table 6. Marriage Ages: 1951-1970 92 Table 7. Birthplace of Marriage Partners 103 Table 8. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 235 Sex - Male Table 9. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 244 Sex - Female Table 10. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 251 Sex - Children Table 11. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 258 Occupation - Professional Table 12. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 264 Occupation - Managerial Table 13. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 269 ' Occupation - Clerical T9519 14. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 274 Occupation - Agriculture Table 15. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 279 Occupation - Commercial Tune 16. East Indian Immigration to Canada by 284 IIIIIIIIIIn-___________________________________________________E Occupation - Communication vi Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 26. 27. 28. 29. East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Manufacturing, Mechanical, Construction East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Financial East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Service East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Transportation East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Fishing, Trapping, Logging, Mining East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - General Laborers East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Not Classified East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Dependent Wives East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Dependent Children East Indian Immigration to Canada by Occupation - Dependent Other East Indian Province of Immigration Destination Territory and Yukon East Indian Province of Island East Indian Province of East Indian Province of East Indian Province of East Indian Province of East Indian Province of Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination vii to Canada by - Northwest to Canada by - Prince Edward to Canada by - Newfoundland to Canada by - New Brunswick to Canada by ~ Saskatchewan to Canada by - Manitoba to Canada by - Nova Scotia 289 295 300 305 310 315 321 326 332 339 345 350 355 360 365 370 375 ¥——_fi Table Table Table Table 34. 35. 36. 37. East Indian Province of East Indian Province of East Indian Province of East Indian Province of Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination Immigration Destination viii to Canada - Alberta to Canada - Quebec to Canada - Ontario to Canada - British by by by by Columbia 380 385 391 399 Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure 12. 13. LIST OF FIGURES Districts of the Punjab Categorical Strengths of Community Identification Identification with Models for Status Emulation Life-cycle Ceremonies The Actual Immediate Pattern Residential Districts of Vancouver East Indian Residence Patterns, 1959 East Indian Residence Patterns, 1970 EICCWA Questionnaire Religious Functions Perceptual Categories of Migrant/Host Interaction The Ross Street Temple The Akali Singh Temple ix 3? 77 77 108 122 132 134 135 153 189 218 430 430 II UII IIIIII ,7 __ . '- _- 7 i W ' 3’" +_ _ ~_..-__' It I? r". _ INTRODUCTION The following study is an account of an ethnic minority in a Western urban setting -- the Punjabi Sikhs of India who now live in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Professor Ralph Nicholas of the University of Chicago first suggested that I undertake research within this community due to the fact that it combined two of my major anthropological interests: Western urban anthropology and South Asian social organization. This, plus the fact that very little I . I work of an anthropological nature had been attempted in . I I this setting convinced me that I might be able to make some I contributions to anthropology, both in producing empirical data hitherto ungathered and in using those data in order to generate hypotheses concerning ethnic minorities. I began the field research in August, 1972 and returned from the I, field in January, 1973. I believe the data I collected and the resultant findings are significant and will generally add to the existing anthropological literature on overseas I Indians and ethnic communities. I A Definin _t_h_e_ Mm .L'L‘! Scope 2:, Study Although the exact size of the Vancouver Sikh population 1 _fi‘__ .- 18 unknown there are approximately 1,200 families living _ I - I Pithin metropolitan Vancouver.2 The preliminary census V 1 . I IIIIIIIIn-.__________________________________________________ 2 data I have collected indicate the average size of a Sikh family in Vancouver to be nearly 5.5 individuals which, when multiplied by the number of Sikh families, provides a figure of 6,500 individuals. Add to this an estimated one thousand illegal immigrants3 and a total Sikh population for metropolitan Vancouver of around 7,500 is reached. The 1971 Census of Canada established the total population of metropolitan Vancouver at 1,082,353 (Canada 1971a). Consequently, the Sikhs comprise a minority consisting of slightly more than .75 percent of the total population. The Sikh minority is set off from the White Canadian majority in a number of ways. Although not true of all Sikhs: many Can be physically distinguished from the majority Population by their darker skin color. This categorization by skin color lumps them with other East Indians in Van- couver.‘ The White society generally perceives all Sikhs as East Indians rather than the more specific category of Sikh. . In other words, racial characteristics are more widely used I by the White society to distinguish "them from us“ than are Social or cultural characteristics. ; In addition to the rather distinctive physical identi- ; i mention, most Sikhs can be linguistically separated from 3 the dominant society. The Sikhs comprise not only a racial Minn“)! but a distinctive linguistic community as 0911- l punjabi is their mother tongue and the vast majority 0' "I Sikhs in Vancouver still speak Punjabi. Most of the Vancower Sikhs are bilingual, having fluency in both IIIIIII--..._______i I'll-Ill-_________a, 3 Punjabi and English, however there are those who speak only English and those who speak only Punjabi. The apparent linguistic goal of many of the leaders of the Sikh com- munity is bilingualism as evidenced by the fact that there are established classes to teach Punjabi to those who speak English exclusively (primarily second generation youth) and English classes for those who speak Punjabi exclusively (primarily those who have recently immigrated to Canada). This emphasis on bilingualism and the concomitant retention of Punjabi is reflected in the speech patterns of most, if not all of the Vancouver Sikhs. 0f secondary importance to the White society, but of Paramount importance to the Sikhs themselves is the fact that they constitute a religious minority. Sikhism‘s fundamental beliefs and essential tenants are known and understood by few of the non-Sikh Canadians. Their very impressive temple, or Curdwara, is seldom entered by Whites and, although the temple is theoretically open to all people, the Sikhs do not appear to go out of their way to invite strangers into their midst. It could be correctly stated that the Vancouver Sikhs have adopted a strategy, whether consciously or un— c°n3°i°U91Y’ Of maintaining a fair degree of socio-reliQiPUS exclusivity. One notable exception to this exclusivity is the quarterly magazine, the Indo-Canadian, which purportedly 13 aimed at increasing understanding between the Sikhs and the non-Sikhs of Vancouver. However, a cursory examination °f the subscription list and the list of advertisers5 1;;ar' T——__——_47 Afifi__________———*‘_4flAfifigggiiiiiiiiiEEE§::;;7 4 ; indicates that the majority of the readers and contributors are Sikh, not White Canadian. In other words, one of the major institutionaliZed attempts to inform the White Canadian society about the history, society, and religion of the Canadian Sikhs is something less than a total suc- case. There is even some evidence that the Sikhs are having difficulty informing their own youth of their background. There is an apparent youthful disassociation from Sikhism, for as a sixteen year old girl informed me, "that whole temple bag is simply not relevant to our generation". However, many people in their 30's and 40's indicated that they too had similar feelings during their youth, but ; eventually realiZed that Sikhism and related temple activities were essential. It is quite possible that as one grows older he becomes more aware of his uniqueness and seeks support from those with whom he feels a greater degree of compatibility, thereby increasing the distance between himself and the dominant society. Thus, an ever increasing emphasis on temple activity leads one to the Co"Clusion that Sikhism is of great importance and is a i “Pier factor in the Sikh's perception of themselves as a ‘ . g minority ethnic community. > ‘ In addition, there are many other factors that tend to set the Sikhs apart from the majority pupulation- F°°d Preferences, dress habits, leisure-time activities, occu- Pational preferences, and many other categories all tend ‘IIIII......._______a,, , Mg {ha I i‘: the r “in. *Ww 5 to form a conglomerate of initially distinguishing factors. Race, language, and religion are the most obvious elements available to the White Canadian in his classification of the Sikhs, but they must be viewed as only a part of a larger complex of significant variables. The totality of distinguishing variables (or ethnic traits) not only determine the Sikhs to be a minority but a community as well. Community is a useful term and will often be employed in the succeeding pages. Although useful, community may be a misleading term to some due to the diversity of ways it has been used in the social sciences. I do not wish to be so broad as Schusky (1975219) when he claimed that “...a working definition of community is that 1 it is what anthropologists study". Rather, I would prefer the more limited approach of Arensberg. Arensberg saw communities as the "...basic units of organization and transmission within a society and its culture" (19612248), and defined a community as: ; ...a structured social field of interindividual relationships unfolding through time. The community is not only a territorial unit and a unit table of I ‘ organization, it is also an enduring temporal pattern of coexistences, an ordered time-progress of indi- » 1 i viduals...(1961:250). l phrased in terminology similar to that used in this account, Weiss' description of a ChineSe community in California a°°°rds with the definition of Arensberg. To wits "... the Chinese community will be treated as a social ovate. compoeed of organizational and familial social relation- 8“198... Community represents the images and identities ¥ 6 that people hold? (197435). According to Crissman, "such a community has ethnicity as well as locality as its basis and in order to distinguish it from territorially- based communities, it may be called an ethnic community and defined as consisting of peOple who share, and are conscious of, a common ethnicity different from that of their host population“ (19673188). This definition is compatible with that provided by Barth (1969:10-15) and is most applicable to the Vancouver Sikhs. The arena of study then, is a minority ethnic community. The scope of the study is, in large part, reflected in the goals pursued and the methodology employed. Essentially, I began the research in order to accomplish three objectives: empirically to test a model of decision- making; to gather as complete an ethnography as I could given the time I had; and to attempt an explanation of Sikh ethnic identity. I saw the three objectives as interrelated in that decision-making could not be viewed apart from all of the social, ideological, and technical features of the community, and a significant aspect of those features should be directly influenced by the degree of ethnic identity within the community which would also play 8 major role in determining patterns of optation or de- cision-making. Although I initially looked for ethno- 9raphic data which would support my model (I was very enamored of my model) I realized very soon that I was 9ethering skewed data. Consequently, I forgot the model 7 for the remainder of my stay in the field and simply began to gather data when and where I could. The and result was that not only did I obtain more objective information, but I realized many of the inadequacies of the original decision-making model. In fact, the model was so inappropriate to the situation that l was forced substantially to re-think the relationship between de- cision-making and ethnic identity. As will be seen in the following pages, I have turned my attentions away from a narrow view of decision-making and toward a more general orientation centered around strategies of adaptation. In collecting the ethnographic data, I interviewed approximately 60 individuals. From 30 of them -- obtaining a fairly good cross-section by age and sex -- I gathered census data using a modified Rhodes-Livingston Institute census form. The main research technique employed was participant observation. I spent a substantial length of time at the main Curdwara observing several ceremonies and talking informally with Sikhs there (as elsewhere). I also relied substantially on the information supplied by four key informants: a male university student; a middle-aged male active in Sikh political affairs; a waddle-aged male active in Sikh religious matters: and a Huddle-aged female who was also active in various types of temple related activities. In addition, I was able to examine selected temple records and I was able to compile a complete record of Sikh marriages from 1951 through 1972. 8 I also obtained their constitution, many of their pub- lications, and a substantial amount of information con- cerning the economic and political activities of a great many individuals. I was also able to get property valu- ations and other demographic factors on nearly 100 Sikh residences. From five of my informants, relatively com- plete kinship data were obtained. As far as secondary data are concerned, I have com- plete information on Sikh immigration to Canada from 1904 through 1972. These data are broken down into various categories such as occupation, age, sex, dependent status, etc. In addition, I have collected information on the local history of the Sikhs as seen by both Sikh and White society. With reference to contextual data, I have collected relevant Canadian and British Columbian laws affecting the Sikhs, information on discriminatory attitudes, educational oPportunities, occupational opportunities, political oppor- ‘ ) tunities, etc. 1 Thus, the scope of this study is determined by the data -- as much primary and secondary data 85 “‘35 “335ml" 4 ‘ t0 obtain as well as relevant contextual data -- which are i i used to describe and explain ethnic phenomena within the : Vancouver Sikh community- W Orientation ———_ In order to describe and explain ethnicity within the Vancouver Sikh comMUnity, I have organized the data I'll-II-_____ 9 with reference to primary arenas of interaction. By isolating these arenas into discrete categories, an arbitrary compartmentalization is imposed upon the real world. This compartmentaliZation does not accurately reflect the social or cognitive processes of the actors, but rather, reflects the biases of the author. However, forcing data into isolated units (even though not neces- sarily an accurate representation of the emic model) is not a technique entirely alien to anthropology. Indeed, it is a basic format of structural studies that yields two major benefits: it makes the data more manageable and intelligible; and it allows for a high degree of compar- ative analyses. The anthropological value of these two “ major benefits is somewhat reduced by theoretical diffi- I culties inherent in structural studies. One of the most ‘ Persistent challenges to the structural framework is that it does not allow for an explanation of behavior in terms other than that of "we've always done it that way". The n argument usually runs something like this: when you study Structure, you are studying "forms" or "rules" which the Observer perceives from repeated patterns of interaction. l 3°°ause YOU are looking at behavior "bits" (or behavioremes) that are repeated many times within a given limit, YOU are 19""109 the various processes of optation the actors en- counter in choosing or not choosing a particular behavior bit at that particular time. And, because YOU cannot discover why the actors act the way they do, YOU can °"1Y ¥ 10 describe their actions, you cannot exglain what they do. This line of argument was forcefully developed by Barth (1966) and others. Partly as a reaction to the inability of traditional structural studies to explain individual choice, or even describe the actor's model of his behavior, newer method- ologies such as ethnoscience arose. Ethnoscience, as variously practiced by Lounsbury, Berlin, Sturtevant, and others is basically an outgrowth of linguistic theory concerned with meanings, or semantic domains. An essential assumption of these studies is that within any shared .system of behavior, there will also exist a shared meaning of what that behavior system is. The aim of the ethno- scientist is, to put it simply, to discover that shared meaning. Ideally, if the actor's meaning of his behavior is discovered it will be possible to answer why he acts the way he does, thereby leading to an explanation as well as description of behavior. Another major challenge to traditional structural studies comes from those anthro- pologists (mostly American) who are concerned with social and cultural change. Many find structural studies in- capable of describing change in terms other than that of repetitive, cyclical change. Although this criticism, when carried to the extreme, may be overly harsh, it is true that traditional structural studies are inherently weak in their attempts to describe change processually. 11 Fred Eggan (1950, 1955) was one of the first to suggest that structural studies and processual studies could be combined in order to yield an integrated theory of cultural phenomena and events. Evon Vogt (1960) has also attempted a formal integration of the two theoretical .fields. Many that are concerned with acculturation such as Edward Spicer (1954) either by himself or with others, e.g., Spicer, Dozier, and Barker (1958) are invariably drawn into an attempt to combine structuralism and pro- cessualism. Many of these attempts examine the various processes within a structure, or look at the processes that cause a structure to change. In my view, attempts such as these are erroneously focused.‘ They seem to see a structure as a thing -- a map or model that can be modified or that has action within it. This perception of structure is contrary to that of Radcliffe-Brown (1965:11) when he stated that a structural system is a system of social positions in defined relationships such as king and subject, or husband and wife. For Radcliffe-Brown it is clearly the relationships that are the important ingredients of social structure, relationships that are dynamic and that do not comprise a static model of positions. I believe the most fruitful expansion of Radcliffe-Brown's structural distinctions lies not in the direction of organizing the various social positions into an over-all structural frame- work for an entire society, but rather in examining the 12 structural relationships within a process. In other words, ‘ anthropologists might be well advised to look at the struc- ture of a process, rather than at the processes within a structure.6 Through an analytic framework such as this, it might be possible to overcome the difficulties inherent in traditional structural studies. "A process is a series of interlinked events com- mencing under culturally defined conditions, following a -cu1turally defined endpoint“ (Beale 1973:76). By the structure of a process, I mean arrangements of the elements which comprise the conditions, patterns, and endpoints of such an event sequence. Thus, if one is to understand, describe, and explain a process e.g., a decision-making process, one must be able to identify and explicate the formal elements and their structural arrangements extant within the process. Indeed, according to Herskovits (196?:217) formal classifications and descriptions "... are but a step in achieving an understanding of process". One of the goals of this work is to identify the formal characteristics of the conditions and patterns of the process of ethnic adaptation relevant to the Sikhs of Vancouver. Essentially, what the structuralist, the ethno-sci- entist, the processualist, and all the other "ists" in anthropology are trying to do is to develop descriptive and analytic techniques which can be applied to human behavior over time. This is what the science of man is all about. 13 In attempting to achieve this goal, a number of techniques have been developed. By and large, each "new" technique resulted from an attempt to describe and/or explain a "new" situation. Anthropologists go into the field armed with a vast array of theories, methods, models, procedures, and techniques from which they can supposedly pick and choose the "best" theory, method, etc., to analyze the particular situation they are researching. Often they find their "own" situation unique and conclude that none of the existing analytic tools precisely fit their data. Therefore, a new variation of some sort is devised better to depict the social life of the people being studied. Invariably, these new variations reflect the academic training of the inves- tigators and the influence of their professors, and that is how it should be, for general theory building is a cumulative process wherein each step taken is a step pre- ceded by many others. Hopefully, the end result will be a true science of man. The following account of the Vancouver Sikhs is an attempt to describe and explain their way of life through Combining structural and processual variables by organ- izing the data in reference to the arenas of interaction. It is assumed that many of the phenomena specifically as- sOciated with an ethnic community can be delimited by rBference to the specific structural and processual factors that are relevant to those arenas. .- 14 The efficacy of the analysis can be evaluated finally by the way it accounts for behavior within the community and the way it explains behavior both at the present time and within the historic past. As Marvin Harris has stated: "Scientific ethnographic models pay their way to the extent that they link up with theories which explain diachronic and synchronic differences and similarities” (1968:580). It becomes apparent than, that the efficacy of a model (or an analysis) is dependent to a large degree on the theory to which it is linked. The next problem then is to define the variables which make for a good theory and then to examine one's own theory in relation to the variables. Perhaps the most elegant and parsimonious statement on this subject was made by Coult while examing the way in which kinship terms might be explained by transformational analy- sis. According to Coult: "A good theory should be phrased in such a way that not only can it predict empirical phe- nomena, but the reasons why it predicts should also be apparent“ (1967:32). In other words, the test of the rel- ative “goodness" of a theory lies not in its ability to simply account for empirical phenomena, but in its ability to predict those phenomena, and why it has predictive value should be obvious even to the casual observer. The first variable (or criterion) would rule out all social theories that attempt only to account for behavior in terms of descriptive analysis. The second variable Dould exclude all social theories that attempt to predict 15 behavior but cloud their attempt in convoluted or obscure language. In other words, for Coult, a good theory must be simple and must have both necessary and sufficient cause for predictability. The problem then becomes one of stipulating the level of predictability. Should the theory be expected to be able to predict each behavior bit, or should it be eXpected to be able to predict behavioral patterns within specified parameters -- leaving aside such matters as "will he use a hammer or a rock to pound that nail"? I do not believe anthropology will benefit by the establishment of reduc- tionistic predictability, nor do I believe it is possible to do so. However, I do believe it is possible and desirable to establish theoretical orientations and methodological procedures by which one might predict patterned responses to specific stimuli. The present study is a partial attempt to explore those possibilities. It is not the final answer, nor does it pretend to be. Rather, it is a partial step based upon the testing of concepts and the analysis of a social setting. The theoretical concepts derive from the methodological procedures of the investigator. The present study is concerned with a dynamic para- digm of ethnicity which is only a small part of a larger concern with generative theory. One of the most impressive studies employing a dynamic paradigm is the recent work by Murry Leaf. According to Leaf: ’ 16 If the paradigm refers to a situation that is essentially dynamic, the theory abstracted from it can refer to and articulate this dynamism. The theory can describe the mechanism that generated the complexity and it can indicate means of isolating that complexity. By so isolating the way complexity can be generated such a theory automatically suggests the operational means by which it can be applied in analysis and prediction. A dynamic processual paradigm can give theoretical statements dynamic and generative impli- cations (197236) It is this type of paradigm or model that satisfies the requirements of Harris, Barth, and Coult and with which I am concerned. Ugarational Definitions To my way of thinking, much of the confusion in the anthropological literature on ethnic groups stems from the fact that there is little accord on the definitions to be employed when examining ethnic factors. Each investigator seems to have his or her own pet definitions which are generally the result of ethnographic description rather than ethnological analysis. I, too, would like to propose a set of definitions which may merely add to the confusion or may make everything "perfectly clear". In any event, it will certainly make the following analysis more unified. In the first place, there seems to be rather free substitution for a variety of terms, such as ethnic group, ethnic identity, ethnic trait, and ethnicity. Each of these is interwoven with and affects the others, but mean different things, even though they have often been confused in the 1? literature and used indiscriminately. when presenting an operational definition of any phenomenon, one must show how the definition applies to all appearances of that phenomenon exclusively. In other words, all appearances of “A" must be accounted for by the definition, but it must not be so broad so as to include any appearance of "8”. Thus, the definition must be both general and specific. The problem with many operational definitions is that they are either too general or too specific and consequently fail to convey the essence of the phenomenon. An ethnic group is defined as a category of individuals within a larger social setting which is differentiated from other categories on the basis of separate ethnic identities and traits. Ethnic identity is a categorical name which, when employed, separates the speaker and his group from other named categories. An ethnic trait is any sociocultural variable which may be used to identify one category of persons from another. And finally, ethnicity is a process of adaptation to the larger society which tends to identify the significant ethnic traits, reinforce (through confrontation) the ethnic identity, and demarcate the boundaries of the ethnic group. It is apparent that each definition is dependent to a considerable degree on each of the others and the total conceptual framework must be considered when dealing with ethnic factors. One thing which becomes immediately clear is that all of the ethnic factors mentioned above pertain to a specific 18 kinds of interactional framework. The arenas of interaction with which we are concerned are not applicable as was sug- gested by De Vos (1975319) to national identities, nor are they relevant as was suggested by Schwartz (1975:106-131) to relatively homogeneous primitive societies; they are applicable and relevant to complex urban and/or plural societies. Furnivall (1948) first coined the term "plural society" to describe a society composed of different groups each of which maintain a distinct culture (religion, language etc.) within a common political unit. He further claimed that in a plural society, there "are no commonly accepted norms and values in terms of which members of different ethnic groups.may interact" (cited in Mitchell 19703265). Although I believe Furnivall overstates the lack of available norms and values influencing inter-ethnic interaction, the main thrust of his discussion is applicable to the situation in Vancouver, i.e., that there are different cultural groups within an encompassing political framework and that behavior between individuals of different groups is cate- gorized and somewhat restricted. In terms of scale and 'absolute content, Vancouver is not identifiable as a plural society -- it is a complex urban setting in which different ethnic groups interact in a variety of ways. However, in large measure, the processes of ethnic interaction found in plural societies such as Guyana and Surinam parallel the processes of ethnic interaction in Vancouver. Specifi- cally, categorized and restricted behavior in a host/migrant 19 situation tends to produce group competition for material resources in a manner comparable to that found in plural societies. Although the scope and scale of the patterns of adaptation may differ, the overall process is quite similar. Other factors of restricted and categorized behavior may also be present, such as race or caste, and they may even significantly overlap at times with ethnic phenomena, but race and casts as sociocultural categories are unique in and to themselves and are not identical to ethnic factors. It is true that a race, a caste, and an ethnic group are objectively similar in that all are based ultimately upon ascriptivs criteria. However, I believe they are all subjectively unique in that an individual within one of these categories will view his roles and expectations (especially his expectations) quite differently than will an individual in either of the other two categories. Especially relevant here is that races and castes are inevitably perceived in a hierarchical arrangement, while this is not necessarily so when speaking of ethnic groups. Hoetink (197539) classifies both Guyana and Surinam as ethnically-organized societies in which an approximation of competitive equilibrium exists and in which "...the lines of division between the main contending groups are vertical rather than horizontal (the groups exist next to, rather than above, each other)..." Another thing that should be obvious is that I am using ethnic identity in a relatively novel way, by placing 20 the emphasis on an easily identifiable characteristic -- a name. I feel this is necessary because of the fact that the name (or names) used by an ethnic group is one of the most apparent devices (if not the most apparent) separating "them" from "us". Ethnic identity is the subject of a new book (De Vos and Romanucci-Ross 1975) in which there is a constant theme of emphasizing the psycho-cultural aspects of identity, "...since we believe ethnicity is best under- stood by an approach which takes into account the experi- ential, subjective forces underlying ethnic identity and its maintenance..." (19753vi). There is nothing really wrong with this type of approach, except for the fact that it is rather one-sided. A subjective, psycho-cultural approach (like a structural description) can not be used by itself. A balanced view of ethnic phenomena must take into account both the structural and cognitive features of the ethnic community. In the present study, I am not as concerned with why an individual, as an individual, elects to use a particular category for purposes of identifying himself to the outside world, as I am with the fact that a number of individuals have elected to use such a category, and the category to both themselves and to the outsiders with whom they are dealing has meaning; meaning which may be manifest or latent. It is the task of the analyst to get at those meanings and to see how they influence behavior in a regular and ordered way. It is for this reason that I am concentrating on 21 ethnic identity as a name, for it is a symbol of one's self-image in relation to either a generalized or specified other. As such, it influences one's behavior vis-a-vis others. In a sense, ethnic identity becomes a “badge” (see Steele 19753167-178) or a device which generates ethnic group solidarity, and helps account for the structure of inter-ethnic group transactions. This definition accords with that given by Berreman (1975371) when he followed the lead of Shibutani and Kwan (19653572) and Morris (19683167) and stated: “Ethnic identity is a matter of shared self-perception, the communication of that perception to others and, perhaps most crucially, the response it elicits from others in the form of social interaction.“ Functionally, identity means identification in that one's ethnic identity (his badge) indicates that he belongs to a named group and does not belong to another group. The very fact that polarity exists means that ethnic identity can operate as a means of mobilizing a group in its competition for resources as well as a means for generating social solidarity within the group. My definition of ethnic trait is rather straight- forward and needs little elaboration. The most important element within the definition is its emphasis on socio- cultural variables in opposition to biological variables. This at once separates any racial reference from ethnic references. A race is not an ethnic group although, as was stated earlier, ethnic groups may overlap with racial 22 groups -- especially in a migrant/host situation. Never- theless, I believe it is imperative not to confuse the two. An ethnic trait is any sociocultural variable that is unique (or relatively so) to a particular ethnic group. This would include everything from distinctive dress worn on ceremonial occasions to patterns of marriage and re- cruitment. The simple statement "we do it differently than they do it" implies a consciousness of group dif- ferences which may be enumerated as different ethnic traits. My definition of ethnicity as a process of adaptation may be objectionable to other anthropologists because it tends to separate ethnicity from ethnic identity. Tradi- tionally, ethnicity has been considered either as something akin to national character or the same thing as ethnic identity. I believed that my perspective was original and would break ground for a new way of looking at this partic- ular phenomenon, until I picked up a new book entitled "The New Ethnicity“ edited by John Bennett (1975) in which several authors, e.g., Despres, Crespi, Steele, Thompson and Peterson, and Makeilski, take a comparable view of ethnicity. They all, in one way or another, view ethnicity as a strategy for resource competition. Essentially, their view is that there are a limited number of available resources in a plural society and ethnicity is a way of establishing the rules by which one group competes with another group in their respective attempts to exploit what resources are available. As such, ethnicity is a process - -‘ .11.. - EE -_.-—w .—-—_ 23 of continuous adaptation to a changing environment. I must admit that I felt somewhat chagrined when I discovered that others had thought of and published "my" ideas, how- ever, I soon came to the realization that we had all arrived at the inevitable finding that identity and ethnicity were not the same thing and should not be lumped together. In fact I am pleased that we all, apparently separately, came to similar conclusions that ethnicity should be viewed as a process of adaptation. Ethnicity is at once both a response and an innovation. It is a response in that it is based upon historical pre- cedents. The key ethnic traits symbolize the group's per- ception of its past. The ethnic identity of the group is there because of a felt need on the part of individual members to maintain a separate identity from other groups in a social setting. Ethnicity is also an innovation in that it is future oriented; an attempt to influence the future course of events (especially as concerns resource allocation). Because ethnicity is both response and in- novation -- both past and future oriented -- it must be viewed diachronically or processually. To view it in any other way would limit its conceptual usefulness. So, we are talking about a specific group of people in a complex society who have looked into their past to establish an identity which is based upon a unique set of attributes and which is used in an attempt to satisfy a variety of future needs. Two major questions remain: IIE:___________________________________________—______________________:7:__fifif::§ffiiillll!!!ll 24 what is the best way to analyza a group of this type, and how does this characterization apply to the Vancouver Sikhs? The first question will be dealt with here, the second will form the bulk of the remaining chapters. Ethnic Boundaries In answer to the first question, Barth points the way in his discussion of boundaries. He emphasizes ascription "...as the critical feature of ethnic group..." (1969314). A person "has" a category because he or she was given that category at birth. Therefore, for Barth, kinship, marriage rules, residence patterns and the like are prime areas of investigation, for it is through this type of analysis where an investigator can find the rules which generate the patterns of ascription and therefore of identity. As germinal as this concept is, I believe Barth over-emphasizas the significance of ascription for ethnic phenomena. He fails to take into account the possibility of an individual having access to different ethnic identities (or names) as alternative resources which may be exploited differently depending on the situation. This is not necessarily an erroneous-analysis, for as was stated earlier, ethnic groups are indeed based objectively on ascription. But by placing all of the stress on ascription, Barth fails to take into account the subjective perception of the members of an ethnic group and therefore fails to take into account the possibility of an individual having access to different identities. 25 Ethnicity is both an objective and a subjective phenomenon, the interrelation between these two aspects being, once again, an empirical question. Any conception of ethnicity which reduces either the objective or the subjective side of it to an insignificant role distorts reality... Ethnic groups are defined both by the objective cultural modalities of their behavior...and by their sub- sective views of themselves and each other van den Berghe 1975372). Barth, by emphasizing ascription only, puts ethnic phenom- ena on the same level as caste and sex. From my research, ethnic identities are far more fluid and amenable to dif- ferential exploitation than are sexual or hierarchical identities. People can cross or ignore ethnic boundaries much more easily than they can cross or ignore sexual or hierarchical boundaries. This is because there may be a variety of ethnic identities from which to pick and choose, depending on the situational context. This naturally assumes that those with whom one interacts either are aware of the alternative identities and agree on the use of one, or they are unaware of the variety and "force“ the individual to interact with them in reference to the only category they know (in the case of the Vancouver Sikhs, they would probably adopt the identity of East Indian rather than Sikh when dealing with white Canadians, for East Indian is the category most widely known by the Whites). In other words, the range of alternate identities available to an individual is directly proportional to the number of alternatives acknowledged by the person with whom one inter- acts. This interpretation is diametrically opposed to k 26 Barth's. His preeminent concern with ascription as the sole basis for ethnic identity does not allow him to look at a variety of situationally defined subjective identities. Thus, he states, ”...ethnic identity is similar to sex and rank, in that it constrains the incumbent in all his act- ivities, not only in some defined social situations. One might thus also say that it is im erativs, in that it cannot be disregarded and temporarily set aside by other definitions of the situation" (1969317). Since my data led me to my findings, I can only conclude that his data led him to his -- and that is probably where the problem really is, for I believe Barth confused ethnic group and tribe (the Pathans) and it is indeed difficult to cross tribal boundaries. Nevertheless, the concept of boundary is crucial and Barth's pioneering work in this field is significant. As soon as the phrase ethnic boundary is accepted as a meaningful phrase, one automatically places himself in a position of recognizing exclusivity as a cultural fact. The boundaries are there because of an exclusive identity -- “we belong, but you don't“. Conversely, whenever there is an attempt to maintain exclusivity, there is a concom- itant establishment of sociocultural boundaries employed to maintain that exclusivity. Boundaries, therefore, are conscious and/or unconscious models of behavior that die- tinguish “them from us”. The function of ethnic boundaries lies in the competition for resources -- especially 27 material resources. The boundaries exist because of the need to organiza the population into units that can attempt to exploit particular resources. The models of behavior that separate "them from us" are generated by this compe- tition and are reinforced by the ethnic identity thus generated. In order to maintain the ethnic identity, however, it is necessary to project that competition into the realm of the non-material. Many of the elements in the human, political, and religious arenas maintain a consistent pattern precisely because they provide the ethnic traits with which the community can identify, i.e., the boundaries are maintained by the constant reference to existing ethnic traits. Thus the adaptational process relevant to the formation and maintenance of ethnic boundaries must be viewed both with reference to elements of change (modification of behavioral and ideological patterns which allow for resource competition) and ele— ments of continuity (perpetuation of behavioral and ideo- logical patterns which allow for the maintenance of a unique identity). It is necessary to bear in mind that both change and continuity are constantly affecting each other. Thus, the structure of change and the structure of continuity are significant variables in the process of adaptation. In order accurately to conceptualize the adaptational processes relevant to the formation and maintenance of the ethnic boundaries of the Vancouver Sikh community, it is first necessary to review the frameworks of historical 28 interaction. In the first place, it must be realized that the Sikh immigrants did not begin arriving in Canada in 1904 as an organized society, integrated and cohesive. Rather, they arrived as individuals (or at most small units Iof related individuals). The main thing that tied them together -- and a tenuous tie at that -- was a belief system which only at the most abstract level could be considered as being shared by a majority of the immigrants. Additionally, they also “shared" a language and a general- ized behavioral system that might be called Punjabi. But these factors do not make for an integrated social system having a strong cultural continuity. At best, it could be stated that the early immigrants arrived as individuals having some things in common with which they could be distinguished by the White Canadians. However, they did immigrate into a full-fledged national culture which had an extent set of reasonably well integrated economic, religious, and juridico-political institutions. And, as individuals, they had to adapt to those existing institutions. So, at the outset, one must make clear the °r191nal contact between the Sikhs and the White Canadians was emphatically not a contact between "communities", but a contact between individuals on the one hand and a system ”libs other. What remains to be seen is what elements Iithin this original contact helped shape those individ- uals into a community and, once the community was formed, “9' has it influenced the adaptationfll processes ‘39 later 29 individual immigrants. The following chapters are organized around various arenas of interaction as they existed at the time of my research. With the exception of the chapter on immigration, they are written from that time perspective, rather than from a specifically historical point of view. However, whenever possible historical factors are used to help explain the current situation.7 In any event, the following presentation will be an attempt to isolate and identify the interplay between the immigrants (both as individuals and as community) and the social system to which they have had to adapt. It is my contention that the specific circumstances of this interaction has generated the specific ethnic boundaries pertinent to the community and that these boundaries influence interpersonal behavior both within the immigrant community and between members of that community and the White Canadian society. CHAPTER ONE THE HISTORY OF IMMIGRATION This account begins with a study of Sikh migration to Canada. A comprehensive description of the patterns of migration is necessitated by the fact that all of the subsequent data find their base in history -- the history of the Sikhs in the Punjab and the history of the Sikhs in Canada. Immigration figures, although rather dry in and of themselves, provide a logical beginning to the understanding of both histories. An accurate picture of Sikh immigration to Canada is difficult to discern for a number of reasons. Chief among them is the periodic change of immigration cate- gories by the Canadian government. There are changes in the actual period of census gathering (fiscal year versus calendar year), changes in the type of data in- cluded in the census (East Indian ethnic origin, India as country of last permanent residence, immigrants having Indian citizenship, etc.) as well as a variety of cats- gorical changes in the way by which the data were organ- ized. Consequently, each report indicating the number of Indian immigrants to Canada has a different breakdown of immigration figures due to the bewildering variety of 30 31 categories and the confusion thus generated. However, the following table is a summary of East Indian immi- gration to Canada by year based on the categories I have selected as meaningful and relatively consistent. TABLE 1. TOTAL IMMIGRATION BY YEARS YEAR9 ~0. YEAR ND. YEAR NO. 1904 45 1929 58 1954 175 1905 387 1930 80 1955 245 1905 2124 1931 47 1955 330 1907 2523 1932 52 1957 324 1908 5 1933 33 1958 451 1909 10 1934 33 1959 715 1910 5 1935 20 1950 573 1911 3 1935 13 1951 744 1912 5 1937 14 1952 529 1913 88 1938 14 1953 737 1914 0 1939 11 1954 1154 1915 1 1940 5 1955 2241 1915 0 1941 3 1955 2233 1917 0 1942 0 1957 3955 1918 0 1943 0 1958 3229 1919 0 1944 0 1959 5395 1920 10 1945 1 1970 5570 1921 13 1945 7 1971 5313 1922 21 1947 130 1923 40 1948 53 1924 45 1949 52 1925 52 1950 93 1925 52 1951 81 1927 55 1952 173 1928 52 1953 170 There are a number of things to note about the above figures, most of which will emerge in the following analysis. HOIOVer, one important factor must be noted at this time: ¥ 32 all of the percentages and numerical analyses that follow will be based on the figures presented in the table. The rather sudden influx of East Indian immigrants (over 5000 within the first four year, 1904-1907) appar- ently was initiated by two major factors. Most important were the job opportunities available in British Columbia as seen by a group of soldier/tourists. "East Indians first became interested in Canada when a detachment of Sikh soldiers from the Punjab...returned by way of this country after attending Queen Victoria's Jubilee in 1887“ (Jain 197133). In addition, an investigation by the Canadian Deputy Minister of Labour indicated that steamship companies had induced immigration by the distribution of rather exaggerated accounts of employment opportunities in Canada, especially in British Columbia. These were distributed throughout many of the rural districts of India (Millie 1911372). The perceived occupational opportunities were not as numerous as was thought because, although many immigrants were able to get jobs as laborers in agriculture, railway construction, and most importantly, lumber, many others were apparently unable to find employment except in areas vacated by White Canadians during labor contro- versies. According to Jain (197134) “In the disturbed labor situation of 1907, anti-oriental riots took place in Vancouver when Chinese were used as strikebreakers... Coupled with labor unrest and mistrust of Asiatic labor because of their willingness to work for comparatively 33 > low wages, 'racial' resentment soon arose and agitation started against the immigration of East Indians and other Asians." This agitation led to a series of discriminatory immigration acts designed to curb the flow of Asians to Canada. These acts of discrimination -- both official and unofficial -- were undoubtedly extremely influential historical factors shaping the emergent structure of Sikh identity in that they produced many Sikh martyrs the effect of which was a strengthening of in-group identification. Perhaps the two most influential incidents (they are still remembered and recounted with great accuracy by the Vancouver Sikhs) were the Komagata Maru incident and the martyrdom of Mewa Singh. The Canadian government passed two orders-in-council in 1908 which were specifically designed to prohibit East Indian immigration to Canada. One raised the amount of money that had to be in the possession of the immigrant from 825.00 to 8200.00 and the other prohibited entry into Canada of persons unless they came directly "...from the country of their birth or citizenship by a continuous journey, and on through tickets purchased before leaving the country of their birth or citizenship" (Kushwant Singh 19663171). Only Indians were subject to these restrictions. Other immigrants were not required to have $200.00 in their possession and there were no direct sea routes from India to Canada. In order to circumvent the latter order-in-council a Japanese ship, the Komagata Maru, was chartered for a direct journey 34 from Calcutta to Vancouver. On board were 376 Indiana all but thirty of whom were Sikhs. Even though all of the requirements were satisfied, the Indians were not allowed to leave the ship upon arrival in Vancouver in May, 1914. Two months of negotiations were fruitless and the Komagata Maru returned to Calcutta with her lead of passengers.10 The martyrdom of Mewa Singh is perhaps even more important to the Vancouver Sikhs than is the Komagata Maru affair for the event is celebrated in the Curdwara every March and is a major event on their ceremonial cal- endar. The following account is related by Singh (19663179-180). In Vancouver, a trail of violence followed the departure of the Komagata Maru. The Immigration Department had engaged the services of a Eurasian policeman, William Hopkinson, to break up the Chadr organization. Hopkinson's chief side was one Bela Singh. Two of Bela Singh's henchmen were found murdered. At the post-funeral service of these murdered men in the gurdwara, Bela Singh killed two and wounded six other men. William Hopkinson volunteered to appear as a witness for the defence in the trial of Bela Singh. 0n Octo- ber 21, 1914, Hopkinson was shot and killed by Mewa Singh, the priest of the gurdwara. Mews Singh was sentenced to death. Prior to his exe- cution he made a confessional statement which ran: 'My religion does not teach me to bear enmity with anybody, no matter what class, creed or order he belongs to, nor had I any enmity with Hopkinson. I heard that he was oppressing my poor people very much... I - being a staunch Sikh - could no longer bear to see the wrong done both to my innocent countrymen and the Dominion of Canada... And I, performing the duty of a true Sikh and remembering the name of God, will proceed towards the scaffold with the same amount of pleasure as the hungry babe does towards its mother. I shall gladly 35 have the rope put around my neck thinking it to be a rosary of God's name...‘ . On January 11, 1915 News Singh was hanged and thus became one of the most important of the Sikh martyrs in Canada. These two incidents are related in that the Komagata Maru affair made the Vancouver Sikhs aware of the fact that they were totally alone -- cut off from their fellow countrymen and unable to count on either the Canadian or the Indian government for assistance. It would have been possible for some of them to return to India, but the fact that most of them had been in Canada for nearly a decade and had more ties there than to India plus the fact that World War I had just begun and many of the Canadian Sikhs were, because of their attachment to the Ghadr party, considered by the Government of India to be enemies of the state, made that alternative unfeasible. Although some apparently did return to India, the vast majority remained in Canada. There, the community was faced with two alternatives. Either they could attempt near total assimilation into the White Canadian society or they could close ranks against a hostile White community. The Mews Singh martyrdom virtually assured the latter course of events thereby generating a greater awareness of their cultural individuality. In essence, the Sikh community in Vancouver chose to remain Punjabi. I emphasize Punjabi rather than Indian because there is little doubt that the vast majority, 36 if not all of the original immigrants, came from the Punjab. Speaking not only of British Columbia but of California and Oregon as well, H. A. Millie (1911375) claimed: ”about 85 percent of the East Indians in the West are the turbanned Hindus|:read Sikh], 15 percent Mohammedans and Afghans". Not only were the immigrants Punjabi, they were, and continue to be, primarily from certain districts of the Punjab. Jullundur District apparently produced the most emigrants, followed closely by Hoshiarpur and Ludhiana.11 Ferozepur, Kapurthala, and Amritsar districts were also important centers of emigration (although less so than the others) with other districts being virtually unimportant in this category. The following map indicates the locations of these districts. Of some significance is the fact that the region in the Punjab from which most immigrants came is divided into two cats- gories. The region north of the Sutlej RiVer is known as Doaba and contains the districts of Jullundur and Hoshiarpur, while south of the Sutlej is called Malwa and contains Ludhiana and Ferozepur. In the Punjab, Doaba is considered superior as measured by the standards of hypergamy (Mayer 1959312). While there is less emphasis among the Vancouver Sikhs on the subject of marriage than there apparently once was, the Malwa/Doaba division remains a factor in intracommunity relations. Even though there is this (among others) element of divisiveness within the Sikh community, I believe it is fair to state that the 37 pur Patlala Ferozepore Bhatlnda FIGURE 1. DISTRICTS OF THE PUNJAB 38 community is more united than divided -- less concerned with its internal differences than with differences between itself and the White community. Some of these differences can be explained as a con- scious effort to maintain cultural individuality in the past and to resist assimilation. However, many of the historical factors which tended to reinforce ethnic identi- fication were not consciously determined but were rather factors emerging from the structure of the community itself. To a large degree, the community structure of the past (and to a considerable extent in the present) can be seen as being greatly influenced by the patterns of immigration to which I would like now to turn. Immigration Patterns An examination of the specific categories collected by the Canadian authorities with regard to immigration reveals many distinct patterns of East Indian immigration. These patterns reflect both the interests and the concerns of the potential immigrants as well as the desire of the host government to influence the social make-up of the nation. Egg; Indian Immigration 21 ng. A complete descriptiVe breakdown of all pertinent data in this category can be seen in Appendix A. From 1904 through 1971, 19,697 adult males immigrated to Canada from India. This constitutes 48.1% of the total number of East Indian immigrants. For 39 the same period of time, 10,672 adult females (26.0%) and 10,096 children (24.6%) came to Canada. The per- centages total only 98.7% due to the fact that sex data were not gathered by the Canadian immigration authorities for 1954 and 1955. These figures indicate a rather un- balanced pOpulation with nearly one-half of the immigrants being adult males and the other half of the pOpulation bein split evenly between adult women and children. Broken down into five year periods, the following patterns emerge. TABLE 2. IMMIGRATION 8Y sex BY FIVE YEAR PERIODS I 1904-08 No. % 1929-33 No. % 1954-58 No. S m 5158 99.5 m 24 8.5 m 495 32.5 r' 15 0.3 r 75 25.8 r' 272 17.8 c 12 0.2 c 181 54.5 c 338 22.2 1909-13 No. % 1934-38 No. % 1959-53 No. % m 93 83.8 m 2 2.1 m 1534 48.3 r 5 5.4 F 32 34.0 r 852 25.1 c 12 10.0 c 50 53.8 c 904 25.5 1914-18 No. X . 1939-43 No. % 1964-68 No. % m 1 100.0 m 2 10.0 m 4725 35.8 r 0 ’ r 8 40.0 r 4155 32.4 c 0 c 10 50.0 c 3880 30.3 1919-23 No. % 1944-48 No. % 1959-71 No. % m 49 58.3 m 129 54.2 m 7034 42.9 r 22 25.2 r 41 20.4 r 4934 30.2 c 13 15.5 c 31 15.4 c 4401 25.9 1924-28 NOe % 1949-53 ~00 % m 38 13.7 m 304 53.4 r 101 35.3 r' 150 25.4 c 139 50.0. c 115 20.2 40 It would be expected that the first few years of im- migration would show a disproportionate number of adult males leaving India and traveling to Canada. The data support this assumption. Indeed, during the first fifteen years of recorded immigration, 99.7% of the immigrants were adult males. The next five year period, 1919-1923, shows the beginning increase in the numbers of females and children. Although adult males still constitute the largest category (58.3%) the numbers of women and children are steadily increasing. It can be assumed that the majority of individuals in these categories constitute wives and children of men already established in Canada, while a smaller number would be individuals accompanying adult males. This would accord with the pattern of individual men (or a small group of related man) im- migrating to Canada and then later sending for their families. For the next twenty years, 1924—1943, the pattern that emerges is quite different. Here, for the only time, children constitute 50.0% or more of the immigrants, and in only two of the years in this period, 1924 and 1928, children did not constitute the largest single category. This large percentage of children is not totally unexpected however, since it does fit in fairly well with the number of adult women that immigrated during the same period of time. Over the twenty years, 1.8 children immigrated for every one adult female. Assuming that approximately IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII______________—__________________T::::TTTT::?fiiIII!!!!! 41 one-quarter of the adult females entering were unmarried (see below) it could be concluded that the majority of immigrants during these years were families coming to Canada to join their husbands and fathers. The number of adult male immigrants is quite low during this period (a total of 66 out of 672, or 9.8% of all categories). The increase in the number of dependents is viewed as a result of the relaxation of immigration restrictions aimed at East Indians. The restrictions were not "lifted" for there were still many economic sanctions imposed on adult males, but the "easing" of the restrictions was viewed by the Canadian authorities as humans acts designed to let families reunite -- as long as White Canadians were not put in a position of competing for jobs with male im- migrants. The next five year period, 1944-1948, showed a dramatic turn-around in the percentage distribution, with adult males constituting nearly 65% of the total. The vast majority of all immigrants during this period arrived during 1947. This fact has puzzled me because I would expect that with Indian independence assured by that time, there would have been a great deal of excite- ment and fervor in India and there would have been a strong emphasis placed on staying in India and building a new future there. However, the lure of Canada was apparently stronger for many and, when provided the opportunity following World War II to immigrate to Canada, many simply 42 picked up and left. It would be expected again that a high percentage would be adult males due to the fact that such a large number were allowed to enter Canada. Although 130 does not sound like a large number, it had been forty years since a larger number had been allowed to immigrate. During those forty years, women and children had made up the bulk of the immigrants, equalizing the earlier influx of males. Now, with opportunities again opening up, the majority of those immigrating would be expected to be adult males. The next five year period, 1949-1953, showed a slight decrease in the total percentage of adult males. Slightly over 53% of all immigrants during this time period were adult males while 26.4% were adult females and 20.2% were children. This period closely reflects the 1919-1923 period in overall percentages and indicates a similar trend, i.e., once the adult males have become established, they send for their families. This period is not followed by a period in which women and children were prepondernat over adult males as was the case following 1923. The main reasons for this were the new agreements reached establishing higher levels of im- migration. Effective Janurary 1, 1951 agreements were con- cluded with the Governments of India, Pakistan and Ceylon whereby 150 citizens of India, 100 citizens of Pakistan and 50 citizens of Ceylon are admitted to Canada each year in addition to the wife, husband and unmarried children under 21 years of age of Canadian citizens resident in Canada who are in a position to provide 43 satisfactory settlement arrangements. Persons who are Canadian citizens may also apply for their father if over 65 years of age and their mother if over 60 years of age. Effective from January 1, 1957 the number of immigrants from India who may be admitted each year under the agreement was increased to 300 (Canada 1957a37). In any event, from this point onward, the numbers of East Indians immigrating to Canada steadily increased, but the overall fluctuations in category percentages between adult males, adult females, and children remained minimal. Adult males in every subsequent year constituted the largest single category, but in only two years, 1959 and 1960, did the percentage ever exceed 50 percent. In other words, the immigration data indicate a ”leveling-off" of age and sex categories with a slight ”edge" still to the adult male population. Egg; Indian Immigration 21 Occugation. The patterns that emerge for intended occupation of East Indian immigrants are far more complicated than are the patterns based on age and sex. A primary reason for this complication lies in the fact that the Canadian immigration authorities col- lected different sets of data at different times. As an example, the category of "professional" was not collected prior to 1951 (even though professionals make up nearly 20% of the total occupational force of the immigrants). In addition, I compressed some of the data into similar categories. For example, for some years there was a cate- gory of "servants" that I compressed into the later cate- gory of "service". In addition, I compressed "mechanics" 44 to “mechanical", “unskilled" and “skilled" to ”not classi- fied”, "clerks" to “clerical”, and "merchant“ to "com- mercial". The compression of categories was deemed neces- sary for ease of identification and to make category com- parison more meaningful. A complete breakdown of East Indian immigration by intended occupation can be seen in Appendix 8. The fol- lowing table is a summary of the occupational task force. TABLE 3. IMMIGRATION BY INTENDED OCCUPATION: 1904-1971 OCCUPATION TOTAL PERCENTAGE Professional 8,115 19.8 General Laborers 5,935 14.4 Manufacturing, Mechanical 2,153 5.2 and Construction . Clerical 2,064 5.0 Agriculture 1,806 4.4 Not Classified 1,177 2.8 Managerial 455 1.1 Commercial 419 1.0 Service 350 0.8 Transportation 154 0.3 Financial 72 0.1 Fishing, Trapping, Logging 60 0.1 and Mining Communication 44 0.1 Dependent Wives 6,997 17.0 Dependent Children 8,535 20.8 Dependent Other 2,488 6.0 Once again, the total figures add up to slightly less than 100.0% (in this case they total 98.9%) due to the fact that occupational data were not collected for 1925 and 1926. TAs can be seen in the above table, the largest single category consists of non-occupational categories, i.e., 45 dependents. Dependents total 43.8% of the "work force". An interesting comparison can be gained by looking at the _ « total number of adult females entering Canada and the total ‘ number of dependent wives. Between 1904 and 1971, 10,672 adult females immigrated to Canada and only 6,997 of them were dependent wives. This leaves 3,675 unaccounted for. Although the exact number remains unknown, it can safely be assumed that the majority of these women were destined to be brides of adult males already in Canada. This would accord perfectly well with the pattern of adult males establishing themselves in Canada and than sending for if brides from India. This was the practice in the past and, in large part, the pattern of the present. 1 Another interesting comparison can be seen when looking 1 at the total number of children immigrating to Canada and the total number of dependent children. Dependent children numbered 8,535 while the total number of children was 10,096. This leaves 1,561 unaccounted for. This figure (much smaller than the discrepancy between adult females and dependent wives) can easily be accounted for by referring to the age by which Canadian authorities classified children. Prior to 1956, any individual under eighteen years of age was considered to be a child. It can be assumed that many of these were not considered to be children by the Indian community and actually entered Canada as part of the labor force rather than as children. After 1956, the picture becomes a little more confused due to the fact that the 46 Canadian authorities began collecting precise age figures (by five year increments) rather than simply listing adults versus children. Forced to make a decision, I arbitrarily chose the age of twenty (rather than fifteen) as the age separating children from adults. The end result of this classification change was probably artificially to inflate the category of children, while not influencing the category of dependent children, thus highlighting the numerical discrepancy. For purposes of analysing the occupational categories (as opposed to dependent categories) I will limit myself to the past two decades: 1951-1971. The reason for this is that from this point onward, there is a considerable agree- ment of categories. In other words, the Government of Canada did not collect uniform occupational data prior to that. Another justification for this decision is that 83.8% of the East Indian immigrants arrived in Canada during the past twenty years. It could be stated that prior to 1951, approximately three-fourth of the incoming East Indian labor force was comprised of general laborers. This figure takes on great significance in the formation and constitution of the Vancouver Sikh community and will be examined more fully in the following chapter. After 1951, general laborers dropped off dramatically in significance (primarily as a result of more discriminating categories of occupations which were collected by the Canadian authorities, but partly because of an immigration policy favoring more 47 highly trained immigrants). As a matter of fact, a full eighty percent of the general laborers had arrived in Canada when only twenty percent of the total occupational force had arrived. A representation of the occupational categories for the past twenty years can be seen in the following table. TABLE 4. IMMIGRATION BY INTENDED OCCUPATION: 1951-1971 OCCUPATION TOTAL PERCENTAGE Professional 8,115 46.6 Agricultural 2,211 12.? Manufacturing, Mechanical 2,208 12.1 and Construction Clerical 1,821 10.5 General Laborers 1,268 '7.3 Managerial 455 2.6 Commercial 419 2.4 Not Classified 348 2.0 Service 345 2.0 Transportation 154 0.9 Financial 72 0.4 Fishing, Trapping, Logging 60 0.3 and Mining Communication 44 0.3 As can be seen in the above table, over eighty percent of the East Indian immigrants (excluding dependents) can be classified in the top four occupational categories, with (over half of these grouped into the single category of "professional".12 The resultant occupational pattern for East Indian immigrants to Canada is one of semi-skilled or unskilled general laborers being in the vanguard during the early years. Because of the ”frontier profile” of Canada, 48 especially British Columbia during this time, the im- migrants were in a position of direct competition with White Canadians for (primarily) lumber and mill work. The economic backlash resulted in stringent immigration regulations aimed at alleviating the hardships faced by the White Canadians. When the closed door policy was finally relaxed, there was a greater emphasis placed on more skilled occupations which resulted in a high pro- portion of professional and related occupations. Indeed, the immigration history of the East Indian population in Canada might be summarized as a shift from general laborer to professional. East Indian Immigration 21 Province g: Destination. The data on province of destination are quite clear. In only one case might there be some confusion. In 1913, fourteen East Indians immigrated to the Maritime Provinces according to Canadian immigration figures. Since that was the only year in which this happened, I felt justified in lumping this datum under the later category of Nova Scotia. Complete information on East Indian immigration to Canada by province of destination is provided in Appendix C. A summary chart of the totals is provided in the following table. Once again, the percentages do not total up to 100.0% because data on province of desti- nation were not collected by the Canadian authorities for 1925 and. 1925. — 49 TABLE 5. IMMIGRATION TO CANADA BY PROVINCE: 1904-1971 PROVINCE TOTAL PERCENTAGE Northwest Territory and Yukon 25 0.0 Prince Edward Island 66 0.1 Newfoundland 219 0.5 New Brunswick 335 0.8 Saskatchewan 856 2.0 Manitoba 958 2.3 Nova Scotia 1,001 2.4 Alberta 1,956 4.7 Quebec 4,488 10.9 Ontario 14,004 34.1 British Columbia 16,920 41.3 As can be seen in the above table, East Indian immigration to provinces other than Ontario and British Columbia has been negligible. Viewed historically, the apparent simi- larity of the two provinces tends to dissipate and British Columbia looms as the province attracting more East Indians for a longer period of time. With the exception of 1910 (when only one out of a total of five immigrated to British Columbia) the westernmost Canadian province draw more East Indians than any other until 1963 when, for the first time Ontario received a proportionately larger influx of East Indians. Since 1963, Ontario has maintained a numerical edge over British Columbia. Summary The history of Sikh immigration to Canada is marked by great changes in a variety of factors. Canadian im- migration laws (which were never meant to encourage East Indian immigration) at times were rigidly discriminatory I.IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIiIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-I-I-I-I-I-I-I-I-I-II |IIIlIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII:_________—_______________:]Il!!!!!!!! 50 and at other times more flexible. The composite picture of the immigrants themselves has also been variable with dependents at times outnumbering workers, children out- numbering adults, etc. Naturally, these changing factors, influencing as they did the structure of the immigrant communities, produced different community structures at different times. However, a number of events and processes can be seen in the history of immigration -- events and processes which have had a direct and causal relationship to the present existence of Sikh ethnic identity in Vancouver. One very important and early factor was the preference to settle in British Columbia. In the first four years of immigration, nearly 5200 East Indians came to Canada all but 43 of whom settled in British Columbia. Without this large initial concentration in and around Vancouver, it is ex- tremely doubtful that a community of a similar nature to that which exists at the present time would have evolved. The labor riots would probably not have occurred, the Komagata Maru may have been permitted to dock and unload her passengers (if she had sailed from Calcutta in the first place), and the resulting unity of identity caused by these and other factors relevant to the formation of the community may never have emerged. In addition, the fact that most of the immigrants were either Doabi or Malwai (with a preponderance of the former) influenced the per- petuation of traditional Punjabi identifications which are 51 still apparent today in terms of marriage patterns and criteria for political leadership positions (to be gone into in later chapters). The fact that an early pattern emerged wherein spouses were obtained from India was also of great significance in that many of the traditional Punjabi values (especially with regard to enculturation and religion) could more easily be retained. Without this possibility, it is doubtful that a Sikh community would have been developed and/or perpetuated. Even the possibility of bringing in one's father and mother contributed to the traditional nature of the community. Additionally, the occupational patterns influenced the development of the community. The majority of the early immigrants were laborers who were able to gain employment in the expanding lumber industry of British Columbia. As we shall see in the following pages, this employment field is still so central to the community that it pervades nearly every other socio- cultural arena in one way or another. I think it is in- structive to note that it was not until 1962 that the oc- cupational category of “professional" was significantly larger than the category of “general laborer", and that it was the following year, 1963, that Ontario replaced British Columbia as the province of preference for the immigrants. A possible conclusion from these data is that more pro- fessional East Indians found greater employment opportuni- ties in Ottawa, leaving the Vancouver community representing a laboring class profile. It would be interesting to follow 52 this up with further research in Ottawa, but for now, it must remain only a possible, albeit interesting, conclusion. CHAPTER TWO THE ECONOMIC ARENA Patterns 23 Community Income During the past seventy years, the Vancouver Sikhs have held a number of occupational and professional poe- itions. However, a traditional Punjabi economic sphere, agriculture, has been unimportant for them. Although they had been raised as farmers and agriculturists, many of the Sikhs who came to the North American continent immediately got construction jobs on the railroads. When the railroads had been completed, the Vancouver Sikhs had to look for new jobs. Instead of going back to their traditional agricultural occupations, they turned to something quite new - the lumber industry (Smith 19443359). The lumber industry was an "open" occupation at that time and nearly all of the Sikhs who migrated to British Columbia found ready employment there. Indeed, the Pattern progressed to the point where Das (1923326) indicated there were more Sikhs in Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia employed in the lumber industry than 1" any other economic sphere. Currently, there are ap- Pl‘oximately 2000 Vancouver Sikhs employed in the thirty- 81" “'98 lumber mills. This constitutes approximately ”V9" percent of the total mill work force which is a very h 19h Percentage considering how small the Sikh population 53 I“ _ I ‘i‘ -. f 54 is vis-a-vis the total population of metrooolitan Vancouver. However, the figure is even more impressive when one con- siders Sikh employment in mill-related occupations, such as trucking and fuel distribution. In addition, five of the area mills and many others throughout British Col- umbia are owned by Sikhs. Consequently, it may be con- cluded that the lumber mill industry offers both business and occupational opportunities for the Sikh community to a degree disproportionate to the size of the community itself. One must not assume that lumber mill activities constitute the only economic outlet for the Sikh com- munity. A check of the census data I obtained revealed that there are few, if any, occupational categories from IMich the Sikhs are excluded. Mill work, important as it is, constitutes only one of several economic alternatives available to the Sikhs. The question is, why is mill work so important to the community? After all, approximately sixty percent of the adUIt male population is connected with mill work in one capacity or another. The answer cannot be found in any one area. .As with all economic matters, the reasons for the Sikhstconcentrating on mill work are somewhat multifaceted and ramified. Certainly, role expectations play an im- port.“ Part in the answer. When asked why he sought a"mmyu'eflt in the mills, one informant stated, “It was a cut of expected of me. My dad, my older brother, and one 55 of my uncles all worked in the mills. They made pretty good money and I guess I just sort of assumed I would work there too”. Because mill work has been so important to the community in the past, it would be expected to continue as such. But that cannot be the only reason for its con- tinued importance. It was stated earlier that the first immigrants found mill work to be a readily accessible occupational category. Since mill work is a relatively low prestige occupational category, and since minority populations are generally restricted to relatively low prestige jobs, it might be expected that this would be another pattern that would _continue, i.e., that mill work would be a relatively "open" category. It is true that the Vancouver Sikhs appear to have greater accessibility to mill work than any other single occupational category, but it must not be assumed that mill work is a totally open category to them. In many cases they indeed must “fight" for a job. This is apparently the result of racial discrimination and paral- lels, albeit less violently, the anti-Asian discrimination encountered by the Sikhs during the first part of the century. I encountered many examples of discriminatory employment policies aimed at the Sikhs. One informant, a student at the University of British Columbia, always seeks (and usually gets) summer employment in the mills. He has had numerous "hassels” with personnel managers: "As soon as they see that I'm an East Indian, they might 56 tell me to get my hair cut or I can't get a job. And then_some gora[:white] walks in with hair down to his ass and is given the job". This type of occupational and racial discrimination is illegal in Canada, and the informant has used his union affiliation effectively to fight for employment. However, the fact remains that employment discrimination remains widespread. The fol- lowing comments are volunteered statements by personnel directors or secretaries of mills when asked about the - number of East Indians employed at their mills: They are either very good or bloody awful. There is no in-between. They fight a lot amongst them- selves; stabbings and all that. Your average East Indian does not seek logging. It's too physically demanding. They like the plywood plants and sawmills only. We have a policy of not hiring very many. They generate a lot of problems in the plant. Just about the most deceitful peoole I've ever met. Indians and Pakistanis refuse to work together. They really think that we are dumb. We had one guy here a couple of weeks ago that tried to hold down two different jobs at two different mills at the same time. He would work at one for two or three days and then the other for two or three days. When asked about his absenteeism, he claimed that he was trying to buy a house and had to see his lawyers during those times. The owners are East Indian, but for some reason they don't want to hire many other East Indians. Indeed, the level of employment discrimination is so high that at the time of this research, twenty percent of the mills had no East Indians on their labor force. Be that as it may, it may still be concluded that the 57 Vancouver Sikhs maintain a relatively greater access to millwork than to any other occupational arena. One can imagine the difficulties they would have faced had they attempted to enter other, more prestigeful, occupational arenas in comparable numbers. Because millwork is a low prestige category, the Sikhs have encountered less resistance there. 1 Another possible explanation for the large number of Sikhs seeking employment in the mills relates to caste. It is true that Ram Garias (a traditional artisan casts of the Punjab often associated with carpentry) constitute the second largest caste category within the Sikh community, nevertheless, even if all of the Ram Garias were employed in the mills (which is not the case) there would still be a significant number of other casts categories represented in the employment figures. Throughout my research, I found no trace of caste occupational exclusivity. The full import of caste will be dealt with subsequently; for now, it is sufficient that caste plays no apparent signif- icant role in job specificity. In other words, virtually all castes within the community are represented in the mills. There are two other possible explanations for the high employment rate of the Vancouver Sikhs in the mills -- each of which may play a minor role in the employment figures. One is the fact that millwork may not require high com- petance in English. But, as was pointed out by Mayer 58 (1959325) "...some mills refuse to hire people who do not speak English, a reasonable enough condition since a lack of communication may sometimes be physically dangerous...” Recent non-English speaking immigrants may have a great deal of difficulty finding employment in the mills, especially those in which there are few, if any, workers who speak Punjabi. Therefore, ease of em- ployment due to a lack of proficiency in English may be discarded as a major factor. The other possible factor that was investigated concerns the fact that some unions, and therefore some jobs, require a kinship link for entry. This is the case among the Portland Longshoremen as reported by Pilcher (1972). This was found to be relatively un- important within the International Woodworkers of America, the union to which most of the millworkers belong. As much as I would like to come up with a profound and provocative explanation for the concentration of the Sikhs in the mills, I am afraid that I must conclude with the rather simple explanation of relative accessibility and historical precedence as the two most important factors influencing this phenomenon. This should really not be too surprising, for it is rather commonplace for immigrants (especially immigrants from a peasant economy) to be rather narrowly specialized in the industrial economy of the host society. Basically, the Vancouver Sikhs appear to meet less resistance in this occupational arena than in others, and the tradition of millwork is well established 59 in the community. Although discarded as major factors, caste, English facility, and kinship ties probably do enter the picture as minor factors influencing employment opportunities. In a sense, the lumber industry is accu- rately perceived by the Vancouver Sikhs as a strategic material resource they can exploit more effectively than any other single economic domain. Accessibility is important in all economic pursuits, not only that of seeking employment. Accessibility is a primary requisite for entrepreneurial activities. As was pointed out by Riggs (19653143) entrepreneurs are ”...those who seek to unite factors of production-capital, management, technology, security, and 'access' -- in order to produce and distribute goods and services, regardless of the scale of their activities: they range from small merchants to millionaire industrialists”. With the pos- sible exception of the Indian communities in East Africa (see Bharati 1972:95-116) Riggs' definition seems to hold true for all entrepreneurs. In the case of the Sikhs of Vancouver the definition fits precisely. As a case in point, there is the story of Inderjeet Singh.13 Inderjeet Singh was born in Canada in 1936, the son of an immigrant who had begun to establish himself in the trucking business. At the age of 20, Inderjeet inherited the small trucking enterprise from his father and became its president. Just prior to that event he had worked in a lumber mill office in Prince George, Canada, in order to 60 gain practical experience in the managerial component of mill operations. He was, in a sense, being geared to the eventual take-over of his father's firm. His father's sudden death cut short his "apprenticeship” and he returned to Vancouver to assume his present position. During the same year, 1957, he married and quickly brought his wife into the business with him. Together, they were able substantially to expand the operation of the original trucking business and to specialize in two related areas: contract lumber hauling and lumber and fuel sales. Inderjeet maintained his position as president of Inderjeet Lumber (specializing in contract lumber hauling) while his wife became president of Singh Sales (specializing in lumber and fuel sales). Both businesses operate out of the same office which is newly located in the heart of the lumber mill district. The Singhs have been quite successful and have built their joint enterprises into a profitable and secure business. The Singhs exhibit all of the characteristics of Riggs' definition of entrepreneurs. They have indeed combined the various factors of production-capital (their firms are capital intensive with a significant percentage of their profits being reinvested in the businesses), management (Inderjeet maintains effective control of both businesses, coordinating their activities so as to maxi- mize efficiency, while his wife plays more of a vice presidential, advisory role), technology (their fleet of 61 trucks is owned outright which is their single most important technological need), security (effective family control of their wealth maximizes security), and access (both in the fact that the original business was inherited and in the fact that the activities of the firms are among the more accessible to the Vancouver Sikhs). In other words, the Singhs are -- put simply -- successful and complete entre- preneurs. Although the specific details of the Singh's entre- preneurial activities may be considered somewhat unique, this type of economic aggressiveness is widespread among the Vancouver Sikh community. For instance, real estate transactions -- which encompass another relatively ac- cessible economic domain -- quite often approach the capi- tal-managerial-technological-security-accessibility pattern of entrepreneurs. Approximately forty percent of the Sikhs live in other-owned residences, nearly all of which are single or two-family dwellings. However, this high figure provides a misleading picture of Sikh attitudes toward home ownership. In actuality, far more than sixty percent of the Sikh families own ggmg residential property, whether they live on their own prOperty or not is another matter entirely. Two examples will indicate the complex real estate transactions in which the Sikhs are engaged. Case #1. This example involves two brothers who live next door to each other, each owning the residence of his brother and "renting" from his brother landlord. The two 62 houses are not equally comparable in that one house has an assessed valuation of $12,345 while the other has a valuation of 527,347. This arrangement has the advantage of "splitting the difference". If the two brothers pool their economic resources and silently purchase both homes jointly the resulting picture emerges. One brother has a monthly house payment of about 8200 and receives $200 per month in rental income, while paying only 8100 in monthly rent. The other brother has a monthly house payment of about 8100. He also receives about 8100 per month in rental income and yet pays 8200 per month to rent the house in which he lives. By pooling their resources, the two brothers are accomplishing two desirable ends. First, they can both declare depreciation on the house they own because they are rental properties. In addition, they can declare substantial interest payments for tax purposes. Essentially, the two brothers are minimizing the amount of annual tax payments each has to pay. Secondly, they are maintaining a "main house” which affords them a considerable amount of family prestige (in the sense that joint families -- even collateral joint families -- are more prestigious than are nuclear families) at the same time each can claim property ownership which affords them a considerable amount of indi- vidual prestige. The matter of prestige attached to home ownership is perhaps equally important to whatever mone- tary gains might be realized from such transactions, for as a Sikh real estate agent told me, "There is no respect, 63 no prestige, when you rent. Only when you own a home is there respect". Case #2. This case involves more property but is more simply explained. House number one is valued at $66,496 and is owned by the resident. In addition, a relative also lives there and is supposedly paying a nominal rent (I was unable to gather complete information on all of the kinship linkages pertinent to this case -- only that all of the people involved were somehow related). This male relative owns a house in a different part of the city which has an assessed valuation of $24,575. A related family lives there, but owns another house which is valued at 317,625 which is, in turn, rented by yet another relative. The most signifi- cant feature of this case is that, with the exception of the last individual who owns no home, each person is living in a home substantially superior to the one they own. This appears to be a case of conspicuous consumption in which peOple would be gaining substantially on the prestige scale without a concomitant gain on the monetary scale. In fact, they would be breaking about even. ”Our people come over here and maybe rent a basement or small apartment until they can afford to buy a house. A little later on, they would rather rent that house than sell it when they get another". In other words, an individual may buy a house, pay it off, rent it out and use the rental income plus the amount of the original payment in order to buy or rent a more expen- sive home. If they invested their money in the purchase of 64 a more expensive home they would probably gain significantly on the monetary scale in that their capital assets would increase accordingly. Since most of the Vancouver Sikhs would apparently prefer to rent out their homes rather than sell them, they might not have the liquid assets necessary for the purchase (or even the down payment) of a more eXpensive home. Therefore, many Sikhs are forced to rent the larger homes until such time as they can save enough for an adequate down payment. However they proceed, the manipulative attitude towards property, taxation, and “~—— ‘ ‘— H...‘ prestige, expresses a basic entrepreneurial approach to real estate. ~ ; In the same vein, many prosperous Vancouver Sikhs ' I have their residence legally listed in the name of their ' / spouse or the company they own. One knowledgeable in- { formant indicated that this was rather common practice "for business purposes“. I cannot state with certainty that these are economic practices peculiar to the Sikh - , T community in Vancouver. However, a White real estate broker was at a loss to explain many of the rather involved real estate dealing of the Sikhs. It could be assumed that the manipulative attitude toward real estate transactions is more widespread among the Sikhs than is commonly found in other sectors of Vancouver. With all of these examples, it might be supposed that the Sikhs engage in real estate transactions in order significantly to improve their position on the prestige .-‘- to .. .-e —- - 65 scale, to show through their housing that they had "made it" much as do many of the White Canadians. This is not true in all cases though. With few exceptions, even the very prosperous Sikhs maintain a "low profile" with re- pect to their properties. One individual who (according to other Sikhs) is a millionaire lives in a modest middle class home in a modest middle class neighborhood. True, he has a significant amount of prestige among the Sikhs but his wealth is played down in dealings with White Canadians. This practice is far more common than is a nouveau riche practice of ostentatious display of wealth. Significantly, the average value of a Sikh residence is $21,602 which is somewhat below the average value of ! single family dwellings for greater Vancouver. This fact does not mean that the Sikhs are of a lower economic class than the average Vancouverite, for there are a great many quite wealthy Sikhs who could raise the average by the pur- chase of homes which would be comparable to the homes of their White counterparts. I think it would be fair to say that the Vancouver Sikhs would rather do something with their money than show it off to the Whites. This is cer- tainly reflected in the practice of reinvesting money in real estate. Not only do they use money to make money (rather than display it) but they also use money differ- | ently than do the White Canadians. Practices such as a sending money to relatives in India, supporting the Gurdwara and their fellow Sikhs to the degree that they —_ 66 do, are all economic expenditures peculiar to the Sikhs. Economic Adaptation ‘ 1 In a very broad sense, the Vancouver Sikhs have had to become Canadians, at least in the economic arena.' For those who immigrated to Canada as well as for those born there, the basic economic patterns and practices extent in Canada were something they had to accept and work with. From their relatively weak economic position, it would have been impossible for the Sikhs to do anything other than accept the prevailing economic structure of Canada. The main question is, how have the economic patterns and prac- tices of the Punjab influenced the manner in which this acceptance has occurred? In other words, what were the ~ major features in their background which influenced the , specific adaptational responses of the Sikh community in Vancouver? In village Punjab, the multi-functional role structure within the economic arena typically revolves around the productive, distributive, and consumptive roles of kin, caste, and village, a family-community network of economic activities. In the Punjab (indeed throughout India) a number of activities have traditionally extended far beyond . ..-mm-w. ..-.. this network to the varying levels of district, state, national, and world markets, but a great deal of economic activities remains centered on the family-community net- ' . ; IL work. In large part, production, distribution, and con- 1 i 7 67 sumption of valued goods and services all occur in the same social field. . I The ideal of maintaining these patterns is still a ; major feature of the ethos of the Vancouver Sikhs and has colored their economic adaptation to a degree. It must be emphasized that the family-community interactional patterns are more relevant to the ideal world than to the real world. Indeed, this is part of their adaptational response. It is one way of maintaining a basic ethnic identity while fully participating in the Canadian econ— omy. : Of the three major variables to be examined -- pro- ' 2 1 duction, distribution, and consumption -- productive be- 1 f ’ havior has generally been the most stable, in that there I I have been conscious attempts to keep some of the socio- : economic features characteristic of the Punjab alive in Canada. This is not to say that Punjabi economic prac- tices are specifically transferred to Canada, for such is obviously not the case. What I am saying is that many of the Vancouver Sikhs attempt to keep what they perceive to be "traditional" practices going on in Vancouver. Family-owned firms are perceived by many of the Vancouver Sikhs to be an ideal type of economic activity because within this type of endeavor they are able to main- tain a high degree of traditional economic and social cohesiveness. The family-owned firms are usually the result of successful upward mobility in that the general pattern 68 is one of an individual beginning as a wage laborer in the mills and eventually becoming president of his own company. This is almost inevitably supported by the existence of a joint family structure. Contrary to the findings of Prasad (1970:15) in which joint families are perceived as being a limiting factor for individual initiative, I have found that joint families (at least in many instances) have been a facilitating factor for individual economic initiative. Joint families in Vancouver -- where they still exist and are not in the process of partition -- lend a great deal of support to an individual who desires to "take a chance". By pooling its economic resources, a joint family may allow an individual member to invest some of its resources in a 1 f speculative venture with the knowledge that if he fails it does not mean the economic ruin of the family (because others are still financially viable and therefore the family is still viable) and, if successful, not only the . individual but the family as a whole benefits. Actually, { there is currently a trend in which family-owned firms are 1 i on the wane. This tendency is due primarily to two factors: i the increase in testamentary inheritance which has a concomi- I” tant effect of decreasing the importance of coparcenous I ' fi inheritance, and therefore supports early joint family partition and the pervasiveness of wage labor. Both of . M 1 these factors are well-established elements of the Canadian / - -— H_.____ economy which must be taken into account by the Vancouver . i s f ! Sikhs. And, when these are coupled with entrepreneurial ~_._. " “E* L ‘—— 69 activities which are directed outside of the family- community network, one finds a situation of increasing differentiation even though there is a stated goal of maintaining the economic centrality and cohesiveness of the family-community network. The extent to which pro- ductive behavior is now actually directed beyond this network can be seen in the emphasis on individual, wage labor as opposed to communal and cooperative labor, and the degree to which wage labor has supplanted cooperative economic activities in many of the Vancouver Sikh families. Indeed, the work ethic has become so standardizad in some families that it has almost entirely replaced all forms of ’ j : cooperative activities, not only economic activities. Wit- 1 9 P ness the following conversation, QUESTION: Do you and your father ever do anything together? ANSWER: No. We never go on holidays or anything like that. During the summers all the|:white] kids in the neighborhood go off camping and things like that, but I would always be around because he was always working. Even when he had holidays, he would either go find another job or try to line up some- thing at home. He never really went anywhere. I really envied those gora kids, going off camping and all that. This attitude of constant work is found throughout the community, holding down two jobs at once, contract hauling on weekends, seeking employment during holidays, and the effect has been to decrease the possibilities of family- . . . ' l community cooperative activities. Currently this is - ' . I primarily a trend which appears to be growing. It is not 70 yet so totally pervasive within the community that all cooperative economic activities are curtailed. No one can say for sure at what point in time (if ever) this type of productive activity will characterize the Sikh community. But it certainly is a growing trend. Never- theless, at this time, a significant number of Sikhs still maintain an overt ideology that family control of economic activity is preferable to each individual "doing his own thing". As stated earlier, family owned firms are usually the result of successful upward mobility engaged in by a wage laborer living in, and being supported by, a joint family. An additional factor here is that all of the family firms I found were owned by individuals who had immigrated to Canada before 1951 or were owned by individuals who had been born in Canada and whose parents had been "early immi- grants". It will be recalled from the immigration data presented earlier that three-fourths of the immigrants coming to Canada prior to 1951 were classified as general laborers and it is from this category of immigrants that the majority (if not all) of the family owned firms arose. After 1951, the single most important "occupational" cate- gory of immigrants was that of professional. This category ; included such classifications as engineers, lawyers, phy- sicians, and teachers. Nearly fifty percent of the immi- grants since 1951 could be included as a professional of some sort. I found no evidence of professionals maintaining 71 the ideology of centralized family-community economic productivity (certainly not to the extent that the earlier immigrants maintained such an ideology). For the remaining fifty percent of the Sikh population immigrating to Canada since 1951, centrality of productivity appears yet to be of major concern. Although gross classifications are always misleading and often erroneous, I believe it can be safely stated that the family-community network remains ideolog- ically important to a significant proportion of the working class Vancouver Sikh community (while it appears to be less important in the actual operational modes of production) while another large proportion of the population has the incentives and appropriate resources by which totally to enter Canadian economics. Hypothetically, distribution should closely follow production patterns in that if the family-community is the primary area for production, it should also be the primary arena for economic distribution, and that if the market is the primary arena for production, it should also be the arena for distribution. But this hypothesis would hold true only if the productive arena is almost totally self-suffi- cient. If the family-community is dependent upon valued goods and services produced by a wider network, especially a market, then distributional activities of the society must be based on broader principles than would be the case if community self-sufficiency were the norm. 72 I am not arguing that Punjab villages are totally self-sufficient, for such is obviously not the case. But it is true that villagers in the Punjab are less involved in a large market economy than are the urban dwellers of Vancouver, which is essentially saying that economic al- location, distribution and/or exchange becomes increasingly dispersed into a wider economic sphere as dependency upon a market economy increases. Following Dalton (196131-25) a market economy is characterized by a highly decentralized, interdependent exchange system in which general purpose money provides the mechanism for economic transactions, prices are self-regulated by supply and demand, and max- imization is the attitude governing economic behavior. All of these characteristics certainly hold true for the distributional patterns affecting the Sikhs. Even if a family-owned mill or trucking firm is operated 23 if it was an independent (not interdependent) system of production, the economic realities are Such that economic independence is almost an impossibility. Production simply cannot be divorced from distribution and distribution i3 inter- dependent in the economic system in which the Vancouver Sikhs operate. In short, the distribution and allocation Patterns of the Sikh community can be characterized as being totally within the market economy. The third major category of economic activity, con- sumption or use, is similar in that total reliance on the market has been achieved. With the exception of a few 73 activities that are intracommunity to a rather exclusive degree such as communal dining in the Gurdwara following a wedding or other ceremony, economic consumption gen- erally follows White Canadian practices. According to LeClair (196231189) "consumption is the direct utilization of a good in the satisfaction of human wants“. A "good" is here understood to mean any item, service, or commodity which may be used to satisfy a self-defined economic need. And the needs of the Vancouver Sikhs, as a community, are as diverse and as ramified as any other population seg- ment of Vancouver. Indeed, the Sikhs of Vancouver are, with respect to consumption, full-fledged members of a developed nation having access to "the full inventory of mid-twentieth century industrial and agro-industrial goods and services" Harris 1971:448-449). Entry into the market system and a general rise in personal wealth have allowed the Vancouver Sikhs access to a number of economic opportunities unavail- able to their Punjabi brethren. They have jumped at the opportunity and exploit several specialized economic struc- tures to gain desired goods and services. 1 Essentially the Vancouver Sikhs are accomplishing those g i very things they set out to do when they migrated to Canada. ' , H They are, economically, becoming increasingly upward mobile. M One of the major reasons for coming to Canada in the first ‘ g ; place was to be able to exploit the economic opportunities , 1 j g: thought to be present. It is not at all surprising that 74 they have done just that. The specific patterns of that economic exploitation depend more on the actual opportunities in the host society than to the backgrounds of the immi- grants. In Vancouver, the Sikhs are primarily engaged in lumber mill and related wage earning activities which may be supplemented by more broadly defined entrepreneurial activities. On the other hand, in California the Sikh immigrants have practically gained a monopoly in the pro- duction of peaches. In a sense, the Sikhs (like all immi- grants) have brought with them certain attitudes concerning the best ways to adapt to their new environment while still maintaining a sense of self-worth based on traditional practices, but these attitudes generally become attenuated as the immigrants become more and more involved in the struggle for upward mobility within the host society. The pattern is really rather simple: they immigrate to an industrial society in order to gain access to the economic possibilities, planning to return to their original country after achieving their goal of economic sufficiency. They are going outside their country in order to be upwardly mobile in their country. After some success, they become a part of the process they are trying to exploit from out- side and find themselves attempting upward mobility within the host society. At that point, the plan to return gen- erally fades and they instead concentrate on ”making it” in their adopted country. Of course, the above characterization does not apply a _. . r -..m... ..... 75 to all of the Vancouver Sikhs. Specifically, it does tend to hold true for the early immigrants who were primarily from rural backgrounds and who had little formal education. Canada provided them with greater opportunities for wage labor than they saw in India. On the other hand, the im- migration data presented earlier indicate that within the more recent waves of migrants there has been a significantly higher percentage of professionals than was the case in the early years. Many of these professionals came to Canada for the same reasons, to pursue economic opportunities that were less available in India. But there remains a major difference. Many of the later immigrants are well educated and are already fluent in English. In a sense, they arrive in Canada more "Canadian" than some of the Sikhs who have been there for a considerable length of time. They may even be more Canadian than some of the second generation Canadian Sikhs. What I mean here is that they may be more Westernized and therefore more acceptable to the White Canadians than are those who are Westernized to a lesser degree. In any event, many of the professionals saw Canada not as a temporary, but as a permanent home. As such, they have been in a position (both socially and cognitively) of having more options available to them. Since they are i more acceptable to the White Canadians they have a wider range of choice of housing (as an example) which they tend to exploit because they have a self-perception which dif- ferentiates them from the majority of the Sikhs who are ‘——haa-a -— .. 76 working-class rather than professional. Additionally, gaining housing outside of the core area is a further indication of attempted external upward mobility. Many of the professional Sikhs are dispersed throughout the Kitsilano district (and elsewhere) of Vancouver, which is removed, both spatially and economically, from the main area of Sikh concentration. In other words, the professional Sikhs, because of their economic advantage, have greater options available to them in terms of community and status identification. ' Figures 2 and 3 diagramically indicate two levels of identification. At the risk of oversimplification, I have chosen to concentrate on only two occupational categories: laborers and professionals. These account for the bulk of the adult male population. Additionally, I have chosen to encapsulate the immigration data into only two cats- gories: early and recent. Early would be generally the period during and prior to World War II and recent would be the period after the war (specifically, after 1951). Figure 2 indicates the various strengths of Sikh community identification by three categories (there was no concen- tration of professional Sikhs among the early immigrants) and Figure 3 indicates the identification with the available models for status emulation. In terms of community com- . . %.__-_ position, the two are obviously interrelated. 77 Recent Laborers Sikh Community V. Early Laborers \ \ \ Recent Professionals FIGURE 2. CATEGORICAL STRENGTHS OF COMMUNITY IDENTIFICATION White Professionals Recent Early Professionals Laborers \Recentfl Laborers FIGURE 3. IDENTIFICATION WITH MODELS FOR STATUS EMULATION The Sikh community in Vancouver was formed and is currently maintained primarily by the early immigrants, nearly all of whom were initially laborers. Many of these individuals have become successful businessmen in their own right, but as was indicated previously, their successes are seen as examples of what might be accomplished econ- omically in spite of the barriers imposed by the dominant society. This "success in the face of opposition" has strengthened their identification with and leadership of the Sikh community. Recent laborers find a great deal of 78 support within the community, for a variety of reasons. As an example, those with a minimal competency in English find they can still effectively communicate in Punjabi as long as they locate within the working-class neighborhood situated near the Gurdwara. Additionally, they often find their first job either through relatives (who live near the Gurdwara) or through the Gurdwara itself (due to the efforts of the temple-related East Indian Canadian Citizens Welfare Association). These kinds of supports positively influence community identification among the recent laborers. This identification is further strengthened by the apparent economic successes of those most active in the community, especially in relation to political leadership of the Gurd- 1 were. As will be pointed out more fully in a following 1 chapter, it takes time and money to gain a position of power within the community. Recent immigrants are virtually excluded from leadership positions, but those who hold leadership positions present a picture of success to the ! recent immigrants with which they can identify and, hope- 1 fully, emulate. L Recent professional immigrants however, present an en- \_g tirely different picture. They arrive in Canada with S fewer impediments to economic success. Because of this, ._... _\ they generally do not make use of the available community support as do the working-class immigrants. And, with g .1 , few exceptions, they have little allegiance to the Sikh 7 community. Little can be gained through close affiliation Ij 79 with the community because they are attempting to attain equal status with the professional Whites who constitute their model for emulation. Those few who do chose to affiliate with the community are invariably in positions of leadership or actively seeking such positions. Because they too present a picture of success to the recently arrived laborers they are also models for emulation (but realistically, of lesser importance than the successful early laborers). Whether one chooses the professional White model or one of the Sikh models for emulation, it is the case of individuals following wealth and power (or what is perceived to be wealth and power). Seeking success economically and politically has important ramifications for the constitution of the Sikh community, in that those professional Sikhs not politically active within the com- munity are not active within the community at any level and are therefore ”outside“ the community. The Vancouver Sikh community, consequently, does not consist of all of the Sikhs in Vancouver for there are a number of professional Sikhs who have marginal (at best) economic, social, or political contact with the members of the community. In other words, the patterns of economic adaptation, especially 5 with reference to resource competition and models for status emulation, are generating factors of community identifi- cation. f i 1 Summary 1 m A great many of the Vancouver Sikhs migrated to Canada j p _..___- -=m - 80 because of the apparent economic potential afforded by "the new land". Because of this perceived possibility, it is not surprising that they entered the market economy with such fervor. In their attempts to make money quickly (most immigrants claim that they want to make it big in Canada and then return to India) they have entered the more accessible occupational categories, specifically those related to the lumber mills. Here, two different factors are perceived: the potential to make good money, and the overt discrimination that must be faced. Both of these factors influence the structure of, and the processes within the Sikh community. Discrimination makes them aware of their uniqueness and tends to increase a sense of ethnic identity in that support is sought from those who have had similar experiences and who have managed to become successful despite the apparent discrimination. This, in turn, makes them aware that the economic potential is great (because other Sikhs have made it) and is available for exploitation. Many, not entirely satisfied with wage labor, turn their attention to various other forms of economic endeavor and become entrepreneurs. The pattern that emerges for all segments of the . Vancouver Sikh community is one of being inevitably drawn into a market economy. The economic success of some pro- l‘ vides a pattern others can follow. This, in turn, helps . generate a sense of ethnic identity by providing the mecha- ' nisms by which Sikhs can become economically successful in 81 their adopted society. We see an interplay of many factors which collectively operate to generate and reinforce ethnic identity among one segment of the population (primarily the working-class Sikhs) but which may also be used by the more educated professional Sikhs to attempt upward mobility on a more individually defined basis. I do not wish to leave the impression here that the working-class Sikhs attempt up- ward mobility on a group basis (something akin to Sanskrit- ization), but that the gatterns of their mobility attempts are characteristic of a larger population, while such patterns are more difficult to find among the more Western- ized individuals who have voluntarily excluded themselves from a close affiliation with the larger Sikh community. The professional Sikh arrived in Canada with the goal of remaining in Canada and establishing himself in his chosen profession (rather than to make a lot of money quickly and return to India). His resources were such that he could fit into the dominant society, not as a member of a large occupational category, but rather, as an individual. As such, most of the professional Sikhs were not seen as posing a serious threat to the economic structure of the dominant society. Discrimination and restrictions were not as ap- parent or as numerous. They were able to eXploit the economic opportunities of Canada without necessarily being a member of an ethnic community. They were not attempting to gain a monopoly in a particular resource domain, so 82 membership in a community that did have that as a goal held little appeal for them. True, many have identified with the Sikh community for a variety of reasons, but they did not need £2 for economic reasons. That some flexibility is less available to the Sikh laborer who must be a member of an ethnic community and use the resources of that com- munity if he is to have any hope of economic success. In other words, the community is largely defined by resource competition which directly and indirectly influences the structures and processes of those features not typically included in the economic arena. CHAPTER THREE THE HUMAN ARENA In many anthropological accounts, this chapter might be called something like "Marriage, Family, and Kinship" for those categories constitute the main subject matter of this chapter. The aim of this chapter is not simply to describe the interplay of these categories, but to indicate how they actually contribute to the degree of ethnic identity extant within the Vancouver Sikh community. In other words, the subject matter with which I am here concerned is viewed as a direct -- at times conscious, at times unconscious -- attempt to maintain the essential ethnic configuration of the community. The title of the chapter is somewhat arbitrary. It could also be called "Familistic Generators of Ethnic Identity" or a variety of similar phrases could be sug- gested. “Human” is not an absolutely necessary part of the title. It was chosen for the simple reason that it is in the context of the family (and related activities and attitudes) that the greatest amount of actual and/or potential control over the lives of other humans is real- ized. In no other sociocultural arena -- be it political, economic, religious, or what have you -- is there a greater B3 84 £252; influence over the activities of other people. It was for this reason that I chose to call this chapter by its present title. In a paper presented to the 1967 Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association, Joy Inglis and Michael Ames14 delved extensively into British Columbia Sikh ideals of family life. The main thrust of their paper was an attempt to delineate interactional, conscious models of family life as perceived by the Canadian Sikhs, and to show how these models are at times in conflict and indica- tive of sociocultural change. Their analysis treated three distinct models: the Ideal Traditional Pattern, the Ideal Immediate Pattern, and the Ideal Canadian (White) Pattern. They broke each of these three models down into the following categories: A. Extended Family and Nuclear Family 8. Rules of Membership Ce Age De Sex E. Solidarity F. Economic: Income and Allocation 0. Political: Locus of Power H. Education and Expression A summary of their findings can be found in Appendix D. To their analysis, I would like to add a further model which I have chosen to call the Actual Immediate Pattern. This model can be viewed as a strategy developed to allevi- ate some of the conflicts and contradictions of the three ideal models as well as a strategy for the maintenance of Sikh ethnic identity. Basically, my addition (the Actual 85 Immediate Pattern) constitutes the current structural and processual arrangements of interpersonal interaction which are centered around the family. When viewed against the three ideal models, the actuality of these model patterns takes on real meaning and significance. Vancouver Sikhs do harken back to the way it was in the Punjab primarily in terms of an ideal model and they do have a conception of how the White Canadians ideally should behave. Knowing their roots are in the Punjab but that their existence is in Canada, they are inevitably led into a situation wherein they must somehow recognize the efficaCy of both models and ”inVent" an intermediate ideal pattern that is not specifically contradictory to either. This compromise comprises the Ideal Immediate Pattern. Ideals however, are seldom put into practice precisely as perceived. _-——-. .—......- Rather, there are behavioral "adjustments" which take into account the reality of the situation -- how they really were in the Punjab, and how they really operate in Canada. This latter category consists of what I call the Actual Immediate Pattern. The Extended Family and Nuclear Family Family Size and Comgosition. The Actual Immediate Pattern is remarkably similar to the Ideal Immediate Pattern with regard to family siZe and composition. The nuclear 1 family pattern does indeed predominate. Approximately eighty percent of the families on which information was 86 I collected are nuclear. There is a persistence of the joint I family pattern however, with twenty percent of the Vancouver - i Sikh families being either some form of joint family15 or ‘ some form of supplemented nuclear family (less than one 1 percent of the families could be included in this category). In these families there appears to be a patrilateral bias. This can be seen as a perpetuation of a basic Punjab pattern for as was indicated by Leaf (1972372) there is a strong tendency for non-farming Punjabis to live in nuclear as opposed to joint households. There are also isolated cases f of matrilocal joint families where the daughter brings her ; husband to her parent's home following the marriage, but ‘ . s i these are the exceptions rather than the rule and usually exist only if the bridegroom is a recent immigrant whose parents or brothers do not live in Canada. The most common pattern of post-marital residence is neolocal, or, if es- tablishing a joint family, patrilocal. Post-marital resi- dence patterns will be examined in more detail later in this i ' chapter. Affine Interaction. The Ideal Immediate Pattern affirms affines to be even more important than does the Ideal Tradi- 1' A tional Pattern. This is said to be so because of the rela- ‘1 tive absence of agnates in Vancouver to which one would normally turn for financial, political, and social support. My research would indicate that this is one of the trends in the Actual Immediate Pattern, but not the only one. - . ‘ I Historically, affine interaction was indeed more important I I 87 due to the fact that immigrants had to have sponsors in Canada, and because affines were usually more numerous than were agnates these sponsors often were affinal rela- tives. Witness the following partial interview: QUESTION: When you came to Canada, did you move into an area where there were many other East Indians? ANSWER: No, there weren‘t any in fact. My mom's brother sponsored us, so we lived with them for about five or six months and they were the only ones around that area. The informant's father was the individual being sponsored by his wife's brother. A little later on in the interview, the informant stated that his family had maintained close ties with his mother's brother's family and had relied on them to help find housing and employment. But the pattern of close affinal ties is not the only actual pattern governing supportive interaction. As the Sikh population increased, two other patterns, each quite different from the other, emerged. One was a return to the more traditional agnatic interaction as more agnates either moved into the area or were the natural result of a sexually reproducing population. As one example of financial and social support of agnates and affines I searched thrOugh the property valuations of nearly one hundred randomly selected Sikh addresses. I was able to obtain not only property valuations, but the names of the occupants as well as the names of the property owners and their addresses. This yielded information on the relation- ship between self—owned and other-owned properties. 88 .Nearly sixty-three percent of the homes rented by Sikhs were owned by other Sikhs. And of these, my informants were able to determine that about half were owned by agnatic relatives of the renters. Since many times it would be the case of two brothers residing in close proximity, with one brother owning two properties and renting one to the other brother, it appears to be evi- dence of close agnatic ties in supportive interaction. The other pattern to emerge with the increased pop- ulation was a drifting away from both agnatic and affinal relations with regard to support interaction, with a con- comitant increase in non-kin based interaction. One in- formant recently moved to a residential district within Vancouver called Kitsilano. He claims that there has been a recent influx of "professional" Sikhs into Kitsilano. Many of the older Sikh inhabitants have little or no contact with these new people. Most of the older residents are mill workers and this appears to be a clear-cut case of class differ- entiation. The laboring Sikhs apparently main- tain their contact primarily through the temple and the surrounding area and do not associate with the engineers, draftsmen, etc., that now live in Kitsilano. In other words, the Actual Immediate pattern con- cerning affinal interaction appears to follow more of the Ideal Canadian Pattern than any other in that interaction with affines is becoming more and more optional due to an ever increasing number of available and acceptable sources of support, including agnates. Hzgergamy. As far as hypergamous unions are concerned, 89 the Actual Immediate Pattern closely parallels.the Ideal Immediate Pattern in that this form of marriage is ideally rejected, yet it is possible to find remaining attitudes of the family of the bridegroom being superior to that of the bride. One of my informants stated that marriage be- tween a Ram Garia groom and a Jet bride ggglg occur or that it was possible for a Malwa boy to marry a Doaba girl, and that he knew of specific marriages in Vancouver of these types. But these traditionally hypogamous unions are exceptional. It is true that I found little direct evi- dence that hypergamy was considered absolutely proper, but I concluded from the negative, i.e., a rejection of hypogamy, that there were many attitudes of hypergamy remaining within the community. Rules‘gfi Membership Post-Marital Residence. As indicated earlier, neo- locality is the most common form of post-marital residence in the Actual Immediate Pattern while patrilocality is still influential at the joint family level. This, of course, corresponds perfectly well with the predominance of nuclear families among the Vancouver Sikh community. However, the apparent overwhelming preponderance of neo- local residence does not truly reflect the attitudes of the Vancouver Sikhs towards residence. My findings could be merely a statistical anomaly based on imprecise data, or they could be evidence of a very recent shift from joint family to nuclear family living. The latter N .e— a-v-e. ...a- -—-.—-...~—_._.._.:__ 90 possibility would explain why so many of my informants re- membered when they were "in" patrilocal joint families. As an example, note the following statement: In my father's family there were four brothers and four sisters. Now when my father got married his wife came to live in that home and the three brothers that eventually got married also stayed in that home. Later, the eldest son, the informant's father's brother, moved out, “...and he was looked on as the black sheep of the family, even though he lived only one block away from the main house. They even called it the big house, the main house.” Another informant stated that his son and daughter- in-law are living with him now, but are planning to move out in the near future now that his son has a job. This type of temporary patrilocality appears to be fairly common and corresponds to the Ideal Immediate Pattern. Current demographic patterns still reflect that there are substan- tially more neolocal residences (corresponding to the Ideal Canadian Pattern) than patrilocal, or even temporary patrilocal or matrilocal residences. One informant, the president of a lumber company and an active leader in the Sikh community, related his own experience and then summed up the situation as follows: We had quite a household when we came here. My 3 brothers were living with us. My dad was living 5 with us, and my sister. The families that have : been here quite awhile have smaller, more 'modern' families, but the ones that haven't been here too long have quite a few people in their families. When individuals get settled, they tend to find their own homes. 91 Consequently, it can be concluded that the Actual Immediate Pattern corresponds quite closely to the Ideal Immediate Pattern in the very recent past but that more and more Sikhs are approximating the Ideal Canadian Pattern with regard to post-marital residence patterns. However, the Actual and the Ideal Immediate Patterns correspond quite closely at present with regard to a pref- erence for bringing spouses from outside Canada. I was able to gather fairly complete records for 310 marriages performed under the auspices of the Vancouver Gurdwara16 from 1951 through 1972. For 194 of these marriages17 only 24 took place in which both parties were born in Canada. Of the remaining, 53 involve one of the parties being born in Canada and the other being born in India, while in 99 cases both the bridegroom and the bride were born in India.18 One interesting fact is that of the 53 marriages which involved parties born in India and in Canada, 31, or 58.5% involve Canadian-born brides and Indian-born bridegrooms, while only 22 (41.5%) involve Canadian-born bridegrooms and Indian-born brides. The percentage of Canadian-born brides marrying Indian-born bridegrooms is substantially higher than I had anticipated, although the figure does not take into account males born in India who migrated to Canada and later sent for India-born brides. Nevertheless, the Actual Immediate Pattern emerges very clearly in that 156 out of 195 cases involve marriage in which at least one of the parties was born in India (see below). This pattern b - ————___-__- 92 constitutes one strategy by which Sikh ethnic identity is maintained to a fairly high degree. More 'traditional' brides and bridegrooms are sought in order to maintain an identity distinct from the larger Canadian population. It is one way of fighting assimilation. Another factor relative to marriage preferences which serves to distinguish Vancouver Sikh practices from those of the Canadian Whites is the average age at the time of marriage. Using only the ages of persons never previously married, the following figures emerge. TABLE 5. MARRIAGE ACES: 1951-197019 BRIDES GROOMS Year For for For For For For Canada 8.C. Sikhs Canada 8.C. Sikhs 1951 23.8 24.1 18.1 26.6 27.3 25.1 1952 23.7 24.1 19.1 26.5 27.2 21.8 1953 33.7 24.0 19.3 26.3 27.0 23.8 1954 23.6 23.8 18.5 26.3 26.9 25.0 1955 23.5 23.6 19.8 26.2 26.7 23.0 1956 23.4 23.4 19.0 26.1 26.6 23.0 1957 23.3 23.4 20.6 26.1 26.5 24.2 1958 23.2 23.2 21.0 26.0 26. 27.0 1959 23.1 23.3 23.3 25.9 26.3 24.0 1960 23.0 23.2 21.4 25.8 26.4 24.7 1961 22.9 23.0 23.7 25.8 26.3 25.6 1962 22.8 22.9 22.5 25.6 26.1 28.6 1963 22.8 22.7 23.1 25.6 26.1 26.7 1964 22.7 22.7 21.4 25.4 25.8 25.0 1965 22.6 22.6 22.0 25.3 25.6 27.1 1966 22.6 22.5 22.6 25.2 25.5 27.0 1967 22.6 22.6 22.6 25.0 25.4 27.9 1968 22.6 22.5 21.4 25.0 25.4 29.2 1969 22.7 22.7 21.2 25.0 25.4 24.1 1970 22.7 22.5 20.7 24.9 25.1 23.3 4-. .\ a _o-9¢wo< ‘ ... . _ ""- _—--_h ._ — o . 93 As can be seen, the average age at marriage for Sikh brides is generally lower than their Canadian counterparts. 'It is primarily this factor which accounts for the larger age discrepancy between males and females at the time of marriage for the Sikhs. In other words, Sikh bridegrooms generally married younger females than did White Canadian bridegrooms. However, there has been an interesting trend that tends to minimize this difference. As the age at the time of mar- riage has been decreasing for Canadian society as a whole, the age at the time of marriage for the Sikh community has shown the opposite tendency. From 1951 through 1955 the average age at the time of marriage throughout Canada for brides was 23.7 while for the period 1966 through 1970 , their average age was 22.6 which shows a decrease in age I at marriage of 1.1 years. For British Columbia brides during those same two periods the figures are 23.9 and 22.6 showing a decrease of 1.3 years, while the Vancouver Sikhs showed an increase of 2.7 years from 19.0 to 21.7. This increase for the Sikhs and decrease for the rest of Canada has all but eliminated the difference in the ages at the time of marriage for the Sikh brides and the brides through- out Canada. A similar trend can be seen for the bridegrooms. From 1951 through 1955 the average age at the time of mar- riage for bridegrooms throughout Canada was 26.4 and during the period 1966 through 1970 it was 25.0 showing a decrease of 1.4 years. For British Columbia bridegrooms during the same periods the average age went from 27.0 to 25.2 showing 94 i a decrease of 1.8 years, while the Vancouver Sikh bride- grooms increased their average age at the time of marriage } by 2.6 years from 23.7 to 26.3. ‘ Thus, the Actual Immediate Pattern indicates that the Sikhs are attempting to maintain their cultural identity by bringing in spouses from India while at the same time they are closely approximating the Ideal Canadian Pattern in neolocal residence and average age at the time of mar- riage. The Descent System. Descent is another area which ; appears to be transitional between the Ideal Traditional i Pattern and the Ideal Canadian Pattern. The Actual Imme- ' I 1 diate Pattern is one of patrilineal descent with bilateral ' ‘ i ' affiliation. In other words, the Vancouver Sikhs' Actual Pattern almost perfectly corresponds with their Ideal f I Immediate Pattern. As one of my informants told me, "the clan simply isn't that important any more." He was referring not only to the reckoning of descent but to all matters of ‘ : primary group affiliation. To say that the Sikhs were bilateral and closely approximated the relative unimpor- j tance of kinship among the White Canadians wOuld be quite ‘ misleading, for even though the descent principle is not now as important as it once was in the past, kinship is still a dominant concern for most of the Vancouver Sikhs. Many of my y0unger informants especially had difficulty remembering the names of their great grandparents or even what the prOper term of reference would be. They were 95 quite aware of all of their collateral relatives in their own generation as well as the first ascending and the first descending generation. Even though they did not often interact with all of their collateral relatives (some lived in India, others in Great Britain or the United States) they had a remarkable knowledge of both terms of reference and terms of address in addition to their relative ages, age at time of marriage, number of children, etc. Both male and female informants were able to recall both matrilateral and patrilateral collateral relatives, but their knowledge of their patrilateral relatives was more precise and was recalled with less hesitancy. . (The deemphasizing of patrilineal descent is not un- common among immigrant communities. Dotson (1968:157) found a parallel situation among the East Indians of Zambia, Rhodesia, and Malawi: In Africa...the exigencies of immigration may mean that the mother's relatives are equally or even more prominent in one's actual social experience than the father's relatives. The same exigencies may also mean that no relatives outside the nuclear family are very important to one immediately and directly. To the extent that either of these possibilities occur, we might expect logically that an interpretation of kinship by the bilateral norms of the non- Indian cosmopolital culture would be encouraged. We believe on the basis of the evidence which we collected that this is exactly what has happened. I maintain that among the Vancouver Sikhs, it is the first alternative, i.e., that the mother's relatives are equally or eVen more prominent in one's actual social experience ‘_ ..—|-v —-—- 96 than the father's relatives, that has been the more sig- nificant element in this transition. This was certainly the case historically and, even if mediated somewhat recently, has been an important causal factor of the decreasing importance of the patrilineage. Inheritance. The Actual Immediate Pattern among the Vancouver Sikhs differs from the Ideal Traditional Pattern in that there are few cases in which a man's sons inherit equally, with widows and daughters receiving little if any of the property. For the most part, daughters are still less important than are some as far as inheritance is concerned, but there is a growing trend to pass on property and wealth to them as well, although they still generally get a proportionately smaller share than their brothers. Many Sikhs die intestate and the distribution of wealth and property after their death remains a sig- nificant problem within the community. Witness the fol- lowing conversation: QUESTION: We were talking about the break-up of the joint family. Would you like to go over that again now that the tape recorder is working? ANSWER: Well, about fifteen years ago this was very common -- around 1955 to 1960. Ownership was usually by the father; all property, any assets in the business, etc. And then when the father died, that is when the clan break-up would occur. There was no will kept in most cases and property rights, business assets, etc., were given to the widow who had to redistribute the wealth. And that is where the problems occurred. 97 QUESTION: Between the brothers? ANSWER: Yes, always between the brothers, never between the sisters. The female in most East Indian families is treated as an inferior in many ways. And they are not given any rights to any wealth at all, at least in most cases. Even though legally they have rights, they never take advantage of them. This type of clan break-up happened in the last few years, also. QUESTION: Are these committed to court cases? ANSWER: Mostly they go to court cases. A lot of court cases are over ownership. And these are almost always over the redistri- bution of wealth. This has resulted in a lot of family feuds. Later, this same informant supplied the following details about a specific case: This is what happened to Mohinder Trucking. The father had just recently died, and the mother was left with all of the assets for the business and a struggle occurred. One son wanted to leave and the other three wanted to maintain the joint wealth. Even- tually the business was sold and they all received their split. The firm is now called Canadian Trucking and is not even owned by an East Indian. The same thing happened with a lot of the mills. There used to be a lot more mills owned by East Indian families. QUESTION: You would say, then, that in many cases the mills did not fold, but rather were sold? ANSWER: Yes, they were sold to break up the wealth. This same informant related other similar cases as did many others with whom I talked. The details of each case followed a similar pattern. Apparently, family partition is a major topic of conversation among the 98 Vancouver Sikh community. A great number of these part- itions have occurred in the past because of the shift away from the known traditional system of coparcenous inheritance without an immediate concomitant shift toward the legally binding testamentary inheritance. Currently a greater emphasis is being placed on testamentary in- heritance within the community than was the case in the immediate past. This has tended to reduce the number of court cases dealing with inheritance even if it has not decreased the incidence of partition. Regulation 2f S25. Although the Ideal Traditional, Immediate, and Canadian Patterns all indicate that pre- marital and extramarital sexual relations should be pro- hibited, the Actual Immediate Pattern indicates a somewhat different behavior. It is true that premarital and extra- marital sexual relations are not often engaged in by Sikh females. Women, when single, tend to be chaste and when married, to be faithful to their marriage vows. I once met, by chance, a young single Sikh woman who was a bank teller. We struck up a conversation and, after explaining my purpose, I asked her if it would be all right to set up a time for an interview after she got off work. She told me that that would be impossible for her parents expected her home within fifteen minutes after the bank closed. She did consent to meet me the next day for lunch. The following morning I called her at work to confirm the interview time and she informed me that her father had i-e.._._~_iv_..___¥_, - “..."...Vr 99 forbidden her to talk with me. Although this incident is an isolated case and may reflect more than is immediately apparent, I believe it to be a fair representation of the fact that females are watched quite closely. Males, on the other hand, are not quite as subject to the same restrictive atmosphere. They are subject to restrictions to be sure, but not to the same degree as are the females. One informant, a student at the University of British Columbia, responded thusly when asked about going out on dates: Well, I take girls out. I've never gotten into the thing where you take one girl out and you take her to dinner and all that sort of thing. I would really feel strange doing that. But I do go around with girls. You know, meet them and go to parties and all that. But this is something my parents don't know about. I have run into this problem quite a few times when I was living at home. Sometimes a girl would call me up just to talk to me and I would get a lot of hassel from my dad. He would really be disturbed by this fact. I really think that is why he doesn't want me going out with girls. He figures that I will be getting away from the East Indian culture. You see, I have only taken out one East Indian girl whom I knew about a year or so. The reason I was able to do that was that her parents were divorced and she was living with her mother, and her mother was fairly Westernized. She sort of accepted this. So we got along OK. But if it had been the same type of family that I was from, there was no way that we would have been able to do anything. Parents reflect a similar attitude. A Canadian-born woman with two teen-aged children stated: I'm a little stricter than most Canadian parents I think. You know, the way the Canadian kids can come and go at any hour. As long as they are living in my house, they have certain hours _____...—-_ —-—— 100 to keep and that's it. They don't like it, but they go along with it. As long as they live under my roof they do. QUESTION: Your daughter is nineteen. Do you allow her to date? ANSWER: Nope: there I'm strict again. I don't believe in intermarriage, and I've told her that if she can meet an Indian boy fine, then she can go and date. But this is the way I am and I'm not going to change. She doesn't like it, but she is going along with it. Extramarital sexual relations are apparently uncommon (although it must be understood that information on this topic was rather difficult to obtain). However, one, informant stated that some Sikh men did frequent White prostitutes on a fairly regular basis: "You know, when the wives don't put out, what else can we do”? I might mention that the rather strict sexual code of the Sikhs is looked upon as being rather ”strange“ by many of the White Canadians. Near the University of A British Columbia there is a beach called Wreck Beach where a considerable amount of nude sunbathing occurs. One White coed told me that on any sunny day you can see a dozen or so Sikh men on the hill OVerlooking Wreck Beach looking through binoculars. In a disgusted tone of voice i she said, "Why don't they simply come down to the beach T and take off their clothes like normal people do"? Need- less to say, Wreck Beach (the beach itself that is) is not frequented by the Vancouver Sikh community. Marriage prohibitions are, on the one hand, being relaxed and on the other hand, still being maintained 101 quite stringently. There is a general feeling that marriage within one's saginda and one's 32; is improper, but with the decline in importance for these categories among the Vancouver Sikhs, some marriages within these categories have taken place. These have occurred only between indi- viduals who have both been born and reared in Canada and who, according to my informants, were "Westernized”.- I was not able to find any cases of saginda or 323 endogamy when the marriages were arranged by the parents of the couple. There are apparently a few more cases in which an individual was able to marry into his or her mother's 32; but this is not common. In other words, there appears to be some relaxation of the rule of saginda and 32; exogamy which corresponds to the general decline of importance of these categories. There has been a fairly high incidence of marriage to affines although I was unable to obtain sufficient in- formation to make even a good guess at the percentage. Examples would be a woman who married her sister's husband's brother and a man who married his brother's wife's mother's brother's daughter. If the prohibition on egginda and ggt exogamy is being relaxed, the prohibition on inter-ethnic marriage is not. In over 400 marriages (including temple records and kinship diagrams) only ten inter-ethnic marriages were recorded. Most of these occurred between Sikh males and White Canadian females with one case each of a Sikh woman _‘ 102 ‘ marrying a White Canadian male, a Sikh man marrying a White Dutch woman, and a Sikh man marrying a Mexican woman. The expressed attitudes of the parents of marriage- able individuals reflect this norm of ethnic endogamy. Even those individuals who stated that they would not accept an arranged marriage for themselves indicated their unwillingness to marry a non-Sikh. "To please the parents" was an oft-heard phrase. Caste, like clan appears to be decreasing in impor- tance among the Vancouver Sikhs. Although Jats still tend to marry Jets, Rajputs still tend to marry Rajputs, etc., most of my informants agreed that more and more marriages occur between members of different castes than ever before. ’ I was unable to obtain sufficient statistical data (due , I primarily to the fact that the Sikh religion is "casteless" { I: and therefore temple records do not mention the casts of the wedding party, and many Sikhs were unwilling to even agree that they had a caste) to provide a precise indica- 1 ’ tion of the incidence of intercaste marriage, but I would ; I tend to agree that caste endogamy is not as important as it once was. 3 Locality exogamy, however, is another matter. I was ‘ I able to confirm only six cases of locality endogamy out ; of nearly two hundred marriages. All six of these were cases in which both the bride and the bridegroom were born ; , in the city of Vancouver. Table 7 illustrates the place ' 3 I“ x I of birth for the bride and bridegroom for 194 marriages g 7 i A 103 between 1951 and 1970. Of the marriages in which both the bride and the bridegroom were born in India, it might safely be assumed that the vast majority, if not all, were locality exogamous. Unfortunately, the village of origin was not recorded for these marriages, so this must remain an assumption. However, when an individual was born in Canada, the village, town, or city of birth was recorded. TABLE 7. BIRTHPLACE 0F MARRIAGE PARTNERS FEMALES BORN IN: 3 0 n. o ’3 U H H 0 v0 3 > I O Q a ' a O 3 v4 0 ‘4 it Fl ‘1 g a L! I U ‘0 *0 C 1: O a) C O u I! u 0 O o-e u a) > D Z 0- India 99 31 29 10 3 173 5 Canada 22 24 2.: 12 o 1 a: E British Columbia 13 24 24 12 o 1 79 D 3'; Vancouver 5 11 11 6 o o 33 U g Other 3 s 3 o 3 o 14 E Not Available 2 o o o o o 2 Total 149 95 91 40 6 3 384 ——. a.._......,. _,,, _ ' ,_.,, - -2 -2 r.,. 2, -..._ _ _ . g, _. _ ___ ,__...- , —-' ““5 ———-*—-' - - . , 104 As can be seen in the above table, in all cases in which both the bride and the bridegroom were born in Canada, I both parties were born in the province of British Columbia. ' ' J In only six of those cases, or twenty-five percent, were V both of these individuals born in the city of Vancouver. Indeed, these are the only six confirmed cases of locality endogamy (or three percent of the total 194 marriages) in which the place of birth was recorded. The practices enumerated in the above table constitute a shift back to the Ideal Traditional Pattern of village exogamy and away from the Ideal Immediate Pattern in which the village of origin in India is taken as the reference ‘ I point rather than Canadian location of birth. With more A - f and more Sikhs being born in Canada and with marriages still being arranged, this would constitute a logical 1 - I I development for this community. My informants were di- vided on this point, some indicating that place of birth was unimportant in marriage and others simply stating that “it is better to marry someone from another town“. “.99. i ; Absolgte Ag_. The actual Immediate Pattern recognizes ' A five separate absolute age categories: birth, naming, baptism, marriage, and death. Not all of these absolute age categories are seen as being equally important by the Vancouver Sikh community, nor are they equally marked ceremonially. Childbirth is not marked ceremonially and I g: the few prenatal restrictions, e.g., praying in a certain E, —+—\, 105 manner or singing specific hymns, are not followed by the majority of women. Parturition takes place almost always in a hospital with only a few of the newly arrived women giving birth at home. For second and third generation women, childbirth poses no serious hardship. However, for newly arrived women there appears to be a significant emotional strain attached to pregnancy and birth in a strange environment. A White Canadian physician told me that his East Indian patients are, as a rule, good pa- tients but that they tend to complain quite a bit: "Es- pecially the pregnant women. They tend to come in or telephone if anything (his emphasis) is bothering them". Further questioning revealed that the ones who complained the most were those having a poor grasp of English which may be indicative of rather recent immigration or a noted traditional life style. Another informant, a relatively Westernized woman with two children of her own stated, when asked about childbirth, "I think it is harder for the new people. They have to have counseling from a doctor because every- thing is so different here. Otherwise, they would keep to the old way. If they could have a baby at home, they would have it". From ten days to a month after the birth of a child, it is taken to the Gurdwara to receive its name. Nearly all of the children receive their name in this traditional manner. Every child receives three names: the first name : - .: use; —‘ ‘ 106 is determined by the Process in which the priest opens the Guru Granth Sahib and the first letter of the first hymn determines the first letter of the child's first name. The second name is either Singh, if it is a male child, or Kaur if the child is female. The third name is inherited patrilineally and is usually derived from the village of origin, the‘ggt, or the Jg£_. Quite often, the child is later given an English nickname either by its parents or by its playmates. Baptism, or formal initiation into the Sikh faith, is relatively unimportant among the Vancouver Sikhs. Although it traditionally is one of the most important and sacred ceremonies of Sikhism, it is not often performed at the Vancouver Gurdwara. Indeed, the priest at the temple stated that he performs only one or two baptism ceremonies each year. Marriage, on the other hand, is probably the most important life cycle ceremony for an individual and for the community as a whole. Although many of my younger informants indicated that they would not accept an arranged marriage, it is quite clear that most of the marriages per- formed at the Vancouver Gurdwara have been, and continue to be, arranged by the parents of the bride and the bride- groom. Although I do not have precise statistical data on this point, I believe the overwhelming incidence of locality exogamous marriages bear out this conclusion. It may be inferred from this that the wedding ceremony itself, and h—__, 107 ' marriage in general, marks a very important transition -- a transition that is the concern of, and is monitored by, the Sikh community. Indeed, it is my contention that marriage is one of the primary means by which the community attempts to maintain the essential Sikh identity of the community. The last transition rite is the funeral. It too is very traditional with cremation and orthodox temple ceremony. The ashes of the dead individual are strewn in local water, either the Pacific Ocean or in a river, : or are sent back to India for placement in the Ganges or 1' other river. 0f the five absolute age categories, naming, marriage, i and death follow closely the Ideal Traditional Pattern, while baptism is falling by the wayside and birth, for the most part, parallels contemporary Canadian practices. The explanation for these practices appears to be that naming, marriage, and death are among the most obvious mechanisms ‘ I for the maintenance of an ethnic identity. A child re- U ceives its initial Sikh identity through its name. The name functions to link the child to its patrilineage, to the khalsa, and to the Sikh religion. An individual re- inforces that identity at the time of marriage, and the community reaffirms that same identity at the time of death. A similar statement could be made for baptism, although one other factor comes significantly into play here -- the A l? outside community. For when an individual is baptised. I" 4- .4... __ __._._. 108 he is instructed (among other things) to "keep the hair". In other words, a man who has been baptised should main- tain the outward symbols of the Sikh religion, i.e., long hair, comb, short pants, iron bangle, and sword. However, to do so immediately marks him as “different” in the eyes of the White Canadians and often results in acts of dis- crimination. Shaving, or not being baptised in the first CANADIAN CANADIAN FIGURE 4. LIFE-CYCLE CEREMONIES place, is a strategy which makes life more tolerable, more enjoyable, and more profitable for the Vancouver Sikhs. Birth, like baptism, operates essentially in both the Sikh 109 and the White Canadian spheres. When an individual is born, it is born into both worlds. The thrust and focus of these categories can be seen in the above diagram. Those cate- gories that place an individual in both Sikh and Canadian spheres tend to become less significant to the community, while those categories that tend to have little outward effect on the White Canadian society are highlighted and are used to maintain Sikh ethnic identity. Rglgtive Age. In addition to absolute age, relative age also plays an important role in the Vancouver Sikh community. The older an individual, the more prestige, power and responsibility he has, especially within the context of the family. This ideal is not always subscribed to in all matters, but in many areas of family life, relative age is indeed important. Younger brothers often go to their elder brother for guidance, elder brothers to their fathers, and daughters to their mothers. Such matters that might fall within this category would be intrafamily quarreling, troubles at school, or problems at work. In other words, interpersonal difficulties are often funneled through relative age categories. However, matters dealing with material resources or wealth quite often are resolved without reference to relative age. Earlier in this chapter it was mentioned that numerous court cases areas over the distribution of wealth within the joint family. Although I can not provide precise statistical information on this point, I have a very strong feeling that interpersonal 110 Ficulties which can be separated from material resources handled within the family at least partially through the 1ciple of relative age, while those difficulties tied actly to material resources are tackled in a variety of s, but generally not following relative age. Generational Precedence. Closely tied to relative age generational precedence. The Ideal Immediate Pattern sely parallels the Ideal Traditional Pattern in which bars of older generations are treated with a great deal respect. This is probably as much a rejection of what Vancouver Sikhs perceive to be the Canadian Pattern as is a carry-over of the Punjab ideal. The younger Sikhs, ecielly those born in Canada, are tending to identify a with their Canadian counterparts. The Actual Immediate tern still shows a high degree of generational precedence h respect accorded to the members of the older generation both sexes, but there appears to be a growing trend among younger Sikhs for independence and rebelliousness. One ormant talked about his relationship with his step-mother the following manner: “We just never did have a good ationship. I remember sometimes when she would hit me II really would get pissed off and I would just go off 'ing. And then I started getting wise and I would belt 'one back”. Although the above statement is atypical in xviolence, it is not atypical of the attitudes of inde- Mence expressed by many of the younger Sikhs. Lip ser- 3 is still paid to generational precedence, but many 111 question its validity today. The traditional precedence of males over females within amily is still maintained to a considerable degree among ancouver Sikhs. But, this category like the one pre- 9 it, is being challenged more and more. When both the nd and the wife are Canadian-born there appears to be emphasis placed upon male dominance in family affairs. ver I entered a household for an interview where both usband and wife were Canadian-born, both participated a interview. If either or both of the parties were in India (the majority of the cases) the woman would r not be present or would sit quietly without actively cipating in the interview. This ocCUrred in all cases lch both parties were born in India, the husband was in India and the wife in Canada, or when the husband urn in Canada and the wife in India. There were no :ions. In all cases such as this, the husband assumed :le of representative and protector of his family to :n-Indian community. Often he would refuse to discuss ’ the particulars surrounding his wife's background .n one case, refused even to supply her name.20 was able to interview one woman (Canadian-born) on 11 occasions in which her Indian-born husband was not It. She is a very Westernized and energetic person. s married when she was eighteen and her marriage was ad. She is articulate and outspoken -- by no means 112 shy and retiring type. Yet she admitted that within the 1y, "I more or less have to go along with his ideas and oms". She went on to state that her husband was far more \itional in his outlook than she but felt it was best let him have his own way". darity As might be supposed from the preceding, many aspects he traditional family life show a tendency to become and more like the perceived Canadian pattern. A lar statement could be made for family solidarity. would be a logical development for as the attitudes aspect and precedence are modified, the relationships which those attitudes are based will also be influenced. amilies in which both husband and wife are Canadian- and in which there is less emphasis placed on male nance, there is less of an avoidance relationship be- n the husband and wife than is the case in the Ideal itional Pattern. At the same time, there is less of ntimate relationship between parent and offspring, a sibling bonds appear to be relatively unaffected and inue to show a high degree of intimacy. On the other hand, in families in which at least one he parents was born in India, there is a close ap- imation to the Ideal Traditional Pattern of intimacy avoidance. Likewise, in these families, the relative endencs of intrafamilial relationships follows the itional pattern in which strength follows different 113 :nerations, e.g., parent-offspring having stronger ties Ian either male or sibling bonds. 0n the other hand, in is less traditional families, i.e., those in which both :sband and wife are Canadian-born, the strongest ties ppear to be between husband and wife rather than between ether and son. In other words, solidarity does not per- min as much from one generation to the other, but rather exists within each generation. Economic: Income _§_l'_I_C_l Allocation Family income derives from a variety of sources with there being a preponderance from wages and profits asso- ciated in some degree with lumber mill activities. Of the 192 marriages in which occupation of the groom was recorded, 111 (57.8%) had some connection with lumber activity. Another major source of family income is rent. I selected 99 Sikh residences at random from the Vancouver City telephone directory and examined the records of those properties at City Hall. Nearly forty percent of those residences were rental property and over sixty-two percent of those were rented from other Sikhs. As indicated earlier, this figure may show a disproportionate percentage of Sikhs who do not own homes, for on further examination it was found that many Sikhs rented and lived on one property while at the some time they owned other property which they. in turn, rented out to other Sikhs. Aside from whatever income a Sikh family might receive from a job or profession, it ap- pears that buying property and renting it out provides a -— 114 izeabla number of Sikh families with additional income. Women play a less important role in contributing 0 Family income than do men. Again, from the marriage ecorde, it was found that over 65% of the brides listed Lhair occupation as homemaker. Although women may later seek employment outside the home most apparently do not. Family wealth allocation falls into rather narrow limits. Family wealth is shared among members of the family, it is used to support temple activities, both sacred and secular, it is reinvested for future profits, and it is shared with relatives in India. Thus, the Actual Immediate Pattern of family wealth allocation constitutes a distinctive array of usage which is dif- ferent from that of the White Canadians and which helps maintain their cultural identity. Political: Locus 2: Power Very little need be said on this topic, for from the foregoing it can be concluded that the eldest male in the household generally wields final authority. A structural shift in the size of the household, however, has caused a concomitant shift in the field of power. With an increasing preference for nuclear families, the number of individuals over which a household head has authority has correspond- ingly decreased. Respect may still be shown to the eldest male in the patrilineal kin group, and his advice may still be scught on occasion, but it remains advice only, and the head of the household (even if he has recently married) — 115 increasingly makes the final decision in matters pertaining to his family. Even in collateral joint families, the eldest male does not always have final authority. When two or more brothers, their wives and children occupy a single dwelling, authority is not often clearly divided. One brother way be the pres- ident of their jointly owned trucking firm and have con- siderable authority over all monetary matters, while another brother may challenge him at any point, thereby usually causing the partition of the collateral joint family into two or more nuclear families. The rule of eldest male having final authority is there, but the actuality of the situation may be something quite different. In other words, the Ideal Traditional Pattern of patripotestality is giving way rapidly as the community increasingly opts for nuclear households and approximates the Ideal Canadian Pattern. One further point to be mentioned here is that in those households in which all parties are Canadian-born, there does appear to be a greater sharing of authority within the family. Systemically as well as structurally the Actual Immediate Pattern of family authority is undergoing gradual change. Education 33g Expression Family socialization tends, in most respects to re- inforce the cultural identity of the Sikhs. Instrumental ml.— -_—.._ 116 techniques familiar to White Canadians such as bottle feeding infants or the use of a "potty chair" for toilet training are quickly adopted by most parents, but the primary familial values of obedience and respect are rigidly adhered to. The main child rearing practice for instilling familial duties into the children is strict control over the activities of the children. Again and again, I heard the phrase, "We are more strict with our children". This strictness however, is seldom manifested in physical punishment such as spanking. More often, chastizemant, ridicule, or the withholding of food or some privilege is used, "When I did something wrong, mom might just have a plate of cold mashed potatoes for my lunch”. QUESTION: As a child, were you ever spanked or hit? ANSWER: No, they really didn't make a rule of that. I remember once or twice dad smacked me, but there was never ever any formal spanking. Evarytime I did something wrong it would seem to break him up. Like, he wouldn't take it out on me -- he would sort of keep it inside of himself. He would blame himself for it -- the fact that maybe he didn't bring me up properly and show me the right thing. It really made me feel guilty. QUESTION: Do you remember any specific type of punishment for any particular thing? ANSWER: No, not really. Sometimes I would be playing outside and dad had to go somewhere and he had to come look for me. He would really get mad and I would sort of know not to approach him for the rest of the evening. If I asked him if I could go somewhere, he would simply say no. Making me stay in the house was about the only real form of punishment. Another informant stated that the only time she had spanked her son was when he had marked up their new carpeting with 117 ' an entire tube of lipstick. Apparently, corporal punish- ment is used only in extreme cases. The above type of punishment has the desired effect of correctly modifying the behavior of youngsters to fit into the Sikh pattern, at least in their dealings with non-Sikhs. One result is that the interaction of Sikh children with White Canadians is restricted in many spheres, such as dating which is not condoned for either Sikh girls or boys, although in some families -- the more Westernized -- this restriction is being relaxed to some degree. For the most part, dating is simply not considered proper and is not engaged in. QUESTION: Your younger sister is eighteen now. Is she dating? ANSWER: No, that's not done. She hasn't asked for that. QUESTION: Have you ever dated? ANSWER: I've been out with my friends, but not in the true sense of dating. QUESTION: When you have gone out, it is with East Indian girls? ANSWER: No, the East Indian girls -- at least the ones I know -- don't do that sort of thing. It is not considered proper by the family. In addition, Sikh children are not encouraged to make friends with non-Sikh children. It is felt that the overall effect of establishing long-lasting friendships or dating will draw the children away from their ethnic identity, will make them behave improperly. In short, it will make them non-Sikh. 118 Education is highly valued among the Vancouver Sikh community. Among the adult population the males have an average of eleven years of education (ranging from none to post-graduate education) and the females have an average of nine years. The amount of education is significantly higher than is found among the adult population of the Punjab. However, Wyon and Gordon have found that individuals emi- grating from the Punjab are generally better educated, and further, that higher education is more generally associated with high caste, non-farming individuals (1971:219-222). Both of these factors accord with the characteristics of the Vancouver Sikh community. Increasing stress is placed upon formal education for the younger generation. Almost all Sikhs now finish high school and many go on to college. Many adults are also going back to college to "finish their education”. There is a general awareness that education is one of the keys to success. Among the more respected individuals in the com. munity are a physician and an insurance underwriter with a master's degree. Their success, and others like them have prompted a push for formal education within the community. The need for education and the difficulties faced in attaining education by newly arrived immigrants whose grasp of the English language may be minimal, prompted the Sikhs, in conjunction with the Center for Continuing Education at the University of British Columbia, to initiate a Head Start type of program. One of the two main thrusts of this 119 program (which was initiated by the Sikhs) was to lower the age level for the New Canadian Classes. Prior to their involvement, all immigrants below the age of nine years were simply placed in English speaking classes, while those over nine years of age were placed in New Canadian Classes, the purpose of which was to provide a certain level of competency in English. The other main thrust (also initiated by the Sikhs) was to provide a summer program for Sikh youngsters. According to the Assistant Director of the Center for Continuing Education at the University: This started with the hunch that with so many people moving into the Southeast part of Van- couver that there must be becoming apparent at least some impact in the school system and in various professional fields. I finally got a hold of the members of the executive of the Khalsa Diwan Society involved in education to find out if they would be at all interested and they assured me that they would be very much so. They were aware of many problems -- especially with youngsters coming from isolated or backward villages. So the people on the executive at that point were all people who had no problems themselves because they had all come from the middle class and they had all been here for quite some time and their kids are well adjusted and so on. However, they were aware of the problems faced by many of the more recent immigrants, who might have been of a lower class, as so many of them are. Especially the kids whose parents didn't have the background of the educated middle class: they might have been struggling until they drop out, etc. At least, this is what we were told about some of them at least. After that, I went to the public health officials and they expressed an interest. Then I went to Moberly Elementary School and it seemed the timing was just right, because they too were seams of the failing with the kids. Because the kids just sat there and they didn't know if they were The the cut for people within the Sikh community were aware of the pro- gram and actively encouraged participation in what they the program than could be accommodated. 120 getting anywhere or not. After that, we got a number of people together, both from the pro- fessions and from the Sikh community and had a number of meetings that were very interesting. We discussed, in a number of meetings, some of the problems. One of the things that came out was the need for a program that might be given in the summer to give an activity-experience so that the kids would know what these words that they were supposed to be learning really refer- red to. We set up a committee to look into the possibility of establishing a summer program and this committee eventually got a grant from Opportunities for Youth (I think it was) for the summer and some YOung people took hold and they had a couple of young Sikhs coordinate the program and they contacted the schools and they got a bunch of other young people, including a bunch of non-Sikhs to be instructors, and that summer program really want. They have done this for the past two summers. So this is one thing that came out of that beginning. first summer they had over a hundred youngsters in program and in the second summer, registration was back to sixty-five, although many more were signed up felt to be a worthwhile educational endeavor. facilitate interaction with the larger Canadian society. They function to minimize the differences between the Sikhs These, and related activities, are strategies which and the other Canadians with whom they must deal on a day-by-day basis. at assimilation, for many formal educational activities continue to stress ethnic uniqueness. a Sikh high school teacher who, with his wife, has started a Punjabi language class at night in one of the local Thus, many But education is not strictly aimed A case in point is 121 high schools. They have between thirty-five and forty students -- all Sikhs -- between the ages of ten and sixteen. He is also trying to establish a local radio program which would be broadcast in both English and Punjabi. The stated purpose of this program is, "If the community cannot learn the sacred hymns in Punjabi, perhaps they can learn them in English”. Punjabi language classes have also been attempted, with variable degrees of success, at the Gurdwara. 8y at least some of the members of the community than, education is viewed not only as a strategy for coping with the larger society, but also as a means of maintaining their distinct cultural identity. Matters of personal expression follow a similar pattern. One seldom sees traditional Punjabi dress in public. In the home, many if not most of the Sikh women do affect traditional styles. Men, on the other hand, almost always wear Western-type clothing. Even at a ceremony, such as a wedding, only about half of the women will be wearing saris or other traditional garb. The rest will be wearing pant suits. Nearly all of the men will be dressed in Western business suits. At home, Punjabi is spoken more than is English except in the most Westernized households. Western food is more common than is traditional Punjabi food. One tradition that is very strongly adhered to in the home is the removal of footwear prior to entering the living area. In no case did I observe street shoes being worn 122 inside a Sikh home. All-in-all, one sees a blending of traditional and Western factors of expression. Outside the home, there is a preference for Western elements while within the home, the Punjabi influence is more common. Summary The Actual Immediate Pattern of Vancouver Sikh family structure and behavior can be summarized by the following chart. SIKH AMBIGUOUS CANADIAN i Sikh Endogamy ~< Supportive Age at Time i Relationships of Marriage Local Exogamy .< Descent ié Family size . Indian-born and composi- 1 Spouses é Absolute Age tion Sexual < Locus of Power *6 Residence Behavior Patterns (- Solidarity > Sexual ‘é Inheritance Precedence 9 <-Income and Allocation a Generational Precedence -> 6 Education > _' Relative Age ‘é Expression 9- TE Precedence s I FIGURE 5. THE ACTUAL IMMEDIATE PATTERN ThOSB elements falling UHdBl‘ the heading "Sikh" can be , , 1 i : classified 88 categories OF family behavior IlhiCh are not dependent upon Canadian society. Under "Canadian" are 123 categories of family structure which reflect the realities of the Canadian society. And, under ”Ambiguous" are those categories of behavior and structure supportive of (but not central to) the maintenance of either Sikh or Canadian (or both) patterns of interaction. As can be seen, many of the categories "lean” toward one or another heading. For example, sexual precedence is classified under Sikh because the majority of Sikh families in Vancouver follow a pattern of male dominance. However, in some of the families in which both husband and wife were born in Canada, there is a greater degree of equality indicated. Similar statements could be made concerning generational and relative age precedence. Supportive relationships, absolute age, and locus of power are all lumped under the Ambiguous heading with a “tilt" toward the Sikh column. This reflects that there has been a good deal of modification in these categories away from the traditional Punjab pattern but that they still significantly support Sikh ideals and practices. Thus, supportive relationships are primarily based on consanguineal and affinal ties with a substantial increment of non-kin ties gaining in importance; descent is still patrilineal but with an increasing bilateral affiliation: absolute age categories of naming, marriage and death are extremely important to the community, while birth and baptism have declined in importance: and the locus of power still resides in the eldest male with a major shift 124 toward the sharing of power in those families in which both spouses are Canadian-born. On the other hand, family solidarity, income and allocation, education and expression fall almost equally between Sikh and Canadian patterns. There is an increasing amount of intimacy within genera- tions while that between generations has declined a pro- portionate emount.- Family income derives mainly from practices associated with Canada while family allocation still follows more traditional lines. Educational prac- tices are also evenly split with those associated with informal socialization being relatively Sikh while more formal education closely follows contemporary Canadian practices. And, finally, matters of personal expression are also fairly evenly split between those elements in the home (tending to be slightly more traditional) and those reaching beyond the home (tending to be more West- ernized). Family size and composition, residence patterns, and inheritance have all been heavily influenced by the White Canadian society, but still retain an element of traditionalism. Nuclear families predominate but the joint family is still held up as the ideal form of family by a number of Vancouver Sikhs. Residence patterns are normally neolocal, but still there is a recurrent pattern of patri- locality. Inheritance has shown a significant decline in coparcenous heirs, but the practice is still regarded by many to be better than any form of testamentary inheritance. These latter three categories are all closely related in 125 that they reflect structural arrangements necessitated by the exigencies of the White Canadian society. One of these factors is that there is a paucity of housing ap- propriate for the maintenance of large joint families. Nearly all of the dwellings in Vancouver are meant to accomodete nuclear families and there is simply no way a significantly large number of joint families can be main- tained in a coresidential manner. With this, it follows that the majority of married couples will establish neolocal residence. It also follows that since there is such a small chance of ever establishing large jointly owned properties, there is little reason to maintain an inheritance pattern inimical to the dominant society. Now to turn to these practices which can be labeled either Sikh or Canadian exclusively. Under the Canadian heading there is only one feature that has made the total shift away from Sikh patterns and now is practically iden- tical to the practices of the White Canadians. I refer, of course, to the average age at the time of marriage. The reason for this category so closely approximating contemporary Canadian practices is simply that there is no reason to maintain the Sikh practice of early marriage, and there is a very good reason to postpone the time of 1 marriage until a later age. Early marriage is not econ- . omically necessary. The decline of the joint family would . also indicate that marriage does not bring into the family extra labor. Further, with the traditional strict control 126 over the sexuality of the females which is still main- tained, there is little need to have a daughter marry early to prove her purity. On the other hand, the im- portance of formal education within the Sikh community would almost demand a later age at the time of marriage for it is obvious that the majority of the members of the community prefer both their sons and daughters to be well educated, and marriage should come later. All of these features ultimately relate to the competition over resources, particularly material resources. It is true that the joint family can and does facilitate some econ- omic venture as was mentioned in the last chapter, but this is primarily in the vein of entrepreneurial activities or activities which will hopefully result in some kind of family-owned enterprise. In other words, the joint ——-———-—._-—.. ._.. family structure supports investment. However, investment is not the most important economic activity for the com- munity as a whole. Rather, wage labor is. And, it is 1 in the realm of wage labor that a nuclear family structure makes the most sense. Wage labor is supported by spatial mobility and smaller family units are more amenable to ‘r this kind of mobility than are larger, joint families. P Neolocal residence patterns obviously follow from this i i as well. Further, since family wealth is, in these cases, often concentrated in cash rather than in capital invest- ments, testamentary inheritance as to the disposition of the cash is a logical extension in that it is easier to 127 divide liquid assets at the time of death to individuals within the family unit than it is to allocate a single parcel of land, or a business. And finally, the trend towards a later marriage relates not only to the educational goals of the members of the community, but also to resource competition in that it has become important to establish a wage earning capacity prior to marriage. In other words, all of the major changes towards the White Canadian model can ultimately be tied to the strategies adopted by the Sikh community which facilitate the pursuit of economic gain and social mobility. Ethnic endogamy, local exogamy, the preference for bringing in spouses from India, and the strict sexual code followed by the community all show a strong relationship to traditional Punjabi practices. Each of these categories is exclusively Sikh with no necessary connection to White Canadian practices. In one way or another, they are all involved with marriage and it is for this reason that I mentioned earlier that practices related to the wedding ceremony were among the more important factors helping to maintain an exclusive Sikh identity. The practice of Sikh endogamy is obviously significant for the recruit- ment of members for the community -- members being pre- disposed to accept a Sikh identity. Local exogamy is a continuation of Punjabi practices and ideals relevant to that which constitutes "proper" behavior, thus reinforcing an identity linkage with the past. The very important 128 practice of "importing" both brides and bridegrooms also plays a vital role in maintaining these linkages and in reinforcing the traditional nature of familial values and attitudes. And, of course, of central concern in those values and attitudes is the importance of main- taining sexual purity and propriety. For this proves the superiority of Sikh values when contrasted to the values of the White Canadians and provides a major generator of ethnic identity. CHAPTER FOUR THE SOCIO-PDLITICAL ARENA This chapter is concerned with a variety of factors which, each in their own way, help generate or maintain Sikh ethnic identity within the Vancouver community. Most of the factors, such as association membership and settlement patterns generally reflect a conscious strategy of maintaining ethnic identity, while others, such as some of the political patterns, tend either to divide the community or reach outside of the community in order to maximize resource competition. Consequently, in this chapter I will examine a wide range of topics, all of which have two things in common. They all serve explicitly to generate and/or maintain ethnic identity among a large number of Sikhs, and they are all (with the singular exception of caste affiliation) associated with voluntary roles within the community. Because one has actively to decide whether to reside near other Sikhs or not, to join a Sikh sodality or not, or to run for office or not, these activities may be seen at one level as concerns for the welfare of the community and, as such, as supportive activities. It is for this reason that caste is included in this present chapter. For 129 130 caste, although not unimportant among the Vancouver Sikhs, exists as a supportive rather than a central feature of socio-political operation. True, caste is an ascriptive phenomenon and theoretically (Following Bailey 1963:107-124) should be exhaustive. But, I ran into a number of individuals (mostly younger) who honestly did not know what their caste was. Whatever else may be said about caste among the Vancouver Sikhs, one thing is apparent at the outset: this is emphatically not a caste-organized community. Indeed, the way in which caste affiliation is used verges on voluntarism. As this will be gone into in more detail later in the chapter, the inclusion of caste with non-ascriptive patterns of behavior in this chapter required some preliminary ex- planation. A more central and pervasive component for the community is that of settlement patterns, which is treated below. Settlement Patterns To begin with, one must state that there is not now, nor has there ever been in Vancouver, a clearly delimited and bounded, residentially defined community among the Sikhs. There is no Sikh ghetto or ward. There is no area in Vancouver that is exclusively Sikh, nor is there any area in Vancouver which has been successful in re- stricting residence to non-Sikhs. However, as was pointed out by Mayer (195934) the Sikhs have had a "...tendency to 131 cluster near their places of work" with the result that many Sikhs sought housing near the lumber mills. The foci of settlement were the lumber mills ranged along the southern shore of False Creek. This area became the East Indian centre, and a temple was built on nearby 2nd Avenue in about 1908. Gradually the mills closed down and the centre of the industry shifted to the shores of the Fraser River in South Vancouver. Consequently, the pattern of settlement changed. By 1959 there were two main concentrations. The older was in the Fairview-Mount Pleasant area north of Broadway and between Main and Arbutus Streets. The newer comprised roughly an area bounded by the southern shore of Mitchell Island, 62nd Avenue to the north, and Ontario and Argyle Streets to the west and east. Mayer went on to point out that thirteen and fourteen percent of the East Indian residences were located in these two areas respectively (see Figure 6). The settlement pattern shift continued with the re- sult that the older concentration has all but disappeared today while the newer, southern concentration has increased in size and importance. This shift can be seen by com- paring Figure 7 (compiled by Mayer in 1959) and Figure 8 21 (compiled in 1970). Darden who studied residence patterns of Afro-Americans in Pittsburgh found three different types of census tracts -- black segregated, white segregated, and nonsegregeted. He also found six different ways a census tract could experi- ence racial change. They were, "(1) black to white, (2) black to nonsegregeted, (3) white to black, (4) white to nonsegregeted, (5) nonsegregeted to black, and (6) non- segregeted to white" (1973:14). Although this scheme 132 z(/fl\\\hu\L mm>30u2<> Ihnom kmmmmzw2m<44Hx OooaufiHJJO uuoaxxmmUZIUDOZmHmmu FzHoQ >kamm>st RESIDENTIAL DISTRICTS 0F VANCOUVER FIGURE 6. 133 is not totally applicable to the situation in Vancouver, I believe it may be used to indicate the process of shifting demographic concentrations. In 1959 (the first time such data were systematically collected) there were two areas of demographic concentration, the Fairview-Mount Pleasant area and the South Vancouver area. Both of these areas were nonsegregated. In 1970, the Sikh population had increased substantially and the largest concentration was located in South Vancouver. South Vancouver was approaching -- but not totally reaching -- a profile of Sikh segregation, i.e., shifting from non- segregation to a position close to Sikh segregation. In the Fairview area, the demographic shift could be char- acterized as nonesgregated to White (although there are some Sikh families still living there). Because South Vancouver could accomodete most, but not all of the Sikhs wanting to live in South Vancouver, the demographic shift in other areas of the city was from White to nonsegregeted. These kinds of demographic shifts are not uncommon in North American cities having ethnic concentrations (nor would I expect them to be uncommon elsewhere). Certainly weiss' work on a Chinese community in a California city showed similar results. Although the Chinese of Valley City did at one time live in a ghetto, they no longer do. Weiss (1974:103-130) found a shift from a Chinese segregated area to an area of high concentration of Chinese in non- segregated districts. He also found that Chinese currently 134 In In", M," flu“! 7.) Mitchel! ls . a ‘ Marine Drive "no Edvard 'W-flnt a n Ry-Mnth ‘ alumna I VANCOUVER FIGURE 7. EAST INDIAN RESIDENCE pATTERNS, 1959 (each dot represents a single residence) a I u v y . 0 _. . o 135 Burrard Inlet sum" 1:. 1’ s . v 2' st- . g .. e z; '7 DI ? E .0 1 \ e a. E a B / ‘ ' unsung I O é o’ e .0 .. VANCOUVER FIGURE 8. EAST INDIAN RESIDENCE pATTERNS, 1970 (each dot represents a single residence) -——-—-———_-—___..A- . _. 136 reside in all districts of Valley City showing a shift in many of these areas from White segregated to nonsegregeted. Although the Valley City Chinese began in a Chinatown and the Vancouver Sikhs were never totally segregated, the resultant picture in both cities is comparable. The shift to a heavy concentration of Sikhs in South Vancouver has taken place for two reasons. One, as was pointed out by Mayer, is that a number of mills located in the area and many of the mill workers followed. The other is that the new Gurdwara was built just four blocks east of Fraser overlooking Marine Drive. Referring to Figure 8, it can be seen that this is the center of the present settlement concentration. The settlement pattern shift was a gradual one. Re- locating the mills was an important factor in this shift but it is insufficient to explain the high degree of population concentration in the area. As an example, there were as many Sikh residences in the northern area as there were in the southern area in 1959 despite the fact that almost all of the lumber mills had made the transition to the Fraser River area a decade earlier. It was the decision to build the new Gurdwara that provided the impetus for a sudden surge in residence relocation. In the early 1960's it was apparent to many of the Sikhs in Vancouver that the present Gurdwara on 2nd Avenue was insufficient to meet the needs of the growing community of East Indians. A new and larger temple was needed. 13? Consequently new land had to be obtained and it made a great deal of sense to acquire land at the new location for two reasons. It was apparent that many Sikhs were living in the area with the probability that more would be in the area soon (because of the mills) and land was less expensive and more readily available in southern Vancouver than was the case near the 2nd Avenue "uptown" location. After the decision was made to locate the new Gurdwara at the present Ross Street site there emerged a phenomenon difficult to explain in terms other than as one informant stated: ”Pride -- we all began to feel very proud of this new temple. We watched that thing grow and felt proud”. For some of the Vancouver Sikhs, the new Gurdwara symbolized a rebirth of “khalsa”, of com- munity, which may have been dwindling. The temple became a cultural statement of the Sikh's worth. Contrary to the findings of Mayer in which settle- ment was conceived of as being a ”neutral“ influence‘ (195935), my findings indicate that the settlement con- centration is indeed a positive reinforcer of ethnic identity within the Sikh community. I have no doubt that in 1959 his statement was true, for he saw a community ”with scattered members, between whom visiting follows lines of kinship and common interest rather than mere propinquity“, but it must be remembered that land for the new temple had not been purchased at that time and the temple was not completed until 1969, a full ten years A 4....“ .-w—v——-—.‘- 138 . after Mayer published his account. In the "new“ community, propinquity does indeed play a vital role. It must also be remembered that the size of the community has grown significantly since Mayer's fieldwork and, as one informant (a Sikh real estate agent) stated, “Most of the Sikhs want to live near the temple. There, they are close to each other end their relatives and they can see each other by walking. Most of them are working in the mills nearby". This is not to say that friendship bonds or visiting pat- terns are in any way restricted to the southern Vancouver area, for the Sikhs make very good use of automobiles, mass transportation, and telephones. It is apparent that the growing concentration of Sikhs near the new temple has emerged as'a significant source of identification. Prox- imity to the temple, to work, to friends, to relatives, has contributed to an effort by many of the Sikhs to locate near the source of that identification. Not all Vancouver Sikhs desire to live in this area of course, (at the time of my research, somewhat over 60% of the Sikhs lived near Marine Drive, bounded by Cambie on the west and Victoria on the east). It is primarily middle class in housing and some of the more wealthy Sikhs live elsewhere in the city, as do many of the upper- middle class professionals. Not even all of the mill workers live near the mills. Obviously a variety of factors operate when one selects a place to live. Never- theless, there has been an interesting trend towards -ie .._s..—.._.—-——~ —-—~ .-- -_....A_e"-.w-r ’m—.. 1..-. a 139 concentration even though the entire Sikh population is widely scattered throughout greater Vancouver. Sikhs can and do live just about anywhere they desire in Vancouver, 'but the concentration remains, and appears to be growing as increasing numbers of Sikhs opt for this area. One reason for this is increasing immigration from the Punjab. As more and more Punjabi speaking individuals arrive in Vancouver, housing must be found for them. The pattern that emerged during the first few years of the community -- that of locating housing with or near one's relatives -- continues. One will find the Punjabi lan- guage “on the street“ more often near the Rose Street temple than in any other part of the city. This reflects the fact that in this part of the city more of the least Westernized Sikhs are found. It is not Sikhtown in the sense of the clearly delimited and highly concentrated Vancouver Chinatown, but there is an Indian-nose that pervades the area. This has prompted some White Canadians to relocate their homes elsewhere which, in turn, has freed more homes for purchase by the Sikhs. Thus, the pattern continues. What began as a reaction to lumber mill relocation has become a significant factor in gen- erating and maintaining ethnic identity for many of the Sikhs. Mayer saw his scattered community as being correlated with two important and opposed social phenomena. One was the ability to “drift away" from social contact with .. ”_—-——-fi_-—-_”—‘~—». 9‘ yum —_ -.—-. - 140 other Sikhs because they were not in physical proximity, and the other was the coordinating and integrating func- tions of religious and secular associations. The severing of social contacts and drifting away from the community still exists and shall probably always do so, although I believe the trend towards population concentration off- 'sets this to a considerable degree. The role of asso- ciations however, has almost from the first arrival of Sikhs in 1904, been one of integration and coordination of activities, both secular and sacred. Associations In an oft-cited definition of association, MacIver (193339) claimed that an “association is a group specifi- cally organized for the purpose of an interest or group of interests which its members have in common". The two major associations of the Vancouver Sikh community are the Khalsa Diwan Society (K05) and the East Indian Canadian Citizens Welfare Association (EICCWA). When writing about the East Indian immigrants in Britain, Desai (1963389) claimed that the types of associations formed by the immi- grants fall into two broad categories, ”...first those which seek to provide the cultural activities of the regional society in India and second those few which seek to deal directly with the probelms arising out of the new relationship with host society”. Desai makes the distinc- tion between those associations which are primarily inner directed and concentrate their activities without reference . .’~._~MW ..o 141 to the host society and those which are primarily engaged in political activities, i.e., are more outwardly focused. This type of role division is not totally appropriate when discussing the K05 and the EICCWA for historically and currently they have been engaged in both types of activities. Nevertheless, the dichotomy is useful in that it provides a basis for analyzing the types of interaction in which the associations are generally engaged. The KDS is oriented toward the inner directed activites while the EICCWA is more concerned with activities which might make living in Canada a bit easier for the Sikhs. But to say that these are the only roles of the respective association would be totally misleading. It is difficult to make generalizations about the types of associations found in immigrant communities, for each immigrant community faces unique problems in the host country and brings a different sociocultural background into the new setting. Therefore, t would be expected that associations, which are based on voluntary recruit- ment and are special purpose groups, would be among the more variable of the reactions by the immigrant community. Thus, in East Africa caste associations are found (Bharati 19673271-272); in Mauritius socioreligious associations are most common (Benedict 1965334 and 1967329); in Guyana, the associations are primarily-political (Smith and Jayawardens 1967382); in South Africa the major associations are based upon Hindu reform movements (Kuper 19673250); .- -n-w-.-o--.—— ...«4 142 and in Central Africa associations play no important role in the community life of the Indians there (Dotson 19683 152). Associations may or may not be present, they may be inner or outer directed, they may be based on political, economic, religious, or other criteria. About the only thing that can be said in each of these instances is that the birth and development of associations among overseas Indian communities is a unique response to a unique situ- ation. Each community develops a strategy for coping with the felt needs of the community in response to the presence of the host community. As such, associations are one of the best ways to examine the generators of ethnic identity and the adaptive strategies employed in order to maintain that identity. As was pointed out by Desai (1963393), “...Sikhs have sstablished...associations [almost] whereever they have settled in the United Kingdom as communities as soon as these communities have been able to bear the cost”. The associations may be both secular and religious but they are generally tied in with a temple in some way. Desai also pointed out that, Traditionally, the Sikh temple is also the centre of communal activities, social as well as polit- ical, the latter especially when the Sikhs are a minority in the territory in which the live. The Sikh temple provides an association which serves to express the solidarity of their community in relation to the non-Sikhs around them and a centre for internal activities. These two statements by Desai, although specifically re- ferring to the Sikhs in Great Britain, parallel the 4....u— .mv—v—g ..a. - 143 establishment of the first association in Vancouver and its relation to the Gurdwara. The Khalsa Diwan Society was organized in 1907 in Vancouver with branch offices in other British Columbia communities having a sizeable population of Sikhs. Just two years later, the first temple was built in Vancouver by the K03. Three years after that another temple was erected in Victoria, and still later, other temples in other communities (Khushwant Singh 19663174). Uhe KDS had two original objectiveS3 "(a) to appoint ministers of the Sikh religion to officiate in the Province of British Columbia and elsewhere. (b) to look after the religious interests of the scattered communities of the Sikhs both in the Province of British Columbia and else- where" (Des 1923388). It appears from the stated goals of the K05 that initially the association was primarily concerned with establishing itself as a coordinating and facilitating body attempting to provide cohesiveness and solidarity for the Sikh immigrants by concentrating on the unity of Sikhism. The stated goals of the K05 have been recently expanded, but the religious articulation has remained. Recognizing the changed and expanded objectives of the Khalsa Diwan Society, its officers officially filed for an alteration of objects with the government of the Province of British Columbia. A new certificate was issued under the ”Societies Act” in 1970. The new certificate recognizes the goals of the K05 to be as follows: 1. To maintain and promote the teachings and ob- servances of the Sikh religion. 4.4.3; ._—_———__. _.k __..._ n...e.---k Jar—Ina «1.:- « 144 2. To appoint ministers and missionaries of the Sikh religion. 3. To maintain and establish branches and churches. 4. To manage the affairs of the Sikh temple in Vancouver, located at 8000 Rose Street, Vancouver. 5. To foster the spirit of fellowship and brother- hood amongst followers of the Sikh religion, and to create a spirit of goodwill with their fellow Canadians of all creeds, races and religions. 6. To instruct the children and youths of the Sikh community in the language of their ancestors and in history, philosophy, culture heritage of the Sikhs and India as a whole. 7. To run school or schools for the purpose as elucidated in the aforesaid objective. 8. To encourage the physical fitness of the children and youth. 9. To work for the moral, religious and social wel- fare of the members of the society. The Khalsa Diwan Society (see appendix E for the cbnstitution and by-laws of the K05) is an integral part of the Gurdwara. So much so in fact that the building and the society are often confused. When I asked a principal officer of the K05 if he could provide me with a brief outline of the purposes of the society, he replied, "It was formed to help our peo- ple, whatever their needs. It is a place to get together so people can iron out their troubles”. Basically, the K05 operates primarily as an inner directed association, which functions to maintain a high degree of ethnic identity. As such, it has been very influential in guiding the internal affairs of the Vancouver community. It actively participates in or supports any program which it feels will benefit the community. Most, but not all of these programs are directed toward self-help activities which are designed to reinforce intra-community values and identities. There is an awareness that in order to be successful in the a ,-e__s’s #—_________—______ H_A' __ w—hqm __A.- _ - J..-.pad_v——- .., 145 Canadian culture, one must be able effectively to partic- ipate in that culture in addition to maintaining Sikh iden- tity. Consequently, some of the programs engaged in by the K05 are designed not so much to reinforce Sikh identity but to foster inter-community understanding, at least to a lim- ited degree. One such project was an involved program on understanding East Indian culture jointly sponsored by the K05 and the Center for Continuing Education at the UniVer- sity of British Columbia and which was discussed at length in a previous chapter. This example, and others like it, can be considered indicative of the attempts the K05 makes to further the interests of the Sikh community by having an impact on the White Canadian Society. However, the main thrusts of the Khalsa Diwan Society are less outwardly oriented than the above example might indicate. Without a doubt, the primary function of the K03 is to take care of the affairs of the Gurdwara. This includes, of course, all of the financial dealings of the temple, which are considerable. I was unable to obtain a complete financial breakdown of the Gurdwara, but some of the following examples are instruc- tive. During a large wedding in October, 1972, slightly over 82,300 was collected from the relatives of the bride and bridegroom for the temple. Dne informant thought that people should not be asked to give money to the temple; they should do so only out of love3 , swam—“...»... 7..-, 146 In Africa or India, they don't ask like that. They don't go around during a ceremony and make a collection. I guess it is all right here, for they need the money to pay off the mortgage, etc. That is why all of the money collected goes to the temple, and none to the bride or bridegroom. You see, when they built this temple in 1969 they had to pay a loan of $400,000. New ap- proximately they have 830,000 to 840,000 left. They are bent upon building a senior citizen's home and a welfare center. This year they may pay off the temple and then they will start on the next project, and the next one. Through voluntary contributions (or as one Sikh stated, "putting the arm on you") approximately $100,000 per year has been collected in order to pay off the mortgage on the temple in just over four years. And that does not take into accdunt all of the original investment -- only that which was borrowed.22 In addition, there are, of course, the constant costs of upkeep such as utilities and taxes. The Khalsa Diwan Society is the legal owner of the temple and must pay taxes on a total assessed valuation of $603,596 each year. All of the expenses of the priest are paid by the K05 also. In addition to providing him with room and board, clothing, taxes, medical and dental expenses, he is also provided with a monthly stipend of 8250.00. All-in-all, the K05 is a powerful economic factor in the Sikh community and is a major influence in all matters pertaining to temple activities. In order to facilitate its interests in community affairs, the membership of the K05 has established a number of standing committees which are all under the -- a.--.v~-vw~'—- .-- 147 control of the executive committee. Only members of the executive committee may be a permanent member on any of the standing committees. The committees function primarily to run temple secular activities smoothly. The organization includes the following3 kitchen, library, sports, land- scaping, education, and priest committees. The executive committee was originally composed of eleven members, as required by the constitution3 the president, vice-presi- dent, secretary, vice-secretary, treasurer, vice-treasurer, and five other members. However, with the completion of the new temple and the increased population of the community, the executive commitee has been gradually expanded to meet the needs and demands of the community. Currently, there are eight officers, fifteen members, and two advisory mem- bers, a total of twenty-five, instead of the original eleven. In addition to running the temple affairs and attempting to assist the community through outreach programs, the Khalsa Diwan Society is engaged in numerous other activities as well, most of which are designed to facilitate com- munity solidarity and autonomy. The establishment of a community center and a senior citizens' home on the grounds adjacent to the temple would be examples of such endeavors. Additionally, the K05 seeks to serve the entire East Indian population in various ways. As an example of this, on October 26, 1972, over 250 Indian immigrants from Uganda (very few of whom were Sikh) were brought to the temple so they could meet with the long-time residents and to see >~r—-.._4—-._ .. -4«»» -34. 148 what kind of assistance might be needed. This was fol- lowed up by a series of additional, smaller meetings which attempted to solve some of the stated needs of the Uganda refugees. Whether it be self-help programs, outreach programs, or management of the temple affairs, the Khalsa Diwan Society is, in the eyes of many of the Vancouver Sikhs, the central bureaucratic focus for the community. Since it is the organ- ization that runs the temple, the following statement, made by a past president of the K05 sums up its functions well, "The temple has been, more or less, the organization for Sikhs -- political, social, and the whole works. It is not just a place of worship”. A more recently formed association which is more con- cerned with inter-community relationships is the East Indian Canadian Citizens Welfare Association. The EICCWA was established in 1947, as a self-styled pressure group seeking to change government policy towards East Indians in Canada. With the granting of enfranchisement in 1947 and 1948 (Meyer 1959324) many of the East Indian leaders sought to increase the political strength of the East Indians, which was seen as a key to full-fledged citizenship and an eventual easing of immigration restrictions. Since 1930, ”Asiatic immigration was restricted to the wife and unmarried children under 18 of any Canadian citizen resident in Canada who was in a position to receive and care for his dependents" (Hawkins 1972390). After World War II, many 149 East Indians expected to be ”rewarded" for their support of the Allied cause and to be granted the same rights of immigration as their European counterparts. However, on May 1, 1947 Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King issued a statement on Canada's long-term immigration program, which in part stated, "The government has no intention of changing the regulations governing Asiatic immigration”. As has been pointed out by Hawkins (1972395) ”Canada was prepared to accept only one kind of immigrant from the Eastern Hemisphere -- the European immigrant". It was at this time and in this atmosphere that the EICCWA was founded. The old line leadership of the Khalsa Diwan Society had fought long and hard to have immigration restrictions eased for the East Indians. Most, if not all, of the leaders were early immigrants who had arrived in Canada before 1908. They had gone through a great deal of hard- ship and were well respected by the community. But the hardships that had molded them into effective intra-com- munity leaders did not prepare them to deal well on an inter-community level. A few of the more recent and well educated immigrants joined with some of the Westernized second generation Sikhs to establish the EICCWA and to present their cause to the government in a sophisticated and persuasive manner. The timing of this was fortunate for the East Indians were not the only ones concerned with the inequities of the prevailing immigration laws. Aside _ J.*.VI- M‘s-ne- H-“ 'e-c- ..~ 150 from various ethnic associations, many people in government were dissatisfied with the then current restrictions. After Mackenzie King's retirement in 1948, the new Prime Minister, Louis St. Laurent, created a Department of Citi- zenship and Immigration for the purpose of making "... Canadian citizens of those who were born here, of the original inhabitants of the territory and those who mi- grated to this country" (Hawkins 1972396). Leaders of the EICCWA made many trips to Ottawa to meet with the people of the newly formed department. How successful they were is impossible to evaluate. Suf- fice it to say that they did present their grievances and the laws were changed. The immigration laws would probably have been modified in any event and it is doubtful that the EICCWA played a major role in this matter. But the sig- nificant factor is that the Sikhs in Vancouver perceived the situation as one of victory. (They saw the EICCWA as an effective representational association between them- selves and the government, capable of influencing govern- mental policies on their behalf. It is viewed as such to this day. Currently the EICCWA is engaged primarily in inter- community relationships. One informant, speaking of the association, made the following comment concerning its activities: 1 They're doing a job outside the temple. What- ever is reguired -- immigration problem or any other problem such as we have a little riot in 151 Kelowna -- anywhere there is a problem, they go and negotiate it, and try to simmer every- thing down, to guide them and try to find a job for them and if they need any help of this kind, they try to assist them. Our aims are not to have any East Indian go on welfare. And at the present time, I don't think that I know of any East Indian on welfare. I mean if a person is sick or the husband left the wife with a couple of children, well naturally they have no other place than welfare. Other statements by members of the association give an account of the types of services provided by the EICCWA3 I have been close to Mr. C. who was in the Social Welfare Ministry here and I always keep in touch with him and if he has anybody on his roll he will let me know and we will go out and talk to him and see if there is any way we can be of any help. And we have no problem at all so far. I should get a call today. I have a chap from Kelowna came in asking for help. They need fruitpickers in the Kelowna area and there are none and Manpower has been advertising on the East Indian program because 75% of the farm labor is supplied by the East Indians in B.C. They are the ones working and nobody else wants to work. And this chap comes in_from Kelowna and he needed a hundred men so I phoned Manpower and gave them the idea that there are maybe a hundred or two visitors who have already applied for permanent im- migrant but they are not finalized yet and they haven't got a work permit. If they can give them a temporary work permit for two or three months we could help those fruit growers in Kelowna. And these boys are idle, sitting here, and they would be happy too. So they are having their meeting and they will be calling me this morning and see if they could be of any help. We have four or five rooms in the temple for that purpose. If anybody hasn't got any money, if they haven't got anyplace to live, if they need food, they can come to the Sikh temple and we will provide that for our community. And we go to Ottawa once a year to see if they have any problem with immigration. I made about seven trips to Ottawa on behalf of the community. — 4— ——_.__..4 s. 152 The above statements make it clear that the EICCWA is an organization which takes its title seriously. It is a welfare organization for the entire East Indian pop- ulation in British Columbia. This does not mean that it is pan-Indian in composition (all of its leaders are Sikh) or in its effect (almost all of the recipients are Sikh) or that it operates throughout British Columbia (most of its activities are in or near Vancouver), but it is an organization that is available to any East Indian. At a meeting of the EICCWA held at the Gurdwara on November 19, 1972 (during the time of the immigration of Ugandan refugees) the following questionnaire was dis- tributed to approximately one thousand man (no women were in attendance). As can be seen, a variety of factors were examined having to do with social, economic, and legal matters pertaining to the recent immigrants. I was unable to obtain the results of this questionnaire from the EICCWA, however, simply examining the areas which were of interest is instructive in itself. The type of activity suggested in Figure 9 is only one of many functions of the association. Essentially, it operates on a community-wide basis and attempts to sat- isfy many of the needs of the community as it deals with the larger Canadian society. Other associations exist within the East Indian population of Vancouver but they are relatively unim- portant to all but a small number of individuals. Aside . .h._..'\." It-" I “"' 153 EAST INDIAN CANADIAN CITIZENS WELFARE ASSOCIATION P.O. Box 7365 Vancouver 15, B.C. Canada 1. Full Name of Visitors 2. Full Address Abroad 3. Address in Canada Telephone 4. Date of Arrival in Canada 5. Was there an examination at the airport? 6. Are your tickets and/or passport held’at the airport? 7. Do you have to appear at an inquiry 8. Date set for inquiry 9. Have you already attended an inquiry 10. Are you appealing your inquiry 11. Allowable period of stay at present 12. Number of extensions already received 13. Completed years of schooling 14. Amount of bonds if applicable 15. Date of birth 16. Single Married Widowed 17. If married, members of famin 18. In what country does your famin reside 19. Closest relatives in Canada 20. Game to Canada on my own 21. My relatives in Canada asked me 22. Promoted by agent 23. Name of agent 24. Address of agent 25. Total amount agent charged you 26. Total amount of fare on your ticket 27. Are you represented by legal counsel 28. Other remarks FIGURE 9. EICCWA QUESTIONNAIRE from the K05 and the EICCWA there is also the Gujrati Society of British Columbia, the H. H. Aga Khan Ismailia Community, the India-Canada Friendship Association, the 154 India Club, and the Zoroastrian Society of British Columbia (Lozovsky 1971340-42). Another would include the Canadian Multi-cultural Committee which was formed in July, 1972 and was funded by a 85000 grant from the Canadian govern- ment. At the time my research, they were just beginning to organize a few folk dance shows. They eventually went to get into the teaching of Indian folk dances, music and art to the non-Indian children of Vancouver. They have also talked about expanding their parameters in include Japanese, Chinese, and Hungarian cultures as well. When I left Vancouver, nothing had been accomplished along those lines. As unimportant as this last organization might appear when viewed against the activities of the K05 and the EICCWA, it is part of a persistent picture of involvement on the part of many of the Vancouver Sikhs. Involvement is a key word here for it is the involvement in the activities and affairs of the Sikh community that establishes a basis for political leadership. If an individual wants to be a political leader within the community, he must first show himself to be involved in a variety of “worthwhile“ act- ivities.23 Internal Politics There is essentially only one avenue open to those who seek to be intra-community political leaders, the control of the associations. More specifically, member- ship on the executive committee of the Khalsa Diwan Society 155 is viewed as a reward for involvement in community affairs. In many cases this is a rather dubious reward, for as a member of the executive, one is constantly open to pressure and criticism as well as being committed to a great deal of work. The reward is authority, not power. I am using the distinction between authority and power as stated by Fried (1967313): "Authority is taken here to refer to the ability to channel the behavior of others in the absence of the threat or use of sanctions. Power is the ability to channel the behavior of others by threat or use of sanc- tions”. Members of the executive, especially the president, have a great deal of authority, but they have little, if any, power.) Mayer (1959322) claims that positions in the K05 are not regarded as positions of power so much as "... roles accepted out of a spirit of public service...“ In the absence of any real political power, political deci- sions must rely upon persuasiveness and consensus if they are to be put into effect. Persuasiveness and consensus are two sides of the same coin for in order for consensus to be reached, persuasiveness must be effective. And for persuasiveness to be effective, it must produce consensus in most instances. This pattern is so pervasive within the internal political process that it forms the basis for almost all of the major decisions which are reached by the executive council of the K05 (the single most important political body within the community). Even the means by which the . *m—-~ ___..-_ - r—‘P ~. 156 political leaders are chosen are specifically designed to produce consensus, although often divisiveness rather than unanimity of approval is the end result of the process (see Mayer 1959322-23). The process can best be viewed through the words of a former president of the K05: QUESTION: When were you elected to office? ANSWER: I was elected on the anniversary of our Tenth Guru. This happens every anniversary of our Tenth Guru. That is what is in our constitution. QUESTION: What are the procedures of the election? ANSWER: We don't run as a team or anything. It is just that four or five are nominated from the community and then one is selected. In other words, somebody at the temple stands up and says a name and somebody else stands up and says another name and then you are nominated. If a person who has done a lot of work for the community and he doesn't decline he will be elected, because he has been doing a lot of work for the community. I mean, not just any ordinary person can be elected. There are a lot of new peeple now and their names might never come up, but it is the person here, he has done a lot of work, they realize that he can do the work, that is the only one they will give a position to. When I was elected, there were nine names submitted from the floor. I was maybe the fourth or fifth one nominated. After they were submitted, then they go one by one. They read off the first name and the second one and so on and they see how the people are reacting. And they hear the arguments back and forth from the public, and when the right one comes then they can see this is the one. Some- body will stand up and say, 'all right, is there anybody against this person' and if there is no reaction, and maybe someone will speak for him, and then they will say, 'all right, he has been elected' and then everybody agrees. This pattern is completed for the other members of the executive committee, but with much less debate. Usually only two or three names are submitted for the _ _.s ___._.___.___—.k_—___ ..._.__ 4' 157 position of vice-president and the election takes very little time. For the other positions on the committee, usually only one name is submitted with little, if any, debate. For all positions any nominee may decline from being considered, but this is unusual. The electoral process is different in Vancouver than it is in the Punjab. In the Punjab, there are two basic patterns, the rural and the urban. In the Punjab vil- lages there is usually no Gurdwara, hence, no organization having joint political and religious functions paralleling those of the K05 in VanCOUVer. Oftimes, there is a Guru Granth Sahib in someone's home, where people gather for religious purposes. If there is a priest, he does not necessarily function in the political arena of the village. Political leadership follows rather traditional lines such as village headmen, caste leaders, panchayats, etc. How- ever, in the urban settings of the Punjab, the picture is quite different. Since every urban center will have at least one Gurdwara, there will be associations which act as governing boards for the temples. These governing boards, usually called Gurdwara Prapandak Committees, do act as religious 223 political associations. In other words, they function at one level in a similar way as does the K03 in Vancouver. There are some important dif- ferences however. First, membership on the local com- mittee is not a very prestigious position, nor is there any substantial political authority which flows from being . ___—_..__. 158 a member of such a committee. One has to be elected to the national committee, the Shiromani Gurdwara Prapandak 1 Committee in order to gain a substantial amount of prestige A as well as politico-religious authority. Second, there is a major difference in the manner by which one is elected to the local committees. It will be recalled that in the Vancouver KDS elections, nominations were obtained from the floor. In the local Punjab Gurdwara Prapandak Com- mittees the outgoing board, in effect, selects the incoming board members. They do the nominating, and their nominees are seldom opposed. The second difference probably stems from the first in that if there were more authority and 3 if prestige associated with committee membership, there would probably be more opposition to the outgoing board's nominations. In any event, the differences between the Vancouver and the Punjab associations are apparent. They arise from the particular factors associated with the immigrant com- munity. Since it was the K05 that established the original temples in British Columbia and since the Vancouver KDS is ostensibly the overseer of all temples in British J Columbia (a statement not agreed with by other local H Khalsa Diwan Societies of British Columbia), the member- ship of the Vancouver KDS perceives its function to be . fl similar to the Shiromani Gurdwara Prapandak Committee in I the Punjab, rather than to the committees which oversee ' only a single temple. In addition to the perceptual 159 factor, the Vancouver KDS has indeed taken a more active role in the affairs of the community than is normal for the local temple committees in the Punjab. At a different level, the differences between the VancouVer and the Punjab political processes become even more apparent. Here, I am talking about the factors which account for the selection of political leaders. There are several factors which contribute to the nomination of any one individual to the executive committee of the K05. The following is my ordering of the factors upon which associ- ation leadership depends. 1. Service to the community 2. Occupation 3. Length of time in Canada 4. Region of origin 5. Modernity 6. Bilingualism 7e “93 as sex 9. Caste The above list is substantially different from one developed by Harjindar Singh (1968313) to explain the leadership de- terminants in a Sikh village in the Punjab and reflects the internal political adaptation of the immigrant community in Vancouver. Singh, following S.C. Dube (19553161) and Oscar Lewis (19583127), lists ten factors upon which village leadership depends. They are: 1. Caste 2. Land ownership 3. Wealth 4. Family reputation 5. Age and genealogical position 6. Personality traits 7. Sufficient time 160 8. Education 9. Good contacts 10. Numerical strength of the family As can be seen by comparing the two lists, there are some areas of agreement and overlap. Caste and age appear on both lists, although in different levels of importance. Education on the Punjab list could be correlated with bilingualism and modernity on the Vancouver list. Occu- pation could be generally seen as comparable to land owner- ship and wealth. Even with these correlations, it is obvious that there is a substantial difference in the factors which produce leaders in Punjab villages and in Vancouver.24 I would like to examine each of the factors pertinent to Vancouver in order to present a composite picture of the membership of the executive committee of the Khalsa Diwan Society. Service 32 553 Community. As mentioned earlier, this category is the most important in determining who is capa- ble of being a community leader. Essentially, all of the members of the executive committee of the K05 have "proven themselves”. Being a member of the executive committee is little more than a further extension of a previously estab- lished pattern of service to the community. It is the equivalent of a community recognition of their past per- formance in this regard. Occugation. Almost all of the membership is composed of individuals in the professions, e.g., medicine, education, insurance, etc., or individuals holding executive positions, _._._.___—._3_ . _ as _. rs. 161 e.g., mill presidents. Less than .08 percent of the current membership is composed of blue collar workers. This could be correlated with the first category in that individuals maintaining executive positions or professions may have more wealth which may afford them the possibility of greater community service. Length 2: ligg in Canada. Recent immigrants are totally excluded from membership. They simply do not have the neces- sary background of community service to have proven them- selves to the rest of the community. The median length of time in Canada for the current membership is twenty-five years. This excludes those members who were born in Canada. The most recently arrived immigrant came to Canada in 1966 after living three years in England. Even though he was a well established professional and had done much to aid the community (especially in the formation of the multi-cul- tural committee) and had many other positive attributes, it still took him over five years to gain a position on the executive committee. Newcomers must indeed prove themselves. Region 21 Origin. Although some of the Vancouver Sikhs maintain that region of origin is unimportant in determining community leadership, I found this not to be the case. Al- most all of the present leadership trace their origin to Doaba. Only two of the present twenty-five members of the executive committee are Malwai. All the rest, except those born in Canada, are Doabai. Even those on the committee who were born in Canada can trace their origin to Doaba. -4 .__._*.—_____._._-.__.. .__..._ . .. .5 _\v‘ -1“ «IA-3‘. -.-o 162 It perhaps should be mentioned that the two Malwai on the committee are among the most active individuals with regard to serving the community. They have been in Canada a suf- ficient length of time (1950 and 1942 were the respective dates of immigration) and are both professional. Briefly, they both have met all of the previous criteria for leader- ship. As will be seen shortly, they both also meet all of the remaining criteria as well. They have, in fact, overcome their Malwa origins. Modernity. Modernity is a very awkward term and it does not truly convey what I want it to. It is a term used however, by many of the Vancouver Sikhs in precisely the way I intend to use it here. Vancouver Sikhs are “modern" if they have short hair. Short hair essentially means that they have adopted a Western style of clothing and appearance. All of the current members of the K05 executive committee are modern in this sense. It has not always been so however. As a matter of fact, this very point was the main reason for the most serious factional division within the community. I will return to this point in the next few pages. Bilingualism. All of the current membership are bilingual in Punjabi and English. Fluency in Punjabi is essential because "how can you be a good Sikh if you can't speak Punjabi"? Fluency in English is important because so many of the dealings of the K05 are with non-Sikhs. 163 £33. The very young and the very old are excluded from membership on the executive committee. The young have not yet proven their worth to the community and the old have retired from active service. The age range of the current committee is actually quite narrow: from 39 to 52 with a mean age of 46. S35. There is little hope for a female to be elected to an office on the executive committee. Males have always been nominated to and elected to the top leadership posi- tions. Recently, however, females have been allowed to serve as committee members. Currently, there are four females on the committee. In the listing of the executive com- mittee, their names appear last and although others told me that women were equal to the male members, I found no evidence to substantiate this. Q2353. I placed this category last because I an un- sure if it plays any role in determining leadership within the community. It is true that all of the current KDS leaders are Jat Sikhs, but then, the majority of the Van- couver Sikhs are Jets. In addition, Jats have traditionally had greater access to leadership positions than have other caste categories, and the current pattern in Vancouver could be simply an extension of past practices. On the other hand, when I asked people if they would consider a Ram Garie for president of the KDS, many hedged and some said, it just would not happen. It does appear than, that caste does play a role in determining the characteristics fi—sA‘ . -. 164 of a Vancouver Sikh leader. But it plays a less important role than any of the other criteria. Leadership then, is the result of many variables. From the above, however, it can be assumed that the "typical" leader of the K05 possesses the following characteristics: he is a Jet male in his mid-forties who can speak both Punjabi and English fluently, who has adopted Western style of dress and appearance, yet can trace his ancestry (if not his birth) to the Doaba region of the Punjab, who has been in Canada for at least two decades, who is a pro- fessional or holds an executive position, and who has proven himself by performing multiple services for the community. If an individual fits all of these criteria, he probably is now, or was in the past, or will be in the near future, a member of the executive committee of the Khalsa Diwan Society. However, the executive committee of the K05 is not the only authoritative body within the Vancouver Sikh community. True, it is the most important since it affects the activities of more Sikhs than any other single organi- zation, but there are other bodies which actively pursue a similar type of socio-political activity. Chief among these groups is the Akali Singh Society. The Akali Singh Society is comparable to the Khalsa Diwan Society in func- tion, but not in scope. It too is associated with a tem- ple, the Akali Singh Temple located at 449 E. 11th Avenue in Vancouver.25 As such, the Akali Singh Temple is not 165 located in an area where a significant number of Sikhs re- side. In addition to the lack of a supporting base in the immediate proximity of the temple, the temple itself is not nearly as visually impressive as the Rose Street Gurdwara (see Appendix F for a comparison). Both of these factors contribute to the smaller degree of impact on the Sikh com- munity by the Akali Singh Society. However, they cannot stand by themselves. The main reason appears to lie in the fact that the temple and its governing organization simply do not appeal to the majority of the Vancouver Sikhs because of an emphasis on traditionalism. Indeed, it was the argu- ment over traditionalism versus modernity which accounted for the birth of the Akali Singh Society. In 1952, a clean shaven Sikh was proposed for membership on the executive committee of the Khalsa Diwan Society. This was the first time for such an action. Prior to this all of the KDS members adhered to the kakkas. This action was signifi- cantly opposed by some who claimed that no one who is not a real Sikh should be in a leadership capacity (a real Sikh being defined as one who kept the kakkas). Those who held this position were in the minority and lost their appeal to the more “modern" majority,26 whereupon they seceded from the K03 and formed the Akali Singh Society. Mayer (1959:21-22) proposes a second reason for the split, that of personal dislike. He claimed that there were two fac- tions among the leaders of the KDS and they simply decided that this was an issue on which to "cross swords" with the 166 losers of the factional dispute splitting off from the KDS rather than seeking to regain power the following year. None of my informants accepted this as a major factor, although they admitted its possibility. The “traditional- modern" schism, used as an emic explanation for the dispute has gained in importance through retelling, while the fac- tional fight for leadership positions has all but been forgotten. As far as the K05 is concerned, the Akali Singh Society is not a major competitor for the allegiance of the Sikh community. Because of their advantages mentioned earlier, and particularly because of the amount of wealth controlled by the KDS in relation to that controlled by the Akali Singh Society, theeKDS is in a position to ignore the Akali Singh Society. The historical reasons for the split as well as the contemporary relationships between the two organi- zations were summed up succinctly by a former member of the KDS executive committee: They didn't want any non-turbanned people on the management board of the temple. So these people said they couldn't get a hold of the power in the old organization, the Khalsa Diwan Society, so they broke off and bought an old church and got the Akali Singh Temple. Right now they are having the same trouble, too. Their congregation wants the non-turbanned people in the committee so they are having fights and all that. Our society is willing to cooperate any time. On the other hand, we don't pay much attention to what's going on there. The schism appears to be rather unimportant to the Sikh community at the present time. Members of each "congregation" go back and forth in their attendance _ _ _x_.—...-‘-_.—.—.. --r 167 with no one paying any attention to them. The two organi- zations as well as the two temples are functionally un- differentiated, but it is clear that the K05 and the Rose Street temple are far more wealthy and therefore more active than the 11th Avenue temple. In other words, within their own arenas of activity, they are functionally equivalent: it is only that the arena of the KDS is sig- nificantly larger. Nicholas suggests that functional undifferentiation is a major feature of factions, with the other characteristics being exhaustiveness and ex- clusiveness (1966353). However, functional equivalency must be based upon structural equality in order for a true segmentary factional system to be in operation. Structural equality is clearly not the case between the Akali Singh Society and the Khalsa Diwan Society. Neither are these two organizations truly exhaustive nor exclusive in that not all Vancouver Sikhs belong to either and in that members of one can attend and participate in the activities of the other. What perhaps began as a factional division has turned into a rather ill-defined social division based primarily on the slightly differing activities of each tem- ple. Because the two organizations are not in a position of competition over scarce resources, i.e., are not fighting for membership, and because the present leadership (at least in the KDS) is not committed to the continuation of internal factional disputes, there has been a realignment .--_.____._.._-_..- .- .-- _ 168 of emphasis -- away from internal differences and toward internal similarity. Mayer saw the beginning stages of this shift during his research in the fifties. It is a trend that has grown in the seventies. Now, perhaps more than ever before, there is more political agreement and less dissent (at least in the area of major rifts between segments within the community). Externgl Politics Leadership positions in the K05 or the Akali Singh Society are not the only offices for which individual Sikhs have attempted to gain politically, although they are the most important. During the 1972 municipal elections four East Indians ran for public political office. Two ran for alderman (there were a total of fifty-five candidates for the ten available positions) one of which captured suf- ficient votes to be elected to the tenth position. A total of thirty-five candidates sought a position on the school board. One was a Sikh who came in thirtieth place and was not elected. One Sikh also sought a position on the park board for which there was a total of thirty-one candidates. The Sikh candidate was not elected. Aside from the fact that four East Indians ran for public office . in Vancouver, I think it is interesting to note that they i represented three political parties. The alderman who was I elected represented The Electors Action Movement (TEAM) which was perhaps fortunate in as much as 1972 was a year 169 for a TEAM landslide in Vancouver. Two other candidates represented the New Democratic Party (NDP) while the park board candidate represented the Civic Non-Partisan Asso- ciation (NPA) which had been the major political party in Vancouver for the past thirty-five years. the Committee of Progressive Electors (COPE) had no East Indian on its slate. Sikh community, united on so many inter-community campaigns presented four candidates representing three political parties. This does not represent a political neivet‘ among the Sikhs, but merely a divided opinion concerning what political philosophy best suits the needs of the community.27 There appeared to be an assumption on the part of these candidates that the same qualities which would qualify them for leadership positions within the Sikh community would qualify them for public office as well. will suffice here. In a brochure widely distributed in Vancouver, the Sikh candidate for parks board listed eleven factors which would qualify him for public office. were: 1. 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. Canadian Citizen. A resident of Vancouver, British Columbia for over 30 years. In life insurance business for over 15 years with Sun Life Assurance Company of Canada: life member of the Million Dollar Round Table. Member of the Canadian Centennial Committee. Director of the Canadian Council of Christians and Jews for the past 2 years. Chairman of the building committee of the new Sikh Temple on Ross and Marine Drive, Vancouver B.C. for the past 7 years. Executive Member of the Khalsa Diwan Society in 1972. One other party, It is interesting that the Vancouver Only one example These 1 170 8. Chairman of the East Indian Canadian Citizens Welfare Association and an Executive Member for the past 10 years. 9. Members of the Khalsa Soccer Club. 10. Director of the Immigration Service Society in 1972. 11. Member of the British Columbia Trade Delegation to India: 1966. It will be noted that community involvement and length of time in Canada are emphasized in his qualifications. It will also be noted that six of the eleven factors directly emphasize his activity within the Sikh community. In other words, the candidate used his ethnic identity in a conscious attempt to gain votes at the same time he followed a pattern established within the community in an effort to seek support from outside the community. he Role gj Caste I would like to turn now to a brief discussion of caste within the Vancouver Sikh community. From what has been stated earlier it can be assumed that caste is not all that important. This, of course, is what is to be expected as was pointed out by Adrian Mayer (196731-19) when reviewing the importance of caste in overseas Indian populations, it is generally agreed that castes"...do not form important units, nor are intercaste relations significant in the community structure of overseas Indians“. This statement certainly holds true for the Vancouver Sikhs. Regardless of which level one chooses to analyze caste -- _-—_— _ u.-— from the ideological varna classification through the jati to the biradari -- caste is not a significant organizing 171 characteristic of the Vancouver Sikh community. Socio- logical units are not formed on the basis of caste, nor does caste significantly influence interpersonal behavior. Most scholars generally agree that the most significant level by which to analyze caste is the jgti which is an endogamous group, the membership of which is determined by ascription, which is tied to a traditional occupation, which is ranked in relation to other such groups and which is supported in the hierarchy by the observation of various rules of purity and pollution. The Vancouver Sikhs still maintain some of these characteristics, but by-and-large they are relatively unimportant. As an example, within the community, there is no ”...discrimination of touch, occupation, eating or drinking between people of different castes“ (Mayer 1959313). There is no formal ranking although some (mostly Jats) claim a superior status for Jats. This claim, however, is not supported by any overt behavioral characteristic which is ritually based on purity and pollution. In addition, there is no correlations between caste and occupation among the Vancouver Sikhs. No Sikh is excluded from any occupational category on the basis of caste. It is true that one does inherit one's caste affiliation. If your father was a Jet, you are a Jet. But, what if you are unaware of your caste affiliation? If you do not know that you are a Jet, it obviously is not going to influence your behavior. This is the position of many younger members of the community (especially those A 4.4.. -.-7-4 aw”. - s...— 172 born in Canada). As to the first part of the definition, i.e., that caste is an endogenous group, it is necessary to analyze two different aspects, the fact that endogamy is practiced and the existence of a group. It is true that a norm of caste endogamy is maintained. Indeed, marriage appears to be the primary area of caste influence. I was unable to obtain a complete picture of the pervasive- ness of endogenous unions for two reasons. The temple records did not record the caste affiliation of the brides and bridegrooms, and there was a general unwillingness on the part of those who might know about caste endogamy to discuss the matter. As an example, when I asked the priest how many marriages he thought fell within this category, he simply replied, "All Sikhs belong to the Sikh caste. We are all the same”. On a general level however, many claimed that Jats tend to marry Jets and Ram Caries tend to marry Ram Garias. On the other hand, most could think of in- stances in which caste endogamy was not practiced. What-1 ever the statistical frequency, I believe a fair statement is that caste endogamy is a norm that has many exceptions. Now, is casts a group phenomenon in Vancouver? It is certainly not a primary group. A primary group is “...a number of persons who communicate with one another over a span of time, and who are few enough so that each person is able to communicate with all the others, not at secondhand, through other people, but face-to-face” (Homans 195031). On a more general level of analysis Homans (1950384) claims that ._...._ _.—.-. ...a—.x-Mfi-x I‘D.“ 173 a group consists of persons interacting in social events, and claims that it is possible to discern one group from another simply by counting the number of interactions. Even at this level of abstraction, caste does not constitute group in Vancouver. The interaction of members of the community is influenced by multiple factors and casts is one of the least influential of these factors. Caste is essentially a category of identification that is less important than other such categories. In speaking of marriage one informant listed the influencing factors in the following hierarchical arrangement: the district one comes from, education and class, caste. Within the com- munity it appears to be far more important to arrange a marriage between two people who are both Doabai or both Malwai, or who are of comparable class and educational backgrounds, than to arrange a marriage between two individ- uals of the same caste. Another possible explanation of a relatively high incidence of caste endogamous marriages stems from the fact that the majority of Jets in Vancouver trace their ancestry to Doaba. They may be arranging Doaba/ Doaba marriages and as a by-product getting Jat/Jat unions as well. Summary All of the variables mentioned in the chapter are intertwined to a considerable degree and all interact to reinforce ethnic identity. The settlement patterns reflect a growing concentration of Sikhs in southern Vancouver 174 which makes the word “community” more readily applicable now than ever before. One can now see the beginnings of a centralized community the members of which are in close proximity to each other, their work, their temple, and their institutional units of support. The sense of "our com- munity" is taking on spatial meaning for the population which, in turn, attracts others of similar interests. The southern Vancouver area is gradually becoming less heterogeneous in terms of ethnic composition. As the community grows, the problems as well as the benefits grow also. There is a continually increasing need for the development of supportive institutions: in- stitutions that can pursue the interests of the community. The more diversified the interests of the community, the greater the need for an institutional framework capable of serving those interests. When the community was small, near- ly all of the interests were successfully served by the Khalsa Diwan Society. However, after World War II, when the community began to increase in size and complexity, the original functions of the K05 had to be expanded. In ad- dition, because of the fact that a larger concentration of Sikhs were able to articulate more forcefully their demands for equality of rights (especially with regard to immi- gration) a new, more outward focused institution was re- quired. Thus was born the EICCWA. Both of these organi- zations (as well as other, less important ones) significantly assist in the maintenance of the community by actively ._ .. -_A-‘AHJI"*V' -—g— A 175 pursuing the stated interests of the community. By exten- tion, the associations may be considered as primary mech- anisms for the maintenance of an ethnic identity, because the identity of an individual Sikh is as a member of the Sikh community. And, because of the very nature of their activities, the associations reinforce the ethnic boundaries drawn around the community, thus maintaining for the old and helping to establish for the new, a distinctive ethnic iden- tity. The settlement pattern shift shows both sides of the adaption process. On the one hand, resource competition played a major role in determining the demographic patterns of southern Vancouver since the population and the Gurdwara are located near the lumber mills. On the other hand, the population can maintain a close affiliation both with other Sikhs and with the Gurdwara, thus reinforcing a sense of ethnic identity and community solidarity. This identity is further reinforced by the nature of the political system in that successful internal leaders are successful precisely because they have been effective in supporting the causes espoused by the rest of the populace. I think it is instructive to note that running for public office in the external political sphere is relatively unimportant to the community, while internal elections are a cause for great concern and are of obvious importance. This reflects the fact that what is perceived by the com- munity to be important in the external sphere is not an individuil running for office, because an individual is 176 unlikely to be able significantly to influence governmental policies towards the Sikhs, but rather an effective organi- zational structure that might have some positive impact in the external sphere. On the other hand, leadership within the community is of much greater concern because of the personal nature of community organization (as opposed to the perceived impersonal nature of governmental structure). Internally, a single individual may have a very great impact indeed, and thus internal elections highlight those features which are seen as being the most effective in influencing both internal and external policies. Obviously, these features are going to reflect the structure, processes, and goals of the community and thus will be quite different from the traditional village leadership criteria in the Pun- jab, for effective leadership in any capacity is situation- ally defined. The qualities of leadership in Vancouver reflect the specific adaptational requirements of the com- munity vis-g-vis the larger society. ESpecially relevant here is the degree to which political behavior relates to resource competition. As a case in point, the schism be- tween the Khalsa Diwan Society and Akali Singh Society ulti- mately relates to divergent opinions as to the importance of maintaining the traditional symbols of Sikh ideology. It is obvious that change in this area is more important than is continuity which probably relates to the fact that one is in a better position for resource competition, i.e., is able to exploit the economic opportunities of Canada 177 more effectively, if one adopts the outward appearances of "modern Canada". CHAPTER FIVE THE RELIGIOUS ARENA Of all of the factors which express and maintain ethnic identity among the Vancouver Sikhs, religion is among the most important. There is no doubt that the Sikh religion has been one of the primary focuses of group identity. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Gurdwara is the center of political activity within the community, but it is far more important than simply being a political center. In a real sense, it is the center of the community's source of solidarity. It is the Sikh temple, not the East Indian temple, not the Indian-Canadian temple, but the Sikh temple. When viewed as such, temple activities, especially those specifically tied to the religion of Sikhism, must be seen as playing a major role in ethnic boundary maintenance. When com- pared to the practices in the Punjab, many behavioral elements of the Vancouver Sikhs have been modified to fit more closely into White Canadian parameters and to allow for greater resource competition. The belief system of Sikhism however, remains virtually unchanged. It is the most stable link with the Punjab past, the institution of greatest continuity. 178 179 The Belief System In comparison with many other religious belief systems, that of Sikhism is simple, clear, and straight- 28 It began as a reform movement in the last half forward. of the Fifteenth Century under the guidance of its founder, Guru Nanak, whose central message was, "rejection of sects: protest against exploitation; rejection of idolatry and complicated method of worship: emphasis on good actions: His path of love: ...universal brotherhood" (Neel n.d.). The essential message of Nanak has undergone little change in the last five hundred years. Under the auspices of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prapandak Committee, Mansukhani (1958:4-7) identified only six basic articles of Sikhism. They are (1) unity of God, (2) equality, (3) faith, (4) love of God, (5) character-building, and (6) Nam. The essential ingredients in the above six articles of faith can be reduced to a simplified formula of "the supremacy and unity of God, and the equality and brotherhood of man". If I may use an organic analogy, this sums up the heart of Sikhism, but it is far from adequate in describing the body of the religion. One might as well attempt to de- scribe Christianity by the Ten Commandments, or Hinduism by Dharmashremavarna. It is not my intention to describe the totality of Sikh belief, for not only would such a discussion lead us far astray, but such description has already been accomplished by many others, e.g., Macauliffe (1963). Rather, I would like to present some of my 180 conclusions as to the significance of Sikh belief for social behavior. There are two basic themes which run throughout Sikh ideology. Themes which, in one way or another, may be linked to behavior. These themes may be classified as the two basic metaphysical postulates of Sikhism. From these metaphysical postulates flow normative postulates, and from them flow standards against which behavior may be evaluated. Simply stated, the two themes or metaphysical post- ulates are that the universe is one and that the universe is personal. The unity of the universe is supported by a variety of ideological statements such as there is only one God, but God is all: God is both spirit and matter: the ultimate salvation is absorption in God; the individual soul is the universal soul. As was pointed out by Pincott (1958:74-75) these statements are, ...the pure Vedanta doctrine that God is Nature, and that the individual soul is only a portion of the Universal Soul, in accidental union with cosmical phenomena. As soon as the individual realises the idea that it and that are one -- in other words, that it is only a minute atom of that eternal, all-pervading self -- then, by that very recognition, individuality is at once destroyed, and with it all the desires and pea- sions which chain the soul to worldly life. In addition, the five deadly sins of lust, anger, greed, attachment, and egoism are deadly sins precisely because they negate the concept of the unity of the universe by emphasizing the uniqueness of the individual. In a like 181 manner, the cardinal virtues of humility, charity, for- giveness and sweet words tend to de-emphasize the sig- nificance of individuality. Consequently, for our pur- poses, this postulate of the unity of the universe can be viewed as a theme from which there arises an ideological basis for non-uniqueness as a principle of behavior. Indeed, the tremendous emphasis on community service mentioned before can be seen as a direct outgrowth of this postulate. What better way is there to demonstrate one's virtue than to serve the khalsa, for is not the khalsa the embodiment of God on earth? Aside from service, and yet related to it, there is an additional, and equally important principle which arises from this postulate. And that is there can be no separation of "church and state", no division of community activities into various arenas of politics, economics, community, and religion, for all are merely different ways of serving the khalsa and God. This certainly relates (although I am not postulating a unilinear causal relationship) to the view that the Gurdwara is the center of the community in Vancouver for it serves -- in a variety of ways -- many of the interests of the people in the community. Indi- vidual Sikhs do not perceive the Gurdwara as a uni-func- tional structure, but as a multi-functional center to which they can go in times of either supernatural or secular need. The second significant metaphysical postulate relates 182 to the fact that the values and concepts of Sikhism are highly personal. Sikhism is a religion that is to be experienced on an individual basis. The emphasis on the name of God (Nam), the repetition of the sacred symbol (On), which are an individual's link with divinity; the knowledge of the life and contributions of the ten Gurus as well as the commitment to the "living Guru", the Granth Sahib, which are an individual's access to ultimate truth; even the destruction of egoism and the disburdenment of delusion (Maya), which are the paths to individual sal- vation, are all intensely personal experiences. As such, there is no specific code which applies to all Sikhs for all time. The way by which a Sikh seeks divinity, truth, and salvation may change with time and circumstances. The implications of this for behavior are great. For our purposes, one of the most significant implications is that Sikhism can be seen as an easily adaptable, practical way of life, rather than a rigid, infallible set of doctrines permitting of no variation. Historical Factors In the previous section we have been examining the major postulates of Sikhism, but postulates, no matter whether metaphysical or normative, no matter how profound or how elegant, fail to indicate much about behavior. They are essentially idealized and abstract statements concerning man's relation to the universe and man's re- lation to his fellow man. Only under rare circumstances 183 can behavior be predicted from these conCepts. What can be shown however, is how behavior approximates these ab- stract and idealized concepts -- how closely does real and actual behavior follow from ideal concepts of behavior? Hoebel has indicated (1972:32-33) that what anthropologists are primarily concerned with is the culture construct30 which is neither the ideal culture nor the real culture, but rather statements concerning modal behavior. Here, we are dealing with the same thing. I am not here concerned with the total range of activities which may or may not be relevant to the metaphysical and normative postulates but rather with the pertinent culture construct -- with the standardized activities which are specifically associated with the aforementioned postulates. It is for this reason that I will not attempt a complete examination of Sikh ritualism as examples of religious activities (see Ap- pendix G for a full account of Sikh life-cycle ceremonies) but, instead concentrate on those activities which appear to provide Sikhism with its distinctiveness. Clifford Geertz (196434) defined religion as: A system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating con- ceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic. It is the last part of the definition with which I am most concerned at this point. What are the moods and motivations of Sikhism which seem uniquely realistic to -—-———_a— 184 the Sikhs of Vancouver and which are supportive of modal behavior? In part the answer can be found in the history of Sikhism, both in India and Canada. In India, after some 350 years of political and religious success, Sikhism all but disappeared as a viable power due essentially to British hegemony in the Punjab with a concomitant loss of political power for Sikhs. Khushwant Singh (19663137) lists three other factorswhichcontributed to Sikh de- generation: Christian missionary activity, Arya Samaj reforms, and the advent of scientific rationalism. What- ever the causal and contributing factors may have been, it remains evident that the Sikhs had become nearly totally divided. However, late in the Nineteenth Century a sig- nificant reform movement, the Singh Sabha, was instituted and undertook the task of rebuilding Sikhism through education and religious activism. Although the Singh Sabha movement was short-lived (dying out in the 1920's) it functioned in much the same manner as a millenarian movement for it provided a new hope for a future by re- emphasizing the Sikh's perception of a "glorious past". Yonina Talman, following the lead of Balandier, Hobsbawm, and Worsley, indicated that "...millenarism is an activating and unifying force in hitherto polit- ically passive and segregated groups and that... it has been an important precursor g: politiggl awakening 22g 3 forerunner g: golitical organization" (19623141). Tslmon 185 further stated, The main effect of the millenarian movement is to overcome divisions and join previously isolated or even hostile groups together. Though faced by the same common problems and sometimes even sharing the same culture, these groups cannot act as a unified force except on a localized and ad hoc basis. When con- fronted by a crisis and by necessity to take concerted action, they are compelled to create a new unity which transends kinship and local loyalties. This is exactly what happened to Sikhism in India. There was a Sikh revivification in India which has been char- acterized by Harbans Singh as a time during which "...the Sikhs grew politically very alive" (1964314). With the establishment of numerous Sikh publications, Sikh schools, and Sikh missionary forays into Hindu dominated areas, the Sikhs (as well as many Hindus and British administrators) became aware of their uniqueness and strength. A feeling of pride in one's ideology, political past, and potential future swept through the Sikhs of the Punjab. Much of the overt divisiveness within the Sikh population disappeared. At about the same time, and for similar reasons (although the specific circumstances differed significantly) a nearly identical process was occurring in Canada. The British Columbia Sikhs had come to Canada to seek their fortunes and had been initially successful. Then after the anti-Asian riots and the passage of discriminatory legislation, they realized just how little power they had. Under the leadership of both Hindu and Sikh act- ivists, many of the Canadian Sikhs found a new home in 186 the Ghadr Party.31 Even though the Ghadr Party was organized to assist the overthrow of the British Raj in India, it had a significant effect on the Canadian situation as well, in that it was specifically a politi- cally oriented movement which, when coupled with the nascent political activism of the Khalsa Diwan Society, provided an opportunity to blend religion with politics in an effort to right the perceived wrongs found within Canada. Even though the Ghadr Party was unsuccessful in its attempts to foment rebellion in India, its organ- izational successes in Canada and the United States proved to be a major impetus to political activism. The Sikhs saw what could be done with organization, and since they already had the organization (the KDS) began to use it as a means for furthering their cause in Canada. "Although the objects of the Diwan were religious, educa- tional, and philanthropic, problems connected with im- migration and incidents of racial discrimination began to loom large in its proceedings” (Khushwant Singh 1966: 174-175). Indeed, the pattern follows quite closely the events in India a few years earlier. In effect, we have a revival of Sikh activism which combines elements of religion and politics into a relatively unified movement which had a secondary effect of unifying the numerous factions and schisms in the various communities. In large measure, some of the uniqueness of Sikhism can be related to the fact that it is not solely a religion 187 but rather a mechanism for political participation as well. Religion and politics become merged and although it is possible fora Vancouver Sikh to talk about each separately and independently, as often as not, the two subjects become one during the course of a conversation. To my way of thinking, one of the reasons for the contin— uation of Sikhism as a religion in Canada is the apparent successes of Sikhism as a political movement. If I may coin a phrase, it has become a pragmatic millenarian movement -- attempting to attain both secular and sacred goals which are seen as necessary for legitimizing "the good life". Pragmatically, this movement has had contin- ually to adapt to the challenges imposed upon the Sikhs by the larger Canadian society. Indeed, one of the strengths of Sikhism in Canada (and therefore, one of the reasons for its success) is the ability of the Sikhs overtly to pursue some aspects of assimilation while maintaining to a large degree, the rather homogeneous values which are expressed in the metaphysical and normative postulates mentioned earlier. In other words, the moods and moti- vations with which Geertz was concerned are, in large part, amalgamated constructs of ethnic identity through ideology and political activism, and socio-economic success through resource competition and partial assimilation within the larger Canadian society. None of these motivations is contradictory to the essential postulates of Sikhism. As such, it can be stated that contemporary Sikh behavior __ _-. .____. 188 does indeed approximate Sikh belief. Parenthetically, I might add that since Sikhism is such a “practical” religion, it is almost impossible to imagine a situation where the above statement could not be made, as long as there was no direct attack on the central value system of Sikhism. Religious Functions It is insufficient to state simply that the per- sistence of Sikhism in Vancouver is due to some specific historical factors and its basic practicality. Any cultural institution may be said to be a practical one if it persists through time. As was indicated by Spiro (1966:106-107) one must also describe and explain the various functions which the institution satisfies. Institutional behavior, including religious behavior, consists in the practice of repeated instances of culturally constituted behavior , patterns -- or customs. Like other behavior : patterns they persist as long as they are I practiced; and they are practiced because they satisfy, or are believed to satisfy, ‘ their instigating needs. 3 , Taking my lead fromSpiro's discussion of the various types of functions not by religious behavior, I have composed the following eight-cell diagram which will il help describe and explain the functions, and therefore, the persistence of Sikhism in Vancouver. i To simplify the diagram, manifest functions are those that are intended, while latent functions are . ' unintended. Real functions are etic for they can be i. 189 "discovered" by the anthropologist (regardless of whether or not the actors recognize them) while apparent functions are those to which the actors themselves attribute meaning and significance. Individual functions are those which relate primarily to the person involved while societal functions are those which affect the group as a whole. INDIVIDUAL SOCIETAL REAL Intended, etic Intended, etic '5', and personal and group 3 H .2: E: APPARENT Intended, emic Intended, emic land personal and group REAL Unintended, etic Unintended, etic h_ and personal and group 5 3.. 5 APPARENT Unintended, emic Unintended, emic and personal and group FIGURE 10. RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONS Some of the cells in the diagram are rather obvious and reguire little explanation. It is easy to identify the manifest/apparent functions, both individual and societal as those which the actors intend to fulfill. Likewise, the latent/real functions present no major difficulty as those which the actors probably do not recognize but which are quite significant to the observer. 190 However, the manifest/real and latent/apparent functions may appear at first glance to be contradictory for in the former you have intended but unrecognized functions and in the letter you have unintended but recognizad functions. The latter is a simple concept to grasp; social solidarity may be a recognized func- tion of religious ritual, for example, al- though the intention of satisfying this functional requirement may not motivate its performance. An intended-unrecognized function, however, seems paradoxical. As- suming that intentions may be conscious as well as unconscious, this paradox is more apparent than real: if a behavior pattern is unconsciously motivated -- or more real- istically, if its motivational set includes both conscious and unconscious intentions -- one of its functions, although intended, is unrecognized (Spiro 19663109). At this time, I would like to use the diagram to illustrate some of the needs which are fulfilled by Sikhism in the Vancouver population. ManifestZReaIZIndividual. This is the cell of in- tended, unrecognized or etic, and personal functions. This cell and the one following are the two that are the most difficult to identify because they involve uncon- sciously intended and consciously unrecognized need satisfaction. I must confess that I am inadequately prepared to competently discuss unconscious and yet intended motivations. Logically, they must play a sig- nificant role in religious behavior, but to my knowledge there have been no psychological studies of the Vancouver Sikhs which might clarify this particular area. With competent evaluation of widely administered psychological s ...a “”...-g", 191 tests such as Rorchach or Thematic Apperception Test techniques it might be possible to get at this important area. However, for the moment, this must remain in the category of "a good idea for future research". Be that as it may, I would still like to speculate on what might be included under this category. One idea that immediately comes to mind could be called "access to political resources". Due to the close relationship between religion and politics among the Vancouver Sikhs, it is quite possible that religious behavior, i.e., behavior related to Gurdwara activities, may serve the unconsciously intended and con- sciously unrecognized goal of gaining access to whatever political resources an individual may desire. However, this must, for the moment, remain in the realm of spec- ulation rather than fact. It is a logical assumption, but one that must stand the test of further investigation. ManifestZRsal[Societal. The caveats offered above also hold for this cell of the diagram. Once again, how- ever, I will venture into the realm of speculation. It seems to me that an important aspect of religious behavior centers on the reasons for the maintenance of some ritual activity within the Sikh community and the virtual aban- donment of other forms of ritualism. This is especially appropriate when discussing life-cycle ceremonies. It was to these that I referred in an earlier chapter. As I suggested at that point, a possible explanation for the stress placed upon naming, marriage, and death rituals, __‘",_.‘ .— 192 with the concomitant de-emphasis on birth and baptism rituals, may be correlated with the unconsciously intended and consciously unrecognized goal of maintain group identity through those rituals which do not overtly contrapose Sikhs with White Canadians, while placing much less stress on those forms of ritualism which make the identification of Sikhs as Sikhs easier for the non-Sikh, thereby re- tarding certain aspects of assimilation. ManifestZAggarentZIndividual. This cell illustrates the intended, emic or recognized, and personal functions of religious behavior. The range of behavior within this particular cell is large indeed, for each individual has his or her own needs the fulfillment of which is con- sciously pursued. Categorically however, there are three types of Sikhs, each of which has a different religious duty. As was explained to me by one of my informants, In Sikhism there are three types of Sikhs, one is the easy-going Sikh, or the apprentice Sikh. The Sahaj Dhari we call it. Anybody could be -- you could be -- a Sahaj Dhari. The only con- dition is that you have to believe in the Gurus, the Guru Granth Sahib and pay respect to that one. And you could do anything else. Then another one is the Kesha Dhari: that you keep the hair, the turban, etc., but you are not fully baptised. You have more responsibility. Also, there are more tabus, smoking, etc. And then the third is the Amrit Dhari. He has been baptised. He feels his responsibility. He has to pray, to lead a holy life, to do service, and he has to forego at least one-tenth of his income for humanitarian purposes. The individual who provided the above information is an Amrit Dhari and, if I may add a subjective evaluation, one of the most devout persons I have eVer met. He is — 193 dedicated to Sikhism and spend several hours each day in prayer. Contrast this with a younger Sahaj Dhari who supplied the following information. Sikhism is not too relevant to me I think, because as far as my attitude about going to the temple and so forth, it is mainly a social thing. I just never got into the religion. My father has never really pushed me towards it. There are a few things like how to behave in the community, or how to be a good East Indian which we are just supposed to know generally from our upbringing. But as far as religious things, I've never really been pushed into it. I never disown the fact that I am a Sikh you know, but it is much more social than religious. Since the vast majority (some estimates put the figure at well over ninety percent) of the Vancouver Sikhs are Sahaj Dharis, I believe the latter informant expresses the modal attitude towards religious behavior for the community. The intended, emic, and personal goals of the community can be summarized by his statement "to be a good East Indian". Part of that statement relates to going to the temple occasionally, participating in some of the activities associated with the temple, and gener- ally doing what is expected of you. As an example, the above informant often assisted in the serving of food for the community's activities held in the basement of the Gurdwara. He would not spend hours each day in prayer; he would not keep the hair; he would not attend every holy ceremony: he would do as much as was necessary to maintain a self-image of a "good East Indian“. This was and is his manifest, apparent and individual need which 194 is satisfied to a large degree through "religious" behavior. ManifestZAggarentZSocietal. In the diagram, this cell represents the intended, emic, and group functions of re- ligious behavior. Like the previous call, there is a wide range of behavior indicated here. The goals articulated by the Vancouver Sikhs include such diverse functions as maintenance of democracy, struggle for brotherhood, know- ledge of God, search for truth, and many others. Temple activities, including ritual activities, oftimes reinforce these goals. It is difficult totally to separate this cell from the preceding one even though one refers to individual goals and the other refers to societal goals. This dif- ficulty results from the fact that societal goals are de- rived from individual goals, and yet, the individual goals reflect the existing structure and organization of the society. One is constantly reinforcing the other. It is for this reason that many of the societal goals, e.g., maintenance of democracy, may also be individual goals. However, because of the tight bond which exists between Sikhism as a religion and Sikhism as a way of life, there are certain categorical assumptions concerning this cell which can be made. For example, the nine goals of the Khalsa Diwan Society elucidated in Chapter Four can cer- tainly be seen as some of the manifest, apparent, and societal goals of Sikhism in Vancouver. To repeat, these nine goals are, 1. To maintain and promote the teachings and — 195 observances of the Sikh religion. 2. To appoint ministers and missionaries of the Sikh religion. 3. To maintain and establish branches and churches. 4. To manage the affairs of the Sikh temple in Vancouver, located at 8000 Ross Street, Vancouver. 5. To foster the spirit of fellowship and brotherhood amongst followers of the Sikh religion, and to create a spirit of good- will with their fellow Canadians of all creeds, races and religions. 6. To instruct the children and youths of the Sikh community in the language of their ancestors and in history, philos- ophy, culture heritage of the Sikhs and India as a whole. 7. To run school or schools for the purpose as elucidated in the aforesaid objective. 8. To encourage the physical fitness of the children and youth. 9. To work for the moral, religious and social welfare of the members of the society. (see Appendix E) As can.be seen, only four of the nine objectives of the Khalsa Diwan Society refer directly to Sikhism as a religion, with the remaining five more attuned to Sikhism as a way of life. It is this constant blending of sacred and secular identities, goals, structures, and functions, which, at the emic level, helps explain the important con- tinuance of Sikhism in Vancouver. It is in this cell, more than in any of the others, where one can see the Sikh's own reasons for stressing the importance of their religious identity. For it is not simply a religious identity, it is an identity of Sign which is an identity incapable of being categorically isolated into disparate and separate sacred and secular identities. They maintain their religion because, in their view, their religion is A ______ ~_ .__ 196 what makes their community different from that of others. LatentZRealZIndividual. Here we are dealing with the unintended, etic, and personal functions of religious behavior. It has been well demonstrated by Malinowski (1925), Homans (1941), Kluckhohn (1942), Spiro (1952) and others, that religious behavior is characteristically a mechanism of anxiety reduction. Regardless of the cause of individual anxiety, religious activities tend to reduce the level of personal tension to a more tolerable and acceptable level. As stated by Wallace, "...religion offers a body of belief and ritual which both expresses and works to re- lieve those chronic anxieties, arising from whatever source, which are apt to plague the members of a given society" (1966320). Spiro (19663114) clarifies this particular point by indicating that rituals reduce anxiety not because they 53g efficacious in alleviating the ultimate causes of the tensions, but rather, that individuals have the belief "...that it does achieve these ends [and:|serves the im- portant psychological (real) function of reducing the hopelessness -- and its attendant anxiety -- concerning their otherwise impossible attainment“. Therefore, one would expect that in a case of increased anxiety, there would be a concomitant increase in ritual activity. This would be especially true at the individual level wherein there may not be perceived alternative means of reducing the anxiety. In the case of many of the Van- couver Sikhs, the entire process of assimilation was, and g a ,, 197 is, very stressful. And, even though non-religious in- stitutional adaptational processes may have been reason- ably efficacious in meeting the demands of assimilation, close identification with temple activities appears to have been a major individual response to the felt stress. LatentZRealZSocietal. This cell of the diagram illustrates the unintended, etic, and group functions of religion among the Vancouver Sikhs. Categorically, the only difference between this cell and the previous one is that here we are concerned with societal and not individual responses to stress. However, many of the responses in this cell appear directly to contradict those mentioned above. The differences between the latent individual functions and the latent societal functions are extremely significant for our analysis here and it is at this point where I am going to disagree with Spiro's assumptions. Spiro (19663116) claims that as non-religious projective systems of the society ever-increasingly satisfy expressive desires, the importance of religion should be expected substantially to decrease. Although phrased in more modern terminology, this was essentially the position of Durkheim (1912) as well. However, in an otherwise brilliant treatise, Spiro at this point failed to take into account the fact that various institutions, religious and non— religious, may satisfy a multitude of desires at the same time. Spiro's statement that “...the importance of religion would be expected to vary inversely with the importance of 198 other, projective and realistic, institutions” holds true ggly if the discussion is limited to alternative means of satisfying the same need at the same time. In the case of the Vancouver Sikhs, we see very complicated societal reactions to assimilation. In the preceding chapters, I have shown many of the non-religious institutional and societal reactions as adaptive strategies. In the case of Sikhism, the picture becomes even more con- fused due to the blending of religious and non-religious elements. However, to simplify as much as possible without seriously distorting these reactions, I am going to take a broad picture of Sikhism as a way of life, rather than to concentrate only on supernatural aspects of Sikhism. Sikhism is an identity as much as it is a religion. This is true not only for individuals but for the community as a whole as well. In other words, Sikhism is the societal identity for the community. The community has been, and is, undergoing assimilation primarily through (omically) non- religious institutions such as economics, kinship, politics, etc. Without even considering religion, the community has successfully adopted a strategy of accommodation to, and participation in, the dominant Canadian way of life without surrendering their basic identity as Sikhs. This has been possible, in large part, because of the emphasis placed on temple activities as the focus of community activities. In the face of non-religious, i.e., non-temple oriented, institutional changes brought on by accommodation and 199 participation, an ever increasing emphasis on temple act- ivities serves the very important function of maintenance of group identity. In the preceding cell, we saw how Sikhism served to reduce individual anxiety by providing an efficacious perceived response to a stressful situation. In this call, we see how the successful response in non- religious institutions to this stress, actually increases temple activities which can be interpreted as the last bastion for Sikh identity for the community as a whole. In other words, the more successful the non-religious institutions are in adapting to the changed situation, the more emphasis is placed on religion for the maintenance of group identity. Latent/Agggrent/Individual. This cell, which consists of the unintended, emic, and personal functions of religious activities, follows from the preceding one. As Sikhism becomes ever-more important in the maintenance of group identity, it also becomes ever-more important for individual identity. Sikhism is not necessarily followed because of a conscious commitment to maintain ethnic identity, but ethnic identification is a major emic and personal function of Sikhism in Vancouver. One's identity is a Sikh, whether it be as a social Sikh or a religious Sikh, and that iden- tity is maintained primarily through Gurdwara-linked be- havior. One informant, a graduate student at Simon Frazer University, succinctly summarized this cell of the diagram when he responded to the question, "If you don't believe 200 in God or the Gurus, then why do you go to the Gurdwara?" His response was, ”Because I'm a Sikh, man. And that's where we Sikhs do our thing". I do not believe it could have been stated better. LatentZAggarentZSocietal. This last cell consists of the unintended, emic, and group functions which are met by religious activities. There is a perceived, but unintended function of Sikhism among the Vancouver population which can best be classified as social integration, or social cohesiveness. Sikhism provides —- especially at the purely religious level rather than as a way of life -- a set of common goals and a set of means by which to attain those goals. By the simple fact that nearly all of the Vancouver Sikh population would accept those goals and means (at least in the abstract) as meaningful and true, there emerges an ideological basis for group commonality which, in turn, provides for group cohesiveness and solidarity. Finally, I must add a note of caution to the above diagram and the subsequent discussion. Because we are dealing primarily with attitudinal bases for behavior, it is necessary to remember that attitudes are variable from situation to situation. Consequently, the categories and cells elucidated above are probably not as mutually ex- clusive as the discussion would make them appear. For example, depending on the attitude of those involved, anxiety reduction may be either latent or manifest; or ethnic identification may be either apparent or real: or 201 service to the community may be either individual or group. It is not my intention to paint a picture of neat categories with little overlap, for such a picture would be inaccurate. Rather, I have attempted to indicate the major functional features of Sikhism as they pertain to the present Van- couver community. Religious Adagtation In the preceding sections of this chapter, some of the specific adaptations of Sikhism in Vancouver have been mentioned. Chief among these reactions is the increasing emphasis being placed on the religious identity as other traditional identities become somewhat attenuated by in- creased entry into the White Canadian society. There ap- pears to be an ideologically based reaction to increased assimilation: a reaction that is a direct attempt to main- tain a degree of ethnic identity. And, since Sikhism has been characterized as a way of life as much as a specific body of religious beliefs and practices, this reaction must have important ramifications in all of the other interactional arenas. An identity based on an ideology can not be understood apart from these other arenas. As the ideologically based ethnic identity influences behavior in the economic, human, and socio-political arenas, the modified systems of interaction will, in turn, affect the overall ethnic identity of the community. Essentially, the question is, how have these other arenas been affected by the maintenance of a Sikh identity and how have these — 202 phenomena affected the overall adaptive process? These questions will be dealt with in the final chapter, but a few words must be said here on this matter. I would like to reemphasize a point made in the Intro- duction; that “in the real world" it is impossible to separate these arenas from each other. Each arena (or each institution within each arena for that matter) di- rectly and indirectly influences the others. But, in order to present a clear picture of the existing situation, it becomes almost imperative to isolate the arenas into separate categories for the sake of discussion. First, concerning the interplay between the Sikh identity and the economic arena, it appears obvious that there is a large disparity between the economic and the religious identities for it is in the economic arena that the Vancouver Sikhs have become "Canadian" to the greatest degree. The basic and most elemental reason for this fact is that the Vancouver Sikhs have less control over the economic matters that pertain to them than they have oVer the behavioral practices associated with either family life or political life (excluding those political matters specific to the outside society). They have had to adjust to and accept the prevailing economic realities of Canada. Perhaps equally importantly, they have desired to do just that. As was stated earlier, the single most important reason for immigrating to Canada in the first place, is to exploit the economic opportunities afforded by the 203 market structure of Canada. As was mentioned in Chapter Two, the basic construct relevant here is resource com- petition within the market economy. The result is not so much the influence of Sikhism on the community's econ- omic activities, but rather on the economic activities influencing the structure of the Sikh community. Those individuals whom I earlier classified as "professionals" are engaging in activities which are aimed at improving their status as professionals; not Sikh professionals, but professionals. Their main identity is not an ethnic identity, but a professional identity. They are able to pursue this goal because of two major reasons: one is that they generally have the available resources, e.g., English facility, adequate training, and financial sol- vency; the other is that they are not concentrated in any one professional field which essentially means that they have not generated any overt hostility on the part of the White society. The professionals have the resources to attain their goals and the access afforded by the White society to those goals independent of any additional sup- port. Consequently, they do not need the kinds of support offered by the Sikh community. Thus, we find many pro- fessionals excluding themselves from a close identification with the Sikh community and, in a sense, excluding them- selves from an identity as Sikh. It is true that some of the professionals do have a close identification with the community and the religion, but these constitute a -~—.‘.. ...- _ ..=g__ _. = 9...... __._ 204 minority of all of the professionals in the Vancouver area. Significantly, these are the individuals who have gained positions of political leadership in the Sikh community. On the other hand, those individuals who haVe fewer economic resources, i.e., the working-class Sikhs, tend to rely more heavily upon the support offered by the com- munity. This support consists not only of the economic brokerage functions of the EICCWA and the KDS (which are centered at the Gurdwara) but also the more informal net- works of interaction which exist in the neighborhoods surrounding the Gurdwara. All of this naturally leads to a large amount of activity in and around the Gurdwara with the end r95ult that the Sikh community consists primarily of laborers and their families. And, because the community is emically defined in socio-religious terms, it may be concluded that the economic practices and patterns of adaptation elaborated in Chapter Two have heavily in- fluenced the structure of the Sikh community and indeed, the perception that members of this community have of themselves as "Sikhs". Turning now to the interplay between the Sikh identity and the human arena, it is obvious that a great number within the community have consciously attempted to maintain a high degree of ethnic identity based upon the ideological identity. Perhaps most important is the great emphasis which is placed upon Sikh endogamy. Recruitment to the 1 205 mmmunity is primarily dependent upon two factors; im- dgration and marriage practices. Immigration by itself s insufficient to maintain a Sikh identity for an extended eriod of time as individuals may marry "outsiders" and hue reduce the importance of the traditional identity. ndogamy however, when teamed with an increased immigrant opulation from the Punjab, is sufficient to maintain that dentity. The important thing to remember is that Sikhs re recruited through this practice. Once there is a ecruitment base for the community, other traditional ractices help maintain the basic Sikh identity. Such hinge as the preference for bringing spouses (both male nd female) from the Punjab, rather than finding local rides and bridegrooms certainly helps maintain a high egree of traditional behavior within the family context, hich in turn, maintains a relatively constant degree of ikh identity for it appears that most of the India-born Jouses are more traditional and less westernized than are 1eir Canadian-born counterparts. This, of course, lends high degree of conservativeness to child-rearing practices, axual behavior, and patterns of precedence based on sex, Ineration, and relative age. Further, as individuals are pared in this traditional Sikh environment, they learn I6 expected proper behavior for a Vancouver Sikh. It is uportant to realize that they are not being raised as Injabi Sikhs, but rather as Vancouver Sikhs. The members the community (both recent immigrants and established 206 anadians) haVe had to adapt to the wider Canadian society nd this adaptation has certainly influenced the family ractices mentioned in Chapter Three. Again, one arena onstantly influences the others, and in turn, is influ- nced by the others. This point has been well illustrated y Kardiner (1945a, 1945b). Basically, the maintenance of Sikh identity requires a recruitment practice of Sikh 1dogamy and the “best" Sikhs, i.e., the most traditional lkhs, come from the Punjab. Punjabi Sikhs are more raditional than are the Canadian-born Sikhs and this ands to create a human environment in which the basic Lkh identity is reinforced and maintained. And finally, we come to the interplay between the Ieologically based identity and the socio-political arena. :re, as in the human arena, the mutual influences are Iwerful supporters of ethnic identity. With the increasing Iphasis being placed on the Sikh identity, it is little nder that the growing population concentration is in close oximity to the Gurdwara. And, with this central com- nity's growth comes more social contacts many of which 9 located at the Gurdwara. The Sikh identity helped the mmunity grow, and the community reinforces the Sikh entity. Growth in the size of the community has also d to an increased role for the associations, especially a KDS and the EICCWA. These associations act as brokerage ganizations primarily concerned with the social and ideo- gical welfare of the Sikh community. Both associations "L '-——L-.. - r_q¢u—v—-“ 207 are housed in the Gurdwara, use the Gurdwara for many of meir activities, and play an otherwise active role in the averall operations of the Gurdwara. This statement prob- mly applies more for the KDS than for the EICCWA, but is essentially correct for both. Certainly, the patterns of mmmunity leadership reflect this interaction also in that he effective leadership positions are precisely positions f authority within the associations. It must be emphasized t this point that many of the individuals holding leader- hip positions in one of the associations have also held, t one time or another, similar positions in the other ssociation. Consequently, even though the scope of the ssociations differs significantly, the patterns of alitical leadership remain similar. In effect, we see we pervasive identity of Sikh directly influencing the esidence patterns, associational structure, and leadership afinitions of the community. These, in turn, strengthen 1e identity of Sikh through a constant reaffirmation of Is community's solidarity -- a solidarity which is greatly ufluenced by the demographic and behavioral boundaries of Is Sikh community. Once again, the circle is complete. LEEEEI The preceding account leads to the inevitable con- usion that Sikhism in Vancouver -- regardless of how s functions are broken down and analyzed; regardless its specific history; regardless of how its meta- ysical and normative postulates relate to behavior; 208 gardless of the specific content of the belief and be- vioral systems of Sikhism; even regardless of how the sic Sikh identity influences and is influenced by the her interactional arenas -- remains one of the most tal forces within the community. More properly, it is cause of all the above factors and their adaptation to a specific circumstances within the Vancouver setting, at Sikhism, both as an ideology and as a way of life, 3 been of such great importance. It goes without saying that the Vancouver of the 1970's not the same as the Vancouver of the first decade of is century, or that the community structure is identical 0 to that of the past. The setting and the community we been constantly changing and will continue to change. a word, there have been numerous variations on a theme, t the theme of Sikhism as an identity remains constant. is viewed by the Vancouver Sikhs themselves as a rel- Lvely stable and enduring identity, influenced by their at, guiding their present, and certain to affect their :urs. CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSIONS Throughout the preceding account, an attempt has been made to characterize various strategic adaptations of the Vancouver Sikhs to the host society and culture of the dominant White Canadians. Historical factors as well as economic, human, socio-political, and religious arenas of interaction have been examined in order to shed light on the specific factors relevant to the generators of ethnicity within the Vancouver Sikh community. Now it is time to tie them all together and to attempt to indicate how the specific factors mentioned previously have indeed contributed to the present structure of the community. In the Introduction, it was stated that too much attention has traditionally been focused on the structure and function of society with little attention being paid to the processes within the society. The process with which I have been dealing is the process of ethnic adap- tation in a situation of resource competition. My question now is, what is the structure of that process, and can it be used efficaciously to explain as well as describe the specific factors which generate and maintain ethnic identity within such a situation? 209 210 Review 2: the Literature In preparing myself to answer this question, I re- viewed as much of the literature as I could to see if I could find approaches which used similar concepts and definitions. Because political scientists have been con- cerned for some time with urban migrants and their political perspectives, I turned to that field, hoping to gain some insight. Almost all of the political science literature on the concept of ethnicity (or some related term) assumes a homeostatic structural model of society which I found to be inappropriate due to a lack of concern for process. Robert Dahl (1961) set the stage for this assumption when he distinguished three stages of ethnic group "maturation". He presented a picture of an ethnic group which, at the first stage, lacks status [sicZL wealth, and political influence. During the second stage of this maturation process, the group begins to lose its homogeneity, to marry across ethnic lines, and generally to join the middle class. And finally, during the third stage (when the group is mature) all aspects of homogeneity are lost and "...large segments are assimilated into the middling and upper strata" (1961335). Dahl, when speaking of homogeneity, assumes a static value system -- it is something one "has” -- and once exposed to a different value system (the value system of the majority) an individual will gradually abandon one system and adopt another. The maturation process is complete when the old system is 211 no longer a viable set of values. When looking at voting behavior of ethnic minorities, other political scientists e.g., Gabriel (1973) have modified this model little, if any. The model is essentially erroneous because of the homeostatic nature of it.’ In reality, value systems, like all aspects of culture, are seldom "abandoned". They are modified by the individuals who hold individual values through time, and the value system of a group of these individuals may be modified through time. If I, as an anthropologist, followed Dahl's model, I would be "aban- doning" all of the lessons offered by cultural evolution. Homeostasis cannot be assumed as the singular feature of any sociocultural system. Dynamism is always present, and must always be taken into account. I also reviewed the sociological literature. As the political scientists followed the lead of Dahl, the sociol- ogists appeared to follow the lead of W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole (1945) with respect to ethnic interaction. Warner and Srole suggest that ethnic identity follows a unilineal adaptational response to continuous assimilation. This is more acceptable than the static model of the polit- ical scientists, but is still not capable of indicating the inter-systemic dynamism operant in ethnic group adap- tation. Sociologists such as Herbert J. Cans (1956a, 1956b, and 1962) and Neil C. Sandberg (1974) represent essentially this view of continuous assimilation into the host society. A recent and very comprehensive sociological examination 212 of Mexican-American and Negro32 adjustment to the indus- trial center of Racine, Wisconsin (Shannon and Shannon 1973) typifies this view. This work was concerned with the "... economic absorption and cultural integration of Mexican- Americans and Negroes into a predominantly Anglo host society..." and attempted to measure the integration with reference to existing White values and standards; in a sense, assuming that total integration was the single goal of both migrant ethnic communities. Consequently, the various indices which were used, such as household pos- sessions, external and internal conditions of the home, facility with English, etc., attempted to measure the suc- cess or failure of the migrant communities in their inte- gration efforts. This type of research is rather commonplace in sociological literature on ethnic groups and although interesting, provides little insight into the numerous processes of adaptation, or in the decisions made on the part of the ethnic community -- either individually or collectively -- in its adaptational responses to the society and culture of the majority. Other sociologists have perceived the inadequacy of the rather simple unilineal model of assimilation and have attempted to examine the intergroup dynamics which reflect the various types of accomodation made by the ethnic com- munity to the culture of the majority. Most of these how- ever, fall into the structural trap of categorization without explanation. As an example, Zubrzycki (1956) 213 presents three possible categories of reaction in the adjustment process of immigrants: one will find assimilation (where an immigrant group becomes so thoroughly integrated into the host society that it loses all aspects of a sepa- rate identity) or accommodation (where an equilibrium is maintained between the separate identities of migrant and host) or conflict (where feelings of tension and alienation occur between immigrant and host). Hunt and Walker (1974) went a step further and identified four categories of ethnic interaction. Their four categories were segregation (where contacts between various ethnic groups are significantly restricted), cultural pluralism (where contacts may be restricted, but where all groups have equal rights), inte- gration (where all individuals have equal rights without reference to ethnic affiliation), and temporary accommodation (where "foreigners" live in a host country for a period of time with the expectation that they will return, e.g., missionaries). Zubrzycki, and Hunter and Walker take different viewpoints as to how to categorize interethnic situations, but they all take the same starting point of describing what is already extant. They do not go beyond this to an attempt at explaining why these categories exist. In other words, they do not deal with factors which gen- erate categorical differences and similarities. Addition- ally, they also assume that one may categorize any inter- ethnic situation with reference to their respective models. However, each of their categories (and many others, I might 214 add) might be present in any one single ethnic community, when seen either diachronically or synchronically. Further, their very definition of the arena of study is, for me, too broad. To wit: following Gordon (1964) Hunt and Walker (197423) define an ethnic group as "...any group which is defined or set off by race, religion, or national origin, or some combination of these categories". This definition would include such disparate categories of people as the Blacks in the United States, the Muslims in India, or the Lithuanians in the U.S.S.R. Since an appropriate definition must apply to the phenomenon being studied and since, in my opinion, the Blacks, the Muslims, and the Lithuanians are not ethnic groups (although there may be many ethnic groups within each of these categories) this definition is totally inappropriate due to its breadth and inclusiveness. Just as political science and sociology have been of negligible assistance in the explication of ethnicity, so has been the literature dealing specifically with overseas Indian communities. Although the Institute of Race Relations in London has published a great deal of information on South Asians in England, and although Bruce La Brack (1975) has compiled an annotated bibliography of nearly ZOO sources dealing with East Indians in the Americas, none to my knowledge speaks directly to the question of ethnicity.33 Because anthropologists are relative newcomers to the study of urban phenomena, ethnicity has not, until very recently, been a major concern within the discipline. 215 Because it is new to the field, and because it is well grounded in empiricism through participant observation, it would be expected that anthropology would shed a great deal of light on this rather problematic area. However, attempt- ing to apply tribal and peasant paradigms to an essentially urban phenomenon has proved to be rather vexing for many anthropologists.34 For example, a conference entitled "Urban Ethnicity" which was sponsored by the Association of Social Anthro- pologists of the Commonwealth in 1971 and which provided the information for a book of the same title (Cohen 1974) yielded twelve articles each of which was concerned, in one way or another, with defining and applying ethnicity. Although the book did a magnificent job of exploring many of the “old" ideas of ethnic identification and behavior, and of opening up new ground for further exploration, and although the book was exciting and stimulating and well grounded in data, it fell short of offering a compre- hensive and acceptable picture of ethnicity. Two major factors contributed to this deficiency: because the book was a collection of individual author's contributions, it expectedly failed to present a unified statement of ethni- city; and, more importantly, the majority of the authors attempted to take a very narrow view of ethnicity. Thus, Cohen in the Introduction, totally dismisses individual behavior as having any relevance for the analyst and con- centrates almost exclusively on the socio-political aspects 216 of ethnicity: "The cultures of ethnic groups are universes of such formally non-political formations and activities that are politicized in the course of social action" (19742xvi). In the same volume Mitchell (1974:1-35) takes a broader view and claims that ethnicity must be viewed in both structural (behavioral) and cultural (cog- nitive) terms. In other words, both the ideationel con- structs of the actors and the repetitive actions of the actors must be thoroughly examined if a balanced view of ethnicity is to be achieved. From what I have written in the preceding chapters, I hope it is obvious that I agree with Mitchell on this point. Mitchell does a brilliant job of conceptualizing the relationship between the structural and cognitive models, but my problem with his article lies in the fact that he fails to accord any sig- nificance to the processes of ethnicity -- how ethnic identities are formed or how they change through time; he simply takes ethnicity as a given fact and then proceeds to analyze it. This is unsatisfactory for my purposes. Either the individual authors are concerned with only a narrow field of inquiry e.g., Dahya (1974:77-118) or Crillo (1974:159-185) or they take a narrow view of the phenomena that constitute ethnicity e.g., Parkin (1974: 119-157) or Schildkrout (1974:187-222). I would like to make it very clear at this point that I am not criticizing the authors or articles to say that they are not worthwhile. Quite the contrary. All of the articles offer a great deal 217 of information on the complex subject of ethnicity and all should be examined by anyone interested in this subject. Each one deserves more praise than I am offering. Simply, the articles mentioned above do not attempt an analysis of ethnicity that accords with the concepts and definitions which emerged from my research. Two exceptions, however, stand out. In an article entitled "The expression of ethnicity in Indonesia" Edward M. Bruner recognizes the problem with which I am concerned when he states, "It is somewhat paradoxical... that despite the theoretical convergence on the larger system and despite the increasing number of field studies on the emergence of ethnicity in cities, we have not yet come to grips with conceptualizing those features of the urban system that are relevant for the understanding of urban ethnicity" (1974:251). Likewise, Charsley (1974:338) claims that "What is needed therefore is a conceptualization or model of the processes involved in ethnicity... Only this will permit a methodical comparison of the range of situations involving ethnicity and hence a study of all the relevant factors and their relative importance". Both Bruner and Charsley realized there was a significant problem in the field of ethnicity. Both Bruner and Charsley were concerned (in slightly different ways) with identifying the features within an urban system that generate ethnicity. Unlike Bruner, however, Charsley offered the analytical tools by which this might be accomplished: 218 The overall process needs, I suggest, to be broken down into three components which can be given three well-established sociological labels, 'categories of social interaction', 'community', and 'organization'. I see the process as involving the selection, modifica- tion, or even the creation of categories of interaction that will serve to order relation- ships in the new immigrant situation, the form- ation of community in relation to such cate- gories, and the creation of organization in relation to categories and community (19743359). Since I believe that Charsley is essentially correct, I would like to turn to these "labels" and see how they may be applied to my data. Categories 2f Interaction, Community, 32g Organization Categories of interaction refer to perceptual cate- gories in the host/migrant situation which directly and indirectly affect behavior within and between communities. The most elemental categories of interaction may be seen in the following diagram. MIGRANT HOST MICRANT SIKH GORA HOST EAST INDIAN CANADIAN FIGURE 11. PERCEPTUAL CATEGORIES OF MICRANT/HOST INTERACTION The Vancouver Sikhs perceive members of the dominant society to be Cora (White) and themselves as Sikhs. The 219 members of the host society, on the other hand, see them- selves as Canadians and categoriza theSikhs as East Indians. In effect the Sikhs are emphasizing their ideologically- based identity as being opposed to a racial identity for the dominant society. Conversely, the host society empha- sizes a national identity for both. Essentially, what this means is that the Sikhs operate with more distinct cate- gories of interaction than do the White Canadians (who only use national identity) and the question is what significance do these smaller categories have for behavior? In the first place, I must admit that I am over-simplifying the categories of interaction somewhat. It is true that many of the Vancouver Sikhs identify themselves as East Indians, and even a few identify themselves as Canadians. These terms are employed generally only when interacting with a White Canadian however. Conversely, some White Canadians employ the term Punjabi nigger in referring to the Sikhs (or some other equally derogatory term) but again, only in the presence of other Whites. However, the perceptual categories identified in Figure 11 are the most widely used terms in both host and migrant sectors of Vancouver. The reasons for the selection of these four terms appear rather obvious. In the first place, members of the host society generally perceive all European descendants living in Canada as Canadians. People in Vancouver know there are French Canadians and "regular" Canadians, but they are all Canadians. Extending a national identity to 220 non-Europeans (with the possible exception of "Blacks" a subject with which I am not prepared to deal at this point) is simply a logical device by which overall inter- action is simplified. On the other hand, the Vancouver Sikhs reject the national identity among themselves because it would lump them together with other East Indians and they are simply not willing to be identified with Bengalis or Gujeratis, or Hindus or Muslims. For the purpose of this analysis, I am talking only of categories of inter- action that specifically influence the behavior of the Vancouver Sikhs and which have meaning to them in their relationships with White Canadians (the host society). I am not considering at this point perceptual categories which make the Vancouver Sikhs distinct from other cats- gories and/or groups of East Indians. These categories of interaction exist and are obviously important, but play a minimal role in the adaptational processes affecting the Sikhs vis-a-vis the White Canadian society as a whole. Since I did not do research among any of the other groups, I can not accurately address the affect on behavior which these categories might have, except to say that religious identity appears to be more important for the Sikhs than for any other East Indian group, with the possible ex- ception of the Ismailia community. However, the mere presence of other categories of East Indians and the desire of the Vancouver Sikhs to maintain a separate identity from them is sufficient cause to reject the 221 identity of East Indian except when interacting with White Canadians. Being a Sikh is more important than being an East Indian. The reason for the use of the category of Gore is also fairly simple. The use of this term of identification implies that the major differences between the Sikhs and the Whites revolve around racial and not national or ideological reference points. In a sense, they are saying to themselves "we too are Canadians, it is just that we are not White Canadians“. I would assume that psychologically this would be of some significance to the Sikhs in that it would create a cognitive category of similarity, thus highlighting their attempts at adapta- tion and partial assimilation. The emphasis placed on the category of Sikh could be seen as saying two things: they are significantly different from other East Indians and (between East Indians) should be treated as different, and they are similar to other religious groups, e.g., Catholics, Lutherans, etc., in Canada and (between Sikh and White Canadian) should be granted the same rights and privileges as those other religious groups. In a sense, they are overtly downplaying their ethnic identity vis-a-vis the White Canadians in order to gain access to a more ac- ceptable status. That is, the selection of the term "Sikh" could be seen as an attempt at assimilation. Paradoxically however, in order to attain this goal (attempted assimilation through religious identification) it is necessary to stress cognitive and behavioral patterns significant to Sikhism 222 and many of these patterns e.g., emphasizing Punjabi, wearing traditional dress, communal dining, etc., are also identifiable as ethnic traits; such is the inseparability of Sikhism as a religion and Sikhism as a way of life. In other words, in their attempts to be identified as a reli- gious minority, they are highlighting many of those very traits perceived by the White Canadians as being East Indian, thus minimizing the opportunities for assimilation. Also playing a role in the choice of the term "gore” is the fact that the Sikhs have suffered from a good deal of racial discrimination and employing this term (a term generally unused in the presence of Whites) manifests their reaction to this racism. These categories of interaction -- Sikh and gore, East Indian and Canadian -- are principal means of recog- nizing boundaries of behavior. In a significant sense, they constitute the essence of ethnic identity for the community. In the Introduction, I mentioned that ethnic identity may be considered a "badge" or name which functions as a symbol of one's self-image in relation to either a generalized or specified other. Referring back to Charsley's statement, these categories serve to "order relationships" between individuals on the basis of their "badge". Rela- tionships are ordered on ideological, racial, or national criteria, depending on which boundaries are to be employed in a given situation. Thus, we find the categories of interaction being 223 situationally defined, depending on with whom one is interacting and the available categories for interaction. A Sikh may interact with a gora, but if the terms "Sikh" and “gore" have no meaning to one of the parties, both are forced to operate on the more general level of East Indian and Canadian. Nevertheless, both will be aware of ethnic traits which make each somewhat distinct from the other. Or, more properly, both will recognize some boundary. The relationship of these boundaries to the overall adaptational process is of some importance, for as long as some ethnic boundaries remain, ethnicity will be a social fact. The categories of interaction, and therefore the boundaries, constitute a recognition of differences. From the categories alone, it can be stated that the White Canadians are generally unwilling to accord full Canadian status to the Sikhs and, in a sense, force the Sikhs to maintain a separate identity. And, the need to maintain a separate identity is a factor in the establishment of a separate community. The separate community of course, is applicable only to those who choose to adopt the categories of interaction stipulated above. For those Sikhs who have opted for total assimilation, the Sikh community and the Sikh identity is, for all intents and purposes, non-existent. Here, of course, I am talking of these professionals who have successfully sought to interact with the dominant host society almost exclusively on individual terms, rather than on categorical 224 or group terms. By rejecting a conscious identification with an ethnic category, some of the professionals have opted to exploit the class structure of Canadian society. This, of course, would come as no surprise to anyone con- versant with social mobility in the Punjab, for it is one of the major mechanisms of upward mobility in the Punjab and in India in general.35 Essentially, in India, class mobility is but one alternative that is available for ex- ploitation. In Canada, the same situation exists. Some individuals elect to attempt upward mobility using the re- sources of a group, e.g., a jati or an ethnic group while others elect to be evaluated more on their own individual merits. The professionals with whom I am here concerned have rejected the Sikh identity (group) and have entered (individually) the Canadian class structure. However, this characterization does not hold for the majority of the Sikhs in Vancouver. For them, the identity with its concomitant emphasis on group boundaries, has real meaning and significance. For them, the Sikh community itself is a major reinforcing agent of that meaningful identity. As an example, in the human arena, rules of membership can be seen as conscious attempts to maintain community boundaries in that both the Sikhs and the White Canadians maintain separate patterns of marriage and recruitment. Since patterns of recruitment are an essential feature of any sociocultural system, and since the manner by which one group goes about its recruiting is one of the most 225 important features in maintaining a group identity, it would be expected that these separate patterns would be of significance in creating an awareness of group dif- ferences. That is why so many of my informants stressed the differences between the Sikh's and the White Canadian practices of dating and marriage, and why I found such a preponderance of locality exogamous marriages and such a high number of marriages involving one of the spouses being born in India. Through these practices, the Sikhs are able to, in large part, maintain a separate group identity which is different from that of the host society. I haVe already mentioned one other very significant area of boundary maintenance between the Sikhs and the White Canadians with respect to the human arena, and that falls under the five traditional life-cycle ceremonies, only three of which have any importance to the Vancouver Sikhs: naming, marriage, and death. The other two, birth and bap— tism, have all but been eliminated as meaningful ceremonies. It is here maintained that the reason for this change is that birth and baptism ceremonies (when carried to their logical conclusions) place the individual Sikh in an awkward position. As was mentioned in Chapter Three, birth automatically places an individual in both worlds -- one is both a Sikh and a Canadian. At the same time, baptism (because one is instructed to keep the outward symbols of Sikhism) automatically defines an individual negatively by the dominant society. If one keeps the five "K's", one 226 is both a good Sikh and a bad Canadian. This is an in- tolerable position for many Sikhs and the community as a whole has opted for a compromise which accounts for the elimination of the contradictory situation: "I may not be the best Sikh, but I'm not the worst Canadian". To restate, those ceremonial factors which tend to put an individual in both communities create a confusion of the available categories of interaction, and one pos- sibility for the elimination of that confusion is to eliminate those features which generate and support it. On the other hand, naming, marriage, and death do not negatively affect the interaction categories and are there- fore maintained. The naming ceremony identifies an indi- vidual as a Sikh, the marriage ceremony reinforces that identity for the individual (remember that the marriage ceremony is also part of the larger picture of recruitment and is of obvious importance), while the funeral ceremony reinforces the identity for the group as a whole. Thus, these three inward-looking ceremonies help create an identity and maintain a high degree of cohesiveness with that identity by reinforcing those ethnic traits which differ from the traits of the host society. Many other categories falling within the human arena, such as sex, solidarity, economic, political, and educa- tional factors pertinent to the family, do not play as central a role in the maintenance of boundaries. Because there are differences between the practices of the Sikhs 227 ‘theWhite Canadians in these areas, some of the dif- mmesare used as ethnic traits by the Sikhs to maintain iridentity as Sikhs. Other differences are disap- ring as Sikh families approximate the behavior (in e respects) of White Canadian families. Thus, some nic traits are being used to maintain an ethnic identity is others are being eliminated in order to become more a the host society. Both of these processes can be 1 in the field of education with formal education being i in an attempt to become Westernized at the same time finds Punjabi language classes aimed at maintaining a 1 degree of Sikh identity. This can be seen as a strategy adaptation; a strategy which says one can be both Sikh Canadian as long as one is able to use each of these tities at different times and in different situations. cally, these attempts are the instrumental techniques hich one survives with two identities. Numerous additional examples of how the community reinforced separate identities could be taken from aocio-political or religious arenas. The central role I8 increasingly centralized demographic pattern, the ,h of temple-related activities supported by the com- ‘y, the major parts played by the associations both as I18 of arbitration between the Sikh community and the de society, and as a body of internal policies, all ‘tly reinforce the extant categories of interaction by ng attention to the significant differences between 228 igrant community and the host society. It is impossible to indicate all of the linkages en categories of interaction, community, and organ- on, for they are extremely complex and ramified. ce it to say that all three are inextricably inter- d and continuously interact to affect each other in e and important ways. The main point to be realized is that the categories of interaction have developed f the specific circumstances in the history of the migrants as they adapted to the prevailing definitions tructures of the host Canadian society, and that these cries of interaction influenced the development of the nt Sikh community with its characteristic organizational works. It must be remembered however, that this pro- is not a one way street. For as the community devel- it not only reinforced some of the original identi- but reacting to a continuously changing larger by, had actively to redefine many categories. Thus, emerges from this analysis is a pattern which may be ed as a host/migrant interface within which there has I constantly changing process of adaptation. ation and Resource Competition "he concept of adaptation assumes both change and Iuity -- change as a necessary response to the :ure and expectations of the host society and con- :y as an attempt to maintain familiar structures and Lations. What is changed and what is maintained 229 ately relate to the available resources. Thus, in ical host/migrant interface, each of the several arenas teraction in the ethnic community will exhibit some nts of change and some elements of continuity and the tent structure may be viewed as an arrangement which rceived by the ethnic community's members as being scious in their pursuit of the available resources. Leo Despres (1975b3200) summarizes this point by ng, "...it seems indisputable that ethnic boundaries issue to social strategies which are designed to olize particular resources or, in some instances, 3 resource domains”. Stanley Leiberson, comparing rns of ethnic adaptation in ten cities in the United 3 also came to the same conclusion when he stated: From the point of view of human ecology, the institutions, stores, factories, and population of a city compete between and among themselves for space and social position. That is, all individuals are rivals and compete -- whether intentionally or not -- for the occupational and general socio-economic positions of the city... The significance of racial and ethnic groups lies in the fact that these groups are often factors in delimiting the rivalries and competition that can take place. The exist- ence of racial and ethnic groups modify the :urely individual or familial rivalry that would take place under any circumstances. Zonssquently ethnic or racial membership may lower or raise an individual's competitive Josition (1963:3). ’rom what has been said earlier, it is clear that a deal of the adaptational processes central to the IVer Sikh community revolves around the material :ces available in the lumber industry of British 230 via. Competition over the available resources in .ndustry has dramatically influenced the patterns Inge and the patterns of continuity which are sig- Int to the Vancouver Sikhs. 'hsre is a tremendous cohesion between each of the I mentioned in the foregoing account, a cohesion that ; readily apparent when each of the arenas is treated Italy as they have been. It is impossible to divorce Iics from politics, religion, or family organization. Ir, because of the fact that the Vancouver Sikhs .ed to Canada for economic reasons, economics must be Iered central to the overall configuration of the com- ', for it is the pursuit of economic goals that has lost significant in the establishment of ethnic Tries. ‘hen one looks at the historical and economic factors help account for the establishment and maintenance of boundaries within the Sikh community, it is obvious ne must take into account both the characteristics immigrants themselves and the characteristics of st society. One must also take into account the is goals of the immigrants as well as the available ces by which those goals might be obtained. t will be recalled that the first immigrants were re. The immigrant laborer is restricted in his to economic opportunities by the host society to iderable degree. Generally speaking, low prestige 231 national categories are more "open" than are more :igeful ones. In the case of British Columbia, these prestige jobs were to be found in the lumber industry. I the goal of many of the immigrants was to make a If money quickly so that they could return to the lb and invest in land, they willingly accepted the trestige jobs, because to them, it was only temporary. concentration of immigrant laborers, which was almost unteed by the activities and attitudes of the host rty, caused some concern among members of the dominant ‘ty and consequently restrictions were placed on the Lean future expansion of that concentration by limiting ration. In turn, the members of the immigrant cate- perceived these restrictions as examples of discrimina- and closed their ranks against the inequalities im- upon them by the dominant majority. In a sense, the c boundaries were established at that point and a nity was born. The structure of that community however, and its re- ns with the host society have been ever-changing. is ethnicity, the process of continuous adaptation, ad by ethnic criteria. It is a process of change and wuity. This can certainly be seen in the inter- Lonships between the pursuit of economic goals (or roe competition) and the existing structure of the Iity. resource competition has been centered on the lumber 232 industry and related activities (this, of course not preclude individuals pursuing economic activities 1d this domain, e.g., real estate). Many of the most Lficant changes from a basic Punjabi pattern that can sen in the present Sikh community can be directly re- ! to the attempt to exploit the available economic 1rces in this field. This is most evident in the fact it is in the economic arena that the Vancouver Sikhs accommodated themselves to Canadian practices and :udes to a degree unsurpassed by any of the other Is. In the human arena, those elements variously :led Age at the Time of Marriage, Family Size and Isition, Residence Patterns, and Inheritance are the elements that have shown a consistent pattern of change *d the Canadian pattern and each can be directly linked l9 pursuit of economic goals. In a similar fashion, :riteria for the selection of political leaders (the of major change in the political arena) can be directly to economics. Even the casting off of the outward ls of Sikhism (the five "K's") is directly linked onomics. In other words, these areas in which the have become westernized to a considerable degree are slated, in one way or another, to the pursuit of mic goals. However, continuity also characterizes the Sikh com- y. This continuity revolves around the ethnic traits are considered by the members of the community to be 233 1tial to the maintenance of their identity as Sikhs. :ally, the religion of Sikhism -- especially doctrinal :ts of Sikhism -- has exhibited a great deal of con- ity as have most of the marriage practices. These two 3, perhaps more than any other, have been maintained :wo essential reasons. First, they have not had to 3dified for the pursuit of economic goals, and secondly, are instrumental in the perpetuation of a distinct Lc identity, one through recruitment and enculturation, :he other through an ideological framework. Thus, we find economics in the forefront of change recruitment and ideology being in the forefront of Lnuity. Between these two extremes, lies the general I of politics. The political arena is interesting in it exhibits elements of change 22g continuity in what .rst appears to be rather ambiguous qualities. The In for this is that politics is concerned with public sign-making and this decision-making is used both to It the economic goals of the community vis-a-vis the tent society and to maintain a degree of continuity .n the community. This is related to the organization no community as a community and its relations to the I society. The political configuration (along with the graphic concentration) provides a great deal of internal urt for the community's members. The community provides a sense of identity and 5011. ;y for the members of that community regardless of the 234 L and covert discrimination of the white Canadian vty. And, members of the community are able to use solidarity to exploit the economic opportunities of la as well as maintain a high degree of ethnic identi- ;ion. Even though they have been constrained in their 'mic pursuits (and perhaps because of it) many of the ruver Sikhs have used the community to achieve effective rrce exploition while maintaining a high degree of worth. Thus, resource competition can be seen as ‘ajor variable which generates and helps maintain the c boundaries relevant to the Vancouver Sikhs as an c community in Canada. 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I1 -1111] *vfiurtflliuali ***?***mlb 11". III. ‘a. t. .z. *1 w“. .n. ...a. .u. .3 .u. 1n. .n. t. .n. .... .r. .3 fi. .H. 1x. ...M. .r. .x. .x. .x. .n. .n. .N.. .n- $ .n. .3. .4. Who .....w 1x. .3. .n. «4 a4. w... .N... .w.. 1n. .n. .u. .n. .3 .u. .x. t. .n. .u. 13‘ .u. '11-". H1111.1111~1111,1111_111 .;¢ch .11r1eu111”1111.1111.1111_1111 111 '11 1' I11 1 1 II 11111111 cmr I'} mm~-.ccm11wrn cum mmM11ocm Us. cm_ ung cc. 1HM11.1111111HHHHW1MMM>11 Iubphaq 1 2 .1. 1111': I (I- |.I'l.r1[ 1“] fine—Q omoow — thCP >006MPp cum Ham cc” uh pm Um ,Hvi.: :1u I'll-I111 Ill. T/_P1mr- w123H_QZHMWu£Iuc 122~)oaa.wm1- 11': I111: .11 1|.-Illll- 11 qt¢zag CF zchparc_$:~ zcficzh thm -1flmmwmmmMHwWWuqmth.11111- \l‘|llfl1|l 1 I APPENDIX D 407 mucouoaaou ucu acueomcouua omuwuuoa o» uuuoaou neouoao .Hoaao xaaoouu mun cu umocua ouooaoo neon nan mouauuoe xn uoaoaou aowaueou nouveau“ xauoouw xeomuon>x .uuonaao Houooo ucu Houucacuu no; nocwmma co oocaudom .ucouuua mun oouocou sum muons non-o cw .ouocuu cw acouuoa2« .Hocouuno ouoe nouuqeau nouonccoo umcwumo saws coduouuoucH xuuocwumo can: couscououcm AcqucH uco onocuu cw cwx mcwmcou one: on omnnu>uun uco cowuomunno .uuonaoa uo xufiuauwaom mo :03» .wumwm numa cowuuuacaouo xaaeom ucwofi mo cowuuumao an» no oucmamo neon unnv nooaoaz .ooaooaomc can coEocax >~aeou uuoaoac sea: on mcowuomadno .uomaoaz non a» uamano manquocou aozy noun: on banana nu so: cuouuoa ~0u«:3“ cawuucou damn" choc» a macaw-25H goon mum Hm .mmouuuoe ca noxcwa confluent cooapon «coauaaou mumsmMummflm 1% vogue «uncanam no nownweou mcwcwoucoo naouo aux nomuoa och .auonaau Huowuwaoa uca Hawoon uou acouuonew wand 115a; uoaoaou xadocag nun zuaa cowuoouuucn .Ammflflmmm no =>quam ucwoag ..o.« .uoou men «one: no xuq2wxoua omoau cu ocwuwoou .ocoauouocoo mcw>wu Han xuueau umucmoxm a oomwuu a leauu uuouoac mqm_x~weou unnamwflm 1n 1N or 1< Angus” :1 on on nomoaaao no: aw aor~ cuoapuq Hocowuauouh AcouH a Andaman ucn nos5 comm mo mu“; xaweom no ocuoavoa =~aou~= mouch no mamouucou new ”conquoasou o Xuozuaa< 408 .uoonnnzonu neon» uoHon Hooxom Hounnoa nunuxo oco Houwnosono .uwnoz new conoaqno oco oo>as .oocouwnozcn xnoucMEfiquH .oouwoonoem xamconum uoc omcua domed; .vcooooo Honouonum .Hoooaooz HHH .omuwoncono ocoauoaon nooxoo Houwnosonaxo oco Houwnosono .ocoo moownaooon no>o nocuou no noaoo Hoowuaaoo monomco on no»: on xoe oocouwnoccuoao no nouns» .onoucmooo oco .mooo .oo>na cooauoo oonozo >coewnuoo .Amaawa oxoe you on xaaoaaoo poo: zoooznv mucounnoccw NMdMflMflflMWMH .Acownowuwn nonoumnnnv .u.m an nuns. noowooaon xaweou monounoooo cw xaaoooo macaw o.nozuos oco o.nocuon co omoono on moonum poo .ucooomo flMMQflflflMMflm .Aonocu xaaoooav ooocou monouoo song monsoon ocnocwno non oocononono .ooconnooooo on coo oocoonoon Hooonanw> «use: xuco goo .ououowo moocuumsoo unwo no flflmmflwMMMfi mm Macon ulflMflfl.NflflMflmmmfluw.oocoowoom .onoucoooo oownnoe no meoc on onoox mcncwao uoo ocoom o» ouconoo no. HH .uaannncona ocowuoaon doaxoo Houunoe Ion—8X0 DCO HWWHQOEOHQ O .xom no nouveau om .Axnaoov amounnoe coo: xcoEanoo no onono co>wo on xoe onounoooo .xpnooono xaweom no onocoonoooo no onocaonoo no gonna an ooonooon one on; «com >5 >H~oooo oonoco .oocounnoccw mflddfldflflflflm .ucooomo Homewawnpoo .oooeomnoo>: on oocwuno oco monocnnwnuoo cooau non nconuoaom .omooowa cannon on» no coo» no mmo-w> unwouoo moono song on unmoono ooownm .mocoonoon Hoooaanuoo ammummmama Hm madam .c .n 1N 1e 1m 409 1unuonoucooo o2 .unoonopcooo oz .ouna cowoocou cw unannoucooo oz .uouuwsnmo mmownnoe cwmoou HHH .mooan conunmconu ooauwuos >9 ooxnos .mmooum 1conunmconu acuunooew >Hnouooomo omownnos .zuomo oco .mmmownnos xo omxnoev xunnouos oooconnco ocoono noncoo anon 1n>nucn on» to onnn on momaum .cwx m>wuowm ou mmownnos no mocauomouo mEom 1Amocmowwon convocau no: .ucaoo mocmnmu ton on cmxou swoon ca cumwno no mmoaaa>v .Nfldddflm mmMflflflm A1mcxwm cnonuooocou mcoeo oocounoosw an mcwmmono non Hooow own» van» conuao Iwucw meomv .anmoucm mumau .coaaoumno nnmucw on cmoo oocm: .=>-3L= .m:mo> on was: .oouuwsnmo moonnnae =cwmaoo onwzkz .omxooa Inm>o on awe vac» conuwnnzono song cowuow>oo no monomo on» mmcwsnoumo mucouowu Hoowmon nono Hoouoo no monmoo uoo .Hooow aoc mmmm m.oEo2 no m.os m.osou no mcoonoo o» moonnnoa .omomcaannuoo cao Lo nooeos xco o» omunonzono moannnoa HH .zuomo oco .mmonnnoe .zunno no osnou an omcnnmo maoxo mung mo mmmoum ”mam muoaomoq mud 1cwx o>nuowm on omoannoe no conunnnzona .Neomoxm omoaaa> .xamdmmmm mumou on any on A.umonnncona mmnmmo zoo no moonnnoe onwooo mozpv .oooonu mo uoccoo nowunoo on» comaumo mconuaamn Hoouoa an co>m .muconooocono noon on» no Ammmv momomcnunnuoo omen: 0:» no noosms >co o» nounnncona moonnnas H ADV 1? .u 413 .cowumnmomm uco mono>wo cw madammn man» now cmeoa Honucoo uoccmo cos 1=moon-moon: mno manomo mcoo> .mconuonmcmm noono non cowuonmcmm nmmcoox xo csocm uomommn oz .omunc umoomn noc mocmu -1momnm chonumnmcmu HHH cnoolwoocmu >~Hmwomomm .mcom Inoo nmmcoo> .quCJEEoo cowocm acoc ou o>numucommnomn ma non .mnaouno xuncoeeoo cw m>numucmmmn noon xaweon mo .mnwoumo xawsom no coapomnwo on» on mama co moconamn Homow no mocmocwucou .aomon man» can; omumwoommw noow>ozmo pomommn chowunomnu no coauoownwoos can; .mmaosmm nm>o memE Lo mocmomoono .ucoooom was» co mmwuwawoomwo moownoo nmumom >unnonme cnooumomcmu xanmnoonunmo .mcomnmo nmmcoo> .cowponmcmm nmnao xo mocmnwom ucm mo mocmpomoom Hmouom coo: mummn cowuo~ncomno zawemu Hmouom moo no: no nmcumns umucmeou uomommn Honuwm .omwncmoomn mocmomomkm Hmcowumnmcmu A1oom on own cw nowcmm xnwnommmomc uoc .xawson mzu no mnmoEmE meow xo xmcoe no conuoaoowcos ucm cowmmommoo mg» cons .nnnmmon one one .xanmouom .ucmnnooeH mnoe ocweoomn moumuw nm>mwnowm mow w>wuo~mm HH .mmuoemm no>o moans Lo mocmomoono xmm .uomommn no menou cw oommmnoxu .omwa xawemu mo maowocwno ocwnacmmno mo omnwcmooon mocmomomna.aocowuonmcmu .mcomnmo nmmcoox nm>o nmaoo m>oc oco non mnonmcoomon mcomnmo gonna .nnnemn may cnzona nonnnnnmcoammn oco .nmaoo .mououm muommuo mmw m>wpm~mm H 1o 1n 1N 411 1uooooon .Aouzn no menou on oomoonoxo .caozo oocoowuon neon uoo .uonn noouuanon on» on uo>Ho>ca no: oconuunon ucoono>< unoos uozsoeom moonuaamn uoooqo>< uooumo no ouuuov xuuocoacn .N oonoooo no; on no on can: xoono o onus; co>o oocwoucaoe xaaaoun on cowuoaon onwzuocanmuuconoo suconm on» .ucounoosn :ono .ucounooEu conoanzo anwzo oconmnmuconoouoconm .m noconmnmuconoonoconm 1m .omoannos uo moownnos no >Haouumomo xauonomomo ucounoosw nmosuomwm .u acounooEH >no> nmosnomam .u .muconoo >9 oouomomom acaunooe« nmunm .o acaunooEn nmuwm .o >Hucoooonm ono mean on» moamuao mowua>wuoo acounooEq mono: 1o uconnooEw mono: .u nuns» pun» cwoaoeoo on: cnoonuoocou meow n no oonou .o .o no mean canon .0 on mononouoo .oowaqsou cannon on can» :owoocou acounooew omnos 1o acounooeq omuos 1o cu xuanoowaom onos .cnoouoqocH on mcaunoo acoanoosn woos omuom 1» oceanoo5« aoos onion .0 non .xaqeom cowocH coca xunnooaaom moo; «Amounmcouaoaon so mean , .uwco nooaooc moan nooomnn o>wuoaonv camconum 1r nuao cosmcnx no» xuuawo uwmcoommn oc moxou .nou .uomoomn oco .xuwauowmcoomon .mcqonozocaa Inflow on xunsam naoaooz .xooEwucw mo maooon coo: mono: coo: mumon .Nmmmmmmdmm .u .modae cnoonoauca >2 nonnoo ton >H~ooow oHon maoeou Hanoi» unoon» unmouo no: sue «macaw» HHH an 412 oooaonooon ado: Honooooooo o» oaoo onooooo unooao eonn noaoo no oooou mcnonnga nag» .uuog nnnean on a» non name nonooooooo naaoousocooo uooe acnuooaoo non oocononono osom .oooc woman no o>nuoucooonoon oo monuoo .ooono conoocou no oaoe noncoo on no: oooc nooaoo .owocn on ocnoe non ooo: nnaeon aooou nu .ooooou no onto" on oowoon nos ooo: nuneon .onoouoo ago on no: .oonooonoxo nonunn oco .onnon coo nuns» oxou onoooo uno nqnaon no oouaoonao .uooooon noocoon oco ooonooon no oenou cw .uonucoooon dunno nono ono monoe noouu oaos oaooooo noncoo no nunnocuo< .oonunnwo unoooooon Hoconouoon» on oco too: on ocuonoooo oaocH on oco onus cmeocnx nonuo can: oco .naweon noono so: no onooeoe no nonono oeoocu .naneon nooaooc no oeoocn oaono ucoo nnaooow nocuon .ocouooooooo .ooonooo Hocowooonono .ouanono oooowooo ncoe eonn osoocH .moooa .oucon eonn >~uno5qno oeoocH ‘ .onooconuonoou .omo on a: on noncoo oo>nooaon oaoe o.::cw3 «munm osozuna oo .omuon axuna no .om1oe ucmono>< ouo5wuc~ Hum HH .ooo uooouo no nozuono nomooon on: on oooooo nunnozu 13o .caoou on: n¢ .nun unocuoo «ocnn mononoz oco nawaon one neuron: ado: oaooooo .mcw>«u nooomo can; .nouaonoannooa mmmmm um.oaooo .nuononnoa .coo noon nooooH no ocoauoonnu ucoo nuns» cogs ooon osoo ucoo nos :05 nanoouu .xaw neon acne“ on» unsung nno no oonoco nauoooo oeoocn cowaoooa o .omo on oz o» noncoo oo>woo~on OHUE 0.31I63 Hmlum OEDIIHS umo>3zl02 DIIMB OD nomlOE {I ocuuno>< moosnncn 1N 1n _,_.. 413 .noucoo «oowuwaoo oco Hoaooo .ooooonon nun oo naqnocnno oo>noo oaoeop ucouuonncu no nowouu 1aoc.»counooow oooa coqmnaom .owcowocw nnooooooc oonoowocoo aoc coonon oco oooom .ooooocoa oco ooono .ooon cnooooa nonono oosuuoaoo cononwco cnoonooocou .oconooooo o>wuoon co uoooxo ooono cnouooa nooa cnoouooocou .oaoo on» Ca omooocon oco .Axaco cocoa nonv ooono .ooon «noncoo 1conuooo> acounooe« noos on» nuaooon on amonnnoe oocuo .ooaoeon non Hoocoo can: oconoo cowoooooo doenon coo: ooonuo oooo .cuaooa oco oooooo non .u1m cn owooncoo noouo can! ouooeoo nos >oco .onoosos oo oouoe non cowuooooo Hoenon co nuueon on conoomnuoo ooonum .uooooon oco .oocoaoooo no .ooconoooo .aooooon nauonooooo .oooao> nonauson o» ocmoou uoc ono cononqcum ooucowno cowuouwaoaooo naqeon .oouoe cnoouooocou no nooon oonoowocoo Anonuouoouoounw>v ooonnnoe no mean no cos no nownooaoo doonuwaoo ucoocoooocn oco anon .ooo no couponocoo no HHH an .couooonoxo noonmwnon no noncoo on voEou .coqmnuoz .oooomcom .ooonu .ooon «noncoo .conooonoxu .oconaonon pooooon oco nuwanoaocoooon mononooon naaouooooo .ooo~o> Hodaweon o» oouconno oeoc ocu cw cononuco no conuoonnonoom cmuomonmxu oco couooooou .n .N .e APPENDIX E APPENDIX E Constitution of the Khalsa Diwan Society 414 ~‘ '. . l' ‘;““. 'y"w‘\‘-‘w"é y “~mrr \V" V.‘:'. II " -1" 1 :.'4 - mr-ag“\wr_':rror“‘ ‘W' ‘1’... o '&3‘ t;/_ Q\°\\1"n 5” \‘o .T\\ “I fiaszm37’Q‘v /§3\\: $52.11;", -A\-:.‘. m:.fi ;\ \‘ Aw ...-I «...-..1 3151:” 1; @Prtifimtp 'SOCIETIES ACT' (fiauahu flrnuhm of 31111111111 (flnlumhia l1 {fivrphg QIPl'fify that remap. mm! seem, iaczrpo- ated on tho 23r1 day of February, one thousand nine hun 'red and fifteen unJer Certificate No. 216 Soc., has pursu:nt to t1.e " o